THE HISTORY OF POLYBIUS' THE MEGALOPOLITAN. The five first BOOKS entire: With all the parcels of the subsequent Books unto the eighteenth, according to the GREEK ORIGINAL. Also the manner of the Roman encamping, extracted from the description of POLYBIUS'.  
Translated into English by Edward Grimeston, Sergeant at Arms.  
LONDON, Printed by Nicholas Okes for Simon Waterson. 1633.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM LORD CRAVIN, BARON OF HAMSTEEDMARSHALL, etc.  
MOST WORTHY LORD,  
PArdon I beseech you, if (being a stanger and unknown unto you) I have presumed to inscribe your title on the Frontespiece of this Book, 〈◊〉 to publish it to the world, under your Lo, favourable protection. I confess my disability might well have deterred me: But the reason which induced me to this presumption, was your noble and generous inclination to Arms (being the subject of this History) wherein you have carried yourself so worthily in many great and dangerous exploits, in foreign parts, under two of the greatest Commanders of Christendom, as you have done great honour to your Country, and won unto yourself perpetual fame and reputation. This Consideration hath made me confident, that during your vacancy from Military actions, your Lordship will vouchsafe to cast your eye upon this History written by Polybius, who (in the opinion of most men of judgement) hath been held to be very sincere, and free from malice, affection or passion. And to justify the truth thereof, he protests that he was present at many of the actions, and received the rest from confident persons who were eye-witnesses. It is a general History of his time, of all the wars which passed in Asia, Greece, and the Roman State, against the Gauls, and Carthaginians, which two Cities contended for the Empiry of the world: which war was of longer continuance, and had more cruel and variable encounters and battles than any that hath been written of: For the first Punic war (where they fought for the Conquest of Sicily) lasted four and twenty years; and the second in Italy under Hannibal, General for the Carthaginians, continued seventeen years, to the subversion (in a manner) of the Roman State, had not Scipio forced Hannibal to return home to defend his own Carthage, where in Battle he lost the glory of all his former Victories, and brought his Country into the subjection of the Romans. This work I present unto your Lordship's favourable Censure, humbly praying that you will be pleased to bear with my harsh and unpolished style, and to pardon the errors committed at the press during my absence: for which favour I shall hold myself much bound unto your Lordship, and will always remain  
Your LordPs. most humbly devoted to do you service, EDW. GRIMESTON.   

Lews Maigret a Lionnois to the FRENCH Nobility.  
GEntlemen, we are all borne by nature to so much poverty, and involved in so many miseries, as there is no work of Man, how small soever, which giving order to his meanest actions, doth not minister occasion of some Esteem. So as whereas his diligence guided by reason, shall find itself crossed, I know not by what power, which commonly fortune usurps over the judgement and consideration of Man, we may (as we think) justly blame it, in excusing with compassion the workman and his misfortune. And if on the other side, to show her great magnificence and bounty, she imparts her favours 〈…〉 ●rder or fair course, seeks to bring some Enterprise to an end, so as that notwithstanding his overweening and folly she makes it perfect: Then we hold her prodigal, detesting her unreasonable and inconsiderate bounty, grieving at her benefits so ill employed. Behold how, (I know not by what law received among men) we commend or blame every one in his profession and works, so far forth as they see his industry and diligence employed or defective. If we have reason then in so great Esteem, as we seek it in all our actions, and in matters of the smallest consequence, blaming him that neglects it: How infamous we hold the carelessness and neglect of a man in the order and conduct of affairs, wherein not only the ruin of his estate, life and honour, but also that of his Country, Parents, and Friends, and finally of his Prince and Sovereign, is many times brought into great danger? But if there be no Enterprise among those which Men pursue, wherein such things ought to be drawn into Consideration, as proper and ordinary un-him, and without the danger whereof he can reap no benefit, I am of opinion that that of war ought in reason to be preferred before all others: Although there be many, which cannot always be brought to a good end, without the hazard and danger of those which pursue them. In truth it is a profession, which experience hath taught in all Nations, to be so rough and fierce, and finally so difficult to manage, as never man could carry himself so discreetly, nor with so great fortune, nor recovered such rich spoils, nor obtained such Triumphant victories, but they have purchased him new causes of Care and fear, not only of great Envy, and of new Enemies, but also loss and ruin. I will not speak of the irreparable defeat of the bravest Men in an Army, which a Victory worthy of renown requires, as it were by advance, when as the Enemies perform the Duties of good soldiers. The Carthagians thrusting an Army into Sicily, at their first entry obtained some Conquests, so soon after they provoked hatred of the Romans: which was but the beginning and prefage of a future ruin. But when as the fortune of the wars began to smile upon Hannibal, and to give him a full Gale, so as his exploits were so great in Spain, as afterward he presumed to force Nations, Mountains, and rivers, and in the end to fight with the Extremity of the weather for the Conquest of Italy: Then, as it were, fearing her own power, to be in a manner vanquished, she began to practice and forge means, not only to ruin her so much favoured Hannibal, but the whole Carthaginian Empire. And therefore it is credible, that (I know not by what inconstancy, or rather extravagant and savage Nature) she makes friends of Enemies, and enemies of her own friends; so much she fears (as I imagine) the ease and rest of those whom she favours. It is true that traffic by Sea is not without great terror, amazement and hazard, for the danger of the waves, Tempests and storms, with a thousand other accidents. But if war once set up her sails, being accompanied with rage, fury, and many other disasters, which the malice of Men have invented to make use of, believe me that these other furies, which the winds procure at Sea and in the Air, which many times are more fearful than mortal, will not seem in regard of those of war, but a light amazement, and, as it were, a false alarm. What torment at ●●ea, or violence of the winds hath ever been so sudden, which the long experience of a wise Pilot, could not by a thousand signs and tokens foresee, devising sufficient remedier to avoid it? But when a war is managed by judgement and discretion, as it is requisite, the shows are commonly contrary, to that which they pursue. Wherefore the more an Enterprise is dissembled and kept secret, the more easy it is to put in execution. Finally, if we will confess the truth, it is a profession which among all others, requires the greatest vigilancy; a continual Care, with an incredible diligence: whereof a good judgement must have the conduct, that by conjecture drawn from things formerly practised, or from a probability of that which he sees, he may soon after judge of the Enemy's resolution, and finally attempt and hope for a victory.  
And although it hath been always held, that Money is the sinewer of War; yet I hold its force without Conduct▪ like unto that of a strong, able Man, oppressed with a deep sleep, whose senses have made their retreat for his rest. So there is nothing so strong, nor so quick in this world as the sense of man: Nor any thing so powerful and terrible, which the understanding doth not master and subdue. And therefore we say commonly in France, that wit is better than force. Yet I know that Courage is a great advantage; and necessary for a soldier, but especially for a General: But I fear that for want of judgement and a good consideration, it makes them not sometimes overweening and careless of danger. So as many times it gives occasion to a weak and cowardly Enemy, to undertake a Victory, and to perform the Act of a valiant man. Wherefore courage without conduct, and vigilancy, is always subject to Ambushes and shameful flights: which are inconuentenees, whereof a Coward is always wary, for that fear makes a Man vigilant and careful. But was there ever Nation more hardy, nor more warlike, nor that more carefully observed the ordinances of war than the Romans? How then did Hannibal defeat them so often, not only in Encounters, but in pitched Battles, and in the open field, by his great judgement, and his subtle policies? In what fear, and with what admiration hath the fury of the Gauls, been held in old time by all Natio●s, who parting from their own Country and Towns, to seek new habitations, have conquered land in diverse Countries by Arms, building Towns not only in Italy their Neighbour, but also in Germany, and in the end in Greece, and Asia? Who hath defeated and quite ruinated them in a short time, but their own Consideration, and an overweening confidence in their force and courage? I hold for certain, which you know well, that it is not sufficient for a Prince or General to have his Army complete with foot and horsemen, how resolute soever, and with all necessary provisions for a war: No more than for a Soldier to have youth, strong and active Members, a daring courage, and complete furniture. He must have to vanquish (the which many times the vanquished improperly call misfortune) that piece of harness so well steeled, which we call judgement▪ or a good conduct. Believe me that like unto a horse, when he hath taken the ●it betwixt his teeth, forcing his Master, flies without fear thorough Woods, Rocks, and Precipices, with the danger of his life, be he never so nimble and courageous; so a hardy and resolute soldier doth easily his own ruin, if he wants conduct and judgement. You must understand that as the body requires Exercise to preserve in health, and to make it active, and hardened to endure labour and pain; so the understanding in like manner desires to be exercised and employed, either by the consideration of things past, or by those which are visible.  
It is true, that those which are seen by the eye, have a greater vivacity, and a stronger impression, than those which are past: For that living things are of greater force than dead. Yet, if we shall duly consider the length of time, which the experience of a thousand kind of policies, which war requires before that a wise Man will dare to adventure himself in a bold and hardy Enterprise, we shall find that the knowledge of the ancient wars, which have been left us in writing, will be of no small consequence unto him. For besides the assurance of danger, he may in a short time see by Historiographers, the great and wonderful exploits of the Ancient in a manner since the Creation of the world, to pleasure and contentment from them, with some Encouragement to do aswell or better hereafter. You know well that the war which is seen by the eye, is not always made betwixt warlike people, nor under resolute Commanders, that are skilful in their profession: so as it is a difficult thing under such to see any valiant exploits, nor Erterprises attempted with good invention, nor well executed. We say commonly in France, that the Combat is dangerous, when as courage fights against courage. So is it credible▪ that when an Army consisting of warlike men, is under the leading of a wise and resolute Commander, having in front an Enemy equal unto him in all degrees, there must needs be valiant exploits performed, with hardy Erterprises wisely managed.  
If there have been any wars, attempted by fierce and warlike Nations, and governed by wise and famous Captains, believe me this present Historiographer hath used great diligence to set them down in writing: Labouring only to mention the deeds and valour that was most worthy of Relation, that with the pleasure and contentment which they may reap in reading them, they may draw some instructions and means, not to fall into the inconuiences of war, into the danger whereof many times both Captain and soldiers may be engaged, through want of experience, good advice and council. So as among others, you shall see Erterprises of the Romans against the Carthaginians for the conquest of Sicily. During the which there were many Encounters and cruel battles, as well by Sea as land. You shall likewise read the furious Combat of the Gauls against the Romans: And moreover the war betwixt Cleomenes and Antigonus, for Morea, the which Philip the Son of Demetrius took afterwards. And besides many other notable exploits, (which at this present I will forbear) you shall see the Conquests which Hannibal made in Spain, with his incredible voyage into Italy, performed in his younger years, and his victories gotten of the Romans with such policy and wisdom, as it is a difficult thing (if we shall consider the people and number of his Army, having regard to courage and power of those with whom he had to deal) to judge truly, whether there were ever Captain in the memory of man, that may with reason be compared unto him. Finally my Masters, I do not promise you in this History, those miraculous Battles, which exceed the apprehension of man, performed in the Kingdom of Logres, nor I know not what Quest of that barking Beast. Make your account that you shall not find any Tract or mark of a Beast, nor finally any thing that holds of it. Believe me in times past, Men did not feed their understandings with dreams, nor fables invented in barbers-shops, without any colour of Truth. It is impossible an ignorant Master should make a learned disciple. Finally they are discourses fit for old women's tongues to entertain little children, whilst that for weakness of their Age, their understanding hath no apprehension, nor sufficient judgement of reason, Wherefore we may with reason say, that such as consume their years, and grow old in such dreams, have a will to continue still children. And although they commonly say, that war is managed by the eye: So as it seems they will thereby infer, that we must not think of it, but when necessity doth force us: And that peace should procure no benefit to a Soldier, but idleness; yet he must foresee long before, part of that which afterwards he must govern by the eye. And as a horse which is pampered and not ridden, grows restit; and proves unprofitable to his Master for travail: so the understanding of a soldier, idle during peace, or fed with dreams and foolish inventions, will fail him at need; and in the end purchase him dishonour and shame; Yet do not imagine my Masters, that I have used this speech as blazoning you, and holding you for men of so poor an Enterprise, whose principal study and affections is the reading of such Books, rather than in some worthy recreation and exercise. My meaning was only to advertise you, that Histories, from whence with pleasure you may draw great profit, as these are which this Historiographer imparts unto you ought to be in greater recommendation than those Fables, which have no grac●, but when they are most without reason or any show of truth.  
Finally, I hope you shall find such sufficiency in our Polybius, as you will make no question to prefer him as the paragon before all others, aswell greeks as Latins, which are come to the knowledge of men. Of whom I have presumed to translate in the best sort I could, those five first Books, which of Forty which he hath written, have been preserved half ruined by the negligence of time: Hoping you will receive them as willingly, as I offer them with a good heart.  
When as after the Printing of these five first Books, I had recovered some Latin Translations, of three parcels of the sixth, whereof the first and the third had not any GREEK Copy, And likewise afterwards another of the sixteenth, both in Latin and Greek, I employed myself to put them into French, adding thereunto the form of the Romans Camp, as I could conjecture it, by the description which Polybius maker, in the parcel of the sixth Book. And when as the Printers successor had a desire afterwards to print the whole, and entreated me to spend some time in the Remainder of that which was newly published of Polybius his works, which are certain parcels, and as it were Relics (besides the above named) of the seventh and eighth, and of all the subsequent Books unto the seavententh inclusive, it was not in my power to deliver him any other but those of the seventh and eighth, being afflicted with a quartane Ague, besides his obstinacy in using a small Character, for the sparing of Paper distasted me: Expecting that which afterwards followed, that few men would rest satisfied, for that all things how good and excellent soever, are thereby found without grace, dull and unpleasing. For this cause desiring that so excellent a writer, should not remain disdained and without grace for want of an honourable Impression, and that the studious of Histories should be the more encouraged, I resolved to add the remainder of that, which at this day is come to our knowledge, assuring myself that the Printer for his part will have a care that for the saving of his money he will not do wrong to his honour, nor lose his charges instead of gain.  
TO GOD alone be all honour and glory.   

The Printer to the READER.  
COurteous Reader, I desire your charitable censure in that there be some literal faults escaped, to the grief of the Author being not able to attend the Press, and likewise being absent at that time from London, and having but a young Corrector which took too much upon him.   

Errata.  
PAge 27. line 21. for report read support, p. 27. l. 9 for wridgt r. rig, p. 33. l. 28. for ready the r. ready for the, p. 34. l. 27. for nor be r. nor to be, p. 35. l. 39 for them r then, p. 40. l. 19 ●or yet began r. yet it began, p. 45. l. 38. for had been r. had not been, p. 51. l. 44. for Hannibal r. A●i●car, p. 62. l. 37. for Arcanians r. acarnanians, p. 68 l. 18. for ●ss●ire r. Assi●, p. 79. l. 37. Rhine r. Rhosne, p. 105. l. 30. r. time to pass, p. 133. l 7 for and past r. be past, p. 131. l. 4. r stuff● their plays, p. 132. l. 38. r. struck dead or hurt, p. 1●5 l. 47. r. Romans, l. 18. r. unto the Adriatic, p. 177. l 20. r. 〈◊〉 as without, p. ●●6. l. 43. r. in common assemblies, l. 45. r. dancas, p. 189. l. 12. r. raiseth his Camp, p. 193. l. 44. r. did not openly. p. 194. l. 15 r. create a King, p. 198 l. 9 r. with great ships, p. 220. l. 24. r to bring him, p. 230. l. 40 r. not executed, p. 23●. l. 28. r. against them, p. 240. l. 2. 1. no way, p 246. l. 10. r. which the 〈◊〉, p. 249. l. 25. borne away by the river, abide. l. 38 r. was, p. 254. l. 44. 1. parted from Lydi●, p. 264. l. 3. r. as his, p. 266. l. 46. r. arrived, p. 267. l. 38. r. which Ptolemy was, p. 274. 134. r. of the Phan●tensi●, p. 278. l. 6. r. greater danger, p. 279. l. ●3. r. for all them which.   

THE FIRST BOOK of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
IF the Commendation of the excellency of Histories had been omitted by such as before us have written the Worth and Prowess of Men, happily it should be necessary to use some Arguments to make it to be generally Accepted and Received: For that there is no way more easy to reform and better Men, than the Knowledge of things past. But seeing that not only some, but in a manner all, begin thereby and finish it amply, so as they are of Opinion that the Knowledge of Histories is a true Discipline and Exercise for the Conduct and managing of the Affairs of a Commonwealth, and that she only is the Mistress, and means to bear the Variety and inconstancy of Fortune patiently, by reason of the example of another man's adversities, it is apparent that no man will hold it necessary to renew the Discourse of things, which have formerly been so well delivered by others: Especially by me to whom the newness of Actions, whereof we intent to Write, is much more than sufficient to persuade and draw the hearts of men, aswell both Young and Old, to read our History. For where is any man so depraved or silly, which desires not to understand the means and manner of Government, by the which the Romans have subdued and brought under their Obedience in a manner, all the Nations of the World, within the space of fifty and three years? the which in former times was never heard of. Or what is he so much given and desiring to know other things worthy of admiration and other Disciplines, but will conceive that there is not any thing in this world worthy to be preferred to this knowledge? I hope they will see how great and excellent our Work is, if we make comparison of other Principalities with the excellency of the Roman Empire, and namely of those which have been in great honour and glory, whereof Historiographers have written much. Behold those which are most worthy to be compared.  
The Empire and power of the Persians for a time hath been great, 
The Persians.  but whensoever they did adventure to pass the bounds and limits of Asia they were in danger to lose not only their Empire, but their lives. The Lacedæmonians made a long war for the Empire and command of Greece, 
The Lacedæmonians.  but they could hardly keep it twelve years quiet after their Conquest.  
It is true, 
The Macedonians  the Macedonians have domineered and ruled in Europe, from Adria to the Danowe, which is but a small portion thereof. And since they have held the Empire of Asia, after they had ruined the Monarchy of the Persians. And although that these have in show been great Lords, and enjoyed large and spacious Countries, yet they never touched the greatest part of the World. As for Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, they never made show to challenge any thing. In regard of other Nations, the most Martial of Europe, and the most Western, they hardly in my opinion did ever know them: 
The Romans.  But the Romans have not only conquered a part of the World, but in a manner all. They may also know by our sequel, how great the profit will be to such as affect the knowledge of History.  
Finally, 
The beginning of the History.  the beginning of our Work shall be according to the time, since the hundred and eight and forty olympiad: As for the Actions, and first of the Grecians, we will begin with the social war, the which Philip (who was Son to Demetrius, and Father to Perseus) attempted first with the Acatans', against the Et●lians, and in regard of those which inhabit Asia, the beginning shall be at the War which was in the Valley of Syria, betwixt Antiochus, and Ptolemy, Philopater.  
But as for Italy and Africa, we will begin with that betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians, which many call the war of Hannibal. The History shall begin at the end of that which Sicionius hath left in writing. Before these times the affairs of the world were without Civility. Since it hath happened that the History is in a manner drawn all into one, and that the actions of Italy, and of Africa, are mingled with those of Greece and Asia, and that all tended to one and the same end. And therefore we have begun our work in those times, when the Romans had vanquished the Carthaginians in this war, thinking they had performed their greatest task, and to be able to assail the whole world, they presumed presently after to fall upon the rest, and to pass into Greece and Asia with great forces.  
But if we had seen and known the manner of living, and the Laws of Commonweals contending for the Monarchy, happily it would not be needful to make any great search, to what end, nor upon what power relying, they have entered into such great actions. But for that the manner of living, the precedent forces, and the actions of the people of Rome and Carthage are unknown to the greatest part of the Grecians, I have held it necessary to make these two first Books, before I enter into the History, to the end they should have no occasion to wonder nor inquire in reading our Work, what Council, what Forces, and what Treasure and Wealth the people of Rome had to undertake the war and conquest of the whole Earth, and of all our Sea: Considering that they which shall require it, shall see plainly by these first Books of our Preparation, that the Romans had reasonable cause to undertake the Empire and Sovereignty of all things, and to attain unto their ends. Believe that the proper object of our Work, and the excellency of the Actions of our time, consists principally in this, that as Fortune hath in a manner reduced all the affairs of the world into one, and hath forced them to draw to one and the same end: So the force which she hath used for the perfection of all public government, must be reduced and propounded to the Reader in one brief History.  
This hath chiefly incited and urged me to the enterprise thereof, especially for that none of our time hath undertaken to write a general History: neither would we have attempted it: But seeing that many had written some particular Wars, and their private Actions, and that no Man (to my knowledge) hath hitherto made an universal and general commemoration of things past, neither when nor how they began, nor how they were executed and performed, nor what issue they had: I conceived it would be well done, if by our means our Countrymen might read a work of Fortune excellently good and profitable: For although she had done excellent things and worthy of admiration among man: yet she hath not done any thing unto this day, nor purchased the glory of victory comparable to our times. The which they that have written the particular Histories cannot make known, but that some one who peradventure for that he had lived in some renowned Town, or for that they had seen them in picture, imagine presently they know them: and consequently the situation, the form, and the order of the World, the which is not probable nor likely.  
They which are of Opinion that a particular History is sufficient for the understanding of the general, in my Opinion stray no less from the truth, 
A good Comparison.  then if some one considering the parts separated of a living Body, think by this means to have the knowledge of all the perfections and graces of the Creature. There is no doubt; but if any one takes these distinct and separated parts, and doth presently join them together, and make a perfect Creature, giving it form and life, and then presents it unto him, he will soon confess that he hath been deceived, like unto them that dream. It is true, we may have some apprehension of the whole by the parts: But it is not possible to have a true and certain Science and Knowledge. And therefore you must imagine that a particular History is of small use for the knowledge of the general: And that by the connexion, comparison and similitude of actions, there will be no Man found, who in reading, will not reap singular profit and pleasure by History. We will therefore make the beginning of this Book at the first Voyage which the Romans made by Sea, 
Timerus an Historiographer.  which is subsequent to those things which Timerus hath last written: which was in the hundred and nine and twentieth olympiad. We must therefore relate how, and what time they ended their Quarrels in Italy, and what means they had to pass into Sicily: For this is the first voyage they ever made out of their Territories, whereof we must set down the reason simply and without disguising: to the end that by the search from one cause to another, the beginning and consideration of the whole may not prove doubtful. The beginning also must be agreeable to the Time and Subjects, and that it be known to all: the which they may consider by themselves, yea, in seeking out those things which were passed long before, and in the mean time relate the Actions summarily: For it is certain that the beginning being unknown or obscure, its continuance cannot persuade, nor purchase belief: But if the Opinion of the beginning be true, than all the subsequent Narration doth easily content the Auditor's ear.  
Nineteen years after the battle won upon the River Aegos, and sixteen years before the War of Leuctra, where the Lacedæmonians treated a peace with An●alcides King of Persia, when as Denis the old held the City of Rhegium in Calabria besieged, 
D●nis.  after that he had defeated the Grecians inhabiting upon the limits of Italy, near unto the River of Elleporis: and that the Gauls having wholly ruined Rome, held it, except the Capital: During which time the Romans having made an accord with them, which they found good and profitable, and had recovered their liberty contrary to their hope and expectance, and had in a manner taken a beginning of their increase, they declared War against their Neighbours. As soon as the Latins had been vanquished, aswell by their prowess as by the fortune of the War, they turned their Arms against the Tuscans, then to the Celtes which are in Italy, and finally upon the Samnites which confine the Region of the Latins, towards the East and North. Sometime after, the Tarrentines seeing the outrage which they had committed against the Roman Ambassadors, not relying much upon their own forces: they called in King Pyrrhus the year before the Descent of the Gauls into Italy, and before the Retreat of those which were defeated in Battle near unto Delphos. Then the Romans after they had vanquished the Tuscans and Samnites, and beaten the Celtes often, began to make war against the rest of Italy, not as contending for another man's Lands, but as for their own, and formerly ●●●onging unto them, being now grown warlike by the Wars which they had had against the Celtes and Samnites.  
The Romans then after that Pyrrhus and his forces had been chased out of Italy, taking this War to heart, they pursued such as had followed his party. Being suddenly become Masters of all according to their desires, and that all Italy was wholly subdued, 
Rhegium besieged by the Romans  except the Celtes, they presently besieged some of theirs which held Regium. One and the like fortune befell two Cities situated upon the Strait of that Sea, that is, Messina and Rhegium. 
The taking of Messina by some Campanois.  Some Campanois having been lately in pay with Agathocles in Sicily, wondering at the beauty and wealth of Messina, they suddenly when they found an opportunity, assailed it, breaking their Faith, they having been received into it by Friendship: where they expelled some of the Citizens, and slew others. After which wicked act they shared their Wives and Children among them, as their fortunes fell out during the Combat: Then they divided their goods and lands. But after this sudden and eas●e Conquest of so goodly a Country and City, they soon found others that did imitate their villainies.  
They of Rhegium amazed with the descent of Pyrrhus at such time as he passed into Italy, and fearing in like manner the Carthaginians, being then Masters of the Sea, they craved a Garrison and men from the Romans. Those which they sent unto them, were to the number of 4000 under the command of Decius the Campanois, they kept the Town for a time, and their faith in like manner with the Citizens, in defending them; but in the end moved by the example of the Mamertins, who solicited them to commit this base act, they falsified their faith, being aswell incited by the opportunity of the deed, as by the wealth of Rhegium, and chased away some Citizens and slew others, 
The taking of Rhegium by some Campanois being there in Garrison.  finally, they seized upon the City as the Mamertines had done. And although the Romans were discontented at the misfortune of the Rhegins, yet they could not relieve them, for that they must settle an order for their precedent Wars. But after they had ended them, they besieged them of Rhegium, and afterward they entered it by force, 
The taking of Rhegium by the Romans.  whereas many were slain: who being certain of the punishments they were to endure, defended themselves valiantly to death. Above three hundred were taken alive, who presently after their coming to Rome, the Commanders of the War commanded them to be brought into the Marketplace, 
The punishment of Traitors.  where they were whipped, and in the end their heads struck off, after the manner of the Country. They did use this punishment to the end that their Faith (as much as might be possible) might be confirmed towards their confederates. Presently after they caused the Town and Country to be delivered to the Rhegins.  
But whilst that the Mamertins (youmust understand that the Campanois caused themselves to be so called after the taking of Messina) were relieved by the Romans which held Rhegium by force, 
The Campanois 〈…〉.  they not only enjoyed the Country and Town peaceably, but they committed great spoils upon many other Towns their Neighbours, aswell of the Carthaginians as of Saragosse (otherwise Siracusa:) The greatest part of Sicily was tributary unto them. But soon after when they were deprived of those succours, and that they which held Rhegium were besieged, they were in like manner by them of Saragosse, for the causes which follow: As a little before the men of war of Saragosse camping near unto Mergane, being in dissension with the Goutrnours of the Commonweal, 
Hieron chosen King of the Saragossins'.  they chose for their Captains Artemtdore and Hieron, who afterwards was their King, being yet very young: But finally so well endowed with all the gra●es of Nature and Mind, as he wanted no Royal conditions but the Crown. Having accepted the Magistracy, and made his entry into the Town very well accompanied by his Friends, where having vanquished the Burgesses of the contrary faction, he used the Victory with so great clemency and modesty, as by a common consent of all in general he was chosen their Commander, although they did not allow of the Election made by the Soldiers.  
It is true that Hieron made known to men of judgement and understanding, that he had conceived greater designs in his mind then to be their Leader. First knowing well that the Saragossins' were mutinous and desirous of innovation, whensoever they sent their Soldiers and Commanders out of the Country, and that Leptine was a man of great reputation, and of more credit than any other of the Citizens, and that he was very pleasing unto the Multitude, he held it fit to make an alliance with him, to the end he might leave some report in the City for him, whensoever he should go to the War, and lead an Army out of the Country. 
An alliance made by Hieron with Leptine.  Having therefore taken the Daughter of Leptine to Wife, knowing well that the old band of foreign Soldiers were changeable and subject to mutinies, he led his Army of set purpose against the Barbarians, 
The policy of Hieron.  who held the City of Messina: And having seated his Camp near to Centoripe, and put his men in battle close upon the River of Ciamossure, 
The River of Ciamosure.  he stayed in a place apart all the Horse and Foot of his own Nation, as if he meant to charge the Enemy on the other side: suffering the foreign Soldiers to be defeated by the Barbarians, and whilst the others fled, he makes his retreat safely with all the Saragossins' to the City. When he had by this policy brought his design unto an end, and had freed his Army of all the Mutines, he makes a great levy of Soldiers. Soon after when as all things were settled in good order, Hieron seeing that the Barbarians were grown too audacious and proud of their late Victory, he parts from the City with an Army of his Country soldiers, well trained and disciplined, and making diligence, he came to Mile, where along the Banks of the River of Longane, he fought with them with all his forces. Having vanquished them and taken their Captains, seeing their pride much abated by this Victory, he returns 〈◊〉 Saragosse with his Army, and was by the general favour and consent of all the Citizens saluted King by the Allies. 
The Mamertins delivor their Town and Fort unto the Carthaginians.   
The Mamertins as we have said, being deprived of the succours of of the Roman Legion, and having lost so great a Battle, their hearts being broken, they retire for the most part unto the Carthaginians, and yield themselves and their Fort: 
Succours required from the Romans by the Mamertins.  The rest sent unto the Romans, delivering their Town unto them, and requiring succours as to those that were of the same Nation. The Romans were long in suspense what to do: For they found it strange, having lately punished their Citizens so severely, for violating their faith with the Rhegins, to send succours now unto the Mamertins who were guilty of the like crime. They were not ignorant of all these things: Yet considering that the Carthaginians had not only drawn Africa under their obedience by force of Arms, but also many places in Spain, and moreover all the Islands of the Sea of Sardinia and Italy; they doubted that their Neighbourhood would be dangerous, if they made themselves Lords of the rest of Sicily. They likewise understood, that it would be easy to effect, if the Mamertins were not relieved: And there was no doubt, that if Messina had been delivered unto them, they would presently have recovered Saragosse, for that they held all the rest of Sicily. And as the Romans considered these things, they were of opinion that it was necessary not to abandon Messina, nor to suffer the Carthaginians to make unto themselves as it were a Bridge, to pass into Italy at their pleasure.  
This was long in debate, yet it was not concluded in that assembly: for it seemed unto them as unreasonable as profitable to relieve the Mamertins. But as the Commons much weakened with their former Warns, seemed to have need of rest, so the Captains showing the great profit that might ensue, 
The Romans resolve to succour the Mamertins by Appius Claudius  they resolved to succour the Mamertins. This Opinion being confirmed by the Commons, presently they appointed Appius Claudius, one of the Consuls, to pass the Army into Sicily, and to relieve the Mamertins, who had put out of their Town, aswell by threats as policy the Captain of the Carthaginians which (as we have said) held the Fort. 
The Mamertins recover the Fort from the Captain of the Carthaginians.  And they called unto them Appius Claudius, delivering the City into his hands. The Carthaginians hung him on a Cross which had had the Guard, supposing that he had yielded it basely for fear and want of Courage. Then suddenly they drew their Sea-army near unto Pellore, and that at land about the Country called Seen, holding by this means Messina straight besieged.  
In the mean time Hieron thinking to have found a good opportunity to chase the Barbarians which held Messina out of Sicily, followed the Carthaginians party. And going from Saragosse, 
Hieron follows the Carthaginians party.  he takes his way to the Town, and lays his Siege on the other side near unto Mount Calshidique: By this means he took from the Townsmen all means to sally forth on that side. But the Consul passing the Sea by night with great danger, in the end he arrived at Messina: where seeing the Enemy round about it, and that this Siege was as dishonourable unto him as dangerous, for that the Enemies were the stronger both by Land and Sea, he desired first to try by Embassies sent to both Camps, if it might be possible to pacify things, so as the Mamertins might be freed. But the Enemies not vouchsafing to hear them, he was in the end forced to undergo the hazard, and resolved first to give battle to the Saragossins'. He therefore causeth his Army to march, and put it in battle: to the which the King likewise came speedily. But after that Appius had fought long, 
The defeat of Hieron by Appius.  in the end he prevailed over his Enemies, pursuing them into their Fort. The Consul after the spoil of the dead, retires into the City: and Hieron being frustrate of all hope, recovered Saragosse speedily the Night following.  
The next day Appius Claudius advertised of the flight of the Saragossins', and having resumed courage and confidence, 
The defeat of the Carthaginians by Appius.  he had no will to stay, but to go and fight with the Carthaginians. Wherefore he commanded his men to be ready, and the next day he passed early and chargeth his Enemies, whereof some were slain, and the rest forced to save themselves in the neighbour-townes. By this means the Siege being rai●ed, he ravaged and spoilt the Country to Saragosse and their Allies without danger: And after that he had ruined all, in the end he besieged Saragosse. Behold then (for the causes above mentioned) the first Voyage which the Roman Army made out of Italy. And for that we have held it fit for the entrance of our design, we have made it our beginning, in looking somewhat back to the times past, to the end we may not leave any occasion of doubt upon the causes we shall yield. And in truth I have held it necessary to declare first at what time, and by what means the Romans being in extreme danger to lose their Country, began to grow fortunate: And when likewise after they had subdued Italy, they began to conquer other Countries; to the end that the greatness of their Empire, which was since, may seem more likely in knowing the beginnings. No man must wonder when as we speak of Towns of Note, if happily we seek for things farther off, in that which we shall relate hereafter: For we do it to the end that our beginnings and grounds may be such, as they may plainly understand the means and reasons, by the which every City is come to the estate wherein it now stands, the which we have done here of the Romans.  
It is now time that in leaving this Discourse we return to our design, in showing first summarily and briefly the things happened before the times, whereof we mean principally to Write: Among the which the War betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in Sicily is the first, than followed the Punic: In the which the deeds first of Amilcar, then of Asdrubal, are joined with those of the Carthaginians: At what time the Romans began first to sail into Slavonia, and other parts of Europe. Moreover their Battles against the Gauls, who at that time made a descent into Italy: The War also which was in Greece at the same time, called Cleomenique, to the which all this relation▪ and the end of the second Book tend. Finally, I have not held it necessary nor profitable for the Reader, to relate things in particular: Neither is it my intention to Write them, but only to touch that summarily which may concern our History. And therefore in relating briefly, we will endeavour by an order of continuation, to join unto the beginning of our History the end of those Actio●s, which we shall deliver by way of preparation. By this means in continuing the order of the History, they shall see we have touched that which others have left in Writing: and also made an easy and open way for all subsequent things, to those which desire to know. It is true that we● have had a special desire to write somewhat at large this first War of the Romans in Sicily against the Carthaginians, for that they shall hardly find a longer War, nor greater preparations and expense, nor more encounters, nor greater diversity of fortune on either side; For these two Nations in those times lived in their laws with mean wealth and equal forces. Wherefore if we shall consider the Forces and Empire of these two Cities, we cannot so well make a Comparison by the other subsequent Wars as by this. But that which hath most incited me to write this War, 
The blame of Philin and Fabius●istoriographers ●istoriographers.  was for that Philinus and Fabius, who are esteemed to have written well, have in my Opinion strayed too much from the truth: Yet I would not tax them to have done it maliciously, considering their life and intention: But I conceive, the affection which they bear unto their Countrymen, hath deceived them after the manner of Lovers. In regard of Philinus, for the affection he bears to the Carthaginians, he is of Opinion that they did all things with good Conduct, Prudence and Courage; and the Romans the contrary. As for Fabius he holds the contrary party. Peradventure a man would not blame this manner of doing in other courses of life. In truth it is fit and commendable for a good man to love his Friends and Country, and to be a friend to the friends of his friends, and to hate his Enemies. But he that takes upon him to Write a History, must use such things with discretion, sometimes commending his Enemies, when their actions require it, and blaming his Friends and Neighbours when their faults are blame worthy. Believe me, as the remainder of the Body of a Beast, which hath the eyes pul● out, remains unprofitable: So if truth be wanting in a History, the Discourse proves fruitless. And therefore when occasion is offered, he must not forbear to blame his Friends, nor to commend his Enemies, nor to hold it a dishonest thing to praise those whom we have sometimes blamed. Neither is it likely, that they of whom we write, have always done well, or erred continually. We must therefore in leaving the persons, judge and speak of their actions sufficiently in our Commentaries.  
To prove my assertian true, 
Philin.  we shall easily see it by that which Philin writes. Who in the beginning of his second Book saith, the Carthaginians and Saragossins' held Messina besieged, and when as the Roman Army, after they had past the Sea, was arrived, they made a sudden sally upon the Saragossins', where they were vanquished and defeated, and so retired into the Town▪ they made a second upon the Carthaginians, where they were not only defeated, but most part of them taken: Presently after this Speech he saith, that Hieron after this Encounter had so great a fear, that he not only set fire of his Lodgings and Tents, retiring by night to Saragosse, but moreover abandoned the strong places, lying betwixt Messina and Saragosse. He relates also that the Carthaginians being in like sort amazed, dispersed themselves here and there throughout the Towns of Sicily, and that they durst never after that keep the Field, and that moreover, the Captains seeing their men discouraged, gave advice that they should no more run into the danger of the war, nor hazard any thing. He saith moreover that the Romans in the pursuit of the Carthaginians, not only ruined their Province, and that of the Saragossins', but also laid siege to Saragosse. This Speech is so far from reason, as it were but lost time to seek to confute it: For he pretends that they which besieged Messina, (to whom he gives the Victory) presently after abandoned their Camp, and that they fled, retiring into the City with great fear, and that finally they were besieged. In regard of those he affirms were besieged by the Carthaginians, after the battle lost, he makes them suddenly Victors, and besieging Saragosse, having taken their Camps, and made courses into the Enemy's Country. Doubtless these are discourses which cannot well be reconciled; for either that which he saith first, is false, or that which followeth: But it is certain, and known to all men, that the Carthaginians and Saragossins' abandoned their Camp, and raised the siege retiring into their Town, and that the Romans used great diligence to besiege Saragosse: Wherefore the probability is great, that his first Speech is false, and that notwithstanding the Romans had gotten the Victory before Messina, yet this Historiographer hath supposed that they were defeated by the Carthaginians. You shall often see Philin in this error: and Fabin no less, as we have observed in many places. Wherefore to return where we left, we will use all possible endeavour to make the truth of our History clear and plain, for those that desire to understand it.  
After that the news of Sicily were come to Rome of the Victory of Appius and his men, 
Marcus Valerius and Octocilius Consuls.  Marcus Valerius and Octacilius being newly chosen Consuls, they were sent thither with all their Roman power. The Romans had four Legions in their Army of their own Nation, 
The order of the Roman Armies, and the number of men in a Legion.  besides the succours which they drew from their Allies. Every Legion consisted of four thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse. By this means at the Consuls coming, many Cities aswell of the Carthaginians, as of the Saragossins', yielded to the Romans. But when as Hieron saw that the Sicillians fainted, and that the Roman Army was great, and their forces increased, he held it better to follow their party, then that of the Carthaginians. He therefore sends an Embassy to the Consuls, to treat of Peace and Friendship.  
The Romans seeing the Carthaginians Masters of all the Sea, fea●ing likewise that the passage for their Victuals might be interdicted, for that their Armies which had formerly passed, had suffered great wants and necessities, they found the friendship of Hieron to be of great consequence for them in this regard. 
An accord betwixt Hieron and the Romans and what it contains.  Wherefore they treated a peace with the Saragossins' under these following Conditions. First, that the King should free the Roman Prisoners without Ransom, and moreover should pay a hundred Talents of Silver, and that hereafter the Saragossins' should term themselves Allies and Friends to the Romans. Afterwards Hieron, who of his own free will put himself under their protection, succoured them with men and victuals when need required: So as afterwards he passed the Remainder of his life with as great happiness and fortune that ever Grecian had done. And in my Opinion this was an excellent man amongst others, who had been always happy in good Council, aswell for the affairs of the Commonwealth, as for his own particular. When as the news of this Treaty came to Rome, and that the people had confirmed it, they did not think it necessary hereafter to send all their forces out of Italy: Wherefore conceiving that two Legions would suffice there with the alliance of King Hieron, they made their reckoning, that the War would be more easily managed, and that by this means the Army would be the better supplied with all things necessary. But when as the Carthaginians saw that Hieron was become their Enemy, and that the Romans held the greatest part of Sicily, they knew well that they must have a greater power to resist them; 
Supplies which the Carthaginians put into Agragas.  Wherefore they made a great levy of Genevois and Gauls likewise of Spaniards to fortify them: And after they had caused them to pass into Sicily, and seeing the Town of Agragas very fit for the preparation of this War, and that it was a frontier place, and strong towards the Enemy, they put into it all the men they could draw together with store of Munition, making use of it against the Enemy as of a Fort for the War.  
After the accord passed by the Consuls with Hieron, they left the Province; in whose place Lucius Posthumus, and Quintus Emilius newly chosen Consuls, come into Sicily with an Army: who after they had carefully considered of the Carthaginians Designs, and their preparations for War made in the Town of Agragas, they were of opinion to manage the affairs of Sicily with greater courage and resolution than the last Consuls had done: 
Agragas besieged by the Romans.  Wherefore they drew together all their Army, and besieged Agragas within eight Furlongs, and so kept in the Enemy. The time of Harvest was come, eliery man made his reckoning that the Siege would be long; wherefore the Soldiers straying from their Camp, adventured somewhat too far in the gathering of Corne. When the Carthaginians saw their Enemies thus dispersed; running here and there confidently throughout the Province, they conceived a great hope that they should one day be able to defeat them; whereupon some of them assaulted the Camp with great fury, and the rest charged those which gathered Corne. 
Severity of the Romans towards their Soldiers.  But the diversity of the action saved the Romans for that day, as it had done many times before; they having a custom to put those to death, which abandon the place which is appointed them during the fight, or which fly from the Camp upon any occasion whatsoever. By this means although the Carthaginians were far greater in number, yet the Romans resisted them valiantly, who with great loss of their men made a greater slaughter of their Enemies. Finally, they not only repulsed them from their Camp, but pursued them, ●illing part of them, and forcing the rest to retire in a thrung into the Town. Moreover that day was so dangerous to both Armies, as afterwards their fear was great, so as the Carthaginians durst no more assault the Romans Camp inconsiderately, nor the Romans suffer their men to gather Corn rashly. But for that the Carthaginians made no more sallies, but did only fight a far off with casting of Darts and Stones, the Consuls divided their Army in two: whereof the one was planted on the side of Esculapius Temple, and the other on that side which doth look directly unto Heracleum: And that which remained betwixt the two Camps of either side of the Town, was rampered with a double rank of Piles: Then they made a Trench betwixt them and the Town, to guard themselves from the Enemy's sallies, and another without the Camp, to hinder the succours which the Neighbour-townes do usually send to the besieged. The places which were betwixt the Trenches and the Camp were well guarded. Moreover all the Allies used great diligence to bring into the Town of Erbese, victuals, and all things necessary for the Camp; so as the Soldiers lived at more ease, for it was not far off.  
The Romans and the Carthaginians were five Months in this estate, fortune showing herself no more favourable to the one then to the other: But what happened by their shooting and casting of Darts: But when as hunger began to press the Carthaginians, 
Fifty thousand men within Agragas.  by reason of the great multitude of Men which were cooped up within the Town, (they were in truth above fifty thousand Men) Hannibal who was General of the Army, having no more hope, sends speedily to Carthage, to acquaint them with the Rampire and palisado made about the Town, and to demand succours. The Carthaginians moved at this News, raised an Army with a great number of Elephants, and sent them by Sea into Sicily to Hanno, who was another Captain General for them: who after he had drawn together his whole Army, marched to the City of Heracleum, and at the first (after he had considered what was to be done) he took the Town of Erbese by Treason, the which until that day had been a Storehouse to the Romans. By this means he deprived them of Victuals and 〈◊〉 things necessary for their Camp: wherefore the Romans were no less besieged, than they that were besieged. The want of Victuals did often force them in a manner to resolve to raise the Siege: the which undoubtedly they would have done, if Hieron King of Saragosse had not used great diligence to furnish the Army with Victuals and other necessaries.  
But when that Hanno (after all these things) saw that the Romans were much oppressed with diseases, and want of all things (without doubt the plague was great in their Camp) and that his Men were fresh, and resolute to fight, he drew together above fifty Elephants: And when as all the bands of Soldiers were assembled, he draws his Army out of Heracleum, and causeth the Numidian Horsemen to march before, giving them charge to skirmish, and to do all their endeavours to draw the Roman Horsemen to fight, upon whose charge they should turn head, and not cease to fly until they were returned unto him. 
A skirmish offered the Romans by the Numidians.  The Numidians failed not to execute the Command of their Captain, nor to skirmish with one of the Camps to draw them to fight. Presently the Roman Horsemen charge them, and pursue them indiscreetly: But the Numidians observing the Commandment fly back to Hanno, and recharging the Enemy again, slew many, chase the rest unto their Campe.  
After these things the Carthaginians marched, and planted themselves upon Mount Tor●, which was not ten Furlongs from the Enemies Campe. Continuing in this manner for the space of two Months, they attempted not any thing, but skirmished daily with their Arrows and Darts. In the mean time Hannibal made fires often in the Night, and sent men to Hanno, to advertise him that the Army could endure hunger no longer, and that many of his men were retired to the Enemy for want of Victuals. Finally, Hanno moved by these reasons, 
A battle betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans.  put his men in Battle: wherein the Consul used no less diligence in regard of their necessities. Either Army drew forth in Battle into an equal place: Then they came to combat, whereas they charged one another with great fury. The Battle was long and cruel: Finally, the Romans broke the Vanguard, and forced them to fly among the Elephants: who being terrified, opened the ranks of the Carthaginians. The Captains of Hundreds following the Rout of the Elephants, forced the Enemies to turn head. By this means the Carthaginians having lost the Battle, and part of them shine, the rest retired to Heracleum: 
The Carthaginians lose the Battle.  and the Romans after the taking of most of the Elephants, and all the baggage of the Carthaginians, retired to their Campe. But for that they were negligent to keep a good Guard the night following, aswell for the great joy which men usually have for their good fortune, as for the toil of the Battle past; Hannibal being frustrate of all hope, 
The Retreat of Hannibal from Agragas.  thought this a fit and convenient time to save himself and his Army, for the reason above mentioned. Wherefore he drew all his forces out of Agragas, and passed through the Enemy's Trenches, filling them with straw: By this means he escaped without any loss, and without their privity.  
At the break of day, when as the Romans 〈◊〉 advertised of this Retreat, they followed the Enemy a little; but returning soon to take the Town, they gave an assault unto the Gates, where they found no resistance. The whole Army entered and spoilt: It was a rich Town, where as the Soldiers took many Slaves, 
Agragas spoiled by the Romans.  and got great Wealth. When as the news came to Rome of the taking of Agragas, after the defeat of the Carthaginians, the Romans lifted up their Heads, and began to conceive greater Designs. They did no longer insist upon the reasons for the which they were first moved; neither were they satisfied, for that they had preserved the Mamertins and Messina, or to have much weakened the Carthaginians in Silily: But hoping for greater Matters, they desired to chase them away wholly, which done they had a great Hope and opinion to enlarge their Empire much. They were therefore very attentive to this business, and had no thoughts but of Sicily: knowing well that they were undoubtedly the stronger at land.  
After the taking then of Agragas, Lucius Valerius, and Titus Octacilius being chosen Consuls they were sent into Sicily with a great Army. Thus the War was in a manner equal, for that the Carthaginians were Masters of the Sea without contradiction; whereof this is the reason; for after the taking of Agragas, most of the Towns which were in the heart of Sicily, yielded to the Romans, fearing their Army at Land: But when as the Carthaginians Army by Sea was arrived, many more Sea-townes yielded for fear to their Obedience. Thus their forces were equal. Many times also the Sea coasts of Italy were spoilt by the courses of their Army at Sea, the which Africa did not suffer. The Romans considering carefully of these things, resolved to fight with their Enemies by Sea.  
This is the thing which hath moved me most to Write this present War more at large, to the end the Reader may not be ignorant of this beginning, that is to say, in what manner and for what causes, and in what time, the people of Rome were induced to put an Army to Sea, 
Six score vessels for the Sea made speedily by the Romans.  and to fight with their Enemy. Seeing then that there was no probability that the War should be otherwise ended, the Romans speedily made six score Vessels for the Sea, whereof a Hundred were Quinqueremes or of five banks, and the rest were Triremes. It is true that the Quinqueremes were more difficult to make, for that they had never used any such Vessels in Italy until that time. Wherein the excellency and great courage of the Romans is worthy of admiration, considering they had never been inclined to actions by Sea, neither had they ever thought of it until that day; yet they adventured it with such courage and resolution, as they had sooner fought with the Carthaginians, than made trial of the dangers of the Sea. Although the others held at that time, in that circuit of the World the principality and command of the Sea, as formerly gotten by their Predecessors, and left it unto them as an hereditary right: which is a singular testimony of the things which we have Written, of the Romans boldness and courage. Believe me, when they first adventured to pass their Army to Messina▪ they were only a Hundred ships of War, and moreover they had not one Galley nor one Brigandine. It is true when they undertook the Voyage of Sicily with an Army, they made use of the Quinqueremes and Triremes of the Tarrentines, Locreins, and Neapolitans.  
At that time many Carthaginian Ships scoured the Seas about Sicily, whereof a Quinquereme straying far from the rest, was broken by casualty, and afterwards taken by the Romans, which afterwards served them for a pattern to make the like, so as all their ships were made in that manner. Wherefore if this had not happened, they would have ●ound themselves much troubled in their enterprise. 
The Romans invention to enure their men to the Oar.  Whilst these were a making, they did practise a number of men to the Oar after this manner. They did set banks in order upon the Sand, upon the which the men that were to Rowe were placed, being attentive to the voice of the Patron or Governor, who was in the midst of them, where as they did learn to stretch forth, and pull back their arms altogether, and did draw their Oars in the Sand; finally they began and ended altogether according to the Patron's whistle. By this means having learned the Art to Row, and their ships finished, they put to Sea, and within few days after made a Trial. And when as the Consul Cornelius, lately appointed Commander of the Sea Army, had given charge to the Sea Captains, to draw unto the Port as soon as the Vessels should be ready, he went directly to Messina with seventeen ships, and left the rest upon the Italian shore, whereas having made provision of things necessary for the equipage of his ships, he sails upon necessity directly to Lipparo sooner then was needful. At that time Hannibal Commander of the Carthaginians, kept his Sea Army at Palermo, who being advertised of the Consuls coming, sent one Bloods a Senator of Carthage, with twenty ships to draw into that Quarter: Who arriving by night, found the Roman ships, and besieged them in the Port, so as at the break of day, the multitude got to Land.  
But Cneius Cornelius thus unfortunately surprised, 
Certain of the Roman ships with their commander Surprised by a Carthaginian Consul.  could find no other means but to yield himself unto the Enemy. The Carthaginians after this prize returned to Hannibal; soon after this apparent and new defeat of Cornelius, Hannibal (to whom Fortune was at that time gracious) received as great a loss. He had intelligence that the Romans Army at Sea, which coasted about Italy, was not far from Sicily. Wherefore desiring wonderfully to see their number, and their order, and the manner of the trimming of their ships, he takes fifty Vessels and sails into Italy. But for that he had a contrary Wind, the which was favourable to the Romans by the reason of the Coast of Italy, 
A defeat of Hanibals ships, for want of a good Wind.  he fell unadvisedly into their Army, which was in order and in Battle, where he was suddenly charged, so as he lost in a manner all his ships, and saved himself with very few contrary to his Hope, and the opinion of all the World.  
The Romans after this defeat, approached nearer unto Sicily, and being advertised by the Prisoners of the Consul's overthrow, they sent speedily to Caius Duellius Consul▪ having at that time the charge of the Army by Land: Where having attended some space, and received news that the Enemy's Army at Sea was not far off, they all prepared to battle. They planted upon every one of their ships, (for that they were ill built and heavy,) a kind of Engine, 
An Engine invented by the Romans called a Raven.  which was afterwards called a Raven; behold the fashion of this Engine. They did set a Pillar or Mast of four fathom long, and nine inches thick upon the Prow, the which had also a pulley on the top, and one the side was made an assent of boards all along, the which was four foot broad and four fathom long; the passage was turning about the pillar, in the two first fathoms of the assent: About the which were bars of either side to the height of a man's knee, and they had set at the end of it an Iron like unto a pestle, which went up straight, the which had on the top of it a King, so as altogether seemed as an Engine wherewith they pound things. To this Ring was fastened a cord, by means whereof at the encounter of the ships, they fastened the Ravens by the pulley, and let them fall upon their Enemy's ships. Sometimes at the Prow, sometimes on the side in turning, when as they could not assail them by the flank; and after that the Ravens were fastened within the bands of the ships, and that the Vessels were grappled and fast, if they found themselves upon the side, they entered it of all sides: And if it were by the Prow, they marched by the bridge two and two to the Combat, whereof the first covered their bodies with their Targets, and they which followed defended the flanks, and held their Targets even with the bars. When as this Equipage at Sea was ready, they attended a convenient time for the battle. When as Caius Duelius had been suddenly advertised, of the misfortune of the Commander at Sea, he left that at Land to the Tribunes of the men of War, and makes haste to that at Sea. And being advertised that the Carthaginians spoiled the Country of Miles, he drew thither with his whole Army: But when the Enemy was certain of his coming, they were in great hope, thinking the Romans understood not any thing in Sea-fights. Wherefore they drew out to Sea, with an Equipage of six score and ten Vessels, thinking this War not worthy of any order of battle, as if they had gone to a certain booty. Whereof this Hannibal who (as we said) retired his Army by night, and past over the Enemy's Trenches,) was Commander. He had a Vessel of seven banks which did sometimes belong to Pyrrhus' King of the Epirotes.  
When as the two Armies began to approach, and that their Engines called Ravens were discovered, the Carthaginians were a time in suspense for the novelty. Finally whatsoever it were, without any further reckoning they charge with great fury. The ships joined and grappled, 
A battle at Sea betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans.  so as the Roman soldiers by means of their Engines called Ravens, entered their enemy's ships, where there was a great slaughter made of the Carthaginians. The rest being amazed at this kind of Engines, yielded: you would have said it had been a battle at Land, where the danger is not less. The thirty Vessels of the Carthaginians, which gave the first Charge were taken, among the which was that of the Captain, which we have said had belonged unto King Pyrrhus. Hannibal whose Fortune was otherwise then he expected, saved himself in a little Skiffe: The rest of the Carthaginian Army came with great fury against their Enemies, as the former had done; but when they were advertised that their first ships had been taken by the means of the Engines, they did not charge in Front, thinking to avoid them, but came upon their flank, trusting to the lightness of their Vessels, thinking by this means to avoid the violence of their Engines; 
The flight of the Carthaginians.  but they were made in such sort as of what side soever the Enemy approached, they could easily grapple with them. Wherefore the Carthaginians amazed with the strangeness of these Engines, in the end fled, after the loss of fifty of their ships.  
The Romans being now become masters of the Sea, contrary unto▪ their Hope, sailed about the Sea towards Segestane, and raised the siege which lay before the Town. 
Macelle taken by assault.  Then parting from thence, they took the Town of Macelle by assault. After this battle at Sea, when as Amilcar (being then Captain General in Sicily of the Army by Land) was advertised, remaining at Panorme, that there was a great quarrel betwixt the Romans and their-Allies, touching the prowess and glory of the Combat, 
A defeat of four thousand men, allied to the Romans by Amilcar.  and that the Allies after they had been beaten, were retired apart betwixt Prope and Termine, he marched with all speed to the Allies Camp, and slew four thousand by surprise. Hannibal after all these Fortunes, retired to Carthage, with those few ships which he had remaining at the battle. Within few days after he was dispatch to go with an Army into Sardinia, with some excellent Sea Captains, but he was soon enclosed in a Port by the Romans, and in a manner lost his whole Army: And as he had escaped the Enemy, he was suddenly taken by the Carthaginians which had saved themselves, and was crucofied. 
Hannibal crucified.  Moreover the Romans employed all their care to seize upon Sardinia, being now Masters of the Sea.  
The year following there was not any thing done worthy of Memory in Sicily by the Roman Army. Caius Sulpicius, and Aulus Rutilius were afterwards made Consuls, and sent to Palermo, for that the Carthaginians forces wintered there. And after the Romans had passed, they put themselves in battle before the Town: But the Carthaginians being within it, presented not themselves to battle. 
Hippane and Mysistrate taken with many other Towns.  The which the Romans seeing, they left Palermo, and went to Hippane, the which soon after they took by assault: The Town of Mysistrate was taken likewise by the Consuls, having held out sometime by reason of the situation of the place. And as they had besieged the City of the Camerins, which had lately abandoned the Romans, it was taken by force by the means of their Batteries and breaches: Afterwards A●ta was carried by assault with many other Towns of the Carthaginians; Lippare was also besieged. The year following, the Sea-army of the Romans lay in the Haven of the Tindaretins under the charge of Aulus Rutilius, 
Aulus Rutilius Consul.  who seeing the Carthaginian Army near the shore, he sent word unto his ships to make haste to follow him▪ In the mean time he▪ put to Sea before the rest, only with ten Vessels: But when as the Carthaginians saw that some did but embark, others began to set sail, and the first were far from their Fleet, and near unto them; they turned with incredible swiftness, and compassed them in, so as most part of them were sunk, and the Consul's ship had like to have fallen into the Carthaginians hands, with all that were within it: He hardly escaped by the force of his Oars and lightness.  
In the mean time the rest of the Roman Army, which had gotten into the open sea, encountered the Enemy, whereof ten ships were taken, and eight sunk, and the rest recovered the Islands called Lipparees. But howsoever either of them parted from this Combat with an Opinion to have gotten the Victory: Wherefore they were more eager to continue the War by Sea, and were more attentive to Marrine affairs. As for their Armies at Land, during this time, they did nothing worthy of Note, busying themselves about small things, and of little esteem. But the Summer following having given order for their affairs, (as we have said) they prepared to War. 
The Romans Army by Sea. The Promontory of Pachina.  In regard of the Romans, they made their assembly at Messina, to the number of three hundred and thirty Vessels armed; and sailing from thence leaving Sicily on the right hand, and passing the Promontory of Pachina, they sailed to Echnom●n, 
The Carthaginians Army of three hundred and fifty sail.  whereas the Army by Land attended them. The Carthaginians in li●e manner put to Sea, with three hundred and fifty Sail armed, and stayed at Lilybeum, and from thence went to Heracleum, and so to Minoe. The Romans intention was to pass into Africa, and there to make their chief War, to the end the Carthaginians should not only run the hazard of the War of Sicily, but also have it at their own Houses. On the otherside the Carthaginians considering how easily their descent would be into Lybia, and what little defence the Countrymen would make when they should be once entered, they desired to fight presently with the Romans, and by that means to hinder the descent into Africa. Wherefore the one being resolved to defend themselves, and the other to assail them, considering the obstinacy of either party, there was likelihood of an undoubted battle. When as the Romans had given order for all things necessary for the equipage of their Sea-army, and to make their descent into Africa, they made choice of the ablest men in all their Army at Land, and embarked them, and then divided their Army into four, whereof either had two Names. The first was called the first Battalion, and the first Army: So were the rest according to their order, but the fourth and the third were called Triarij, as in an Army at Land. Al this Army at Sea amounted to above 140000. 
An Army of 140000. Romans and more Carthaginians.  men. Every Vessel had three hundred Rowers, and six score Leginaries.  
In regard of the Carthaginians, they were furnished only with men accustomed with Sea-fights, being in number above 150000. men, according to the order of their Vessels. Wherefore they that were present and saw the great danger, and power of the two Armies, the great charges, the multitude of combatants, and of ships, they did not only wonder, but they also who heard speak of it. The Romans considering that upon necessity they must go upon the side, and that their Enemies sailed more lightly, they employed all their Art to make their battle strong and invincible. For the effecting whereof they set two Vessels in front of six Banks in equal distance, in the which were Marcus Attilius, and Lucius Manlius. After which marched the first and second Battalion of either side, their ships following one another, so as the distance of the two Battalions did still enlarge themselves. The stems of their ships looked outward. By this means the Battalions drawn thus in length, made the two parts of a Triangle, to the which they added the third Battalion in the same fashion, as a foundation, so as the three Battalions made a perfect figure of a Triangle. After the third Battalion the ships which carried the Horses, were ordered one after another, serving as a Rampire to the third Battalion.  
The Triarij followed after in their order, making the fourth Battalion, every Vessel being ordered in such sort, as they passed the precedent on either side. All the Roman Army was thus ordered, whereof the first part, that is to say, the two sides of the point of the Triangle, were empty in the midst: but the sides following after the foundation were better supplied. 
A Remonstrance made by the Carthaginian Captains to the Soldiers of their Army.  By this means their Army was firm and hard to break. In the mean time the Commanders of the Carthaginians drew their Soldiers together, and put courage into them, letting them understand, that if they won the battle, there would be no more War but in Sicily: But if the Romans had the Victory, they must expect not to fight for Sicily, but for their own Country, their Houses and their Children.  
After this exhortation, they make them embark; the which they did resolutely, and prepared to fight, thinking of the time to come, according to the discourse of their Captains: Who seeing the order of the Roman Army, divided theirs likewise into four; whereof three gaining the Sea, making the Right-wing longer, stayed as if they would environ their Enemies, against whom they turn their beake-heads; and they make the Fort to look towards the Land, by a circuit of the Left wing of the whole Army. Hanno and Amilcar were Commanders of the Carthaginians, Hanno (who was defeated at the battle of Agragas) had the leading of the Right wing, with the lightest Vessels, and Amilcar of the Left. This is he who as we have said, fought at Sea near unto Tyndaris, who hazarding then the midst of his Army, used this kind of Stratagem of War for the Combat.  
The Romans seeing at the first charge, that the Battalion of the Carthaginians was weak, forced resolutely through them: But the Carthaginians observing the Commandment of Amilcar, left the place presently, making show to fly, to the end the Roman Army should separate itself, whom the Romans followed with too great heat: And therefore the first and second Battalion sailed with too great Courage after the Enemy, but the third and fourth were stayed, drawing after them the ships that were laden with Horses, with whom the Triarij remained for their Guard. 
A Battle at Sea betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians.  When as the two first seemed to be far from the others, the Carthaginians 〈…〉 sign given them by Amilcar, as he had instructed them, turning the Prow suddenly, they all assault the Roman Vessels which followed them.  
The Combat was cruel; It is true, the Carthaginians had a great advantage by their lightness, and their policy in turning: But when as they came to fight, and that the Armies affronted one another, the Romans had no less hope than the Carthaginians, for the Force and Prowess of their men; and by the staying of their Ships, and casting of their Engines, and finally by the Combat of the two Commanders, and the hazard they were in their fight.  
This was the estate of the Battle: Presently after Hanno, who as we have said had the charge of the Right wing, and did not budge before the first charge was given, seeing the Battle begun with the Romans, went to Sea and charged the Triarij, where there was a great fight, the which was long in suspense. In the mean time the fourth Battalion of the Carthaginians, which continued near the shore, turning the Prow upon the Enemy, assaulted the Battalion in front, by the which the ships which carried the Horses were towed▪ who suddenly slipped the Ropes and fought with great fury.  
There they saw three parts of the Battle, and three Combats at Sea at one instant, in three diverse places, and far remote. The Combat was equal, for that the Ships of either's side were of the like number. Without doubt every man performed his Duty in fight, so as all was indifferent and equal. Finally, Amilcar was defeated, and forced to fly with his Squadron. 
Amilcar vanquished.  And Lucius Manlius towed away the ships that were taken. In the mean time Attilius seeing the Combat of the Triarij, and of the ships wherein the Horses were, came presently to succour them with the Vessels of the second Battalion, which were yet whole and entire: But when as the Triarij who had been long and violently charged by Hanno, so as they were in great danger, saw the Consul come, they resumed courage, and recharged him resolutely: And then then the Carthaginians being much discontented to have an Enemy in front and behind, and to be invested by succours contrary to their expectation, gained the open Sea, relying upon the lightness of their Vessels, and saved themselves by flight. And Lucius Manlius in the mean time seeing the third Battalion pressed near the shore by the left wing of the Carthaginians, and Marcus Attilius in like manner, leaving the ships with the Horses and the Triarij in safety, resolved both together to succour those that were in danger: For they were in a manner besieged, and almost at the last gasp, and had been defeated, if the Carthaginians had not feared to join with them by reason of their Engines or Ravens: Neither did they press upon them, but only to chase them to the shore. Finally, the Carthaginians were suddenly compassed in by the Consuls, whereof fifty of their ships were taken with the men. 
A Victory of the Romans against the Carthaggnians.  Some being driven unto the shore, saved themselves. Behold the three several Combats which the Romans and Carthaginians had in one day: Yet the Romans in the end had the Victory of the whole Battle: In the which 24 of their ships were broken▪ and above thirty of the Carthaginians. There was not one Roman Vessel taken whole by the Carthaginians with the men. But the Romans took three score and four of the Carthaginians with all the men. Soon after this battle, the Romans parted with an intent to sail directly into Lybia, after they had made provision of Victuals, and all other munition, joining to their Army the ships taken, being well repaired.  
There is a place in Africa which they call the Cape of Mercure, running far into the Sea, 
The Cape of Mercure.  and is directly against Sicily, where the Romans arriving and receiving their Vessels, repaired all: Then passing this strand, they sailed unto the City of Aspis, where they put their Army in Battle near unto the Town, and retired their ships, rampering them with Ditches and Pallisadoes, resolving to besiege it, for that they which held it would not yield to the Romans. It is true that the Carthaginians who a little before had escaped from the Battle at sea, and recovered Carthage by flight, furnished the most necessary places belonging to their City, with Horse and Foo●, and with necessary shipping, supposing that the Roman Army after the Victory would come directly unto them. But when they were advertised of their descent, and of the siege of Aspis, they levied men, and regarding no more the landing of the Romans, but having an eye aswell to foreign affairs as to their own Country, they omitted nothing of that which was necessary for the Guard of the City and Province. 
Aspis taken by the Romans.  In the mean time the Consuls after they had taken Aspis by assault, and put a Garrison into it, and in the Country, and had sent unto Rome to advertise the Senate of their success, to the end they might consider what was afterwards to be done, 
Courses made by the Romans in the Carthaginians Country.  they drew the whole Army into the Carthaginians Country, where they found no Resistance, spoiling and setting fire on their goodly and glorious buildings, so as they carried away a booty of all sorts of Beasts, with above twenty thousand Prisoners, which were Embarked.  
In the mean time they received news from Rome, by the which the Senate sent them word, that one of the Consuls should remain in Africa, with sufficient forces, and that the other should Return with the ships. The pleasure of the Senate being known, Marcus Attilius Regulus stayed in Africa with forty ships, fifteen thousand foot, and five hundred Horse, and Marcus Manlius set sail with the rest of the ships and Army, having the Prisoners with him, and arrived first in Sicily, and then at Rome without any mischance. But the Carthaginians foreseeing that the Romans War would be long, 
Asdrubal, Bostar, and Amilcar Commanders of the Carthaginians Army.  they first made two General Captains in their Army, which were Asdrubal the son of Hanno, and Bostar: Moreover they sent for Amilcar, who was in Heracleum, who Embarking presently with five thousand foot, and five hundred Horse, came to Carthage, and was constituted the third Captain of the Army, taking the Conduct of the War with Asdrubal and Bostar.  
When as these Captains had held a Council, concerning the Affairs of the War, they were of opinion that it was necessary to relieve the Province, and not to endure so 〈◊〉 a pillage and spoil of the Country. Marcus Attilius some few days before marching into the Country, razed the weaker Castles, and besieged the stronger. But when he was come to the City of Adis which was worthy of a siege, he plants himself before it, and endeavours to force it. The Carthaginians●●uertised ●●uertised hereof made haste to succour it, desiring to Raise the siege. And therefore they march with all their power against the Romans, Recovering a little Hill to the prejudice of their Enemies, and very commodious for themselves: Whereon planting their Camp, they hoped for an absolute Victory, by the means of their Horse and Elephants. Leaving therefore the plain, they drew 〈◊〉 high and uneven places, as if they would advertise the Enemy what they had to do, the which undoubtedly they effected. For when the Romans had considered the little use of Elephants, for they were in a Mountainous and Hilly Country, in the which the Enemies had settled their chief hope, as of great effect and terrible, they advised not to attend their Descent into the plain: Wherefore using the opportunity of the time, they shut them up at the break of day in the Mountain of all sides.  
By this means their Cavalry and their Elephants were altogether unprofitable: Their adventurers only did their duties in ●ighting on the top, and had already forced the Roman Leginaries to give back a little, when as suddenly the rest which had gained the top of the Mountain showed themselves. The Carthaginians seeing themselves enclosed of all sides, abandoned their Fort, and fled into the deserts of the Mountains. The Elephants and Horses recovered the Plain, and saved themselves without danger. The Romans made some little pursuit after the footmen, than they spoiled the Camp, and overran the whole Country, wasting all, and ruining the Town.  
Some few days after they besieged Tunes, 
Tunes taken by the Romans by assault.  which they took by assault, where they planted their Camp, for that the place seemed convenient unto them to manage the War, being a frontier to Carthage and to the whole Province. The Carthaginians having a little before been defeated at Sea, and now by Land, not by the cowardice of their Soldiers, but by the baseness of the Commanders, they fell into a miserable and desperate estate: For after their last defeat and flight by the Romans, a great Troop of Numidians, gaping after spoil, fell upon them, 
The Nunidians great robbers.  doing them in a manner as great harm as the Romans. It is a wandering and vagabone Nation and great thieves, carrying away all they find.  
The Carthaginians▪ terrified by the Numidians abandoned the Country, and retired to Carthage, where they suffered much, aswell by famine, as for their own cowardice, and moreover the multitude being great they feared a long siege: And although that Marcus Attillius was persuaded that the Carthaginians were wonderfully weakened, aswell by Land as Sea, being in hope that the City would be in short time delivered unto him: yet fearing that the new Consul, whom they expected soon in Africa, 
Ambassadors sent by the Carthaginians to Marcus Attilius.  would reap the honour of his prowess and valour, he began to treat of a peace with them, whereunto they willingly 〈…〉. Wherefore they sent the chief of their City in Embassy to the Consul, to make this treaty. But when as they were arrived, they were so far from agreeing, as they could hardly without choler hear the unreasonable things that were enjoined them. Make your account that Marcus Attilius did hope that his offer would be accepted as a thing of grace, for that he had prevailed in all his affairs: The Carthaginians on the other side, thought that when as fortune should reduce them to extremity, the Consul could not make them a more bitter answer.  
Their Ambassadors therefore returned, not only without any agreement, but d●●●ting wonderfully the Consul's answer, as to hard and proud. The which being heard by the Senate of the Carthaginians, they entered into so great an indignation upon the Consul's demand, and resumed such courage, that although formerly they were out of hope, yet than they resolved to attend all extremities, and rather to try their fortune, and to attend the time, then to suffer so ignominious a thing and unworthy of their valour. It happened a● the same time, that some one of those which had been sent into Greece, in the beginning of the war to Levy Men, returned and brought with them a good number of Soldiers: among the which there was one Xantippus a Lacedaemonian, 
Xantippus a Lacedaemonian.  a man of judgement, and practised in the war: who after that he had heard a relation of the defeat of the Carthaginians, and the manner▪ the place, and that what time it happened; having also considered the equipage of the Carthaginians, with the number of their Horses and Elephants, he returned suddenly to his Companions, saying, that the ignorance of the Captains, not the Romans, had defeated the Carthaginians. This speech ran presently throughout the whole City, and came unto the Princes.  
The Carthaginians caused him to be called, and resolved to use his Council, who in their presence delivered plainly the Reasons of his speech, and the cause of their Defeat; and if they would follow his Council, and hereafter keep the Plains, leaving the hilly Country, and there plant their battle, he would teach them how their Army should be out of danger, and their Enemies Vanquished. The Captains moved with the words of Xantippus, presently Resigned unto him the Conduct of all this War, 
The Leading of the Carthaginians Army, given to Xantippus.  and now there ran a bruit throughout the whole Camp of Xantippus speech, with great Hope and joy.. But after that all the Companies of the Army were drawn into the field, and that he had put them is order, there was so great a difference betwixt his and that of the other Captains, who understood not the Art of War, that presently the common cry demanded nothing but to fight, so much they were assured under the leading of Xantippus.  
This done, the Carthaginian Captains seeing the courage of their Men, exhorted them a little according to the opportunity of the time, and within few days after they marched to find out the Enemy. There were in the Carthaginians Army above twelve thousand foot, four thousand Horse, and near a hundred Elephants. When as Marcus Attilius heard of the coming of the Enemy, and that the Carthaginians kept their Horses upon an even Country, camping contrary unto their custom on the plains, he wondered as at a new accident: Yet he marched directly to them desiring battle, and lodged within twelve hundred paces of their Campe. Three days after the Carthaginian Captains held a Council what was to be done: But the multitude desiring the combat, turned towards Xantippus, calling him by his name, with a countenance see●●ing to be willing and ready to undergo all dangers, and entreated him to lead them speedily unto the battle. When as the Carthaginian Captains saw their Men thus resolute, and desirous to fight, and that Xantippus said the time was ●itting and convenient, they suffered them to prepare to battle, and gave him leave to do all at his pleasure. Who after he had taken charge of the Captains, he order the battle, 
The order of the battle by Xantippus.  before the whole Army he sets the Elephants one after another. After which he causeth a Legion of Carthaginians to march, with some distance, and placeth the strangers upon the Wings. Then he ordereth the bravest among his foot, to fight of either side betwixt the Wings of the Horsemen.  
The Romans seeing the Carthaginians in battle, stayed not to do the like; yet fearing the Violence of the Elephants, they set in Front the most active of their men, reinforcing their Rear with many Ensigns, and dividing their Horsemen upon the Wings. Their Ordnance was less than formerly, but more close, for fear lest the Elephants should open them. But as the Romans had set a good order against the Elephants, so they had neglected to keep themselves from enclosing. For as the Carthaginians had a greater number of Horse, so the close Ordnance, gave them an easy means to break and separate them.  
The two Armies being in battle, 
Battle given by the Romans to the Carthaginians.  either attending who should first Charge; suddenly Xantippus causeth the Elephants to begin the Charge, and break the Enemy's ranks, and that the Horsemen of both Wings should withal charge furiously. The Romans cause their Trumpets to sound after the manner of the Country, and charge where the Enemy's forces were greatest. It is true that the Roman Horsemen terrified with the multitude of their Enemies, abandoned the two Wings: And the Footmen of the lest Wing waving from the Fury of the Elephants, and making no account of the foreign Soldiers, charged the right Wing of the Carthaginians with great fury, and put it to flight, pursuing them unto their Fort. On the other side, they which endured the charge of the Elephants, were broken and trodden under their feet by heaps. It is true that the whole Ordnance continued for a time in battle, for that their supplies being in the Rear were very close. But after that the Roman Legions, set in the Rearward, and compassed in of all sides by the Carthaginian Horsemen, were forced to make resistance there, and that they (who as we have said) were appointed to make head against the Elephants, were by them repulsed into the thickest of the enemy's Battalion, where they were defeated and slain, ● then the Romans being assaulted on all sides, some were beaten down and slain by the intolerable fury of the Elephants, and others by the Horsemen, in the same place where they had their first posture given them, some few of them seeing no more hope, 
Marcus Attillius taken with 500 Romans.  sought their safety by flight, of which (considering that the Country was very plain) some were defeated by the Elephants, and the rest by the Horsemen: And some flying with Marcus Attilius, were taken to the number of five hundred.  
The Carthaginians lost that day but five hundred Adventurers strangers, whom the left Wing of the Romans had defeated: But of all the Roman Army there escaped but two thousand with their Ensigns, who (as we have said) pursued a troop of enemies into their Fort. All the rest were cut in pieces, except Marcus Attilius and a few Men which fled with him; in regard of those Ensigns which beyond all hope escaped, they came unto Aspis. Finally the Carthaginians after the spoil of the Dead retired to Carthage, with the Consul and other Prisoners, making great joy and triumph.  
If we shall duly consider this, 
Aremonstrance of Polybius.  we shall find many things profitable for the conduct of Man. First, Marcus Attilius serves for a fair example to all the World, that it is a great folly and indiscretion, to put his Hope in Fortune, under the colour of good success and enterprises brought to an end according to our desire: Who of late after so many triumphant Victories, had not any compassion of the Carthaginians, being reduced to extremity, refusing to grant them peace, which they craved with so much humility, hath been presently after reduced to that constraint, as to make the like request.  
Moreover that which Euripides hath formerly spoken so well, that the good Council of one man alone doth vanquish a great Army, hath been this day verified by that which hath happened. In truth one man alone, and the Council of one man, hath vanquished and defeated an Army, formerly invincible; raising and restoring a Town lost, and the hearts of so many desolate men. Believe me▪ I have thought good to relate these actions for the benefit and instruction of the Readers of these Commentaries.  
For as there are two means easily to correct and amend our errors, whereof the one is his own Misfortune, and the other the example of another man's Miseries; there is no doubt but the first hath greater efficacy, but it is not without the loss and prejudice of him to whom it happens: And although the second be not of so great force, yet it is the better for that they are out of danger, and therefore no man embraceth the first means willingly, for that they cannot help it without their own trouble and loss. As for the second, ever man follows it willingly; For we may see by him (without any hazard or loss) what we ought to follow for the best.  
Wherefore if we consider it well, we shall find that experience (by the remembrance of another man's faults) seems to be a very good doctrine of a true life: Without doubt it is that alone which makes the good judges of reason without any loss: But we have discoursed sufficiently of this Subject.  
The Carthaginians having ended their affairs happily, and to their content, they rejoiced in many sorts, both in giving thanks unto God; and sacrificing after their manner, or in using amongst themselves a mutual benevolence and courtesy.  
Soon after that Xantippus had raised the hearts of the Carthaginians, 
Xantippus returns into his Country.  he returned into his Country, as a man well advised: For the Prowess and Valour of men, and their Virtues, are many times the cause of great envy and detraction: Against the which Citizens that are well allied, and have many Friends, make easy resistance: But strangers which have not that support, are easily ruined and defeated. They say he went away for some other reason, which we will deliver when it shall be fitting.  
After that beyond all hope the Romans had received News of the defeat of their Army in Africa, 
Aspis besieged by the Carthaginians.  and the taking of the Consul: And that the remainder of their men was besieged in Aspis, consulting presently of the safety of those which were remaining in Africa, they appointed an Army to be raised to go thither with all speed.  
In the mean time the Carthagaginians besieged Aspis, striving to force it, with hope soon to have this remainder of the Battle: But the Virtue and Courage of the Romans which defended it, was so great, as all the Enemy's attempts could not prevail. Wherefore being out of hope to enter it, they raised the Siege. Soon after News came that the Romans prepared an Army at Sea to send into Africa: For the which the Carthaginians being moved, they used all diligence to repair their old Vessels and to make new. Presently after they laboured to stand upon their guard, and to hinder the descent of the Romans into Africa, with two hundred Vessels armed and well furnished: But when as the preparation of three hundred and fifty Roman Vessels was ready, they sent Marcus Emilius and Servius Fuluius with the whole Army into Africa in the beginning of the Spring. When as the Consuls had set sail, to draw first into Sicily, and from thence into Africa, they were not far from the Cape of Mercure, but they presently discovered the Carthaginian Army: the which (as we have said) watched their coming at the passage, 
One hundred and fourteen Vessels of the Carthaginians tak●n by the Romans.  and charged them suddenly with great fury, taking a hundred and fourteen Vessels armed: sailing from thence to Aspis, they retired their Men, and after they had stayed some time in Africa, they returned into Sicily.  
But when they had past the Sea betwixt Africa and Sicily with a prosperous Wind, and had anchored near unto the Camarins Town, it is not possible to deliver the greatness of the torment and misery that befell them. Hardly could they preserve four score Vessels whole of four hundred three score and four which were in their Army. 
A great number of the Roman ships perished by a Tempest.  All the rest (either sunk in the Sea, or split against the Rocks) filled all the shore with wracks, or dead Bodies.  
It is not in the memory of man of any such shipwreck by a tempest. This miserable misfortune happened not casually and by chance, but by the overweening of the Consuls, considering that the Mariners had let them understand, that they must avoid the Coasts above Sicily, for that it was not to be approached, being bad and difficult to sail in, especially at that season, for they sailed betwixt the Stars of Orion and the Dogstar. Whatsoever it were the Consuls disdaining the admonition of the Mariners, made haste with a glorious confidence of their late Victory, to surprise some Towns a long that shore: where as they fell into extreme calamity under the shadow of a poor hope. Then they knew their folly, carrying the repentance of their presumption. Defacing by this wrack the things which formerly they had done well.  
And although that in all things the Romans rely upon their forces, and think whatsoever they resolve, must be put in execution, holding nothing impossible when they have once undertaken it, and that this obstinacy doth many times turn to good. Yet sometimes they fall into great and apparent errors, especially in Sea-matters. It is true that in Battles at Land fight with men, it is not so strange if they vanquish: For the Combat is equal, although they be sometimes vanquished: But as for the Sea, for that they thrust themselves into hazard, and without consideration, they fall many times into great inconveniences.  
This happened at this time, and hath done formerly, and will befall them many times hereafter, until they have suppressed and reform this overweening, thinking they are able to go to Sea at all seasons. The Carthaginians being advertised of the shipwreck of the Roman Army, they had the greater desire to raise an Army both by Land and Sea: For that their force seemed as great at Land, as that of the Romans, by reason of the defeat of Marcus Attilius: The like they conceived of the Sea, after the great loss the Romans had endured. Wherefore they presently sent Asdrubal into Sicily with the old Bands, and a new levy of the Men of Heracleum, with an hundred and fifty Elephants. They wrigd out a Fleet of two hundred Vessels, 
Asdrubal sent into Sicily by the Carthaginians.  and other Equipages necessary for Navigation. When as Asdrubal landed at Lylibeum with his whole Army, he trained his Men, and exercised his Elephants, making roads into those Countries which were allied unto the Romans. Finally, he was very watchful and diligent. And although the Romans loss had much abated their courage, yet they used all possible diligence to raise a Fleet of two hundred and twenty Vessels with a palisado: the which they effected within three Months, and put it to Sea, the which is difficult to beleeue, to the end the World should not think they would strike sail unto the Carthaginians. Lucius Aquilius, and Caius Cornelius Consuls, were appointed to lead this Army, to fight with the Carthaginians in Sicily, who passing the Sea presently, arrived at Messina, where they received the Remainder of the ships, which had been preserved in the storm. By this means their Army consisted of three hundred Vessels.  
From thence they took their Course to Palermo, the chief Town of the Carthaginians, the which they assailed vigorously, 
Palermo besseged by the Romans, and taken by assault.  erecting two sorts of Engines, and other preparations to that effect, so as they easily overthrow a Tower seated upon the Sea, by the which the Soldiers entering by force, took that part of the Town which was called Naples. After this the Burgesses dying for fear, yielded unto the Consuls the other part which they called the old Town.  
After the taking of Palermo, the Consuls put in a good Garrison, and then returned to Rome. The year following, Gneus Sempronius, and Caius Servilius w●re Consuls, who in like manner passed into Sicily with an Army, to go from thence into Africa: where being arrived, they dispersed their Men into diverse places, and committed great spoils, yet they did not any thing worthy of Memory. Finally, they arrived at the Island of Lotophages, which they call Mirmyx, which is near unto a little Shelf or Bar of Barbary, where not knowing the passages, they were in a great straight, and were stayed by reason of the ebbing of the Sea: They were for a time in suspense what to do. Finally, the Flood coming suddenly upon them, they were almost driven to despair: Yet they could not save themselves until they had lightened their ships, and cast out their baggage to save themselves.  
After that Day the Romans were so amazed with so many dangers, as they sailed continuallly as if they had fled. Soon after they returned into Sicily, and leaving Lilybeum, they took Port at Palermo. But soon after that they were gone from thence to sail into Italy, there rose so great a storm as above a hundred and fifty of their ships were driven up and down, 
One hundred and fifty of the Roman Vessels lost.  and in the end perished. And although the Romans after so many losses, were of advice to prefer the honour and Majesty of the Empire before all other things, yet they were so broken with so great miseries, as they resolved to abandon the Sea. And therefore they only levied an Army by Land, wherein they thought they should be more confident and of better hope, the which they sent into Sicily with the two Consuls, Lucius Cecilius, and Caius Curius: To whom they delivered only three score Vessels for their Victuals. By this means the Carthaginians, became again Masters of the Sea with out contradiction, seeing the Romans had no more any Fleet at Sea. Moreover they had great confidence in their Army at Land, and not without cause. For after that the report of the battle given in Africa, came to Rome, and that they understood that the defeat of their men happened by the force and fury of the Elephants, for that they had broken the Ranks and opened the battalions, and that they had made a wonderful slaughter of them.  
Their fear of the Elephants from that day, was so great, as for two years after they never durst charge the Carthaginians, although they made many encounters in Africa, and in the Country of Selinuntia, nor Camp in the Plains within five or six furlongs of them, keeping always the Mountains and hilly Countries, to save themselves from the Elephants; 
Theruce and Lipara.  so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara. Wherefore the Romans knowing the fear their Army had, resolved again to put a Fleet to Sea.  
At that time the Roman people being assembled, they chose unto the Consulship Caius Attilius, and Lucius Manlius: They also made fifty new ships, 
A new Army at Sea, prepared by the Romans.  and Rigged out the old, the which they furnished with Soldiers proportionably. When as Asdrubal General of the Carthaginians, knowing well the fear of the Romans, had been advertised by the Fugitives, that one of the Consuls was returned unto Rome with half the Army, and Cecilius remained alone at Palermo with the other, he parts from Lylibeum (when as Harvest approached) with his Army to spoil, and falls upon the Territory of Palermo, planting his Camp upon the Mountains. Cecilius having news of their coming, and knowing that Asdrubal desired nothing but a battle, kept his Army within the Town.  
By this means Asdrubal growing very confident, conceiving that Cecilius kept himself close for fear, he causeth his Army to March to Palermo, having ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries. The Consul was always of opinion not to go to field, until that his enemy was drawn to pass the River, which runs near unto the Town Walls. But when he saw that the Camp and the Elephants approached, 
The policy of Cecilius to defeat the Elephants.  he caused a ●ally to be made by the nimblest and most active men of his Army, commanding them to skirmish with the enemy, until their whole Camps should be forced to come to the combats. And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired, he ordains the lightest and most active, to plant themselves beyond the Town ditch, giving them charge to cast Pertuisans, Darts, and Spits a far off at the Elephants: And if they came running upon them with fury and violence, they should slip into the Ditch, and from thence cast their Darts at them. He also commanded the Archers of the Marker place, to go out of the Town, and to fight at the foot of the wall. In the mean time, he issued forth with all the Ensigns, by another side of the Town right against the enemies left Wing, and sent many to those which fought with Darts.  
Presently after the skirmish began, the Master of the Elephants, who with a desire of glory would have the honour of the Victory, incensed them against the enemies, not attending Hasdrubals pleasure. The Romans observing the Consul's commandment, turned head presently; and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury, they slipped into the Ditch, the Elephants being upon the side of it, they were suddenly charged with Darts and Pertuisans, aswell by the Townsmen which were upon the Walls, as from the Soldiers which lay in the Ditch. And when as they could pass no further, they turned head, being necessarily forced to fall upon their own battalions with great slaughter.  
In the mean time Cecilius goes suddenly to field, having his whole Army entire and in good order, by another gate, and chargeth his enemies furiously, 
A defeat of the Carthaginians, by the Romans.  who being already broken by the Elephants, and charged again by the Consul's Troops, were easily defeated. A part of them were slain, the rest saved themselves by flight: There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Masters; 〈…〉 after the battle, their Governors' being cast down. This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius, as the Man who by the report of all the whole World, had been the cause that the Romans after that time resuming courage camped in the Plains. When the Romans had news of this Victory, it is not credible the joy which they conceived, not so much for the taking of the Elephants, whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased, as for that their men seemed to be grown● more hardy in the War, 
An Army at Sea prepared by the Romans.  for that they had conquered them. Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea, as they had formerly resolved, and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessels, desiring to make an end of that War: Whither they passed having made provision of Victuals, and other things necessary. This was the foureteeneth year since the beginning of the War.  
The Consuls being arrived, and receiving the Bands of Soldiers that were there, they go and lay siege to Lylibeum, hoping after the taking thereof, they might easily transport the War into Africa: But the Carthaginians moved with the like considerations, resolved by all means to keep it, knowing well that after the loss of Lylibeum, they had nothing else remaining in Sicily. The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Island, except Trepanum. But to the end that what we speak of Sicily, may not seem obscure to some one, by reason of the ignorance of places, we will deliver the Situation in few words.  
All Sicily hath its Situation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof, 
The Situation of the Island of Sicily.  like unto Morea in respect of Greece, and its bounds. It is true, ●here is some difference, for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy. Whereas Morea is joined unto Greece, by a little slip of Land, for they may go on dry foot from Morea unto Greece, and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping. Sicily is of a Triangular form, 
Three principal promontoties in Sicily.  and so many Angles as it hath, so many Capes or Promontories there are upon the Sea shore. Among the which, that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beat is called Pachinus, and looks towards the South: that which tends towards the North, where the Sea doth end, and is not above a mile and a half from Italy, is called Pelorus. The third which hath his Aspect towards Africa, and towards the Winterly West; and which is right against Carthage, from the which unto the Afric shore, there is not above one hundred twenty and seven miles, is called Lylibeum, dividing the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily. There is a Town on this Cape, which carries the same name, the which the Romans besieged at that time: The which is strong with Walls and Ditches, and moreover with Marshes and Pools, by the which lies the passage for ships into the Port; but the entry is difficult, and not accessible but by expert Mariners.  
The Romans then to besiege it throughly, made round about it Trenches, Rampires, and Bastions, one near unto another. Finally, they set up their Engines of War; neither did they omit any thing that was necessary to force a Town. 
Many Towers ruined by their Engines.  At their first beginning they battered a Tower, which was scrared upon the Sea shore, looking towards Africa, adding daily new Engines and planting them in order. Finally, they overthrew at the same time six other Towers near unto it, by the shaking of great Beams, armed with iron at the end, like unto a Ramshead. Wherefore as this siege was troublesome and dangerous, and that some Towers were much indammaged, and others overthrown by the Violence of the Engines, and the Town continually battered, the besieged began to faint, and to grow fearful and amazed. They were ten thousand Soldiers besides the inhabitants of the Town. Yet Imilcon, who had the guard thereof, maintained this siege against the Romans by his Council and great courage: 
Imilcon.  Wheresoever the Romans made any breach in the Walls, he repaired it within; and if the enemy did Mine, he prevented them by countermines. By this means he still defeated their interprises. Sometimes he also made sallies, hindering them much in all their attempts, and trying if he could to fire their Engines of battery. Many times he gave Alarms, both by day and night, so as there was a greater slaughter and loss of men by this kind of encounters, than many times in their set Battles.  
At that time some Commanders of mercenary Soldiers, 
A Conspiracy by mercenary Soldiers saruing under the Carthaginians.  conspired to yield the Town unto the Romans; who being confident of the consent of their Companions slipped down the Wall in the night, and goes unto the Camp, discovering their charge unto the Consul: At what time there was likewise a Grecian in Lylibeum called Alexon, 
Alexon.  who had sometimes saved the Town of Agragas from Treason, when as the Saragossins' held it.  
This man after that he had understood the enterprise of the Treason, revealed it unto ●milcon: who caused all the Captains to be presently called, except such as had slipped down the Wall, and declared unto them what he had understood of the Treason, entreating them they would not so ignominiously deliver him and the Town unto their Enemies. Moreover he made them great promises, if they would keep their faith: And when they had all consented to that which he propounded, he presently sent Hannibal with them to pacify a Troop of Gauls. This was the Son of that other Hannibal, who (as we have said) was hanged upon a Cross in Sardinia, after he had made that loss of the Army at Sea. He hoped well that he would be pleasing unto them, for that had been at the War with them under his Father's command. He likewise sent Alexon to other bands of strangers, for that they had great confidence in him. Presently after he had assembled the Companions, he prevailed so by prayers and promises, as all generally kept their Faith and Friendship with the Carthaginians. Wherefore as soon as the Chief of the Treason were returned, and ready to speak unto them, and to relate what they had treated with the Romans, they not only denied to consent unto them, but they disdained to hear them, driving them from the Walls with Darts and Stones.  
Thus the Carthaginians being in a great and manifest danger of Treason, had like to have fallen into their Enemy's 〈◊〉 But Alexon (who formerly for to keep his Faith with them of Agragas, had not only preserved the Town, but the Country likewise, their Laws, and liberty) was the cause at this time (in the opinion of all the world) that the Carthaginians were not defeated. 
The foresight of the Carthaginians.  And although they of Carthage could not be advertised of the affairs of Lylibeum, yet doubting the necessity's which they might fall into during a long Siege, they armed fifty ships with ten thousand men: whereof Hannibal the Son of A●ilcar, 
Hannibal son of Amilcar, Captain of 50 ships with 10000 me●▪  who formerly was Captnine of the Triremes, and a great friend to Atarbe, had the leading▪ to whom they gave charge in few words to do what possible he might, to enter into Lylibeum, and to suceour the besieged. Hannibal then with these ten thousand Soldiers, arrives first at the Islands of Eguse, which are midway betwixt Carthage and Lylib●um, and there attends the Wind: After which setting sail, he bent his course directly to the Haven of Lylibeum, having his men all in battle and ready to fight.  
The Consuls amazed at this sudden approach of the Enemy, doubted that if they attempted to fight with them, the violence of the wind would likewise drive them into the Port. Wherefore they resolved not to stop their entry. It is true that they prepared themselves upon the shore, and sought to terrify them at their entry. In the mean time all the troops within the City, seeing succours come, resumed courage, le●ping for hope and joy, and giving courage by signs and shours to their Succours. Hannibal with incredible courage, sails wonderful swiftly and enters the Port, the which no man would have imagined, and puts his Army safe into Lylibeum. It is incredible the joy which they within the Town conceived, after their succours were entered, not so much for the refreshing of men, but for that the Romans durst not hinder the entry of the ships.  
But Imilcon Commander of the Carthaginians, seeing that the Soldiers demanded nothing but to fight, aswell the old Garrison, in regard of their supplies, but the new succours, for that they had not felt the former miseries; he would not lose this opportunity, resolving to set fire on the Romans Engines by what means soever. Wherefore when he had drawn them altogether, he made a speech unto them, promising good rewards to such as should show themselves brave Men: And assured them that the Carthaginians would acknowledge it. The Soldiers moved with these speeches, told them that they were ready to do their duties. Moreover they cried out with a loud voice, entreating him that without any further stay he would lead them to fight. Imilcon commending their courage, sent them to refresh themselves, and gave them charge to be ready, and to perform that which their Captains should command them: Whom presently after he draws a part, and acquaints them with his interprize; then he appoints unto every one his Quarter and place, commanding them that every one should retire speedily in the beginning of the night, the which they performed.  
At the break of day Imilcon made his sallies in many places, and fell upon the Engines. The Romans who doubted the enemy's design, were not negligent, but were all in Arms keeping a good Guard. Wherefore as soon as the Carthaginians began their sally, they marched against them, so as the Alarm was great near unto the walls. The Carthaginians were about twenty thousand men, and the Romans many more. And for that the combat was without any order of battle, the danger was the greater: For in so great a multitude of Soldiers, they did fight Man to Man, as if it had been a single combat. It is true, that the heat of the fight, and the greatest Alarm was near unto the Engines. Believe that they which were appointed, aswel by the Carthaginians to assail, as by the Romans for defence, cam● to so great and cruel a combat, as they died with incredible Resolutions, never abandoning the place which they had been ordained them. But they which were mingled in fight, cast themselves upon the Romans with such great courage, assailing the Engines with fires, Darts, and such like Arms, as the Romans that day, seeing themselves not able to resist the enemy's interprize, thought in a manner all to be utterly lost.  
When as the combat had continued long, Imilcon seeing the great loss of his men, and that he could not prevail, he caused a Retreat to be sounded. And although the Romans were that day in great danger to lose all their equipage for battery, yet in the end they defended their Engines, and all their furniture, resisting the enemies with incredible valour.  
After these actions, Hannibal parting in the Night from Lylibeum, unknown to the Enemy, with all the ships which he had brought with him, he sailed to Tripanum to Adherball, who was General of the Carthaginians, for that they had always a great care to keep it, in regard of the opportunity of the place, and the beauty of the Port: It is but fifteen miles from Lylibeum. A●d although that in the mean time the Carthaginians were very desirous to hear news of the affairs of Lylibcum, yet it was not possible, for that the Town after Hanibals departure was kept so short, 
H●●iball a Rh●dieu.  as no man could enter or come forth.  
At that time a Rhodien named Hannibal, an able Man, seeing the great desire of the Carthaginians, promised them to enter into Lylibeum, maugre all the World, and to bring them certain news of their estate. But although the Carthaginians were glad to hear him, yet they held it impossible, for that the Romans Army at Sea was in a manner within the Port. Yet the Rhodien●ssures ●ssures them, and parts with his ship: And being arrived at an● Island near unto Lylibeum, three days after having the Wind in Poope, 
The great resolution of the Rhodian,  he sailed directly thither at noon day, and in the sight of the Enemy, (striving by all means to hinder him) he entered, performing that which he had undertaken.  
One of the Consuls wondering much at the great courage of this man, drew by night to the entry of the Port ten of their best Sayle●s to surprise him in his return: with the which he himself kept watch upon the departure of the Rhodien, and gave 〈◊〉 to the whole At, my to do the like.  
The ships which were at the entry of the Port of either side the Marshes, attended with their Oars ready the return of the Rhodien ship, thinking that he could not avoid it, but would be invested: But the Rhodien relying much upon his courage, and the swiftness of his Vessel, passed through the Enemy's ships being thus prepared, 
〈…〉  not in the n●ght, nor by stealth, but in two open day: and not contenting himself to be thus escaped safe with his Men, seeing himself a little out of the press, he turned the Prow of his Vessel, calling them to fight, yet no man durst assail him, in regard of the swiftness of his V●ssell.  
Finally, he returned to Carthage, having triumphed over the Enemies with one Vessel, and related all the news unto the Senate. The which he hath performed since many times, doing great service by this means to the Carthaginians, in advertising them of what was necessary, and bringing hope and comfort to the besieged, with an amazement to the Romans of so great boldness, wherein he was animated, for that a little before the rout that was made unto him by dilligens experience: But suddenly when he was discovered, he turned his Prow directly to the Tower which stands upon the Sea towards Italy; so as they which look to Lybia were in sight to all Men: which was the only means whereby Sailors might with a good wind recover the Port. Many moved with the undaunted 〈◊〉 of this Rhodien, and knowing the places presumed to do the like.  
The Romans discontented with this great affronted and scorn, used all diligence to fill up the entry of the Port, for the effecting whereof they filled many Merchant's ships with ●and, and sunk them: Then they cast great store of earth upon them, yet they lost their labour and time, for the great depth swallowed all; and the ebbing and flowing of the Sea dispersed whatsoever they cast in. Finally, there was some part, which by chance had made a Bar or Bank, where suddenly a Carthaginian Quadrireme sent in the Night was stayed: After the taking whereof, being well armed and furnished in the Port, the Romans attended the coming of others, especially of the Rhodien Vessel. By chance he arrived with the accustomed celerity: But at his return, the Quadrireme pursuing him, began to press him near. The Rhodien at the first sight wondered at the lightness of the Vessel: But having well viewed it, he knew that the Carthaginian Quadrireme had been taken by the Romans. Wherefore having no more hope in flight, he resolved to sight.  
But when they came to join, the Romans had the advantage, aswell by reason of the multitude of their ships, 
Th● Rhodi●● taken with his ship.  as the bounty of their men. Wherefore the ship was easily taken with the Rhodien. After which prize the Romans joined it to the Quadrireme, and kept them continually armed and ready in the Port: By which means they took from them all easy entrance into Lylibeum. In the mean time they battered the Town violently, and the Walls were overthrown in diverse places with their Engines. But Imilcon built a new Wall where as the old had been overthrown, having no more hope in his Sallies, nor be able to set fire on the Engines. And as they had continued some time in this manner, there did suddenly rise so great a storm, as all the Engines and Instruments were shaken by the vehemency of the Wind: so as the upper story of some Towers were overthrown to the ground.  
Some Grecian Soldiers among the besieged, 
A Sally of the Carthaginians upon the Romans Engines of Battery.  holding this very commodious for the burning of the Engines, discover their Opinion to the Governor, who finds this conceit good, and after that he had made provision of things necessary, he suddenly makes a Sally, and casts fire in three places upon the Engines. The which when the Soldiers had done suddenly, the fire by reason of the violence of the Wind ●ooke easily, and consumed them speedily, for that they were dry, and had been long burnt in the Sun Neither was it possible to prevent it by the hand of Man, for the violence of the Wind. In truth they were so amazed at this new accident, as they had not judgement to see and confider what they had to do, so as striving to succour their Engines, some fell, being overthrown with great Firebrands falling from above, or blinded with smoke. And the more the Romans found themselves crossed and troubled for the reasons above mentioned, the more beneficial and fortunate it was for the Carthaginians: For they might easily discover the Enemies and all the Engines, and if they they cast any thing against the Romans or their Engines, the Wind drove it with great violence, and made the blow more forcible. Finally, the fire was so great, as the foundation whereon the Towers were set, were burnt, and the Heads of the Rams consumed.  
The Consuls after this had no more care to repair their Engines, resolving to carry the Town by a long siege, in causing a great Trench with a Rampi●r to be cast up round about it, and there Camp, with a resolution not to raise the Siege before they had taken it. When as they of Lylibeum had rampired all places necessary, they endured the Siege with great courage. But after the Romans had received news of this Disaster, the Senate caused ten thousand men to be raised, which they sent into Sicily to refresh their Army, for that many had died at this siege, and their Army at Sea was bare of Men: These failed first unto the Port, than they marched by Land unto the Camp before Lylibeum.  
Appius Claudius being now Consuil, 
An enterprise of the Romans upon Tripan●m  and chief of the Army, and the other Consuls upon their return to Rome, seeing the Succours also arrived, assembled the Captains, and let them know that in his Opinion it was time to sail to Tripanum with all their forces by Sea, to surprise Adherball, the General of the Carthaginians nothing doubting of the Succours which were newly arrived into Sicily, and would never conceive that the Roman Army would put to Sea after so great a loss of men, during the siege of Lylibeum. When as this advice was approved by the Captains, he made choice of some out of the old and new Bands, and furnished all his ships with the ablest men in the whole Army, who embarked most willingly, for that the Voyage was short, and the promises great. Being then ready, they parted at midnight unknown to the Enemy, and sailed directly unto Tripanum.  
But at the break of day, being near the Town, and they discovering that they were Roman ships, Adherball recovered his spirits, and assured himself, although tha● at the first he was amazed at their sudden arrival, resolving to try the fortune of the fight, and to undergo the hazard rather than to be besieged shamefully in the Port. Wherefore he presently caused their Oars to embark, and caused the Trumpet to round, to draw the Soldiers together, showing them in few words, according to the necessity of the time, that if they did their duties, there was hope of Victory: But if they refused to fight, he laid them before the miseries of men besieged. And when as the Soldiers made show of resolution, crying o●t that he should make no stay to march against the Enemy, than Adherball commending their forwardness, causeth them all to embark, giving them charge to have an eye unto his ship, and that they should follow with courage. Presently after he parts first our of the Port, as he had said, on the contrary side to the Romans.  
But the Consul seeing the Enemies contrary to his hope, not to abandon the place, nor ready to fly, but seeking the Combat with great heat, he called back his ships, whereof some were already in the Port, others at the entry, following them near. And when as the first turned head, according to the Consul's command, and that the rest which followed far off made haste to enter into the Port, they fell foul one upon another at the entry, and at the coming forth, so as the Romans were in danger to have lost all. Finally after the Vessels had recovered the open Sea, the Captains Ranked themselves along the shore one after another, turning their Prow to the enemy. But the Consul who from the beginning had always followed the Army, made the left Wing, casting himself into the open Sea.  
In the mean time, Adherball having gotten above the left Wing of the Romans with five Vessels, and turning the Prow to the enemy, he fortified himself by the Sea, commanding other four which followed him to do the like. When they were thus in Front against the enemy, he gives them a sign to charge the Romans, whose ships (as we have said) were Ranked along the shore. It is true they had done it, to the end that the enemy's Vessels which should part out of the Port, 
A Combat at Sea betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.  might be encountered with more ease. The battle was long and furious, so as the danger seemed equal; without doubt they were the choice men of both the Armies at Land. Yet the Carthaginians had always the better, for that their Vessels were lighter, their men more expert in Rowing, and moreover they were in the open Sea, where they might turn up and down at their pleasure. If any one were near pressed by the Enemy, he knew how to sau● himself suddenly, by the lightness of his ship▪ And if the Enemies pursued him, many others turning presently together, compassed and hemmed them in by their lightness.  
By this means they spoiled them much, and sometimes sunk them. And if any one of their companions were in danger, they relieved him easily without peril, sailing in the open Sea. chose the shore near unto the Romans did annoy them much; for being forced in a straight, they could not Retire in necessity, nor defend themselves, nor succour them that were pressed, nor pass beyond the Enemies to charge them again. Which is a m●st requisite thing in fight at Sea. For that they were closed up in a straight, and their Vessels were heavy, and their Mariners unskilful in Sea causes, nor well practised to Rowe. The Consul seeing that all went from ●ad to worse, some of his ships being broken upon the shore, 
A Victory at Sea by Adher●al against the Romans.  others sunk, and finally being void of all hope, he flies away first. There were about thirty Vessels remaining of the whole Army, which by chance were near him, and followed him; all the rest to the number of fourscore and thirteen were taken by the Carthaginians. Moreover all the ●ands of men were taken, except those which 〈◊〉 by the Wrack.  
Adherball was in wonderful great esteem among the Carthaginians for this Victory, having well managed the Affairs by his only Wisdom and great Courage. Whereas on the other side, Appi●s Claudius was infamous, and endured a thousand injuries by the Roman people, for that he had carried himself so indiscreetly, and had drawn the Roman Commonwealth into so great danger. Finally, being Deposed from the Consulship, 
Appi●s Cl●udius deposed from the Consulship, and condemne● to dye.  he died by the hand of justice with great ignomy and shame.  
And although the Romans were very sensible of this great Defeat; yet like Men of great Courage and Resolution, they suddenly prepare a Fleet at Sea with a new Levy of Men, 
Lucius junius.  and send Lucius junius the Consul into Sicily; to whom they give charge to Relieve the Camp before Lylibeum, and to carry them Victuals and other necessary Munitions. He sailed directly to Messina with threescore Galleys, and there draws together all the Vessels with Beake-heads in Sicily out of Lylibeum, and makes a Fleet of sixscore Men of War, besides the Merchants, and those which he had to carry the Victuals, to the number of eight hundred, of which he gave in a manner the one half to the Questor, with some that had Beake-heads, to conduct the Victuals unto the Campe. In the mean time he stayed at Sarragosse, expecting the rest of the ships which came after him from Messina, and the Corn which the Allies of the inland Country did furnish. At the same time Adherbal sent the Prisoners and ships which he had taken at the battle to Carthage. Then he dispatched Captain Carth●l● with thirty Vessels, to go and find the enemy, whom he followed near with threescore and ten others.  
Moreover he gave charge to Carthalon, to take what ships he could whole from the Enemy, and to burn the rest. 
The Romans surprised by Carthalon.  When as Carthalon (using diligence to sail all night) had surprised the Roman Fleet suddenly, which was retired into the Port of Lylibeum, and had burnt some, and taken others, he drew the Romans into great danger; for when as they which kept a Guard about the ships made great cries, and gave an Alarm, Imilcon hearing the noise, and seeing theirs coming at the break of day, he presently made a sally upon the Enemy. By this means the Roman Army being environed on all sides, was in great danger.  
After that Carthalon had taken and burnt some Roman ships, he went to Heracleum, to cut off the Victuals which came from thence to the Campe. And as he made the Voyage, some Discoverers bring him news that they had seen a great multitude of ships. After which reives, Cartha●o without making any show; (for that he did not much esteem the Romans in regard of the former Victories) makes haste to mere them. The Romans were likewise advertised that the Carthaginian Army approached But for that they did not hold themselves able to encounter them at Sea, they cast themselves by Fortune upon the ●●erestshore, where there were some retreats and turnings: Over the which did hang some Rocks, whether the Romans retiring, they repulsed the Enemy's ships with stones and slings: And although at the first the Carthaginians were resolved to keep them besieged until they had taken them. Yet seeing that the place by Nature defended them, and that Romans, resistance was greater than they expected, they sailed in the end (after they had taken some Merchant's vessels) to a River which lay near unto them, to observe the parting of the Romans. In the mean time the Consul having dispatched the Affairs for the which he stayed at Sarragosse, he passed the Cape of Pachinus to come unto Lylibeum, having no advertisement of that which had happened unto his men some days before.  
The Carthaginian Captain having news by his Scouts of the Consuls coming, used all diligence to encounter him far from the other ships. But when as Lucius junius saw the enemy's Army a far off, he was amazed at the great number, so as he durst not fight; neither could he well fly being so near unto them. Wherefore Retiring by dangerous and difficult places, he stayed in the first Port, resolving rather to endure all extremities, then to suffer the Roman Army to fall into the enemy's hands. The which Carthalon Commander of the Carthaginians perceiving, he made no more pursuit, but retired into a Port betwixt the two Roman Armies, hoping by this means to keep both Armies from parting. Some few days after there rose a great storm; the which the Carthaginians perceiving, as Men which had great experience in Sea matters, and knowledge of the places where they were, 
The Romans Fleet broken at Sea by the Violence of a storm.  informed Carthalon that in passing speedily beyond the Cape of Pachinum, he should avoid the violence of the storm: whereby they preserved all his Fleet. But the Romans were so beaten with the storm, for that the places where they were had no Ports, that their ships were broken in such sort, that there remained not any thing, whereof they could afterwards make use. By the means of these misfortunes at Sea, the Carthaginians were afterwards the stronger.  
The Romans having lately made so great a loss at Tripanum, and now again having lost all their Equipage abandoned the Sea, relying only upon the Land. The Carthaginians on the other side were Masters without contradiction: neither were they without hope at Land. And therefore the Lords of the Senate, and they which were at the siege at Lylibeum, were of advice to continue the siege, although they had been affllicted with the former misfortunes. By this means the Romans sent to the Camp at Lylibeum whatsoever they thought necessary, and they of the Camp used all possible means to continue the siege. Lucius junius after this great shipwracks arrived at Lylibeum much discontented, studding continually how he might perform some Act, whereby he might in some sort Repair his disgrace for the last loss. 
Mount Erix.  Wherefore soon after he took by Treason without any great occasion Mount Erix, the Temple of Venus and the Town. Erix is a Mountain of Sicily, which hath his Aspect upon the Sea towards Italy, betwixt Trypanum and Palerm●, but nearest to Palerm●. It is the greatest in all Sicily, 
Mount Aetna.  but Aetna. It● hath a plain upon the top, where stands the Temple of Venus Ericina, the which (by the Report of all the World) is the richest and most beautiful of all Sicily. A little under the top of the Hill, there is a Town of the same name, which is very long, and hath the ac●esses very uneasy and difficult on all sides.  
The Consul set a Garrison upon the top of the Mountain, and at the foot upon the approaches from Trypanum, thinking by this means that he should be able to keep the Town and all the Mountain safely. After the taking of Erix, the Carthaginians made Amilcar, surnamed Barca Captain General of their Army at Sea. This man falling upon Italy with his Army spoilt all the coast (it was then the eighteenth year since the beginning of the War) and from thence (after that he 
Amilcar spoils the Coasts of Italy.  made great spoils in the Countries of the Locrines, and Calabria) he returned into the Territory of Palermo with his whole Army, where he planted himself in a Place betwixt Rhegium and Palermo, the which lay high above the Sea, and was fortified by nature, and safe for his Campe.  
It is a Mountain environed with caves and holes, upon the which there is a plain not less than twelve miles in compass, the which is commodious and fit for labour. It hath moreover all the Sea Winds, and is not infected with any venomous Beast. Moreover it is environed both by Sea and Land with inaccessible Rocks, in regard of the places which are betwixt both there is no great need of buildings. It hath on the top a little Hill which serves for a Watch and Fortress; it hath likewise a very pleasant and commodious Port, for such as pass from Trypanum or Lylibcum into Italy; and it hath store of Water. There are but three ways to go unto this Mount, which are difficult and uneasy, two upon the firm Land, and the third towards the Sea. Amilcar Planted his Camp there, where there was no convenient Town, 
Amilcar.  but was lodged among his enemies, whom he did not suffer to live in rest: For many times he went to Sea, and spoiled the coast of Italy unto Cumes, and then he led his Army by Land unto Palermo. and besieged it within eight hundred Furlongs of the Romans Camp: where he stayed near three years, performing many brave Acts which were difficult to relate in particular. For even as when excellent Combatants re-doubling their blows with dexterity and force, the prize of the Victory being propounded, it is neither possible for them, nor for the standers by, to yield a reason of every charge and blow, taking in general a sufficient knowledge of their Valour, aswell by the Prowess of the Men, as by their mutual endeavours, and by their Experience and Virtue; we must conceive the like of the Commanders of whom we now speak.  
For if any one will Write the causes, or manner how they lay Ambushes, and entertain skirmishes and encounters, he should not be able to number them, and would cause a great trouble without any profit to the Reader; where we may better attain to the knowledge of things past, by a general narration and by the end of the War. They likewise cannot perceive in this present War, any thing by the History of the great policies, nor by the time, nor by the feeling of the present case by things done, which have been decided with an overweening and violent boldness. There are many causes, for the which they could not discern betwixt the two Camps; for the Armies were equal and their Forts not easy to be approached unto, for that the space betwixt both was very strong and little; so as there daily happened particular combats. Finally they performed nothing which concerned the end of the War: For many times in encounters some were slain, and others turning away, and escaping the danger assured themselves, and fought again, where Fortune remaining like a good Distributer, changing them from Front to Front, hath enclosed them in a narrower compass, and a more dangerous fight in regard of the place and precedent Combat.  
Whilst the Romans (as we have said) kept the top and foot of the Mountain of Erix, Amilcar surprised the Town, which was betwixt the top of the Hill, 
The Town of Erix taken from the Romans by Amilcar.  and the foot of it, where the Roman garrison lay. By this means the Romans which held the top, were besieged by the Carthaginians, with great danger: The Carthaginians likewise were no less in the Town, seeing they were besieged from the top of the Mountain, and from the foot, and having but one way, they could hardly draw unto them that which was necessary. Thus either Party persisted one against another with extreme obstinacy: Suffering great extremities and running into great dangers. Finally, they purchased a sacred Crown, not as Fabius saith, as Men weakened and tired, but constant and not vanquished: For before that one party overcame the other, although the War continued two years, yet began to have an end by another means. Finally the Affairs of Erix, and the forces were in this estate.  
You may imagine that these two Commonweals, 
A good Comparison.  did like unto Ravening Birds fight among themselves unto the last gasp: For although that sometimes their flight failed them for want of breath, yet they repulse the assaults with great courage, until that hiding themselves willingly, they fled away easily; this done some take their flight before the rest. In like manner the Romans and the Carthaginians tired with toil, grew cold in their continual combats, abating their forces for the ordinary charges. And although the Romans had abandoned the combats at Sea, almost for fifteen years, aswell for their misfortunes, as for that they did hope to make an end of this War by the Army at Land; yet seeing their design not successful, considering likewise the courage of Amilcar, they conceived a third hope in their Forces at Sea. They advised well, that if their design were successful, it would be a means to make an end of their Affairs, the which in the end they effected.  
First, they left the Sea yielding unto their misfortunes: And for the second time, for that they had been vanquished near unto Trypanum, and finally at the third time, they were of another humour, by the which being Victors, they cut off the Victuals from Erix, and made an end of the War. This attempt for the most part was like a Combat of great courage; for the public Treasure unable to furnish this charge: But the Citizens contributing every Man unto his power, many together built a Quinquereme, supplying the necessary expenses; so much the people's hearts were inflamed to Arms, and to augment the Roman Empire. By this means they made a preparation of two hundred Quinqueremes, after the pattern of the Rhodien, the which as we have said had been taken before Lylibeum: Wherefore they afterwards gave the command unto Lucius Luctatius Consul, and sent him in the Spring against the Carthaginians, 
The port of Trepanum taken by Lu●atius, Commander o● the Roman Army.  who being suddenly arrived in Sicily with his Army, took the Port of Trepanum at his entry, and all the rest which were about Lylibeum.  
In the mean time all the Carthaginians ships retired to their Captain. Afterwards he endeavoured to take Trepanum with his Engines, and other things necessary to force a Town: But for that the Carthaginians Army at Sea was not far off, they had a remembrance of things past, and of what importance the knowledge of the Sea was, he was not idle nor negligent, causing his Rowers and Mariners to be continually kept in practice, not suffering any one to be idle. By this means the Soldiers in a short time were enured to the Sea. The Carthaginians contrary to their hope, having news of the Roman Army at Sea, presently prepared their ships, 
An Army at Sea prepared by the Carthaginians.  and rraighted them with Corn & other Munition, to the end the besieged within the Town of Erix should not have any want of things necessary. Hanno had the charge of this Army, who past first to the Island of Hieronesus, 
Hanno.  and from thence he made haste to sail above the Enemy to Hamilcar's Camp, to discharge his ships, and to victual it. But Luctatius being advertised of their coming, and doubting of their enterprise, (for it was not hard to conjecture) made choice of the ablest men of the Army at Land, and failed directly to the Island of Eguse, which is not far from Lylibeum. Then having given courage to the Soldiers, he makes a Proclamation that every man should be ready the next day to fight.  
Three days after the Consul seeing at the break of day that the wind was good and prosperous for the Enemy, and contrary to his Army; and that the Sea was much troubled with a storm, he was long in suspense what he should do: but suddenly he resolved, that if his men came to fight during the storm, he should have nothing to do but with Hanno and his Army at Sea, and with ships that were laden and encumbered: But if he should delay the fight until the Sea were calm, he should have to deal with ships that were light and very swift, and with the choice of the Land soldiers: and moreover with the courage of Amilcar, who was then held to be very terrible. Finally, he resolved to fight with the Enemy notwithstanding the storm and the contrary Wind. The Carthaginians coming with full sail, 
A fight at Sea betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians.  he put himself before them with his Army ready and in battle. When the Carthaginians saw their course to be hindered by the Enemy, and their ships in battle, they struck sail, and prepared to fight, where they charged of either side with great courage: But for that things were managed in another manner, than when they were defeated at the battle of Trepanum, it was no wonder if that their Affairs had another success.  
In regard of the Romans, their ships were very light, and free from all encumbrance, but of that which was necessary for the War. Their Rowers had been long practised, and were therefore eager and ready to fight. They had also made choice of the best men in their Army at Land: the which fell out contrary with the Carthaginians. Their ships were laden, and therefore unfit to fight: Their Rowers and Mariners were men gathered together by chance, and not accustomed to the War: their Soldiers were also new, and had not seen any thing: for they had no more care for the affairs at Sea, imagining that the Romans would not attempt any thing more at Sea. And therefore as soon as the Battle began, the Romans had the Victory; 
A Victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians.  whereas fifty of the Carthaginians ships were broken or sunk, and three score and ten others that were laden, taken. The rest set sail and got the Wind, and recovered Hieronese with incredible swiftness, by a sudden change of the Wind. After the Battle the Consul retired to Lylibeum with his whole Army, whereas the booty and Prisoners were divided amongst the Soldiers: For besides the dead, there were above ten thousand men taken.  
The Carthaginians amazed at this heavy and great defeat, found themselves troubled for many reasons, although their minds were always inclined to Wars. First they had no means to victual those that were in Sicily, after the defeat of their Army at Sea: Considering that their Enemies were Masters of all the Sea. Moreover they imagined that it would be a Traitorous act to suffer their General and the Soldiers which had served their Commonwealth to be lost. In regard of continuing the War, they had neither Men nor Captains to manage it: wherefore they sent a Man to Amilcar, and gave him full power and Authority to do what he should think fitting for the good of the Commonweal. Amilcar performed the duty of a good and wise Captain: For whilst there was any hope in the Carthaginians affairs, he never complained of his pains, nor avoided peril, but being a man of great industry and courage, he thrust himself continually into all dangers, to vanquish aswell as any of the other Captains. But when as he saw there was no more hope in the Carthaginians affairs, he sent Ambassadors to the Consul, to treat upon an accord, yielding wisely and discreetly unto the time: For we must know that the duty of a good Captain consists aswell in considering of the time, not only to vanquish, but also to strike sail. Whereunto Luctatius did willingly give care, knowing well the necessities which the people of Rome endured by this tedious War, Finally, a peace was thus concluded: that the Romans and Carthaginians should line in amity and friendship, if the people of Rome would consent unto it: And that the Carthaginians should leave all Sicily: Neither should they hereafter make War against Hieron, nor against the Saragossins', or their Allies, and that they should restore all the Prisoners without ransom: And moreover they should pay thirteen hundred and twenty thousand Crowns within twenty years.  
These Articles were sent to Rome, which the people notwithstanding would not yield unto: but committed ten men with power from them who were sent into Sicily: Being arrived, they altered nothing of the treaty of peace, but the time of payment, which they shortened, augmenting the sum with 600000. Crowns more. Moreover they did articulate, that they should not only dislodge out of Sicily, but also out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy.  
Behold the end of the first War betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians for Sicily. It continued four and twenty whole years, and hath been the longest and the greatest that was ever heard spoken of. During the which (I omit other things worthy of memory) they have fought at one instant with above five hundred Quinqueremes on both sides: Afterwards with not much less than seven hundred. The Romans have lost seven hundred Quinqueremes, besides those which at sundry times the torments have sunk, and the Carthaginians about five hundred. Wherefore they which formerly have admired Armies aswell by Land as Sea, and the Combats at Sea of Antigonus, Ptolomey, and Demetrius, have reason to cease, considering the great deeds of the Romans and Carthaginians. But if they will consider how great a difference there is betwixt the Quinqueremes and Triremes, whereof the Persians made use against the Grecians, and which the Athenians and Lacedæmonians used in their War, they shall undoubtedly see, that there was never seen such great forces fight at Sea, wherefore that appears plainly which we have propounded in the beginning, that the Romans have not only endeavoured to conquer the universal Empire by valour, but they have also accomplished their desire, not by good Fortune as some Grecians suppose, nor by chance, but by a wonderful experience and practice in such great affairs.  
Although that some may demand how it happeneth that the Romans, who are at this day far greater Lords both at Land and Sea, considering that they held in a manner the Empire of the whole world, cannot draw together so many Vessels, nor raise so great an Army at Sea at one instant. The reason will be easy, when they shall let them understand what the Roman Commonwealth was, what their Laws and their manner of living, although it will not be profitable neither for us nor for the Readers of our Works, to make mention of things which concern not our purpose. Without doubt the Reasons are great: the which notwithstanding in my Opinion no man hath known unto this day by the error of Historiographers: Whereof some knew not what they wrote, and if others understood them, they have made them obscure and unprofitable. If they would duly consider this War, they shall find that the courage and power of these two great Cities were equal. First their desire was alike, they had the same courage, and the like desire of glory. It is true, the Romans had the better Soldiers: But Amilcar General of the Carthaginians, surnamed Barca, Father to Hannibal, who afterwards made War against the Romans, 
Amilcar Father to Hannibal.  had not his equal in prudence and valour. When as the peace had been concluded, either of them fell in a manner into the like inconveniences: for Civil war followed after. The Romans had presently War against the Inhabitants of Mount- Flacon: the which was soon decided and their Town taken.  
But the Carthaginians being assailed at the same time by Strangers, Numid●ans, and other people of Africa, who revolted with ●hem, were in a manner quite ruined. Finally, they were forced to fight not only for the Province, but for themselves, for their liberty, for their Children, and for their own Country.  
This is a war which we will relate summarily and briefly, for it is worthy, as we have promised in the beginning. So they shall easily see by the deeds of these times what this war was, and of what fury, which they call i● reonciliable: And they may likewise observe to what th●ngs the Commander of an Army ought to have care, and to be wary how he imploies Mercenary men: And moreover what difference there is betwixt the confused manner of living of Barbarians, and those that are b●ed up under Discipline, Laws, and Policy: And wi●hall they may easily see by the knowledge of this war, the causes for the which Hannibal made war against the Romans, which is a principal point, whereof in opening the truth, we have not done little for those which desire to see our work. For that they have not only been doubtful and obscure to those which have written, but also to such as have been present. After that Amilcar had treated the peace with the Romans, he ●ed his Army from the Town of Erix to Lylibeum, and resigned his charge, giving the conduct thereof into Africa to Captain Gescon, who was at Lylibeum: 
Gescon.  who fearing that if so great a multitude of men, should pass together into Africa, there would grow some mutiniy and contenttion for that there was much due unto them for their pay, the which they could not satisfy for want of treasure: Wherefore he provided long before, that the troops should not pass altogether, but at diverse times, leaving some respite of purpose: to the end that they might with more ease provide, in sending them back by troops, and that the first might be reti●ed to their houses, before the second arrived. The Carthaginians had consumed their treasure, in their former charges, and did not send them back to their houses but commanded them to attend within the City until the return of their Companions, to the end they might make some accord with them altogether concerning their pay. 
Insolency of the Soldiers within ● Carth●●●.  But when as the Soldiers committed many Riots day and night within the City, and that the insolences of such a troop were insupportable, the Carthaginians called the Captains, and iurreated them to lead all this multitude assembled in their City to the Town of Sicca, until they had given order for their Provinces. Moreover they caused some money to be delivered to every one of them, to the end they might tolerate their expectance the more easily. The Captains obeying the will of the Carthaginians, drew forth their Men.  
But for that every man desired to leave his baggage within the City, as they had done, hoping to make a short return for their pay: the Carthaginians doubted that if they should allow that, some would not budge for the love of their children, others for their wives, and by this means they should be nothing bettered within the City. Wherefore in the end they forced them to depart with their baggage. Being within the Town of Sicca, they lived at pleasure in idleness and basely, which is a pernicious thing for an Army, and in a manner the only fountain and beginning of Mutinie●. Some began to demand their pay more audatiously than they had been accustomed, and much more, reducing to memory the promise of Presents, which the Captains had made unto them at need, when as they entreated them to fight valiantly. More over they expected much more than their Pay amounted unto: But they were frustrated of their hope: For as soon as they were all assembled in Sicca, Hanno, Praetor of the Carthaginians was sent unto them: Who bringing no presents unto them, entreated them moreover for some abatement of their Pay, showing them the poverty of the Treasure. They generally mutining at this speech, began to rise suddenly, 
Mutiny of the Soldiers.  so as there was a great tumult and sedition in the Army, considering the great diversity of their manner of living, and languages. It is true the Carthaginians had some reason to raise their Army out of diverse Nations: For by this means so diverse an assembly could not easily make a Conspiracy. Moreover the Captains better obeyed. And likewise if there did rise any mutiny or sedition in the Army, they should not find means to pacify them, for ignorant men are moved with fury. Believe me when they are once in choler, they increase it more and more, like bruit Beasts with an unrestraine cruelty. The which happened at that time in the Carthaginians Camp: For some were Spaniards, others Ganles, some Genevois, and others of the Islands of Maiorqua, and Minorqua.  
There was also a good Troop of Grecians, most of which were fugitives and slaves, and the greatest number were Africans. Wherefore it was not possible to draw them altogether at that time, although they could not have taken a better course. Moreover Hanno could not understand all their languages: and it seemed in a manner more impossible to employ many Interpreters at one time to draw the Army together, and withal to use the same speech unto them four or five times. The last remedy was to manage this by the Captains; the which Hanno attempting prevailed nothing: For some understood not what their Captain said unto them, others related it otherwise then they had spoken, although they had consented unto the cliefe, some did it of ignorance, but the greatest part through malice. Wherefore all was full of perplexity, inhumanity and distrust.  
Among other things they complained, 
The complaint of the Soldiers.  that the Carthaginians of purpose did not send one of the Captains under whose charge they had made War in Sicily, and who had made them so many promises; but one who had been in those actions. Finally, they run to Arms being all in a mutiny, making no account of Hanno, nor of the other Captains, and marched directly to Carthage, planting their Camp near unto the Town of Tunes, which is fifteen miles from Carthage, being above twenty thousand Men. Then the Carthaginians began to look one upon another, and to acknowledge their great error, when there was no redress in their affairs. In truth it was a great fault in them to have drawn together so great a multitude into one place after the War was ended. They committed another which was no less, when as they did not retain their Wife's Children and baggage, whereof they might have made use in necessity as of Hostages. Being in no small fear of so great a multitude of Men, they omitted nothing which they thought be hoovefull to pacify their Rage, causing Corn to be carried unto them, and all other things necessary, and to be delivered unto them at their own prize.  
Moreover the Senate sent Embassies often unto them, promising to do according to their command, so as it were in their power: But the Soldiers who are now grown more insolent, did ●orge daily new Quarrels, perceiving the fear of the Carthaginians, especially for that they had been trained up in the War of Sicily, and that the Carthaginians nor any other durst look upon them in order of battle Wherefore whereas formerly they had made their quarrel, but for the pay that was due, they now demanded Recompense for their Horses that were slain, and not content with that, they pretended there was Corn due unto them for many years, for the which they demanded payment at a prize, whereof until that day they had never heard them speak. Finally they daily pretended new quarrels to enter into War, for the most Wicked and Mutinous had the greatest credit in the Army.  
And when as the Carthaginians had made promise unto them, to do all things possible, in the end they agreed, that for any thing that should be doubtful, they should Refer themselves to that which the General should decree, under whom they had made War in Sicily. They did not much affect Amilcar Barca, under whose charge they had been, for that he came not to see them during this dissension, and that he had formerly Relinquished his command over them of his own motion: chose they all in general loved Gescon, who had been their Captain in Sicily, 
Or Ges●on.  and who had entreated them courteously aswell in all other things, as in their passage to Africa; wherefore he had the charge by a common consent. Presently being embarked with Money, and arriving at Tunes, he called the Captains: then he caused every nation to Assemble, and blamed them for their faults past, 
Gescon makes remonstrances to the Soldiers  and admonishing them for the present, and giving them advice by a long speech for the time to come, to continue good friends to the Carthaginians, who had entertained them so long. Finally he persuades them to Rest satisfied with their pay, the which he desired to divide among the Nations.  
There was by chance a Campanois in the Army called Spendius, who being lately a slave unto the Romans, had fled into Sicily: This was a bold and hardy Man, and a good Soldier: 
Spendius.  Who (fearing that if they agreed with the Carthaginians, he should be Restored to his Master, and then put to Death according to the Roman Laws) used Audacious speeches, and laboured by all means to mutiny them all, desiring troubles rather than any accord, and Wars than Peace. Moreover an Affricaine called Matho, 
Malbo.  a free Man who had been in the Wars of Sicily, for the Carthaginians, feared to be punished, for that he had much incensed the Munity, during the Dissension. This Matho joining with Spendius, draws together all the Affricaines', and Aduises them to consider well what they had to do in this Action, and that they should rest assured, that presently after the Retreat of the other Soldiers, having received their pay, the Carthaginians would be revenged wholly upon them, (labouring by this means to terrify all the Africans with punishment) and for this reason they should look well to themselves.  
The whole Troop being much moved with this speech, and likewise for that Gescon had only spoken of their bare pay, without any mention of Recompense for Horses dead, nor of Corn for so many years, they drew presently all together to consult of their Affairs. And when as Spendius and Matho used very bad speeches against Gescon and the Carthagintans, they easily gave ear unto them. And if any one sought to show the contrary, they had not the Patience to hear them, if it were contrary to the opinion of Spendius, but beat them down presently with stones. By this means the Murder was great, not only of Captains but of simple Soldiers, so as there was nothing heard in the Army during this Mutiny, but all cried out together, Charge, charge. And although they did this continually, yet their fury was greater, when they parted drunk from the Table. By this means as soon as any one cried Charge, the stones flew about, so as there was no means of Retreat. Wherefore when no Man durst speak any thing in the Assembly, they made choice by a general consent of Matho and Spendius for their Captains. And although that Gescon saw this great trouble and mutiny in the Camp, yet he desired to prefer the Public Utility before all other things. Wherefore seeing that by the mutiny of the Soldiers increasing daily more and more, the Carthaginians were in great danger, he resolved to pacify it, and to try all means with the hazard of his life.  
One day he called the Heads of the Conspiracy, another day some Nation apart, labouring to pacify their fury by prayers and promises. But for as much as they had not yet received the Corn, which they said was due unto them, and that they quarrelled continually, Gescon desorous to restrain their contempt, commanded them to set down their demands to their Captain Matho. At which words the Commons incensed grew so insolent, as they presently seized upon all the Silver which was brought thither for their pay, laying hold upon Gescon and the Carthaginians that were with him. But Matho and Spendius Captains of the whole Troop, thought presently to commit some Act of great Villainy, to the end that the War might be the more inflamed. And therefore in commending the insolency of the Soldiers, they took with the Money all the baggage of the Carthaginians, and gave order to shut up Gescon with all his company, after they had done them many outrages.  
After this, they made open War against the Carthaginians, with the most cruel Conspiracy, that ever had been heard speak of unto that day. Behold the causes of the beginning of this War, made against the Soldiers, 
Embassies sent throughout all Afric by Matho and Spend●us.  which they call African.  
After that Matho and Spendius had done as we have said, they sent Embassies to all the people of Africa moving them to liberty▪ and entreating them to give them succours against the cruel and tyrannous Empire of the Carthaginians, who in a manner all found the enterprise good, and sent Men and Victuals in abundance. And after that the Captains had divided their Army in two, one part went to besiege Bisarthe, and the other Hippona, for that they would not consent unto the Conspiracy. The Carthaginians who had been accustomed to feed their families only by Tillage, and to draw their public Treasure from the Tributes of Africa, and moreover to manage their War by Mercenaries; being than not only frustrated of all these things, but moreover seeing they were all turned to their Ruin, found themselves suddenly in great difficulties, not knowing which way to turn them. And they found them the more desperate, for that they had happened contrary to all opinion.  
It is true, they were in hope, after they had been tired with the long Wars of Sicily, and had in the end made a peace with the Romans, that they might rest for a time, and take breath; but it succeeded otherwise. Believe me, this War suddenly kindled, was more dangerous than the other: For that in the first, they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily; but in this they were forced, to undergo the danger for themselves, for their families and their Country. Moreover they were unfurnished of Arms, of a Fleet at Sea, and of Equipage for shipping, for that they had lost many in their battles at Sea. They had no more hope of Tributes, nor in the succours of their friends and Allies. Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Foreign and Transmarine War, and the mutiny of a civil sedition, 
The cruel and covetous Empire of the Carthaginians.  of which mischief undoubtedly they themselves were the cause: For in their first War, they did Lord it over the people of Africa, with too great Tyranny and covetousness, for that they were of opinion they had good cause, so as they levied a full moiety of all their fruits. They also doubled the Tributes, and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance. They gave Offices not to such as were mild and gracious, but to those which augmented the public Treasure, although they had tyrannised the people, like unto Hanno of whom we have spoken.  
By this means it happened that the people of Africa seemed glad to Revolt, not only at the persuasion of many, but at a simple Messenger. There is nothing more true, that even the Women of every Town conspired, 
The Conspiracy of the W●●men●● Africa.  for that in former times they had seen their Husbands and Children led into servitude, for that they had not paid the Tribute: so as they made no reservation of their goods which they had remaining, but moreover they did contribute their jewels, (a hard thing to believe) to supply the payment of the Soldiers. By this means Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of silver, as it was not only sufficient to satisfy the promises which they had made to the Soldiers, from the beginning of the Conspiracy, but they had more than was needful to manage the War. Wherefore a wise man must not look unto the present time, but also unto the future.  
And although the Carthaginians were environed on all sides with so many miseries, yet they fainted not: but gave the conduct to Hanno (for that formerly they held he had ended the War near unto Hecatontophylon) of those Soldiers they could levy in this necessity of time. They also armed the young men of the Town, and caused their Horses to be practised: They repaired the remainder of their ships, and old Tri●emes, and caused new to be made.  
In the mean time Matho and Spendius, (to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Africa had joined,) after they had divided their Army in two as we have said, held Bisarthe and Hippona besieged, yet not abandoned their Camp near unto Tunes. By this means all Africa was shut up to the Carthaginians. You must understand that Carthage is seated upon a Promontory, 
The seituation of Ca●thage.  which advanceth into the Sea, and is in form of an Island, but that it joins unto Africa by a little space of land. In regard of the City, it is enuiron●d of the one side by the Sea, and on the other by Marshes. The breadth of the Country whereby it is joined to Africa, contains not above three miles; whereof the Town of Bisarthe is not far off from that si●e which looks towards the Sea: And that Tunes joins upon the Marshes. The Enemies having planted their Camps at Tunes and Bisarthe, took from the Carthaginians the rest of Africa: and making courses sometimes by Day, and sometimes by Night unto the walls of the City, they gave them great Alarms, and put them in fear.  
In the mean time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the War. 
〈◊〉.  He was a diligent man, and well practised in such things; although that soon after he had gone to field to find the Enemy, he committed an act of little judgement in not discerning the times. You must understand that as soon as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe, he forced the Enemies at the first charge, being terrified with the multitude of Elephants: but afterwards his conduct was so bad, as he drew the besieged (for whose succours he was come into great danger, and extreme misery. For when he had brought grea● provision of all sorts of Engines for battery, and had lodged his Camp near unto the Towne-walles: he fought with the Enemy, who could not endure the violence of the Elephants: Wherefore they abandoned the Camp, with great loss of their men, and retired to a little Mountain strong of itself, and full of Groves. But Hanno who had not been accustomed to make War but against the Numidians, 
The Nature of the Numidians.  who after they have once taken a flight, do seldom stay until the third day, had no care to pursue them, supposing he had gotten an absolute victory; but entered into Bisarthe, not thinking of any thing but to make good cheer.  
But the Enemies having made War in Sicily under Amilcar, and been accustomed many times to fly before the Enemy, and suddenly to charge again the same day, having news of Hanno's retreat into Bisarthe, 
Surprise of the Carthaginians Campe.  and that the Camp as Victors was secure; they assailed it by surprise, and slew part of them: the r●st were forced to recover the Town, to their great shame and ignominy. All the equipage of Engines was taken without resistance. It is true, that this was not the only misfortune which at that time did prejudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno. For some few days after, when as the Enemies camped near unto Sorze, and that an opportunity was offered to defeat him easily, having been twice in quarrel, and twice in battle one against another, as they are accustomed, he lost these two occasions by his folly and baseness.  
Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not manage this War well, they by a general consent made Amilcar Captain again: 
Ami●car.  to whom they gave three score and ten Elephants, and all the Soldiers and Fugitives, with some Horsemen, and the young men of the Town, so as he had about ten thousand Soldiers. But as soon as he had marched forth with his Army, he presently by his admirable virtue broke the hearts of his Enemies, and raised the siege of Bisarthe: and then he showed himself worthy of the glory which they had given him for his prowess in times past; and that he was worthy of the hope which all men conceived of him. Behold wherein they first discovered his diferetion and judgement.  
The Cape whereon Carthage stands, is joined to Africa like unto a crooked back, and is very stony; with Mountains full of wood, whereas the ways are very uneasy and inaccessible, they being most of them made by the hand of man. And therefore Matho had seized upon all the little Hills that were upon the way, and had planted good Garrisons. 
The River of ●achera.  Moreover h●e passed the River which they call Machera, the which hath high banks, and a very swift course, and cannot be passed but by a Bridge, 
Sep●yra.  upon the which stands the Town of Sephyra, the which Matho did likewise hold. By this means the passages of Africa were not only shut up from the Carthaginian Army, but also from a private person. The which Amilcar considering, and trying all means to pass into Africa, in the end he used this invention. He had observed that sometimes the course of this River was so stopped by the Wind, as the mouth of it overflowed, and made in a manner a great pool, and at that time it had no great fall into the Sea. Wherefore he was of opinion, that at this season they might pass it near unto the Sea. He kept this secret, and only made necessary preparation for the Army to march. He carefully attended the opportunity of the time, and then appointed his Army to part secretly in the Night, and to pass the River.  
But at the break of day the Enemy and they that were in the Town, were wonderfully amazed at this passage. In the mean time Amilcar marched with his Army directly to those which held Sephyra. When as Spendius had the news that Hamilcar's Camp had passed, he presently makes haste with his forces to succour his men. Behold how the two Camps succoured one another. There were 10000 men in Sephyra, near unto the Bridge: and about 15000 in Bisarthe. These thinking they might easily compass in the Carthaginians, if they all marched against them at one instant, some in front, and the other at their backs, suddenly they took courage, and marched against Amilcar with all their Troops; who 〈…〉 the forward, than the Horse and the Soldiers that were lightly armed, and upon the Rear 〈…〉. But when he saw the Enemies charge his men courageously, he presently changed the order of his Army, 
The Policy of Amilcar.  and turned it quite contrary: So as they which were in the forward, returned back, making show of some flight, and they which were in the Rear, taking another way, marched directly to the forward. The which the 〈◊〉 seeing who assailed the Carthaginians on either side, and thinking that the Enemies amazed at this 〈◊〉, had fled, they began to pur●ue them without order, and came suddenly to fight. But when as they saw the Horsemen approach, and the other Battalions to fall upon them with great fury; 
The Victory of Amil●ar.  amazed at this new manner of War, they were soon broken; and in the end flying away, ●ome were defeated by the Legionaries, who charged them upon the 〈◊〉 with great slaughter, others by the Elephants and Horsemen who entered after the Legionaries.  
There were six thousand men slain, and about two thousand taken; the rest saved themselves by flight, some in the Town of Sephyra, the rest retired to the Camp before Bifarthe. After this good fortune, Amilcar pursued those which had gotten into Sephyra, the which he took at his coming, for the Soldiers that were within it, fled presently to Tunes: and from thence running over the Province, he took diverse Towns, whereof some were won by breach and assault. By this means th● Carthaginians, who before were dejected and without hope, took heart, and recovered their ancient courage.  
At that time Matho held Hippona besieged, and had persuaded Spendius, and Autarice, Captain of the Gauls, to pursue the Enemy, and that flying the Plains, by reason of the multitude of Elephants and Horsemen, they should keep the foot of the Mountains, and not to go far from them upon any occasion that should be offered. Moreover he sends often to the Numidians and Lybians, soliei●ing and entreating them to give him succours, and not to lose so great an opportunity to restore Africa to liberty; Spendius then having made choice of six thousand old Soldiers out of the Camp which was at Tunes, lodged continually near unto the Enemy▪ keeping the foot of the Mountains. Moreover he had the Gauls with him, which were under the charge of Autarice, to the number of about two thousand men: for the rest of their Troop which was in Sicily, had retired to the Romans during the siege of Erix.  
Whilst that Amilcar stayed with his Army in a Plain● wholly environed with Mountains, 
Supplies of Numidians come to Spendius.  there came great supplies of Numidians and Africans to Spendius. By this means the Carthaginian Army was besieged with three Camps. The Africans were in front, the Numidians upon their tail, and Spendius on the side. Hannibal was long in suspense what counsel he should take, being thus beset. There was at that time among the Numidians a certain man called Narave, of a noble and ancient extraction, 
Narau●.  and of a Royal courage. He had always been favourable unto the Carthaginians, keeping his Father's affection, and who then had succoured them, for that Amilcar was chosen their Captain. Thinking new to have found a good opportunity to purchase their friendship, he marched directly to the Camp, accompanied with about an hundred Numidians: being near unto it he makes a stand, giving them a sign with his hand that he would parley. Amilcar wondering at his great boldness, sends an Horse man unto him, to whom he said, that he was come to speak with the Commander of the Army. And as Amilcar stood still in doubt, and could not believe him; the Numidian leans his Horse, his Lance, and his Company, and goes directly unto him without any fear for amazement. The whole Army wondered, and were ama●ed at this Numidians great confidence. Finally, being called to parley, he told him that he had always borne a great affection to the Carthaginians, and that he had long desired the Friendship of Amilc●●. Moreover that he was come to do him service, and to put himself and his estate faithfully into his hands upon all occasions. Amilcar hearing this Speech, was so joyful, as well for the boldness of this young Man, who had presented himself so confidently unto him, as for the plainness of his Speech, that he not only made him Companion of his fortunes, but protested and vowed unto him to give him his Daughter, in keeping his faith to the Carthaginians. After this discourse Narave retired to his men, and within three days after returned to Amilcar with two thousand men which he had under his charge.  
The Carthaginians being fortified with this troop, Amilcar durst fight with the Enemy. Spendius likewise supplied with Numidians and Africans, draws his Army into the Plain, and without any long stay comes to the Combat, which was cruel. Finally, the Carthaginians relying in the multitude of their Elephants, and likewise Narave performing his duty well, 
The Victory of the Carthaginians against Spe●dius.  they had the Victory: Autarice and Spendius having no more hope, fled. There were ten thousand men slain, and about four thousand taken.  
After this battle Amilcar freed those that would follow the War under him, and armed them with the Enemy's spoils, telling them that refused, that they should no more carry Arms against the Carthaginians, and for all that which they had formerly done they were pardoned. Moreover, that it was lawful for them to retire into their Country, if they thought it good: but if they were found hereafter attempting any enterprise, 
A mutiny of mercenary Soldiers in Sardinia. Bostare slain.  their punishment was certain. At the same time the mercenary strangers which kept Sardinia, assailed all the Carthaginians that were there, after the example of Spendius and Matho, and having shut up Captain Bos●are with his Company into a Fort, they put him to death. Hanno was afterwards sent with a new Army, against whom the Strangers conspired with the old Soldiers, and after they had committed great cruelties, they hanged him. Then fearing to be punished for so great a villainy, 
H●inno hanged on a Crosse.  they slew and strangled all the carthaginians which inhabited Sardinia, and took all the Towns and Forts, ●nioying the I●●nd until that a sedition rising betwixt them and the Sardinians, they chased them away, and forced them to fly into Italy. By this means the Carthaginians lost Sardinia, a very great Island, well peopled, 
The Carthaginians lose Sardinia.  and abounding with all commodities: It will not be needful to relate those things which are apparent by that which others have written.  
Matho, Spendius, and Autarice Chief of the Gauls, fearing that this clemency of Amilcar, in f●eeing the Prisoners with pardon, would gain the Lybians, and other Soldiers, they laboured to commit some villainous act, to estrange the hearts of their men wholly from the Carthaginians. And therefore they assembled them together, where soon after a Post comes with Letters, as if he had been suddenly arrived from Sardinia; the tenor whereof was, that they should keep Goscon and the other Prisoners carefully: and that there were some in the Camp, who to purchase grace and favour with the Carthaginians, would set them at liberty. Spendius having found this occasion, first advised his Companions that they should not regard the delivery of the Prisoners, under the colour of Hamilcar's counterfeit clemency: For he had not freed them for any desire he had to save them, but to the end that by this means he might have them all, and afterwards punish them ing●nertall. Moreover he gave them cha●ge to keep Gescon with his Company carefully, that they might not escape through negligence: but if they did otherwise, the Enemies would make no great account of them, and withal they should have great inconveniences in their War.  
But who will doubt that so excellent a Captain, and of so great experience in the War, will not suddenly become their mortal Enemy, when he shall be escaped by their negligence? Whilst he was thus speaking, 
Letters from Tunes, to the Mutines Camp.  behold another M●ssenger comes from Tunes, bringing Letters of the same Tenor, the which being Re●d unto the Assembly, A●tarice Commander of the Gauls stood up, saying, that he saw no means for their safety, but by taking away all the hope they have in the Carthaginians. For as long as any one hath respect unto their clemency, he can never be a loyal Companion in the War. And therefore we must believe, hear, and consent unto the opinion of those, which shall give advice to do the 〈◊〉 we can unto the Carthaginians, and to hold such as shall say the contrary for enemies and Traitors. When he had made an end of this Speech, he advised them to put Gescon and his company to some cruel death, with all the Carthaginians which had been since taken:  
This Autarice had great credit in their Assemblies, for that they all understood him, speaking the Punic Language, which at that time was common among the whole Army, by reason of the long War, wherein he had served under the Carthaginians; and therefore his Advice was easily allowed by the Army, in regard of the favour he had among the Soldiers. And although many of every Nation, walking and conferring together, did not think it fit to use such cruelty, especially against Gescon, who had done them so much good, yet they heard nothing of that which they spoke, for that they talked among themselves in their Languages. But when as they saw that they did not like of putting the Carthaginians to Death, a seditious M●n who was by chance among them, cried out with a loud voice, Charge: At which word they were presently beaten down with stones by the Multitude, 
A great inhumanity.  so as their Kinsmen carried them away soon after, 〈◊〉 as if brute Beast's had torn them in pieces.  
This done, they take Gescon, and the other Prisoners which were to the number of seven hundred, 
Gescon with his Company put to death.  and led them without the Rampires, and there beginning wi●h the head, whom a little before they had chosen among all the Carthaginians, as the Man which had entreated them best, they cut off all their hands, and Dismembered them, and in breaking their Legs, they east them thus living into a Ditch. The Carthaginians advertised of so great a cruelty done unto their Citizens, knew not what to do, but that which was in them, to be wonderfully incensed, and to lament for the great ignominy of their City, and the misery of their Citizens. Finally, they sent to Amilcar and Hanno, which were the other Commanders of the Army, entreating them that so great a cruelty done unto their Citizens, should not remain unpunished.  
Moreover they sent an Embassy to these enemies to require the bodies to be interred. Who not only refused them, but also forbid th●m not to send hereafter any Treaters' of Peace unto them, nor Embassies, 
A cruel resolution.  and if they did it they must expect to indu●e the like pains that Gescon had suff●ed: and moreover they had concluded, that as many Carthaginians as fell into their hands, should be cruelly slain: And as for their Allies they should lose their hands; the which afterward they did carefully observe. Wherefore he that will duly consider these things, may boldly say, that the Bodies of Men, and some of their Vice●s, do not only increase sometimes, but also their hearts much more. Believe that even as Ulcers are inflamed by Medicines, and are impaired if they be applied; and if they make no reckoning of them, they dilate and extend themselves of their nature, and never cease until the Body be wholly corrupted and rotten, so it many times falls out of the Vices and corruptions of man's mind, so as there is no Beast so cruel or savage as Man: To whom if thou dost any gr●ce or remission of punishment, or some other good, he grows worse, esteeming all this but Deceit, and willbe more distrustful of his Benefactors: And if on the other side thou seekest to resist him, there is nothing so unreasonable, so cruel, nor so wicked, but he will easily undertake it, glorifying himself in his presumption, until his proud Spirit hath passed the bounds of Reason. Of which things the beginning and the greatest part, proceeds from the lewd life, and bad breeding of Youth. There are other things which add much unto it, and namely the Covetousness and cruelty of the Captains. All which Vices were found at that time in this Army, and especially in the Commanders.  
In the mean time Amilcar bearing the enemy's outrages impatiently, caused Hanno, another Captain General for the Carthaginians to come unto him, imagining that when the whole Army were together, the War would be the more easily ended. Finally, he caused the enemies which were then taken, or afterwards, to be cruelly slain, or devoured by Beasts, hoping that the War would then have an end, if he might put them all to Death. As the Carthaginians seemed at that time to be in better hope, Fortune suddenly changed, so as their Affairs began to impair and grow worse: For as soon as these two Captains were joined together, 
Diffention betwixt Amilca● and Hanno.  they fell into such dissension, as they not only l●●t pursuing the enemy, but gave them great occasions of their own defeat.  
For which causes the Carthaginians being moved; they sent word that one of them should return to the City, and that he which the Soldiers loved best, should remain in the Campe. They had also another inconvenience: For their great ships wherewith they brought Corn and other necessaries to the Camp, were in a manner all broken in a storm. Moreover Sardinia, from whence they were wont to draw great succours for the affairs of War, was lost for them, as we have said. And to the end their miseries should be full, 
The Towns of Hippon● and Bisarthe revolt from the Carthaginians.  the Towns of Hippona and Bisarthe, which alone among all the people of Africa had kept their Faith inviolable to the Carthaginians, not only in this War, but in that of Agathocles, and in the time of the Romans; revolted then not only ignominiously from the Africans, but also showed them suddenly a wonderful Affection and Love: And to the Carthaginians an implacable hatred, casting into the Ditches all the Carthaginians with their Captains, which were there for their Guard, to the number of five hundred, after they had cruelly slain them: And they delivered the Town, and would not render the Bodies to the Citizens of Carthage to inter them.  
By this means Spendius and Matho grew more insolent, and laid siege before Carthage. Amilcar at that time had Hannibal●or ●or a companion in his charge, whom the Carthaginians sent him, when as the Soldiers left Hanno, to whom during the dissension of the Captains, the people of Carthage left a power to retain whom they pleased. Amilcar accompanied by Hannibal and Narave, overran the whole Province, cutting off the Victuals from the enemy; wherein the Numidian Narave did him great service. This was the estate of their Camps. The Carthaginians being thus oppressed by their enemies, were forced to crave succours from their Allies, 
The Prud●nc● of Hieron.  to whom at that time Hieron of Saragosse sent them great assistance, supplying them with whatsoever they demanded: For he was of opinion that the preservation of the Carthaginians was necessary for him, as well for the safety of his estate, as to entertain the friendship of the Romans; to the end that after the ruin of Carthage, they might easily do whatsoever they pleased without contradiction.  
This was wisely considered of him: For in truth no Man must seem careless of such things, neither must they suffer any one to grow to so great a power, as he shall have cause ever after to fear a manifest injustice. The Romans also bound by the Articles of the peace, did what they could possibly to relieve them. It is true, that in the beginning, there was some dissension for th● causes which follow. When the Carthaginians were first besieged, they took about five hundred Men, who ●ayling from Italy for gain, were taken and put in prison. The people of Rome took this in ill part. But when as soon after they had sent an Embassy for this cause, the Carthaginians freed them, and entreated them courteously. This was so pleasing unto the Romans, as presently they delivered all the Prisoners, 
The courtesy of the Romans to the Carthaginians.  which they had yet remaining since the Wars of Sicily, without Ransom, succouring them still whensoever they required it, and suffered their Merchants to carry them Corn, forbidding them to furnish the enemy's Camp with any Victuals. Moreover at such times as the old Soldiers of Sardinia revolted against the Carthaginians, they would not give Audience to their Ambassadors, who were sent to deliver them the Island. A while after they would not receive the Bisarthins, who would in like manner have given themselves unto them: For that they would not in any sort infringe the Articles of the Peace: The Carthaginians thus relieved by the succours of their Allies, endured the siege more easily.  
Matho and Spendius were no less besieged than they did besiege: For Amilcar had reduced them to such great want of all things, as they were in the end forced to raise the siege. Soon after they made choice of the ablest Men of all their bands, to the number of fifty Thousand, and went presently to seek out Amilcar. Moreover they kept not the plains, fearing the Elephants and the Horse men, whereof Narave had the Charge, but striving still to gain the high and inaccessible places: during the which, although they were as strong and hardy as the Carthaginians, yet they were often beaten, for that they understood not the practice of War. Then they might easily judge what difference there is betwixt the good conduct of a Captain, and the overweening of a Multitude. He separated some and enclosed others by his industry, being forced by their private necessity. He also defeated many by Ambushes in full fight. Sometimes he terrified the enemies, falling upon them by surprise. All such as were taken alive, were cast unto the Beasts.  
Finally, he lodged about his enemies to their great disadvantage, and to the benefit of the Carthaginians, drawing them into such necessity, as they neither durst come to fight for fear of the Elephants and Horsemen, neither could they safely fly, 
The extreme necessity which pr●st the strangers Campe.  for that they were environed with Ditches and Pallisadoes. Finally, hunger did so press them as they did eat one another. Behold the revenge which the gods took of them for the cruelties they had committed against their Friends. They came not to fight, both for that the Carthaginians were assured of the Victory, and their punishment was certain. They made no mention of any treaty of peace, for that they knew well there was no hope of Mercy, having committed such great cruelties. Finally they endured all miseries, expecting daily succours from Tunes. But when they had cruelly eaten up their Prisoners, 
Famine makes them to eat men.  and their Servants, (a kind of living which they had long used) and that no succours came from Tunes, they knew not what to resolve, for the extremity of the Famine, and the fear of punishment. Finally, Autarice, Zarxe, and Spendius resolved to parley with Amilcar. By this means they demanded le●●e to send Ambassadors: The which being granted, the Embassy comes, with whom Amilcar agrees, that it should be lawful for the Carthaginians, to choose ten such as they pleased out of their whole Army, and that the rest might retire in their shirts without any harm. The which when they had concluded, Amilcar told them, that according to the agreement he made choice of those that were in his presence. By this means Spendius, Autarice, and the other heads of the Army were delivered unto him.  
When the Lybians had news of the taking of their Captains, thinking that the Carthaginians had broken their Faith, for that they knew not the Articles of the peace, they took Arms, fortifying themselves in a Quarter of the Camp: To whom Amilcar gave battle with the Elephants and his whole Army, and slew them all, whereof the number was above forty thousand men. 
Forty thousand men slain by Amilcar.  This was near unto a place which they call Serra, for that it doth resemble an instrument, which at this day is called Sie. This done, the Carthaginians who before seemed to have lost all hope, began to assure themselves, and to recover their courage and Spirits. In the mean time Amilcar with Hannibal and Narave overran the Country, and the Towns of the Province, where having reduced the greatest part of Africa with the Towns, they go and lay siege to Tunes, and besiege Matho with all his Company. Hannibal lay on that side which look●● to Carthage, and Amilcar was opposite unto him: Thither they brought Spendius and his Companions, who were hanged on a Crosse.  
Matho seeing that Hannibal made his retreat but badly, and without order, did not think it fit to lose this occasion. Wherefore he presently gave a charge, and slew part, 
A defeat of the Carthaginians ●y Matho.  the rest flying away. Finally he spoiled the Camp and all the Baggage. Hannibal himself was taken, whom presently they crucified in the place of Spendius, 
Hannibal crucified.  after they had done him a thousand indignities. Moreover they slew thirty Gentlemen of Carthage, about the body of Spendius most cruelly, by a power given them by Fortune for a mutual revenge. Amilcar was not soon enough advertised of the enemy's sally, by reason of the distance of the two Camps, neither was it in his own power to relieve them, in regard of the difficulty of the places. Wherefore leaving Tunes, and leading his Army to the River of Machera, he lodged upon the banks at the mouth of it.  
The Carthaginians having news of this defeat, began again to have a bad conceit of their War: But they presently resumed courage, using all possible diligence for the preservation of the City. They sent an Embassy to Amilcar of thirty Senators, with a levy of young men under the Command of that Hanno, who formerly had been the General. They give these Senators charge, to deal so with the two Captains, as their private hatred might be smothered and suppressed, and that they should force them to manage this War by their common Counsel, in laying before them the miseries of the time and the present necessity. After that the Senators had drawn these two Captains together, and used diverse speeches unto them, in the end they persuade them to pardon one another, 
Reconciliation of Amilcar and Hanno.  and to obey the Carthaginians. By this means all the Affairs were governed by a common Council, so as when as Matho was reduced to a straight, after many encounters, Ambushes, and pursuits which they had laid for him near to the Town of Leptis, and in other places, in the end they appointed a set day of battle with the enemy: 
Assignation of a Battle.  to the which both Armies prepared with Resolution. So they called their Allies, and drew men from all parts, even unfurnishing their Towns of Garrisons, as if by this battle they should decide all their affairs. When as all things necessary for the fight were ready on either side, they joined upon the day appointed. The battle was cruel, but in the end the Carthaginians had the Victory. The greatest part of the enemies were slain in fight: 
A Battle won by the Carthagiginians,  The rest which retired to the next Town, yielded soon after to the Carthaginians. In regard of Matho he was taken alive. They only of Bisarthe and Hippona finding themselves guilty, and having no hope of pardon and Mercy, continued obstinate in their Rebellion. See how a reasonable contentment hath power in all things, and how much better it is, not to affect and seek a thing, which afterwards is intolerable to another.  
Finally after that Amilcar and Hanno began to approach near unto them, they had no more hope, but were forced to yield upon such conditions as pleased the Carthaginians. Thus ended the War of Africa, but so happily for the Carthaginians, as they not only recovered Africa, but punished all the Heads of the Rebellion according to their merits. Thus Matho and all the other Prisoners, were led in Triumph through the City by the Youth of Carthage, 
Matho punished.  and in the end punished for their Villainies. This War continued near three years and four months, the most cruel and inhuman that ever was heard spoken of.  
The Romans at that time solicited by the Soldiers which were retired out of Sardinia unto them, 
Note the injustice of the Romans.  prepared to undertake the Voyage. And when as the Carthaginians were discontented, saying that the Island belonged unto them, and prepared an Army to send thither, the Romans laying hold of this occasion, signified War unto them, complaining that this preparation of an Army was not so much for Sardinia as against them. But the Canthaginians yielding to the time, understanding well their own weakness, to renew a War against the Romans, endeavoured to avoid all occasions, so as they left the Island unto them. And moreover they paid unto the Romans seven hundred thousand Crowns to redeem the War. Thus matters passed at that time.   

THE SECOND BOOK of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
WE have related in the First Book, at what time the Romans began to invade Foreign Nations, after they had pacified Italy: And ●ow they passed into Sicily, and the causes why they made War against the Carthaginians: A● what time also they began first to put an Army to Sea; and Summarily all the Affairs which happened to the end of this War, to the one or the other. In the which finally the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 Sicily, whereof the Romans were absolute Lords, except those places which Hieron King of Saragosse held. We have subsequently set down, how after the Mutiny raised betwixt the Carthaginians and their Soldiers, the War was kindled, which they call Affricaine: And what extremity and incredible cruelty was used, and what the end was. Now we will endeavour to write in few Words the accidents which happened since, touching every thing as we have propounded in the beginning.  
After that the Carthaginians had reduced Africa to their obedience, they sent Amilcar presently into Spain with a● Army, who (parting with all his Troops, and having his Son Hannibal with him, about nine years of age) passed beyond the pillars of Hercules, and recovered a great part of Spain. Where staying about nine years, conquering many Towns by force, and oth●rs by composition, to have their lives and goods safe, 
The death of Amil●ar.  he died a Death worthy of his actions. For when he had made War against courageous and powerful people, he died after he had exposed himself to all dangers, with great assurance, and the admiration of all the World. After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar, 
Asdrubal made General.  (who had commanded the Triremes) General of their Army: At which time the Romans passed to Sclavonia, and to that part of Europe with an Army. They which desire to understand truly our Discourse, with the beginning and increase of the Roman power, must diligently observe it. This Voyage by Sea, was undertaken for the causes which here follow.  
Agron King of Sclavonia, 
Agron King of Sclavonia.  was the Son of Plurate. This King drew to field more foot and Horse, than any that had reigned before him in Sclavonia. It is true, that he was corrupted with money at the persuasion of Demetrius Father to Philip, 
Demetrius' Father to Philip.  so as he succoured the Midioniens, whom the etolians held besieged. You must understand, that when the etolians saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to live according to their Laws, they began to make War against them, laying siege to diverse places, and doing what they possibly could to take the City. And as in the mean time the day of the assembly was come, wherein they were to choose another Captain of the Army, and that the besieged were grown so weak, as they seemed to have no other thoughts but of yielding; he which at that time was General, came unto the etolians, and let them understand that it was reasonable, that he who had endured so great pains, and exposed himself to so many dangers during the War, should have the booty and spoil of the enemies if they were vanquished. There were many, even of those which had any colour to attain unto that charge, who discontented with this kind of demand, entreated the multitude not to determine any thing, but to leave the booty to him to whom Fortune should give it. Finally the etolians decreed that whosoever should win the Town, he should share a moiety of all the Booty, Riches, and Arms, with him who formerly had been the Commander.  
While matters stood on these terms, and that within three days after the Assembly was to meet (where according to the Custom of the etolians, the last Commander was to be Deposed, and a new choses) there arrived in the night about a hundred ships near to Midionia, 
Succours from Sclavonia to the Midio●ians.  with ten thousand men of Sclavonia: Who after they had recovered the Port, and the day began to break, they landed in haste and by stealth, and then they marched in battle after their manner against the etolians Army. And although the etolians being advertised of their coming, were at the first amazed at this news, and the boldness of the Sclavonians: Yet having great spirits and courage, relying also in their Forces, they drew out before their Camp, the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men, and placed upon some passages, which were not far from the Camp, some Horses and such as were lightly Armed. The which were charged and broken by the Sclavonians, as well by reason of the multitude of their Soldiers, as for that the midst of their battle was strongly fortified. In regard of the Horsemen, they were forced to fly shamefully unto their Camp: From thence through the advantage of the place, they marched speedily against those which kept the Plain, 
A defeat of the etolians by the Sclavonians  whom they charged and put presently to flight. The Midionians sally forth, and pursue them; so as there was a great slaughter of the etolians, and many Prisoners, with the spoil of all their baggage, having found no resistance. When as the Sclavonians had performed their Kings Command, and shipped all their baggage and booty, they set sail and retire to their houses.  
The Midionians also being thus preserved contrary to their hope, they assembled, and held a Council among themselves, as well for other affairs, as for the division of the booty taken from the Enemy, and of their Arms, to divide them in common, by an example taken of him who had been Chiose of the etolians, and of those which according to the decree of the etolians, should succeed him: as if Fortune had done it willingly, to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others. In truth, these in a short time made their Enemies to feel the miseries which they themselves expected suddenly. The etolians after this misery served for an example to the world, not to hold future things as already done, nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise: And that we must always reserve some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope, as well as in all other actions, (seeing we are men) as in the affairs of War.  
When as the victorious ships were arrived, King Agron transported with incredible joy for the exploits of his men, having vanquished the etolians, relying much upon their forces; he gave himself so to banqueting in the night, and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching, as he fell into a Pleurisy, 
The death of King Ag●on.  the which grew so violent, as he died within few days after. After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned, 
Queen Te●●a▪  governing the Realm by the counsel and advice of her Friends. But afterwards she followed her womanish affections, having no care but of this prosperity, nor any regard to foreign affairs: suffering all those that would go to Sea, to spoil all passengers. She also raised a great Army at Sea, letting the Captains understand, that the Country which was right against hers, was Enemy unto her: Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messen●ens, whom the Sclavonians spoilt often. But for that there is a large Sea, and that the Towns of those Regions were all upon the firm Land; they could not easily prevent the Sclavonians courses: and therefore they did spoil and ruin the Country without any obstacle, And as at the same time they sailed to Epirus to fetch victuals, 
Phe●ice taken by the Sclavonians..  they came to Phenice, where there were about eight hundred Gauls, entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Town. here they landed and parled with them to deliver it, whereunto they yielded: so as they took it, and all that was within it by the help of the Gauls.  
When the Epirotes had the news, they came presently to succour them with all their people, and lodged upon the banks of a near River. Then they took away the planks of the Bridge, to be free from the danger of those which kept the Town. In the mean time they were advertised, 
Scerdilaide.  that Scerdilaide came by Land with five thousand men, by the straits of Antigonia. Wherefore they divided their Army in two, whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia, and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently, consuming what was in that Country without fear, and disdaining to keep any watch or guard. The Sclavonians within the Town advertised of the separation of the Army, and of the negligence of the Enemy, go forth at midnight, and lay planks upon the Bridge: So crossing the River, they gain a place strong by Nature, where they pass the remainder of the Night without any noise. At the break of day either side were in battle, 
The Victory of the Sclavonians against the Epirotes.  and the fight began. The Sclavonians got the Victory: so as few Epirotes escaped, the rest being taken or slain.  
The Epirotes seeing themselves involved with so many miseries, and out of all hope, they sent an Embassy to the etolians and Acheins, craving Succours from them; who having compassion of their afflictions, & desiring to relieve them, marched to Heli●rane: whither the Sclavonians (who as we have said had taken the Town of Phenice, being joined to Scerdilaide) came and lodged near unto them, desiring battle. But the difficulty of the places kept them asunder: together with their Queen's letters, who commanded them to make no longer stay, but to return, for that some Towns of Sclavonia had revolted to the Dardaniens. Wherefore after they had spoiled the whole Province, they made a truce with the Epirofes by the which they yielded the Citizens and the City, but carried away all the slaves and pillage in their ships. Thus one part retired by Sea, and the other by Land by the straits of Antigonia, leaving a wonderful fear in the Sea-townes of Greece. Without doubt when they considered, that so strong and powerful a Town of the Epirotes had been spoiled, contrary to all expectance, they were not only in fear (as formerly) for the Country, but also for themselves and their Towns.  
After that the Epirotes had ended their Affairs far better than they expected, they were so far from taking revenge of the wrongs which they had received, or to thank those which had assisted them, as they presently sent an Embassy to Queen Teuca, and made a league with the Arcanians and Sclavonians. 
A reprehension of the Epirotes.  Wherefore following after that time the party of the Illiriens, they became Enemies to the Acheins and etolians. Wherein they were not only ingrate and unthankful to their Benefactors, but also they had been very ill counselled from the beginning of their affairs. And where as many (like men) fall sometimes by the hazard of Fortune into great adversities and miseries, it happens not so much by their own fault, as by that of Fortune, or by such as are the procurers: But when as men seek their misfortune by their own indiscretion, their fault i● evident. And therefore when we see some great disaster and adversity be●all some men by Fortune, we do not only pity them, but relieve them to our power: whereas we blame, condemn, and hate those whom we know to have been the cause of their own misfortunes by indiscretion and malice. The which the Grecians might at that time do with reason unto the Epirotes.  
But what man is so confident, which having no fear of the common fame of the Gauls inconstancy, would have dared to commit so noble a City unto their charge, 
Some Gauls banished their● Country for their disloyalty.  who had so many reasons to doubt of their faith, being banished out of their Country, for that they had falsified their faith with their own Nation: and who afterwards being retired by the Carthaginians, at such time as they had War with the Romans, and hearing a bruit of the revolt of mercenary Soldiers for pay which they had pretended was due unto them, beg●n first to spoil Agragas, whereof they had the Guard, being about a thousand men. Afterwards they were put in Garrison into E●ix by the Carthaginians: the which they would have betrayed whilst the Romans besieged it. The which not able to effect, they retired to the Romans, who received them: After which they spoiled the Temple of Venus Ericina.  
When as the Romans saw the treachery and falsehood of these Barbarians, having concluded a peace with the Carthaginians, they disarmed them, and shipped them away, chase them out of all Italy. These are the men whom the Epirotes made the Guardians of their Laws and Commonwealth, to whom they entrusted ●o fair and rich a City: Who will not then blame them? Who will not say but they have been the cause of their own miseries? Without doubt it is a great folly and indiscretion to entertain forces, especially of barbarous men; and to put them into a Town where they may be the stronger, or more in number than the Citizens. But we have spoken sufficiently of the Epirotes folly.  
The Sclavonians before, and many times spoiled such as sailed from Italy and Phenicia, seeing that of late days they inhabited there, who separating themselves sometimes from the Army at Sea, spoiled many Italian Merchants, or slew them. They had also carried away a good number of Prisoners. When this had been often complained of to the Senate, they made no account thereof: Yet in the end they sent into Sc●auonia, Ca●us and Lucius Coroncanus in Embassy, when as the complaints of many came unto them concerning the outrages of the Illyrians.  
When the ships were returned from Phenicia in safety, 
The Illirians are Sclavonians.  Teuca (wondering at the beauty and greatness of the spoil) had a great and longing desire to make War against the Grecians; for in truth, it was the richest Town of all Epirus: But for that her Country was then in Combustion, she could not attempt it. Moreover, after she had pacified Sclavonia, and at such time as she held 〈◊〉 
The Romans Embassy to Teuca Queen of Sclavonia.  besieged, which had always continued firm, the Romans Embassy arrived; who having a day of audience appointed them by the Queen, they made known unto her the outrages her men had done them. The Queen gave ●are unto them with great 〈◊〉 and arrogancy.  
After they had delivered their charge●he made answer, that she would take order, that her Subjects should not make open War against them: but it was not the custom of Kings to prohibit their private subjects to make what profit they could at Sea. At which words the youngest of the Ambassadors made a bold and courageous answer, but in bad season. And therefore said he, 
A bold answer of an Ambassador.  Madam, it is the custom of the Romans to take a public revenge for private wrongs, and to relieve the afflicted: So as if it please God, we will take such order, that her eafter you shall not be much troubled to reform this kind of royal customs. The Queen an overweening woman, grew into such a rage, as neglecting the right of Nations, she sent men at the return of the Ambassadors, to kill the youngest who had used this Speech.  
The Romans being advertised of this great affront, prepared presently to War, levied men, and made a good number of Vessels: Finally, they prepared all things necessary to take revenge of so great a crime. In the mean time the Queen sent in the Spring a greater number of ships into Gre●ce than formerly: whereof one part sailed to Corfue, and the other bent their course to the Port of Durazo. Where making a show to refresh themselves with water and victuals, they resolved to take the Town. They of Durazo being confident, and fearing nothing, 
Durazo surprised by the Sclavonians.  suffered them to enter without Arms, under colour of water and victuals; although their true intent was to take the Town by Treason. But when they ●aw themselves within the Town, they took their Arms which they had hidden in their vessels for water, and killing the Guards at the Gate, made themselves Maisters thereof. Those in the ships ●eing ready, entered in like manner, and seized upon a great part of the Walls: And although that they of the Town were much amazed at this great and sudden accident, yet they made a long resistance, defending themselves valiantly; so as the Sclavonians were forced to retire. By this means it happened, that the Durazins who were in danger to lose themselves and their City by their negligence, after they had escaped the peril by their virtue, did afterwards settle a better order in their affairs.  
The Sclavonian Captains weighed Anchor presently, and put to Sea, joining with those, 
Corsue besieged by the Sclavonians.  who as we have said, went to C●rfue, and made haste jointly to besiege the Town. They of Corfue being thus suddenly surprised, and not finding themselves strong enough, sent to crave aid from the Acheins and etolians; the like they did to them of Appolonia and Durazo: entreating them not to suffer them to be thus shamefully chased away from their natural Country by the Barbarians; who having pity of their fortune, armed ten ships of War of the Acheins, and within few days after sailed to Corfue, hoping to raise the Barbarians siege at their coming: But the Illirians having recovered seven Vessels armed from the ●carnanians, with whom they had made a league, marched against the Ache●ns, whom they encountered near unto the Islands which they call Paxes, and there they fought. The Acarnanians and the Acheins ships fought equally; and continued long firm, only their men were wounded. But the Illirians interlaced themselves with their Enemies, who were tied four together, and environing them, they hindered them much: Then the Enemy's Vessels were much troubled, being pierced and grappled withal, their Spurs being fastened to the Sclavonians Vessels: who entered them with fury, and vanquished them easily by reason of their multitude. By this means four Quadriremes of the Acheins were taken by the Illirians, and one Quinquereme sunk, 
A Victory of the Sclavonians against the Acheins.  and all that was in it: In the which was Marcus Caryneus, a man of great esteem among the Acheins, who had always performed his duty well for the Country. But when as they which fought against the Acarnanians, saw that the Illirians had the Victory, they fled, relying much in the lightness of their Vessels: And saved themselves from the Battle, retiring to their houses. The Sclavonians growing proud of this Victory, besieged the Town more boldly than they had done. They of Corfue having no more hope, 
Corfu yielded.  after they had maintained the siege for a season, in the end yielded it to the Illirians, receiving their Garrison, and Demetrius of Pharos their Captain. After which the Illirian Captains returned to Duraz●, and besieged it.  
In the mean time the Roman Consuls, Caius Fuluius with an Army at Sea of two hundred ships, and Anchus Posthumus with the Army at Land, parted from Rome: So as Fuluius came to Corfue, thinking that the siege had continued still. But when he saw that he came too late, for that the Illirians were within it, he resolved to pass on, as well to understand what had been done, as to try what Opinion they had of Demetrius: And for that he had understood that his Enemies had brought him in disgrace with the Queen, and that he feared her fury, 
Corfu yielded to the Romans.  he had sent men to Rome, to promise the●● the Town, and whatsoever he held. They at Corfu being joyful at the Romans arrival, delivered unto them (by the consent of Demetrius) the Town and the Illirian Garrison. Finally, they put themselves under their protection, hoping that by this means they should be no more subject to the outrages of the Illirians. When the Romans had received them into league, they sailed to Apolonia, whither Demetrius guided them. At the same time Ancus Posthumus caused his Land-army to embark at Brunduzium, being about twenty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, 
Apolonia yielded to the Romans.  all which met at Apolonia; the which being yielded, they sailed to Durazo, for that they had news the Illirians had besieged it: who being advertised of the Romans coming, they raised the siege for fear, and fled here and there.  
When the Romans had received them of Durazo into friendship, they sailed on into Sclavonia, taking many Towns in their way, 
Parthenia yielded to the Romans,  and shut up the Sardiens. In the mean time there came an Embassy from Parthenia to the Romans, giving themselves and their City unto them. Who being received with the Antitanes, they took their way to Isse, having understood that the Illirians held it besieged: where they entered after they had raised the siege: After which they took many Towns in Sclavonia by force, wherein they lost not only many Soldiers, but also some of their Tribunes, with the Questor near unto Nutria. They took twenty of the Illirian ships, which served them to victual their Campe. In regard of those which were within Isse, they were all defeated, and fled to Narente, except those which were of Pharos, which were given to Demetrius. Queen T●uca with a small company retired to Rhyzon, a strong Town, and far distant from the Sea, seated upon the Banks of the River of Rhyzon.  
When the Consuls had put many Towns and great Seig●uries into the hands of Demetrius, they returned to Durazo, with their Armies both at Sea and Land. From thence Caius Fuluius returned to Rome with the greatest part of both Armies. But Posthumus stayed at Durazo, whereas he rigged forty Vessels, and after he had levied men in the neighbour Countries, he settled his Garrisons, having in his company the Ardienses, 
An accord made with T●uca.  and all the rest that were allied to the Romans. When the Spring came, Teuca sent an Embassy to the Romans to treat a peace, the which in the end she obtained upon these conditions. That she should pay them a yearly tribute, and that she should leave all Sclavonia, except some petty places: And as for that which concerns the Grecians, she might not sail beyond Isse, but only with two ships without any furniture of War. During these actions Posthumus sent an Embassy to the Cheins and etolians, to advertise them of the cause of the War, and of the Romans voyage by Sea: And to let them understand what they had done, and to read the conditio●s of the peace. Who after they had obeyed the Consul's command, and had been well received by these two people, they returned again to Corfue; the City's of Greece being then freed from fear by this accord made with the Illirians. For in those times the Illirians did not assault any one in particular, but all the world in general. These are the causes for the which the Romans passed first with an Army into Sclavonia, and into that Country of Europe. Since they sent an Embassy to Corinth, and to the Athenians, at such time as the Corinthians desired to make the Romans partakers of the War, which they made against them of the Iftmus.  
At that time Asdru●al (for here we formerly left our discourse of the affairs of Spain) had by his great virtues much increased the Carthaginians Empire in Spain, and built a Town which some called Carthagena, 
Carthagena built in Spain by the Carthaginians.  others Villanova, most commodious by reason of its situation, as well for the affairs of Spain as of Africa▪ Of whose situation, and of the benefit it may bring to the two Provinces, we will speak in another place when it shallbe fitting. The Romans seeing the Carthaginians forces grown thus powerful in Spain, did not hold it fit to let things pass in this manner: But acknowledging their negligence for that formerly like men asleep, they had by their own weakness suffered the Carthaginians name to grow great there, they resolved to repair this error: Yet they durst not begin a War, fearing a descent of the Gauls, whose fury they apprehended much. And therefore they resolved to treat first with Asdrubal touching Spain, and then to assail the Gauls: And whatsoever should happen to undergo the danger, in holding it for certain, that it was not possible for them, to be Lords of Italy, nor to keep their own Country and houses, unless they had subdued the Gauls. 
A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians  Thus they sent an Embassy into Spain to Asdrubal, who concluded a treaty of peace: By the which among other things it was agreed, that the Carthaginians should not pass the River of Ebro with an Army, and that they might over run the rest of Spain. Presently after the conclusion of this treaty, they prepared for War in Italy against the Gauls: the which we have thought good to relate summarily, to the end that as we have proposed the preparation for the other, Histories may be more manifest. We will look back unto the time when as the Gauls seized first upon Italy. For in my Opinion the History will not only be pleasant, and worthy of memory, but most necessary to understand with what people afterwards, and in what Covatries Hannibal trusting himself, durst assail the Roman Empire. And first we will speak of their Province, what situation, and what proportion it hath to the rest of Italy. For by this means they may the better understand the things which concern the knowledge of the History, in declaring first the property of places and Countries.  
All Italy is of a triangular form. 
A description of Italy.  That side which looks towards the E●st, is confined by the Ionian Sea, and the Adriatic Gulf: and that which tends towards the South and West, is enclosed by the Seas of Italy and Sicily. These two sides joined together make the point of the Triangle: Where in front lies the Promontory, which the people of the Country call Cocynthe, and hath its aspect to the South, dividing the Ionian Sea from the Sicilian. The third side, which tends to the Pole Arctic, and to the firm land, is limited by the continuation of the Alps, the which beginning at Marseilles, and in those Countries which are about the Sardinian Sea, continue unto the shore of the Adriatic Sea, leaving some little space betwixt both. Within on this side which we mean to be bounded by the Alps, and is as it were the Basis or foundation of the Triangle, there are from the Southern Country, tending towards the North, Plains which make the end of Italy, and are the greatest and the most fertile in all Europe: whose figure is likewise Triangular.  
The Appenin Hill, and the Alps joining together make a point of the Triangle, near unto the Sardinian Sea, and above Marseilles. That side which looks to the North is made by the Alps, whereof the extent is two thousand, two hundred Furlongs. That side which hath its aspect to the South, is bounded by the Appenin Hill, the which hath three thousand and three score Furlongs in length. The shore of the Adriatic Sea holds the fashion of the foundation of the whole figure, whereof the greatness (which begins at the Town of Senegaille, unto the Gulf of the same Sea) hath two thousand five hundred Furlongs in compass.  
By this means the Circuit of the whole Plain containeth ten thousand Furlongs in compass. It is not in my power to describe the great fertility of the Country, 
The fertility of Ital.  so much it abounds in all sorts of Fruits, that many times a Bushel of Wheat, after the measure of Sicily▪ hath been sold in our times for two Sou, 
About three pence.  and four Dencers: That of Batley for fourteen Dinars, and a Vessel of wine for as much. Moreover it is not credible the abundance of Mill and Panic, which they call Indian Oatmeal. There is also a great abundance of Acorns, which come from the Forests which are in diverse parts of that Region: Considering that the Italians breed an infinite number of Swine, to Sacrifice, and for their use and necessary provision of an Army; the which the fertility of this Country doth supply abundantly.  
It is easy to conceive that the abundance of other particular things necessary for the use of Man, is great: Considering that when as Guests come unto their Inns, they never make a particular price for the things they take, as they do in o●her Countries, but only what every Man is to pay for his share. When as the Guests had been honestly entreated, and have had whatsoever was necessary for their re●ection, 
A p●ice hard to be credited.  they never paid above half an Assai●e, which is worth three-halfe-pences, they seldom exceed this price. Moreover it is very well peopled; the Men are active, goodly, and strong for the Wa●●e, the which is more easy to be known by their Actions, than by that which can be spoken. The Gauls whom they call Transalpins' inhabit the Mountainous places on either side the Alps towards the Rho●e and the North. And on the side of the plains dwell the Turinois, 
The Turinois and Agoniens.  and the Agoniens, and many other Barbarous Nations, which are of the same Race with the Transalpins', and differ only in their Habitation: The other are called Transalpins' because they dwell beyond the Mountains. As for the top of the Mountains, it is so far from being inhabited, as they do not find so much as the tract of a man, both by reason of the difficulty and uneasiness, as for that it is always covered with Snow, and full of Ice.  
But the Genovois dwell above Marseilles, 
The Genovois.  where as the Appenin Hill begins to join with the Alps Moreover they hold all that Coast which looks to the Champion Country, and to the Sea of Italy: So as along the Sea they hold all unto the Town of Pisa, which is the first City of Italy, towards the West, and towards the firm Land to Aretzo. Next to the Genovois come the Italians, and of either side of the Apennine Hill lie the Vmbrians. Then the Appenin Hill being distant about three score and three miles from the Adriatic Sea, leaving the Plain, bends to the right hand, and in crossing Italy, extends itself to the Sea of Sicily. The Country which is betwixt it and the Adriatic Sea, extends unto Senegaille.  
The River of Poe, 
The Poe.  which the Poets call Eridanus, and which begins at the Foot of the Mountains, where as they make in a manner a point of the Triangle (as we have said) takes his course to the plain towards the South, a●d from thence bending towards the East, it enters by two mouths into the Adriatic Sea. It is the greatest of all the rivers of Italy. For all the waters which descend from the Alps and the Appenins, fall into the Poe. It is far greater in Summer than in Winter, by reason of the abundance of Snow which melts. 
Volane.  It is navigable from a place which the people of the Country call Volane, two hundred and fifty miles towards the Alps. It's spring is but a small Rivulet; but after it divides itself in two● and enters into the Adriatic Sea by two Arms, 
Padova.  which they of the Country call Padova and Volane. The last is the safest Port of all those of the Adriatic Sea.  
They which dwell upon the Poe, 
Bodencus.  have sometimes called it Bodencus. Finally, the Grecians spoke many things of this Poe, as that Phaeton governing the Horses of his Fathers Chariott, fell into it 〈◊〉 and how that the Heliades power forth tears continually, the which are preserved by a Tree: and that the people of the Country since that day began to wear black Robes in sign of mourning, and have always used it since; with many other things, whereof I will now to leave to speak, for that in my Opinion they do not conduce to the preparation of our Worke. Hereafter notwithstanding we will treat of them, when any necessary occasion shall be offered: being most certain that Timeus did not understand those things which did concern this Region.  
The Tyrreins have formerly held all the Champion Country, which is confined by the Apennine hill, and the Adriatic Sea, at what time also they enjoyed the Country called Phlegrein, which is about Capova and Nola● at what time also they purchased a great esteem of virtue. Wherefore Historiographers must not attribute the power of the Tyrreins to the Region which they now inhabit. The Gauls frequented much with them, by reason of their neighbourhood: who moved with the beauty and fertility of the Country, upon a small occasion made War against them, and having chased them away, settled themselves there. The Country betwixt the Poe and the Alps, is inhabited by the Lays, then by the Vercellains. near unto whom are the Milanois in great numbers, and upon the banks of Poe lie the Cenomans. In regard of those places which are near unto the Adriatic Sea, they are inhabited by people, which are anciently descended from Paphlagonia, whom they call Venetiens, 
The Venetiens come from Paphlagoni●.  who differ nothing from the Gauls in their manner of living and habit, but only in their tongues: Of whom the tragical Poets write many strange fooleries. Moreover, that which lies betwixt the Appenin Hill and the Poe, is at its entry inhabited by the Ananes, by the Boloniens, by the Eganes, and then by thee Senogallois: These are they who (borderers to all the rest) have inhabited near unto the Adriatic Sea.  
Behold the principal Nations of all the Gauls which dwelled in Italy, 
The Gauls manner of living.  living in Villages without any enclosure, having no furniture for their houses, but lay upon the bare. They lived of flesh, and made no profession but of War and Tillage, leading a simple life without Arts or Sciences. Their wealth was in Gold and Cattell, for that they were things easy to transport where they pleased, when necessity pressed them. They did all strive to purchase Friends, for they much esteemed a man that was honoured by many. In the beginning they not only held this Country, but they also drew unto them a great part of their Neighbours, being terrified with their fury.  
Soon after making War against the Romans, they defeated them with their Allies, 
Rome taken by the Gauls.  and put them shamefully to flight. Within three days after they took Rome except the Capitol, and afterwards returned to their houses, having concluded a Peace with them, and restored their City: For that they were forced to return, by reason of the invasions which the Venetiens made into their Country. From thencefoorth they began to make War amongst themselves: For they which dwelled at the Foot of the Mountains, seeing the others to increase daily in power, made War often against them. In the mean time, the Romans recovering their Forces, prevailed over the Latins.  
Thirty years after the taking of Rome, the Gauls returned with a great Army to Alba: 
The Gaults return against the Romans.  But for that the Romans were surprised, and had no leisure to Levy an Army, nor to require succours from their Allies, they made no resistance against them. And when as they returned twelve years after, the Romans being presently advertised of their coming, and drawing together the succours of their Allies, marched with great courage to encounter them with an Army, desiring nothing more than Battle, by the means whereof they should soon decide who should have the Empire. The Gauls amazed at their Resolution, and withal there falling a mutiny amongst them, they made their Retreat little less than a flight, and so continued thirteen years without making War.  
But when they saw the Romans power increase daily, they began to treat of Peace, the which they obtained, and continued thirty years without War. The Transalpins' renewed the War against them. Wherefore fearing to be assailed on two sides, they entreated them, that for as much as they were of one Nation they would not be their enemies. Moreover they sent them rich presents, entreating them to turn the War against the Romans, and that they would assist them with all their means. Whereunto being easily persuaded, they marched all with one consent against the Romans by Tuscany (for a great number of the Tuscans held for them) and having made a great spoil, 
Pillage made by the Gauls upon the Romans.  they retired out of the Roman Provinces to their own Houses without loss. Where as there fell out a great debate upon the division of this great booty, so as they not only lost a great part of their booty, but also the best part of their Empire: the which doth usually happen to the Gauls, by reason of their gormondize and drunkenness. Four years after joining with the Samnites they assailed the Romans, 
divers victories of the Gäules against the Romans.  of whom they made a great slaughter, in the Region of the Camertins. Some few days after they assailed them again, and had a Battle near unto the Country of the Sentinates, where they gave them a great defeat, and forced the rest to recover their Houses.  
Ten years after they made a great assembly of men of War, and descending into Tuscany they besieged Arezo. The Romans coming to succour the Arezins, fought near unto the Town, and lost the Battle with the Consul Lucius: In whose place they did choose Marcus Curio, who presently sent an Embassy into Gaul, to retire the prisoners; who at his coming was slain by them, contrary to the Law of Nations.  
The Romans incensed at so wicked an Act, made a new Levy of men, and resolved to enter the Gauls Country. 
A defeat and ruin of the Senogallois by the Romans.  But they had not done any great matter, when as the Senogallois went to encounter them; whom the Romans charged, and slew the greatest part, and those few which remained were chased out of the Country. They recovered the whole Country, and repeopled the Town again, calling it Senogallia, as it had been formerly, when it was first inhabited by the Gauls. 
The situation of Senogallia.  This Town (as we have ●ayd) is situated upon the Adriaticke shore, where as the points of Italy do end. When the Bolonians saw the Senogallois chased by the Romans from their Country, they raised an Army to make War against them, calling all the Tuscans to their aid, fearing lest the Romans should do the like unto them.  
Presently after they fought, where most of the Tuscans were ●laine, 
The Bolonians defeated by the Romans.  and a few of the Bolonians saved themselves by flight. Yet they fainted not for this defeat, but the year following drew together all the Forces they could make, and all the Youth that could bear Arms, and marched against the Romans, where they were defeated and slain, so as they were in a manner utterly ruined. Wherefore their pride abated, they made an agreement with them by Ambassadors. These things happened, three years after the descent of Pyrrhus into Italy, 
A defeat of the Gauls in Delphos.  and five years after the Gauls had been defeated in Delphos. Behold how in that time Fortune (as a mortal plague among the Gauls) persecuted them in all places. But the Romans made a double profit by the battles which we have formerly related: For being accustomed to fight with the Gauls, who had been held very fierce and fearful, they became good Soldiers against Pyrrhus. Thus by little and little they abated the pride of the Gauls, so as afterwards they were much more assured, first to fight with Pyrrhus for Italy, and afterwards against the Carthaginians for the Sovereignty of Sicily.  
The Gauls weakened by the means of the former Battles, lived in peace forty five years, without any breach of the accord made with the Romans. But after that the old men, (who had undergone the dangers, and felt so many losses) were dead, the Youth who were of a harsh and bad disposition, and had not felt the miseries of former times, grew insolent. These (as it is willingly the nature of men) began presently to undertake the War, and to be enemies to the Romans, whatsoever should succeed, and moreover to send to crave succours from the Transalpins'. It is true, that in the beginning the Princes did manage the affairs without the consent of the people: So as it happened, that when as the Transalpins' were come to Rimeni, 
King Etas and Gastus slain  the common people of Bolonia, being ignorant of this enterprise, and fearing this desscent, mutined against their Commanders, and put to death Etas and Gallus their Kings; then they fought with the Transalpins'. The Romans likewise amazed at this descent of the Transalpins', drew their Men to field: but when they were advertised of the other defeat of the Gauls, they retired to their Houses.  
Five years after, Marcus Lepidus being Consul, Caeius Flaminius made a Law for the people, by the which that Region of Gaul, which they call the Marquisate of Ancona, unto Rimeni, from whence the Senogallois had been chased, 
The occasion to renew the War betwixt the Romans and Gauls.  should be divided amongst the ●omane Soldiers. For which cause there suddenly grew a new War: For most part of the Gauls, especially the Bolonians, who were neighbours unto the Romans, were much incensed therewith, thinking that the Romans did not fight for principality or Glory, but for pillage and their ruin. Wherefore the milanese and Bolonians consenting together, sent suddenly to the other Gauls, which dwell beyond the Mountains along the River of Rhone, whom they call Gessates, for that they fight for pay, (for so the word imports) offering to their King's Congolitan and Aneroeste a great sum of present money. They acquaint them with the great felicity of the Romans; and what a benefit it would be if they could vanquish them.  
By this means they move them to make War against the Romans; the which was easy to persuade, considering the former Reason. They promise them also to make them Companions in this War, reducing to their memory the prowess of their Predecessors, 
The Gauls were seven months within Rome.  who had not only defeated the Romans in battle, but after the Victory had taken the City of Rome with wonderful celerity: Where they had taken great spoils, and after they had been masters thereof seven months, they restored them the Empire willingly, and returned into their Country safe with all their booty. In propounding these things bravely unto them, they encouraged these Kings and the Gauls, so as there was never descent made out of that Country, of a greater Army, nor more valiant men, nor better furnished.  
When the news thereof came to Rome, 
Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gauls.  the City was so amazed, as they presently made a new Levy of men, and began to make provision of Victuals, leading their Army sometimes unto their Frontiers, as if the Gauls had been there present; who notwithstanding were not yet come out of their Country. These things were very beneficial to the Carthaginians, to augment their Empire in Spain. But the Be●●anes considering that these affairs were more pressing, for that these people were too near enemies, they were forced to lay aside the affairs of Spain, until they had pacified Italy. And therefore in renewing the accord with Asdrubal, Lieutenant General for the Carthaginians, they wholly attended the War against the Gauls, studying only how they might resist their fury.  
When as the Gessates had drawn a great number of men together near unto the Rhone, they passed the Mountains, 
A descent of the Transalpins' into Italy.  and entered the plain near unto the Poe: Where as the other Gauls eight years after the yielding of that Region, and in like manner the milanese and Bolonians, joined presently with a great multitude. But the Venetians and Cenomans pacified by an Embassy from the Romans, preferred their friendship before the Alliance of the Gauls. Wherefore the Kings for fear of them, left a part of their Army in milanese to guard the Country, and marched with the rest into Tuscany, 
The number of the Gauls Army.  being about fifty thousand Foot, and twenty thousand Cars and Horsemen. When as the Romans had news that the Gauls had past the Alps, they sent Lucius Emilius the Consul with an Army to Rimeni, that being there before the Enemy, he should stay their passage. They also caused one of the Praetors to march into Tuscany, for the other Consul Caius Attilius, had in the beginning of his Consulship passed into Sardinia with an Army at Sea.  
The City of Rome was heavy, and much troubled, and did not attend this great attempt of the Gauls without great fear. They then remembered their former defeats, and feared this Nation, as the ruin of the City of Rome. And therefore they had long before prepared a great Army: they daily made new levies of men, 
The diligence of the Romans.  and they advertised their Allies to be ready and in Arms. Moreover, they enjoined them to send unto the Senate the Rolls of the Bands of their Youth, desiring to know the number of Soldiers of all the Italian Army. They likewise made provision of Corn and Arms, and of all other things necessary, in greater abundance than they had done in former times.  
The other people of Italy were no less diligent, they were so much amazed at the descent of the Gauls: so as they did not think to fight for the Romans, nor for their Empire, but every man for his own safety, for his City, and for his Country: Wherefore all the Italians did willingly obey the Romans in this War. 
The preparation which the Romans made for War.  I will here set down the preparations the Romans made for War, and what number of men they had in those times, to the end you may plainly see how great they were, and what forces they had when as Hannibal presumed to assail them, and with what Troops making War against the Roman power, he brought the City into so great danger. First, the Consuls went to field with four Romare Legions, whereof either consisted of five thousand two hundred Foot, and two thousand Horse. They had moreover by reason of this arming of the Gauls, raised other Troops. 
The number of Soldiers which were raised in Italy.  The Tuscans and Sabins had drawn together three score and ten thousand Foot, and about four thousand Horse.  
As soon as the news came that the Gauls past the Alps of Bolonia, these were sent into Tuscany, under the command of the Provost of the City. After these the Vmbrians and Sarsenates inhabiting Mount Appenin, were assembled to the number of twenty thousand men. The Venetians also, and Cenomans were about twenty thousand, all which were appointed to keep the Appenin Hills, and to fall upon the Bolonois when occasion should be offered. Behold the Troops which at the first they sent against the Gauls. There was moreover another Army within Rome to guard the City, and to attend the pleasure of the Senate upon all occasions: whereof there were twenty thousand foot▪ Romans, and fifteen hundred Horse, and of their Allies thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. Moreover they had the Roll of the Army of the Latins, which consisted of four score thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse: and of the Samnites of three score and ten thousand men, and seven thousand Horse. Of the Lapiges and Mesapiens fifty thousand Foot, and sixteen thousand Horse, of Mars', Marruciens, Ferrentins and Vestins, twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse. Of the Lucains thirty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse. There were moreover at that time two Legions in Sicily, and about Tarentum for the guard of the Country: whereof either was of four thousand two hundred Foot, and two hundred Horse. Moreover, the multitude of the Romans and Campanois, was about two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and three and twenty thousand Horse. By this means the number of the Troops which were subject to the Senate and people of Rome, exceeded an hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and about six thousand Horse. But the whole force of Italy was generally of seven hundred thousand Foot, and three score and ten thousand Horse. Against the which Hannibal having but twenty thousand men, durst enter into Italy. But this shall be for another time.  
The Gauls finally passing the Appenin Hills, 
Tuscany ruined by the Gauls.  entered into Tuscany without any resistance, putting all to fire and sword: Finally, they marched speedily to Rome. Being come near unto a Town which they call Cluse, within three days journey of Rome, they had news that the Roman Army (which as we have said, had been sent to guard Tuscany) was drawn together and followed them. Wherefore they presently turned head furiously upon them. And when they were come near unto the other at the Sunsetting, than they cam'st, leaving some little space betwixt them. Night being come, the Gauls made fi●es in their Camps after their usual manner, and left their Horsemen there, 
The policy of the Gauls.  giving them charge to part at the break of day, and when they should be discovered by the Enemies to go on their course. In the mean time making show of a f●●ght, they part with all their Foot, and march directly to Fesula, of purpose to draw on their Horsemen, and to break the Enemy which followed them.  
The Romans seeing the Gauls Horsemen part at the break of day with great noise, thinking it was for fear, hasted after them indiscreetly, and drew near unto them. Who being joined, the combat in the beginning was furious, 
A Victory of the Gauls against the Romans.  for that the Gauls did charge them on all sides according to their resolution. Finally, the Romans lost six thousand men, for that the Gauls were more in number and of greater courage. All the ●est of the Army fled, whereof a great part retired to a little Hill, strong by situation and nature. The Gauls began to besiege them: But for that they were tired with watching the Night before, and with the toil of the day, they returned to take their refection, leaving a strength of Horsemen to keep the Hill, with a resolution to give an assault with all their forces, if they did not yield within three days. At that time Lucius Emilius the Consul, who (as we have said) was at Rimini with an Army, having advertisement that the Gauls had past Tuscany, and marched to Rome with all their forces, he used all diligence to come and succour his companions. When he had past the Appenin Hill, and was lodged near unto the Enemy, they which had retired to the Hill, knowing the Consuls coming, which they easily discovered by the fires in the Night, they presently took courage, and sent some of their men unarmed unto him by the Forest, to let him understand how things had past.  
The Consul seeing that all delays in so great a danger of his companions were prejudicial, he gave order to the Tribunes of the Soldiers, to march at the break of day with all the foot: And in the mean time he takes his way towards the Hill with all the Horsemen. The Commanders of the Gauls doubting of the Consuls coming by the fires in the Night, assembled to advise what they had to do. 
The advice of Ane●oeste.  Then King Aneroeste was of opinion, that it was a folly to lose time with the Enemy, and to bring their conquest in danger, before they had put so great a spoil in safety (they had in truth an infinite number of Prisoners, and abundance of all other things) and therefore they must first return into their Country, and there leave all the baggage, and then return into Italy if they think it fit: 
The retreat of 〈◊〉 Gauls.  to the end the Soldiers might fight with their Enemies without any encumbrance. The Gauls liked of this counsel, and the next day drew forth their Ensigns before the break of day, returning into Gaul along the Seashore, laden with all sorts of pillage.  
When as Lucius Emilius had retired those which had fled to the Hill, 
The pursuit of Emilius.  he pursued the Gauls with his Army. Yet he did not hold it fit to present battle to so great a multitude, but rather resolved to attend some opportunity, either of time or place, where he might amaze the Enemy, or make them abandon the booty in some sort. At the same time Caius Attilius the other Consul, who was lately arrived at ●●sa from Sardinia, landed with his whole Army, and marched directly to Rome by the Seashore before the Gauls. They were not far from Telamona a Town of Tuscany, when as some of their scouts fell by surprise into the Romans hands, who discovered unto the Consul that the Gauls were not far off, 
Caius Attilius.  and that Lucius Emilius pursued them. These things being understood, Caius Attilius wondering at this fortune, and hoping partly of the Victory, for that Fortune seemed to have delivered the Enemy betwixt their two Camps, he gave the Legions to the Tribunes of the Soldiers, and gave them charge to march against the Enemy, as much as the opportunity of place would give them leave.  
In the mean ttme seeing a little Hill upon the way, very commodious for their War, to the which the Gauls seemed to tend, he took the Horsemen, and resolved to get it before them, and to undergo the danger, hoping that if the Romans had the Victory by this means, they would attribute the honour unto him. The Gauls ignorant in the beginning of the Consuls coming, and doubting by the things which they saw, that Lucius ●milius had passed before night with his horsemen, to gain the Country which was advantageous for the War, they presently sent all their Horse, and some of their most active men to recover this Hill. But when they were advertised by the Prisoners that Attilius held it, they presently caused their Footmen to march, and order their battle in the Rear, as in the Front, for that they saw Emilius followed them in the tail, and that the other attended them in front, as they had learned by the Prisoners, and by the things which had happened. They which were with Emilius, were not yet confident, although it were a common bruit that the Army of Sardinta was arrived at Pisa. But they were assured when as they saw the combat at the Hill: for the Enemies were very near, and therefore the Emilian Horse rejoiced much, and took a way by the side of the nearest Hill to go and succour those which defended it.  
Emilius in the mean time marched after the Gauls in the same order he had been accustomed. When the Gauls saw themselves thus involved by the Enemies, 
The order of the Gauls battle▪  they put upon the Rear the G●ssates and Milannois against Emilius who followed them, and upon the Front the P●emontois, and those which inhabit along the Poe, appointing the Bolonians and the Ca●s with all the baggage apart without the two Battalions, and all the pillage upon a 〈◊〉 Hill, with some Horsemen to guard it. When they had thus ordained their Battle with two fronts, it seemed not only terrible to behold, but also of a wonderful efficacy for the combat. The Bolonians and milanese, made choice of such as had Breeches, and were most at ease in their apparel. But the Gessates for the great courage and wonderful desire of glory which they had, stripped themselves, and put themselves before the Battalion naked, only with their Arms, having a conceit that by this means they should be more active and disposed to fight: For the Bushes (which were thick there) would stay them by their Clothes and hinder their fight.  
First, the Combat which was at the Hill, was in the sight of both Army's, whereas the Horse men charged one another, and fought valiantly. There Cai●s Attilius was slain, 
Caius Attilius slain.  fight too rashly, whose Head was presently carried to the Kings of the Gauls. Yet the Roman cavalry fainted not, but were the more incensed to fight; so as in the end they not only defended the Hill, but defeated all the Gauls Horsemen. 
The battle of the Footmen.  In the mean time the Foot men approach, and the combat began, the which was not only horrible and wonderful to behold for those that were present, but likewise for those which shall hear it spoken of. First considering that the battle was of three Armies, every man may imagine, that the sight was not only new and fearful to the assistants, but also their manner of fight. Moreover, who will doubt but the Gauls had the worst, being charged as well in the Rear as in the Front? Or it may be the better, for that they fought altogether against the two Armies, and that the two sides repulsed their Enemies, so as at the same instant they defended one another: And that moreover they could not pass on, not hope for flight back. ward? There is no doubt but a Battle with two Fronts hath the benefit, that the Soldiers have no means to fly. In regard of the Romans, they had hope of Victory, for that they saw their Enemies enclosed, as it were delivered into their hands: On the other side they feared the fury and order of their Army, the sound of Trumpets and Clairons was terrible, with the which all the Troop made a great cry and shout, so as there was an incredible noise. They could not hear the Trumpets and Soldiers, and moreover, the neighbour places seemed to echo forth their cries.  
It was a terrible thing to see the forlorn hope march naked. Believe me, these great naked bodies, with their motions under their Bucklers were marvellous and fearful. The beauty and riches of their Apparel gave also a great lustre. For the whole Army shined with chains of Gold, and Silks woven with purple. The which the Romans observing, they were partly amazed, and partly encouraged with the hope of spoil. Finally, the tail of the Army which was armed, was not galled by the Roman Archers, who do usually march before the Battalion. But the forlorn hope which fought naked before their Troops, were contrary to all hope much annoyed: 
The defeat of the forlorn hope of the Gauls.  For they could not cover their great naked bodies with their French Bucklers▪ And therefore the Arrows fell easily upon them. Finally, when they saw themselves thus beaten, and could not be revenged of the Archers by reason of the distance, and for the multitude of Arrows which flew from all parts, they cast themselves like desperate madmen, some upon their Enemies, where they were slain: others retired upon their own Troops, who being all bloody, daunted the courage of the rest, and put them in disorder.  
By this means the fierceness of the Gessates, which made the forlorn hope was abated. Then the Milannois, the Bolonians, and the Turinois maintained the burden of the battle: where they did not fight a fatre off with their Arrows and Darts as formerly, but hand to hand with their Speeres and Swords: and the Combat was as furious as ever any was, for every man performed his duty. 
The Arms which the Gauls did use.  It is true, that their Targets and Swords were not equal. For the Gauls Swords were heavy and blunt, and their Targets weak: The Romans covered themselves with stronger Targets, and carried short Swords and sharp. And therefore the Gauls were still defeated in what manner so ever they fought, whether in troop, or man to man: 
A defeat of the Gauls Army.  Yet they stood firm in battle, until that the Roman Cavellery came down from the Hill in great fury: Then they were broken and slain here and there. The Footmen died in the place where they had their Stations appointed: But the Horsemen fled. The Gauls lost in this battle forty thousand men; 
The taking of King Cong●llitane. The death of King Aneroeste.  there were only taken ten thousand with King Congollitane. Aneroeste, which was the other King of the Gauls, fled with some few which followed him to a neighbour-place, who some days after slew themselves.  
After this defeat, Lucius Emilius the Consul, sent the Enemy's spoils to Rome, and restored the booty to those to whom it did belong. From thence he went through the Genovois Country into that of B●lonia, making great spoils: 
The Bolonians Country spoy●led.  And having in a short time enriched his Army with all sorts of booty, he brought it back to Rome, with the Arms, chains and bracelets of gold, wherewith he did adorn the Capitol: being a kind of ornament of gold, which the Gauls are accustomed to carry about their wrists and necks: the rest of the spoils and all the prisoners, went before him in triumph. Behold those great attempts of the Gauls, which the Romans not only feared, but all Italy in like manner, came to nothing.  
The Romans hoping now to chase the Gauls out of Italy, sent Quintus Fuluius and Titus Manlius late made Consuls, with a great Army into Gaul. 
The Bolonians● yield to the Romans.  Who at their entry forced the Bolonians to submit themselves to their obedience. But they could not proceed in the war, but were forced to retire by reason of the continual Rain and the Plague.  
Afterwards Publius Furio, and Caius Flaminius being created Consuls, came again into Gaul with an Army: and after they had received the Ananes into friendship, which are not far from Marselles, they marched directly into the Country of Milan with their Legions, where as the River Ada joins unto the Poe. The Milannois had made a great levy to repulse their enemies. By whom when the Romans had received great loss, not only at the passage of the River, but also in fortifying their Camp, they parted thence, and took their way to the Country of the Cenomans▪ where after they had joined their Army to theirs, for they were their Allies, they made a new descent into the Milannois by the higher Country, which looks toward the Alps, ruining all where they passed.  
The Princes of Milan hearing the resolution of the Romans to be immutable, resolved to undergo the hazard and to fight with them. Wherefore after they had drawn an Army together, and taken the Ensigns of gold which they call unmoveable out of Minerva's Temple, & made provision of all other things necessary, 
The Army of the Milannois.  they marched against them with great assurance, planting their Camp ●ight against them, to the number of fifty thousand Men. It is true, the Romans finding themselves not strong enough, were of advice to call the Gauls to their aid, with whom they were in league. But for that they feared their revolt, & they were to fight with men of the same Nation, they held it dangerous to trust in such men in so great a danger, and especially to put their safeties in their handsat such a time, and in such an action: Finally, being near the River, they call the Cenomans, and cause them to pass. When all were passed they broke the Bridge, depriving them at one instant of the means to join with their Enemies, and leaving their Men no hope of safety but in the victory.  
When this was done they put their men in order, and off●● battle to the Milannois. It seems the Romans had ordered this battle discreetly by the advertisement of the Tribunes, for the means to fight in troop, or man to man: For when as their men were in battle they took the Pikes from the Triarij, and gave them to such as were in the Front, giving them charge to entertain the fury of the Gauls, until their first heat of fight were spent: Which being done, leaving their Pikes, they should fly to their Swords; ordaining it in this manner, for that they had seen by the former Wars, that the Gauls had a furious point, and afterwards their hearts were faint and effeminate, and that moreover their Swords as we have said, were only fit to give one blow; 
The uneasiness of the Gauls Swords.  but afterwards their length grew crooked, and the edge turned by reason of the breadth: So as if they did not suffer them to set the point to the ground, and to make them strait again with their Feet, the second blow wrought no effect.  
The Romans following the Command of the Tribunes, charge their enemies with great blows upon the breast with their Pikes. The Gauls on the other side employ all their fury to cut them. Then the Romans abandoning their Pikes, fought hand to hand, breaking by this means the fury of the Gauls: And taking from them all means to step back, which these people are accustomed to use in their Charge, for that their Swords are blunt and unprofitable, by reason of their length, but only to give one blow a far off. But the Romans by means of their short Swords, wherewith they did not strike like unto them, but thrust often through the bodies and throats of the Gauls, so as they slew a great number.  
Behold how the providence of the Tribunes prevailed much; without doubt the Consul had not made choice of a place fit to fight: Considering that in ordering the battle upon the River side, he had taken from the Romans the means to march, 
A Victory of the Romans against the milanese.  which is usual unto them. Wherefore if during the Combat they had been forced to retire, they had all fallen into the River by the error of the Consul. Yet they had a goodly Victory by their own forces, and retired to Rome with a great multitude of Prisoners and spoil.  
The year following the Gauls weakened with so many battels lost, sent an Embassy to the Romans for a Peace, making them goodly promises. But Marcus Claudius, and Caius Cornelius chosen Consuls, used all diligence to draw their Army into their Country, to the end the Senate should not yield unto it. 
The Gessates dwell on this side the Rh●ne.  Wherefore the Gauls having no more hope of peace, being as it were in despair, raised a new Army, and entertained thirty thousand Gessates, who, as we have said, dwell on this side the Rhine, having them all ready and in Arms attending the descent of the Romans. When as the Consuls were entered the milanese Country in the Spring, 
Acerras besieged.  they besieged the Town of Acorras, which lies betwixt the Poe and the Alps. And although it were not in the power of the milanese to succour the besieged, for that the Romans held the passages: Yet their full intent being to raise the siege, they cause a part of their Army to pass the Poe, 
Cl●stidium besieged.  to whom they give charge to besiege Clastidium, a Town belonging to the Allies of the Romans, hoping by this means the Consuls should be forced to raise their siege. But presently when they had the news, Marcus Claudius makes haste with the Horsemen, and the most active of the foot, to succour the besieged. When the Gauls were advertised of the Consuls coming, they presently raised the siege, and went resolutely to encounter the Romans offering them battle. At the first the Gauls had the better, for that the Roman Horsemen were surprised by theirs. 
A defeat of the Gauls by the Romans.  But being afterwards environed by the Roman Cavalry, they were broken and defeated. Many were drowned having cast themselves into the River, flying the Enemy: The greatest part were slain, and the rest taken Prisoners.  
But when they which were besieged in Acerras, had notice of the defeat of their men near unto Clastidium, they retired to Milan, the Capital City of the Country. 
Acerras taken by Cornelius.  Then Cornelius having got the Town of Acerras well furnished with Corn and all other Munition, he pursued the Gauls, and planted his Camp near unto Milan. And for that the Milannois came not out to fight, he drew back his Army, spoiling the Country. Then the Milannois pursuing them, began to charge them in the Rear, and make a great slaughter: whereof some fled, until that Cornelius turning head against the Enemy with the Legions, encouraged the whole Army to sight. Who willingly obeying the Consul's commandment, fell with great fury upon the Gauls, who having lately been so often beaten, made no long resistance, but presently turned head, and recovered the Alps. Cornelius pursued them, spoiling the whole Country, and from thence he marched to Milan, which he took by force, and brought it under the Romans obedience.  
After all these defeats, the Princes of the Gauls seeing there was no more hope in their affairs, submitted themselves to the will of the Romans. Thus ended the War of the Gauls, having never unto this day heard speak nor read of a greater, be it for the obstinacy of courage, or the resolution of Soldiers, or the cruelty of battles, or the great slaughter of men, or the greatness of Armies: Although the counsel, the enterprise, and the daily advice were unprofitables For that the Gauls manage their affairs by rage and fury, not by reason. Of whom we might have considered in how short a time they have been chased out of their natural Country by the Romans, in leaving them a small portion within the Alps, we have thought it good to relate summarily their first attempts, the success of affairs, and finally their last ruins: For that I hold it fitting for a History, to make such accidents known to those of future times: to the end that our men for want of knowing them, may not easily fear the rash descents which Barbarians do often make: and that they rather try their fortune, than to omit any thing that is necessary, nor to subject themselves unto them: Certainly such people are easily and without difficulty broken and defeated, if they resist their first fury. I imagine that they which have written the Gests of the Persians against the Grecians, and of the Gauls against the delphians, have done a great favour to the Grecians to fight for the liberty of the Country. There is no doubt but a man will not be amazed for riches, forces, or the multitude of men, if he fights for the defence of his Country, if he hath before his eyes the actions of those times, and consider how many thousands of men, what forces and what Armies, the virtue of Soldiers with valour and reason hath vanquished, broken and defeated. 
The Grecians terrified by the Gaults.  The Grecians have not only been terrified by the Gauls in former times, but also many times in our age: which is the thing which hath moved me most to relate their actions summarily, beginning with the Original. But to return where we left, after that Asdrubal General of the Carthaginians had continued eight years in Spain, he was in the end traitorously slain in the Night in his lodging by a Gaul, 
Asdrubal slain  by reason of some private hatred: He was not only excellent and expert in the Art of War, but was so eloquent to move the hearts of men, as he much augmented the Carthaginians Empire. Then they gave the charge of the Army which was in Spain to Hannibal, being then a young Man, for that he had a good beginning, and a wonderful great courage for his age. Who at his coming made declaration that he would be an Enemy to the Romans, the which fell out soon after. From that time the Romans and the Carthaginians jealous of one another. To speak the truth, the Carthaginians grew laboured secretly to surprise them for that they had chased them out of Sicily. On the other side the Romans knowing their intent, gave no great credit unto them: so as it might easily be conceived the War would soon break out. At the same time the Achaiens with Philip King of Macedon, and their Allies, made War against the etolians, which they called the War of the Allies.  
As we have related the War which the Romans made against the Carthaginians in Sicily and in Africa, and the things which followed, and being now come according to the order of our preparation, to the beginning of the War betwixt the Allies, and to the second of the Carthaginians, which they call the War of Hannibal, seeing we have resolved to begin our course with those times, it is reasonable we should come to the Gests and Exploits of the Grecians: to the end that making by this means a preparation of all parts, we may begin the History which we have resolved on, when as we shall come to the same end of all things.  
As therefore we have not undertaken to write the actions only of one Nation or another, as other Historiographers have done, as of the Grecians or Persians, but of all the parts of the world together, which are come to our knowledge, (for that this present time hath been of great use, whereof we will speak more amply in another place) it shall be fitting to make a summary mention of the most known Nations and Countries of the whole World, before the beginning of our work.  
In regard of the actions of the Asians and Egyptians, it shall be sufficient to deliver those of our time: considering that many have written the deeds of times past, whereof no man is ignorant: Neither is there any thing innovated, which is not according to the Commentaries of Historiographers. In regard of the people of Achaia, and the house of Macedon, it is fitting to search out the times passed summarily: As for that which concerns the Macedonians, the proof will be easy: And as for the Achaiens, there hath been made (as we have formerly said) an augmentation and wonderful accord in our time. 
All Mor●a reduced into ● league.  For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord, and could not effect it, considering that all men aim more at their private profit, than the liberty of the Country, there hath been at this day made so great a change, as they have not only contracted friendship, and a strict league, but moreover they use the same Laws, the same weight, the same measure, the same money, and more, the same Princes, the same Council, and the same judges: So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgess, but that they dwelled not all in one Town: All the rest was alike and the same thing.  
It shall not be therefore unfitting to show how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea. 
The Name of the Achei●s well entertained in Morea.  You must understand that they which were first so called, had no better Country, nor more Towns, nor more Wealth, nor more virtue. Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedæmonians do far exceed the other people of Morea, both in number of men and Towns: Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowess and virtue. What is the cause then that these men whom we have named, and the other people of Morea, have willingly suffered not only the Commonalty of the Achaiens, but also to take the Name? It were a folly to say that it was by chance. Wherefore it were better to seek the cause without the which we cannot finish those things which are done with reason, nor those which seemne to be done without it. For my part I conceive it was the equality, and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all, as a certain precedent of a true Commonwealth: For there is no City in all Greece, where there are found better Laws. Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Commonwealth Some thorough reason and parswasion, others forced by little and little with the time, and yet they have presently pacified their discontents. And for that they did no● from the beginning leave more to one then to another, but would have all things equal to all men, it presently brought the Achei●s to this great Authority, using two means of great efficacy, that is, Equality and Clemency: Behold the cause which we must imagine, for the which all Morea being of one will and accord, attained to this prosperity and peace wherein we see it at this day.  
It is true, that this manner of living, and means of government of a Commonwealth was long observed by the Acheins: the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses. Yet we will produce but one or two at this time. You must understand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy, 
The Pythàgorians burnt in Italy.  which they then called great Greece: It happened that the Country and the Towns were much afflicted with murders and sedition, by a strange alteration of Commonweals whose Princes were wickedly slain. And therefore Ambassadors came from all parts to pacify their debates. Who leaving all the rest, they referred themselves in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree. Soon after they resolved to use their Laws, and to frame their Commonwealth like unto theirs. Without doubt the Crotoniates, Sybarites, and Caulonites, after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner, edified a Temple in public, to jupiter Omarie, where they might assemble the people, and give them iustructions. Moreover having accepted the Institutions and Laws of the Acheins, they would only live in them, and erect their Commonwealth. But the tyranny of Denis of Syracuse and the Gauls, who at that time spoilt the Country, 
The Lacedæmonians and Thebains.  hindered them from bringing their enterprise to an end. Moreover, after the defeat of the Lacedæmonians beyond all hope, before Luctres, and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Gre●ce, there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece, namely, betwixt the Lacedæmonians and the thebans: For that the Lacedæmonians conceived they had been vanquished, and the others did not think they had gotten the Victory. Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians, to whose judgement they submitted themselves touching their quarrels, not having so much regard to their forces or power (for in truth it was the least of all the Provinces of Greece) as to the faith and justice of the people, which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World. It is true, they had then but bare virtue, having done nothing worthy of fame or estimation. Wherefore their commonalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to govern them, for that they had been always kept under by the Empire of the Lacedæmonians or Macedonians.  
But after by succession of time they had found Governors worthy of their estate, they presently purchased honour and glory. They reconciled all Morea, which was an excellent work: 
Arate.  whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had been the Author and contriver: the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished, and afterwards confirmed: and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it, and subsequently all his Companions. Hereafter we will endeavour as much as the Subject shall require, to relate their deeds, the manner and the time: Yet we will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time, and hereafter, for that he hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according unto truth plainly and amply. But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious.  
It is true, that in my opinion, the declaration would be more easy, and the History more plain to those that desire to know it, if we take it from the time, when as the Acheins, who had been dispersed into diverse Cities by the Princes of Macedon, drew themselves again together as it were in one body, and afterwards they augmented in such sort, as they came to this great amplitude whereof we have hitherto spoken in particular, and which continues unto this day.  
They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together, 
A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra.  in the hundred and four and twentieth olympiad, at such time as Ptolemy the Son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy Ceraunien died, without doubt they all died during this olympiad. Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times: 
Tisamenes.  They began to be governed by Kings, at such time as Tysamenes the Son of H●restes chased from Lacedemonia, after the descent of Heraclites, held the Country which is about Acheia. After whom Kings governed continually by succession until the time of Sygus. 
Sygus.  After whom the Regal power began to be tedious, for that the Children of Sygus did not govern the Province legally, but by Tyranny. Wherefore they chased away their Kings, and governed in common: wherein they lived diversely according to the diversity of the times, until the days of Alexander and Philip, yet striving with all their means to govern their Commonweals in a Commonalty, which contained twelve Towns, who are yet in being, except Olena and Elix which an Earthquake swallowed up before the Battle of Leuctres. 
The alliance of twelve Cities.  Behold the Cities, Patras, Dymes, Phare, Tritee, Leanty, Egire, Pelleve, Bure, Cerannie, Carynie, Olene and Elix.  
But in the time of Alexander, and before the olympiad which we have mentioned, they grew into so great dissension, namely for the Kings of Macedon, that the Towns thus divided, held it would be a great good unto them to make War one against another. So as some drew unto them the forces of Demetrius and Cassander, and soon after those of Antigonus: The others were employed by the Kings, whereof there were many at that time in Greece. But in the hundred and four and twentieth olympiad, as we have said, they began again to be reconciled, 
The beginning of the league.  at such time as Pyrrhus' King of Epirus passed into Italy.  
First, they of Patras, Dymes, Tritee, and Phare, were reconciled, when as there was no title of common alliance betwixt them. Five years after they of Egire chased away their Garrison, and joined to the rest: whom the Buriens followed killing their King: and soon after the Cerauniens.  
When as Iseas (who at that time was King of the C●rauniens) saw that they of Egire had chased away their Garrison, 
Iseas King.  and they of Bure had slain their King; seeing himself in a manner involved with War, he relinquished the principality, leaving the administration of the Commonweal to the Acheins, after the Covenants concluded with them to save his life. But why have we brought these things from so far? To the end first that the World may know by what means, and at what time, and who were the first among the Acheins, which rectified this commonalty again, the which at this day we see flourish: And that knowing their order, every man may easily believe not only our History, but also our actions. Believe me, they have always observed one course concerning the government of their Commonwealth, and one reason by the which keeping continually an equality among them, and defeating those who of themselves, or by their Kings laboured to take their Country, they have in the end prevailed in all their interprises, as well by their own forces as by the help of their Allies.  
Finally those things which have been since done in this Province, aught to be attributed to the Acheins, who being companions to the romans in many great affairs, have not attributed any thing unto themselves of that which was done, having no other thought but of liberty, and the common accord of Morea. But we shall see it more plainly by their actions.  
All these Cities which we have named, did administer the Commonwealth from the beginning five and twenty years with the Acheins, making choice of one Questor and two Captains. Afterwards they resolved to have but one, who should have the charge of their principal affairs. 
Geryne●.  But Gerynee was the first which had this honour. When his four years were expired, 
Arate.  Arate the Sicyonien was chosen at the age of twenty years. Who presently by his singular Virtue, and great courage, freed the Country from Tyrants, and restored the Commonwealth of the Acheins, to the which from the beginning he bore a great affection. Some time after having governed eight years, he was chosen again: 
The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate.  And then he began to think of the means by the which he might take the Fort of Corinthe, which Antigonus then held. The which after he had effected, he freed all Morea from great fear: And when as the Corinthians were freed from Tyranny, he joined them to the Acheins. Some few days after he did the like to the Megareins.  
These things happened the year before the battle of the Carthaginians, by the which they were forced to abandon S●cily, and to pay tribute unto the Romans. When as Arate had in a short time finished all his interprises, he spent the remainder of his life in the government of the Common weal, studying by all means how to chase the Macedonians out of Morea, to ruin the Kings, and to preserve the common liberty of the Country. And therefore he resisted the attempts and practices of Antigonus Gonate, whilst he lived, and the covetousness of the etolians, who with Antigonus grew so audacious and overweening, as they were not ashamed to divide betwixt them by a common consent the Towns of Acheia. But after the death of Antigonus, and that the Acheins and etolians had made a league, when as Demetrius made War against them, the dissensions and discords were somewhat pacified, and they contracted a common and mutual friendship betwixt them.  
But after the Death of Demetrius, who Reigned only ten yeared, and at such time when as the Romans p●ssed first into Sclauon●a, the Acheins made themselves wonderful great: For all the Kings which Reigned in Morea fell into despair, aswell for the death of Demetrius who was their Commander and Emperor, as for that they saw Arate strive with all his power, to deprive them of their C●ownes, propounding to such as shall do it willingly great honours and dignities, terrifying and using threats to such as should be obstinate and wilful. Finally he did admonish them all to leave their Crowns, and restoring the Country to liberty, they should embrace the League of the Acheins. Wherefore Lysidas 
Lysidas.  the Megalopolitaine, who during the life of Demetrius, had wisely foreseen future things, presently lays down his Crown. Aristomacus 
Aristomacus.  King of the Argives, Xenon 
Xenon.  of the Hermionians, and Cleomines 
Cleomines.  of the Phliasiens', renounced their Royal Principalities, and joined themselves to the League of the Acheins. But for that their Forces were by this means grown wonderful great, the etolians as men ambitious by nature, 
The envy of the Etolien● against the Acheins.  envied them, and hoping to be able to break the League of the Towns which were allied, as they had done in the beginning, they promised to Alexander to share with him those of the acarnanians, and to Antigonus those of the Acheins. By this means they gained under colour of the same hope Antigonus then Governor in Macedony, and left by Philip Tutor to his Son; 
Antigonus' Tutor to Phi●ips Son.  they also made Cleomines King of the Lacedæmonians. When as they saw that Antigonus had the government of Macedony, who was a Soldier and an enemy to the Acheins, for the loss of the Fort of Corinthe, they were of opinion, that if the Lacedemontans were companions in this War, in assailing the Acheins on all side they should easily defeat them. The which undoubtedly had happened, if Arate a man of great Virtue and Courage, (which they did not consider) had not taken upon him the defence of the others.  
They began a most wicked War with all their Forces; wherein they were not only frustrated in their expectance, but they made Arate more stout and Resolute, being then Commander of the Acheins and the whole Nation, by his policy and diligent providence in all things, as we shall see by that which follows. For when like a man well advised, he had considered that the etolians were ashamed to declare War against the Acheins, for the benefits they had lately received from them during the War of Demetrius, and that for this cause they had solicited the Lacedæmonians to attempt it: And that they were transported with envy against the good Fortune of the Acheins, so as they were nothing incensed against Cleomines, who had taken from them by stealth Tegea, Mantinaea, and Orthomene, very strong Towns of Etolia, but contrariwise they confirmed them willingly unto him; and that moreover they sought all occasions of War, only for a desire they had to Reign, the Acheins having never offended them, suffering the King to violate his Faith unto them, and that by fraud he had taken from them such rich Towns, to the end that the forces of Cleomenes (increased by this means) might with more ease defeat the Commonalty of the Acheins.  
Arate then (as I have said) and the other Captains considering these things, resolved not to declare any War, but only to resist the attempts of the Lacedæmonians with all their power. Behold the first Resolution of the Captains. But soon after when as they saw that Cleomenes built a City without fear, which afterwards was called Athenes, 
Athenes.  in the Country of the Megalopolitains, and that he declared himself an open enemy to the Acheins, they make an assembly, where it was resolved to make open War against the Lacedæmonians, and not by Dissimulation.  
This War called Cleominique began thus at that time. 
The Cleomenique War.  In the which the Acheins began first to resist the Lacedæmonians with their own Forces, without the help of any other, both for that they held it a greater honour to defend their Country and Towns themselves then with assistance of others: And they likewise endeavoured to entertain their friendship by all means with Ptolemy, fearing lest he should be discontented, if they should require succours from any others then from him. But when the War was begun, and that Cleomenes in ruining the Commonweal, had turned a just Empire into a Tyranny, 
A good consideration of Arate.  governing the War with Policy and Courage: Arate fore-eeing future things a far off, as a man who understood the Counsel and presumption of the etolians, was of opinion that they must break their attempts. And considering that Antigonus was a man of great experience in the Art of War, and more sound of his Faith then any other: 
The nature of Kings  Knowing that Kings by nature have neither friend nor Foe, measuring Friendship and Hatred according to their profit, he resolved to address himself unto him, and to let him visibly see the event of the War, and finally to make a League with him. He had many reasons why he should not do it openly: For if Cleomenes and the etolians had been advertised, they would have made greater preparations for the War, and most of the Acheins would have left him, being amazed at such an alteration, for that they would have thought, their Commander would have fled to the enemy for refuge like a man in despair. Wherefore to avoid these inconveniences, he not only kept these things secret, but he spoke and did many things contrary to his thought, by the which he showed the contrary of that which he● practised.  
Seeing then the Megalopolitains to be more pressed with War than any other, being neighbours to the Lacedæmonians, and having no hope to obtain succours from the Acheins, being subject to the same War, and being moreover in League and friendship with the Mac●donians, for that they had done great pleasures to Philip the Son of Amyntas, there was no doubt but as soon as Cleomenes should begin the War against them, they would require succours from Antigonus and the Macedonians. Finally he declared his secret to Nicophanes and Cercides Megalopolitains. They had been friends to his Father, 
Nicophanes.  and seemed fit men to manage this business. By their means he incites the Megalopolitaines. to send an Embassy to the Acheins, to entreat them to demand succours from Antigonus. The Megalopolitains send Nicophanes and Cercides 
Cercides.  to the Acheins, 
A good invention of Arate.  with Commission after their consent to go to Antigonus, the which the Acheins did easily allow. This Embassy went to King Antigonus, and let him understand their Charge: and in regard of the Affairs which concern their Country, they delivered only those things which were most necessary in few words: But they made a long Discourse of the whole in general, as A●ate had instructed them. They laid before him the attempts which the etolians and Cleomenes might make, confessing that this War for the present was of great consequence for the Acheins. But if the others prevailed in their interprize, it would be much more dangerous for him. They make no doubt, but the Acheins being assailed at one instant by these two forces, they would be easily ruined: So there is less doubt, that if Cleomenes and the etolians have the Victory, that they will not be satisfied therewith: For you must understand that Morea, no nor all Greece cannot glut the covetousness of the etolians. In regard of the ambition of Cleomenes, although he seems for the present not to affect any thing but the principality of Morea, yet if he prevail, he will never cease until he hath Conquered all Greece: Whereunto he can never attain before he hath ruined the principality of Macedon.  
By these reasons and such like, they move the King to think carefully of things to come, and to consider what may seem fittest for his affairs, whether to Ally himself to the Acheins and Beociens, and to make War against Cleomenes touching the Empire of Greece, or leaving the party of so many people, to have it soon after against the Etoli●ns, Beociens, Acheins, and Lacedæmonians in Thessaly, for the principality of Macedony. But if the Etolie●s be ashamed, to seem to break the accord made with the Acheins, during the War of Demetrius, and should still make show to persist in friendship, as they did yet, the Acheins would be too strong to defend themselves against Cleomenes. And therefore if Fortune favours them, they shall not need any man's succour. But if contrariwise it should be rather for the etolians, they entreated the King that he would be pleased to give them succours, and that (not losing the opportunity of the time,) he would preserve Morea, before it should be utterly ruined.  
They said moreover that he had no reason to care at that time for Faith and Recompense, and that Arate would find the means in the greatest heat of affairs, to give him satisfaction, and that he would advertise him of the time when he should need succours. When as Antigonus had heard the Embassy, he did wonderfully commend the prudence of Arate, and made answer that he was ready to undergo the danger. Moreover he wrote letters to the Megalopolitains, by the which he sent them word that he was ready to give them succours, so as it were with the consent of the Acheins.  
This done Nicophanes and Cercides returned to their Country: Where after they had delivered their Letters, they made report of the King's good affection. The Megalopolitains joyful of this news, sent an Embassy again to the Acheins, entreating them to contract with Antigonus, and that they might rely in him for all his business. Arate hearing all this by Nicophanes, and the good affection the King bore unto the Acheins, and to himself, was wonderfully joyful, both for that he was not frustrated of his hope, but for as much as An●igon●s, (contrary to the hope of the etolians,) did not seem to fly his friendship. He did not find that reasonable which the Megalopolitains aimed at, that the Acheins should submit themselves under Antigonus in all this War: 
The foresight of Arate.  For he was not of advice to require succours of any man but in extreme necessity; and if that happened, he would not have it done at his request alone, but by all the Acheins. In truth he feared that if Antigonus, having the victory by the defeat of Cleomenes and the Lacedæmonians, should in the end make any enterprise against the Commonalty of the Acheins, they should not lay the blame upon him, as if he had indiscreetly given the advice for the drawing of the King into their Country, who was offended for the taking of the Fort of Corinthe.  
When the Ambassadors of the Megalopolitains came into the Council, and had made relation of Antigonus his Letters, and of the King's love and affection, and had made a remonstrance unto the Acheins for a peace with Antigonus, and that it seemed the whole assembly found it good, Arate commended the King's affection, and the good desire of the whole assembly. Yet he let them understand by many reasons that they should endeavour to keep their Towns and Country with their own forces, but if they could not effect it, than they could not do any thing more commendable and more profitable. But if Fortune were contrary unto them, that they must first do all that could be possible: And if there were no more hope, than they should require succours from their friends. The whole assembly allowed easily of his Council; and it was resolved, that for the present they should ordain no new thing, and that the Acheins should manage this war alone.  
But when as (during these negotiations) Ptolemy had furnished Cleomenes with men, and other things necessary for the War, desiring by this means to make him an enemy to Antigonus, for that he had greater hope to be able to Conquer the Realm of Macedon by the means of the Lacedæmonians, then of the Acheins, and that the Acheins were first Defeated by Cleomenes by a surprise near unto Lyeea, and that afterwards they made a great loss near unto the Town of Megalopolis, and that finally the third time, they were so beaten, Defeated, and slain, near unto the Town of Dy●ie in a place which they call Hecatombee, as they were in a manner quite ruined: 
divers defeats of the Ach●●●.  Then Arate seeing himself environed with so many miseries, knew it was no time to Dream, and that he was forced (as he had formerly resolved) to demand succour from King Antigonus. For the effecting whereof he sent his Son in Embassy to confirm the Articles of the agreement. Yet he was in doubt and much troubled, for that he did not hope Antigonus would succour him, if they did not deliver him for his security the Fort of Corinthe, which they called acrocorinth with the Town: Neither did he see any means to deliver it to the Macedonians without the consent of the Corinthians. And therefore he deferred the Council to advise of the means of safety. In the mean time Cleomenes glorious of his good Fortune, overran the whole Province, taking Towns aswell by persuasion as by terror. When by this means he had taken Caphie, Pellene, Phene●, Argos, Phlie, Cleone, Epi●aure, Hermion, and Trizene, and in the end Corinthe, he seated his Camp near unto the 〈◊〉 of the Sicyoniens, and by this means freed the Acheins of that 〈◊〉 whereof we have spoken. For when as Arate had the news, that the Corinthians had chased away the Garrison of the Acheins, 
Acroc●rinthe yielded to Antigonus.  and ●ent an Embassy to Cleomenes to deliver him the City, having found a good occasion, he yields unto Antigonus the Fort which the Acheins held. By this means he repaired the wrong which he had done unto the King, and it served him for a pledge, and as it were a Fort and retreat for the future War.  
But when as Cleomenes understood the league which the Acheins had made with Antigonus, and that the Fort had been freely delivered unto him, he presently raised his Siege, and seated his Camp near unto Isthmus, and rampired diligently with Pallisadoes and Ditches, the place which lies betwixt the Fortress and the Mountains, which they of the Country call Onies, as if he had a hope to make himself Lord of all Morea. Antigonus who had his Army ready, expected only the opportunity of the time. But when he saw by those things which had happened, according to the advertisement of Arate, that the time approached of Cleomenes voyage into Thessaly, he causeth his Army to march towards Isthmus by Beocia, having advertised the Acheins of his affairs: For the etolians being disconted at his descent, sent him word, that he should not pass within the straits of Thermophiles, and if he undertook it, they would take Arms to hinder his passage. Thus Antigonus and Cleomenes lodged their Armies before one another. The one to enter into Morea and the other to keep his Frontier. And although the Acheins had received great losses, 
Revolt of Aripote of Argos.  yet they fainted not. But being suddenly advertised of the revolt of Aristote of Argos against Cleomenes, they relieved him under the conduct of Timoxene, 
Argos taken by the Acheins.  and took the Town of Argos, which was of great consequence unto them: For by this means the fury of Cleomenes was much abated, and the Soldier's hearts broken, as appeared plainly: For although that Cleomenes Army was much stronger by reason of the opportunity of places, and abundance of victuals, having also good and resolute Soldiers, yet there was so great and sudden an alteration after the taking of Argos, that Cleomenes leaving all, made a retreat, savouring of a flight: So much he feared that he should be enclosed by his cruel Enemies.  
From thence he marched directly to Argos, where he made great attempts to carry it by assault. But for that the Acheins resisted like brave men on the one side, 
acrocorinth taken by Antigonus.  and the Argives on the other, for fear of the fault committed, he was deceived in his hope: And in passing by Mantinia, he led his Army to Sparta. When as Antigonus was entered into Morea, he took acrocorinth. Then he made haste to go to Argos, where he much commended the Argives, and settled an order for the affairs of the City. From thence he returned again into Arcadia with his Army, and chased away the Garrisons out of those Forts which Cleomenes had built, the which he restored to the Megalopolitains passing by the Region Egitane. Then he went to Egia, where he called an assembly of the Acheins: and made a great discourse of the present affairs, and showed them in few words the times to come. Finally, being created chief of the whole league, he passed the Winter in the Countries of the Corinthians and Sicyoniens with his Army. Then in the Spring he went to the field, to whom the Acheins joined, and being come within three days to the Town of Tegee, he besieged it. The Tegetains seeing the Macedonians very busy in making of Trenches, Mines, 
Tegee yielded unto Antigonus.  and all other preparations to take the Town, they yielded, being void of all hope: Whereas after he had settled a good order, Antigonus marched suddenly to Laconice. By this means approaching near unto Cleomenes, who kept upon the Frontiers, he had some small encounters with the Enemy. In the mean time they were advertised by their Spies, that there were succours come from Orchomene to Cleomenes. Wherefore Antigonus turned head to Orchomene, 
Orchomene taken with other Towns.  and takes it without resistance. From thence he besieged Mantin●a, which was also presently yielded. Then he led the Legions to Herca and Telphusa, the which in like manner were yielded in a short time. After this in the beginning of Winter, he sent the Macedonians to their houses, and retired with the mercenaries to Egia, there to consult of the present affairs.  
At that times Cleomenes advertised that Antigonus had dismissed his A●my, and that he stayed at Egi●, which is above three days journey from Megalopolis, a vast Town, and ill peopled: especially for that the greatest part had been slain in former battles as we have said, near unto Licea, and La●dicea: and that moreover at that time it was not carefully kept, by reason of the presence of Antigonus, he had a hope to surprise it. Wherefore he marched suddenly, being guided by some Messeniens, who being chased and banished from their Country, had retired to Megalopolis: and brought them by Night into the City. But day being come, he was in danger to be defeated with his whole Army, considering the great resistance the Megalopolitains made: the which happened unto him three Months before, when he ass●iled a City seated in Colea. It is true, that in the end he had the Victory, as well by reason of the multitude of his men, as for that he had formerly gotten the places of advantage.  
After he had taken and spoiled the City, and chased away the Megalopolitains, he razed 
Megalopolin razed.  it utterly, to the end they should have no more hope to re-edify it. In my opinion he did it tending to that which the Lionenses, the Megalopolitains, and the Stimphal●●ns with other bordering people, conceive, that Traitors, or those which love revoltes, are never in safety. Without doubt the wickedness of one man blemished all the virtue of the Clitoriens: This was Thearce 
Thearce.  whom with reason the Clitoriens denied to be borne in their Country, saying, he was of Orchomene, and the Son of some stranger. Moreover, for that there are some which prefer Philarchus before all others that have written this History, although that many times he speaks and judges of things contrary to Arate, I have thought it good, nay rather necessary, not to conceal this: To the end they may discern truth from falsehood, and the rather for that we have followed Arate. He hath spoken many things throughout the whole History as Affection hath transported him, which are not needful to debate at this present, holding those things to be delivered by us, which happened at such time as we Write, that is to say, during the Cleomenique War: For that they would be more than sufficient to discover the errors and faults of this Author.  
First when he labours to set forth the cruelty of Antigonus, and of the Macedonians, and moreover that of Arate and the Acheins, he said that as soon as he had Conquered the mantinians, they caused them to suffer great outrages and cruelties, and that the City which was one of the noblest and most ancient of Arcadia, fell into so great misery and ruin, as it moved all Greece to weep and lament. And when as afterwards he seeks to make the cruelty seem greater, and to move the Readers hearts, he relates a burning of Women, their hair scattered up and down, their Paps naked, the tears and lamentations made by men and women, who dragged after them their little Children and their Parents broken with age. This he doth often throughout his whole History, to let every man see the agravating of their miseries. Leaving then this baseness and effeminacy of his heart, let us seek the things which are most proper and profitable for the History.  
A Historiographer ought not to move the affections of men, 
The duty of a Historiographer.  nor seek occasions fit for it, neither let him pursue the miseries of men (the which belongs to the makers of Tragedies) but let him deliver truly the sayings and doings of men, although they be not great. Without doubt a History and a Tragedy, tend not to one and the same end, but rather are quite contrary. 
What is required in a Tragedy.  For they must labour in a Tragedy to draw by conjecture the hearts of the Auditors to Hope, Fear, Care, Pleasure, and such like affections. But in a History he must employ his whole endeavour to relate truly the sayings and doings of men. Wherefore things that are likely and conjectural, are necessary in the one, to abuse the Assistants, and those which are true in this being Written for the profit of the Readers.  
You must understand likewise that this Historiographer many times doth not yield the cause in his History, nor the reason of things, without the which they cannot easily move any to pity, or indignation in humane affairs. But what is he that will not find it strange to see a Citizen whipped: yet if any one be so by reason of his offence, we find it reasonable. And if any one strikes a free man to punish and amend him, shall we not hold him an honest man and praise worthy? Murder in a Citizen is likewise forbidden, and severely punished: But if any one kills a Thief or an Adulterer, is he not held for innocent? And if any one kills a Traitor to his Country, or a Tyrant, shall he not be commended by all the World, held dear and honoured? We must therefore look to the end in all things, and to the intention of the man, not to that which is acted, but to the causes and Discourses, with consideration of the differences. The Mantiviens leaving first the Commonweal of the Acheins, gave themselves and their Country willingly to the etolians, 
The revolt of the mantinians.  and soon after to Cleomenes. In the mean time, whilst they lived under the Lacedæmonians, the Acheins took them again under the Conduct of Arate, four years before the Descent of Antigonus: where they were so far from being punished for the offence committed, as this easy and sudden reunion of two people into one Commonwealth, seemed incredible to the whole World.  
For as soon as Arate was entered, he forbade his men to touch their good: Calling the Burgesses afterwards together, wishing them not to care, and that they should enjoy their goods, and be assured to live in peace, as long as they were under the Acheins Commonweal. The mantinians who seemed to be without hope, 
The courteous usage of Arate to the Mantinien●.  were wonderfully rejoiced at the words of Arate: Wherhfore they presently changed their opinion, receiving those into their Houses, to whom formerly they had been deadly enemies, with whom they did communicate their Goods and Wealth. Finally, they omitted nothing of that which seemed necessary for the settling of a firm friendship; and in truth it was not without cause. I do not know if ever any fell into the hands of more gracious enemies, or being fall'n into so great inconveniences, have relieved and raised themselves with so little loss: the which proceeded from the humanity of Arate and the Acheins. Afterwards seeing a far off the seditions which were renewed amongst them, and the practice of the etolians and Lacedæmonians, they send an Embassy to the Acheins, to deliver their Town into their protection and to receive a Garrison. Who presently levied three hundred men, and sent them to Mantinaea, these three hundred men of the Acheins nation, leaving their Country and all their estates, they remained at Mantinaea to preserve their liberty. They had moreover two hundred Soldiers that were strangers.  
Soon after there grew a sedition among the mantinians; wherefore they called the Lacedæmonians, delivering them the Town; 
The great villainy committed by the Mantinien●.  and to the end their wickedness might be full and complete, they murdered all the Acheins; a crime which was most execrable. For seeing they would leave the party and friendship of the Acheins, they should at the least have sent back the Garrison safe into their Country. It is a Custom which enemies observe daily by a Common Law. But to the end they might with more ease show their affection to Cleomenes and the Lacedæmonians, there proceeded to this great cruelty and baseness, who in breaking the Law of Nations would not spare their Friends. Seeing then they have practised such great cruelty towards those, who having lately taken their Town, entreated them like men without offence, and now defended and kept their Town, of what pains shall we judge them worthy? What punishment may we ordain for so foul an outrage? Shall they be sold with their wives and Children? But by the Law of Arms they may do it to those, which have not committed such crimes nor such cruelties. They were therefore worthy of a greater punishment, and a more grievous example. Wherefore if they have suffered no more but that which Philarchus mentioned, we must believe that the Grecians were not moved to pity, but rather commended the judgement of the Acheins; who had resolved that so great a cruelty (the like whereof had never been spoken of) should be grievously punished.  
Seeing then the mantinians at that time had no other harm, 
The mantinians sold.  but the loss of their goods, and were sold by their enemies, who will not hold this Historiographer to be a liar, and moreover to have Written incredible things: And to the end he might show his ignorance, he hath not observed that the Acheins at the same time did not the like unto the Tegeates, whom they took in battle: For if the cruelty of the Acheins had been the cause thereof, there is no doubt but the Tegeates had suffered in like manner. But seeing that this Rigour fell only upon the mantinians, it is apparent that the cause of their choler was diverse. Moreover, this same Historiographer tells us, 
Arist●macus.  that Aristomacus the Argine, of a noble Family, and of an ancient Tyrannical Race, was Tyrant of Argos, who being taken by Antigonus and the Acheins, and brought to Cenchrea, he suffered the most unjust Death that ever man endured.  
He makes him moreover (as it is his custom) to cast out lamentable cries, the night that he was strangled: And that the neighbours terrified partly with the cruelty, and partly desirous to know what it was, some of them wonderfully incensed ran thither. He also sets down other effeminate things, which we will leave for the present, being content with that which we have here related. For my part I conceive that if Aristomacus had done no other thing against the Acheins, but to turn the Commonweal into ruin, and the liberty of the Country into Tyranny, that he hath worthily deserved very great punishment. Although that this gentle Historiographer desirous to attribute great glory unto him, and to beg pity from the Auditors, by a commemoration of the pains which he endured, he doth not once say, that he was a Tyrant, but that he was descended of a Tyrannical Race. What could he say worse, or more pernicious? For the very name is the field where all cruelty is sown, and which embraceth all the outrages and villainies of men. And admit that Aristomacus had endured great torments, as Philarchus saith, yet he was not sufficiently punished for that which he committed in one day: for when as Arate entered into Argos with a Troop of Acheins, without Discovery, labouring to restore the Argives to their liberty, he was in the end forced to leave the Town, for that he found not any man would take Arms, for the fear they had of this Tyrant.  
Wherefore Aristomacus taking his occasion (for that they had consented to the coming of the Acheins) put to Death fourscore Citizens 
The cruelty of Aristomacus.  in the presence of his familiars. Believe me it will be tedious to relate the cruelty which he committed in his life time: He held it of his Predecessors by right of inheritance. And therefore we must not think they have done him wrong, if they have made him serve for an example with torments: For it would have been much more unworthy, that so wicked a man after the murder of so many, and afters many thefts and spoils, should have died unpunished like an Innocent. Neither can they charge Antigonus nor Arate of cruelty, to have put a Tyrant to death in Prison, whom they had taken in open War, and whom they might with reason and honour have taken during a peace, and have put him to a cruel death. But of what punishment will not you hold him worthy, who besides all these things broke his accord with the Acheins. A little before he had relinquished the tyranny, being destitute of all hope and succours after the death of Demetrius. At what time the Acheins did not only save him, but entertain him so courteously and graciously, as they remitted all the wrongs which he had done during his Reign, and gave him great advancements in their Commonwealth. Finally, they made him Chief of the Acheins. But this wicked man amongst all others, forgetting that great humanity and clemency, began presently to plot how he might make a league with Cleomenes, retiring himself in that greatest need soon after to the Enemy: whereby the Acheins were in great danger. Who some few days after was taken in War, was he not worthy to dye in the Night in the Prison at Cenchrea, as Philarchus saith, 
Aristo●acus strangled▪  but he should rather have been carried throughout all M●rea, and after that he● had suffered infinite torments, to have died cruelly. Yet he was only strangled in Prison, although he had committed all sorts of Villainy.  
Moreover, the same Historiographer holds a long discourse of the miseries of the mantinians, as if he thought it were the duty of an Historiographer only to relate cruel and unjust actions. In regard of the virtue and magnanimity of the Megalopolitains, which they showed at that time, he makes no mention, as if the duty of an History were rather to remember the wickedness and vices of men, than things well and commendably done: Whereas the Readers of Histories shall reap more profit by deeds which are worthy to be embraced and followed, than those which are unjust, and to be avoided. Moreover he pursues his Discourse, how that Cleomenes took the City, and that he sent Letters to Messena to the Megalopolitains, advising them to return into their Country which was whole, and to be of his party: And how the Megalopolitains could not endure they should finish the reading of the Letters, and could hardly forbear from doing outrage to the messenger, with many other petty trivial things, to show the magnificence and modesty of Cleomenes towards his Enemies. But he forbears to tell that which followed, and which was very proper to the History, which is the praise and memory of things well done. But who hindered him? If we hold them honest men who in words and will maintain a War for their Allies, and if we do not only praise with admiration, but also give thanks with Presents, to those that endure the spoil of their Country with fire and sieges, 
The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains  what commendations shall we give then to the Megalopolitains? what affection shall we bear unto them? Shall it not be great and ample? First, they left the Province to Clomenes, and abandoned their own country, rather than to break their Faith with the Acheins. Finally, although that contrary to hope, and the opinion of all the world, they might have returned into their Country with safety, yet they desired rather to be banished, forsaking their houses, Sepulchers, Temples and goods, and finally, all their estates, than to be taxed to have broken their Faith with their Allies. Was there ever any thing done that was more rare and excellent? Whereunto then should an Historiographer make his Auditors more attentive? With what examples could he better exhort men to keep their Faith, and to follow things well done. But Philarchus makes no mention hereof, and is in my opinion blind, when as brave exploits which are worthy of memory offer themselves.  
He saith moreover, 
The third part of the booty is due to the General.  that the Lacedæmonians made a spoil within Megalopolis of three Millions, and six hundred thousand Crowns, whereof Cleomenes according to the custom had twelve hundred thousand. But who will not marvel at the beastliness and ignorance of this man, touching the Riches and power of Greece: the which are things which an Historiographer ought to know. Truly, I dare boldly affirm, that they could not gather together this Sum in all Morea, out of the money of all their movables, excepting their persons: I mean not in the time when it was impoverished by the oppressions of the Kings of Macedony, and by the diverse Wars which they had amongst themselves, but at such time when as all the Towns were firmly united together, and when as Fortune seemed to smile on them. But to show that what we say, proceeds not from overweening or want of reason, it appears thus. Who knows not that when the Acheins joined to the Thebeins, made War against the Lacedæmonians, and that they were to raise an Army of ten thousand men, and another at Sea of an hundred Triremes, and that they had calculated the charge, it not only emptied their public Coffers, but also their houses and the whole Province: and that finally, they could hardly draw together three Millions, and six hundred thousand Crowns, whereof there wanted an hundred and fifty thousand.  
You must not hold that strange which I now affirm of Morea. There is not any man that dare assure, that the spoil of Megalopolis at that time, did amount to above ninescore thousand Crowns: and that the people, as well Burgesses as Slaves retired to Messina. Whereof behold a great argument: For when the Mantineans were not less strong, nor of meaner estate than the Arcadians, as this Historiographer saith, were environed by a siege, so as when they yielded, no man could steal away, nor carry away any thing: Yet the whole spoil, 
The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crowns.  reckoning it at the uttermost, accounting the bodies, was esteemed but ninescore thousand Crowns. Moreover, who will not wonder at that which he saith afterwards, that an Embassy from Ptolemy came ten days before this battle, to let Cleomenes understand that he was not resolved to contribute any longer to the charges of this War, and that he advised him to agree with Antigonus? The which Cleomenes hearing, he resolved to hazard the battle, before his Soldiers should hear the news, lest they should mutiny, when they should be out of hope of their pay. But if it were true, that he had lately gotten three Millions, and six hundred thousand Crowns in Megalopolis, what need hath he of Ptolemy's contribution, seeing that ninescore thousand Crowns were more than sufficient to defeat Antigonus forces? Is it not a great weakness in him to say, that Cleomanes did expect pay for his Soldiers from Ptolemy, and withal, that he had taken so great a booty of money in Megalopolis? My Discourse should be long if I should pursue the vices wherewith this good Historiographer doth generally abound: but this shall suffice for this present.  
After the taking of Megalopolis, 
An A●●y levied by Cleomenes.  at such time as Antigonus wintered in the City of Argos, Cleomenes drew his Army together, as soon as the opportunity of the time would give him leave. And having preached unto his men, he entered into the Country of Argos. Many blamed him for this attempt, as being too bold and rash, in regard of the situation of the Country, which is difficult and strong by Nature. Others which were of a better judgement, held it wisely done. For when as he saw that Antigonus had left the greatest part of his Army in the Country, and had with him but a small handful of Mercenary Soldiers, he had a conceit, that he might easily enter the Province without danger: And if he put all unto fire and Sword, even unto the Walls of the City, the Argives through necessity would charge Antigonus, who through his baseness must endure such outrages. Finally, if he be forced to come to fight, moved with the cries of the people, who shall hinder him to have the Victory, seeing he hath a greater Troop of men? If he doth not abandon the City as it is fitting, he can carry back his men without danger into his Country, after that he hath overrun the Champion: Leaving a great amazement and terror to his Enemies, and assuring the hearts of his own Soldiers. 
Antigonus blamed.  The which succeeded according to his project. For when the people saw the whole Province thus spoilt, they began to blame Antigonus: who notwithstanding discharging the Duty of a wise and discreet Captain, would not go to field. Cleomenes in the mean time overran their whole Country without fear. By this means he returned safely into his Country, after that he had at pleasure ruined the Province, and left a great amazement amongst the Argives, and made his own men more hardy for the future War.  
But when the Spring came, the Macedonians and the Acheins returning from wintering, 
The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army.  went to field: Antigonus marched to Laconice with his Army, consisting of ten thousand Macedonians, three thousand Archers, three hundred Horse, a thousand Bowmen, and likewise as many of the Gauls: Moreover, three thousand Foot which were Mercinaries, with three hundred Horse, and about a thousand Megalopolitains armed after the manner of the Macedonians, whereof Cerci●es had the leading. As for the Allies, he had two thousand Foot of Bau●ere, and two hundred Horse: a thousand Foot of the Epirotes, and fifty Horse: and as many of the Acarnanians: and besides all these, a thousand and six hundred Sclanonians, whereof Demetrius of Phare was Captain. Thus the whole Army consisted of twenty eight thousand Foot, and twelve hundred Horse. Cleomenes being advertised by his Spies of the Enemy's descent, he placed forces upon the passages, by the which they might enter into his Country, fortifying them with Trenches and Trees cut down: And he himself went with his Army to a passage which they call Sellasia, thinking as it happened, that the Enemy would take that way. 
Sellasia.  His Army was about twenty thousand men. There were two Mountains in this passage, whereof the one is called Eva by the people of the Country, 
Eua.  and the other Olympus. 
Olympus.  There is a way betwixt both which runs along a River unto Sparta. When as Cleomenes had lodged himself in these two Mountains, and had carefully fortified them with Trenches and Pallisadoes, he put the Soldiers which were drawn together with the Allies into Eva, 
Euclid.  whereof his Cousin Euclid had the Command, and stayed himself in that of Olympus with the Lacedæmonians and Mercenaries. Moreover, he placed his Horsemen in the Plain, with some of the Mercenaries, upon the two Banks of the River.  
When as Antigonus was come into those places, and finding the situation of them, and the wonderful industry of Cleomenes to dispose of his Army, he was not resolved to fight at that time. And therefore he camped near unto him, upon the bank of the River of Gorgile: whereas staying some days, 
Antigonus' Camp seated upon the Banks of Gorgile.  he turned about the Country and the Enemy's Camp and sought to draw them to battle by skirmishes. But when he found nothing without defence, for that the Providence of Cleomenes had carefully rampired all places, he gave over his enterprise: But in the end they resolved by a common consent, to make an end of their War by a battle. Behold how Fortune had drawn together two great Captains, equal in virtue, Counsel and Wisdom. 
The order of Antigonus Battle.  Thus Antigonus opposed in Front to those which held the Mountain of Eva, the Macedonians with their Targets, and the Sclavonians: and he put the Leginaries in diverse bands to succour the one and the other: to whom he gave for Commander, Alexander, the Son of Ameta, and Demetrius of Phare.  
After these marched the Acarnanians and they of Candy: Finally, he placed two thousand Acheins for a supply, to succour them at need. Then he set his Horsemen near unto the Riverside in Front of the Enemy's Horse, whereof Alexander had the charge with two thousand Footmen. As for Antigonus, he lodged near unto Mount Olympus with the bands of Adventurers, and the Macedonians: where he resolved to fight with Cleomenes. When he had put the Mercenaries into battle, he caused the Battalion of the Mac●donians to march. The place which was strait, would not suffer them to do otherwise. They had given charge to the Sctavonians to begin the battle, as soon as they should see a white cloth, which should be advanced near unto Mount Olympus, at the foot whereof they lodged at Night, under the River of Gorgile. The Megalopolitains also with the Horsemen were to enter the combat, as soon as they should see a purple Robe, advanced in the Air from the King's Quarter.  
The hour of the battle was now come, the Sclavonians had already discovered Antigonus sign. They encourage their Companions according to the opportunity of the time, making no doubt but they had the victory in their hands. Then they endeavoured with wonderful resolution to gain the Mountain. But the Footmen which were lightly armed, whom Cleomenes as we have said, left in the Plain with the Horsemen, seeing that the Bands of the Acheins had not the courage to second them, charged them upon the Rear, so as they were in great danger: For on the right hand, and in Front Euclid had the better with his men: and the Mercenaries on the left hand, fight obstinately, made a great spoil upon the Rear. By this means they were suddenly environed with two Troops of Enemies. When Philopomene the Megalopolitaine saw this disorder, he suddenly gave good advice to the Captains. But for that he was a young man, and had never had charge they gave no ear unto him. Wherefore addressing himself to those of his Nation, Companions saith he, the Victory is ours if you will follow me. And in charging the Enemy's Horse, they assailed them with great courage. Wherefore the Adventurers strangers, who fought in the Rear of those which assailed the Mountain, hearing a great noise, and seeing the Combat of the Horsemen, retired to aid and succour them, whereunto they had been at the first ordained.  
The order of the Enemies being by this means broken, the Sclavonians and Macedonians with others whom Antigonus had appointed, fell upon them with great violence and fury. So as afterwards all the World was of opinion, 
The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory.  that the industry and courage of Philopomene had defeated Euclid at that time. And therefore they say, that when as Antigonus demanded of Alexander why he had sent the Horsemen against the Enemy, before he had seen the sign, and that he had answered, it was not he, but a young Megalopolitaine which had done it without his privity, he then replied, that this young man had performed the duty of a good Captain, and Alexander that of a young fool.  
But they which kept the top of the Mountain with Eucelide, showed their baseness, seeing the Enemies ascend: for they should not have attended until they had gained the top with safety: But relying upon the advantage of the place, they should have encountered them, and charged them from above: and if necessity had required, they might have retired safely on the right hand, to charge the Enemy again. In doing this they had easily broken, defeated and put the Macedonians to flight. But they did the contrary, as if they had the Victory certain in their hands; for without moving from the place which the Cleomenes had appointed them, they stayed expecting the enemy, with hope of a greater defeat: For that they should be repulsed and beaten from the highest place of the Mountain. But they soon suffered the penance of their baseness. For after that the Macedonians had recovered the Mountain, without any resistance, and were come into the Plain, they fell upon their enemies, fight hand to hand with so great fury, as they presently drove them back into the hollow Caves and inaccessible places.  
In the mean time the Combat was cruel among the Horsemen, where it was worth the sight, to behold with what heat, force, and courage the Acheins fought, considering they all fought for the liberty of the Country. 
Philopomene.  But among all others they made great esteem of Philopomene; for when his Horse was over thrown with a Pertuisane he fainted not, fight long on foot with great courage. Finally in the end he died valiantly, being shot through the shinne-bones with an Arrow. On the other side the Kings had begun the fight at Mount Olympus with the mercenaries and such as were lightly armed. They were about five thousand men, who fought sometimes man to man, and sometimes they tried the Fortune of the whole Troop. There the Victory was long in suspense, finally they parted equally from the battle.  
But when as Cleomees was advertised that Emlide had abandoned the Mountain, and that the Allies had turned head, and that the Horsemen were in great despair, and that all trembled for fear, he resolved to go out of his Fort, and to put his whole Army in Front upon one side of the Camp; and therefore he caused them to sound a Retreat. By this means when those that were lightly armed were drawn together, the two Armies charged with their Pikes and javelins. The Combat was cruel, and the charge performed with so great courage on either side, as the Victory was long doubtful, and the judgement difficult who deserved the greatest honour: For that sometimes the Lacedæmonians retired, and again they made the Mace●onians give back.  
Finally, 
The victory of Antigonus against Cl●ome●es.  when as the Lacedæmonians were vanquished and put to flight, they were slain here and there like sheep. Cleomenes saved himself in Sparta without any wound, being accompanied by some of the Horsemen. From thence he retired the night following to Sythia, where he embarked in certain ships which lay long ready for the necessities of the Country, and sailed with his friends to Alexandria. 
Lacedaemon taken by Antigonus.  When as Antigonus was entered into Lacedaemon finding no resistance, he entreated the Lacedæmonians graciously and courteously in all things; but especially in suffering them to live and govern their Commonweal after the Laws of the Country. When he had stayed certain days there, he returned into Macedony with his Army, having news of the descent of the Sclavonians, and of the spoil they made. Behold how Fortune disposeth of great affairs as she pleaseth. There is no doubt but if Cleomenes had deferred the battle a little, or stayed in Sparta after his defeat, 
Sparta or Lacedaemon.  keeping them in hope, in the end he had prevailed in his affairs after the retreat of Antigonus. Antigonus came from thence to Tegee; to whom he left their Commonweal entire. Three days after he arrived at Argos, at such time as the people were gathered together to celebrate the Nemean games; who presently went forth to meet him. All the City had their eyes fixed upon him and beheld him, all the World commended him; all the assembly of Greece, and every City in particular did him Honour, not only Humane but Divine.  
From thence he made haste to go into Macedon, where as he found the Sclavonians spoiling the Country; 
The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclavonians.  to whom he gave battle, and got the Victory after a long combat. But he cried so much during the fight, as within few days after he died of a flux of blood; so as the Grecians lost the great hope they had conceived, not so much for his skill in War, as for his virtue and royal perfections. He left the Realm of Macedony to Philip the son of Demetrius. But if you demand of me why I have held so long a Discourse of this present War, you must know I have done it of purpose. For as this time concurres with that whereof we mean to speak, I have held it fit and necessary, to let the World understand, according to my first resolution, 
The Death of many great Princes●  what the estate of the Macedonians and Grecians were at that time. At that time Ptolemy died of sickness; to whom succeeded Ptolemy Philopater. The like did Seleucus the son of Seleucus, who was surnamed Callinice; and in like manner Pogon; to whom his brother Antiochus succeeded in the Realm of Syria.  
The like in a manner happened to those which held the Kingdoms of Alexander after his death, as Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimacus; for those died in the hundreth four and twenteth olympiad, as we have formerly related; and these in the hundreth thirty nine. Seeing we have exposed the preparation of all our History, and sufficiently declared at what time and how, and for what causes the Romans after the conquest of all Italy assailed foreign Realms, and what the estate than was of Greece, Macedony, and the Carthaginians. I have thought it fit to make an end of this Book, with a Commemoration of these actions, and this alteration of Kingdoms: Seeing that according to our intention we are come unto the times when as the Grecians made the War of the Allies; the Romans against Hannibal; and to that when as the Kings of the lower Asia, fought for the Empire of Syria.  
The end of the Second Book of Polybius.   

THE THIRD BOOK of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
We have showed sufficiently in the First Book, how that we have taken for the beginning and foundation of the Roman actions, the War betwixt the Allies, that of Hannibal, and that of Syria: We have in like manner set down the causes, for the which we have been forced (in reducing the beginnings farther off.) to write the History of the Second Book. Now we will endeavour to make you understand the Wars themselves, and the causes why they were undertaken, and dispersed in so many places, having let you understand, in as few words as possible we may, the attempts of the people of Rome. Seeing that which we have undertaken to write is but a Work, and as it were a spectacle; (that is to say,) how, when, and wherefore all the Countries of the World have been reduced under the obedience of the Romans, and that this hath a notorious beginning, a prefixed time, and the end certain. We have thought it good to deliver summarily the accidents which happened from the beginning unto the end of these Wars: Immagining that they which desire to see our Work, will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History. Believe me that our understanding conceives many things necessary for a particular History, by the knowledge of the general; for the understanding whereof, the experience of particular actions is of no small importance; and if they be both joined together, so as it may be but one description, they will be wonderful profitable to the Reader. But as for the contents of our Work, we have sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Books. And as for the particular actions which have happened, they have taken their beginning in the Wars which we have Related; and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon. So as from the beginning unto the end there were fifty years; during the which there were as great and admirable things performed, as ever were in so short a sp●ce.  
To speak whereof, we will begin to write from the hundreth and fortieth olympiad, and will observe this order. First we will show the causes for the which this War, which they call of Hannibal, began betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians: So as entering into Italy, they reduced the Romans to so great an extremity, as they suddenly grew in hope to be Lords, not only of the rest of Italy, but also of the City of Rome. And afterwards we will continue our narration, upon what occasion Philip King of Macedon, after that he had made War with the etolians and pacified Greece, entered into hope with the Carthaginians. And as for Antiochus, Ptolemy, and Philopater, they in the end had War together for the lower Syria, after a long dissension. Moreover the Rhodiens and Prufiens making War against them of Constantinople, forced them to abandon Pontus. And there ending our Discourse, we will begin to speak of the manner of living of the Romans, of their Laws and of their Commonweal: By the which as proper to them, 
The Countries conquered by the Romans.  they have attained unto such great power, as they have not only made subject to their obedience, Italy, Sycile, and the Gauls, and likewise Spain in a short time; but in the end they have undertaken the Empire of the whole World, after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Arms. 
Hi●ron.  Then passing on we will show, how the Kingdom of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined. The like we will do of diverse troubles which were in Egypt. Moreover how after the death of King Ptolemy, Antiochus, 
The Wars which Anti●chous and Philip made.  and Philip, being agreed touching the division of the Realm left unto the Son, began the War. Philip against Egypt and Samos, and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea.  
And when as we have summarily set down the affairs of Spain, Lybia, and Sycile, we will presently turn our Discourse to Greece, as the affairs shall change. For after that we have related the Wars at Sea, 
Attalus.  which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip: and having set down the Romans War against him, how and by whom it had been managed, and what success it had, observing the order of things, we will come to the indignation of the etolians, who proclaimed War against the Romans, and drew Antiochus out of Asia. And when we have delivered the causes, and related Antiochus navigation into Europe, we will first show how he fled out of Greece; and being vanquished by Arms, how he abandoned unto the Romans, all the Country's which lie on this side Mount Taurus. 
Mount Taurus  Thirdly, we will show with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia, after they had wholly defeated the Gauls, who wandered up and down; and how they freed the whole Country on this side Mount Taurus, from the fear of the Barbarians; and the insolency of the Gauls. And when we have related the misfortune of the etolians and Cophalins in their Wars, 
Eumenideses. Ariarate. Morea.  we will make mention of those of Eumenideses, of Prshia, and of the Gauls; the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace. From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea, and the increase of the Rhodien Commonwealth, we will make an end of our work, setting down in the end the Voyages which Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, made into Egypt. And in like manner the Wars of Persi● with the ruin of the Kingdom of the Macedonians. These are things whereby we may easily understand how the Romans in a short submitted the whole Earth under their obedience, assailing them in particular. And if it were lawful to discern virtue from vice, by the good or bad success of affairs, 
The Conquest of the Romans in 53. years▪  or from the praise or dishonour of men, we must of necessity make an end here, and turn our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down; for this hath continued fifty three years: during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase, as the whole World might well know, that they must do what their people commanded. But for that such things, cannot be rightly judged by the good Fortune of affairs, considering that many times those that seem to be well done, are the cause of great inconueniencies, if they be not done in time: And contrariwise they which are fallen into some disaster, many times turn their misfortunes to good, if they know how to have patience. We have thought it fitting to add to that which we have Written, what the nature of the Victors were, what means they held in the government of their Empire, and how the rest of the Towns, Regions, and Countries yielded willingly unto them? And moreover what course of life, and what Laws they held with all the World, aswell in particular as generally with all their Commonwealths.  
By this means they which live at this day, shall plainy see, whither it be good to fly, or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome; and they which shall come after may judge whither the actions of the Romans be commendable and worthy of memory, or altogether unblamable. Behold, wherein the profit of our History will consist, aswell for the present as the future time. They which manage a War, and they which undertake to judge of it, do not propound the Victory for the last end, nor wholly to subject himself. Believe me, a wise man doth not make War with his neighbours, to see the defeat and ruin: Neither doth any man sail in diverse Seas, only to make Voyages; nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines, in regard only of them. Without doubt we pursue these things, for that which follows, seems pleasant, profitable, or decent, and therefore we may with reason say, that the end of our Work hath been to know the condition of all things, after the Conquest of the World made by the Romans, until they fell again into new combustions.  
Of which troubles I have resolved to write, making as it were, a new beginning: 
Polybius hath been● pre●ent at a great part of the things which he hath written.  For that there hath been great and memorable things, having not only been present at the greatest part, but also a comfort and assistant.  
This trouble grew, when as the Romans made War against the Celtiber●ans, and the Carthaginians against Massinissa, King of Lybia: and what time Atta●us and Prusias were at War in Asia. And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expelled his Realm by Roferne, by the means of Demetrius, was soon after restored by him. But Demetrius the Son of Seleucus, lost his Realm and life by the conspiracy of other Kings, 
Demetrius lost his Realm and life by conspiracy.  after he had held Syria twelve years. And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Cities, whom they had charged to be the Authors of the Persian War, after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency. Soon after they made War against the Carthaginians, for the causes which we will specify, so as they resolved first to transport them, and afterwards wholly to ruin them.  
And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans, and the Lacedæmonians the Common weal of the Acheins, there followed the utter ruin and destruction of all Greece. This shall serve for the Preamble of our Worke. I have need of the favour of Fortune, to the end that by the means of life I may finish this my resolution, although I hold it for certain, that if a long life should fail me, 
Th● desire and affection of the Author upon the end of his Book.  yet there would be always some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men, that would finish our Work, and endeavour to bring unto perfection that, which sudden Death might hinder and prevent in us.  
As we have related at large the deeds which seem most memorable, desiring that our whole work might be known to the Reader, as well in general as particular, it is now time unto the declaration of our design. The greatest part of those which have written the deeds of Hannibal, desiring to show the cause of the War which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, say, that the siege of Sagonte was the first: and the second, that contrary to the accord made with the Romans, they had past the River of Ebro.  
For my part, I am of opinion that these were the beginnings, but not the causes; for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things: 
The beginning of a work and the cause 〈◊〉.  unless some will say, that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia, hath been the cause of the War which he made against the Persians: Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade, hath been the cause of that which was begun against the Romans: the which is neither true nor likely.  
But what man is so much blinded with ignorance, that will affirm and maintain, that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander, and partly by Philip in his life time, for the War of Persia: Or by the etolians, to make War against the Romans, before the coming of Antiochus hath been the causes of the War? These are the opinions of men, who do not observe how much the beginnings and the cause differ: and that the causes in all things are the first, and the beginning are the end of causes. I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first works of things which are resolved and concluded, and that the causes are those which preceded the decree and resolution, and makes us so to judge: as are the thoughts, the advices, the discourses of reason and such other things.  
This will be apparent for that which follows: For it will be easy for any man to see for what cause the War of Persia was made, 
The eauses of Alexander's War in Persia.  and whence the beginning came. The first was the return of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Country, by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations: where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage.  
The second hath been the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea. 
Agesilaus.  Where having found nothing answerable to his forces, nor that presented itself, he was forced to return into Greece, 
Philip.  for the troubles which were kindled there: as if he had triumphed over the Barbarians. For which causes Philip King of Macedon, having experience of the baseness and sloth of the Persians and relying upon the readiness of the Macedonians in matters of War: being likewise drawn with the hope of great gain he prepared War against them with all his forces, as soon as he found himself assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians: taking his occasion, that the Persians had used great cruelty against them.  
And therefore we must say, that the causes of this War are those which we have first related, and the occasions are those whereof we now speak: and the beginning was Alexander's Voyage by Sea into Asia: 
The cause of the etolians War against the Romans.  And in that which was made against the Romans under the conduct of Antiochus, the wrath and indignation of the etolians was the cause. You must understand that for the opinion which they had conceived, that the Romans made no account of them as long as the War of Philip continued, they not only called Antiochus unto their Succours, but also resolved to put all in hazard, so great their spleen and fury was for that which was passed.  
It is true, the liberty of Greece was the occasion, under hope whereof they laboured by all means to draw the neighbour Cities to their Enterprise: But the beginning of the War was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade. We have been tedious in this Discourse, not to blame any one of the ancient Historiographers, but for the profit of those which have a desire to learn. For as Physicians cannot cure their Patients, 
A good comparison.  if they have not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled: So they which treat of Histories, are altogether unprofitable, if the reason of the place, of the time, with the causes and occasions be not known.  
There is therefore nothing more necessary, nor more to be desired, than to know the causes of all things that happen: For opportunity doth many times rectify great affairs, and it is easy to prevent their beginnings.  
It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith, 
Fabius.  that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins, and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal, have been the causes of the War betwixt the Romans and Hannibal, General of the Carthaginians. Then he saith that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spain, and that being returned to Carthage, he sought to tyrannize the Commonwealth, and to overthrow their Laws. The which the chief men discovering, they opposed themselves against Asdrubal. Wherefore leaving Africa in a rage, he returned presently into Spain, and afterwards managed the affairs according to his own fancy, and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage. Moreover, he saith, that Hannibal who from his youth had been at the War under him, was of the same enterprise: and therefore after he was Lord of Spain, he followed the courses of Asdrubal. So as this War which was made against the Romans, was begun by him in spite of the Carthaginians, and that there was not any man in Carthage which loved the Commonwealth, but did much blame the deeds of Hannibal against the Sagontins. Moreover, he saith, that after the taking of Sagont, there was an Embassy sent from Rome to Carthage, demanding Hannibal to be punished for the breach of the accord, and if they would not yield unto it, they should declare War against the Carthaginians.  
But if a man should demand of Fabius what could succeed better, nor more reasonable, and expedient for the Carthaginians, than to deliver upon the Romans request the author of the offence, and him that had committed the fault, to punish him: Seeing that as he saith, they had disliked the actions of Hannibal: and by this means might revenge by another the common Enemy of the Country, and maintain the estate of their City in peace, chase away the author of the war, considering that this might be well effected by a bare resolution? What can he answer? Nothing without doubt. chose they were so far from doing it, 
The War of Hannibal continued 17. years.  as they maintained the War seventeen years continual against the Romans: Neither did they cease until destitute of all hope, they not only hazarded their Country, but also their lives.  
Finally, to what end do we use this discourse of Fabius or of his writings? It is not to cry him down: For his lying writings are apparent to those which read them. It is only to advertise those which give the credit, not somuch to regard the title of the Author, as the truth of things: For there are men which do not bear so much respect to the writings, as to him that made them, and which think that for as much as Fabius lived in those times, and had been of the Senate, that he could not but speak truth. It is true, and I am of opinion, that we must give belief and credit unto him in many things, but yet we may not believe all: for we must consider things as they are, and how they agree.  
Finally, to return to our Discourse, we must not think that the first cause of the War, 
The first cause of the War betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.  which the Romans had with the Carthaginians, was the indignation of Amilcar, surnamed Barca, Father to Hannibal. And we must understand that he was not vanquished by the Romans, during the War of Sicily; (for he preserved the Army which was about Erix with great judgement) but when he saw the Carthaginians had lost the battle at Sea, 
The fore sight of Amilcar, Father to Hannibal.  he thought good to field unto the time, and made a peace with the Romans, yet he left no● his indignation, so as he expected continually an opportunity to be revenged of them. And if the Carthaginians had not found themselves troubled with the mntiny of their Soldiers, he would presently have renewed the War with all his power: and therefore being hindered by an intestine mischief, he deferred it to another time.  
The Romans considering the danger wherein the Carthaginians were by the mutiny of their Soldiers, threatened them with War. To prevent the which, the Carthaginians made an accord as we have specified in the former Book, without which no man can understand that which we have now said, 
Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians.  nor that which follows. Finally, they quit them Sardinia, as unfurnished both of counsel and aid: For that the Romans would not otherwise desist from their Enterprise, and they paid them beside the Sum already accorded, seven hundred thousand Crowns: which was the second and the greatest cause of the War which after wards began. 
The second Cause.   
When as all the people of Carthage were entered into the like indignation with Hannibal, and that Amilcar saw the mutiny of the Soldiers suppressed, and the affairs of the Country pacified, he began to make War in Spain, seeking to make use of it, as a preparative to lead them against the Romans. 
The third Cause.  Behold that which we must imagine for the third cause, that is to say, the good fortune which the Carthaginians had: For that their hearts grew great, and therefore they undertook th●s War more boldly. There is proof sufficient, that Amilcar was the principal cause of the second Punic War, although he were dead ten years before: but it shall suffice for the present to relate that which followeth: At what time that Hannibal was vanquished by the Romans, he retired to Antiochus leaving Africa, the Romans advertised of the etolians attempt, 
Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans.  sent an Embassy to Antiochus to know his will, and to discover by this means his preparation for War. But having understood that he held the party of the etolians, and that he was resolved to make War against the Romans, they frequented daily with Hannibal, seeking by their continual familiarity, to draw him into suspicion and dislike; wherein they were not deceived: For Antiochus thinking he had been gained by the Romans, suspected him long. But it happened on a time when as the King called him to his Council, whereas he had good liberty to speak. And then after many discourses, in the end as it were by indignation, he began to use these terms. When as my Father Amilcar was to pass into Spain with an Army I was about the Age of nine years: and when as he sacrificed to jupiter, I was near unto the Altars.  
But when as the Sacrifices were ended, 
Hannibal his speech to Antiochus.  my father caused the rest to retire back; and having called me alone, he demanded kindly of me, and as it were with embrace, if I would go the Voyage. The which when I had not only accepted, but moreover entreated him like a child; then taking my right hand, and laying it upon the Altar, he would that touching the things sacrificed, I should swear that presently when I came to age, I should be an enemy to the Romans. And therefore Sir, as long as you shall be their enemy, you may rely confidently in me, 
Hannibal swears that when he came to age, he would be an enemy to the Romans.  and have no suspicion of Hannibal: but when you shall be reconciled, or that you shall contract friendship with them, then expect no other accuser, and have a care to keep yourself from me, as from an enemy to the people of Rome; for I shall be always opposite unto them with all my power.  
Antiochus hearing this kind of Speech, and that Hannibal spoke truly and with affection, in regard of his grief, he presently abandoned all suspicion. 
Asdrubal son in Law to Hannibal.  Behold then a manifest testimony of the harred and bad affection of Amilcar towards the Romans; for he left Asdrubal his son in Law, and his son Hannibal for their enemies, such as there could be none greater. It is true, that Death took an order that Asdrubal could not show the hatred he bore them. But Hannibal had time at will, so as prevailing in his interprize, he hath sufficiently made known the hatred which he held from his Father. 
A good consideration, and necessary for all Governors.  And therefore they which have the Government of a Commonweal must carefully consider this, and ruminate in their understanding to know the humours of those, with whom they make any accord or friendship; whither it be for the necessity of the time, or to give over the Wars; to the end they may always defend themselves from those which seek an opportunity to do evil, and to make use of those whom they know to be their Subjects or true friends, when necessity shall require. These causes which we have specified, are those of the second Punic War, and the beginning of that which we will now relate.  
The Carthaginians hardly enduring the loss of Sycile, 
The causes of the Carthaginians hatred.  which the Romans had taken from them. It is true that as we have said, Sardinia which they had surprised by Treason during the mutiny of Africa, and this sum of money which they had caused them to pay, did much increase their hatred. And therefore it was likely that as soon as they should grow great in Spain, they would transport the War into Italy. But after the death of Asdrubal, who after the death of Amilcar was General of the Carthaginians, 
Never Commander did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Soldiers.  they desired to know the will of the Soldiers, before they would place a new Commander. And when as the news came from the Camp, that Hannibal had been chosen Captain by a general consent, they presently assembled, and confirmed with one accord by the election of the men of War. Hannibal having received all power, and considering that to linger was of no worth, he marched with his army to the skirts of the Olcades to ruin them. And therefore he besieged Carteia, the chief Town of that Country, 
Carteia taken by assault.  and took it by assault after some day's resistance. So as the other Towns being terrified yielded of themselves to the Carthaginians.  
After this Victory the Army retired to winter at Carthagena with great booty: whereas Hannibal using great bounty, divided it amongst the Soldiers: So as he gained their hearts wonderfully, leaving them in great hope for the future. In the Spring he led his Army against the Vacceens, 
Countries conquered by Hannibal.  and presently conquered Ermandique: Afterwards he took Arbacale by force, not without great danger, having held it long besieged: For that it had been well defended by the greatness of the City, and the multitude and courage of the Inhabitants.  
After this, he suddenly fell by chance into a marvelous danger, by a charge which the Toletains have him, 
The Toletains.  at his return from the Vacceens with a great booty: For it is a people which exceeds all the rest of this Province in courage and multitudes of men, with the which also there joined the Fugitives of Ermandique. Whereunto the banished men of the Olcades had persuaded them. Without doubt the Carthaginians had been vanquished and defeated, if they had offered Battle; 
The river of Tagus.  but Hannibal gave order to the contrary, and striking S●ile to enemy, he planted himself upon the Bank of the River of Tagus: giving charge unto his Horse men, that when they should see the Enemies enter into the Water, they should charge the Battalion of foot. He lodged forty Elephants along the Banks.  
By this means all things succeeded happily, for that he had the river and the Elephants as it were, for Combatants: For the Barbarians thinking that the Carthaginians were retired for fear, they cast themselves confusedly into the River with great cries. Wherefore a great number of them were defeated upon the Banks of the River by the Elephants which stood there, 
Hanibals victory upon the Barbarians.  and flew them at their landing. Some were also slain in the River by the Horse men, for that the Horsemen being at ease and without Armour, could better help themselves, and annoy the enemies, who durst not rely upon the Ford. They which were in the Rear, and might easily recover the Bank, retired, until in the end the Carthaginians cast themselves into the river with all their bands and companies, 
An Army of a hundred thousand men.  and put them to flight. The Toletains army, with the Olcades and Vacceens, consisted of a hundred thousand men. After which defeat, there were not any found beyond the river of Ebro, that durst resist the Carthaginians, except the Sagontins. It is true that Hannibal would not fall upon them, lest he should offer an occasion of War to the Romans, before he had seized upon that which his Father Amilcar had advised him to do.  
In the mean time the Sagontins sent often to Rome, aswell for the care of their own private affairs, 
An Embassy from the Romans to Hannibal.  as also foreseeing future things, and likewise to advertise them of the good Fortune of the Carthaginians in Spain. Finally the Romans having thereupon many and diverse advertisements, they sent an Embassy into Spain, to discover the course of Hannibal's actions: But he was retired to Winter at Carthagena, having managed his affairs to his own liking. Being suddenly arrived there, he calls them and gives them audience, and power to deliver their charge. The Ambassadors at the first signifies unto him, that he should demand nothing from the Sagontins, being allied unto the Romans: And moreover that he should not pass the river of Ebro, for that it had been so concluded by the Treaty made with Asdrubal. The which being heard by Hannibal, like a young man and greedy of War, and who easily did what he would with the Senate of Carthage, by the means of the heads of his faction, 
Hannibal's answer to the Roman Ambassadors.  together with the hatred he bore against the Romans, he answered the Ambassadors as a friend to the Sagontins, blaming the people of Rome, who when they had lately received Letters from the Sagontins, for a mutiny which was grown amongst them, to the end they might send some Embassy to pacify it, they had wickedly put to death some of the principal of the City: Whereof he threatens them to take revenge, saying that the Carthaginians had a Custom not to disdain outrages: On the other side, he sent unto Carthage, to advertise them of that which they were to do, considering that the Sagontins relying upon the Alliance with the Romans, had done great outrages to many Town's subject to the Carthaginians.  
Finally as one full of inconstancy and rage, and inflamed with a desire to make War, he propounded no other valuable reason, pursuing only certain frivolous and impertinent causes. The which is incident to those, who transported by their passion forget their duty. But had it not been much better to say thus? That the Carthaginians do rightfully demand of the Romans, that they restore unto them Sardinia, and the silver, which for so many years they had unjustly drawn from them, during their great affairs, and if they did it not, they will proclaim War against them. Where as chose it seems now, in leaving the true cause, and supposing a false one of the Sagontins, they would make it not only without occasion, but also with great outrage. And although the Ambassadors understood well, that upon necessity they must enter into War; yet they went unto Carthage, where they used the like speech.  
It is true the Romans meant to Transport it into Spain and not into Italy, and to have Sagont for a Fort. Wherefore in the interim, they laboured first to pacify the Wars of Sclavonia, as if they intended to make a War that was long and tedious and far from Italy. It happened at that time, 
Demetrius: King of Sclavonia.  that when as Demetrius King of the Sclavonians forgot the many favours which the Romans had done him, for that he saw them pressed on the one side with the fear of the Gauls, and on the there by the Carthaginians, and that all his hope was in the King of Macedon: for that he had been a partaker of that War, which Antigonus made against Cleomenes, ruining the Towns of the Sclavonians which were subject to the Romans, forcing the City, and exceeding the bounds limited in the Treaty. The like he did to most parts of the Island of Cyclades: So as he ruined all like a Tempest, being accompanied with fifty strong Vessels. Whereof the Romans being advertised, seeing at that time the principality of Macedon to Triumph, they laboured with all their present means to pacify the affairs of Sclavonia, hoping it would prove easy: And that soon after, they should punish the baseness of the Sclavonians, and the ingratitude of Demetrius. But matters passed otherwise then they expected. For whilst they employ their time therein, Hannibal takes Sagont much sooner than they conceived. So as the War grew hot, not in Spain, but against the City of Rome, and throughout all Italy. Yet the Romans pursuing their enterprise, sent Lucius Emilius into Sclavonia, the first year of the hundred and fifth olympiad, with a very great Army to keep that Province in peace, and from future danger.  
Hannibal parting from Carthagena with his whole Army, goes to Sagont, a Town situated beyond the River of Ebro, at the foot of the Mountain, 
The situation of Sagont.  which divides Spain from the Celtiberiens, about a mile distant from the Sea. The people of this Country exceed all the rest of Spain in abundance of fruits, and in multitudes of men, and they are the most Warlike. Hannibal entering into these limits with his Army, and having ruined all the Country, he besieged it with all manner of Engines, conceiving that the taking thereof would prove wonderful commodious for his present Affairs. First he considered that he should deprive the Romans of all hope to make War in Spain; 
The discretion of the head of an interprize.  and that moreover he should strike a great terror into the rest; and that by this means the Towns of Spain reduced already under his obedience, would keep their faith the better: Besides it was likely, that they which desired to live still in their liberty, would soon yield: And that thirdly he imagined, that he might then confidently pursue the Remainder, leaving no enemy behind him.  
He hoped more over, to gather much Treasure for the entertainment of his War; and that he should gain the hearts of the Soldiers for the booty that every one should get at the sack of the Town; and that finally he should purchase the love of the Citizens remaining in Carthage, with presents that he will send them of the spoils. Being moved with these reasons, he wholly attends the siege of this Town, and inflames the hearts of the Soldiers, spurring them on sometimes with rage against the Enemy, sometimes with hope of Recompense; and sometimes he serves them for an example, aswell in making the Engines, and approaching them to the Walls, as in going sometimes to those places which were most dangerous. Finally, he performed all things so extraordinary well, as if he had been but a simple Soldier.  
And when he had toiled his Body and mind herein for the space of eight months, 
Sagont forced by Hannibal.  in the end he forced Sagont. Whereas after he had made a great booty of gold and silver, and taken many men, he kept the money for the charges of the War, as he had formerly resolved, dividing the Prisoners among the Soldiers, according unto their several dignities, and set the rest of the spoil unto Carthage. After these things, he was not deceived in his hope, so as things succeeded according to his desire: for his Soldiers were much more ready to undergo all dangers: and the Carthaginians much more ready to please him. Moreover, this booty of money was a great means for the enterprise he had in hand.  
During these actions, Demetrius King of the Sclavonians, discovering the enterprise and preparation of the Romans, 
Demetrius' fortified Dimale.  he presently caused the Town of Dimale to be carefully furnished with men and victuals: and as for the other Towns of Sclavonia, he chased away those that were of a contrary faction, suffering none but such as held his party. Then he made choice of six thousand old Soldiers out of his Army, 
The arrival of Emilius into Sclavonia.  and put himself into Phare. In the mean time the Consul Emilius arrives safely in Sclavonia with his Army: where being advertised that the Enemies were confident and resolute, for that they were in hope, that the descent of the Romans should not prevail against them, relying much in the situation and munition of Dimale, he thought good before all things, to do his uttermost endeavour to take it: thinking (as it afterwards happened) that this being taken, all the rest amazed with fear, would easily yield unto the Romans. And after that he had made some speeches unto the Soldiers, he planted his Engines of Battery against the Town, and besieged it: which being forced on the seaventh day, did so much amaze the Enemies, as presently Embassies came from all the rest of Sclavonia, yielding unto the Romans.  
The which being received into Friendship, 
The Town of Sclavonia reduced to the Roman obedience.  and having treated with every one according to their condition, he causeth his Army to march directly to Phare, whereas the King of the Sclavonians made his abode. But for that he found this Town strong by situation, and manned with the choice of the Army, and moreover, well furnished with Victuals, and all kinds of munition, he feared the siege would be long and difficult. Finally, being long in supence, 
The warlike policy or Emilius.  he takes this counsel. He useth all diligence and labour to gain the Island in the Night, and doth lodge a great part of his Army in the thickest of the Forest: as for himself, at the break of day, he gains the nearest Port unto the Town with twenty ships. The Sclavonians seeing the Enemy's ships, and making no account of their number, they go forth with a great Fleet to hinder the landing of the Romans, where they charged them, and for a time the Combat was very furious, there coming still Succours unto them from the Town by files, so as in the end all the City was drawn thither.  
Then the Romans who had laid all night in Ambush in the Forest, hearing the noise, ran with all speed by covered places, and gaining a little Hill which was strong by nature, within the Town and Port, they took from their Enemies all means of return. The which the Sclavonians well perceiving, they leave their first enterprise to repulse the Enemy, and drawing together in one troop, they encourage one another, as men resolved to go and fight against those which held the Hill. On the other side the Romans seeing the Sclavonians approach, put themselves in battle, and charged them, fight with great resolution and courage: The other part of the Army at Sea, landed, marched, and pressed the enemy in the Rear. Wherefore for as much as the Romans charged them on all sides, and that the Sclavonians were pressed before and behind, the Combat was long and cruel. Finally, the Romans had the Victory. The greatest part of the Sclavonians were most miserablely slain, 
The victory of the Romans upon the Sclavonians.  some saved themselves within the Town, and the rest fled into the Deserts of the Island.  
Demetrius the Night following saved himself contrary to the opinion of all the World, by means of certain Vessels which he had appointed in three places for his safety, the case so happening: and retired to Philip King of Macedon, with whom he spent the Remainder of his days. He was a man of great courage and overweening, but of little judgement in Martial affairs. And therefore he ended according to the life which he had formerly led: 
Demetrius a man of great courage and little judgement.  For when as at Phillip's desire he had begun to besiege the Town of the Messenians, he was most shamefully slain by the Enemy, for his great and overweening boldness. But we will speak of these things more particularly, when we shall come unto that time. When as Emilius had so suddenly gotten Phare, he razed the Town to the ground. And having within few days reduced the rest of the Towns of Sclavonia to the Roman obedience, 
The Town of Phare razed.  and decided all the affairs of the Province as he had resolved, he returns to Rome in the beginning of Autumn: where he was received with wonderful great glory, triumph, and good esteem of all men, to have done not only like a wise and discreet man, but like a resolute.  
But when in the mean time news came to Rome of the razing of Sagont, some have written, that the Lords of the Roman Council were not of opinion to make War, and they allege causes and reasons which held them in suspense. But what can be spoken more unreasonably? How is it likely, that they which the year before had signified War unto the Carthaginians, if they entered the Sagontins Country, should now grow doubtful, whether after the taking of Sagont, they should make War, or not? But is there any thing less worthy of credit, to say, that the Senate on the one side was wonderfully heavy and afflicted, as if all had been utterly lost: On the other side that the Fathers brought all their Children to the Senare, so as they were above twelve years of age, and that being partakers of the Council, they never revealed, or made known the secrets to any? Without doubt these things are neither true nor likely, unless the Romans have that gift of nature, to be wise from their Cradles.  
We have discoursed sufficiently of these writings which are of Cherea and Solilus: neither have they so much show of a History, as of old wife's Tales: and are like unto those which they usually tell in Barber's shops. The Romans then after the news of the taking of Sagont, and the murder of their Allies, sent presently an Embassy to Carthage, to let them understand two things, whereof the one seemed to be of consequence, for ignomy and loss of the Carthaginions, and the other had a show to draw their Empire in hazard. For they demanded, that they should either deliver Hannibal to be punished for the breach of the public Faith, or else they should hold themselves assured of War. When as the Ambassadors were come to Carthage, 
Roman Ambassadors sent to Carthage.  and that the Senate had given them audience, they delivered their Commission: which was not without the indignation of of the Carthaginians: who made choice of Hanno to debate their Right, who at the first made no account of Hasdrubals treaty, 
Hanno's answer to the Roman Ambassadors.  as having never been made with the Romans: and if it were so, the Carthaginians were not bound unto it, for that Asdrubal had exceeded his Commission, and had done it without the authority of the Senate or people of Carthage. Whereunto he alleged in the like case, that the Romans had been of opinion, that the accord made in Sicily by the Consul Luctatius should be broken, for that it had been made without the authority of the people of Rome.  
Finally, he insisted still upon this accord whilst his Speech continued, and read it often, saying, that there was no mention made of Ebro, and that the Allies of the one and of the other were only reserved: and that moreover, it did nothing concern the Sagontins, for that at the time of the accord they were not allied unto the Romans. The Ambassadors repulsed with great words this contention concerning the right of the accord, as a thing which concerns the honour of the people of Rome: saying that the quarrels might be decided, if the Sagontins were in there entire. But now that Sagont is razed, and that the faith and accords are wickedly broken, they should either deliver the Author of the Crime to the Romans, to the end that all the World might know, that Sagont hath not been overthrown and ruined with the consent of the Carthaginians: Or if they will not, but confess that the Town hath been destroyed with their consent, that they should prepare to War. Thus ended their discourse, which they held more amply and in general.  
I have held it most necessary not to pass over this particular in silence, to the end the truth may not be hidden to those which deal in public affairs, or which have cause to consider exactly of these things: Or else have a desire to know whether they err, being deceived by the ignorance and sottishness of Historiographers, for want of knowledge of the treaties which from the first Punic War, unto our times have been made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. The first than was made betwixt these two Nations, immediately after that the name of King was chased out of Rome, Lucius, junius, Brutus, and Marcus Valerius being Consuls, under whom also a Temple was dedicated to jupiter Capitolinus, 
The Temple of jupiter Capitolinus.  eight and twenty years before the first voyage of Xerxes into Greece: the which we have interpreted with the greatest diligence we could possibly. Believe me, the Roman tongue hath been so changed since that time unto our days, 
The Roman tongue changed.  as they which are the best instructed in Antiquities, understand not much of it, but with great difficulty.  
This accord contains in a manner thus much: 
The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.  The people of Rome, and the Carthaginians shall live in Amity and Friendship: The like shall their Allies do. The Romans and their Allies shall not sail beyond the Promontory of Beauty, unless they be forced by storm, or the violence of their Enemies. If any one takes Port for these causes, he shall not buy, 
I conceive that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure, in Africa, where as now the City Clipca stands.  nor take anything, but what necessity shall require for Sacrifices and for Ships. And that within the fifth day they shall set fail for their retreat. They which shall arrive there for the trade of Merchandise, shall be free, except the duties which belong unto the Register, and to the City, who shall give a Certificate of all that which shallbe sold in their presence, in Africa or Sardinia. If any Roman arrives in Sicily, where the Carthaginians are Lords, they shall do him no wrong. The Carthaginians shall do no outrage to the Ardeates, Anciates, Arrentins, Circins, Tarraconnois, nor the other Latins which are subject to the Romans. And if there be any other City which is not subject, it is not comprehended. If the Carthaginians take any one, they shall restore it entire to the Romans, neither shall they build any Fort in Italy. And if they be entered into the Province as Enemies, they shall not stay a whole night. Behold in a manner what the first Treaty contained. You must understand that the Promontory of Beauty, 
The Promontory of Beauty.  is right against Carthage, having its aspect to the North. Beyond the which towards the South, the Carthaginians would not suffer the Romans to sail with any ships of War.  
The reason was as it seems, for fear they should come and discover the places which are about the Banks of Barbary, which the Carthaginians call the Merchant's Country, by reason of the fertility thereof. And therefore if any one driven by a storm, or pressed by the enemy, cast himself upon that Quarter, it was not lawful for him to take any thing but what was necessary to repair his ships, or to sacrifice: Being likewise forced to weigh Anchor, and set sail the fifth day. As for Carthage and the other Countries of Africa, which are on this side the Promontory, and as for Sardinia and Sicily, whereas the Carthaginians were Lords, it was lawful to sail thither for traffic: For the effecting whereof the Carthaginians had sworn to observe and keep it.  
But it seems that in this treaty, that the Carthaginians make mention of Africa and Sardinia, as of their own Provinces, holding other terms of Sicily, which add the Country wherein they are obeyed. The Romans also do the like for the Country of the Latins: and as for the rest of Italy, they make not any mention, for that it was not yet subject unto them. Afterwards there was another treaty made, wherein the Carthaginians comprehended the Tyrriens and Bisarthins: There was also added to the Cape of Beauty, Mastia, and Tarseron: Without the which it was not lawful for the Romans to pretend any Country, nor to purchase or build any new City. Behold the Contents: The Romans and their Allies, the Carthaginians, Tyrriens, 
The second Accord.  and Bisarthins, and their Allies, shall live in friendship. The Romans not their Allies shall not sail beyond the Promontory of Beauty, nor or Mastia, or Tarseion, to rob and spoil, nor to Traffic, nor to build any Town. If the Carthaginians take any Town in Italy, which is not subject to the Romans, they shall have spoil, and restore the Town unto the Romans. If they have taken any of the free people, which were Allied to the Romans, they shall not bring them unto any Port which belongs unto the Romans. And if they bring any one thither, and he be known to the Romans, they shall be set at liberty. The like shall be done unto the Romans in those Towns which are subject to the Carthaginians.  
If a Roman refreshes himself with Water and Victuals, the Carthaginians shall do him no wrong, with whom they have concluded a peace and friendship, and if they do it, the outrage shall be held public. And as for Sardinia and Africa, the Romans nor their Allies may not Traffic nor have any Town, or buy any thing but what is necessary, for Sacrifice or the repairing of their ships. And if any ship be cast upon that Coast by Tempest, they shall set Sail within the fifth day. In regard of Sicily, the Romans may Traffic where the Carthaginians are obeyed: The like they may do at Carthage, and use the same righs which the Carthaginians observe. The which in the like case the Carthaginians may do at Rome. In this Treaty it seems that the Carthaginians show that Sardinia and Africa were wholly theirs, and that they would deprive the Romans of the right of Portage. But as for Sicily of that part only which they hold.  
It was also Articulated, 
Other Articles passed betwixt the Romans & the Carthaginians.  that the Carthaginians should not make War against the Ardiatins, the Antiates, the Circins, Tarraconnois, nor against the other Latin Cities which lie upon the Sea, and comprehends the Latin Region. As for the rest of Italy, there was no mention made. Since there was a third Accord made, at such time as Pyrrhus' King of the Epirotes passed into Italy, 
The third Accord.  before the beginning of the Punic War. Wherein were comprehended the same Articles, adding moreover, that if they agreed with Pyrrhus, they should give succour one unto another in the Country that was assailed: And if either of them had need of assistance, the Carthaginians should furnish Ships aswell for the passage, as for the Combat, either of them paying their Soldiers. The Carthaginians should succour the Romans by Sea, and no man should be forced to Land his men. But as I have understood, the oath of the first Treaties was made in this manner.  
The Carthaginians swore by the gods of their Country: 
The manner of Swearing of the Romans & Carthaginians in their treaties.  And the Romans by the Stone, according to their ancient Custom, calling thereunto the powers of Mars the Warlike. Behold the manner which they observed to swear by the Stone. The Herald of Arms, after the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt the two Nations, having the Stone in his hands, used these Words. I pray unto the gods that all things may come successfully unto me, if this Accord and Oath which I take, be done justly and without fraud. But if I do or think otherwise that I may die alone, as this Stone shall fall out of my hand, all the rest being sound and safe in their own Country, their Laws, Houses, Temples, and Sepulchers, and without speaking any Word more, he let the Stone fall out of his hand.  
As these things are true, and are at this day to be seen, graven in Tables of Brass, in the Temple of jupiter Capitolium, where they are carefully kept by the Aediles, 
Phisinus a Historiographer.  Who will not wonder at the Historiographer Philinus, not for that he knew it not (for without doubt many ancient Romans and Carthaginians, I say of our time, and which have been very curious of such things, do not know it:) But for that he hath dared to write things quite contrary; saying that in these Accords was contained that the Romans should quit all Sicily, and the Carthaginians all Italy? Wherefore the Romans has broken their faith and promise, at their first Voyage into Sicily. And yet this is not found Written.  
Philinus hath written this Discourse in the second of his Books, the which relating lightly in the first Book, we have reserved to this place, to the end we may debate it in particular: holding it necessary, lest some one might stray from the Truth, following the error of Philinus. It will not be happily without reason, if some one will hold the Voyage of the Romans into Sicily worthy of blame, for that they had received the Mamertins into friendship, and presently sent forces after in their extreme necessity, considering that a little before they had spoiled Messina and Rhegium with great cruelty, being two of the richest Towns in Sicily. But this were to judge like an ignorant man, that in passing into Sicily they had broken their faith and promise. After that the War of Sicily was ended there was another Accord made, whereof this is the Tenor. That the Carthaginians should not only void out of Sicily, 
Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.  but out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy. And the Allies of the one and the other should have no Rule in neither of their Countries; nor should make any Forts, nor draw forth any Soldiers, nor make Alliance with either of their Allies; and that the Carthaginians should pay thirteen hundred and twenty thousand Crowns within ten years: Whereof six hundred thousand should be presently paid, and that moreover they should deliver all the Roman Prisoners without ransom.  
Besides all this the Romans declaring War unto them, when they were much troubled and afflicted in Africa, 
Another accord.  they forced them to make a new Treaty: Where it was said, that the Carthaginians should leave Sardinia, and pay (besides the sum agreed upon,) seven hundred thousand Crowns. After all these Treaties, the last was made in Spain with Asdrubal, 
Another accord made with Asdrubal.  where the Carthaginians were forbidden to pass the River of Ebro or Iberus in Arms. Behold all the Treaties which the people of Rome and Carthage made, from the first Punic War unto the second, which the Carthaginians managed under the Conduct of Hannibal. But it is doubtless, that as we have showed that the Romans did not break their faith when they passed into Sicily, as doth plainly appear: So afterwards they declared War against the Carthaginians without reason: when as they made the Treaty for Sardinia: for truly there can be no reason found therein. chose we see plainly that besides all the agreements, the Carthaginians left Sardinia, and paid a greater sum of money, being forced by the malice of the time. And as for that, wherewith the Romans shelter themselves, that they were forced thereunto, for that they had outraged their Merchants at Sea: This had been formerly decided, when as the Carthaginians delivered the Prisoners without Ransom. These are things whereof we have spoken, when in the precedent Book we have related that which was to be said in particular. Let us now come to the causes of the second Punic War, and let us see which of the two Nations is to be blamed.  
The Carthaginians objected those causes which we have related. 
The causes propounded by the Romans for the War.  In regard of the Romans they brought none for the present, for the indignation they had for the razing of Sagont. Yet behold those which they and others do usually object. First there is no comparison betwixt the Treaty which Asdrubal made and that of Luctatius, although the Carthaginians will have it so. For it was said in that of Luctatius, that it should hold good if the people of Rome consent unto it. And as for that of Asdrubal, there was no such condition: Where it was expressly said, that the Carthaginians should not pass beyond Ebro. And it was said in the other, that the Allies of either part should live in peace: Under which terms were not only comprehended those which then were not Allied: For it would have been Articulated, that the one nor the other should make any new Alliance; or that they which should newly enter, should not be comprehended, whereof there is nothing Written. For with that whereof formerly they had given order that none of those which should enter newly into Alliance, should be wronged: Who will believe that either of these powerful Nations would restrain himself from receiving those he should think good into Alliance, or to defend those that were received? In truth I conceive that in making their Treaty, their chief intent was, that their Allies should live in safety, and that it should not be lawful for them to receive the Allies of the one and the other into alliance: and it was provided that the new alliances might not draw Soldiers out of the others Provinces, nor bear any rule there; and that they should all Line in peace.  
Matters standing in these Terms, it is manifest that the Sagontins were allied unto the Romans long before Hannibal: 
The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances.  The which is so probable as the Carthaginians cannot deny it. For the Sagontins for a mutiny which grew in their Town, sent not unto the Carthaginians although they were their Neighbours, and held the greatest part of Spain; but retired to the Romans, by whose means the sedition was pacified and suppressed. If they say that the razing of Sagont hath been the cause of this War, they must likewise confess that the Carthaginians had no reason to make War against the Romans, aswell by the Treaty made with Luctatius, wherein it was contained that they should do no outrage unto the Allies, as by that which was made by Asdrubal, by the which the Carthaginians were restrained from passing the River of Ebro in Arms. Likewise if they will say, that the Carthaginians had taken this War to heart, for Sardinia which had been taken from them, and for the sum of money which they had paid: I make no doubt that they were not to be blamed, if attending the opportunity of the time they sought to revenge: Yet I conceive there willbe some, who not duly considering hereof, will imagine it idle and to no purpose, that I examine these reasons so diligently.  
For my part I am of opinion, 
The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History.  that if a man be so well furnished with all things necessary, as he needs not any assistance, yet the knowledge of things past willbe pleasing unto him, and it may be necessary. If likewise any one dare not ●relie upon this, aswell in private affairs as public, considering he is a man: and that he knows well that this present felicity may be lost, considering that the Fortune of men is frail and without continuance: Then I say that the knowledge of things past is not only pleasant but necessary. But how may a man find aid and succours to defend himself, being wronged in his own Country? Or draw all the World unto his own opinion, making a new enterprise? Or assure the hearts of his men when Fortune favours him, if he have not a true particular knowledge of the deeds of his Ancestors? Believe me by this means he shallbe ready and instructed in present affairs to be able to say, and do things, whereby all erterprises shallbe discovered, and the Truth understood. For things that are done and passed, are good instructions for those that shall succeed and come after, showing us the means, advice, and policies, whereby we may purchase grace, help, and comfort: Or chose, procure hatred, malice, or indignation, and so move to justice and reason. All which are of great Consequence unto a man, aswell for his private affairs, as for the public.  
And therefore I am of advice, that Historiographers and they which give themselves to read Histories, should not so much respect the Actions, as their Consequence and that which goes before. For if you take from a History which mentions but the deeds, how, nor wherefore it happened, and what the end was, that which shall remain will have no instructions, and will be but a kind of Contention: Although happily it may seem at the first sight something pleasant, but for the future they shall reap no profit. It is true, some will say that it is no easy thing to recover such a History, and that they cannot well find it for the greatness and number of Books. 
Polybius hath made forty Books.  Believe me, they do not understand how much more easy it is to have, and to read forty Books made with good order, whereas the deeds and actions of Italy, Sicily, and Africa, from the voyage of Pyrrhus into Italy, unto the taking of Carthage are comprised: And as for those of the other parts of the World, from the flight of Cleomenes unto the War which the Romans had against the Acheins, near unto the Isthmus: Then to make provision, or to read so many Books of so many particular Histories: For as they exceed ours in greatness and number, so it is a difficult thing to comprehend any thing certain. First, that all write not of the same things, and omit those which have been done at the same time: the which if they were conferred together, would the better discover the truth.  
Finally, they cannot attain to that which is necessary to the History, which are the things which precede the actions, and concern the causes. For our part, we will consider the War of Antiochus, as having taken its occasion from that of Philip, and that of Philip from the Punic War, and the Punic from that of Sicily: Whereas all the accidents which have happened in the mean time, and may be referred to one beginning, are diligently observed. All which things may be easily understood by him that hath written a general History: the which is impossible by them which speak of particular Wars, as of the Persique or Phillippique: unless perchance some one holds opinion to be able to understand a whole War by the knowledge of one Battle: which is impossible. And therefore our History ought to be more esteemed, than that of particular Wars, for that it is more excellent to have learned some thing perfectly, than to have only heard of it.  
But to return from whence we strayed, when the Roman Ambassadors saw that the Carthaginians disguised matters, they spoke no more. But the most ancient among them taking up the skirt of his Robe, 
The Roman Ambassadors signify War unto the Carthaginians.  and showing it to the Senate, Behold saith he, wherein I bring you War or Peace: take which you please. Whereunto the Chief of the Carthaginians answered, deliver which you will. And when he had spoken, he delivered them War, many of the Senate cried out, that they accepted it. Upon this discourse the Ambassadors and Senate retired. Hannibal wintering at Carthage, had given leave to his Soldiers to return into their Country, if happily there were any that desired to see their Kinsfolks and Friends: 
The order which Hannibal gave for the defence of Spain.  To the end that having endured so much toil, they might fortify their bodies and minds, to endure new labour. Moreover, he instructs his brother Asdrubal by what means (if he were forced to part out of the Province) he should defend and govern Spain against all the attempts of the Romans. Then he sends a great Garrison into Africa of men which he drew out of Spain: for he had caused Soldiers to come out of Africa into Spain, making cunningly this division of his men: to the end that the Africans being there, and the Spaniards in Africa, they should grow better by mutual obligations.  
They which past into Africa, were Thersites, Mastianes', Orites, Spaniards and Olcades: having appointed the number of them to be twelve hundred Horse, and thirteen thousand eight hundred & fifty Foot: and besides these eight hundred and fifty Slingers of Maiorque and Minorque, called Balleares, with their Island, by reason of the use of the Sling. He commands they should lodge the greatest part in Africa, and that the rest should remain at Carthage for its strength. He doth also levy four thousand Foot, the choice of the youth within the heart of Spain: the which he causeth to march to Carthage, not so much to fortify it, as to serve for Hostages. He also left in Spain to his Brother Asdrubal fifty Quinqueremes, 
The equipage of War as well for Sea as La●d, left in Spain by Hannibal, to Asdrubal his Brother.  two Quadriremes, five Triremes, and among the Quinqueremes, thirty two armed and furnished, with the five Triremes. He also left him about four hundred and fifty Libyphentces, which is a mixed Nation of Phenicians and Africans: and three hundred I●ergetois: Eighteen hundred Numidians and Moors, bordering upon the great Sea: Eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty Foot, Africans: Three hundred Genevois: Five hundred men of Maiorque and M●norque: and one and twenty Elephants. No man ought to wonder at our diligence in this description, If I so observe it in the affairs of Hannibal in Spain, that even they which practised it, could hardly observe: Nor blame us for that after the manner of liars, we relate I know not what petty trivial things, 
The number of Hannibal's Army in a Table of Copper seen by Polybius.  the more easily to give credit unto our writing. For when I had seen at Lavynium a Table of Copper, which Hannibal had left there, when as he overran Italy, wherein this number was contained, I thought sit to give credit unto it; and therefore we have followed it here.  
When as Hannibal had provided for Africa and Spain, he respected the return of such as he had sent to move the Gauls, by whose Country he was to pass his Army. You must understand that he had sent men to win them by Presents, and to view the passages of the Mountain, for that he was advertised that this Region was very fertile, and very well peopled with resolute men, and good Soldiers, and mortal Enemies to the Romans, for the War which they made against the Gauls, expecting that his War should be only in Italy, if he might pass his Army safely by the straits of the Alps with their help. After the return of his men, and that he was advertised of the expectance and desire of the Gauls, and that the passages of the Hills were rough and painful, not altogether inaccessible, he drew his Army together in the Spring. It is true, that the news which at the same time he received, of that which happened at Carthage, inflamed his cholle● the more against the Romans, having thereby a confident hope of the fidelity and affection of his Nation. When as all the Army was drawn together, Hannibal made an Oration, 
The Oration which Hannibal made to his Soldiers.  not to any one part, but publicly to all the Soldiers, by diverse means persuading them to embrace the War against the Romans: and how that he and the other Captains of Carthage had been demanded of them for to be put to death, for the taking of Sagont. He acquaints them likewise of the fertility of the Province whither they made their voyage, making great esteem and respect of the Friendship and alliance of the Gauls. After which speech, seeing them all resolute, and that they demanded nothing but to part, he commended their good will and prowess. And after he had told them the day when they should truss up their baggage, he dismissed them. In the mean time, when he had made all necessary preparations for his Voyage, 
The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibal's Army at his parting from Spain.  he dislodged suddenly, when the day of parting was come, with fourscore and ten thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse, and past the River of Ebro.  
Then within few days, he brought under his obedience the Ilergetins, the Bargusins, the Erinosins, and Andolisiens': the like they did to all other Towns unto the Pyrenee Mountains, razing some. And as he performed this sooner than any man could conceive, so he did it not without many cruel battles, and great loss of men. He settled Hanno Governor of this Country, and made him likewise Lord of the Bargusins: for that he did not greatly trust those people, for the Alliance they had with the Romans: and he gave him ten thousand Foot, 
The number of men which Hannibal left to Hanno for the guard of Spain.  and a thousand Horse for the guard of their Country, leaving with him all their baggage which marched with him. He sent back the like number of Spaniards to their houses, partly for that he understood they were grieved with the length of the journey, and the difficult passages of the Mountains: and partly to give hope unto others, to return sometimes into their Country: and that they which he left in their houses, should march more willingly into Italy, if he needed succours. He marched then with the rest of his Army, 
Hannibal's Army of 50▪ thousand Foot and nine thousand Horse.  which amounted unto the number of fifty thousand Foot, and nine thousand Horse.  
And passing the Pyrenee Mountains, he drew near unto the mouth of the River of Rhone, not so well accompanied with great numbers as good men, who had been always victorious. But to the end this may not seem too obscure by the ignorance of places, we have thought it fit to show in few words, from whence Hannibal parted, and what great Countries he passed, and into what parts of Italy he entered. It is true, we have not set down the names of the places, as many Historiographers do, thinking that all will the better be understood, if they have the knowledge thereof: For my part, I am of opinion, that the relation of the names of places, whereof we have knowledge, are of great profit, for the more easy understanding, and more certain memory of things. But where the places are unknown, their names are like unto that manner of voice, which besides the hearing, signifies nothing. By this means it happens, that seeing our understanding doth not comprehend any thing by the name, and the which known, cannot breed any great profit, that the relation is altogether fruitless. And therefore we must find means, by the which speaking of places that are unknown, we may make the truth to be understood by the Readers with all our power.  
The first and principal knowledge, common to all men, is the Division of this World wherein we are contained, by the which we know (even Idiots) the East, West, South and North. The second is by the which attributing to every one of these parts the parties of the World we come in some sort to the knowledge of places which we have never seen. But as the round Circle of the Earth consists of many parts, whereof some are inhabitable, and others in situation opposite to ours, 
The division of the World in three parts.  inhabited by the Antipodes: We must for the present speak only of the situation of the Country which we inhabit. And for that it is divided into three parts, and hath three names, whereof they call the one Asia, the other Afric, and the third Europe. It is a division which the Rivers of Tanais and Nile make, joining to the straits of Hercules Pillars. Asia is seated betwixt Nile and Tanais, taking its extent towards the East and South. In regard of Africa, it is seated betwixt the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules, taking its extent under the South, and towards the Hivernall west unto the equinoxial, and to the straits of Gibeltar. Finally, these two parts seem to hold more the Country under the South, from the East following our Sea then towards the West.  
And as for Europe, it is limited drawing towards the North, and continuing from the East unto the West: whose greatest extent lies towards the North, betwixt the River of Tanais and Narbonna, which is not far from the Country of Marcelles towards the West, and the mouths of the River of Rhone, which lose themselves in the Sardinian Sea. The Gauls hold all that Country, from Narbonna unto the Perinee Mountains, the which extend themselves from our Sea unto the Ocean, and as for the rest of Europe from the Perinee Mountains unto the West, I mean unto the Pillars of Hercules, it is environed on the one side by our Sea, and on the other by the main Ocean. The Country about which our Sea doth flow, unto the Pillars of Hercules, is called Spain. And as for that which hath its aspect to the Ocean, it hath not yet any known name that hath come to our knowledge: although it be fully inhabited by Barbarous people, of whom we will speak particularly when we come to their Rank. For as the Region which is near unto Ethiopia, whereas Asia and Africa joins, is at this day unknown, whether it be firm land continued towards the South, or enclosed by the Sea: So likewise the Country is at this day unknown, which betwixt Tanais and Narbonna draws towards the North: so as they dream which speak or write any thing.  
It was necessary to make this digression, to the end that the deeds which we are to relate, might not be altogether obscure to those which know not the places, and that they might come the knowledge of the truth as much as is possible, by the Regions of Heaven and Earth. For we have been always accustomed to turn our face continually to that which they teach us by reason and example: The understanding must always have regard to those Countries which are interposed in the relation. Leaving then our discourse, 
What the Carthaginians held in Africa.  let us return to the continuance of our speech. The Carthaginians at that time held all the Affricaine shore, whereas our Sea flows, from the Philonien Altars, near unto the Banks of Barbary, unto the Pillars of Hercules (this contains about sixteen thousand Furlongs) and in passing that little Sea which is betwixt Africa and Europe they had Conquered all Spain, unto the Perinee mountains, which divide that Province from Gaul. From the which unto straits of Gebeltar, where stand the Pillars of Hercules, there is about eight thousand Furlongs: And from the straight unto the new Town, which some call Carthage, from whence Hannibal parted to go into Italy, three thousand furlongs: And from Carthage to Ebro, two thousand six hundred furlongs: From thence to the Empories, sixteen hundred: And from thence to the mouth of the River of Rhone sixteen hundred furlongs. Behold the measure of those places which the Romans have made with great diligence. From the passage of the Rhone, following the Banks towards the Spring, unto the passage of the Alps into Italy, thirteen hundred furlongs; and the passage of the Mountain is held to be twelve hundred. After which they come into the Champion Country which is about Poe. And therefore Hannibal was to march nine thousand furlongs, from Carthage unto the entry of Italy. And if we will observe the way, he had already past the one half: But if we will consider the difficulty of the Country, he had the most troublesome task to perform. Hannibal endeavoured by all means to pass the Perinee Mountains, not without some fear of the Gauls; lest knowing the passages, they should interrupt his voyage into Italy.  
In the mean time news came to Rome of that which had been spoken and done at Carthage, by the Ambassadors, and that Hannibal had past the River of Ebro with his Army, much sooner than they expected, making haste to go into Italy; for the which the great men of Rome were not a little amazed: Conniving that he would move the Nation of the Gauls against them, 
A division of the Provinces to the Consul.  being always desirous of War. Wherefore after the Election of the Consuls, the divided the Provinces: Whereof Spain was for Publius Cornelius, and Africa with Sicily for Tytus Sempronius: To whom they appointed six Legions for that year, and as many Allies as they should think good; and as great an Army at Sea as they could make.  
Whilst they Levied men at Rome, and that the Army at Sea and Munitions were preparing, and all the necessary Equipage for the Sea, they laboured to people their Colonies, which they had lately in Gaul near unto the Poe. There were Cities newly built, and Citizens enjoined to be there within thirty days, to either City six thousand men: 
The building of Plaisance and Cremona.  whereof the one which was on this side the Poe, was called Plaisance, and the other on the further side Cremona. The Boloniens discontented herewith, and remembering the ancient quarrels, abandoned the Roman party, 
The revolt of the Boloniens.  being advertised of the Descent of the Carthaginians, leaving the Hostages which they had given in the former War, whereof we have made mention in the last Book: And taking Arms suddenly, they solicited the Milan●●is to do the like, making a tumultuous hurly-burly in the Country assigned to the Colonies, so as all the people terrified fled to Modena, 
Modena besieged by the Gauls.  with the three Deputies which were come to divide the Land: Whom the Bolonieus pursued, and besieged the Town. The siege continuing some time, they made a show to parley of Peace: And when as the Princes of the Gauls had caused some Ambassadors to come unto them, they stayed them contrary to the Law of Nations, refusing to send them back, if their Hostages were not delivered.  
When the news of this accident was come unto them, Lucius Manlius the Praetor, who was then present with an Army, inflamed with Rage, 
A Surprise made by the Boloniens upon the Romans.  makes haste to succour the Besieged, whereof the Boloniens being advertised, they laid an Ambush in the Forest near the way, and surprising their enemies at their coming, they slew a great number of the Romans: The rest with great difficulty recovering the fields, saved themselves: Where although the Soldiers assured themselves for a time, yet finding that the Boloniens pursued them in the Rear, they ●●ed to recover the Town of Cannet. When the news came unto Rome, the Romans fearing that their Army would be endangered by a long siege, they appointed Attillius the Praetor to succour the Besieged with the Troops prepared for the new Levy of the Consul, enjoining him moreover to make a Levy of others: 
The parting of the Roman Armies.  Behold the estate wherein the affairs of the Gauls stood until the coming of Hannibal. In the mean time the Consuls having made ready all their necessary Equipage, parted from Rome: whereof Publius Cornelius bent his course to Spain, with threescore vessels of war, and Sempronius into Africa with a hundred and three score Quiqueremes, taking the War so to heart, as he made so great a preparation at Lylibeum, that it seemed he should presently besiege Carthage.  
As for Cornelius, he took his way by the Country of Tuscany and the Gene●●is; and arrived on the fifth day at Marcelles, and entered with his Army at the first mouth of Rhone, for it passeth into the Sea by many mouths. And although he were advertised that Hannibal past the Pyrenee mountains, yet he made his account that he had a long way to go, aswell for the difficulty of the Country, as for the multitude of the Gauls, those parts being very well peopled. But Hannibal made hast daily to pass the Rhone with his Army, near unto the shore of the Sardinian Sea, with incredible diligence, after that he had pacified the Gauls partly with gifts, and partly by fear. The which the Consul hearing, and believing but in part this sudden arrival; desiring likewise to know the truth, he Lands, to refresh his Men wearied with a torment at Sea. Then he acquaints the Tribunes with the places, by the which they must go to encounter the Enemy, and sends three hundred choice Horse before, under the Conduct of Pronencials, and some succours of the Gauls, to discover the Enemy's enterprise.  
Hannibal being now near the Rhone with his Army, and within four day's journey of the Sea, makes haste to pass it with all possible speed. And therefore he calls all the inhabitants thereabouts, and wins them by Presents, from whom he buys Skifs and small Boats which they ordinarily use, and whereof there were at that time a great number, by reason of the Fairs for the Trade of the Sea: And he causeth others to be made in making hollow the bodies of Trees. The which the Soldiers likewise did, being moved with the abundance of stuff and the facility of the Work: So as in less than two days, there were so many Boats and Skifs, as they were sufficient to pass: Every man striving not to be at the mercy of his Companion or Comrade, but to pass himself and his baggage into his own Skiffe or Boate.  
In the mean time there were an infinite number of men drawn together upon the further Bank of the Rhone, 
The Gauls endeavour to stop Hannibal's passage over the Rhone.  to hinder the Carthaginians passage. The which Hannibal perceiving, and knowing well that he could not pass the River by force, for that the Enemy held the other Bank, nor stay there long, but he should be environed by the people of the Country, at the setting of the third Watch of the night the sends Hann● son to King Bomilcar with a part of his Army, to whom he gave some guides of the Country; who mounted up the River two hundred furlongs, staying above an Island, about the which the Rhone did run: Where by reason of the Ford it seemed good, for that the River divided itself in two. They suddenly cut down wood, and made floats sufficient to pass the men, and other things necessary. By this means they passed the Rhone without danger or impeachment. Afterwards they recovered a place strong by nature, where they refreshed themselves a day, for the toil which they had taken, aswell for their march by night, as for the pains they had endured, being all attentive to affect their enterprise in time.  
Hannibal likewise made haste to do the like, with the rest of the Army. But he was troubled to pass the Elephants, being thirty seven in number. 
Hannibal causeth his Army to pass the Rhone.  The night following, they which had past the Rhone, marching along the River side, at the break of day approached near unto the Barbarians, who as we have said were there assembled. Hannibal on the other side, having his men ready, commands them all to be re●olute to pass, and that they should put the Horsemen prepared for the Combat in Boats, to the end that being passed they might serve if necessity required: And that the most active and nimblest footmen should enter into the Skifs. And to the end they might pass with more ease and safety, and might the better break the vehemency of the Waves, he placed Boats above the River to break the Violent▪ and swift course. He also caused three or four Horses to be tied to the Poop to swim it over, and there were two men set of either side of the Poop. By this means the greatest part of the Horses had been passed in the first Voyage.  
The which the Barbarians seeing, they came out of their Fort, and run unto the shore in a great throng and without order, as if they should easily defeat the Enemies. But after that Hannibal had stayed a little, and seeing his men approach by the smoke that they cast, according to his appointment, he gave a sign to his whole Army to pass, the which the Carthaginians seeing, they laboured with all their power to pass the River with great cries, and to break the Violence of the stream, so as every one laboured to pass first. When as the Carthaginians held the two Banks, and past the river with great noise, the Gauls endeavouring with great fury to ressist them, crying, and singing after their manner. The Charge was terrible for the time, and the Combat horrible to see. All the Gauls were run down unto the River, and had left their Tents. Hanno arrives presently with his Troop, 
Hanno chargeth the Gauls  whereof one part falls upon their Camp, and the other Charges them in the rear. The Gauls being amazed at this sudden accident, recover a part of their Camp, to keep it from the Enemies; the others were no less attentive in the Combat. When Hannibal saw his enterprise succeed so happily, he encourageth his Soldiers, putting them in mind of their ancient prowess, and persuading them to repulse the Enemies courageously. Whereupon they fall upon them with great fury. 
Hannibal's Victory over the Gauls.  Finally, the Gauls retired into their Villages with a shameful flight, for that they had begun the battle without order, and had been terrified by the surprise which Hanno made with his Legion.  
When as Hannibal had at one instant, vanquished the River and his Enemies, he causeth the rest of his Army to pass at leisure. And being all past in a short time, he planted his Camp without fear of the Gauls, and spent the night in peace upon the River side. Three days after he was advertised of the entry of the Roman Consul, with his Army at Sea into the mouths of Rhone. Wherefore he sent five hundred Numidians, to discover the Enemies, to view their numbers, and to learn what they resolved. In the mean time he gives order unto the masters of the Elephants to be careful to pass the Rhone. 
Remonstrances of the Gaulish Kings unto the Carthaginian Campe.  And having drawn his men together, he causeth the Kings to be called, who were come unto him from Gaul which lies beyond the Poe. Who speaking unto the whole Camp by an Interpreter, advised them to pass the Mountains, promising that both themselves, and the rest of the inhabitants of Gaul should give them both aid and assistance: That the ways were safe, and well furnished with all things necessary: And that moreover the mountains were not very difficult to pass, and they should find the places where they were to go, abounding in all things. Besides, they should find such Allies, whose Courage in times past was not a little feared by the Romans. After these or the like words, the Kings presently retired.  
Then Hannibal entering into the Assembly, 
Hanibals speech unto his Soldiers.  he shows them first their Actions past, wherein following his Council and opinion, they had been always Victorious: And that Fortune had never been averse unto them. Moreover he entreats them to be of good courage, being assured that they had ended the greatest of their Labours, having passed so dangerous a River, considering the good affection of their Allies, who were ready and prepared. Finally, that they should lay the burden of affairs upon him, showing only their Obedience, where it should be needful, with a remembrance of his Virtue and Prowess, which he had performed with so great resolution. His speech being ended, seeing the joyful Countenance of his men, carrying the show of resolution, he commended them all. Then having made his prayers unto the gods according to their manner, he retired, and sent them away to feed, giving them charge to be ready to part the next day.  
The Company was scarce dismissed when as the Numidians, who as we have said, had been sent to discover, returned, defeated and broken by the Enemy: for as they encountered near unto their Camp, the Roman Cavalry, whom Scipio had sent for the same cause, they charged one another with such fury, as there were slain seven score Horse as well Romans as Gauls, and above two hundred Numidians. The Romans pursuing the Carthaginians unto their Camp, where having diligently observed all, 
A defeat of the Numidians by the Roman Cavallory.  they returned to the Consul, and reported certain news of the Enemy, and of the Combat they had with the Numidians. Which things being heard, Publius Cornelins seeing that his stay there, would be of no great moment, imbarkes his Baggage: and parting with all his Troops along the Banks of Rhone, and makes haste as if he would give battle to the Enemy.  
Three days after that Hannibal had made his Oration to the Soldiers, at the break of day he sets all his Horsemen upon the Seashore, as it were for a guard: and causeth the Footmen to march a slow pace, being parted from their Camp: using the greatest diligence he could possible to pass the Elephants: For the effecting whereof he took this advice. He made provision of many floats, and tied two together from the Land unto the River, being fifty foot broad: 
The means to pass the Elephants.  to the which they added two others on the side of the Banks: The which they tied fast unto Trees which were upon the Banks, to the end they might swim safely: their length being of two hundred foot.  
Finally, they tied unto these last two other long floats gently, to the end they might be easily untied: to the which were fastened certain Cords, wherewith they might draw the Boats to the other Bank, after they should be untied from the other floats. Finally, they covered them all with Earth, to the end that the Elephants might march upon them without fear as upon the Land. This Equipage being prepared, they brought the Elephants, who had been accustomed to obey the Indians in all places, but upon the water, by the means of two Females which marched before upon the floats as upon the firm land, which after they had passed unto the last, which presently were untied, and were drawn by the Boats without any fear whilst they were all together: But when as the last float was separated from the rest, and that they saw themselves carried upon the water, they made some show of affrightment, for the fear which they had of all parts, for that the last fled from the water: 
The fear of the Elephants upon the Rhone.  yet this fear made them quiet, for that they saw nothing but water about them. When the first were passed, they went to fetch the rest, and past them. Some of them tormenting themselves with fear, fell into the River, and were retired safe, although their Masters were slain: For in marching slowly, and finding always footing, they recovered the other side of the Bank: for that their weight kept them firm, and by reason of their greatness they had their Tronks always above the River, wherewith they might cast out the water if they had drunk any: and so recover their breath.  
The Elephants being past, Hannibal marcheth with them, and all his Cavalry along the Rhone towards the firm land, 
The Spring of the River of Rhone.  drawing all his provisions in the mean time from the Sea. The Rhone comes from three heads of Fountains above the Sea of Venice, taking their course towards the West, and bending at the foot of the Mountain something towards the North. Then it enters into the Lake of Geneva, where it is not so violent: and passing through the midst of it, it tends to the Hyvernall West, dividing the Gauls in some sort: and then taking its course towards the South, it enters into the Sardinian Sea. The Valesien Gauls inhabit that part which tends towards the North: and on the South side is environed with the Mountains which bend towards the North. And as for the Plains which are about Poe, whereof we have formerly spoken, the Alps separate them from the Rhone, which beginning at Marseilles, extend unto the Gulf of Venice. 
Hannibal passeth the Alps along the Rhone.  The which Hannibal then passed about that Country which lies near unto the Rhone, and came into Italy.  
Some Historiographers seeking in this passage to terrify the judgement of Readers, do not observe that they fall into two strange errors, contrary to the reason of the History: For they are forced to write lies, and actions quite contrary: showing Hannibal (whom they will have inimitable, as well for his knowledge in Martial affairs, as for his great courage) to be wholly void of sense and reason. And in the end when they cannot free themselves from their lies, they have recourse unto the gods, for their History made at pleasure. For in making the passage of the Alps so great and difficult, so as not only the Horsemen, Baggage, nor Elephants could not pass, neither yet the Foot men lightly armed; and that moreover, there is so great a Desert, that if God, or some Angel had not guided the Army, without doubt it had perished in the Caves and hollow places; they fall directly into two errors. First, where should you find a Commander more senseless than Hannibal, 
Polybius his remonstrance against Historiographers.  who having the charge of so many troops, and of so great an Army, wherein consisted all his hope to prevail in his enterprise, knew neither the passages, nor the places, as they say, nor which way he should pass, nor against whom? For their meaning is, that with so great a hope, and with such a triumphant Army, he should do that which others after many Combats do not attempt, but through extreme despair. But what can be spoken more unreasonable? And whereas they say the places are desert and rough, they show themselves apparent liars. They do not say how the Gauls inhabiting the banks of Rhone, 
The Gauls inhabiting along the Rhone have often past into Italy.  before that time have passed into Italy, not once nor twice: Nor how in times past, they have passed the Mountains with a great Army against the Romans, to succour and help the Cisalphin Gauls: nor how that those Mountains are very well peopled: But as men ignorant hereof, they say, that I know not what God appeared to Hannibal, and showed him the way. By this means they seem rather Tragedians than Historiographers. For even as they which write Tragedies, do many time their Plays with the gods, or some other invention, for that they have taken a false and strange beginning: Even so these kind of Historiographers are in the like pain: For that taking false beginnings, they are forced to fly to some gods, or Heroes.  
But how can it be that from a false beginning the end should be true? Without doubt Hannibal hath not carried himself as they imagine, but chose like a wise and politic Captain, for he duly considered the fertility of the Country whither he went, and the hatred of the Inhabitants against the Romans. And he had to pass the Mountains (which is a hard and difficult thing) the people of the Country for his guides, 
Hannibal conducted by guides at the passage of the Mountains.  whom he had already won against the Romans. This we have learned from those which were at that time employed in affairs, and we ourselves have been purposely to see the Alps, 
polybius visited the Alps.  and therefore we have written it the more boldly.  
Three days after the Romans departed from the Banks of Rhone, Publius Scipio the Roman Consul being come to the Enemy's Camp with a resolution to fight, he stood for a time amazed, seeing the place void: For he made his account that the Enemy should never take that Country to pass into Italy, as well for the difficulty of the way, as for the multitude of Barbarians which held it. But after he had well weighed the great courage of the Carthaginians, he presently recovers his ship, and draws his Army together: Then he sends his Brother into Spain with part of his men, to the end it should not be unfurnished of Forces, and himself takes his course towards Italy, to encounter Hannibal at the descent of the Mountains with more ease and safety. Four days after Hannibal arrived at Lisle, 
Lisle made by the 〈◊〉 of Saone and Rhone.  a rich and fertile Country: The which was so called, for that the Rivers of Saone and Rhone falling from the Mountains, embracing a little quantity of Land, run together and make an Island like in figure and form to another that is in Egypt, 
Doltaan Island in Egypt.  called De●●a. It is true, that that in Egypt hath on the one side the Sea, with the which two Rivers join: But this hath rough and stony Mountains, which in a manner are inaccessible. Where Hannibal being arrived, he found two Brothers in quarrel for the Kingdom, and their Armies fronting one another. But being called by the eldest, and increased to restore him to his Father's inheritance, he obeyed him, thinking it would assist him much in his Enterprise. And when he had chased away the younger, and put him in possession of his Realm, he had not only store of victuals, and abundance of all things for a recompense: But moreover they were furnished with all sorts of Arms and other furniture, whereof the roughness of the cold Mountains forced him to make provision. His Army, and himself were likewise conducted safely by the King and his forces, through the Savoyards' Country unto the Mountains, which was a great benefit to him.  
When he in ten days after his departure from the Rhone had marched labour an hundred miles, he began to ascend the Mountain, where he was in great danger. It is true, that whilst the Carthaginians past the Plain, the Lords of Sanuoy suffered them to go on quietly, partly fearing their Horsemen and partly the Gauls forces, which did accompany them.  
But when as they were retired to their houses, and that the Carthaginians began to ascend the rough and steep Mountains: then they drew together in great multitudes, and seized upon the passages, by the which Hannibal must of necessity go. And if they had laid seattering ambushes in the (Valleys), 
The Savyards hindet Hannibal and his Army.  and had charged them suddenly, without doubt they had made a great slaughter of the Carthaginians. But being discovered by Hannibal, they did not so much annoy the Enemy as themselves: For when he found that they held all the passages, he causeth his Army to stay, and lodging among the Rocks and hollow places, he sent some no the Gauls that were with him, to visit the places, and to discover the Enemy's intention and and preparations. Being advertised by them, that the Enemy stayed there only in the day, and that by night every man retired to his house, to a Town which was near by, he used this invention. At the break of day he recovers the Hills with his whole Army, 
Hannibal's policy:  as if he had an intent to force through the Enemy. But when he was near unto them, he settled his Camp, and fortified himself.  
And when he found the Villains of the Mountains had retired themselves from their Hills, he makes many fires in his Camp, leaving the greatest part of his Army there, and steals through the straits with the best and ablest men of his Army, staying upon those Hills which the Enemy formerly held. This done when the Villains of the Mountains saw, it 〈◊〉 the break of day, they made a stand for a time: But finding that the baggage and the multitude of Horsemen disordered the Army in the straits: thinking likewise that the least amazement were sufficient to defeated them, they charge them in diverse places by the inaccessible Rocks. Then the Carthaginians were not so much annoyed by the Enemy, as by the difficulty of the place: for that the Horses and baggage made a great spoil of men and goods: 
They of the Mountains charge the Carthaginians.  For as the straits were of either side sleep and like a Gulf, many Horses fell with their burdens a wonderful height. The Horses being struck or hurt, were wonderfully troubled, the way being narrow, falling partly for fear, and partly for the grief of their hurts. The which Hannibal seeing, and thatthere was no hope in flight, after the loss of his baggage, he descends with great fury from the place where he had remained all night. And although he gave a great defeat to the Enemy, yet he slew many of his own: For the motion increasing on either side, 
Hannibal's victory against the Savoyards'.  many fell.  
Finally, after that the Sau. yards had been slain, some in fight, and some in the rout: Hannibal past the rest of his Horse and baggage with great pain and trouble. And having drawn together the rest of his Army, he marched to the City from whence the Savoyards' had sallied, the which he took without resistance, finding no man in it. It was a great relief unto him for all things necessary, not only for the present but for the future: for he carried away a great number of Horses and Prisoners; and victualled his Army for three days with Corn and Cattell: Amazing the other Inhabitants of the mountains, who durst not make the like attempt: Which was a thing more to be esteemed.  
He stayed there one day, and parting with his Army, he marched but little the two days following, and on the fourth he was again in great danger. He was come unto a place among the Mountains very well peopled with Inhabitants, who altogether had Conspired to deceive the Carthaginians. Wherefore they go to meet Hannibal, carrying Garlands of Flowers: 
Conspiracy of them of the Mountains, 〈◊〉 colour of friendship.  which is a sign of friendship and peace among the Barbarians, like unto the Caducei among the Grecians. Hannibal did not think it fit to give credit easily unto them, and inquires what their will and intent was: Who answered, that they did like well of the taking of the Town and the defeat of the Gauls, who were Enemies unto them: And as for themselves they would obey his will, and would not do, nor suffer any ourrage; promising to give him Hostages for the assurance of their promises. And although that Hannibal was long in suspense what to do, yet he considered that he might happily pacify the Barbarians, if he accepted these Conditions, and if he refused them, they would declare themselves his Enemies. Wherefore in giving them a gracious answer, he makes show to receive their Alliance.  
And when they had not only given him Hostages, but furnished him with abundance of Victuals, 
The Treason of the Barbarians against Hannibal.  and put themselves into his hands: Hannibal had so great Confidence in them, as he made no doubt but to make use of them for Guides in difficult places. When they had marched two days, and were come unto a straight Valley, having the Mountain on one side, the Carthaginians were in danger to be wholly defeated: For that the Barbarians fallied from all sides out of their Ambushes. If Hannibal (who had not yet so great confidence in the Gauls, and who foresaw future things,) had not put the Elephants and Horsemen in the forward, and had followed in the Rear with the force of his footmen, having an Eye over all. By this supply the loss proved the less; yet it was great both of Men, Horses, and Baggage: for the danger was so great, as Hannibal was enforced to continue a whole night there with half his Army, without his Cavalry of Baggage: For that the Enemy held the top of the Mountain, which was very near unto them, rolling down pieces of the Rock into the Army, and sometimes casting stones.  
The day following, when the Gauls began to grow cold, he recovered the Mountain, joining with his Horse and Baggage: Then the Gauls presented themselves no more to Battle, charging like thieves, sometimes in the forward, sometimes in the Rear, as time and place gave them opportunity. The Elephants were very useful to the Carthaginians; for wheresoever they marched, the place was assured from Enemies, for that they durst not approach near them, having not been accustomed unto them. On the ninth day they came unto the top of the Alps, and there they planted their Camp two days, partly to refresh the Soldiers which were weary with toil, and partly to retire those that were strayed. During which time, many Horses freed from their burdens, and following the Rout of the Army recovered the Campe. Those places were then full of Snow, for it was in November: Whereby the Soldiers grew in a manner into despair, being tired and vexed with so many Crosses. The which Hannibal perceiving, he draws them together, resolving to make a Speech unto them.  
For the effecting whereof he had but one occasion, which was to show them Italy so near, 
Hannibal makes a Speech unto his soldiers.  and the fertility thereof. In truth it is so near the foot of the Mountains, as if it be well observed, the Hills seem to serve as Rampires to Italy. And therefore he showed it them from a high Hill, from whence they might see the whole Extent. The like he did of the plains about Poe, lying at the foot of the Mountains, relating unto them the friendship of the Gauls inhabiting those Countries, and the Territory of Rome: wherewith he revived their spirits. Three days after he began to dislodge, the Enemy making no attempt against them, but after a Thieving manner: Yet he had no less loss at the descent of the Mountains by reason of the bad Country, and the coldness of the Snow, than he had at the ascent by the attempt of his Enemies: For they which did stumble in any sort, fell presently into a Gulf, considering that the place was narrow and rough by nature: And all the Country newly covered with Snow, so as there was no show of any path, neither could they hold their footing. It is true the men accustomed unto so many miseries, did easily endure this Trouble.  
In the mean time they came to another Rock, where as neither the Elephants nor Horse could pass: for a late fall of the ground, had straightened the Way two hundred paces, which had formerly been as large. Here again the Army began to be troubled and tormented. Hannibal in the beginning laboured to lead his Army by uncouth and unknown places, whereas never soul had been: But for that the Snow hindered them that they could not pass, he desisted from his Enterprise. There had Snow fallen newly this year upon the old, which was yet whole and entire, upon the which they had firm footing, for that which was newly fallen was soft and not very thick. But after that it had been trodden and beaten by so many men and horses, no man could keep his footing: As it happens to those which go upon places which are slippery with dirt, where their footing fails them: For that they marched upon the Ice, and upon the Snow that was molten.  
Moreover the men (which was more miserable) falling backwards (for that they could not keep their footing in those slippery places) tumbled down into the Caves and hollow places, where they laboured to rise upon their Hands and Knees. The Horses of burden fell sometimes, broke the Ice and could not stir: for that they were laden and could not retire their feet out of the Ice. Then Hannibal frustrate of his former hope, for that the men and Horses laboured in vain, planted his Camp upon the top of the Mountain, having cleansed the place of great difficulty. Then he Commanded them all to levile the way unto the Rock where they were to pass: The which was done with much toil. When as the way was made in one day for the Horses and Sumpters, he caused them presently to pass, seating his Camp in those places that were without Snow, and there to feed. In the mean time he gives charge to the Numidians, to make a way for the Elephants: The which was effected with great difficulty, they being in a manner dead for hunger; for the tops of the Mountains are without Grass or Trees, for that they are continually covered with Snow. It is true, that the Valleys of either side of the Mountains, having goodly Pastures and Trees, and places which are very well inhabited.  
When as Hannibal had drawn all his Troops together, 
Hannibal goes on his course.  he began to pursue his course: and having past the Rock above mentioned, in three days, he came unto the Plain, having lost the greatest part of his Army, aswell by the Enemy and Rivers in his way, as by the roughness of the Mountain in passing them, and not only men, but also Horses and Carriages. Finally, having recovered Italy in this manner, five months after his departure from Carthage, and past the mountains in fifteen days, 
The number of men which Hannibal had remaining after he had past the Alps.  he enters boldly into the Countries about Poe and Milan, having yet remaining about ten thousand, two hundred foot Africans, eight thousand Spanriards, and six thousand Horse at the most. This he testifies in a pillar where the whole number of his Army is set down at Lavynium. At the same time Publius Cornelius Scipio the Consul, having sent his brother into Spain to make head against Asdrubal, he sailed to Pysa with few men, taking his way through Tuscany where he received the Army of the Praetor's Manlius and Attilius, which they had against the Bullonois; and marched directly to the River of Poe, to fight with the Enemy before he had refreshed himself.  
Seeing we have turned our Discourse to the War of Italy, and to the Commanders of these two people, we have thought it good to deliver in few words some things which are not unfitting for a Historiographer, before we come to those which have been acted in that Province. It may be some one will demand of me how it happens, that seeing we have handled the Affairs of Lybia and Spain at large; 
Polybius his Excuse.  yet we have not spoken of Hercules Pillars, nor of that Arm of the Sea which divides Africa from Europe nor in like manner of the great Sea or Ocean, nor of those things which depend thereon, nor of the Lands of England & Scotland, nor likewise of the abundance of Tin, Gold, and Silver wherewith Spain abounds. It is certain, that the ancient Historiographers have spoken many things and diverse, being of contrary opinions. It is true we have not omitted them, as thinking that they were not fitting for a History, but we have done it to the end that our Relation might not be divided, nor divert the Readers often from the order of the History: Being of opinion that these things should be delivered with all possible truth, in time and place, and not out of season. And therefore no man ought to marvel, if in the following Books we pass on, when we shall come to these passages, for we do it of purpose and for the reasons above mentioned. If there be any one that desires to hear them at every passage, he may well be compared to a Glutton, that is invited to a Feast: for as tasting of all the meats, as soon as he is set at the Table, he shall receive little pleasure or profit for the future, considering that he hath no perfect taste, and that all being put together into the Stomach, it hinders digestion. They in like manner which do the like in reading of Histories, havenot pleasure for the present, nor profit for the future. It is apparent, that a History among other things hath need to be corrected in this, aswell for other reasons, as for that the ancient Historiographers, who have laboured to describe Countries, and the Nature of Regions to the remotest parts of the World, have in many places strayed from the truth.  
Finally, we must speak against them, not by hazard and rashly, but with reason, nor reprehend their ignorance, but rather to commend them and correct them: Who no doubt would have repaired their error, if they had lived in these times. For there are few men found among the Grecians, which in former times could have gone to search out the extremities of the World, for the danger and tediousness of the way: For that there are many, and in a manner innumerable dangers at Sea; and if any through necessity, or of his own free will, had gone to the extremities of the World, he could not easily have found out the situation of places, nor those things which are worthy to be sought after: For that the greatest part was inhabited by Barbarous nations, and some Desert and inhabitable: Besides that, for the diversity of Tongues, the enterprise was much more difficult; for there was no means to inquire, nor to learn, for want of understanding one another. It was no less difficult to relate truly those things which they had seen, for that every man was given to augment, and to make things seem more admirable.  
Seeing then it was not only difficult, but in a manner impossible, to have a true History of these things before this time, we must not blame the ancient Historiographers, if they have forgotten or committed some Errors; but rather we ought to wonder and commend them that they have been able to make any search. It willbe therefore necessary to make a true and diligent search of those things, which our Predecessors knew not: for that in our times all the passages are open, aswell by Sea as Land, by the means of Alexander of Macedon his Forces into Asia, and of the Roman Empire over the rest of the World: And likewise when as people were no more troubled with War, nor with any desire or ambition of public Affairs: So as they had great opportunity to search out the truth of these things. For the effecting whereof we will strive by all means, as soon as we shall find an opportunity. There is nothing that was more pleasing unto me, then to know that they which desire to understand these things, come unto the truth by our means, and that we have not taken so much pains, nor undergone so great dangers, to visit Africa, 
Polybius hath visited Africa Spain and the Gauls.  Spain and the Gauls, by the means of the Ocean, but in repairing the errors of the ancient Historiographers, & make those Countries known to our men. Let us now return to our Discourse of the Wars which are in Italy, betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.  
We have formerly related the number of men which Hannibal had remaining after he had passed into Italy, who planted his Camp at the foot of the Mountains to refresh his Army: for it was toiled and wearied, not only with the passage of the Mountains which was very difficult, but also for want of victuals: Besides, it was continually afflicted with diseases, misery and poverty: The greatest part were dead of famine, and their insupportable toil: 
Misery's common among Soldiers.  for it was impossible to carry things necessary for so great an Army, in a Country that was rough and difficult: And if they carried any thing, the greatest part was lost with the Horses.  
By this means it fell out, that although a little before he had parted from the River of Rhone with thirty eight thousand Foot, and eight thousand Horse, 
A decrease of Hannibal's Army.  he had scarce then half his Army entire: and yet by the reason of their continual labour and toil, they were in a manner become wild. The which Hannibal perceiving, he not only laboured to cheer up the bodies and hearts of the Soldiers, but likewise to refresh their Horses. After which he marched with his Army, and laboured by all means to procure the Friendship of the Turinois, which was the nearest Nation, and were at that time in War with the Milanese, and seemed to have no great trust and confidence in the Carthaginians. Who seeming not much to regard him, he assaults one of their strongest Towns, the which he takes upon the third day: where putting all unto the Sword that would not follow his party, he so terrified and amazed the Barbarians which inhabited thereabouts, as presently they yielded themselves into the hands of the Carthaginians.  
It is true that the other Gauls inhabiting along the River of Poe, would willingly have joined to Hannibal as they had resolved, if attending an opportunity to do it, the sudden coming of the Consul had not prevented them. So as they stirred not, and some of them joined to the Roman Army. The which Hannibal perceiving, he resolved to make no longer stay, and that he must attempt some good enterprise, to make the rest more bold to follow his party. Being careful hereof, he had news that Publius Scipio had past the Poe, and that he was not far off: the which at the first he seemed not to regard, as a thing not likely: For he remembered that he had lately left him at the mouth of Rhone, and understood that the passage from Marseilles unto Tuscany was long and inaccessible, and the way from the Tuscan Sea which leads to the Alpas through Italy, was rough, where an Army could not pass. But upon diverse advertisements of the certain news he was amazed, wondering, much at the Consul's industry and diligence. The Consul in like manner wondered no less. For where as he thought that Hannibal would never presume to pass the Mountains with an Army consisting of strange Nations: And that if he attempted it, he would dye by the way, he wondered much at his great courage and boldness, when as he found that he had not only passed safely, but had also forced some Towns of Italy.  
At the same time the Romans were full of affairs. It is true, that the last news they had received, was of the taking of Sagont: wherefore they called an assembly and made choice of two Consuls, 
The Romans advertised of Hannibal's descent into Italy  whereof the one was sent into Africa to make War against Carthage, and the other into Spain against Hannibal. But when they had sudden news of the coming of Hannibal's Army, and that he held some Towns of Italy besieged: they were so amazed, as they presently countermanded Sempronius from Lybia, advertising him of the descent of the Enemy into Italy, and that leaving the affairs of the Province, he should make haste to succour his Country. After which news, Sempronius presently sends back the Army by Sea, giving them charge to sail directly to Italy, and he gave the conduct of the Army by Land to the Tribunes, appointing them a day when they should come to Rimeny. It is a Town seated upon the Adriatic shore, at the end of the Plains which are about Poe towards the South. By this means matters being altered, and that all seemed to fall out contrary to the hope and opinion of the World, every man used diligence to provide for the future. The two Armies were now opposite one to another, whereof the Commanders for the time they had, laboured to give courage unto their men.  
But Hannibal striving to encourage them used this means, putting into the midst of the Army assembled together the Prisoners of the Mountains, who were in Chains: The which by their continual toil, and partly by his commandment were grown lean and feeble: for (the better to attain unto his intention) he had caused them to have great fetters, 
The policy of Hannibal for an example to his Soldiers.  and had in a manner starved them, and finally, had commanded that they should be cruelly beaten naked.  
Having drawn them into the midst of his Army, he caused arms to be laid before them after the manner of the Gauls, and such as Captains use to arm themselves with when they fight single Combats: he also gave them Horses, and Cassocks made with great Art. Then he demanded of the Prisoners, which of them would fight man to man, propounding to the Victor the afore said gifts, and to the vanquished that by death he should be freed from his present miseries. And as they all cried out that they were ready to fight, Hannibal causeth Lots to be cast, and makes two men to enter the list armed, upon whom the Lot had fallen. The which the prisoners hearing, they lifted up their hands to Heaven, praying unto the gods, that they would be pleased to choose them for the Combat. As soon as the Lot was cast, they upon whom it fell, were wonderfully joyful, and the rest remained sad and pensive. But when as the Combat was ended, the other Prisoners did no less commend the fortune of him that was defeated, then of the Conqueror: Conceiving that he was freed from the great and many miseries, wherewith they were tormented living. The like thought the Carthaginians; for in making comparison of the misery of the survivors, and of those who fight died valiantly, they found the fortune of these men good, and that of the others moved them to pity.  
When as Hannibal saw his Army moved to pity at this spectacle, he presently came into the midst of the assembly, 
Hannibal's speech to his Soldiers.  saying, that he presented it unto them, to the end they should make use of the example of another's man's fortune, to consider of their own: for that they were to undergo the same Combat, and that Fortune propounded unto them the like time, and the like rewards: for they must of necessity live or dye, or fall into their Enemy's hands alive. If they vanquished, their spoil should be more than a Horse or a Cassock, being the happiest men in the World, after they had conquered the good fortune of the Romans. And if in fight they died like brave men, they should end their lives with good hope, free from all miseries and calamities: But withal they must expect all miseries and poverty, if being vanquished, they should fly, with a desire of a longer life, or with a resolution to seek some other means to live: and that there is no man so void of sense, which thinks (if he flies) that his safe return into his Country is possible, if he will remember the length of the way, with the multitude of Combats which must be maintained during the Voyage: If he likewise considers the narrow straits, and so many troublesome Rivers which were to pass.  
Wherefore it was needful for them, that in laying aside all hope of flight, they should use the like pity to themselves in their affairs, as they have showed lately in the example of other men's fortunes: For as in the others they commended the fortune of the Victor and the vanquished, and held those which remained miserable: so they must judge the like of themselves. And therefore they must go resolutely to the Combat, to get an unspeakable Victory; or else to dye like brave men in battle, if averse fortune deny it them: and that they must not expect that being vanquished, they should find any means of safety.  
Finally, if they march to the field with this resolution, there is no doubt but the Victory and their safety is in their own hands: for there was never any man that have fought with this intention, or with a resolute courage, or forced by necessity, but he hath prevailed over his Enemies. And that this is very easy to do, when as all these things concur together contrary unto the Enemy, as it happens this Day unto the Romans: For as their flight hath a manifest and an apparent safety in their houses which were near them, so the courage of desperate men will be found insupportable. And when as after this Oration (together with the example) the Soldier's hearts were much inflamed to War, and that their General's comparison was pleasing unto them, Hannibal commending them, sent them away, and commanded them to be ready at the break of day.  
But after that the Consul Publiu●s Scipio having past the Poe, had caused his Army to march to the River of Tesin, he commanded a Bridge to be made by such as were skilful, and made a Speech unto the assembly according to the opportunity of the time. In the beginning he spoke many things concerning the Majesty of the people of Rome, and the prowess of their Ancestors: But concerning the present affairs, this was the substance. They must of necessity (said he) hold the victory certain. 
Scipio his speech to his ●en.  although they had not yet tried their valour with the Enemy: But only for that they were to fight with the Carthaginians. Neither must they expect that they would dare to come to Battle against the Romans, having in the last Wars so often beat them both by Sea and Land, to whom they had also so long paid tribute: and whose power they had so often tried. And to the end I forbear to speak of the times past, why should men of judgement doubt of the future, seeing we have some experience, that they dare not look us in the face?  
It is certain that when lately the Roman Horsemen encountered the Carthaginians in Gaul, on this side the River of Rhone, they not only returned safe, but they beat them back into their Camp: and that presently, when as Hannibal and the Carthaginian Army found the Romans to be so near, they steal away in manner of a flight, and pass the Mountains otherwise then they had resolved, in fear and amazement. Now behold Hannibal, who in passing the Alps, hath lost two parts of his Forces. And the rest is so tired and broken with toil, hunger, cold, and poverty, as they can hardly support themselves: and the remainder of his Horses (if any be escaped) are so worn with labour, and the tedious ways, as they could not make use of them. Finally, it sufficed the Romans only to present themselves, and that moreover, his presence should with reason make them more resolute, seeing that he had not left the Army at Sea, nor the affairs of Spain, nor had not transported himself thither with such speed, going so great a circuit both by Sea and Land, if he had not known it necessary for the Country, and the victory to be certain. The Army being inflamed with this Speech, and making show of a resolution to fight, Scipio commending their good will, sent them away, and gave them charge to feed, and to be ready, and in Arms at the sound of the Trumpet and Drum.  
Three days after, the two Commanders marched with their Army along the River, on the side of the Mountains. The Romans had the left hand, and the Carthaginians the right. And when as the day following they were advertised by their Spies of their approach one unto another, they stayed. The third day after, the two Commanders fronted one another with all their Horse, Scipio being moreover accompanied with men that cast Darts, chosen out of the bands of footmen: The which they did to discover the number of the men, and what they were.  
But when they came to affront one another, and the dust beginning to rise by reason of the Horses, they presently prepared themselves to Battle: Scipio puts in Front the Gaulish horsemen, with those that Darts, and appointed the rest to second them marching a slow pace. In regard of Hannibal, he makes his point of the strongest of his horsemen, and presents it to the Enemy, casting the Numidians upon the Wings. But when the two Armies began to enter the Combat furiously, they had scarce begun the Cry but the Darters fled, without any fight, 
A Combat of the Horse betwixt Hannibal and Scipio.  and passing through their supplies, they recovered the Battle. They were in truth amazed at the violent charge, fearing to be overthrown by the encounter of the Horsemen. In the mean time the Combat was great betwixt the Horsemen; for both the one and the other fought with great courage; which made the Battle to continue long in suspense. There was fight both on horseback and on foot, for that many had left their horses in the Battle. And when as the Numidians in turning about, had fallen upon the rear of the Darters, who in the beginning had fled from the fury of the Horsemen, they were environed by them, and defeated in great Troops. They also which fought with the Carthaginian Horsemen, after they had received great loss of their men, and slain many of their Enemies, in the end they gave back, for that the Numidians charged in the rear. Some were dispersed here and there: others retired to the Camp in a throng, saving the Consul (who was wounded) in the midst of the Troop, from thence Scipio Commanded his men to follow him without noise, 
The retreat of Scipio.  and marcheth with his Army to the Bridge which he had made upon the Poe, there to pass without tumult or danger; but when he saw the fields about the Poe so great and spacious, and that the Carthaginians were stronger in horses, and being moreover troubled with the Wound which he had received, he held it the safest course to pass his Army before the Enemy should pursue him.  
Hannibal made his account that the Romans would fight sometime with their footmen, but when he was advertised of their flight, and that abandoning their Fort they had past the Poe, by a Bridge which they had made, he pursues them with speed. The end of the Bridge was already broken and the guard was yet remaining; of the which he presently took about six hundred. Hannibal advertised that the rest of the Army was not far off, he returns to his Fort, seeking carefully for a place fit to make a Bridge: The which two days after he found with great difficulty, and then effected it, joining many floats together. Afterwards he gave the Charge to Asdrubal, to pass the Army, whilst that he busied himself to hear the Embassy of the Gauls, which were come unto him from diverse neighbour Countries: For as soon as it was bruited that the Romans had been defeated by the Carthaginians, all the neighbour Gauls made haste to join with Hannibal, as they had formerly resolved, and to give him succours, and to go to the War. After he had given them a good reception, he passed his Army beyond the Poe, and takes his way along the River, hoping more easily to overtake the Enemy. When as Scipio had led his Army to Plaisence, (which was a Roman Colony) he had a care to cure those that were Wounded, and think of a place whither he might lead his Army.  
The third day after that Hannibal had past the Poe, he puts his men in order before Plaisence in view of the Enemies, and presented them Battle. And when as no man offered himself, he Camp'd having found a convenient place within six miles of them. The Gauls who had come to succour Scipio, 
The treason of the Gauls against the Romans.  seeing better hopes with the Carthaginians, resolved among themselves to abandon the Romans. And when at midnight they found all men asleep, they being in Arms in their Tents, they part, and killed most of the Romans they met in their way, cutting off some of their heads. Finally they retired to the Carthaginians, to the number of two thousand foot, and two hundred Horse. Being graciously received, and inflamed with hope of good, Hannibal sends them home to their Houses; to the end they might make those things known, and induce their Country to seek the Alliance of the Carthaginians. He saw plainly, that of necessiy they would leave the Roman party, considering the foul crime which their men had committed. Moreover there was an Embassy come from the Bolonians, 
An Embassy from the Bolonians to Hannibal.  delivering unto Hannibal the Triumvirate who (as we have formerly said) had been sent by the Romans to divide the Lands being taken by Treason.  
Hannibal commending their good affection, makes an Alliance with them, and restores unto them the Triumvirate, to serve them as a means to retire their Hostages, as they had formerly resolved. Scipio being troubled, not so much for the Treason of the Gauls, and the slaughter of his men, but for that he foresaw that all the Gauls Country (which had been a long time Enemy unto the Romans) would revolt, which made him study how to give order in time for his Affairs. Wherefore the night following about the break of day, he dislodged without noise, 
The River of Trebia.  and seated his Camp near unto the River of Trebia, on the highest Hills of the Country, relying upon the situation of the place, and the multitude of their Allies inhabiting thereabouts. Hannibal being advertised of his Enemy's flight, he causeth the Numidians to march first, and then all the Cavalry, and soon after he follows with the rest of his Army.  
The Numidians turning to the Camp abandoned by their Enemies, they set it on fire, to the great benefit of the Romans: For if they had not stayed in the Camp, they might have pursued them in the Rear, and have made a great slaughter of the Roman Army. But whilst they lose time in burning the lodging, the greatest part of the Army past the River in safety: Some of the Rearward were surprised by the Carthaginians, who were either slain or taken Prisoners. In the mean time Scipio made choice of the Hills, which were near unto the River, for that they seemed fit to make a ●ort. The which being environed with a Ditch and a palisado, he attended in this distress the return of his Companion Tiberius from Sicily with an Army: causing his Wounds to be carefully looked unto, to the end that their assails being in so great danger, he might be a partaker. Hannibal seated his Camp, within five miles of the Enemy's Fort, whom the Gauls did furnish abundantly, not only with Victuals, but with all other things necessary, and were very ready to undergo any danger with the Carthaginians.  
The news came to Rome of the defeat of their men. And although they would never have thought it, yet the Romans made no show to be amazed therewith, disguising the defeat of their Horsemen to have happened, not so much by the Prowess of the Carthaginians, as by the overweening of the Commander, and the Treason of the Gauls, who had yielded themselves to Hannibal. Finally, they were in good hope of their War, seeing that the Bands of footmen were yet entire. Wherefore Sempronius being returned, and passing by Rome, they all persuaded him publicly to give Battle to the Carthaginians. Sempronius at his coming unto Rimeny, receives all the Troops which were come from Sicily, according to his commandment. From thence marching to Trobia, he joins with his Companion, where he refreshed his Army, toiled with the tediousness of the way, having marched forty days together coming from Lylibeum to Rimeny. He also used diligence to provide all sorts of munition. Moreover he consulted with Scipio, enquiring of the actions past, and conferring of the future.  
At the same time Hannibal took the Town of Clastidium by Treason, corrupting Brengusin the Captain of the Garrison, 
Clastidium taken by Hannibal.  where as the Romans had lodged a great quantity of Corn, whereof he made use in his necessity, and sent away the Soldiers in safety; to the end that by the fame of his Clemency, others might yield more easily unto the Carthaginians. He extended his bounty also unto him that betrayed it. And being advertised that the Gauls inhabiting that little Country which lies betwixt Trebia and the Poe, and had made an Alliance with him, had sought the friendship of the Romans by Embassy: To the end that during the trouble of these two powerful Nations, they might have the grace of an uncertain favour: He sends (being moved with rage and despite) two thousand foot, and about a thousand Numidian Horses, with some Gauls intermixed, to spoil the Country. The which having performed and taken a great Booty, the Inhabitants sent presently an Embassy to the Consul to 〈◊〉 succours. S●mpronius presently embracing this occasion to give battle, which he had long desired, sends a great part of his Cavalry, with a thousand foot with Darts, beyond the River of Trebia, who charging the Gauls, and surprising them in disorder, 
The Gauls Repu●●e.  for that they were in contention touching the division of the Booty, they put them into a great confusion, and forced them to retire, killing and chase them into their Fort: Where by the sally of the Troop which guarded the Camp, the Gauls resuming Courage, they were forced to turn head, and to recover their Campe. The which 〈◊〉 perceiving, he sent a simply of all his Horse with the Darters, and forced the Gauls to retire into their Fort. But for that Hannibal was not then ready to give battle, he was not of advice to undertake it without great consideration, nor to hazard all upon all occasions. And therefore like a well advised Captain, he caused a Retreateto be sounded, and retires his men into the Fort.  
And when as the Romans had skirmished with their enemies in vain, they returned to their Camp, having lost few of their men, and made great slaughter of the Carthaginians, Sempronius grown joyful and proud of this good Fortune, had a will to give Battle only for the desire of glory, whilst that his Companion was weak and infirm. And therefore he discovers himself to Scipio, to whom the time did not seem convenient to do it, but rather to defer the Battle, to the end that the Roman Soldiers being yet fresh and green, might gain experience, and that in Temporising, the Gauls as people light and without faith, might abandon the Carthaginians, and that finally he might be present, for that his Wound at that time made him unprofitable. Although that Sempronius knew well that Scipio spoke the truth, yet moved with ambition, either that Scipio should not be present, or that the War should not be prolonged until the coming of the other Consuls, for that the time of the election was come, he resolved to give Battle alone.  
Hannibal being of the like opinion with Scipio, was careful how to find an occasion to fight, whilst the Gauls faith was firm, and the Enemy's Soldiers of little experience, and Scipio unprofitable to undergo the danger: But especially he feared to lose time: For seeing he led an Army in a strange Country, and had a great enterprise in hand, there was no other means of safety, then to keep his Allies. Wherefore seeing the desire of Sempronius, he prepared himself willingly to Battle.  
There was betwixt the two Armies a plain Champagne, but very convenient to lay an Ambush; having a deep River, with high Banks, and Thickets and Bushes round about it: Which Hannibal having viewed, he resolved to lay an Ambush. It is true, that the Romans fled the Forests, by reason of the Ambushes which the Gauls often laid for them, trusting only in a Champagne Country: Being ignorant that a plain is more fitting then a Forest, for the covering of an Ambush: 
A plain is sometimes the occasion of an Ambush.  For they may see the Enemy come far off, and have sometimes fit means and opportunity to cover themselves, so as when they find a River with low Banks, the Reeds, Flags of the Marshes, Bushes, and such like things do cover the foot, and many times the Horsemen, if they bend down their Helmets which are apparent. Hannibal after he had acquainted his Brother Mago, with his resolution to give battle, 
Mago Brother to Hannibal.  and being both of this advice, he caused him to be called whilst the Soldiers supped: His brother Mago was a young man, of a brave Spirit and Resolute, and had been always bred up in the War. To whom he gave a thousand Horse, and as many Boot chosen out of the whole Army, whom he called unto his Tent after supper, and made a speech unto them according to the opportunity of the time, declaring unto them what he had resolved. Moreover, he gives every one of them charge, to choose out of all the Troops nine others like themselves, and that they should repair to a certain place in the Campe. These presently obeyed the commandment of their General. 
An Ambush laid by Hannibal for the Romans.  Thus Mago accompanied with a thousand Horse, and as many Foot, and with a guide, came to the place of his Ambush, being well instructed by Hannibal what he was to do.  
At the break of day Hannibal calls the Numidian Horsemen able to bear labour: to whom when he had made a speech, and promised great rewards, if they carried themselves like brave men, he discovers his Enterprise. He gives them charge to pass the River of Trebia, and to run unto the Gates of the Enemy's Camp, and to draw them forth to fight with their Darts, desiring much to surprise them in disorder, and to fight with them before they had taken any repast, the which he did much esteem. He also gives charge to all the other Captains appointed for the Combat, to feed their men and their horses, and commands them to be ready armed, attending the sound of the Trumpet. But when as Sempronius saw the Enemy approach, he first sent out all his Horsemen, and after them six thousand Darters: Finally, he draws all his Troops to field, as if he meant that day to make an end of the War: and who (for the good fortune which two days before he had in fight, together with the great number of his men) was in hope to get the Victory. It was by chance in Winter, and did snow that day with a vehement cold. Moreover, the Soldiers were come forth in confusion with the Horses, and had no great heat, neither had they fed. And therefore although in the beginning they were ready and resolute, yet being entered into the River, they came forth wet unto the breast: for that the show which had fallen in the night, had made the River swell, so as they began to be so afflicted with cold and hunger, that as the day came on, they were scarce able to hold their Arms. In the mean time the Carthaginians oiled and warmed themselves at fires near unto their Tents, having their Horses ready after they had fed well.  
When as Hannibal (who had an eye every where) saw that the Enemies had passed the River, he sets before the Ensigns the stingers of Maiorque and Minorque, and those that were lightly armed, to the number of eight thousand men, and puts the rest of his Army in Battalion. 
Hannibal puts his men in Battle.  When he had marched about a Mile, he sets upon the wings twenty thousand Foot, Spaniards, Africans, and Gauls: the like he did of his Horsemen, who with the Allies that the neighbour Towns of Gaul had sent him, were ten thousand men. After them on either side were placed the Elephants. Then Sempronius caused a retreat to be sounded, to call back the Horsemen, lest pursuing the Nu●idians inconsiderately, they might be suddenly enclosed by them, for their custom is to fly here and there at the first charge, and to stay suddenly when they think good, 
The manner of the Numidions fight.  recharging the Enemy with incredible courage and resolution. Then he ordered his Foot men after the manner of the Romans. Among the which there were about sixteen thousand Romans, 
Sempronius put● his men in battle.  and about twenty thousand Latins their Allies: for when they were to undergo any great War, and that the two Consuls were joined together, the perfect number of their Army was of so many thousands. Then he placed three thousand Horsemen upon the wings. When he had thus disposed of his men, he marched in battle a slow pace, scarce moving.  
The two Armies being near one unto the other, those that were lightly armed began the fight, wherewith the Romans were suddenly oppressed. All things foretell good unto the Carthaginians: for the bodies of the Roman Foot were grown feeble with hunger and weariness, and numbed with cold: Being moreover slain by the multitude of Darts which the Numidians cast. For their parts they had abandoned their Darts, as unprofitable by reason of the continual humidity: The Horsemen suffered the like with the whole Army. chose the Carthaginians being in their force, in good order and fresh, were diligent and ready at need. Wherefore when as they had made way for their forlorn hope to retire, and that the Armies had charged one another: the Carthaginian Horsemen fell upon the Enemy's wings, and quite defeated them. It is true, the Romans were weak in their numbers of Horse: and the Soldiers were tired with labour and hunger.  
After the rout of the Horsemen, 
A defeat of the Roman Horsemen.  the Foot resisted more with the equality of courage then of force: But the Numidians besides the Ambush which the Army had passed without discovering them, showing themselves upon the Rear, put them in a great amazement, yet the battalions stood firm for a time, although they were involved with so many miseries. But in the end when as the two wings were pressed, having the Elephants in front, and that those which were lightly armed, had compassed them in, they fled directly to the near River. This done, when as the Romans which fought in the battle, saw their supplies broken, they were partly environed by them of the Ambush, and partly defeated and slain: Others passed through the Battalion of the Gauls, where were many Africans, making a great slaughter of the Enemies. But when as they could neither succour their men, nor get to their Fort, as well for the multitude of the Enemy's Horse, as for the swelling of the River and the rain, they recovered Plaisance, to the number of ten thousand men: the rest for the most part were slain along the River by the Elephants and Horsemen. Some few Foot and Horse flying dispersed over the Fields, drew to Plaisance, following the rout of the Army. The Carthaginians having pursued them to the River of Trebeia, 
The Victory of Mannibal against the Romans.  returned to the Camp, for that they could not proceed any farther by reason of the rain: being very joyful of the victory, whereas the loss of Spaniards and Africans was small, and that of the Gauls great. But they were so tormented with rain & cold that all the Elephants except one, and the greatest part of the carriage-horses, with many men and horses died.  
After this action Sempronius desirous to cover and conceal so great a loss, sent men to Rome, 
The Romans fear for the loss of th● Battle.  to let them understand that the violence of the rain had deprived them of an absolute Victory: the which the Romans did easily believe. But when as within few days after, they had news that the Carthaginians held their Army in strength, and that all the Gauls held for them, abandoning their party, and withal that their Army kept the Town, for that it was not well assured within its Fort, and that they drew victuals from the Sea by the River of Poe, they grew into so great a fear and amazement, as they thought Hannibal would come a Conqueror to Rome. Wherefore they levied a new Army, 
A new Army levied by the Romans both by Sea and Land.  and sent supplies into Sicily and Sardinia, fortifying Tarentum and the other Towns in Italy. They likewise prepared an Army at Sea of fifty Quinqueremes: Finally, they were wholly attentive to War.  
At that time Cneus Servilius, and Caius Flami●●ius were chosen Consuls, and a new levy of men was made, and succours required from the Allies. One of them led his Troops to Rimeni, and the other into Tuscany. They had resolved to lead their Armies into Gaul. They had beside sent to Hieron to demand succours, who sent them five hundred Candiots, and a thousand men which bear Targets. Without doubt the Romans at that time drew all the Force's they could possible against Hannibal: for the fear was not only general, but every man's in particular.  
During these accidents in Italy, Cneus Cornelius Scipio (who as we have formerly said, 
Scipio ariucs at Empories, and co●quers unto Ebro.  had been left by his Brother in Gaul with an Army at Sea) parting from the mouth of Rhone, arrived at Empories. And beginning there, he made all the Maritime Countrly unto Ebro subject to the Romans, renewing the ancient leagues with some, and making new with others. When he had pacified the Seacoasts, and had left Garrisons where need required, he led his Army up into the firm land. He had now drawn together some Companies of succours from the allied Towns. By this means he takes some Towns, some by Composition, others by force. The which Hanno perceiving (whom Hannibal had left for the defence of Spain) he resolved to encounter the Enemies, 
Hanno▪  and planted himself right against them, near unto a Town which the people of the Country call Cisse.  
Scipio in like manner did not hold it fit to defer the Battle. And therefore after he had gotten the Victory, and taken the Enemy's Fort, he recovered great store of Treasure: For all they which went to the Wars of Italy under Hannibal, had left all their wealth with these men, lest the Baggage should be tedious and troublesome unto them. Afterwards Scipio made a league with all the Inhabitants which were within the River of Ebro, and made them Allies and Friends. There were two Commanders taken alive, whereof the one was Hanno, who had the leading of the Carthaginians, and the other Andubal, King of a Region which lies in the heart of Spain, 
King Andubal taken.  who had always held the party of the Carthaginians. Asdrubal hearing the news, passeth Ebro, marching with his Army against the Romans: who upon the way had news that the Soldiers and Seamen wandered the fields up and down, being confident and careless with the joy of their Victory. Wherefore he marches thither speedily with eight thousand foot, and a thousand Horse, 
A defeat of some Romans by Asdrubal.  where killing a great part, he forced the rest to recover their ships: yet he durst not stay long, but repast the River of Ebro. And when he had put Garrisons in necessary places, he went to winter at Carthage. Cneus Scipio advertised hereof, draws his men suddenly together, and goes unto his Sea-army, punishing such as had been the cause of the defeat, after the manner of the Romans. When he had drawn his Army both by Sea and Land together, he went to winter at Taracona, where he divided the spoil, so as he purchased the love of them all, making them more resolute for the future War. Behold the estate of the affairs of Spain.  
In the beginning of the Spring Flaminius marching through Tuscany, came to Aretzo. As for Servilius, he attended (after he had brought his Army to Rimeni) when the Enemy would dislodge. And whilst that Hannibal spent the Winter in Gaul, he kept the Romans that were Prisoners straightly fettered, and poorly fed, entreating the Allies courteously from the beginning: and afterwards causing them to assemble, he made many remonstrances unto them, telling them that he was not come to make War against them, 
Hannibal's speech to the Prisoners that were allied to the Romans.  but to fight with the Romans for their liberty: and therefore if they were wise, they should embrace the alliance and friendship of the Carthaginians: and that he was there to set the people of Italy at liberty, and to restore those whom the Romans had outrageously chased from their houses, their Towns, and Countries. When he had used these, or the like speeches, he sent them all away without ransom, desiring by this means to win the hearts of all the people of Italy, and to make them abandon the Romans party, and to encourage those whom they had deprived of their Towns and Country. It is true, that whilst he wintered, he was many times in dangers by the Gauls, the which he prevented by an African trick, for that the Gauls discovered it as lightly unto him, 
Hannibal's policy to keep himselve from killing by treason.  as they had given their consent: so as he caused periwigs of diverse ages to be made with great art, the which he used, changing his apparel often: so as he was not only unknown to them which had never seen him, but also to his familiars. By this means he was in safety, they not knowing whom to assault for Hannibal. Moreover, when as the Gauls were discontented, that their Country was made the seat of the War, making a show to be desirous to fight, to the end it might be transported to some other part, Hannibal resolved to go the sooner to field, and to lead his Army to the War which he desired.  
The Spring time approached, when calling unto him those which knew the ways, he inquired of the passages, which went into the Enemy's Country. And being advertised that all the ways were long and known to the enemy, they discovered unto him one that was shorter, but troublesome, which would lead him through the Marshes of Tuscany, whereby he might pass his Army, unknown unto the enemy: But when the news came into the Camp of their Voyage by Marshes, the apprehension discouraged them, 
The Way and Order which Hannibal held to pass into Italy.  fearing the Quagmires and Pools. Yet he took this way with his whole Army, causing the Spaniards and Africans to march before, with the ablest of his men and their Baggage, to the end that if they were forced to plant a Camp, they should not want things necessary. It is true, that before, he had not resolved to carry any Baggage, for that he knew well that the Carthaginians should not want any thing if they were vanquished; and if they won the Country they should not likewise want. Next he causeth the Gauls to march, and in the Rear the horsemen, whereof he gave the charge to his brother Mago, to the end that by their help, the Gauls by their baseness should not turn head, being discontented with the toil. The Spaniards and Africans marching through the Marshes, came unto the end without any great toil, as enured to pains, and accustomed to such miseries. chose the Gauls went with great difficulty, as men amazed, falling into the Quagmires of the Moares, and carrying this misery with grief and discontent, like men unaccustomed to such calamities, the Horsemen kept them from returning.  
Finally the whole Army was in great trouble and pain; and they languished the more, for that they had watched four days and three nights, going through the Waters. But amongst all the rest the Gauls were most tormented. Most part of their carriage Horses falling into the Mire, died, serving the tired Soldiers, to rest themselves upon and the baggage, lying down upon them in the Water, so as they took their necessary rest some part of the night. Many Horses also lost their hooves, by their continual going in the mire. Hannibal could hardly escape the moares, but that he was carried upon an Elephant which was only remaining: 
Hannibal looseth an Eye.  Who by a great pain in his eyes, which had happened by the bad condition of the Air, in the end he lost an eye, for that he had neither time nor place to prevent it.  
After that he had past the Moares contrary to the opinion of all the World, and was advertised by his Spies, that Flaminius was about the Walls of Aretzo, he planted himself near unto the Marshes, partly to refresh his army being tired with so great toil, and likewise to learn the Resolution and forces of the Enemy, with the situation of the Country and Ways. But being advertised that among the Regions of Italy, that was very fertile, and that the Champagne betwixt Aretzo and Fesula was very rich in Corn, and all other things necessary; and that moreover the Consul was a proud man, affecting the applause of the people, but without experience of War, and relying much upon Fortune, he thought it fit, that in leaving the enemy on the left hand, he should draw towards Fesula, to spoil the Country of Tuscany: being conceited that the Consul, for the natural desire he had to purchase the favour the people, would never suffer the Country to be spoied: Nor attend his Companion, as desiring him not in things well done: But chose would follow him wheresoever he went without fear, having a desire to fight. By this means he foresaw good opportunities to give Battle, making therein a wise and politic discourse of future things. Believe me he is deceived, that thinks any duty greater in a Captain, 
The duty of a good Captain.  then to discover the opinion and Nature of the enemy. For as you must observe in a Combat betwixt man and man the place where you mean to strike, and consider diligently where he lies open and discovered: So in a great War●e, you must seek the Enemy, not so much to understand where the the parts of the body are naked, but by what means you may discover the Nature and proceedings of the General.  
There are many which not only forget the public Affairs by a dulness and negligence, but also many times those which concern their private Lives. Others subject to Wine, cannot rest until they be drunk, and some given too much to women, not only ruin Towns and Commonweals, but also their Lives with infamy. Moreover, Cowardice and fear in private men is full of Reproach and disgrace, but in a Commander, it is sometimes the cause of great loss. Overweening rashness, Choler, and vain bragging is prejudicial, and profitable to the Enemy. Believe me, such kind of men, do easily fall into the Snares and Ambushes of their Enemies. And therefore if any one having discovered the Vices of the Enemy, finds some occasion whereby he may circumvent the General, he may easily prevail over the rest: For as an Enemy doth easily board a Ship when it is without a Governor: So if any one during the War, defeats a Commander by his judgement and good advice, he will soon be master of the rest of the Army.  
As Hannibal had made this Discourse of the Roman Consul, so he was not deceived in his opinion; 
The Country Spoiled by Hannibal.  for parting with all speed through the Fesulans Country, leaving the Enemy behind, he began to put all Tuscany to fire and Sword. The Consul inflamed herewith, thinking that the Enemy made no account of him, holding it a great dishonour to suffer the Goods of their Allies to be thus spoiled a●d carried away before his face, could not take any rest. And therefore although that many advised him not to pursue Hannibal. nor to fight with him, but to keep his Horse and foot entire, until the coming of his Companion, to the end that both Armies being joined, they might manage the War by a common Council, he would not do any thing, giving them no other answer, but that they should consider what the people of Rome would say, seeing the Enemy Camp'd in the midst of Italy, and march directly to Rome without resistance, they sleeping in Tuscany at his back. Having used this Speech, he began to pursue the Enemy, after that he had suddenly drawn his Troops together, without consideration either of time or places, desiring only to fight, as if the Victory had been certain. He had put his whole Army in hope of winning the Battle, so as there were more which charged themselves with chains and fetters, and such like things, then with arms to fight.  
Hannibal marching directly to Rome, spoiled all the Champagne Country, which lies betwixt the Town of Cortone, and the Lake of Perouze, using all manner of cruelty to draw the enemy to fight. But when he had news of Flaminius pursuit with his Army, seeing the place convenient to lay his Ambushes, he began to prepare himself for a battle. There was a large plain environed round about with high Mountains joined together: having within it a lesser Hill, which was painful and difficult, and behind lies the Lake of Perouze, betwixt the which and the Mountains, there is a narrow passage, whereby they enter into the plain.  
Hannibal gains these first Hills, planting his Camp there, and lodgeth with the Spaniards and Africans, 
An Ambush laid by Hannibal.  laying behind the Mountains, the Soldiers of Maiorque and Minorque, with others that were lightly armed. He doth also place in the straight, the Horsemen with the Gauls, to the end that as soon as the Romans should be entered, they should be wholly environed by the Lake and Mountains, opposing the Horsemen in Front. And having thus disposed of his men in the night, he went to take his rest. Flaminius pursuing his enemy with great heat, came unto the Lake before the Sun setting, and the next day early began to lead his Army through the straight. The day was thick and misty, by reason of a Fog which came from the Lake, and the Neighbour mountains. When as Hannibal saw the greatest part of the Army entered into the Plain, 
The Romans Surprised and Defeated.  and that the fore-most approached near unto him, he then gave his men a sign of battle. Which done, they fall upon them that were nearest. The Romans were amazed at this sudden surprise, 
The Battle of Perouze.  for that the mist hindered their sight, and with all the Enemies charged them on all sides at one instant, so as they could not put themselves into battle, nor make use of their Arms, nor scarce know what had been done, being assailed by some in front, by others in the Rear, and likewise upon the Flanks. So as many holding on their way, they were slain like sheep, for that they could not succour one another, and they were sooner defeated, than they could consider what they had to do. Flaminius himself, when there was no more hope, 
Flaminius' slain in the batta●le.  was environed and slain by certain Gauls. There were slain in this battle fifteen thousand men, who for the most part stood firm unto the end, after the manner of the Romans, never abandoning their ranks: The others enclosed betwixt the Mountains and the Lakes by reason of the narrow passages, and out of hope, were slain basely or rather miserably: For being forced in the Lake, some were drowned striving to swim in their Arms: Others going into the Water as far as they could possibly, continued for a time in that estate. Finally, when the enemy's horse were entered, they were slain without pity: Although that lifting up their hands, they humbly begged to have their Lives saved, or taking Courage killed one another. There were about six thousand of the forward, which forcing through the enemies, escaped this passage: Although it were in their power to enclose them, and to succour their friends, yet not knowing what was done behind them, they marched on still, doubting to make some encounter, before they had gotten the top of the Mountains. And having made a stand upon a little Hill, and seeing (the Mist being passed) the great slaughter of their Soldiers, they hastily got unto a near Burrough, like men which had no more hope of safety, for that they saw the enemy to hold the whole Country. The battle being won, 
Six thousand Romans taken in a Burrow by composition  Hannibal Commands Maherbal to pursue them, who parting with the Spaniards and the Soldiers that were lightly armed, besieged the Burrow. The Romans being brought to extremity, in the end left their Arms; and after they had concluded to have their Lives saved, they yielded to this African. Behold how that famous battle past, which was given betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians near unto the Lake of Perouze.  
After this Hannibal calls for those which Maherbal had taken, and for all the rest being above fifteen thousand, telling them at the first that Maherbal had no power to contract with them for their lives without his consent: And after he had used proud speeches unto the Romans, he distributed them among the Soldiers to be carefully kept in chains, sending away the Allies without Ransom: Telling them that he was not come into Gaul to make War against the Latin Nation, but with the Romans for their Liberty. Afterwards he sent them home to their Lodgings, and Commands to bury the bodies of those which were of most note, being about thirty: For he lost of all his Army only fifteen hundred men, whereof the greatest part were Gauls. He than held a Council with his Brother and other friends concerning their affairs, who were grown so glorious for this Victory, as they held nothing impossible.  
The News of this great Defeat was now come to Rome, and the Senators could not long conceal it from the Common people, 
The great amazement which was at Rome for the battle lost.  nor dissemble the greatness thereof: So as assembling the Court, they were forced to relate it unto them in particular. As soon as the Praetor (being set in his Chair) began to say, we have lost a great battle; the amazement and trouble grew so great, as they which were at the battle and there present, report that the terror was greater than in Rome, than it had been in the fight. And it is likely; for it is not possible that they which for a long time had not felt any great disaster, neither in Word, nor Deed, should patiently endure so great a loss. Yet the Senate made a good show, as it was fitting, advising what was to be done, and what Commanders they should choose, and with what Troops they should resist the Carthaginians.  
Whilst these things passed in Tuscany, the Consul Servilius advertised that Hannibal was passed, he resolved to join with his companions Army. But for that it was a difficult thing, to pass so great a number of men together, he sent Caius Centronius Propraetor before with four thousand Horse, to the end that if any occasion were offered, they should do that which his Companion should command him. Hannibal having gotten this Victory, and advertised by his Spies of the coming of the Enemy, he sends Maherbal to meet them, with the best of his Foot, 
A defeat of the Roman Horsemen by Maherbal.  and part of his Horsemen, who being met, they defeated the greatest part at the first charge: the rest retiring to the first Hill, within three days after they were taken alive. When as the news of this defeat came to Rome, three days after the other, wherewith their hearts were much afflicted, than not only the people, but also the Senators were in so great distress and misery, as all the City was in tears. Wherefore leaving the Annual Magistrates, 
A Dictator created.  they had recourse to the election of a Dictator; for that the condition of the time, and the affairs than required a Commander, which should have sovereign power. And although that Hannibal were very glorious for the good success and fortune of his affairs, yet he did not hold it fit to go unto Rome. Wherefore putting the Province to fire and sword, 
Hannibal runs along the Coast of the Adriatic Sea.  and passing by the Duchy of Spolett●, and the Marquisat of Ancona, he came within ten days to the Region which is near unto Adriatic Sea, so rich and abundant in all wealth, as the Army was not able to carry it away.  
Finally, he made a great slaughter of men in his journey: for he caused a Proclamation to be made in his Camp, that they should kill all those that they found carrying Arms, 
The cruelty of Hannibal.  as they had commonly done in Towns that were taken by assault. He carried so great a hatred to the Romans, as there was no cruelty that he omitted. And after they had found a fit and convenient place along the Coast of the Adriatic Sea, abounding with all sorts of commodities, he laboured by all means to refresh his men and horses: for both the one and the other were fallen into diseases and the Scurvy, which they had gotten as well by the extreme cold in the Winter which they had endured in Gaul, being always in field, as by the continual toil which they had lately suffered in passing the Marshes, and the continual sweat and filth, by reason of their harness.  
In the mean time he inures the Africans to carry Arms after the manner of the Romans, whereof he had gotten abundance, considering the great spoils of the Enemies. Moreover, he sent news to Carthage of his Victories by Sea. This was the first time that he approached near the Sea, since his first coming into Italy. The Carthaginians being joyful at this news, were wholly attentive unto the affairs of Italy and Spain. The Romans made choice of Quintus Fabius for their Dictator, 
Quintus Fabius chosen Dictator.  a man of so great virtue and prudence, that for his prowess he purchased and obtained the name of Maximus, the which his family retains unto this day. The Dictator differs from the Consul in this, 
The difference betwixt a Dictator and a Consul.  that the Consul hath but twelve Axes before him, and the Dictator hath four and twenty. Moreover, the Consul must refer many things to the advice of the Senate: but this other hath a sovereign and free power, under whom all other Magistrates cease, except the Tribunes. But this shall be for a larger discourse. Moreover, they gave unto the Dictator Marcus Minucius for a Constable, or master of the Horse, which is a Magistrate subject to the Dictator, 
Marcus Minucius Constable.  and supplies his place, when as the necessity of affairs forceth him to be absent.  
In the mean time Hannibal marching along the Coast of the Adriatic Sea by small journeys, fed his Army in a rich and fertile Province, causing the Horse-feets to be washed with old Wine, whereof there was great abundance, the better to cure them of their Scabs. He also caused the Soldiers which had been wounded, to be carefully looked unto, and fortified the rest for future affairs. Having past the Countries of Pretutian and Adrian, he ruined the Country of the Marrucins and Franqueville: Moreover, he bent his course towards japygia, divided into three, whereof some are called Dauniens, 
Many Countries ruined by Hannibal.  and the others Messapiens. He first over-runnes Daunia beginning by Lucerna, a Colony of the Romans, thundering over all the Country. Then settling his Camp at Ibonium, he falls upon the Artins, and utterly ruins all Daunia without any resistance.  
At the same time Quintus Fabius having taken his charge of Dictator, and performed the accustomed Sacrifices, parts from Rome with the Master of the Horse, and four Legions levied in haste: And within few days came to Appulia, whereas receiving the Army from the Consul Cneus Servilius, being come from Rimeni, he sent him to Rome with some troops, giving him charge to raise an Army at Sea at Hostia, and to defend the Coasts of Italy, if the Carthaginians should attempt any thing by Sea. Finally, he marches with all his troops, and plants himself in front of the Enemy, near unto Aigues, and within six miles of them. Hannibal advertised of the coming of Fabius, and meaning to amaze them suddenly, draws his Army to Field, 
Hannibal presents Battle to Fabius.  and presents it in the Battle before the Romans Fort: But when he had stayed some time, he retired to his Camp, seeing that no man came forth to fight. You must understand that Fabius had resolved from the beginning not to hazard any thing, nor to fight, thinking it would be very beneficial to the Romans, if he might defend their Towns from the Enemy. He was constant in his opinion, 
The constancy of Fabius.  so as at the end he purchased the reputation of a slack man, and Coward, as if he fled from danger only for fear.  
But soon after he forced the World to confess, that they could not make choice of a Captain that was more constant, nor wiser to manage the War, the which appeared soon after in their affairs. Believe me, this wise Dictator understood well what great difference there was betwixt the Carthaginians Army, and that of the Romans: Considering that the others had from their Youth frequented the War, having a Commander which was bred with them in the Camp, in the rain and wind, and who from his very Cradle had learned the trade: having gotten so many famous victories both in Spain and Italy, against the Romans and all their Allies: and who moreover, distrusting in all things, put their only hope of safety in the Victory: the which would prove contrary to the Romans. Wherefore he was not resolved to fight, fearing the Numidians, for that he was too weak in Horse: so as retiring for his advantage with good consideration, he stayed, and led away his Army. The advantages which the Romans had, were abundance of munition and victuals, and a great Army. And therefore he ledit always by the hilly Countries, following the Enemy near, yet giving him no means to fight, being always well victualled, and never suffering the Soldiers to go forth, but kept them always close together. By this means his men were always in safety, a●d beat the Enemy, if at any time they went from the Army for pillage, so as many times there were some taken, and others slain. This he did to the end that by little and little he might weaken their forces, and encourage the Soldiers by these petty Victories, being amazed with their former losses, nor to distrust their Forces, or Fortune. Moreover, they could not persuade him to come to a Battle. But Marcus Minucius discontent with his temporising, blamed him of cowardice and fear. He was a proud and rash man, who found nothing more tedious and troublesome then to be absent from a Battle.  
The Carthaginians after they had ruined the former Countries, and had past the Apennine Hills, 
The Carthaginians●poi●e ●poi●e the Country.  they go to Samnium, which is a very fertile Country of Italy, and which for a long time had not felt any War: There they found so great abundance of all things, as they could not consume the Booty, neither in using it moderately nor wastefully. From thence they spoilt Bene●ent, a Colony of the Romans: They took the Town of Telesia which had strong walls, was well victualled, and furnished with all things necessary, the Romans followed the Enemies still within a day's journey or two. When as Hannibal saw that Fabius fled from all occasions of fight, and yet did not abandon the field, but followed him still by the hilly Country, he resolved to go speedily into the Countries of Capu● and Falerna, thinking that of necessity one of the two would happen: either that the Romans would come to a Battle, or that the World would soon see that the Carthaginians camped, and that the Romans kept themselves within their Forts. By this means he did hope that the Towns of the Province being tertified, they would yield unto the Carthaginians: For unto that day not any one had fallen unto them, although the Romans had lost two great Battles, and there were many to whom their persuasions were very unpleasing. Whereby we may see of what authority and power the majesty of the Roman Commonwealth was with their Succours and Allies.  
Certainly Hannibal's conceit was not idle: for the Capuan is an excellent Country, 
The description of the Country of Capu● and its situation.  for abundance of wealth, fertility of land, and the beauty and pleasure of the place. First, it is seated along the Sea: whither infinite number of people come from all parts of the World to Italy. Moreover, the noblest Towns of Italy are situated there: for upon the Borders of the Sea, stand the Swissers, the Cumans, the Fozolois, the Neop●litans, and at the end the Nucerins.  
And towards the North upon the firm land, are the Calleniens and Teanins: towards the East and South are the Dauniens and Nolains: and in the midst of the Region Capua stands, the richest of them all, whose Lands are famous amongst the fabulous Poets, which they call Phlegrees: and it is likely that the gods have spoken principally of them, by reason of their wonderful beauty and excellency. Moreover, this situation is strong by nature, and in a manner impregnable. For on the one side they are enclosed by the Sea, and on the other they are wholly environed with Mountains. There are only three entries which are narrow and painful: the one is at Samnium, the second at Eriban, and the third among the Arpin's. The Carthaginians made a show to go into these Countries, as into a Theatre, to amaze them all: and thereby to fly from the Enemy, and then to camp alone.  
Wherefore Hannibal moved with these reasons, leads his Army by Samnium to the straits of Mount Eriban, and plants his Camp near unto the River of Vantour, 
The River of Vantour.  which divides the said Champagne from Rome. Then the most pleasant Country of Italy was overrun, and the Villages put to fire and sword. And although that these things were very troublesome to Fabius, yet he continued constant in his resolution. But Marcus Minucius, and all the Tribunes of the Horse, were of opinion not to temporize any longer, but to fall upon the Carthaginians with all their strength and forces, not suffering the spoil of so goodly a Country in the view of the Roman Army. Fabius' dislodging more suddenly than he had been accustomed, seemed to make haste to preserve the Country of Capua from spoil: But when he came to Falerna, he did but show his Army upon the Mountains, lest the Allies should think he held not a Campe. Yet he would never draw down into the field, fearing to fight with the Carthaginians, as well for the reasons which we have formerly mentioned, as for that he was the weaker in Cavalry.  
When as Hannibal had often attempted in vain, to draw the Enemy to fight, in the end he studied of a place to winter in, having ruined all parts of the Country, and taken a wonderful spoil: having no intent to lose his Pillage, but to transport it to some place where he might pass the Winter: to the end his Army might not want any thing, 
The means which Fabius held to stop Hannibal's passage.  as well for the present as the future. Fabius knowing well that the return of his Enemy would be by the same straight by the which he had entered, he imagined that this passage would be beneficial to the Romans: and placeth about four thousand men within these straits, entreating them to carry themselves like brave and valiant men, when occasion should require, making use of the advantage of the place. For his part, he recovered the next Mountain with the rest of the Army, looking earnestly about him what was to be done, and from whence and by whom the Enemy should be Charged, holding himself assured to defeat their whole Army, or at the least to make them abandon the Booty which they carried. But Hannibal saw that Fabius fought with his own weapons: and having duly considered thereon, he disappointed his enterprise with an excellent stratagem, causing many Faggots of dry sticks to be drawn together, and bound to the horns of Oxen, 
Hannibal's policy against Fabius.  and Bugles, whereof he had to the number of two thousand; and gave charge to Asdrubal, that in setting fire to the sticks at a certain hour he should chase the Troop to the next Mountain, which was betwixt the Camp and the straight they were to pass, and that as soon as they should see a sign which he would give, they should force the Oxen against the Mountain, until they had gotten the top. When as all things were ready, he makes them to feed and to take some rest. About midnight he causeth them to march which had the charge to tie the Torches to the horns of the Oxen. This being suddenly done by reason of the multitude of assistants, he gives order to kindle them all, and to chase them to the top of the Mountain. Finally, he gives charge to them that were lightly Armed, to follow them to a certain place, commanding them that as soon as the Troop should begin to run furiously through the Mountains, they should recover the places of advantage, whereby they might succour his men in passing, 
The course which Hannibal took i●passing the straight kept by the Romans.  and annoy the enemy if they encountered any. In the mean time he dislodgeth with his Army, and marcheth directly to the straits, ordering in Front the Soldiers that were best armed, and after them the Horsemen, than the Baggage, and in the Rear the Gauls and Spaniards.  
The Romans which had been appointed to guard these passages, thinking that Hannibal came where they saw the fire on the top of the Mountains, abandoned their places, retiring to the highest Hills. And when at the first they encountered some of these Oxen separated from the rest, they made a stand, seeing their heads on a flaming fire, wondering as at a miracle. But when the Soldiers were discovered, they entertained one another with casting of Darts. And when in the end the Oxen came on, they all made a stand on the top of the mountains, expecting day with great desire to be more certainly informed of the business. Fabius' advertised of this noise, conceiving it was some Ambush, and flying the battle as they resolved, kept his men within the Fort. In the mean time Hannibal (to whom matters succeeded according to his desire) past his Army by the mountain, and carried away all his Spoils without any obstacle. Then seeing at the break of day the Romans in front against his men, and to be stronger in number and in their kind of Arms, he sent them a band of Spaniards to second them: Who after they had slain about a thousand at the first Charge, they brought their men safe back unto the Campe. Hannibal being freed by this policy from the straits of Falerna, from thenceforth he was more careful to choose a safe place to Camp in, seeking where he might Winter, greatly terrifying the Towns and people of Italy.  
During these actions, many taxed the Dictator of Cowardice, for that he had suffered the enemy to escape so easily, being enclosed within the straits; but he continued still constant in his opinion. Some few days after he was called back to Rome for the Sacrifices, and left the Government of the Army and all other affairs to the Constable, giving him charge that he should not study so much to offend the Enemy, as to defend his own men. But Minucius (whom the Dictator advised in vain) had no other care but to fight.  
During these actions in Italy, Asdrubal having repaired thirty good ships, 
Hasdrubals parting from Carthage to go into Spain.  which he had received from his brother Hannibal, adding thereunto ten others, parts from Carthage in the beginning of Summer, and gives the charge to Imilcon, who ran along the Coasts, and Asdrubal led the Army by Land near the shore, hoping to meet at one instant at the mouth of the River of Ebro, with the Army by Sea. Cneus Scipio advertised that Asdrubal was gone to field, he was first of the same opinion, but afterwards he resolved to fight rather by Sea then Land, by reason of the bruit of their new succours, and preparation for war. Wherefore after he had prepared an Army at Sea of five and thirty Vessels, 
The Romans Army at Sea.  he made choice of the ablest men of his whole Army, and most active to fight at Sea. The which being embarked, he set sail to encounter the enemy: and three days after he had sailed from Tarracona, to places near unto Ebro, he comes unto a Haven ten miles distant from the Enemy. From thence he sends two Vessels of Marceilles being very swift to discover. This was a people which had a great League with the Romans, and had held their party, during the time of the second Punic War. But as soon as these Scouts had made Relation, that the enemy's Army at Sea was in the mouth of the River of Ebro, he weighs Anchor and sails towards them, being desirous to surprise them unprovided.  
Asdrubal had been advertised of the coming of the Roman army, by a sign which was given him from a Beacon or watch-Tower; and therefore after he had ordered his Army by Land along the shore, and and caused his Rowers to embark, he puts all into arms. When the Romans not only approached, but also put their ships in battle, they gave warning to fight. The Carthaginians assailing them resolutely, had for a time some show of Victory. But afterwards Fortune began to turn, for they which were upon the shore, gave not so much courage to their men to fight, as hope of safety for those that would fly. And therefore the Carthaginians got to Land, after that two of their ships had bi● taken and four sunk. But when as the Romans pursued them with all their forces, 
The Romans Victory at Sea, against the Carthaginians.  the Carthaginians fled to shore, abandoning their ships, and retired to their Army which was there in Battle. Finally having followed them with great speed, they towed away with Ropes all the Vessels which floated: And after they had vanquished their Enemies they parted joyfully as being masters of the Sea: and of the forty ships they took five and twenty. Being therefore proud of this Victory, they were afterwards more careful of the affairs of Spain.  
The Carthaginians advertised of this misfortune, sent threescore and ten Vessels, Rigged sooner than they could imagine, 
An Army at Sea prepared suddenly by the Carthaginians.  understanding well of what consequence it was to be masters of the Sea. Who sailed first to Sardinia, and afterwards to Pisa in Italy, to the end they might join with Hannibal if it were possible. But when as the Romans were advertised of the coming of the Carthaginian Army, they so terrified them with six score Quinqueremes which they sent, as they presently returned to Sardinia, and from thence to Carthage. Cue●s Servilius Commander of the Army at Sea, had them long in chase; 
The Roman▪ great Army at Sea.  but when as he heard there was no hope to overtake them, he came unto Lylibeum with his Fleet. From thence soon after he sails unto the Island of Cercinetes, where taking silver of the Inhabitants not to ruin the Country, he turns back, and takes the Island of Cossyron in passing: Where after he had put a Garrison into the Town, he returned to Lylibeum, where lodging his Vessels in the Port, within few days after he went to the Army at Land.  
In the mean time the Senate having news of Cneus Scipio his Victory at Sea in the mouth of Ebr●, they not only held it fit, but also necessary to pursue the War in Spain, and to annoy the Carthaginians with all their power both by Sea and Land. And therefore they presently prepared twenty ships of War, and sent them to Publius Scipio in Spain, 
Supplies sent from Rome into Spain.  continuing his authority after his Consulship was ended, to the end that being joined with his brother Cneus Scipio, all the affairs might be managed by their common Council. For the thing which the Romans feared most, was, that the Carthaginians prevailing in Spain, would be masters of the Sea: So as afterwards they might Sail into Italy, and furnish and supply Hannibal easily with men and Treasure.  
Publius Scipio going into Spain, joined with his brother; after which the War was governed by their common Council. Wherefore presently they passed the River of Ebro, the which before they never durst attempt. Then Fortune began to smile on the Romans. And after they had made subject those which dwelled in the passage of Ebro, finding no resistance, they came to Sagont: Where being within five miles of Cape Decrux, they camped in a place safe from the Enemy, and convenient to draw Victuals from the Sea. Soon after that their Army at Sea arrived; whereas this accident happened. You must understand that Hannibal at his going into Italy, had taken the Children of the noblest Families in Spain, and had left them in guard at Sagont: For that the place was strong, and they which kept it, confident to the Carthaginians. There was at time within the Town a certain Spaniard, whom they called Acedux of a noble house, and as honest a man as any other Spaniard; and among the rest very loyal to the Carthaginians: 
Ac●dux o● Abilux.  But at that time after the manner of most of the Barbarians, he changed his faith together with his Fortune. This Spaniard seeing the Romans to prosper in Spain, had a desire to deliver the Hostages; having a conceit that it would be a great means to purchase their favour. When he had well considered of all the means to bring his enterprise to an end, he goes to Bostar Chief of the Carthaginians. Asdrubal had sent him into Spain, 
Bosta● Chief of the Carthaginians.  to keep the Romans from passing the River. The which not daring to attempt, he seated his Camp beyond Sagont upon the Banks of the River. He was a mild man, and (contrary to the nature of the Africans) not very politic: He draws him a part, as a man which held his faith assured to the Carthaginians, and lets him understand the estate of the affairs. The Carthaginians said he, have held under their obedience unto this day, the people of Spain by cruelty, for that the Romans were a far off: But now the Enemy's Camp hath passed Ebro, so as every man hath thereby occasion of a new enterprise. And therefore it is necessary to bind those by benefits and favours, whom they could not retain by fear: Moreover, that the Romans were near unto Sagont in Arms, and furnished with Armies both by Sea and Land, so as the Town was in danger: For this cause he was of opinion that he should send back all the Hostages to their Towns: The which if he did, he should first of all frustrate the Romans of their hope, for that they did chiefly besiege Sagont to have them: And that moreover, he should purchase the love and favour of the Spaniards to the Carthaginians.  
He likewise thought that it would be for the safety of the Hostages, and that if he would give him the charge to carry them back, he would do him no small service to win their loves, and that he should not only bind their hearts by the sending back of the Children unto their Parents, but he should set before their eyes, how much the kindness and Clemency of the Carthaginians was to be esteemed. Moreover he propounded unto him the expectance he should have of their gifts and presents, to whom he had sent the Children, and that there was not any man would forget so great a benefit.  
After he had held this kind of Speech and others to the same end, he returned to Sagont, as soon as he had persuaded Bostar to that which he desired, appointing a day when he should join with those which should carry back the Hostages. The night following he goes to the Enemy's watch, and having spoken to some Spanish Soldiers of the Allies, they lead him unto the Captains: Where having used much speech, what profit it would be for the affairs of Spain, if the Hostages fell into their hands, in the end he promiseth to deliver them. The Romans giving a willing ear unto him, weighing the greatness of the action, take his faith, & promise him theirs with great rewards. And after they had advised of the place and day, when they should attend to receive the Hostages, he returns. Afterwards he takes with him such as seemed fit for this business, and goes to Bostar: Where receiving the Hostages, he goes out of Sagont as it were to fly the enemy's Watch: But having past their Camp a little, he leads them all into an Ambush which they had prepared, as not knowing any thing. The Romans gave great rewards to Acedux, and made use of him to carry back the Hostages to their Towns, 
Acedux conspires with the Romans.  as he had resolved with Bostar, sending men with him to make them favourable. Acedux went with them, and by this persuasions caused many to enter into League with the Romans, by the means of these hostages: laying before their eyes their mildness and great courage, and detesting the jealousies and cruelty of the Carthaginians, propounding himself for an example. Bostar after the loss of the hostages by the advice of a Child repented too late. And then the season of the year forced both Armies to go and winter, after that fortune had favoured the Romans in this enterprise of the hostages. Behold the present estate of the affairs of Spain.  
Hannibal being advertised by his Spies of the great provision of Corn within Lucerna and Geryona, and that moreover Geryona was a very good place, he resolved to winter his Army there. And passing the Mountain of Lyburna, he draws to those places. Being come to Geryona, five and twenty miles from Lucerna, he began first to summon the Inhabitants to yield, 
Geriona taken by assault.  using fair promises, and assuring them of his faith. But losing his time he besieged the Town, the which he took presently, and slew all the Inhabitants, preserving the greatest part of the houses to serve him for Garners: then he planted his Camp close unto the Town, being well ditched and pallisadoed. This done, he sends two parts of his Army to gather in the Corn, and continued in battle with the third part, as well to guard the Camp, as to prevent all oppression of those which gathered in the Corne. They brought in daily a wonderful quantity, for that the Region was very large, and the number of the people in a manner infinite, 
Marcus Minucius.  and harvest was now at hand. But Marcus Minucius Commander of the Romans▪ in the beginning followed the Carthaginians by the Mountains, hoping he should sometimes encounter the Enemy in some bad passage.  
But being advertised that they gathered in the Corn, after the taking of Geryona, and had seated their Camp near unto it, he goes into the plain and recovers a high Hill upon the way, where he planted his Camp: and there he studied by what policy he might fall upon those which were in battle. But when as Hannibal found the Romans to be so near, he sent only the third part of his Army for Corn, and kept the two other parts in the Campe.  
After which he plants himself nearer unto the Enemy, about two miles from Geryona, to the end he might seem to be careful to defend those which gathered the Corn, if they made any attempt against them. In the mean time there was a little Hill betwixt the two Camps, which was very fit and convenient for the Carthaginians, if they could take it, and dangerous for the Romans. Hannibal sent Numidians thither in the Night, who took it. But when as Minucins at the break of day, saw that they held it, he puts forth those that were lightly armed, and gives an assault unto the Hill.  
The Combat for a time was very fierce and cruel: but in the end the Romans had the best success, 
The Carthaginians defeated by the Romans upon a Hill.  for they won the Hill by force: whither presently the whole Army retired. Hannibal continued for some days within his Camp, for that the Romans were still in front. But soon after necessity forced him to send some to feed the Horses for the Baggage, and others to the Harvest: to the end that as he had resolved, he might not consume that which he had gotten, but might draw together some great quantity of Corn to Winter, having always a great care the Army should not have need of any thing in that time, especially the Horses and sumpters, for that all his hope and confidence was in the Cavalry.  
Minucius seeing the Enemies dispersed, and wand'ring up and down, he draws his men to field, and marching directly against their Camp, puts them in battle, and sends the Horsemen with the best Footmen against the Foragers, 
The Carthaginians surprised by the Romans.  giving them charge to kill all, and not to receive any to mercy. Hannibal surprised with this sudden accident, durst not put his men in battle, neither could he succour those that were dispersed. The Roman Horsemen with those that were lightly armed, made a great slaughter of their Enemies thus scattered. They likewise which were with Minucius, grew so resolute and courageous, as they durst in a manner force the Enemy's Fort, and besiege them. Hannibal finding himself destitute of counsel and help, kept himself within his Fort, which he guarded with great difficulty, when as Asdrubal gathering the Soldiers together which fled to the place where their Camp had formerly been, near unto the Walls of Geryona, came to succour him with about four thousand men. Then resuming a little courage, he comes out of his Fort, saving his Army from that present danger with great difficulty. Minucius having made a great slaughter before the Emies' Fort, and not much less in the field, he retired with a wonderful hope for the future. And three days after he lodged in the Camp abandoned by the Enemies. For Hannibal fearing left the Romans by night should lodge in the Camp which he had left near unto Geryona, and so get all the spoils, he returned thither with speed with his whole Army.  
After this defeat, the Carthaginians were more wary how to forage and go for Corn, and chose the Romen more hardy to undergo dangers. In the mean time the news of the victory was (according to the usual manner) made far greater than it had been: so as all the World rejoiced. First for that they imagined that after so many losses, this was the beginning of a better fortune: and judge thereby, that the slackness and cowardice which had seemed to be in their Army, was not the fault of the Soldiers, but of the Dictator. And therefore all the World contemned Fabius, and held him to be dull and a Coward. chose they did so highly extol and praise Minucius, as they gave him equal power with the Dictator, the which had not been formerly seen, hoping that he would soon make an end of the Wars of Italy. Thus there were two Dictator's at one time, and in one Army: 
Two Dictator's at Rome at one instant.  which was a new thing. Minucius much more proud than it is credible, as well for his good fortune as the people's favour, grew so glorious as if the Enemies were already defeated and vanquished. Fabius fainted not, nor lost his courage, for the injury they had done unto him, 
Fabius returneth to the Campe.  but returned to the Camp always constant in his opinion. But when he saw that his Companion was much troubled to find an occasion of fight, fearing lest he should commit some folly, he gave him the choice, either that one of them should for a certain time, or every other day, or for a longer space, have the Government of the Camp, 
The division of the Roman Army betwixt the two Dictator's.  or else they should divide the Legions betwixt them after the manner of the Consuls, and that either of them should do with his Army what he pleased. Wherefore they parted their Troops, and had their Camps separated about a Mile and an half distant one from another.  
When as Hannibal was advertised not only by the Fugitives, but also of their actions, of the hatred betwixt the Commanders, and of the overweening of Minucius, thinking that this would further his intention, he sought occasion to fight with him: hoping he should easily abate his fury and presumption. There was a little Hill betwixt Minucius Camp, and that of the Carthaginians: whereon whosoever seized, it would prove very prejudicial to the other, And when as Hannibal made haste to get it, being certain that Minucius would come to prevent him, as he had other times done, he used this stratagem. First of all the whole Plain betwixt them at the first sight seemed unfit to lay an Ambush, 
The policy of Hannibal.  being void of woods and bushes: Yet there were about it many turnings and hollow Rocks, where they might easily hide Soldiers. He sends by Night to these hollow places, according to the capacity which he knew to be in them, two hundred, and three hundred, and five hundred Horse together with five thousand Foot. And to the end they should not be discovered by the Fotragers, he send at the break of day, some that were lightly armed, to take this Hill. The which when Minucius perceived, contemning so small a number, he marched with his Army to repel the Enemy from thence. First he sent those that were lightly armed, commanding them to charge: then the Horsemen. Finally, he follows with those that were completely armed, not changing the order which he had held in other encounters.  
The sum was now risen, and all the World looked upon this Hil. The Ambushes were covered: Hannibal sent succours continually to his men, and afterwards followed with all his Cavalry. Finally, 
A Combat betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians.  the two Armies fought with all their Troops: and in the end the Roman Footmen that were lightly armed, were forced by the Horsemen to retire to their Companions that were better armed. Then the Ambush broke forth, and charged on all sides with great cries, so as they not only distressed and afflicted those that were lightly armed, but likewise the whole Army. The which Fabius perceiving, and fearing that the Roman Army might be wholly defeated, parts from his Camp and succours his Companion: At whose coming the Romans rejoiced, 
Fabius' succours Minucius.  and retired presently to their Ensigns, although they were broken and scattered here and there, with the loss of many Soldiers that were lightly Armed, and diverse others of the Legions.  
Hannibal seeing the Enemy's reinforced with Succours, and that they marched directly towards him, he caused a Retreat to be sounded. Then all the Romans which were in the fight confessed publicly that the Virtue and Wisdom of Fabius, 
The great Reputation of Fabius.  had saved the Roman Empire, which the overweening of Minucius had lost and ruined. When as the news came to Rome, all the World knew plainly, what difference there is betwixt the overweening and ignorance of Soldiers, and the judgement and advice of a wise Captain. From that time the Romans contented themselves with one Camp, and all obeyed Fabius. The which I find related after this manner by another Author.  
When the two Armies were returned to their own Camps, Minucius having his Soldiers about him speak unto them in this manner. 
Minucius his Speech.  I have often heard say, loving Soldiers, that he is most Wise that can give good Council, and tell what is to be done in his difficult Affairs: And he is next Wise that can obey him that giveth good council; but he that can neither give good council himself, nor obey other men's council, is of all others most ignorant and foolish. Seeing that Fortune hath denied ●s the first of these Gifts, let us keep the second, and whilst we learn to Rule, let us propound unto ourselves to obey them that be Wise. Wherefore let us join our Tents with Fabius, and when as you shall hea●e me salute him as my Protector and Father, you likewise shall salute his Soldiers as your noble Patrons, by whose strength and resolution you are preserved this day. Whereupon they presently removed their Tents, and went to Fabius' Camp, whereat he marvelled much. There Minucius submitted himself and his men to the protection of Fabius, resigning the authority of the Empire into his hands.  
The Carthaginians thought to accommodate a place to pass the Winter having environed it with Ditches, betwixt the Hill and their Camp, and fortified the top of the Hill with men and Pallisadoes: In the mean time the day of the Election of Consuls was come, where they deposed the Dictator's, and made choice for Consuls of Lucius Emilius, 
Lucius Emilius and Caius Tarrencius chosen Consuls.  and Caius Tarrentius Varro. And when as Emilius had created for Proconsuls, the Consuls of the precedent Army, Cneus Servilius and Marcus Attileus Regulus, who had been subbrogated in the place of Flaminius, they took the charge of all the Troops that were in the Camp, managing all the Affairs of War. The Consuls make a new Levy of men to furnish their Army: and give charge unto the Proconsuls, that they should not dare to fight a Battle with the Carthaginians, but entertain their Soldiers with light skirmishes, and enure the Youth to hardness and labour for the time to come: for that they imputed the defeats passed unto the ignorance and slackness of the Soldiers. Lucius Postumus was created Praetor, and sent into Gaul with an Army, 
Lucius Postumus Praetor.  to do the like unto those Gauls which were in Hannibal's service. They also provided Rowers for the Vessels which were at Lylibeum: And they sent whatsoever was necessary to the Captains that were in Spain. During these actions at Rome, Cneus Servilius, and his Companion Attilius, following the Commandment of the Consuls, did not any thing worthy of memory, but make light skirmishes, both by reason they were forbidden by the Consuls, and for the roughness of the Wether: Finally, they managed the affairs wisely and with great policy. By this means the two Armies wintered in view one of another.  
Hannibal dislodged in the beginning of the Spring, and leaving Geryona, (for that he had resolved so to press the Romans, as they should be forced to come to a battle,) he takes the Fort of Naples, well furnished with Corn and all other munition: 
The Fort of Naples taken by Hannibal.  For the Romans had drawn thither a great quantity of Corn from Canusium, and other neighbour Countries, wherewith the Camp was usually Victualled. This done they were in great perplexity, not so much for the loss of the munition, as for that the whole Country was left in prey to the enemy. They send men to Rome, to acquaint the Senate therewith, and that they might advise what was to be done: For that they had resolved to give battle if the Enemy approached: Seeing there was no means of flight, and that the whole Province was ruined, and their Allies wavered. The Senate sent them word that they should not attempt any thing, but expect the coming of the Consuls, whom they afterwards commanded to depart. All the World had their eyes fixed upon Paulus Emilius: They had their hope in him, aswell for his Wisdom, as for that he had in former times done great exploits against the Sclavonians.  
BEing ready to depart, I find it Written that Fabius stayed him for a time, speaking thus unto him. If thou good Lucius Emilius wert matched with a Companion like unto thyself, 
Fabius' Speech to Lucius Emilius.  or if thou wert like unto thy Fellow, than were my Speech in vain, which I will now make for you both, for being good Consuls you would work effectually for the common wealth, although I should be silent. But if you were both bad, then would you neither hear my words, nor admit of my Council. But knowing thy integrity, and the conditions of thy Companion, I foresee that thy goodness shall little avail the Commonwealth, through the folly of thy Companion: So as the Commonwealth doth halt, and is half same; whereby evil Council shall prevail aswell as good. Wherefore to Thee only my Speech tends, foretelling Thee that Thou shalt have as much War with thy fellow Tarentius, as with Hannibal: Neither do I know which of them will be a more deadly enemy unto thee. For thou shalt not only fight with Hannibal in the field, but with thy fellow thou shalt have continual War in all places, and at all times. With Hannibal thou shalt fight with thy Horses and footmen, but Varro will assatle thee with thine own men. I pray thee remember Caius Flaminius, who being Consul and having his men about him in his Camp, began to grow mad. This man (before he was made Consul, and now being Consul, even in the Senate-house, before he sees his field or his enemy,) is already mad. And he that thus talketh among the Senators, what think you will he do when he shallbe in the field among a number of fresh young Soldiers, where as one word speaking, all the matter shallbe decided. But in case he make haste to fight, as he ●aith he will, either I know not what belongeth to the War, or else we are like to suffer greater losses, than we did at Trasimenum.  
There is but one way to maintain war against Hannibal, the which I have foreseen, and none will be found so good to make him weary of Italy. We are in our own Country, having Cities and faithful Allies ready to assist us at all times with Horse, Harness, Victuals, and all other necessaries. Hannibal is in a strange Country among his enemies, far from home, he looketh for no peace both by Sea or Land: He hath no Cities to receive him; he hath nothing but what he stealeth, and taketh by rapine: he hath scarcely the third part of his Army left, which he brought over Iberus: more are dead by famine then with the Sword; and here he can hardly feed those that are living. Wherefore doubt not but in sitting still, you shall vanquish such an Army, which decreaseth daily in strength, and cannot have their wants supplied. This is the only means to dally and deceive your enemy.  
Varro desireth battle, and Hannibal hath the like desire. Wherefore thou alone must wisely oppose thyself against them both, and regard not what they speak of thee, let not the vain glory of thy Fellow, nor the false aspersions which shallbe cast upon thee, move thee to the contrary. Suffer thyself to be called fearful, slow, and unskilful in the War. It is better to be feared of thy wise enemy, then to be praised of thy foolish company. My meaning is, not that thou shouldest do nothing, but whatsoever thou shalt attempt, do it soberly, and according to reason, not rashly, trusting to Fortune; follow not the occasions that the enemy will give Thee: And be not over hasty; for haste is blind and worketh unsafely.  
To these and his other Words the Consul answered little, saying only that were more true than easy to be followed: But he would profess one thing, that his desire should always be, to have things succeed well: But in case it should otherwise happen, he would rather expose himself, to the danger of his enemy's Weapons, then to the exclamations of his angry Citizens. With these words he parted out of the City, and went to the Camp with his hasty Companion. It was ordered that the Wars should be managed with eight Legions, the which had never been done, and that every Legion should consist of five thousand men. The Romans as we have said, make a complete Army of four Legions, 
A Legion of five thousand Men, and the manner how the Romans raise ●n Army.  every Legion being four thousand foot, and two hundred Horse, or else of five thousand foot, and three hundred horse, if there be any great necessity. To the which they add as many foot of these Allies, and thrice as many Horse. All the Troops are equally divided betwixt the Consuls. Most commonly one Consul gives battle with two Legions, and with the succours of their Allies. They seldom fight with all their Troops. But the fear and amazement of the Romans, was then so great of the Carthaginians, as they thought it fit not to fight only with four, but with eight Legions together. And therefore after they had given fair admonitions to the Consuls, and had laid before them the consequence of the affairs which way soever Fortune should turn, they Commanded them to go unto the Camp entreating them to do the duties of good men, in the administration of the War, as the Roman Majesty required.  
After the coming of the Consuls to the Camp, they mingled the new Bands to the old Army, and let many understand the will of the Senate, wishing the multitude to be of good Courage, considering the season of the time: Wherewith Emilius made an Oration, whereof this in a manner is the Substance.  
THat for losses lately made, they should not faint like men amazed: 
Paulus Emilius speech unto the Soldiers.  For the losses in former Battles had not happened for one or two causes, but for many. And if at this day they be Men of Courage and Resolution, there was nothing could hinder, but they should obtain a goodly Victory. That never unto this hour, the two Consuls had fought with all the Legions together, nor with more warlike Men, nor of greater Experience. And if on the other side they have made use of young Men, and little acquainted with the Art of war, and who moreover were so ill advertised of the Enemy's erterprises, of the situation of places, and the nature of the Region, so as many times they have found themselves in danger, when they had scarce seen the Enemy; which was a matter of great consequence: For they which were defeated in Gaul, near unto the River of Trebia, came to fight without reason, never enquiring of the enemy's enterprise, within three days after their arrival from Sicily; and they which were near unto the Lake of Peronza, were defeated before they could see the enemy, by reason of a great Fogge.  
But now Companion, saith he▪ all things are for us; for we are two Consuls united in one will, and the same forces, and we have with us those of the last year. And for your part, you have not only seen the daily combats, the order which Soldiers observe, and the enemy's Troops: But moreover behold the second year, wherein you have had experience of all this, in practising yourselves, and fight continually. Wherefore seeing that things are contrary to those which happened in former Battles, it is not likely but the end should prove otherwise. It is not credible, nay I say it is impossible, seeing that in fight with the enemy with an equal number in so many encounters, you have parted Victors, that now you should be vanquished by them with all the Troops, seeing you have a double Army.  
Seeing then Companions that you have the Victory in your own hands, you have no more need of our Counsel and care. I might make you a longer Speech, if I did hold it necessary; for this must be expected from those which are mercenary, or being drawn from the Allies are Commanders of an Army, to whom nothing is more troublesome than a day of Battle. In regard of those which are like unto us, whose lives are not only in danger, but their Country, Wives, and Children, whose remembrances happily should be of more force than any remonstrance.  
What man is he that would not either vanquish in fight, or die in the Combat, then to live in misery, and attend so great a storm and poverty? Courage Companions, consider with yourselves what a difference there is betwixt vanquishing and to be vanquished, and what follows the one and the other, and prepare yourselves to Battle, so as you will remember that it is not the Roman Army that is in danger, but the Country; and moreover the head of the World. What shall the Romans have remaining after your defeat? They have put all their forces and power into your hands, and all their hope is in you. I entreat you for the honour of the immortal Gods, that you would not frustrate their expectation. Yield the thanks which you owe unto your Country, let all the world know, that the losses formerly made, were not by the prowess of the Carthaginians, more than by the Romans: but for that the Roman Soldiers were at that time new, and ignorant of the War.  
After this Speech or the like, Emilius dismissed the Soldiers. Three days after the Army marched towards the Enemy's Camp, and on the third day they planted themselves near unto them. But Emilius seeing that the Plain was large, he was not of opinion to fight with the Enemy: for that he was stronger in Horsemen, and that they must draw them into some place where the Footmen might have the advantage. chose Varro being of little experience in the War, was of advice not to defer the battle, lest the Enemy should escape from them. And therefore these two Consuls were in contention and debate, 
Discord betwixt the two Consuls.  which is the worst thing that can happen in a Campe.  
That day (for they govern it by days) Varro had the Command: who dislodging from his Camp, made ha●e to approach near unto the Enemy, notwithstanding that Emilius opposed himself to the contrary. Hannibal marcheth against them with his men lightly armed, and his Horsemen, and assaults them with a fight more likely to their forerunners, then to a pitched Battle. The Romans received them valiantly: Finally, the Night parted them. 
A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans.  The Carthaginians having gotten little, retired to their Campe.  
And when as three days after Lucius Emilius had resolved not to fight, and could nor dissuade the other, he divides the Army into three, 
The River of Fante.  and fortifies two parts on this side the River of Fante, which alone divides the Apennine Hills, and bending towards the Sea of Italy, runs into the Adriatic. The other third part he lodgeth on this side the River, about two Miles and an half distant from the other two, and in a manner as much from the Enemies Campe. When as Hannibal had found out a convenient place for his Horsemen to fight in, and thinking that the Consuls would come to the Combat, he began to put his men in Battle: But fearing that the Army was amazed, by reason of this last Fortune, he resolved to preach unto them. 
Hannibal's Speech unto his Soldiers▪  He draws them together, and commands them to look upon the Country which was about him, demanding of them what they could desire of the Gods more beneficial and profitable than the offer of a battle, in those places where they might make use of their Horsemen which were invincible. And when as all had confessed it freely, therefore saith he, give thanks first unto the immortal Gods: for in preparing us the Victory, they have brought the Enemy into this place of advantage for us, and secondly to us, who by our industry and labour have forced them to come to fight. The Romans cannot fly, nor avoid the Combat, and therefore the battle and victory is in your hands.  
I hold it folly now to persuade you to perform the duties of brave men. It had been well spoken, when you had no experience of the Roman Forces: the which at this present time we made known unto you by words and example. But what preaching can more inflame and encourage your hearts then the works themselves: seeing you have obtained the Victory in three great several battles? You have been Masters of the Field in the Combats past, and have had abundance of all things as we have promised you: So as hitherto I have never failed of my promise. But the Combat at this day is for Towns and treasure: if you gain this battle, you shall be Lords of all Italy.  
Finally, after so many labours and dangers, being delivered by this alone, you shall purchase the felicity of the Romans: You shall be the Head and Emperors of all the World. For the effecting whereof, there is not any need of words, but of effects. By the will of the Gods before it be long, you shall all see by experience that I am a man of my promise. After these Remonstrances, 〈◊〉 commended their resolution, he planted his Camp upon the Riverside, where the Enemy's greatest forces lay. The day following he commands them to treat themselves well, and to prepare themselves to battle for the day following. And therefore at the third day he passed the River at the Sunrising, 
Hannibal puts his men in battle.  and put his men in battle. But Emilius (seeing that his Forces were not equal in that place, and knowing that Hannibal would dislodge for want of victuals) came not out of his Fort.  
When as Hannibal had stayed some time there, seeing that he had in vain called the Enemies forth to fight, he retired the rest of his Army to the Camp, and sent the Numidians to charge those which came from the Romans lesser Camp to water: which they kept and detained from them, pursuing them with great cries unto the Fort. Whereat Varro disdaining much, that the Roman Camp should be annoyed by these men, was the more inflamed and encouraged unto battle. The whole multitude wished nor desired nothing more, so much the expectance in all things is tedious.  
And as in the mean time the news were come to Rome, that although the Armies were not lodged in a place to give battle, yet they were one right against another, and that there were daily encounters, all the World entered into great heaviness and care. Certainly the Romans having received lately wonderful great losses, feared much the future. 
A great amazement at Rome.  Every man fore-casts with himself what the Romans fortune would be, after the defeat of this Army: All the World poured out threats against the Sibyl's Books, they saw nothing in the Temples and private houses but prodigies and strange signs. And therefore the whole City was addicted to Prayers, to sacrifices to the Gods, and to Ceremonies: 
The Romans in old time very ceremonious.  for the Romans are great observers, as well in public as in private, in the time of War, neither do they let pass any thing out of their remembrance which in reason they ought to do.  
Varro to whom the authority belonged the next day, at the Sunrising draws forth the Armies out of both the Camps without the privity of his Companion. 
Varro offers battle, and the order which he held.  And parting with those which were in the great Fort, he joins unto them those that were in the lesser.  
Then putting his men in Battle, he places the Roman Horsemen upon the right wing, which was nearest unto the River. Next to the which continuing the order, he disposeth of the Footmen, with the greatest number of Ensigns, and the closest Bands: and the Horsemen of the Allies were upon the left wing, and in Front those that were lightly armed. 
The Roman Army of four score thousand Foot and six thousand Horse  They were with their Allies, to the number of fourscore thousand Foot, and about six thousand Horse. Hannibal passing the River at the same time, sends them of Maiorque and Min●rque with those that were lightly armed before: and passing the rest of the Army at two places, he plants himself before the Enemy, ordering the Horsemen of Gaul and Spain near unto the River upon the left wing against the Roman Horsemen. 
The order which Hannibal held to put his men in battle.  After which he sets Footmen in the midst of the Africans, who were armed to proof, and after them the Gauls and Spaniards, and finally the rest of the Africans: and on the right wing he lodgeth his Numidian Horsemen.  
When he had put his whole Army in order, he placeth in the midst the Troops of Gauls and Spaniards: he ordered them in a crooked form, and a weak figure, meaning that the Africans should undergo the danger before them, as a safeguard to the Battle. The Africans were armed in such sort, as you would have taken it for a Roman Battalion, 
The diversity of Sword, betwixt the Gauls and Spaniards.  by reason of the Arms which they had gotten at Trebia, and at the Lake of Perouza. The Gauls and Spaniards carried the like Targets, but their Swords differed: For the Spaniards were short, and therefore easy, wherewith they did both thrust and strike: 
Hannibal's Army consisted of forty thousand Foot, and ten thousand Horse.  But the Gauls were long and without points. It was a strange and terrible thing to see the Gauls naked above the waste, and the Spaniards attired in shirts of Linen, wrought with purple after the manner of their own Country. There were ten thousand Horse, and above forty thousand Foot with the succours that came from Gaul. Lucius Emilius led the right wing, and Tarrentius Varro the left: Marcus Attilius, and Cneius Servilius governed the Battalion in the midst. And as for the Carthaginian Captains, Asdrubal led the left wing, Hanno the right, and Hannibal was in the midst with his Brother Mago. The Romans looked towards the South, and the Carthaginians to the North: but neither of them were annoyed with the Sun.  
After they had given warning to battle, 
The battle of Canna●.  the encounters and skirmishes were for a time equal. But when as the Gauls and Spaniards of the left wing, 
The defeat of the Roman Horsemen by the Gauls and Spaniards.  had charged the Romans, the Combat was fierce and cruel, so as they did not charge and recharge, but joining together, they did fight Foot to Foot, and man to man, after they had left their Horses. There the Carthaginians vanquished and slew most of the Romans, fight valiantly, and with great courage. In regard of the rest, they slew them retiring near the River without any mercy or compassion: And then the Footmen received those that were advantageously armed, charging one another. The Spaniards and Gauls resisted the Romans valiantly for a short time, but being forced, they retired, breaking their Lunary order. Then the Roman Battalion pursuing with great courage, did easily disorder the Enemy's Ranks: 
The Gauls Battalion of Foot broken by the Romans and reunited again.  for that of the Gauls was weak, as having fortified the horns, being in the midst of the danger. Wherefore the horns and the midst were not equal: so as the midst of he Gauls Battalion advanced far upon the horns, like an half Moon, the crookedness turning towards the Enemy.  
Finally, the Romans pursuing them, marched through without any resistance, so as at their coming they had upon their Flanks the Africans that were best armed, who covering themselves with their Targets, charged their Enemies upon the sides thrusting with their swords. So as by the providence of Hannibal, the Romans were enclosed among the Lybians, by the encounter which they had made against the Gauls. They did not fight by Battalion, but Man to Man, or by troops, turning against those which charged them upon the Flanks. And although that Lucius Emilius, 
Lucius Emilius.  who commanded the right wing, had been in the Combat of the Horsemen, Yet he was safe and well, meaning therefore that in giving courage, his deeds should be answerable to his words, seeing that the hope of Victory consisted in the Footmen, he thrust into the hottest of the Battle, whee in fight he gave courage to the Horsemen, 
Hann●●al.  the which Hannibal did in like manner. In the mean time the Numidians of the left wing with all their Horsemen, falling upon the right wing of the Romans, they neither did nor suffered any thing that was worthy of memory, so equal were the two Troops both in force and courage: yet they made the Romans unprofitable, scattering them here and there. In the mean time Asdrubal went to aid and succour the Africans with the Horsemen of the left wing. 
Asdrubal.  The which the Horsemen of the Roman Allies perceiving, they presently turned head. Asdrubal seeing this, performed the duty of a wise and discreet Captain: and sent the Numidians, (whom he knew were more in number, and terrible to make a chase,) to pursue them that fled, and went himself speedily with the Footmen to succour the Affricains: where assailing the Romans in the Rear, he fortified his own Men, making a great slaughter of the Enemy. Lucius Emilius having received many wounds, 
Emilius slain in the Battle.  died in this Battle: He was a Man who unto his death had done good service unto the Commonwealth. They write that Caius Lentulus a Tribune leading an empty horse in his hand as he fled, saw Paulus the Consul sitting on a stone, all covered with blood, to whom he said: Lucius Emili●s whom the Gods should hold innocent of this cruel slaughter, take this horse, whilst any strength remains within, and I being thy friend will lift thee up, and keep thee on, lest thou make this Battle doleful through the death of a Consul: without the which there is cause enough of mourning and weeping. Whereunto the Consul answered, 
Emiliu● speech to Lentu●●s.  Caius Cornelius increase thou in virtue, but beware lest whilst thou dost bewail this accident, thou find little time to escape thyself. Go therefore and bid the Senate make strong the walls of Rome, and to fortify it with Succours, before the Conqueror come: and tell Quintus Fabius secretly, that Lucius Emilius Paulus doth constantly remember his precepts, liveth in them, and will die in them. And I pray thee suffer me to pass this life, among these my dead Knights, lest by longer living, I become an accuser of my fellow, defending my innocence by the trespass of another, and yet at length dye being held guilty of this action.  
The Romans holding still good in so long and furious a Battle, were in the end all slain. 
The Romans lose the Battle.  Among the which died the Consuls of the precedent year, Marcus Attilius and Cneius Servilius, brave men, and worthy of the Roman name. At the same time the Numidians overtook the horsemen which fled, whereof they slew a great number, and dismounted the rest. Some retired to Venusium: among the which was the Consul Varro, 
Varro flies with threescore and ten Horse.  whose life was base, and his command unprofitable for his Country. Behold the end of the Battle of Cannae, so famous as well for the victors as the vanquished: whereof the reason is, for that of six thousand Roman horse, there escaped but threescore and ten to Venusium with Varro; and of the Allies about three hundred scattered here and there, 
Ten thousand Romans taken alive.  who fled to the Neighbour Townes. And as for the Bands of Foot, the Enemy took about ten thousand alive, so as there hardly escaped three thousand. The rest to the number of threescore and ten thousand were slain in the Battle. 
Threescore and ten thousand slain in the Battle.  The Carthaginians got not the victory without loss. There were slain about four thousand Gauls, fifteen hundred Affricains and Spaniards, and two hundred horse. 
Hannibal's loss.  The Romans which were taken alive were not in the Battle: for Varro had left ten thousand Men in the Camp, to the end that if Hannibal led forth all his Army to fight, that in assailing the Enemy's Camp whilst they were otherwise busy, they might spoil the Carthaginians Munition. And if Hannibal left a sufficient Garrison for the Camp, than his Forces would be the less, for the Romans were stronger in numbers of Men. Behold the manner how they were taken. Hannibal had left a sufficient Garrison in his Camp to guard it: But when as the Romans saw the Battle grow hot, they go unto the Camp as they had resolved to besiege it. The Carthaginians defended themselves: But for that the Romans charged them furiously, they were forced to abandon the place. In the mean time Hannibal having gotten an absolute victory, falls upon those which assailed his Camp, and put them to flight, shutting them up within their Forts, of whom he slew two thousand, and took the rest. The Numidians on the other side brought unto Hannibal the Roman horsemen, who flying, were dispersed in the Fields. Thus after the Battle ended, neither of them were deceived in their expectation: 
Tarent, Capua and Naples reduced under the obedience of Hannibal.  for presently the Carthaginians were Masters of the Province, which they call great Greece, so as Tarent, Capua, and Naples, came under their obedience, and all the Towns wavered for Hannibal, neither was he out of hope to take Rome speedily.  
Finally, the Romans wholly despairing of the Empire of Italy, were in fear not only of their own ruin, but also of the whole Country, expecting hourly their cruel Enemy at the walls of Rome. The City being thus troubled▪ News (to the end the measure of their miseries might be full) came from Gaul of the Defeat of Lucius Postumus the Praetor, 
Lucius Posthumus defeated in Gaul.  with his Army by an Ambush. Yet the Senate involved in so many miseries, made a good show; advising the people to fortify the City with Men, and to consider of their affairs with courage and constancy. The which the things which succeeded afterwards did verify, for being now vanquished by the Carthaginians, and seeming to acquit unto them the glory of Arms, within short time after, by the constancy of the Commonwealth, and by the Council and wisdom of the Senate, they came (after they had vanquished and ruined the Carthaginians) to be Lords not only of Italy, but also of the whole world. And therefore we will conclude this book, and likewise the actions of Spain and Italy, which were during the hundreth and fortieth olympiad. And when we shall come to those of Greece, during the same olympiad, we will speak more at large of the Roman Commonwealth: For I hold it not only necessary for the Reader, for the knowledge of the History, but also profitable, to correct and govern a Commonwealth.  
The end of the Third Book of Polybius.   

THE FOURTH BOOK of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
WE have in my opinion sufficiently showed the causes of the second punique war in this last Book, and then the descent of Hannibal into Italy: We have also related many Combats betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, unto the Battle which was fought near unto the River of Fante, and the Town of Cannes. Now we will pursue the wars of Greece of the same time, delivering in few words, the things mentioned by us in the second Book of the preparation of our work, and especially of the Commonweal of the Acheins: Considering that their manner of government took a great increase, as well before as in our time. 
Tisamenes.  And therefore beginning with the time of Tisamenes (one of the sons of Orestes) we have said that the Acheins lived from his time unto the Reign of Gyges, under Kings descending from him: And that having chased them away, the City being well advised, gave the government unto the Commons: Some few years after the Towns and Burroughes began to fall into dissension, by the means of the Lacedaemonian Princes. Yet afterwards as we have said, the Acheins reunited themselves, which was the first means that all Morea took the surname of Acheins. We have moreover delivered their actions in particular, unto the Defeat of Cleomenes King of the Lacedæmonians. 
Cleomenes  And there we have concluded our preparation, with the death of Antigonus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy: 
The time of the death of Antigonus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy.  for they all died in one olympiad. It rests now, that in writing the Remainder, we should begin there. The subject seems good: first, for that the deeds which Arate hath written, end at that time, to the end that to continue the Narration of the Grecians actions, we should prosecute (as we have promised) those which follow: And for that the times are so united, as one part hath been in our age, 
Polybius writes nothing but what he hath seen, or received from those which had seen them▪  and the other in the time of our Parents. By this means we have seen part, and heard the rest from those which have seen them. I have not held it fit to seek things far off, nor to make a relation growing from hearsay or report, for that I conceive it would not be profitable for the Reader: And therefore let us begin with the time, when as Fortune seemed to have made a new world. Philip the lawful son of Demetrius, 
Philip.  being in his younger years, had taken possession of the Empire of Macedon. 
Acheus.  Acheus' Lord of all the Province near unto Taurus, had not only the Name of a King, but also the Forces. 
Antiochus.  Antiochus' surnamed great, succeeded his Brother Seleucus 
Seleucus.  lately dead, in the Realm of Syria, although he were but young: and Ariarates had taken the Realm of Capadocia. 
Ptolemy Philopater.  At the same time also Ptolemy Philopater had gotten the Empire of Egypt: and soon after Lycurgus 
Lycurgus.  was chosen King of the Lacedæmonians. The Carthaginians likewise had chosen Hannibal for their General in the Wars as we have mentioned. And therefore it seems that there was an alteration, seeing that all the Potentates were renewed, which is a natural thing, and which happened at one time.  
The Romans and Carthaginians made the war which we have mentioned: and Antiochus and Ptolemy that of Syria. In regard of the Acheins and Philip, 
The causes of the war betwixt the Acheins and Philip, against the etolians and Lacedæmonians  they had war against the etolians and Lacedæmonians. Whereof see the causes. The etolians being long discontented with peace, were not content to live upon their own charges, as being accustomed to live upon their Neighbours, for the necessity of their great expenses, by reason of their Natural arrogancy, whereunto being subject, they lead a cruel and brutish life, observing no law of friendship nor alliance: so as all things are of good prize unto them. And although that during the life of Antigonus, they did not stir, fearing the forces of the Lacedæmonians: Yet after his death when as Philip had succeeded him, they began (disdaining his youth) to seek occasions of war with them of Morea: and namely, for that by an ancient custom of injuries, they had used to rob and spoil at Sea: And that moreover they held themselves more powerful to make war then the Acheins.  
Being in this humour, soon after they found this occasion, together with the favour and fortune of their enterprise. Dormiache Triconee was son to Nicostrates, who violated the affairs of the Pambiotins: who being yet young and full of arrogancy and pride, an Etolien had been sent by the Commonwealth to Phigalea: 
The situation of Phigalea.  It is a Town situated right against the Messenian Mountains, and which by fortune was then allied to the etolians. He let them understand that he had been sent thither to govern the Town and the Country: Although they had done it of purpose to discover the estate of Morea. But for that in regard of the alliance, they could not victual the Pirates, who wand'ring there about, retired to him to Phigalea for their Munition, and the rather for that the peace made with Antigonus continued still, he advised them to carry away the Messeniens cattle, who were their Friends and Allies. 
The etolians spoil the Messeniens.  The which they began at the first to chase out of their limits: and afterwards as their obstinacy increased by little and little, to ruin the houses in the night standing scattered in the Fields, and to spoil and ruin the whole Country. The Messeniens discontented herewith, send an Embassy to Dorimache, to complain of the outrages done by the Pirates, who at the first made no account of it, doing it partly for the benefit of the Pirates, and partly for his own interest, having a share in the Booty. But being often pressed by Embassies, by reason of the continuance of the wrongs, he told them that he would be soon at Messena to do them right, for the complaints they made against the etolians. Being arrived, and that many presented themselves unto him having been wronged, he sent some away with scoffs: others with injuries, and some he terrified with big and outrageous words. During these pursuits at Messena, 
The etolians take Chiron by Scalado.  the Pirates came in the night to a Burrow called Chiron, and took it by Scalado, and sacking and spoiling it, they slew some of those which were found in Arms, and carry away the rest Prisoners with the cattle.  
The Messenians being more incensed herewith, considering his Presence, and finally thinking that they were deluded, they cause him to come before the Magistrates. By good fortune Schiron, a man of good esteem, and at that time Governor of the Messeniens, was of opinion, not to suffer Dorimache to part out of the Town, before he had restored the spoils which the Pirates had made, and repaired the houses in the Country, and delivered those which had committed the Murders. And when as all the assembly approved of this Council, Dorimache inflamed with choler, told them they were fools, and if in doing that, they thought to wrong Dorimache, and not the etolians: And that moreover they did him great wrong, and that within a short time revenge would be taken.  
There was at that time in Messena a man of base condition, called Babyrthe, so like in face, 
Babyrthe.  body, lineaments, and voice to Dorimache, that if they had given him his Crown and Robe, you could hardly have discerned them. This Dorimache knew well. And when he used proud and audacious words to the Messeniens, Schiron grew into choler, telling him, thinkest thou that we care for thee or Babyrthe for this thy rashness. After which words, Dorimache thought good to strike sail, restoring to the Messeniens all the pillage. And going then to Etolia, he took this speech of Schiron so to heart, as without any other cause he made war against the Messeniens. 
Ariston.  At that time Ariston was chief of the etolians, who by reason of the weakness of his body, grown by a long infirmity, could not manage this war. Although he were allied to Scope and to Dorimache, yet he gave the conduct to Dorimache. But he durst not openly incense the etolians to make war against the Messeniens: for that he could no● propound for a sufficient cause, as growing only upon choler for an injury spoken to him. And therefore leaving this advice, he adresseth himself to Scope in private, persuading him to oppose himself against the Messeniens: being then assured of the Macedonians, by reason of the minority of their King, for that Philip had not seventeen years complete: and that moreover the Lacedæmonians held not the party of the Messeniens, acquainting him with the Friendship and alliance he had with the Grecians. Wherefore he found not any man that could hinder his passage to Messena. Then he propounded unto him with an Etolien persuasion, the great profit that would redound thereby: considering that all the Country lived in assurance, and that they alone had not felt the Cleomenique War: and that finally the etolians would be well pleased, and ready to do them honour unto the utmost of their ability and power.  
As for the Acheins, they would give them occasion of War, if they sought to hinder their voyage: But if they did not budge, they would pass easily to Messena: and for that the Messeniens had made a promise to the Acheins and Macedonians, to enter into their league, they gave sufficient occasion of War. 
War attempted by the Eto●liens against Morea.  Having used a long Speech touching this enterprise, he soon moved Scope and his Friends, as without assembling the people, or attending the will of the Magistrates, or observing any order o● ser●u●tice, they made War against the Messeniens, the Epirotes, Acheins, Acarnaniens, and Macedonians. Wherefore they presently sent forth many Pirates, who encountered with the royal ship of Macedony, laden, and carried it to Etolia, where they sold the Pilots and Mariners, and in the end the ship.  
Then they ran along the Empire, spoiling all those which they met, being assisted by the Cephalonien Vessels, to commit their outrages, taking Towns by Treason. For in Acarnania they took Orea, and seized upon a Castle which is in the midst of the Megalopolitains Country, which they call Claire, by men whom they had secretly sent into Morea: whereof making use afterwards for a retreat, they committed great spoils at Sea. At that time Timoxenes which was Chief of the Acheins, 
Taurion taken by assault.  took the Town of Taurion by assault, the which Antigonus had taken in the time of the War of Morea.  
You must understand that King Antigonus held Corinthe with the good liking of the Acheins, as we have showed heretofore, in speaking of the Cleomenique Wa●: But he had not restored Orchomenes unto them, the which he had taken by force, and had made himself Lord thereof, requesting and desiring (as it seems) not only to have an entry into Morea, but also to keep the heart thereof by means of the Garrison of Orchomenes.  
Dorimache and Scope making great choice of the time, when as Timoxenes had not no many days to continue and stay in his Magistracy, and that Arate who was to succeed him, could not execute his office, they assembled the etolians near unto the Mountain of Rhie: and having prepared the Cephalonian ships, they sailed to Morea: and in passing by the Coasts of the Patrenses, Pharences, and Tritenses, they march against the Messeniens. It had been forbidden not to do any outrage to the Acheins. But who can prescribe an order to a multitude, who spoil all where they come? Coming in the end to Phigalea, and making their attempt against the Messeniens, without any regard of their ancient Friendship, and without any fear of God or Men, they overrun and spoil the Country, putting all to fire and sword. In the mean time the Messeniens finding themselves too weak, kept themselves close within their Town.  
The time of election approaching for the Acheins, they assembled at Egea, whereas holding their Diet, when as the Ambassadors of Patres on the one side, and those of Pharos on the other, made their complaints for the outrages done by the etolians, and that on the other side the Messeniens demanded Succours with great compassion, they were induced, partly by the wrongs done unto their Allies, and moved partly with pity, which they had of the Messeniens, being likewise discontented that the etolians had passed their Army thorough their Country without their privity, they resolved to give succours to the Messeniens, and thereby to accustom the Acheins to War: and what the assemblies should ordain, should be observed. Timxenes chief of the Acheins, who was not yet deposed, fearing to make any attempt, as if there were no other means but the multitude: for that after the War of Cleomenes, when as all quarrels were pacified, he knew well that the people of Morea were given to pleasure, and that making no more account of War, they were grown idle.  
chose, Arate not able to endure the outrage done unto his Allies, and incensed the presumption of the etolians, remembering in like manner their ancient hatred, he made haste to cause the Acheins to take Arms, and to fight with the etolians. And therefore five days before he should enter into the Magistracy, he received the Seal from Timoxenes, and wrote unto the Town, willing them to levy men, and to assemble at Megalopolis. But before we proceed. I have thought good to speak something of his nature and disposition.  
Arate was a man perfect in all things for the Government of a City: for he spoke well, 
The disposition of Arate.  and had a good invention; being also diligent, and of execution: There was not his equal to endure a Civil dissension patiently, nor to contract leagues and alliances. Finally, he was a wise and discreet man in his Magistracy and charge, and to lay Ambushes for his Enemy, bringing them unto a good end by his labour and patience. Whereof there are many proofs and testimonies, but especially for that he delivered Sicyon and Mantinaea to the Acheins: and had taken Pellene from the etolians. he likewise conquered the strong Fort of Corinthe, which they call acrocorinth.  
Yet if he were to fight, he was careless to take Council, and faint-hearted in the fight. 
The diverse Natures of men.  Wherefore he filled Morea, with the triumph of the spoils taken by him: so as Nature hath not only framed a diversity in men's bodies, but also in their souls: So as many times the same man doth not carry himself only in diverse things, an able man in some, and slack in others: But also he doth many times in one and the same action make show of extreme heat, and sometimes of incredible slackness: so as sometimes he seems a man of great courage, and another time very fearful. These are no strange things, but usual, and well known unto those that do observe them. We likewise see many men in hunting to be wonderful hardy against the cruelest savage Beasts that can be found: whom if you lead to the War against the Enemy, would be found Cowards and faint hearted. You shall likewise find many in the War, which are resolute to fight man to man, but in pitched Battle are of no esteem.  
It is certain that the Horsemen of Thessaly being joined together, 
The nature of the Thessalon●●●ans.  are not to be forced in a Battle, but if you charge them by small Troops, it is easy to cut them in pieces: the which is contrary in the etolians. They of Candy are the most active men in the World, 
etolians.  as well for Combat at Sea and Land, 
Candiots.  for Ambushes, Robberies, Rapines, surprises in the Night, and for all manner of deceits: But in a pitched Battle; they are faint-hearted Cowards, and of no service. To whom the Acheins and Macedonians are quite contrary. I have delivered these things in few words, to the end that no man should marvel, nor give less credit to the History, if sometimes we show that one and the same man hath carried himself diversely in the like affairs. Let us now return where we left.  
After the assembly had been made at Megalapolis, of able men for the War, 
The Messeniens seek the alliance of the Acheins.  the Messeniens came again to the Acheins, entreating them to help and assist them, being so apparently wronged by the etolians: and desiring withal if it were their good pleasure to be received into their league, hereafter to bear the necessary charges for the preservation thereof. The chief of the Acheins make answer, that as for the alliance, they could not hearken unto it, for that it was not in their power and ability to receive or favour any one without the consent of Philip and the other Allies: For that the accord continued yet firm, which had been made in the time of the Cleomenique War, under the command of Antigonus, betwixt the Acheins, Epirotes, Phocenses, Macedonians, Beociens, Arcadians, and Thessalians. And yet they would willingly give them succours, so as they will give their Children for hostages unto the Acheins: promising never to make peace, nor any accord with the etolians, without the consent of the Acheins. It is true, the Lacedæmonians had drawn down an Army near unto Megalopolis, not so much in regard of their Alliance, as to see the event of the War.  
When as Arate had thus concluded with the Messeniens, he sends an Embassy to the etolians signifying unto them to retire their Army out of the Messeniens Country, and that hereafter they should do them no wrong, 
An Embassy sent from Arate to the Eto●●.  nor touch the Acheins Country: And if they did otherwise, he declared himself their Enemy. Scope and Dorimache, having heard the Ambassador's charge, and being advertised of the preparation of the Acheins, thought good to yield unto Arate. Wherefore they sent Letters presently into Cylene to Aristo, chief of the etolians requiring shipping: and two days after they parted, causing the Baggage to march before, taking their way towards the Elienses: a people which had been always faithful to the etolians. But Arate thinking simply they had gone away, as they had resolved, gave leave to all his Bands to retire unto their houses: and went directly to Patras, accompanied only with three thousand Foot and three hundred Horse, which were under the charge and command of Taurion, to cut off the Enemy's retreat.  
Dorimache being advertised, and fearing they should hinder the passage, he sent all the booty with a good Convoy to the ships, giving charge to those which had the conduct, that they should come and meet him at Rhie, where he had resolved to embark. When he had conducted the booty a little way, he presently turns head and comes to Olympia. Being there advertised that Taurion was about Clitoria with his Troops, fearing that he should not be able to embark at Rhie without fight or danger, he held it best to fight presently with Arate, who had but small Troops, and was ignorant of his Enterprise. He conceived that he should make his retreat safely that way which he had resolved, if he defeated the Enemy, in running the whole Province, before the Acheins should make a new head: and if they fled the Combat for fear, he should pass where he pleased without danger. Dorimache moved with these reasons, seated his Camp near unto Methydrie, which is not far from Megalopolis. The Acheins advertised of the coming of the etolians, made so little use of those things which were visible, as they forgot nothing that might augment and increase their folly. First, in leaving Clitoria, they planted their Camp near unto Caphies.  
And when as the etolians parting from Methydrie, had pastat Orchomene, the Acheins marched by the Country of the Caphiens, being enclosed with a River, as with a Rampire. The etolians fearing to fight with the Enemy according to their first resolution, as well for the difficulty of the places, (for there were before the River Ditches and inaccessible places) as for the coming of the Acheins. They marched unto Olig●rte in good order, being loath that any one should force them to runnne into danger. When as the Bands of Horsemen followed them upon a Plain near unto them, Arate sent the Footmen that were lightly armed after the Horsemen, under the conduct of Acarnane, giving them charge to fight with them, and to try the Fortune wherein he committed a great error, for seeing he had an intent to fight, he should not have charged them in the Rear, for that they were not far from the Mountains, but in front, before they should have gotten the top: By this means the Battle had been in the Plain. Whereby undoubtedly the etolians had been defeated by reason of their kind of Arms and order. chose Arate by bad advice left unto the Enemies the opportunity of the place, and of time which was offered him. When as the etolians saw the Acheins march, they used all diligence to gain the Mountain, making haste to join with their Footmen. Arates men not duly considering what had been done, and being ignorant of the Enemy's enterprise, when they saw the Horsemen run, they sent those that were lightly armed of two wings, thinking it had been a flight: and give them charge to succour the Horse and Foot. Then Arate marched with the rest much discontented, making a long wing. The Etolien Horsemen approaching to the Foot of the Mountains, began to march a slow pace, and called down their Footmen with great cries: who coming suddenly to succour them, and seeing they were not fewer in number then the Enemy, 
A fight betwixt the Acheins and the etolians.  they turned head against the Achein Horsemen, and charged them, for that they had an advantage in the number of men, and the opportunity of the place.  
The Combat was fierce on either side, and the victory for a time was in suspense. Finally, the Achein Horsemen, were repulsed. And when as they which were lightly armed▪ which had been sent to succour them, met with them that fled, they were forced to do the like being amazed with this new accident, and partly broken by them that fled. So as the defeat was but of five hundred, whereas the ●light was of above two thousand. The etolians seeing plainly what they had to do, pursued the Acheins with cries and joy. Who thinking to find their men in Battle where they had left them, retired to Arate. And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest, and for their safety. 
A defeat of the Acheins.  But when as they saw them dislodge, and to come by files, and in disorder, than some flying here and there, sought for their safety: others marching directly to their own men, disordered one another without any Enemy: Finally, they all fly, and save themselves in the neighbour Town●s: for Orchomenes and Caphies were not far off, otherwise they had been all taken or slain that day. Thus the Acheins were defeated near unto Caphies.  
The Megalopolitains being advertised, that the etolians had planted their Camp near unto Methydrie, they assembled all with one consent, and went to Field three days after the Battle, to succour the Acheins: but they were forced to bury those, with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy. And therefore they made a great Ditch, wherein they put all the dead Bodies, and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Country. The etolians being Victors, passed through Mroea without fear of danger. At what time after they had sought diverse ways to gain the Pellenesiens', and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens, in the end they retired by the straight of the Isthmus. These were the cause of the war of the Allies, whereof we have formerly spoken: whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies, and confirmed at Corinthe: where they were all assembled for that cause: Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto.  
Some few days after, the Acheins being assembled, they blamed Arate both in public and private, as if he had been the cause of this defeat and loss, and the Commons were the more inflamed, for that the Enemy's league made it to seem greater. First, it seemed he had committed a great fault, to have seized upon the Magistracy before his time, and to have made erterprises doing another man's office: wherein he had many times before been unfortunate. But it seemed he had done worse, dissolving the Acheins Army, the Etolien Commanders being still in the midst of Morea. Thirdly, that being ill accompanied, he had given Battle without force: considering that he might easily have retired to the Neighbour Towns, until the Acheins had made a new head: and then give Battle if he had thought it fit. Finally, that he had carried himself so inconsiderately, that in leaving the Plains (where without doubt his Men had been the stronger) he had assailed the Enemy in the Mountains with Soldiers lightly armed: whereby the etolians could have no greater advantage.  
Yet suddenly when as Arate was returned, and 〈◊〉 into the assembly, and that he began to deliver the things which he had formerly done for the public good, and had made known the causes of the last Defeat, and given them to understand that he was not the cause thereof, as his Enemies had falsely slandered him: and that finally he would have craved pardon, letting them know that if he had committed any fault, the Acheins should not consider the event of things, so bitterly nor with such rigour, but with favour and mildness, the opinion of the Commons was suddenly so changed, as where before they seemed to be wonderfully incensed against Arate, they suddenly turned their choler against his ill-willers, so as from that time they followed the Council and opinion of Arate. These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth olympiad, and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth.  
It was then resolved by the Acheins, to send Embassies to the Epirotes, Peociens, Phocenses, Acarnaniens, 
The advice of the Acheins touching the war against the Eteliens.  and to Philip King of Macedon, to let them understand that the etolians had entered twice into Acheia, contrary to the former accords: and likewise to demand succours according to the league, and moreover that the Messeniens might be received: and that the chief of the Acheins might levy five thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, and succour the Messeniens, if the etolians did reassaile them. Finally, that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens, touching the number of Foot and Horse, which they should keep ready for the common affairs of the league. After these things thus resolved, the Achiens stomacking the Defeat whereof we have spoken, did not forget the Messeniens affairs, nor their resolution. The Ambassadors execute their charge diligently. The chief likewise assemble the youth as it had been decreed, and agree with the Lacedæmonians and Messeniens, that either of them should furnish two thousand five hundred Foot, and two hundred and fifty Horse, to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse. The time being come, when as the etolians were to hold their Diet, they assembled the Commons, and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedæmonians and Messeniens, and with other people their neighbours, being forced partly by poverty, and partly weakened by the Acheins Allies. As for the Acheins, they resolved to contract with them, if they would leave the Alliance of the Messeniens: But if they would hold it still, they were of advice to make War against them, which was a most idle and senseless thing. For being allied to the Acheins and Messeniens, 
The idleness of the Etoliens▪  they declared War against the Acheins, if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens: and chose a peace was confirmed, if they held them for their Enemies. And therefore their villainy could not take place, by reason of the contrariety of their subtle invention.  
The Epirotes and Philip having heard the Ambassador's charge, received the Messeniens into the league: and although they disliked the outrages of the etolians, yet it seemed they made no great account of it: for that they had done no new action, considering they had been accustomed to such things. Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them. Thus sometimes outrages grown old and continued, are sooner pardoned then those of new date. The etolians using this course of life, in ruining Greece by their incursions, and making War many times before they declared it, did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints: Many times also they made no account, and mocked at those which demanded satisfaction, for those things which they had done, or would do. And although that the Lacedæmonians had been lately restored to liberty by Antigonus, by means of the Acheins, having promised to Philip and the Macedonians, not to attempt any thing against them, yet they sent an Embassy secretly to the etolians, and confirmed friendship and alliance with them.  
When as the Acheins Army was assembled, and the succours of the Lacedæmonians and Messeniens ready, as it had been decreed: 
Scerdilaide and Demetrius.  Scerdilaide, and Demetrius sailing from Sclavonia with fourscore and ten Vessels, passed to Lisse, contrary to the accord made with the Romans. And attempting first to take Pyle, they were shamefully repulsed after some day's siege. Demetrius afterwards made a voyage with fifty Sail unto the Cycladeses, and spoils the Lands, taking some by Treason. Scerdilaide with the other forty, draws towards Naupacte, relying upon the friendship of Amiclas King of the Athenians, to whom he was allied. There an accord was made with the etolians, by the means of Agelaus, that in marching with them into Achaia they should divide the booty by halves. 
The descent of Scerdilaide, Agelaus, Dorimache & Scop● into Acheia.  The which being concluded betwixt Scerdilaide and Agelaus, Dorimache, and Scope, they entered into Acheia with an Army of etolians and Sclavonians, the Town of the Sithians being of their party. Ariston chief of the etolians stayed at home, saying that he had peace and no war with the Acheins, as if he had been ignorant of the Enterprise: which was a simple and idle course. Is there any thing more foolish, then to think long to cover with words things that are plain and evident? This done Dorimache comes with his men to Cynethe with wonderful speed. The Cynethenses were tormented with great divisions and seditions, having been long time Arcadiens: whereas many murders had been committed, with Banishments, Rapes, and Spoils: Finally it fell out, that they which held the Acheins party, had the command of the Town. Wherefore their chief men, and the guards of their Town were of Acheia. Matters standing in this estate some years before the descent of the etolians, when as the banished men had sent to them of the Town, entreating them to receive them into grace and concord, the Governors persuaded by their words, sent an Embassy to the Acheins, desiring to make this peace and agreement with their Council and advice. Whereunto the Acheins consented, for that they conceived that the affection and love of the one and the other, would by this means be more firm unto them, considering that they which were within had all their hope in them, and that the banished men would conceive, that they had been preserved by the benefit of the Acheins: The Cynethenses sent back the Garrison of the Acheins with their Captain, and called the banished men into their Town, which were to the number of three hundred, in taking their Faith with Oaths, whereby men may be most religiously bound.  
But presently after they were received into the Town, they resolved among themselves to betray it, and to be revenged on those which had preserved them, without any consideration of the cause of this new practice: So as I am of opinion, that at the time when they sacrificed, and gave their Faith and Oaths, that even then they resolved to contemn the Gods, and use cruelty towards those which had saved their lives: for they had scarce set footing within the Town, but they called the etolians to deliver it unto them. The business was managed in this manner. Some of the banished men, were created Polemarches: 
Polemarches.  It is a Magistrate which hath charge of shutting of the Gates, and keeping the keys at night, and in the day time to attend the Guard thereof. The etolians having their ladders and other things necessary, attended the execution of the enterprise. The Polemarches slew their Companions which were not of their faction, and opened the Gate. This done, the etolians entered, some by the Gate, some by Ladders. The whole City being troubled by this new accident, ran up and down full of fear and lamentation: for that they could not run to the Gate, for that the Enemies cast themselves from the walls, neither could they go to the walls, for that they came by multitudes in at the Gate. And thus the etolians took the Town presently, 
Cynethe taken by the Etliens.  where among all the outrages which they committed, they did one act of great justice, for they slew all the Traitors, and spoiled their goods. The like they did to others, taking away all their substance. Men were tormented to confess their Goods, if they had hidden away, and many others slain. Having thus taken the Town, and after some few days leaving a sufficient Garrison, they marched with their Army towards Luses. Where approaching near to Diana's Temple, which is betwixt Clitoria and Cynethe, and is held by the Grecians as a place of Freedom, they had an intent to carry away the cattle of the Goddess, and to ravish all the Treasure of the Temple. But the Lusiates offered them part to temper their wickedness. The which being received, the etolians parting from thence, planted their Camp near unto Clitoria.  
At that time Arate, chief of the Acheins, had sent an Embassy to Philip for succours, and had assembled the choice of the youth from all parts, and demanded from the Lacedæmonians and Messeniens, the number of men, which they were to furnish by the accord. 
The Clytoriens assaulted by the etolians.  The etolians began first to persuade the Clytoriens, to leave the alliance of the Acheins and to embrace their party. The which being refused, they tormented them with diverse assaults, and scaling the walls, they laboured to enter the Town: But for that the Inhabitants defended themselves courageously, they raised the Siege, being in despair to take it; and returned to Cynethe, spoiling the Sheep and cattle of the Goddess, meaning to deliver the Town to the Elienses: Upon refusal they resolved to keep it, making Euripides Captain. But being afterwards terrified with the News of the succours of Macedon▪ and the preparation of the Acheins, they burned it, 
Cynethe burnt by the Etliens.  and taking their ways again towards Rhie, they resolved to pass there. Taurion advertised that the etolians marched, and of the ruin of Cynethe, and that Demetrius of Phareh, was come from the Cycladeses to Cenchrea, he persuaded him to succour the Acheins, and to hinder the passage of the etolians, in transporting the ships by the Isthmus.  
Demetrius had parted from the Island with profit, but with little honour, for that the Rhodiens came against him with an Army at Sea, he yielded easily to Taurion: and the rather for that he furnished the necessary expenses the transport of the Ships, wherefore after he had transported them, and was advertised that the etolians were passed two days before, he sailed again to Corinthe, after he had spoiled some of the etolians Coasts: with whom the Lacedæmonians having secret intelligence (as we have said) they deferred to send the succours promised by the accord, sending only some Horse and foot for a colour. Arate made show to his people, that for the present he would perform the duty of a Citizen, rather than of a Captain without any trouble, for the remembrance of the loss which he had made, until that Scope and Dorimache were retired, having ruined the whole Province, and what they pleased: although it were no difficult thing to defeat them in their rough and narrow passages. And although the Cynethenses had suffered a wonderful loss of all their goods, and were in a manner all slain, yet the world held them worthy of the punishment which they endured.  
And for that the people of Arcadia have a certain fame and renown of good men, 
The customs of the Arcadians.  not only for their easy kind of life, and their good dispositions, and great honesty towards all the world, but also for the honour and reverence they bear unto the Gods. I have thought it good to relate in few words, something concerning the rudeness of the Cynethenses, and to let the world understand (seeing they were held to be Arcadians) how they did so much differ from the other Grecians of that time, in wickedness and cruelty. For my part I think this hath happened, for that they have been the first and the only men which among all the Arcadians have neglected that which their Ancestors had wisely invented.  
It is certain that Music, 
Music profitable to all the world.  (I mean true Music) is profitable to all the world, and necessary for the Arcadians: Neither is that true which Ephorus (speaking without reason) writes in the Proem of his Histories, that Music is invented to deceive and abuse men: Neither must we think that the ancient Candyots and Lacedæmonians, had without reason, preferred the Flute and Songs before the Trumpet in War: Neither had the ancient Arcadians Music in so great honour in their Commonwealth, as they not only caused Children to learn it, but also young men unto the age of thirty years, who otherwise were rude and uncivil. It is no unknown thing, that in Arcadia alone, they did accustom their children from their infancies, to sing praises in Hymns, by the which every one did use to commend the Angels of his Birth, virtuous Men, and the Gods. And after all this they do yearly make Games to father 〈◊〉, with Songs and Dances, instructed in the Disciplines of Philoxenes, and Tymotheus. And those of Children, 
The Games of Children and Youth.  are called the Games of Children, and the others the Games of Youth: Finally, all their life is addicted to this kind of singing, not so much for the pleasure they take to hear the Music, as to excite them to sing together. Moreover, if any one be ignorant in other Arts, it is held no shame: but none of them may be ignorant of Music: for they learn it by necessity: Neither may he confess that he understands it not, for that among them is reputed infamous. Finally, the young men do yearly present Shows and Games in the Theatre to the Burgesses, with Songs and Dances, at the public charge. Which things (in my opinion) were wisely invented by their Ancestors, Not for lasciviousness or delights, but for that they see the continual toil of the people in manuring the land, with a rudeness and brutishness of life, and moreover with an austere kind of living, which proceeds from the coldness and roughness of the Air, to the which of necessity we grow like.  
It is apparent that the Region of heaven, made Nations to differ in their manner of living, in their form and complexion, and in many disciplines. Seeking then to make Nature pleasing and tractable, which of itself seems fierce and rude, they first propounded all those things which we have mentioned, and afterwards common assemblies, and many sacrifices, where as men and women frequented, and finally danced of Virgins and Children. All which things they have done to the end that that which by Nature was rude in the hearts of men, might be made mild and pleasing by custom. 
The occasion of the ruin of Cynothenses.  But for as much as the Cynethenses, after some tract of time, became to disdain these things, which were above all things necessary for them, (inhabiting in the coldest part of Arcadia) they grew in a short time to such a rudeness of life, as there was not any City in Greece, where there were more villainies and Murders committed. The testimony of their wicked life is most manifest, for that the other people of Arcadia detested their manner of living: For at what time as they sent an Embassy to Sparta, after this great sedition, in what Town so ever they entered during their voyage, they were chased away ignominiously, and forbidden to return: and the mantinians, after their departure, purged the City, and all places thereabouts with sacrifices.  
We have related these things, to advise the Cities of Arcadia, not to give over the custom of their Country: and to the end men should not think that they were so much given to the Music of lasciviousness, and that by this means no man should mock at their custom: I have also done it for the love of the Cynethenses: to the end (the Gods permitting it) that in punishing them, they may lead a better life and love Music, for it is the means by the which they may leave their natural Rusticity. Seeing then we have spoken sufficiently of the Cynethenses manner of living, and of their ruin, let us return where we left.  
The etolians having overrun all Morea, and put the Country to fire and sword, returned to their houses. Finally, Philip King of Macedon, 
Philip comes to Corinthe.  came to Corinthe succour the Achiens with an Army. But hearing that all was past, he sends post to his Allies, advising them to send men unto him to Corinthe, to confer of their common affairs. In the mean time he causeth his Army to march towards Tegee, 
A mutiny among the Lacedomonians.  for that he was advertised that the Lacedæmonians were in mutiny among themselves. And for that they had lived long under Kings, and had then recovered their liberty under the conduct of Antigonus, being subject to no man, they fell into diverse factions, every man seeking to have authority in the Commonwealth above his fellow. There were two among the Governors, which held their Council so secret, as no man could discover it: the rest to the number of three, carried themselves openly for the Etolien party, being confident that Philip considering his age, could make no alteration in Morea. But when as contrary to their hope and expectation, they had news of the flight of etolians in Morea, and of the coming of Philip King of Macedon: These three Governors of the City, having no confidence in one of the other two, called Adimant, for that knowing their secrets, he seemed to dislike of their proceedings, and fearing that at the coming of Philip all would be discovered. They declared themselves to certain young men, and afterwards caused all the people to assemble in Arms, at Juno's Temple, by the sound of the Trumpet, as if the Macedonians were come against the Spartains: who suddenly assembled upon this new accident.  
Adimant disliking this, came into the assembly, saying: The Trumpet should have sounded some days past, and this assembly of men in Arms should have been made, when as we heard that the etolians, Enemies to the Lacedæmonians, approached their Mountains, not now when as we are advertised, that the Macedonians our Benefactors and preservers came with their King. And whilst he continued this speech, the young men falling upon him, slew him cruelly, with Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Byonides, 
The Murder of the Governors of the Lacedæmonians.  and diverse others. As for Polyphonte, he retired with his friends to Philip, having long before foreseen the future.  
Things passing in this manner, 
Ambassadors sent from Lacedaemon to Philip.  the Lacedaemonian Governors sent an Embassy to the King to lay the wrong upon them that were slain, and to persuade him to proceed no farther, until that all the troubles of the City were pacified: Civing him to understand, that the Lacedæmonians kept their faith and friendship with the Macedonians inviolable. The Ambassadors meeting the King near unto the Mountain of Parthenia, delivered their charge. Who being heard, Philip advised them to return speedily, and to advertise the Governors that he would soon return with his Army to Tegee, and that they should presently send the chief of their City to Corinthe, to confer of their present affairs.  
By this means the Ambassadors being returned, and having acquainted them with Philip's answer, the Governors sent him ten of the chief of the City, among the which Omias was the first, who coming to Tegee, and entering into the King's privy Council, they used disgraceful speeches of Adionant and his confederates: as if he had been the cause of this Mutiny. Finally, they omitted nothing, which they thought fit to purchase the King's love, promising to do any thing, whereby it should appear plainly, that they continued constant in the King's alliance and friendship.  
Having delivered these things, the Lacedæmonians went out of the Council. The Macedonians were of diverse opinions concerning these affairs: for some being advertised of the Erterprises, which the Spartains made with the etolians, being also of opinion, that Adimant had been slain for the love he bore unto the Macedonians, began to counsel the King, to make the Lacedæmonians an example to others, as Alexander had done the thebans, 
Alexander the great.  when he came to be King. The other Senators said, that this kind of punishment was more rigorous than their deeds deserved, and that they should only let the offenders know their offence, and deprive them of the government of the Commonweal, and give it to his friends. All which being heard, the King delivered his opinion, (if it be credible that it was his own) for it is not likely that a young man who had scarce attained the age of seventeen years, could give judgement in so great affairs. But it becomes a Historiographer to attribute the resolution taken in Council to Princes, by whose will all things are governed. So they which read or hear this History, must conceive that these kind of sentences proceed from those which are the wisest, and nearest unto Princes: as if they should attribute this to Arate, who at that time was in great authority with the King▪  
Philip therefore said, 
Philip's wise and ●w●re●  that if the Allies attempted any thing in particular among themselves, it did not concern him, but only to warn them by words or letters: But if they offended their Allies openly, they must receive a public punishment, and that the Lacedæmonians had not infringed the common alliance in any thing, but chose had offered to do all things for the Macedonians: and that moreover he must not study to entreat them worse, considering that it were against reason, to take revenge on those for a light cause, who being Enemies his Father had pardoned. The King's Sentence being confirmed, Petreus a Friend to Philip, was presently appointed to go to Lacedaemon with the Embassy, having charge to advise the Spartans' to live in Friendship, and to take an Oath for the preservation of their Faith and League.  
In the mean time Philip razeth his Camp, and returns to Corinthe, leaving a great hope in the Allies of his good disposition, having used the Lacedæmonians so graciously. And having found the Ambassadors of the Allies at Corinthe, who were assembled there by his command, 
Complaints of diverse people against the etolians.  they began to hold a Council for the common affairs of Greece, where as all with one voice, had the actions of the etolians in execration. The Beociens charged them that in the time of peace they had spoilt Minerua's Temple: and the Phocenses that having planted their Camp near unto Ambryse and Daulia, they had a resolution to take them. The Epiretes showed that they had put all their Country to fire and sword: the Acarnanians that they had attempted to take a very rich Town in the Night by Scaladoe. Finally, the Acheins propounded, that they had taken Caria belonging to Megalopolis: That they had overrun and spoiled the Bounds of Patras and Phare, and put Cynethe to fire and sword, and then razed it: And moreover, had spoiled Diana's Temple at Luses, and besieged the Clitori●ns: and that finally they had made War at Sea to Pyle, and at Land to Megalopolis, joining with the Sclavonians.  
The Council of the Allies hearing these things, all with one consent concluded to make War against the etolians. It was resolved in Conncell, 
War concluded against the etolians.  that all they should be received into the league, whose Towns of Provinces had been taken by the etolians after the death of Demetrins, who was Father to Philip. And that moreover they which through the necessity of the time had been forced to make an alliance with the etolians, should be restored to their former liberty, and it should be lawful for them to live according to the Laws and customs of their own Countries. Finally, they ordained that the Amphictions should be restored to their Laws, 
The Amphictions.  and have the superintendency of the Temple, which at that time the etolians held, who had made themselves Lords. When as these things had been thus resolved, the first year of the hundred and fortieth olympiad, suddenly the War of the Allies was kindled, which took its just beginning from the outrages done by the etolians, whereof we have spoken. They that were in the assembly, sent presently to the Allies, to advertise them, that according unto that which had been ordained, every one for his part should make War against the etolians. Moreover, Philip writes unto the etolians, that if they would answer any thing to that they were charged, they should send unto him: And that they were mad with folly, if spoiling and ruining all the World without any open War, they which were unjustly wronged, would not seek revenge: and that in doing so, they would be held to begin the War. The etolians having received these Letters, making no stay for the Kings coming, appointed a day to go to Rhie, to meet the King. But when as they were advertised of that which had been concluded in the assembly, they sent a Post unto the King, to let him understand that they could not resolve any thing concerning the affairs of the Commonweal, before the etolians had called an assembly.  
The Acheins having held their Diet at Egia according to their custom, they confirmed the resolution: and presently signified War to the etolians. In the mean time Philip coming to Egia, used a gracious and friendly Speech unto them, the Acheins embraced his words with great affection, renewing that ancient Friendship which they had held with his Predecessors. At that time the day of the Election was come, and the etolians had made choice of Scope for their Captain, 
Scope chosen Head of the etolians.  who had been the first Author of the former alterations. Whereupon I know not what to say: for a war managed by a common consent; a spoil committed by soldiers upon all their neighbours; not to punish such crimes; to advance and honour the Captains, and Heads of such actions, seems to me an absolute villainy. For how can we otherwise call this kind of Malice? That which I say, is manifest herein. 
Phebidius.  When as Phebidius had violated the Cadmian league, the Lacedæmonians punished the Author of the Crime, yet they did not withdraw their Garrisons: as on the other side, it is fit to make satisfaction for the unjust wrongs committed. The thebans did otherwise: For when as by a public edict, they had restored the Towns to their liberty, and to their own Laws, according to the Antalcidan peace, yet they did not deprive the Magistrates. And when as having a league with the mantinians, they had ruined them, they said they had done them no wrong, for that they had transported them from one Town into many. He is simple, and accompanied with Malice, who shutting his own eyes, 
Envy the cause of great mischief.  thinks he is not seen. Believe me, Envy hath been a great occasion of the mischief of these two Cities: the which no man of judgement should follow in his private or public affairs. But when as Philip had received money from the Acheins, he retired into Macedony with his Army, to levy men, and to make necessary preparations for the War. Finally, he left a great hope of Clemency, not only in the Allies, but throughout all Greece, for the conclusion which was generally confirmed.  
These things were done at such time as Hannibal chief of the Carthaginians, besieged Sagont after that he had conquered all beyond the River of Eb●o. If then the beginning of Hannibal's actions fall out at the same time with those of Greece, it is apparent that we have not unadvisedly related his valour in the last Book: considering that we follow the order of time. And for that the Affairs of Italy, Greece, and Asia, had their proper beginnings, and their common-ends, it hath been necessary to make a particular relation of either of them, until we come unto the time: when the said affairs being intermixed together, have begun to draw unto the same end. By this means the relation of every part is more manifest, and the uniting of all more plain. You must understand, that they were intermixed and turned to the same end, in the third year of the hundred and fortieth olympiad. Wherefore we will relate in common that which followed. As for that which was before this time, we have delivered it in particular, every thing in its place in the last Book: to the end that the time should not only follow, but there should be an union of all things.  
Philip wintring in Macedony, made a new levy of men, and necessary provisions for the War: he fortified the Towns against the attempt of the Barbarians, which dwelled about Sparta. Afterwards he went to Scardilaide, with whom he made a league, promising him aid and succours to pacify the affairs of Sclavonia: and in blaming the etolians, he persuaded him to what he would: 
The difference betwixt a private and public injury.  For a private injury doth not differ from a public, but by the number and greatness of things which happen. It is also an ordinary thing that the alliance of wicked men is easily broken, if Equity and justice be not observed. The which happened at that time to the etolians. You must understand, that when as they had compounded with Scerdilaide, that the Booty should be equally divided, if he would fall upon the Acheins with them; who giving credit to their words, marched with them to Cynethe, where after the taking and razing thereof, the etolians carried away great store of Gold, and a great number of cattle, dividing the Booty among themselves, whereof they did frustrate Scerdilaide. Wherefore he grew into choler and indignation: and when as Philip put him in mind thereof, he suddenly confirmed the alliance under these Conditions: that he should have twelve thousand Crowns yearly, and should sail with thirty ships, making War by Sea against the etolians. Behold the things with such like which Philip contrived. In the mean time the Ambassadors sent unto the Allies arrived, first in Acarnania: whereas letting them understand what they were enjoined, they presently and freely confirm what had been decreed, and make War against the etolians: although they had been to be pardoned, if they had forborn longer than the rest: considering that for their neighbourhood, they seemed to have just cause of fear, and that they had formerly had experience of what consequence the hatred of the etolians was unto them, and for that they alone might be ruined. It is true, and I am of opinion, that honest men, and such as respect their honour, should hold nothing more dear, then to give order that their duty may in no sort be forgotten, 
The commendation of the Acarnanians.  the which the Acarnanians have always observed above all the Greclans, although they had but a small beginning: whereby it follows, that no man should forbear to make this people a Companion in his affairs: for they have naturally something in them that is generous and noble, and desirous of liberty. The Epirotes on the other side, after they had heard what the Ambassadors had in charge, they allowed of the resolution: Yet they made answer, that they would not make War against the etolians, before they were advertised that Philip had begun it. And afterwards they made answer to an Embassy of the etolians, that they had decreed to maintain peace with them, showing themselves in such affairs fearful and inconstant. For they sent Ambassadors unto King Ptolemy, to entreat him not to furnish the etolians against Philip and his Allies, with money, victuals, or any other succours.  
But the Messeniens (for whose cause this War was kindled) answered the Ambassadors, 
Answers to● Ambassadors.  that they would not make War against the etolians, before they had recovered (by the means of their Allies) the Town of Phigalea, situated in the Mountains, which then the etolians detained from them unjustly. Which advice was given by Oenone's and Nicippus, Governors of the Town, 
The blame of the Epirotes.  with the consent of some of the principal, notwithstanding that the Commons opposed. Wherein I conceive they understood not their Duty, nor the profit of their Commonwealth. I am of opinion that we should fly and avoid War, but not in such sort, that we should choose to endure, and suffer all things rather than to enter into it. But why should we commend an equality in a Commonwealth, or Faith, or the name of liberty which is so pleasing, if there were any thing to be preferred to peace? I do not commend the 〈◊〉▪ who in the time of the War of Media, made choice of it for fear, to free themselves from the common calamity and danger of all Greece, whereby they were after ruined. Neither am ● of the opinion of Pindarus, who in his Poefies exhorts the Burgesses, that in neglecting all other things, they should only seek for peace and rest: and having sought for peace, he defines it to be the end of rest and a clear light. But when as he thought to have spoken with great persuasions, soon after he delivered a sentence, the most scandalous and incommodious thing in the World. It is true that peace is a most excellent thing, if it be just and honest. Yet we may not do an unreasonable act, nor suffer an infamy to enjoy it. It is certain that the Governors and chief men of Messene, having a regard to their private profits, were much inclined to peace, which was not reasonable. Wherefore as often the times were propitious unto them, according to their desires, and sometime dangerous, they fell continually into the same inconvenience: so as always having the same resolution to keep the peace, they many times brought their Country into great danger. Whereof I conceive the cause was, 
The Messeniens. always friends to the Arcadi●ns, and Enemies to the Lacedæmonians.  for that they were Neighbours to two principal Cities of Greece, that is to say, the Arcadians, to whom they had been always Allies and Friends, and the Lacedæmonians, to whom they had been continual Enemies, yet they did not openly carry themselves as Enemies to the Lacedæmonians, or Friends to the Arcadians: By this means they lived in peace, when as the said Cities made war betwixt themselves, or with other. But when as the Lacedæmonians (after they had made a peace with their other enemies) ran upon them, they were forced to serve them with ignominy: or abandon the Country with their Wives and Children, to avoid servitude: Considering that they were not able with their own forces to resist the power of the Lacedæmonians, nor to defend themselves with the help and succour of the Arcadians, whose Friendship they were not able to keep. The which hath often happened unto them of late years. I pray unto God if it be his will, that the estate wherein the affairs of Morea now stands, may be such, as that which we have to say, may not take place. Yet if there happen any alteration, I see but one hope for the Messeniens and Megalopolitains, to preserve and defend their Country, if following the sentence of Epaminondas, they live always well united, and govern their Counsels and Affairs with one consent, whereof they have ancient testimonies of the truth. The Messeniens as Calistines doth report, erected a Pillar in the Temple of jupiter of Lice, in the time of Aristomenes, on the which these Verses were engraven. 
Time on a wicked King hath vengeance shown,  
The Traitor to the Messaine state jove hath made known:  
Nor could he shun the most revengeful fate  
Of jove, who favours the Arcadian state.   
You must understand that for as much as they had been chased from their Country, they wrote these Verses, as meaning to pray unto the Gods for their second Country. For the which in my conceit they had good reason. For the Arcadians not only received them into their City, during the War of Aristomenes, being banished and chased away, making them Burgesses, and assisting them with Council and Wealth: But they also suffered them to marry their Daughters unto their Sons. Moreover, having examined the Treason of King Aristocrates, 
Aristocrates.  they not only put him cruelly to death, but punished all the Race proceeding from so wicked a stock. But leaving the times past, let us come to things of a fresher Date, and are happened since this alliance betwixt the two Cities, which gave sufficient testimony of that which we have spoken.  
You must understand that at what time the Lacedæmonians began (after that great Victory which the Grecians had near unto Mantinaea by the death of Epaminondas) to enter into hope to make the Messeniens subject, not comprehending them in the accord, the Megalopolitains and all the Cities of the league took these things so to heart for the Messeniens, as presently they received them into their Alliance, and excluded the Lacedæmonians alone of all the Grecians. Matters standing in this estate, who will not think but we had reason to say that which we have formerly spoken? We have continued this discourse of the Arcadians and Messeniens at length, to the end that remembering the outrages which the Lacedæmonians had many times done them, they should continue always true and constant in their Faith and Friendship: and that for no fear of their affairs, nor for any desire of peace, they should never abandon one another when it concerns their safety. But let us return now to the discourse where we left.  
The Lacedæmonians according to their manner of living, sent back the Ambassadors of the league without any answer: they were so sottish and overweening. Wherefore I hold that to be true, which is commonly spoken, that overweening doth many times make men mad, and draws them to ruin. After all these things, when as the new Megistrates were created, they which in the beginning made that sedition in the Commonwealth, and were the cause of the Murders before mentioned, 
Machate sent Ambassador from the etolians to the Lacedæmonians.  sent to the etolians, requiring them to send an Embassy. The which when they had easily obtained, and that Machate Ambassador for the etolians, was come to Lacedaemon, they go presently to the Governors of the City, telling them, that they must assemble the people to hear this Embassy, and to create according to the custom of the Country: and that they must no longer suffer the Empire of the Heraclidis to be lost, contrary to the Laws of the City. And although the Governors were discontented to see the present estate of their affairs, yet not able to resist their force, fearing also the young men, they made answer, that as for Kings they would advise of it afterwards, and presently they would assemble the people to hear Machate.  
The assembly being made, they caused 〈◊〉 enter, who began to persuade them to embrace the alliance of the etolians: blaming the Macedonians much without reason, and speaking many false things in praise of the etolians. Having ended his speech, there was a long debate among the people, and their opinions were diverse: for some held it fit to follow the Etolien party, and to embrace their alliance: others were of a contrary opinion, insisting that they should preserve the Friendship of the Macedonians. Finally, after that some Senators were risen, and had put them in mind of the benefits of Antigonus, and of the Macedonians, and of the loss they had in the time of Carixenes and Times, when as the etolians entered the Spartains Country, 
Carixene●. Times.  and put all to fire and sword, attempting to surprise the Town, restoring the banished men by force and policy, they caused many to change their opinion: and in the end the people were persuaded to entertain their Friendship with Philip and the Macedonians. Matters thus decided, Machate returns into Etolia, having effected nothing of that for which he came. The Heads of this Mutiny, whereof we have spoken, being discontented herewith, began to plot a most cruel Enterprise.  
Soon after the Youth were to assemble in Arms, to perform a Sacrifice which was done yearly, after the manner of the Country in Pallas Temple, where the Governors of the City had the authority, and continued some days in the Temple. Wherefore they corrupted some of the Young men which should be there in Arms with gifts. who at a time appointed amongst them, seeing the Governor's busy at the Sacrifices, should assail them suddenly, and kill them like Sheep. And although they were in the Temple, the which the Lacedæmonians honoured as a Sanctuary, and where all malefactors, 
The murder of the Lacedaemonian Governors by the young men.  (although they were condemned to dye) were in safety, yet the insolence of men was grown to so great a cruelty, as they slew all the Magistrates before the Altars, and on the Tables of the Goddess. The like they did afterwards to the Senators, which had followed the opinion of Herides. Finally, after they had chased out of their City those that were opposite to the etolians, they created new Magistrates of their own faction: making a league with the etolians. 
A league made between the Lacedæmonians and etolians.  By this means they declared themselves at one instant Enemies to the Acheins, and unthankful to the Macedonians. They had a great hope in the love of Cleomenes, whose coming they expected with great affection. Believe me, the mildness and courtesy of Princes hath so great power, 
The power of clemoncie in Princes.  as it leaves in the hearts of men, not only by their presence, but also by their absence, a general zeal of love and good will towards them.  
The Lacedæmonians having the Government of their Commonwealth, almost for the space of three years, after that Cleomenes had been chased away, they never thought of choosing a King: But when they had news of his death, they had an humour to choose one: whereof the first Authors of this practice, were the heads of the sedition, who had made the league with the etolians. Wherefore they elected (according to their laws and customs) for one of their Kings, one named Agesipoles, being yet very young, the son of Agesipoles, who was son to Cleombrotus. It happened that he reigned at such time, as Leonides was deposed from the Magistracy: for that he was the nearest of that race. And they gave him for Tutor Cleomenes, the son of Cleombrotus, and brother to Agesip●les. And although that Archidamus had two sons by the daughter of Hippomedon, who was son to Eudemides: and Hippomedon living still, who was son to Agesilaus, and Nephew to E●demides: and that there were many others of the same blood, yet they made choice for their King, (making no account of the rest nor of their race) of Lycurgus, 
Lycurgus chosen King.  who was of another house, and had no expectance to reign. In truth it was said, that he was of the race of Hercules, and created King of Sparta, in giving to every one of the Magistrates six hundred Crowns.  
Thus you see that all wicked things have always been set to sail. But it was not long but the heads of this crime suffered the punishment of their folly and overweening. Machate advertised of that which had been done at Lacedaemon, returns again to Sparta, and persuades the Kings and Magistrates to make war against the Acheins, saying, that by this means, the ambition of those Lacedæmonians which held the contrary party, and fled the alliance of the etolians, might be easily suppressed. 
Marchate prevails in his enterprise.  When as the Kings and Magistrates were persuaded by his words, he returned into Etolia, having done what he desired by the folly of the Lacedæmonians. Afterwards Lycurgus levying mercenary men, and assembling the people of the City, enters into the limits of the Argives: whom he assails unprovided, expecting no such usage from the Lacedæmonians: 
Towns taken in Argos by Lycurgus.  And suddenly takes Polychne, Parsie, Le●ce, Cyphas, and some other of their Burrougheses, putting all the Country to fire and sword. These things being done, the Lacedæmonians declared war against the Acheins. And in the mean time Mahbate went to the other neighbour Townes, persuading them as he had done the Lacedæmonians. By this means the etolians (to whom all things succeeded happily) undertook the war boldly. chose, all things were averse to the Aecheins. For King Philip (in whom they chiefly relied) did but then levy men: the Epirotes had not yet begun the war with the etolians, and the Messeniens lived in peace. The etolians having drawn unto them the Elienses, and Lacedæmonians, pressed the Acheins of all sides. It happened that Arate had left the government, and his son Arate was chosen chief of the Acheins, and that Scope was Captain General of the Etolien Army, but he was not to stay long in it: for the etolians at that time made their election, after the midst of September, and the Acheins about the beginning of May.  
Summer being past, when as young Arate had undertaken the government, all the wars in a manner had one beginning. For Hannibal prepared at that time for the siege of Sagont: The Romans sent Lucius Emilius into Sclavonia against Demetrius of Phare: Antiochus began the war in Syria, by the means of Ptolomais and Antyrus, which were delivered unto him in treason by Theodotus: and Ptolemy against Antiochus, Lycurgus to follow Cleomenes, besieged Athence, a Town of the Megalopolitains. 
Philip's Army.  The Acheins levied both Horse and Foot. Philip parted from Macedon with his Army, having about ten thousand Leginaries, and five thousand men armed with Targets, and about eight hundred Horse. This was the preparation for war at that time. The Rhodiens made war at the same time against the Constantinopolitains for some such causes. 
The situation of Constantinople.  The Constantinopolitains inhabit a City strong by situation, and wonderful commodious to find all things that may give content unto man: For it is so well seated upon the Gulf of Pontus, as no Merchant can enter nor go forth, but at the mercy of Constantinople. And as the Pontic Sea, brings any things necessary for man, the Constantinopolitains are the Masters: for the Country's thereabouts supplies them with great abundance of Leather for their common use, and a great multitude of Stags, and they send to us honey for daintiness, wax, flesh salted, and such like things: They draw also from us other things which abound in our Countries, as Oils, and all sorts of Wines: Sometimes they furnish Wheat, and we do the like to them.  
These are the things whereof the Grecians make use, or else the vent would be unprofitable unto them; whereas the Constantinopolitains should show themselves malicious in allying themselves to the Gauls, or to any other barbarous Neighbours: So as the Grecians should be forced to abandon the Pontic Sea, for the straightness of the places, and the multitude of Barbarians. Wherefore the Constantinopolitains have great commodities by reason of their situation, transporting those things whereof they abound, and drawing unto them what they want without any pain or danger. They are also very profitable to the other Cities of Greece. And therefore the Grecians did honour and esteem them worthy, to whom they not only give thanks, but they are bound to give them Succours against the Barbarians, as doing good to all men. We have thought good to show the cause, why this City is so happy: for that there are many which know not the nature and property of the place: and it hath been always our desire, that such things might come to the knowledge of many: and that if it might be, they might be visible to the eye, if not, yet at the lest as much as should be possible, they might be comprehended in the understanding.  
The Sea then which they call Pontic, 
The circuit of the Pontic Sea.  hath in circuit two and twenty thousand furlongs, or thereabouts, having two mouths opposite one to the other: whereof the one comes from Propontis, and the other from the black Sea, the which hath in circuit eight thousand furlongs. But for that diverse great Rivers fall from Asia into it, and more out of Europe, it sometimes flows into the Pontic Sea by its mouth, and from thence into Propontis. 
Bosphorus Cimeriques.  The Mouth of the black Sea is called Bosphorus Cimeriques, and is thirty furlongs broad, and threescore in length.  
As for the mouth of the Pontic Sea, it is called the straight of Constantinople, whose length is not in every place equal: for from the Propontis the space betwixt Chalcedon, and Constantinople, contains fourteen furlongs, and from the Pontic Sea, the which they call Fanum, situated in Asia (whereas jason first as they sacrificed to the twelve Gods, returning from Cholchos) is distant from Europe ten furlongs. Moreover, 
Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontic run continually.  they deliver two reasons, why the black Sea and the Pontic run continually: whereof the one is well known, for that the water increaseth by the multitude of Rivers which fall continually into it, and having no other means to void it, it must of necessity increase, so as it is forced to pass away by its mouth. The other is, that the bottom is filled with abundance of sand, which the Rivers bring continually into it: so as the water is forced to swell, and so to pass away. These are the true causes of their course, which need not the relation of Merchants to purchase credit, but only of natural reason, which is the truest testimony that can be found.  
But seeing we are fallen upon this discourse, we must not omit any thing, (as many Historiographers do) to seek out the secrets of Nature: and we must use (as much as possibly we may) a demonstrative relation, to the end we may leave nothing in doubt to those which desire to understand. Neither were it sitting in these times, (when as all things have been discovered) to seek the testimony of Poets or fabulous Writers in doubtful things: the which former Historiographers have done.  
By this means, as Heraclides saith, they have not propounded testimonies worthy of credit, in doubtful things, and which are in debate. We therefore say that the Pontic Sea fills itself continually with sand, which the Rivers bring into it, and that in time it will be made even with the land. The like we say of the black Sea, so as the situation of places continue as we see them at this day, and that the causes of the sand which fall continually into it cease not. For seeing the time is infinite, and the bottoms whereof we speak are enclosed with certain limits, it is manifest, that by a long succession of time, they would be filled up by the descent of that which falls into them, be it never so little, so as it continues. And for that the sands which are brought into them, are of no small quantity, but in a manner infinite, it is apparent that what we say will soon happen: and we see it partly already, for that the black Sea is in a manner filled up: for, the greatest depth hath not above five fathom, or seven at the most, wherefore they cannot sail without great Ships, unless the Mariners tow them off by their Masts. And although in the beginning the black Sea was like unto the Pontic in taste, as the Ancients confess, Yet it is now a very sweet Marish: for that the sea hath been surmounted by abundance of sands, and the many sweet Rivers which fall into it. The like will happen to the Pontic, and begins already: But it cannot be so easily discovered by reason of the great depth. And yet if we shall observe it well, 
The Danowe.  we shall find it evident: for there are made within it by the substance (which by the descent is carried, for that the Danowe enters by many mouths) hills which the Mariners call Shelves, a day's journey from the shore: 
The shelves in the Sea.  where many times in the night they suffer Shipwreck.  
Behold the cause why these Shelves are rather made far within the Sea, then near the shore: for the greater force the River hath in their course, driving the waves into the sea, it is necessary that the sand and other substance should be carried far into it: And whereas the violency of the Rivers ceaseth by reason of the depth of the Sea, rather than by a natural reason, all the sands sink and finds a bottom where it stays. Wherefore it happens that the shelves of swiftest Rivers are found farthest into the Sea, and their depth near unto the shore: where as they which have a slow course, are not far from the mouth. Finally, we must not wonder at the great quantity of wood, stone, and sand, which is carried into the Pontic Sea: for that many times we see a torrent or land flood overflow a great Country in a short time, carrying away earth and stone. So as it sometimes happens, there is such an alteration made of a great Country, as in seeing it soon after, we do scarce know it. Wherefore we must not wonder, if so many and such great Rivers fall continually into the Pontic Sea, in the end fill it up: for this is not only likely, but also necessary, if we will diligently examine the reason, the likelihood it should prove so, is great, for as much as the Pontic Sea differs from ours, for that the black Sea is sweeter. Wherefore it follows, that when as the Pontic Sea hath past as much more time as the black, for that it is of a greater depth, it will be sweet and moorish like unto it: and the sooner, for that there are more Rivers, and greater fallen into it. We have spoken these things for those which think that the Pontic Sea cannot be filled up, nor become moorish, being now a full Sea. We have likewise done it, for that Sailors report such variety of lies, to the end that like children we should not always give credit unto them, for that we have not visited the places: and that having some knowledge of the truth, we may discover whether that which they relate be true or false. But let us return to the commodity of the situation of Constantinople, as the length of the Sea, which joins the Pontic, and the Propontis hath six score furlongs, and that Fanum limits the part which is from the Pontic Sea, and Constantinople.  
On the other which is from the Propontis, there stands a Temple betwixt both, which they call the refuge of Europe, seated upon a Promontory on the mouth of the Pontic Sea, and is distant from Asia five furlongs. It is situated upon the greatest strength of the Sea, where as King Darius made a Bridge as they report, 
King Darius.  at such time as he made a descent against the Sythians. From the Pontic Sea unto this place the Waves run equally, for that the shores of either side are of one distance. 
The refuge of Europe.  But when it comes to the refuge of Europe, where (as we have said) the Sea is narrowest, the Water of the Pontic Sea beats violently upon the opposite Country, and those places of Asia which are right against it: Then it doubles its course, against the Promontory of Europe near unto the Altars; and than it falls into the Country which the inhabitants call Ox. 
The Country of the Ox.  This stands in Asia whereas Io (having past the Sea first) stayed, as fables report. Yet in the end it takes its course to Constantinople, having been beaten back by the Ox. Whereas dispersing itself about the City, it partly divides it sylfe, and separates that place which they call the Horn; and on the other side it flows again in its own course. Yet this violence cannot pass into that Country which is right against it, where Chalcedon stands: For where as it makes so many turnings here and there, and that the Gulf is of no small breadth, it fails in a manner in this place, passing to the opposite part, not in a direct Line but bending: So as leaving Chalcedon, it takes its course by the Gulf. This draws so many Commodities to the Constantinopolitains, and the contrary to the Calcedonians. And although it be apparent that the situation of these two Cities are equally commodious, yet the passage is difficult for those which will sail to Chalcedon. chose they are carried to Constantinople by the violence of the Waves: So as it seems that they which will go from Chalcedon to Constantinople, cannot Sail directly thither by reason of the Violent course of the stream: And therefore they recovered the Ox, and the Town which they call Chrysopolis, from whence they are afterwards Transported by force unto Constantinople. 
Chrysopolis.   
Finally the Constantinopolitans have a good commodity to Sail any way, 
The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes.  whither they bend to Hellesponte with a Southerly Wind, or else from the Pontic Sea to Hellesponte. You must understand that the direct and common course from Constantinople to the straits of Propontis, is by Abydos and Sestes; and in like manner from the straits to Constantinople. But it falls out otherwise with the Calcedonians, for the reasons which we have mentioned, and for the distance of the Region of the Cyziceneins; for it is a difficult thing for them which Sail from Hellesponte to Chalcedon, to keep the Coast of Europe, and in approaching the Country near unto Constantinople, to turn unto Chalcedon, for the violent course of the stream. And again, it is impossible to Sail from thence into Thrace, as well for the violence of the Waves, which go cross, as the contrariety of the Winds, for a Southerly wind is good for those which enter into the Pontic Sea, and the contrary for such as go forth; and these two winds only serve to go in, 
The continual War of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians.  and come out. These are the things whereby the Constantinopolitains draw such great commodities from the Sea.  
Now we will show the discommodities which the City is to suffer by reason of the firm Land. Thrace environs the Country of Constantinople in such sort, as it embraceth it from Sea to Sea. So as they are in perpetual War with the Thracians: For although they get a Battle or two against this cruel and barbarous Nation, yet they cannot quench the Wars, the multitude of people and Princes is so great: For that after they have gotten Victory over one, there doth suddenly arise three other mighty Princes, who overrun the Country for spoil: Neither can they do any thing to have an accord, or to pacify the War by paying of Tribute; for presently they find their Enemies multiplied. And therefore they are wasted and consumed with a continual and cruel War. But what can you find more disloyal than a neighbour enemy? Nor a War more dangerous then with a barbarous Nation? And with all these miseries wherewith they are oppressed by Land, they are moreover tormented with Tantalus pain, as the Poets feign: For the Barbarians (considering that they have a fertile Region) overrun the Country and spoil it, after that the Land hath been well manured, and that the fruit which is very beautiful, and in abundance, is in Season.  
The Constantinopolitains seeing so great a spoil of their goods, and the loss of their labour and charges, are wonderfully grieved. Yet bearing this War with the Thracians by a Custom, they always held their ancient accord with the Grecians. But when as the Gauls began to be their neighbours, under the Conduct of King Comontoire, they were in great danger. You must understand that the Gauls which had made War under the leading of Brennus, 
Brennus' Chief of the Gauls.  and had escaped a great danger at Delphos, passed not into Asia when as they came to Hellesponte: But alured with the commodity of the place, they stayed near unto Constantinople, whereas after they vanquished the Thracians, and built Tyle the Royal, 
The Thracians vanquished by the Gauls.  they made War against them of Constantinople. Who at the beginning pacified their fury with presents, when as they first assailed them under King Comontoire, in giving them sometimes thirty thousand, another time fifty thousand, and sometimes a hundred thousand Crowns, to the end they should not overrun their Country. 
An absolute defeat of the ●aules Empire.  Finally, they were forced to give them four score thousand Crowns yearly until the time of Clyare, at what time the Gauls Empire had an end, and this Nation was wholly vanquished and extinct by the Thracians. Their Treasure being at that time exhausted by reason of these Tributes, they sent first an Embassy into Greece to demand their assistance. But for that most of the Greecians made no account of it, they resolved to take a Tole upon all these which should pass into the Black Sea. 
A Tole imposed upon those that failed into the Black Sea by Constantinople.  The which all the rest disliking for the novelty of the thing, they blamed the Rhodiens for suffering it, as being then Lords of the Sea.  
This was the beginning and Fountain of the War which we are now to describe. The Rhodiens moved, aswell with their own loss as with that of their neighbours, having first called their Allies, sent an Embassy to Constantinople to abolish the Tole. Who performing their Voyage according to their Charge, could not persuade the Commons: For that Hecatondore and Olympiodore 
Mecatondore & Olympiodore.  (who had then the Government of the Common weal) opposed themselves: So as they returned without effect. So one after they sent to declare War unto them for the aforesaid causes. Presently after the Rhodiens sent Ambassadors to Prusias, 
Prusias.  to persuade him to make War against the Constantinopolitains: for they knew well he was offended with them for certain causes. The Constantinopolitains in like manner solicited Attalus and Acheus by many Embassies, 
Attalus and Achens.  to succour them against the Rhodiens. It is true that Attalus was at liberty, but he was much oppressed with poverty: for that Acheus had forced him to retire himself within the liberties of his Father's Empire. Finally Acheus, who termed himself Lord of all the Country which lies on this side Tauris, and publishing himself for King, promised succours unto the Constantinopolitains, which gave them occasion of great hope, and terrified very much the Rhodiens and Prusias: For Acheus was allied unto Antiochus, who reigned in Syria, and had attained to this principality by such or the like means.  
After the death of Seleucus father unto Antichus, and that his Son Seleucus the eldest of the brethren, had succeeded in the Realm, 
The means of Acheus reign.  Acheus past the Mountain of Tauris with him in regard of his kindred, about two years before the time whereof we now speak. For as soon as Seleucus was King, and hearing that Attalus had taken the whole Country which lies on this side Mount Tauris, considering that he must give order to his Affairs, passeth the Mountain with a great Army: Where within few days after he was slain by Apaturin a Gaul, and Nicanor. Acheus resolving to revenge the death of his kinsman, kills them presently. And then he governs the Army and all other affairs with great Wisdom and Courage. For when as the opportunity of the time, and the general consent of all the Soldiers, persuaded him to take the Crown; yet he would not do it, but kept the Realm for the younger Brother Antiochus: and governing all other matters careful, he resolved to subdue the whole Country which is on this side Tauris. But when as all things had succeeded happily, and that in the end he had left nothing but Pergamus to Attalus, 
Acheus causeth himself to be called King.  he presently changed his mind, and caused himself to be called their King, being grown proud with the Victories which he had obtained contrary unto his Hope. So as it fell out that his name was more feared, by the Inhabitants on this side Tauris, then of any other King or Prince.  
Whereat the Constantinopolitains being moved, they made no difficulty to under-take a War against the Rhodiens and Prusias: Who accused them, that when they had promised to set up his Images, yet they afterwards forgot it through negligence: And withal, he was much more incensed, for that they had done what possibly they could to pacify the War which was kindled betwixt Acheus and Attalus: For that every man knew that their peace was dangerous to him for many Reasons. Finally, he objected against them, that whereas they had sent an Embassy to Attalus, at the Games which he had made in the honour of Minerva, they had not sent any one unto him when he gaves thanks unto the Gods. For which reasons (being incensed) he willingly embraced the Rhodiens party against them of Constantinople. And therefore he agreed with their Ambassadors that they should send forth a very strong Fleet, to assail the Constantinopolitains by Sea, promising likewise to invade them by Land with no less forces than they should. This was the the beginning, and the causes of the War which the Rhodiens made against the Constantinopolitains.  
They also at the first entered into it with great Courage, hoping that Acheus would succour them, according unto his promise. They had also called Thibete of Macedony, whom they opposed against Prusias: to take from him the means to make War against another, being much troubled for the defence of his own. But Prusias parting with great rage and fury against the Constantinopolitains, he presently took Fanum, 
Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains.  a place very strong by Nature, and seated upon the mouth of the Pontic Lea, which they of Constantinople had lately purchased for a great sum of money, moved with the opportunity of the place: to the end that no man might enter or go forth of the Pontic Sea but by their favour. Moreover he put all the Country of Asia (which the Constantinopolitains had long held) to fire and Sword. On the other side the Rhodiens having made six ships, and taken four from their Allies, whereof they made Xenophante Commander, they sailed unto Hellesponte with an Army of ten sail of very strong Ships. And having left nine near unto Seste, for the defence of the entry into the Pontic Sea, the Commander having a good Wind sailed with the tenth unto Constantinople to view their Countenance: And whither at this first beginning of the War they would be better advised. But finding them ill affected, he retired unto his whole Army with the which he returned to Rhodes.  
In the mean time the Constantinopolitains sent Embassies, some unto Acheus, entreating him to hasten his Succours: Others into Macedony to draw down Thibete; for it seemed that the Realm of Bythinia did as rightly belong to Thibete as to Prusias, for that he was his uncle. The Rhodiens being advertised of the obstinacy of the Constantinopolitains used Wisdom and Policy: For when they understood that all their Hope was in Acheus, whose Father Ptolemy kept in Prison at Alexandria, 
An Embassy sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolemy▪  and that Acheus leaving all other Affairs whatsoever, was careful of his delivery, they thought good to send an Embassy to Ptolemy, and to entreat him with great Affection, to deliver unto them the father of Acheus: to the end that by this means they should make him bound unto them. Ptolemy after he had heard the Ambassadors, did not seem very willing to deliver Andromochus, hoping to make use of him at need: for that he was not yet well pacified with Antiochus, and that Acheus having seized upon the Realm without any contradiction, and far extended his power: For Andromochus was Father unto Acheus, and brother to Laodicea Wife to Seleucus. Yet to please the Rhodiens he delivers him unto them, to restore him unto his Son if they thought good. The Rhodiens by this means having done according to their own desires, and reconciling themselves unto Acheus by some other means, they did frustrate the Constantinopolitains of their principal hope. There fell out also another accident which troubled them very much: 
The Death of Thibete.  For Thibete whom they had drawn out of Macedony (as we have said) died suddenly of sickness. For which accidents the Constantinopolitains began to faint.  
chose Prusias having a greater hope of his Enterprise, parted from Asia to make War, and levied men in Thrace, pressing the Constantinopolitains so near, as they durst not issue or sally out of the Gates, which looked towards Europe. Wherefore being thus destitute of all hope, and suffering all the injuries of War, they sought and invented some honest means to be freed. And therefore when as Canare King of the Gauls approached near unto the City, labouring by all means to pacify this War, 
Canare King of the Gauls.  both they and Prusias referred themselves unto him for all their Quarrels. Whereof the Rhodiens being advertised, and desiring to bring their Resolution to a final end, they sent Aridix, and Polemocle to Constantinople with three Triremes, meaning (as they commonly say) to send them peace or War.  
After the coming of this Embassy unto Constantinople, there was an Accord made with the Rhodiens; 
An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens.  that the Constantinopolitains should not take Tole of any one that sailed into the Pontic Sea. The which if they performed, the Rhodiens and their Allies would make a firm peace with them. And as Prusias they concluded and agreed upon these Conditions: 
An accord made with Prusias.  that Prusias and the Constantinopolitains should live in Peace and Amity, and never hereafter make War one against another. And that Prusias should make restitution of all the Provinces, Towns, People, and Slaves, without any recompense, in the like manner he should do of the Ships, and other Booty which he had taken from them in the beginning of the War. Moreover the Carpenters Work, Tiles, and remainder of Houses, which he had transported from Fanum, (for Prusias fearing the coming of Thibete, had razed all the Burrougheses whereinto the Enemy might retire himself:) and that finally he should bind himself with all the Soldiers of Bythinea, to restore unto the Inhabitants of Mysia, (which are under the obedience of the Constantinopolitains) all they had taken from them.  
This was the beginning and ending of the War of Prusias and the Rhodiens against the Constantinopolitains. At that time the Gnosiens' sent an Embassy to the Rhodiens, to draw from them three or four well built Tritemes, with the which Polemocle had lately made his Voyage, with three other stately Vessels of War, against those which lately had Revolted against them. The which being done, when as the Army arrived at Candy, the Eleuterneins doubting that some few days before Polemocle had slain Timarche their Burgess to please the Gnosiens', made War against the Rhodiens, after they had made their complain. A little before the Lyciens had so many several crosses.  
Finally all Candy was in Combustion. 
Candy in a manner reduced all under the obedience of the Gnosiens' and Gortiniens.  The Gnosiens' and Gortiniens making War with one Council and consent, reducing all the Island under their obedience, except the Lyciens Town: For the taking whereof they did their utmost power and endeavours, thinkking in the end to rare and ruin it quite: To the end it might serve for an Example to other Cities, to terrfie them from a Revolt: For that it alone would not receive them for their Lords. In the beginning all they of Candy made War against the Lyciens, but they began presently to fall into Discord, upon a very light cause: The which happens often with that Nation. So as the Polyreneins, the Certeins, the Lampeins, and moreover the Noreins, and the Arcadians held the Lyciens party, forsaking the alliance of the Gnosiens'. The Gortiniens were in diverse opinions: The most aged held the Gnosiens' party: and the young men that of the Lyciens. The Gnosiens' seeing the will of their Allies thus changed, and that the Affairs went otherwise then they formerly expected, they drew a thousand men from Etolia by the right of Alliance. Which being done, the most aged of the Gortiniens seized suddenly upon the Fort, drawing in the Gnosiens' and etolians, and delivered them the Town, chase away the party of the young men, and killing some most cruelty.  
The Lyciens had by chance at that time made a Road into the Enemy's Country, leaving no forces within the Town, whereof the Gnotiens being advertised by their Spies, they took it unfurnished of any forces, 
The Lyciens Town razed and burnt.  and sent the Women and Children to Gnoson. And when they had burnt and razed it with fury, they retired. The Lyciens returning, were so amazed when they saw all in fire and ruin, as no man durst enter into the Town. But going about it in troops, they lamented their Country and Fortune. From thence turning head, they returned to the Lampeins, who received them lovingly and with great affection: Who being Fugitives and strangers, were in one day admitted Burgesses, and made War against the Gnosiens' with the Allies.  
Behold how Lycia a Colony of the Lacedæmonians, and the most ancient of Candy, was suddenly and miserably ruined. The Polyreneins, Lampeins, with all their other Allies, seeing the Gnosiens' to be in League with the etolians, and the etolians to be enemies to Philip and the Acheins, sent an Embassy to the King and the Acheins, to make a League with them, and to draw succours from them. Who received them, and sent them four hundred Sclavonians, under the Command of Plator, and about a hundred Phoceins, 
Plator chief of the Sclavonians.  who at their arrival did greatly assist the Polyreneins allied to the Achiens. For within a short time, their forces being increased, they forced the Eleuterneins, Cydoniates, Aptereins, and diverse others being shut up within their Walls, to abandon the Gnosiens' alliance, and to embrace their party. Which things being effected, the Polyreneins and their Allies sent five hundred Candyots to Philip and the Acheins. Not long before the Gnosiens' had sent a thousand to the etolians. Thus the War was managed for the love one of another. The banished men among the Gortiniens surprised the Port of the Pheastins and that of the Gortiniens, from whence they made many sallies against them of the Town. And this was the estate of the affairs of Candy.  
At the same time Methridates made War against the Synopenses, 
Mithridates.  which was in a manner the beginning and cause of his misfortune. And when as they required succours of the Rhodiens, 
The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses.  they made choice of three men for this business: To whom there was given four and twenty thousand five hundred pounds, to furnish the Synopenses with necessary provision for the War. They which had this Commission, made provision of ten thousand Goat skins filled with Wine, of thirty six thousand pound weight of Ropes made with Hair, and ten thousand made with sinews, a thousand Arms complete, three thousand pieces of gold coined, four Merchants ships, with Crossbows and other Engines of battery in great number. The Synopenses having received all this provision, returned to Synope. They were in great fear lest that Methridates should besiege them both by Sea and Land. Synope is seated on the right side of the Pontic Sea, 
The Situation of Synope.  where as the River of Phasis enters into the Sea, and likewise upon a Cape which stretcheth far into the Sea: The neck whereof is closed in by the Town, which joins unto Asia, and hath in length about two Furlongs: The rest of the Cape advanceth itself into the Sea, which is a flat Country and the approaches very easy, and chose very difficult and inaccessible, to those which come from the Sea, neither hath it any passages. The Synopenses fearing that Methridates should besiege the Town, not only on that side which joins to Asia, but likewise on the other, drawing his Army to Land, they did carefully fortify that part which is environed by the Sea, leaving a good Guard there to keep the Enemy from landing: for the place is of a small Circuit, and requires no great guard. This is all which passed at that time in Synope.  
King Philip parting with his Army from Macedony (for there we left our former Discourse) caused it to march by Thessaly and Epirus, making haste to pass by those Regions into Etolia. Alexander 
Alexander.  and Dorimache 
Dorimache.  resolving at the same time to take Egirus, 
Egyrus.  having drawn together twelve hundred Etoliens at Oeanthy, 
Oeanthy.  which is one of their Towns, opposite unto that whereof we now speak, and their ships being ready to pass, they only attended an opportunity to put their enterprise is Execution. It happened that an Etolian having lived long at Egire, and finding that the Guard at the Gate kept no good Watch by reason of their Drunkenness, he acquaints Dorimache therewith, soliciting him to take the Town by night: he being a man accustomed unto such Actions. 
The situation of Egire.  Egire is a Town of Morea, situated near unto the Gulf of Corinthe, betwixt Egia and Sicyon, upon a certain Hill which is rough and difficult, drawing towards Percase, and about seven Furlongs distant from the Sea. When the time was come, D●rimache having embarked his Army, and provided carefully for all things necessary, he came before the break of day to a River which runs near unto the Hill whereon the Town stands.  
From thence, he with Alexander and Archidamus the son of Pantaleon, accompanied with a great number of etolians, marched directly unto the Town, along the way which leads to Egia. The Fugitives was gone before with twenty of their best footmen, for the knowledge he had of the places: And had gotten the Walls by Rocks which seemed inaccessible: Where as entering the Town by a sink, he found the Guards a sleep: Who being slain, and having broken the bars of the Gate without discovery, 
Egire surprised by the Eto●●ens  they made way for the etolians, who entered with great fury, and carried themselves simply and without discretion, which was an occasion of the Egirates Victory, and of their defeat and shame. For thinking that all had been lost for the Egirates, they suddenly Armed, and put themselves in Battle within the Town, where they stayed for a certain time. But at the break of day every man thought of his own private profit and gain: And dispersing themselves throughout the whole Town, they fell upon the Burgesses houses, and rifled their goods: Finally they had no care at all but of spoil and Rapine.  
The Egirates moved at this strange accident, some fled out of the Town amazed with fear: whose houses the Enemies had forced, for that the etolians were apparently masters of the Town. But they who hearing the sound of the Trumpet, 
An assault given by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire.  were gone forth with their servants to aid and succour the City, retired unto the Fort: Wherefore their number and force augmented continually, and the etolians grew weaker: For that the Egirates repaired still to the Fort, and the others dispersed themselves in houses for spoil. And although that Dorimache saw the apparent danger: yet without any amazement, he assaults the Fort with a wonderful Resolution, imagining that they which were retired into it, being amazed at his coming, would presently yield unto the etolians. But the Egirates encouraging one another defended the Fort, with incredible resolution and assurance.  
By this means the Combat was furious of either side. But for that the Fort was not enclosed with walls, they fought man to man; and the Combat for a time was furious and equal: For that the one fought for their Country and children, and the other for their lives. But the etolians in the end beganto fly shamefully: 
The etolians defeated by the Egirates.  whom the Egirate (growing more courageous) pursued: so as a great part of the etolians died in fallying out at the Gate, oppressing one another in the throng. Alexander was slain fight valiantly. Dorimache striving to get forth, died in the press. The rest were presently slain, 
Alexander slain.  or killed themselves falling into Pits. 
Dorimache smothered.  There were few saved, who abandoned their Arms, and fled to the ships. By this means the Egirates by their incredible courage recoveted their Country in a manner lost by negligence.  
At the same time Euripides, (who had been sent by the etolians to be Chief of the Elienses, who after he had overrun the Countries of the Dimenses, Pharences and Tritenses) took his way through the Elienses Country, chase before him a great Booty, whereof Micchus of Dime being advertised, who by chance was at that time subrogated in the place of the Commander of the Acheins, and following the Enemy upon the retreat, with the help of the Dimenses, Pharenses, and Tritenses, 
Micchus defeated.  fell unadvisedly into their Ambushes, and was defeated with the great loss of his men: whereof there died forty Foot, and there were two hundred taken. Euripides glorious of this good fortune, 
The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides.  soon after went again to Field, and took a Castle from the Dimenses, which was of consequence, the which the people of the Country called Mure: and they say, that Hercules built it in old time, making War against the Elienses, to use it as a Fort, and retreat in the time of War.  
The Dimenses, Pharenses, and Trite●ses having made this loss, and fearing for the future by the taking of the Castle by Euripides, they first sent Letters to the Chief of the Acheins, to advertise them of their misfortune, and to demand succours against the etolians. And afterwards they sent some of the Chief of their Town in Embassy. Arate could not raze any mercenary Soldiers, for that during the War of Cleomenes, the Acheins had paid them ill, and withal he managed the affairs fearfully and without consideration. And therefore Lycurgu● took Athence, a Town of the Megalopolitains: the like Euripides did (besides the former prize) to Gorgon and Telphusia. 
Athence taken by Lycurgus.  The Dimenses, Pharences, and Tritenses being frustrate of the hope they had in the Chief of the Acheins, resolved among themselves not to contribute any more money, to supply the necessities of their War: And that they would levy at their own charge about three hundred Foot, and fifty Horse to defend their Country. Whereby they seemed to have taken good order for their private affairs, but they had no great respect to the profit of a Commonalty: For they have given a very bad example to others, to make a new enterprise upon any occasion: whereof the blame may well be laid upon the Commander, who by his sloth and negligence had frustrated his men of their expectance.  
It is a common course, that all they which are in danger, hold that Friendship is to be entertained and kept, so long as there is any hope to draw succours from them: and when that ceaseth, than they are to provide for their own affairs. And therefore the Dimenses, Pharenses and Tritenses are to be pardoned, for that in the extreme danger of their Towns, they had levied men, considering the negligence of the Chief of the Acheins. But whereas they would not furnish money for the common affairs of the league, that is not excusable: For as it was not fit to neglect their own affairs, so it was a base and disgraceful thing to omit that which concerns the preservation of a common league: seeing they wanted not Victuals according to the common conventions: and moreover they had been Authors of the league with the Acheins. And this was the estate of the affairs of Morea.  
King Philip had past Thessaly, Philip's Army. and was in Epirus: whereas taking a number of Epirotes, with the Macedonians he brought with him, and three hundred Slingers out of Acheia, with a hundred Candiots which had been sent by the Messeniens, he comes unto the Country of the Ambraciates: whereas if he had entered presently into the heart of Etolia, the War might have had an end. But for that he was solicited by the Epirotes to force Ambracia first, he gave the etolians means to resist, and provide that which was necessary for their defence. But the Epirotes preferring their private interest before the common profit of the Allies, having a great desire to make Ambracia subject, persuaded Philip to besiege it, and to take it before he passed: For they conceived that the Town of Ambracia would be very beneficial unto unto them, if they might take from the etolians, and that it would easily fall into their hands. You must understand that Ambracia is a place strong by nature, well fortified with double walls, and so environed with Moares and Marshes, as there is but one narrow passage by Land, 
The situation ●f Ambracia.  made by Art. Moreover, it looks towards the Town, and the Province of the Ambraciates. Philip at the persuasion of the Epirotes, plants his Camp near unto Ambracia, making provision of that which was necessary for the Siege.  
At the same time Scope drawing together a great number of etolians, and passing through Thessaly, 
Scope makes an incursion into Mac●dony.  enters into Macedony, and puts all that Region to fire and sword which lies near unto Mount Pierie, and draws towards Die, making a great spoil. And for that the Inhabitants of the Country were fled, he ra●ed the houses, and places for Games: and not content therewith, he set fire on the Cloisters built near unto the Temple with great charge: moreover, he ruined whatsoever was erected there for ornament or for use: Finally, he beat in pieces all the Images of Kings. Thus Scope in the beginning and first fury of the War, having not only assaulted Men, but even the Gods themselves, returned into Etolia, not as a Churchrobber, or execrable to the immortal Gods, but he was honoured as a man of merit, and a good servant to the Commonwealth: and withal he gave great hope to the etolians for the time to come. For they conceived that by this means no man durst presume to enter as an enemy into their Country, and chose they might easily run and spoil not only Morea, as they had been accustomed, but also Thessaly and Macedony. Philip advertised of these thing which had been done in Macedony, and suffering for the ignorance and covetousness of the Epirotes, held Ambracia besieged: 
Ambracia taken by Philip.  whereas making use of all Engines of Battery, he took it within forty days, where leaving a garrison, having first taken the oath he satisfied the will of the Epirotes, to whom Ambracia was delivered.  
After these things he raiseth his Camp, and marcheth directly by the next valley, making haste to pass the Gulf of Ambracia, the which is very narrow, near unto the Temple of Acarna●ia, which they call Antia. 
The Gulf of Ambracia.  This Gulf comes from the Sea of Sicily betwixt Epir●● and Acarnania, with a very narrow entry, being scarce six hundred paces broad. But when as it dilates itself towards the Land, it is in a manner a hundred Furlongs broad, and three hundred in length, beginning at the Sea of Sicily. It divides Epirus from Acaruania the one lying directly towards the North, and Acarnania directly towards the South. Having past this Gulf with his Army, and entering into Acar●ania, he came to a Town of Etolia which they call Poetia, leading with him two thousand Foot, 
Poetia taken by Composition.  and two hundred Horse of Acarnania. And planting his Camp about the Town, and giving many sharp assaults, he took it the third day after his coming by composition, and le●t a Garrison of etolians therein taking their Oath. The Night following fifteen hundred Etoliens thinking that all things had been safe, 
Fifteen hundred etolians defeated by● Philip.  came to succour their fellows. The King advertised of their coming, laid an Ambush, and slew the greatest part● The rest were taken, except some few which escaped by flight. After this he distributed Wheat to the Soldiers for a Month, for he had gotten a great quantity in this Town: Then he marcheth to the Region of the Strete●ses, and plants his Camp near to the River of Acheloe, about ten furlongs from the Town: And from thence overrunning the Province, he puts all to fire and sword, for that no man durst show himself.  
At the same time the Acheins more tormented with the War than the rest, and advertised that the King was not far off, they sent an Embassy unto him to demand succours. The Ambassadors met the King at Straton, where acquainting him with their necessities according to their charge, they entreat him to give them succours, and persuade him by many reasons, that in passing the Rh●e, he should take his way through the Country of the Eliences. Having heard them, the King sent them back, promising to consider thereon: who raising his Camp, marched to Metropolis and Conope. Whereof the etolians being advertised, they abandoned the Town, and retired to the Fort. When as Philip had set fire on the Town, 
Metropolis taken and burnt.  proceeding in his course, he drew to Conope. There the Etolien Horsemen had made a head, to encounter him at the passage of a River, 
An assembly of the ●rolient to keep the passage of a River.  twenty Furlongs distant from the Town, to stop his passage, or to fight with him if he past.  
Philip advertised of their enterprise, commands those that were armed with Targets to enter the River first, and that keeping close together, they should strive to pass in Battle. Having obeyed him, the etolians having skirmished in vain with the first Troop, for that it kept close together, and afterwards with the second and the third, in the end they retired to the Town, despairing of their Enterprise. From that time the etolians Army kept the Towns: but Philip overrunning the Province at his pleasure, 
Ithoria very strong.  spoiled It●oria itself. It was a place seated upon the passage, of great strength both by Nature and Art: the which the Garrison abandoned upon his approach. The King razed it to the ground. Finally, he ruined all, reducing under his obedience many Towns which were strong by situation and fortification: demolishing all the Castles, whereof there were a great number in the Country. Then abating his fury, he gave leave unto his men to run where they pleased for their own gain. After which he led his Army full of wealth towards the Eniades, and laid Siege to Peania, resolving to take it by assault: 
Peania taken by assault.  The which he did after many attempts, for although the Town were not very big, having but a thousand paces in circuit: yet it was not inferior to the rest in the strength of Walls, Towers and Houses. He razed the Walls to the ground, and ruined the Houses, commanding to carry away the Timber and Tiles to the Eniades by Water.  
The etolians first began to fortify the Fort of the Ceniades to defend it, rampring the Walls, making of Ditches, and doing all things necessary for the fortification of a Town. But being advertised of Philip's approach, they fled for fear. Philip taking this Town without any resistance, led his Army into Calydonia, to a certain Town which was held very strong, called Claos, the which was well rampired with Walls, and all manner of fortifications. Attalus had furnished the etolians with munition to defend it. But the Macedonians taking it by force, they overran and spoiled all Calydonia, and then returned unto the Enlades. Whereas Philip considering the opportunity of the place, as well for other affairs, as for his passage into Morea, resolved to repair the Walls. For the Eniades are Maritime opposite to Acarnania by the Sea which joins unto the etolians, near unto the mouth of the Gulf of Corinthe. It is a City situated in Morea, right against the Banks of the Dimeens, and neighbour to the Country near unto Araxis, distant only a hundred Furlongs. Which things Philip considering, 
Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eni●des.  he fortified the Fort apart, and joined unto it the Port and Arsenal with a Wall, making use of the materials which were brought from Peania.  
Whilst that Philip was busy about this work, he received Letters from Macedony, by the which they did advertise him that the Dardanians doubting of his Voyage into Morea, made haft to levy men, and to make preparations for War, to fall suddenly upon Macedony. After which news resolving to succour it speedily, he sent back the Acheins Ambassadors with this answer, that as soon as he had given order for his affairs of Macedony, he would have nothing in so great recommendation, as to come to their aid with all his forces. After this he returned speedily with his Army by those Countries where he had formerly passed. And as he passed the Gulf of Ambracia, parting from Acarnania to Epirus, Demetrius of Phare (whom the Romans had chased out of Sclavonia) met him. Whom the King (embracing him with great courtesy) caused to sail to Corinthe, and from thence to march into Macedony by Thessaly. Where drawing to Epirus, he presently transported himself into Macedony, to the Town of Pella. But when the Dardanians were advertised by some fugitive Thracians of the Kings coming, they presently dissolved their Army, being terrified with fear, notwithstanding they were near unto Macedony. Philip advertised of the retreat of the Dardanians, 
The retreat of the Dard●●iant without doing any thing.  gave leave unto his Soldiers to gather new Corn, and every man to retire into his Country. For his part he went into Thessaly, and spent the rest of the Summer in Larissa.  
At the same time Panlus Emilius triumphed at Rome, after his return from Sclavonia. Hannibal after the taking of Sagont, had sent his Army to winter. The Romans advertised of the razing of Sagont, sent an Embassy to Carthage, demanding Hannibal: and made their preparations for War, Publius Cornelius and Titus Sempronius being then created Consuls: Of which affairs we have spoken in the precedent Book. But we now make a brief repetition, to refresh the memory: to the end that (as we have promised) all the actions may be present to the eyes of the Readers. The first year of this olympiad is past. And when as the day of the Election which the etolians make, was come, they made choice of Dorimache for General of the War. 
Dorimache chosen General of the etolians.  Who being seized of the Magistracy, he drew together a great number of Soldiers, and falling upon the high Country of Epirus, he made a most cruel spoil: so as it seemed, he did it rather to ruin the Epirotes, then for his own profit. Then passing the Temple of jupiter Dodon●e; he set fire of the Cloisters, and ruined all its beauty: and finally, he demolished it.  
Behold how the etolians cannot observe any mean either in peace or war, so as both in the one and the other they violate the common conversation of men, and in a manner the Law of Nature. When as Dorimache had committed all these mischiefs and many greater, he returned into his Country. But whilst that Winter lasted, and that every man despaired of the coming of Philip by reason of the roughness of the time, and hardness of the Winter, the King taking three thousand men with Bucklers, and two thousand with Targets, with three hundred Candiots, and about four hundred Horse, parted from Larissa: and taking his way by Thessaly, he came to Negrepont: and from thence passing by Beocia and Megara, in the midst of December he arrived at Corinthe, making his voyage so secretly, as no man of Morea discovered it: then keeping the Gates of Corinthe shut, and setting Watches upon the ways, the day following he sent to Sisyon for old Arate. He then advertised the Chief of the Acheins and Townes, of the time and place when they should be ready and in order. These things thus ordered, he continued his voyage as he had resolved, and seated his Camp near to Dioscore, a Town of Philiasia.  
At the same time Euripides parting from Psophis accompanied with two Legions of Eliences, Pirates at Sea, and some voluntaries, so as all together made two thousand two hundred Foot, and about a hundred Horse, took his way by Phenice and Stymphalia, being ignorant that Philip was in field, and desirous to spoil the Country of the Sicyoniens. It fell out the Night that Philip camped near unto Dioscore, that Euripides passing further at the break of day, entered into the Country of the Sicyoniens, and that some Candiots which were with Philip, abandoning their Ensigns, and going to forage met him. By whose means knowing that the Macedonians were near, he drew his army out of the Country, hoping that after he had past the Country of Stymphalia, he might easily defeat the Macedonians in places of advantage. Philip having no advertisement, raised his Camp the next day at the Sunrising, as he had resolved, 
The retreat of Euripides from S●ymphall●.  to take his way under Stymphalia towards the Caphires: for there he had appointed the Acheins to meet in Arms.  
When the Macedonian Scouts were come to the top of the Mountain, which the Countrymen call Apeaure, about ten Furlongs distant from the Stymphalins Town, 
The Mountain of Ape●ure.  it happened by chance that the Scouts of the Eliences arrived there also. The which Euripides perceiving, and amazed at the disadvantage of the place and time, he flies with some of them, 
Thy flight of Euripides.  and recovers Sophis by Groves which lay dispersed. The rest of the Eliences Troop being amazed, as well for that they were abandoned by their Commander, as for the newness of the accident, were for a time in suspense what they had to do. But conceiving afterwards that they were Megalopolitains, to see the manner of their Harness (for the Macedonians carried Helmets) they marched in Battle, keeping good order for a time without any despair. But when the Macedonians began to approach, (knowing then the truth) they abandoned their Arms, and fled. There were about twelve hundred taken alive by the Enemy: 
A defeat of the etolians.  the rest were slain, some by the Macedonians like Sheep, others falling down the Rocks, so as there escaped not a hundred. Philip continued his course, and sent the spoils and Prisoners to Corinthe. This seemed very strange to them of Morea, to whom the news of the Victory, and of Philip's arrival came at one instant.  
When the King had passed by Arcadia, having suffered much upon the way by Snow, and the difficulty of the Country, he arrived at midnight at Caphies on the third day. Where after he had refreshed himself three days, 
Arate joins with Philip.  and that Arate the younger had joined with him with his Troops, so as the whole Army consisted of ten thousand men, he arrived at Psophis, passing by Cliteria, and made great provision of Darts and Ladders taken out of the Towns where he passed. Psophis is a very ancient Town of the Arcadians, 
The situation of Psophis.  situated in the midst of Morea, joining to Arcadia upon the West, and near to the Cowtrey of the Eliences, who at that time had the government. Where Philip arrived the third day after his departure from Caphies, and seated this Camp upon the Mountains which are opposite, from whence he might discover the Town and Country round about without danger. Where viewing the strength, he was for a time in suspense: for towards the West there ran a swift Torrent along the walls: the which for the most part of Winter, was not to be waded through, so as no man enters that way. And upon the East it hath the River of Erimanthe, 
The River of Erimanthe,  which is great and violent: Of which the Poets and Historiographers tell many tales. Moreover, the Torrent (whereof we have spoken) defends and assures the third part towards the South. In regard of the fourth which looks towards the North, it hath above it a Mountain which is steep and difficult, and serves them for a good Fort. By this means the Town is defended on three sides by water, and on the fourth by the Mountain: And moreover it is environed with good walls, made with great Art. Finally, there was a Garrison of Elienses, with that which Euripides had brought with him in his flight.  
All these things considered, Philip was partly distasted to force it, for the difficulty thereof. And partly inflamed to besiege it, for the opportunity of the place. For he considered that as this Town was an annoyance to the Acheins and Arcadians (for that it was an assured Fort and safe retreat for War to the Elienses) so if it might be taken, it would be to them of great consequence, and a retreat to the Arcadians for the War. Wherefore in the end following this advice, he sent unto the Macedonians, that they should be ready the next day in the morning, and in Arms after they had fed. Then passing the Bridge of Erimanthe without any opposition, considering the strangeness and greatness of the accident, he came boldly, and lodged at the foot of the Wall. Whereat Euripides and the Chief of the Town were in great doubt what to do: for they imagined that the Macedonians had no conceit to be able to force this strong Town, and that they should not be able to continue the Siege long during that season. Wherefore when as they saw no likelihood of any Treason within the Town, the greatest part run to the walls to defend them.  
The Voluntaries of the Elienses made a sally upon the Enemy by the Gate which looks directly to the Campe. 
A sally of the Elienses upon the Macedonians.  But when as Philip had appointed men to set up Ladders in three places, and a sufficient number of Macedonians for either of them, he gave warning for the assault. Which done, they all fell to fight with wonderful fury. The besieged in the beginning defended themselves valiantly, and overthrew many which laboured to scale the walls. But when as their Darts and other munition failed them, as to men which had run hastily to the walls: and withal the Macedonians retired not, but after the fall of one the next ascended the Ladder, in the end they fled, and retired to the Fort. Then the Macedonians of the King's Troop recovered the wall. On the other side the Candiots who fought with those which made their sally from the upper part of the Town, forced them in the end to fly, abandoning their Arms basely: And pursuing them with great fury, they slew many upon the way, and entered the Town with them: so as it was taken in diverse places at one instant. All the Burgesses retired into the Fort with their Wives and Children. 
Psoph● taken by assault.  The like did Euripides, with the rest which had escaped the danger. The Macedonians being entered, they spoiled both public and private houses, and afterwards kept themselves quiet within the Town. They which held the Fort, being without victuals and other munition, they began to think of yielding, foreseeing the future. Whereupon they sent a trumpet to the King: and having obtained a passport for an Embassy, they sent the Princes of the Town with Euripides to Philip, who compounded with the King, 
A composition made between the Citizens of Psophis and Philip.  that in yielding him the place, the Burgesses and strangers might retire in safety. This done, they returned again to the Fort according to the King's command, not to depart before he had retired his Army out of the Town, lest falling into the Soldier's hands, they might be spoiled. The King stayed some days there by reason of the roughness of the weather: during the which he calls together the Acheins which were in the Army, and made a long speech unto them of the situation of the Town, and of its opportunity for the present War, putting them in mind of the love he bore them: Finally, he gave them the Town, to the end they should know plainly, that he was resolved to please them in all things, and not to forget the affection and diligence which was requisite in their affairs.  
After which Speech, when as the Acheins had given him thanks for his love and goodwill, 
Philip gives forces to the Acheins.  Philip leaves the Company, and drawing his Army presently together, he marched directly to Lassion. The Psophiens leaving the Fort, came into the Town, and every man returned to his house. Euripides retired with his men first to Corinthe, and afterwards into Etolia. The Chief of the Acheins which were there present, gave the guard of the Fort to Proslae a Sycionian with a sufficient Garrison, and made Pythias Pellenense Governor of the Town. And this was the end of the Psophiens War.  
When the Garrison of Lassion which consisted of Elienses, being (formerly advertised of that which had happened at Psophis) saw the Macedonians, 
L●ssion taken.  they abandoned the Town, as amazed at so strange an accident. So as Philip took it as soon as he saw it. The which he likewise gave to the Acheins, according to the love and affection which he bore them. 
Straton.  He likewise gave Straton to the Telpulsiens', which the Elienses had taken. This done, the fifth day after he arrived at Olympia: where after he had sacrificed to the Gods, and made a solemn Banquet to all the Captains, and refreshed his men for the space of three days, he marched, and entering the Country of the Elienses, he abandoned it to his Soldiers: Then planting his Camp near to Artimisea, he returned soon after to Dioscoria, bringing a great Booty from thence. Then making many Roads into the Country, there were a great number of men taken. Many also retired into the neighbour Towns, and into places of strength: For the Region of the Elienses is very fertile amongst the rest of Morea, in people and abundance of wealth: for that the greatest part of the Country people are given to tillage, employing their time in labour, unto the second and third generation: And alhtough they be otherwise rich, yet they enter not into Towns. The which happens, for that the principal of the Towns have the Labourers in recommendation, and are very careful that they may not be oppressed with the want of any thing of that which is requisite and necessary for them, and that no man should do them wrong. In my opinion the ancients have so ordained it, for that in old time the multitude was commonly given to tillage; or rather for that they led a holly and religious life, when as with the consent of all the Grecians, they lived in safety, free from all inconveniences and trouble of War, for the Combat which was made at the Olympic Games. But when by the controversy of the Arcadians, concerning Lassion and Pisa, they were forced to undertake War for the defence of their Country, and to leave their first manner of living, they cared no more to resume that ancient and hereditary liberty given them by the Grecians, remaining in the same estate, and making a bad discourse of the time to come. For if any may have from the Grecians (in observing right and justice) peace and quietness for ever, which is a thing which we all demand of the immortal Gods, and for the which we endure any thing, and which all the world confesseth to be an undoubted good, and yet they contemn it, and do not esteem it, or hold some other thing in greater recommendation, are not they to be held fools and mad men? But some one will say unto me, that they which shall hold this course of life, shall not be able to defend themselves, when they shall be oppressed with War, or some other outrage. This without doubt happens seldom, and if it doth, they may be defended and relieved by all the Grecians. And if it be a particular offence it will be no difficult thing to levy men with the money which they have gathered together by long peac● and rest. But now fearing that which happens seldom, and beyond all humane consideration, they consume themselves and their Country in continual War and troubles We have thought good to relate these things of the Elienses; for there was never time, when as a greater opportunity was offered, to recover this liberty from all the Grecians, then at this day. The people then as we have said, dwelled in all assurance. Wherefore there were taken by the Macedonians a great number of men, although that many were retired in strong places. For there was assembled a great multitude of men and cattle, with other wealth in a near Burrough, which they call Thalame: for that the Country about it is very straight, the approach is difficult, and the Burrow very steepy, and in a manner inaccessible. 
Thalame.  Philip advertised of this great assembly, and being loath to leave any thing which he would not undertake, recovers the places of advantage, to enter it with his Mercenaries: and marcheth in person by the straits of the Country with the men which bare Targets, and were lightly armed, leaving the Baggage, and the greatest part of his Army in the Camp, and came unto the Burrow finding no resistance.  
They which were therein, amazed at the greatness of this accident▪ and ill furnished for the war, and without experience: having moreover many unprofitable persons for their age, yielded presently: Among the which were two hundred Soldiers of diverse nations, 
Thalame yields.  whereof Amphidamus Chief of the Elienses had the charge. Philip having made booty of all things, as of five thousand men, and of an infinite number of cattle, returned presently to the Campe. And when as afterwards the Soldiers seemed unprofitable unto him for the War, being thus laden with spoils, he raised his Camp and returned to Olympia.  
Appelles' was one of the Tutors which was left to Philip in his infancy by Antigonus, and had then great authority and favour with the King. 
Appelles' Tutor to Philip.  Who beginning to practise with himself, by what means he might reduce the Nation of the Acheins, to the same estate wherein the Thessalians were, he bethought himself of a notable villainy. You must understand that the Thessalians seemed to live under their own Laws, and to differ much from the Macedonians, only they endured all things like unto them, and obeyed the will of the King. Wherefore Appelles tending hereunto, began to try the hearts of those that were in the Campe. And at the first he commanded the Macedonians, 
The malicious policy of Appelles  that if by chance the Acheins should take any place before them, they should always chase them away, and strip them of their Booty. Afterwards he caused some to be whipped by the hangman for small offences: And if any one questioned this kind of outrage, or did succour them that were beaten, they were put in prison, hoping by this means to accustom the Acheins to endure patiently what should please the King. Finally, when as some young men Acheins were assembled and come to Arate, relating unto him the practice of Appelles. Arate considering that this must be prevented in the beginning, he came to Philip, and accompanied with these young men, delivered all things in order. Who being heard, Philip wished him to take no further care, and that hereafter they should not be so entreated. He gives charge to Appelles' not to decree any things against the Acheins without the advice of their Commander. Philip was held excellent in Eloquence and sweetness of speech to persuade his Soldiers, 
The Nature of Philip.  and of great wisdom and courage in the profession of Arms, not only in the judgement of Soldiers, but of all Morea: neither was it easy to find a King which had so many gifts of Nature. He was a man of great diligence, memory, and of a good aspect, and held him worthy of an Empire, in whom there was a royal power, a great force, and an incredible courage in actions of War, and as he laid the foundation of his Empire by so many great virtues, it is hard to say for what reason he was in the end so perverted, and made an execrable and wicked Tyrant of a good and just King. Wherefore leaving this to another season, we will return to our discourse.  
Philip parting from Olympia with his Army, came first to Pharia, then to Erea, where the Booty was sold, whereof we have spoken. He made a Bridge upon Alphia, meaning to pass from thence into Triphalia. At the same time Dorimache chief of the etolians, sent succours unto the Elienses at their request, 
Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache.  whilst they ruined their Country: being about six hundred Etoliens under the command of Philides, who passing by the Country of the Elienses, after that he had taken about five hundred voluntaries of theirs, and a thousand men of the City with the Tarentines, he came into Triphalia to succour the Allies. It is situated in Morea, 
The situation of Triphalia and i●● Townes  betwixt the Regions of the Elienses and Messeniens, having drawn its name from Triphalia in Arcadia. Finally, it tookes towards the Sea of Lybia joining to Acheia upon the West. Wherein are comprehended the Towns of Samico●, Lepres, Hygianne, Typanea, Pyrgon, Epion, Bolac, Tyla●gion, and Phrixe. The which as the Elyences held before, so as they had also taken the Town of the Alphirences, which formerly did belong to Arcadia, by the means of Alliades the Megalopolitaine, who delivered it unto them in exchange, at such time as he was King. As soon as Phylides was entered into Triphalia, he sent the Eliences to Lepreon, and the Mercenaries to Alphira: and he remained at Tipanes, having the etolians with him.  
Philip leaving the Baggage, having past the Bridge of Alphia, 
The situation of Alphira.  which runs along the walls of Erea, he came to Alphira, which is seated upon a certain Mountain full of Caves and Pits round about it, and hath above ren Furlongs in ascent. Finally, it hath a Fort upon the top of it, and the Image of Minerva made of Copper, much differing from others in greatness and beauty: 
The Image of Minerva.  The people of the Country know not who made it, nor at whose charge, nor at what time it hath been erected. All the World holds for certain, that it is the most excellent work among all those which Hecatodorus and Sostrates have made. The next Morning being clear and bright, Philip commands many Ladders to be brought, before the which he had Troops of adventurers, and then the Macedonians, commanding them all at the Sunrising, to make haste to creep up the Mountains, 
Philip assails Alphira.  and to assail the Town. Which being performed, the Alphirenses ran all to a place where they saw the Macedonians use the greatest force. In the mean time Philip having with him the choice of all the Troops, was come secretly to the wall by a difficult Country. And when as the Soldiers assailed the Town of all sides, and scaled it, Philip commanded to do the like unto the Fort which was near the Fortress: the which he took suddenly being unfurnished of Soldiers. When as the Alphirenses saw it on fire from their walls, they were terrified with this new danger, fearing that if the Macedonians should take the Fortress, there were no means of safety, they retired suddenly, abandoning the walls the Macedonians took presently with the Town. Afterwards they which held the Fortress, yielded it to Philip, to have their lives saved, according to the Composition which they had made with him.  
After these actions, the people of Triphalia being amazed, were careful of their safeties: Philides also parting from Typanea, after he had ransacked and spoiled some houses, retired to Lopira. Behold the recompense which the etolians at that time made unto their Allies: so as they not only abandoned them in their greatest extremity, but made them suffer things which were scarce fit to be endured by an Enemy. 
The Typaneat●s you'll unto Philip.  The Typaneates yielded the Town presently to Philip: the which they of Hippane did in like manner. In the mean time the Phialences having news of that which passed in Triphalia, being in Arms, took a place near unto Polimarche, detesting the alliance of the etolians. The Etolien Pirates who by chance were in that Town in regard of the Messeniens, laboured in the beginning to resist the Phialences. But when they were advertised that the whole Town was of one accord, they gave over their enterprise, and trussing up their Baggage, departed. The Phialences sent an Embassy to Philip, 
The Phialences y●eld to Philip.  and submitted themselves and their Town under his obedience. This being done, the Lepreates gaining a place of advantage within their Town, resolved to chase away the Garrison of Eliences, etolians, and Lacedæmonians. Philides in the beginning was nothing moved herewith, but continued still within the Town. But when the King had sent Taurion with a part of his Army against him, and coming in person with the rest to Lepreon, Philides and his Company hearing the news, began to faint. chose the Lepreates growing more resolute, 
The 〈◊〉 of the L●preates against the Etoiens,  did an act worthy of memory: For having within their Town a thousand Eliences, fifteen hundred Etoliens, and two hundred Lacedæmonians, Voluntaries, holding moreover the Fort, yet their courage was so great, as they resolved not to forget the safety of their Country in so great a danger.  
But when as Philides saw the Lepreates to prosecute what they had begun with such courage, and the Macedonians to approach near unto the Town, he fled with the Elienses and Lacedæmonians, having no more hope of safety. So as the Lacedæmonians taking their way by Messena, returned to their houses, and the etolians went to Samices with their Commander Philides. The Lepreates being Masters of the Town, 
〈◊〉 yielded to Philip.  sent an Embassy to the King to yield it unto him. Who being heard, the King sent part of his Army thither, and pursuing Philides for a time, with those that were lightly armed, he took all the Baggage, and Philides saved himself within a Castle. There the King planted his Camp, and made show to besiege the Town, causing the rest of his Army to come from Lepreon: wherewith the etolians and Elienses being amazed, as having nothing wherewith to defend the Siege but their hands, began to parley for their safeties. Who going forth upon the King's word, retired to Elis. The King was presently Lord of Samices. Afterwards diverse others came to submit themselves, so as he took Phrixe, 
Towns which yield to Philip.  Ty●angion, Epiron, Bolac, Pyrgon and Epicalion. After which he returned to Lepreon, having in six days made all Tryphalia subject. There he made remonstrances to the Lepreates according to the time, and put a sufficient Garrison into the Fort, he led his Army to Erea, leaving Ladix of 〈◊〉, Governor of Tryphalia● Being arrived there, he divided the spoil among the Soldiers, and having made provision of victuals, he took his way to Megalopolis in the heart of Winter.  
When as Philip was in Tryphalia, 
Chylon.  Chylon the Lacedaemonian immagining that the Crown of the City belonged unto him, and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurgu●, he began to plot an enterprise of revolt. Hoping therefore to gain the love and favour of the people, if doing like unto Cleemenes, he put them in hope to divide the Lands again, he doth his endeavour to bring it to effect. And communicating his practice to his Friends, he had 200. Confederates of his enterprise. But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King, would make a great opposition, he studied first how to prevent it. When as by chance all the Magistrates supped together, he assails them by surprise, 
The Lacedaemonian Magistrate slain by C●ylon.  and kills them cruelly. Behold how Fortune, prepared a punishment worthy the deeds which they had committed. Believe me, there is not any man but will say that they had well deserved to be punished by him, and for the cause for which they suffered. As soon as Chylon had done this Execution, he transports himself to Lycurgus' house: And although he were there, yet he could not come at him; for he was preserved by his Household Servants and by his neighbours, and retired unto Pellene by unknown ways. Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity, being wonderfully discontented, was forced to do that which necessity required; and transporting himself to the place, he seized upon all his enemies, and gave courage to his friends, labouring to induce the rest to revolt. But when as he saw no man to like of it, and that the City was in mutiny against him, fearing what might happen, steals away from thence, and comes into Acheia alone, being chased out of his Country. The Lacedæmonians fearing the descent of King Philip, retired with whatsoever they had in the fields into their Towns: and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition, razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains: For that it seemed a very convenient place for the enemy.  
It is certain that whilst the Lacedæmonians maintained their good government, according to the Laws of Lycurgus, they were grown very great unto the War of Leuctres. 
The Lacedæmonians were unfortunate after they had left the Laws of Lycurgus.  Since which time they began to feel the crosses of Fortune, and their government grew worse, being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions, with Banishments and ruins until the Tyranny of Nabydane: whose name they could not endure. These are things which have been related by many and are well known, since that Cleomenes ruined the government of the Country, whereof we will speak hereafter when opportunity shall require. Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army, drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane, and there past the remainder of the Winter: purchasing a wonderful renown of all the World, aswell for his course of life, as for the things which he had done in this War, beyond the strength of his age. Appelles who (notwithstanding the King's Commandment) desisted not from his design, 
Appelles persists in his enterprise.  laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subject. And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him, were opposite unto his ends, and that the King had them in great Reputation, especially old Arate, for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus, and was moreover a good and discreet man, he began to Traduce him with injuries. Then he inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate, and draws them unto him. To whom he gives a courteous and gracious reception, drawing them by persuasions to his friendship, and afterwards recommended them in particular to the King, he gave him to understand that if he favoured the party of 〈◊〉, he should enjoy the Achei●s, according to the Contract of the League: But if using his Council he received the others into friendship, he should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure. Moreover the time of the Election approaching, he had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen. Wherefore he began to solicit the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Achei●s, as if he meant to go from thence into the Elienses Country. The King persuaded by his Words, came unto Egia at the prefixed time: 
Eperate chosen chief of the Acheins.  Where Appelles' amazing the adverse party, in the end prevailed with great difficulty. By this means Eperate was chosen Chief of the Acheins, and Tymoxenes quite rejected, whom Arate had named.  
After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira, and marching by Patres and Dimes, he went to a Castle, which the Countrymen call Mur, situated in the Dimenses Country, and lately taken by Euripides, as we have formerly said. As he hasted with great heated to yield it to the Dimenses, having his Army ready in Battle, 
The Castle of Mur yielded to Philip.  the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed, as they presently yielded themselves and the Castle, the which is not great in Circuit, but very strong by Situation and Walls; For it had but two furlongs in Compass, but the Walls had not less than seven Fathoms and a half in height. Philip delivering it to the Dimenses presently, he overranne the Province to spoil it: After which he put all to fire and Sword, and returned to Dime, laden with great spoils. Apelles' supposed that he had effected part of his design, for that the chief had been chosen according to his desire, he chargeth Arate again, desiring to him into disgrace with the King; and raiseth a slander upon him upon these causes.  
Amphidamu● Chief of the Elienses in the Burrow which they call Thalam●, being taken and sent with the other Prisoners, came to Olympia: And there he began to seek (by the means of some) to speak unto the King: To whom when he was brought, he told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses embrace his Alliance and Friendship. The King persuaded with his Words, let him go without ransom, with a Charge to tell the Elienses, that if they would entertain his Alliance, he would deliver all their Prisoners without ransom, and that he would preserve their Province from danger, suffering them moreover to live in liberty, and that he would give them no Garrisons, nor pretend any Tribute, but would suffer them to levy mercenary men where their Affairs required. The Elienses hearing these offers, would not accept of them, although they were great and profitable.  
Appelles' making this the occasion of his slander, 
The slander of Appelles.  goes to Philip, telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendship with the Macedonians, nor entertained the League sincerely: For it was certain they had been the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had been offered them: For at that time when as he sent Amphidamus to Olympia, they had used speeches secretly unto him, that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea, that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses; and by this means the Elienses, disdaining the conditions of Peace, observed their League with the etolians, and endured the Macedonians War. This Speech being ended, Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to be called, and Commands Appelles to speak the same Words in their Presence, the which he performed boldly and without blushing: 
The accusation of Appelles against Arate & the Acheins.  Finally, the King speaking not any thing, he said moreover unto them: And for that Arate the King hath found you ingrateful and deceitful, he hath resolved to return into Macedony, having first called the Achei●s, and acquainted them with the occasion. 
The Answer of Arate.  Whereunto Arate answered: The King, said he, ought not to believe lightly; but to consider well of the business, when they speak any thing against his Allies and Friends, before he give credit to a slander. This is proper for a King, and very profitable in all things. And therefore in this slander you must call them that heard the Words, and let Appelles enter with them, and omit nothing that may be necessary to discover the Truth, before it be revealed to the Assembly of the Acheins. This answer was pleasing unto the King, saying, That he would diligently search out the truth, they then departed.  
But within few days after, when as Appelles could not find any proof of those things which he had objected, there was by chance a great testimony found of Arate his innocency: For whilst that Philip ruined the Province, the Elienses having some suspicion of Amphidamus, had resolved to take him, and to send him bound into Etolia, The which Amphidamus discovering, he steals away secretly, and comes first to Olympia: But having certain news that Philip stayed at Dyme to divide the Spoil, he went speedily unto him. As soon as Arate had news of the banishment of Amphidamus from his own Country, he was wonderful joyful, knowing that he had not committed any thing against the Macedonians, and goes unto the King, entreating him to call Amphidamus: For he was the man that could give best satisfaction in those things wherewith he was charged, to whom the Words had been spoken: And that moreover he would willingly deliver the truth, seeing that for the love of Philip he had 〈◊〉 Banished his Native Country, and that all his hope consisted in him only.  
At whose words the King was moved, and calling for Amphidamus he found that Appelles had falsely slandered him. Wherefore after that day he held Arate in greater esteem and favour, but disliked the practice of Appelles; although he were forced to endure this and many other things for the great Authority which he held. But Appelles changed not his humour: 
Taurion dispossessed of the government of Morea.  He deprived Taurion of the government of Morea, not taxing him with any offence, but commending and holding him worthy to be in the Camp about the King, for that he desired to put another in his place. 
The conditions of Courtiers.  Behold a new invention of slander to wrong any one, not in blaming him but in commending him. There is also found (but principally among Courtiers) a malicious diligence accompanied with Envy and fraud, by a mutual jealousy and extreme Avarice. 
Alexande● Chamberlain to King Antig●nus.   
He did likewise endeavour to disappoint Alexander the Chamberlain, and affected the care of the King's Person for himself, and finally to break all the Order which Antigonus had left. Who had duly performed his duty in the Government of his Realm and Son during his life: And dying he provided wisely for the four: For he left a Will, by the which he set down an order what the Macedonians should do, and what charges they should execute, labouring to take away all occasions of Ambition and Discord, which might rise in Court. He appointed Appelles to be Tutor to his Son, who had been at the War with him: And he made Leonce Chief of the Soldiers which carried Targets, and Megalee Chancellor, and Taurion Governor of Morea.  
It is true, that Appelles at that time held Leonce and Megalee in his Subjection, and was resolved to chase away Alexander and Taurion: To the end he might supply their places in Person, or by his Creatures. The which undoubtedly he had done, if Arate had not prevented it. But now he suffers the pain of his folly and Covetousness: For within a short time after he suffered that, which he laboured with all his power to do unto others. But we will forbear at this present to deliver the causes, making an end of this Book, and we will endeavour in the following Book to set down every thing in its place. After this Philip came to Argos, where he passed the remainder of the Winter with his friends, and sent back his Army into Macedony.  
The end of the Fourth Book of Polybius.   

THE FIFTH BOOK OF the History of POLYBIUS'.  
THe Year of Arate his Government being ended about May (for so the Acheins measure the time) he left it, 
Eperate Chief of the Acheins and Dorimach● of the etolians.  and Epirate took it▪ And Dorimache was then Chief of the etolians. At the same time Summer beginning, Hannibal was parted from Carthage with his Army, for that the War grew ho●e betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians, and made haste (passing Ebro) to go into Italy. Then the Romans sent Titus Sempronius with an Army into Africa, and Publius Cornelius into Spain. Antiochus and Ptolemy having no more hope to decide their Controversy concerning Syria, neither by Embassies nor meetings, had begun the War. And then King Philip pressed with want of Victuals and money for his Army, caused the Acheins to assemble by their Magistrates. But when as the people were met at Egia, according to the custom of the Country, the King seeing Arate much discontented for the affront which he had received from Appelles, at the time of the Election, and that Eperate was disdained of them all, as a man simple by Nature and slothful, and was held as a scorn, knowing also the treachery of Appelles and Leonce, he began again to turn his affection to Arate. And after that he had persuaded the Magistrates to refer their Diet to Sicyon, he spoke courteously to old and young Arate, and persuaded them to continue in their first affection, charging Appelles with all that had been done. Whereunto they consenting, he presently after his entry into the Assembly, obtained by their favour was necessary for his present affairs: for it was ordered by the Acheins that they should pay unto the King thirty thousand Crowns: 
Money & Corn delivered to Philip by the Acheins.  That is to say, three months pay for the Soldiers; and threescore and eleven mines of Wheat, (every mine being valued at five Quarters, a Comb and a Bushel of London measure) and withal as long as Philip should remain in Morea, he should have six thousand two hundred Crowns monthly. Which being done▪ the Acheins returned every man to his Town. But winter being past, and the Troops returned, the King thought it best to assail the enemy by Sea: for he saw well that by this means he might enter their Country, and surprise them on either side, and that they should not be able to succour one another, aswell for the distance that is betwixt them, and for the newness of the War by Sea, as also for that they should be amazed at the sudden descent of their Enemies: for at that time he made War against the etolians, Lacedæmonians, and Eliens●s.  
After this resolution, he drew together the Acheins Vessels and his own at leech, 
The nature of the Macedonians  a Port of Corinthe: Commanding that in the mean time, they should enure the Soldiers to the Oar, wherein the Macedonians did him great service. You must understand that they are excellent men at Land in a pitched field, and ready at Sea in Combats of Surprise. Moreover, they have not their equals to Rampire and Fortify: and they complain not of their pains in such affairs: Finally, they are like unto the Eacides, whom Hesiodus brings in rejoicing more for War then a Banquet. The King stayed at Corinthe with the Macedonians, being busy in the preparation of the Sea Army. Appelles who could not alter the King's humour and disposition, 
The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉.  nor suffer any abatement in his credit, being full of disdain, he made a Conspiracy with Leonce and Megal●e, which was, that they being present, should hinder the King's erterprises, when opportunity did serve; and that for his part he would go to Chalcis to stop the Victuals that should come to the King's Army. When he had plotted this, he went presently thither, to put it in practice against the King: wherein he kept his Promise, and forced him to engage his plate and all the rest of his movables.  
When as the Army at Sea was drawn together, and the Macedonians accustomed to the Oa●e, and that the Soldiers had received Corn and Money, Philip set Sail to Corinthe, and arrived three days after, having six thousand Macedonians, and twelve Hundred Mercenaries. At what time Dorimache Chief of the etolians sent Ag●laus and Scope unto the Elienses with twelve Hundred Candyets newly levied. The Elie●ses fearing that Philip would come and besiege Cyllene, levied Voluntaries with all speed, and likewise made a levy of men within the City, 
The forces which Philip left at Dyme.  doing their endeavours to fortify Cyllene. Philip advertised hereof, he left at Dime the Mercenaries of the Acheins, and the Candyots which he had with him, and some Horsemen Gauls, and about two thousand foot of the choice of the Acheins, for the guard and safety of the place against the assaults and attempts of the Elienses. And as a little before he had Written unto the Messeniens, Epirates, Acarnaniens and to Scerdilaide, to meet him in Cephalenia with their Equipage by Sea, he parts presently from Patres, and sails directly into Cephalenia to the Burrow of Prones. But when he saw it difficult to besiege, and the Country straight, he passed on with his whole Army, and came to Palea: Where seeing the Region fertile in Corn, and in all other manner of munition, and fit to feed his Army, he landed his men, and planted his Camp near unto the Town Wals. He also drew his ships a shore, and environed them with deep Ditches and strong Pallisadoes, fitting for their defence. He likewise sent the Macedonians to forage, and himself went to view the Town: and resolved to set up his Engines, and to make all necessary preparations to force it, meaning to attend the succours of friends and Allies, and to make the Town subject to his obedience: As well to deprive the Elienses of the greatest benefit and commodity they had by Sea (for without doubt they sailed into Morea by night, with the Cephalenian ships, and spoiled the Sea Coasts of the Epirotes and acarnanians) as also to prepare this Town for his Allies, as a retreat in the 〈◊〉 Country.  
Now for the Situation of Cephalenia, 
The situation of Cephalen●●a.  it lies within the shore of the Corinthian Gulf, looking towards the Sea of Sicily, and bends towards the parts of Morea, which turn towards the North and West, and likewise towards the Province of the Elienses, and the parts of Epirus, Etolia, and Acarnania, which have their aspect towards the South and East. Wherhfore he resolved to do what possibly he might, to Conquer this Island, for the place was very convenient to assemble the Allies, and well seated to offend the enemy's Towns, and for the defence of those of the League. And when he saw that all the Quarters of the Town were environed, partly with the Sea, and partly with steepy Rocks, and that there was only a little plain which looks towards Zacinthe, he was fully resolved to plant his Battery there, and to prepare and make all things necessary for the siege.  
In the mean time there arrived fifteen ships of War sent by Scerdilaide, saying, that for the present he could not furnish and make ready any more, by reason of some mutinies and dissensions which had lately happened in Sclavonia. There also arrived succours and supplies from the Epirotes, acarnanians, and Messeniens, as he had ordained: For the Messeniens maintained the rest of the War freely, after the taking of the City of Phigalee. When as the King had prepared and made things necessary for the siege, and the Engines of Battery were appointed in convenient places, he approaches them to the Town encouraging and giving heart to his men: By whose means after they had mined, they presently opened a Quarter of the Wall, the which was underpropt with great pieces of Timber, so great is the experience & knowledge of the Macedonians in such affairs. Then Philip approaching nearer unto the Wall, he began to summon the besieged to yield. But upon their refusal, they suddenly set fire on that part of the Wall, and overthrew it. This being done he sent the Soldiers which carried Targets to make the point, 
Leonce Traitor to Philip.  being under the Charge of Leonce, commanding them to assail it and enter that way.  
Leonce remembering his Conspiracy, and finding an opportunity to put it in execution, persuaded three young men of his followers, which marched before all his Troops to the assault of the Town, that they should hinder the taking thereof, winning the Captains of their acquaintance, and Charging very faintly as if they were afraid. By this means they were shamefully repulsed and beaten off from the assault having many Wounded and soar hurt: Although they might easily have had the Victory, and have come off with a great deal of honour. The King seeing the fear of the Captains, and the multitude that were Wounded, raised the siege. And from that time he assembled his Friends and Allies, holding a Council of that which he had to do for the future.  
In the mean time Lycurgus entered into Messenia with an Army: And Dorimache with half the Et●liens, falls into Thessaly: 
Ambassadors sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens.  Wherefore Ambassadors come unto the King from the Acarnaniens and Messeniens. He of the acarnanians entreated him to make a Descent into the etolians Country, to the end he might draw Dorimache from his Enterprise, and that he would spoil and consume all the Enemy's Countries. He of the Messeniens demanded Succours, showing that it was but a day's journey from Cephalenia unto Messena, a Northerly Wind blowing: And therefore Gorgon said that the Voyage would be sudden and of great profit and gain. Leonce remembering his Conspiracy, held for Gorgon, seeing plainly that by this means, Philip should spend all the Spring in doing nothing: For the Voyage from thence to Messena was easy, but the return impossible; for the Winds blew still Northerly.  
Wherefore it was apparent that if Philip passed with his Army thither, he should consume the rest of the Spring idly, and in the mean time the etolians overrunning Thessaly and Epirus, would put all to fire and Sword. This was the reason why he Counselled this and such like things. But Arate was of a contrary mind and opinion: For he was of advice that they should sail into Etolia, and to make War first there: For he imagined that the time was very fitting and convenient to spoil and ruin the Province, for that the etolians were gone to the War with Dorimache. The King followed no more the Council of Leonce in any thing, both for that the affairs succeeded ill in the last siege, as for that he was resolved to embrace that of Arate, considering the long experience and practise he had of his Wisdom▪ Wherefore he wrote unto Eperate Chief of the Acheins that in holding the Legions suddenly ready, he should succour and aid the Messeniens. And in the mean time he parts from Cephalenia, and two days after arrives in the middle of the night with his Army by Sea at Leucade: And from thence holding his course a long the Sea of Ambracia, the which as we have formerly said, parting from that of Sicily, extends itself into Etolia. And when he was come unto the Marshes, he stayed there a little before day, and causeth his men to feed and refresh their weary bodies, commanding them to be ready without any Baggage. Then he called his guides and inquires of the places and Towns, and of all things else that were necessary.  
At the same time Aristophantes arrived with a good Troop of acarnanians, having a great desire to revenge the great and many outrages, which the etolians had done them in former times. Wherefore receiving the Macedonians willingly, they drew to Arms, not they only which were bound by the Law, but even many old men. The Epirotes had no less desire to do the like for many reasons: But they could not assemble in time for the great extent of the Province, and the sudden coming of Philip, Dorimache, as we have formerly said, had half the etolians with him, and left the rest in several parts of the Country to be ready, if any new accident should happen.  
The King parting after noon from the Fens, and having left sufficient force to guard the Baggage, when he had marched about three score Furlongs, he pla●ted his Campe. Where after he had stayed some certain space, and had caused his Soldiers to feed, and refresh themselves being formerly wearied, he continued his course: So as marching all night, 
The River of Acheloe.  he arrived before day at the River of Acheloe, betwixt Conope and Strate, seeking to surprise Ther●e by a way which they did not regard. Leonce and Megalee foresaw for two reasons that the King would prevail in his enterprise, and that the etolians would have the worst. The one was, that the Macedonians descent was sudden, and much more speedy than they could immagive: The other, that the etolians fearing not that Philip passing by those rough and difficult Countries, would be unprovided. Wherefore considering these things, and mindful of their Conspiracy, they advised Philip that in seating of his Camp near to the River of Acheloe, he should refresh his Army for the last night's labour: Hoping that by this means the etolians should have time to seek for succours, from their friends and Allies.  
But Arate holding the time very precious to effect the King's Resolution, and that Leonce and Megalee like Traitors sought how to stop and prevent his passage, he entreats Philip not to lose so fair an opportunity. Following whose advice, the King beginning to be discontented with Leonce and Megalee, he proceeded in his journey: And passing the River of Acheloe he marched directly unto Therm with his whole Army, putting all to fire and Sword: On the left hand he, left the Towns of Strate, Agrinia, and Testia: And upon the right hand he left Conope, Lysimachia, Tryconia, and Philea. Being come to the Town of Methape, which lies betwixt Tryconia and the Fens, about threescore furlongs distant from Therm, the etolians fled. Wherefore he took it, and put into it a Garrison of five hundred men, 
Methape taken by Philip.  to the end he might make use of it for a Retreat, aswell in his passage as in his return by those straits: For the Country especially about the Fens is Mountainous, difficult, and environed with thick Forests.  
By this means the way is very troublesome, and in a manner inaccessible. Then he put the Voluntaries in the forward, and after them the Sclanonians: 
The order which Philip held to pass the straits of Therm.  Then followed the Targeteers and the Leginaries, and in this manner he marched through the straits, having the Candying in the Rear, and the Thraciens on the right Wing for a support. In regard of the left side, the Fens did fortify them about thirty Furlongs in length or rather more. When he had speedily past the straits, and taken the Burrow of Pamphia, and had put a Garrison into it, he proceeded towards Therm, which is not only difficult and inaccessible, but hath also deep Valleys round about it: so as in some places the way is dangerous and narrow, with an Assent about thirty furlongs high. The which having soon past, for that the Macedonians had carried themselves like brave men, 
Therm spoilt by the Macedonians.  he came in the dead of the night unto Therm, a very rich and likewise a fair Town: Where planting his Camp, he abandoned the Country and the Houses of Therm to the spoil of the Soldiers, the which were furnished not only with Corn, and all other manner of munition, but with the richest movables of the Etolieus: For every man carried thither the richest stuff he had, for that yearly they kept Fairs and Feasts there, and they made their Election: And withal they held this place for the safest and most surest of all the rest, whereunto no man durst approach; being such by Nature, as it seemed to be the Fort of all Etolia.  
Wherefore the Houses (considering their long peace) were full of all Wealth, not only those that were near unto the Temple, but in all other places. They rested this night within the Town, being enriched with spoils. The next day they made choice of the best, and set fire of the rest. They also took the best Arms, which hung up in their Cloisters or Galleries, and changed some, setting fire of the rest, being above fifteen thousand. You must understand that hitherto they managed the War justly, and according to its Laws. But I know not what to say of that which follows: For they ruined all the Cloisters and stately Houses, and overthrew all the ornaments which had been made with great care and Charge, calling to mind that which the etolians had done, at the Temple of jupiter Dodonee. They not only consumed the building by fire, but they ruined all the Walls: And withal they overthrew and beat in pieces above two thousand Images, yet they would not touch those which had the figure or inscription of one God. They had graven upon the Walls▪ when as the dexterity of Same, the son of Chrisogone (who had been nursed with the same milk that the King) began to show itself, This vulgar Verse: Thou scest the God, which will terrify him with his Dart.  
The King and his Friends thought they had done well, and that by means they had revenged with the like recompense the execration which the etolians had made unto God. But for my own part, I am of another opinion; and every man may judge whither I have reason, calling unto mind the example of Kings of the same Line, and not of other Races. 
The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedæmonians:  When as Antigonus had chased away Cleomenes King of the Lacedæmonians and was Lord of Sparta, he forbore to use any outrage or cruelty to the Lacedæmonians, and carried himself not only like a moderate and temperate man, but was also gracious unto his Enemies: And returned into his Country leaving the Lacedæmonians in their full liberty, doing them many favours, both in general and particular. So as they not only termed him at that time their Benefactor, but likewise after his Death they called him their Saviour: So as he not only purchased Praise and immortal glory with the Lacedæmonians, but likewise withal other Nations, Moreover Philip who first enlarged the Realm of Macedony, and made the name of his Race great, he did not win the Athenians (after that he had Vanquished them in Cheronia) so much by Arms, as by his mild course of living, and the sweetness and gentleness of his Nature.  
It is true, that he Vanquished those that came against him to Battle: and had won the Athenians and their City: Not by a continuance of his Choler and indignation against the Vanquished, but in fight with his Enemies until occasion were offered to show his mildness and Virtue: 
The courtesy of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians▪  For he sent unto the Athenians (who had done him many wrongs) their Prisoners free, and caused such as had been slain in the Battle to be interred, soliciting the Athenians afterwards, to carry away the bones unto the Sepulchers of their Ancestors. And afterwards sending back the said bones, and many slaves freed, being lightly attired with Antipater, he decided a great business by his industry: So as the untamed hearts of the Athenians, being Vanquished by his magnanimity, they were always after obedient unto him, and ready to satisfy his desires. What did Alexander, 
Alexander the Great.  whose Choler was so great against the Thebans, as he made all the Citizen's slaves: and razed their City unto the ground, reducing some of their Princes into servitude, sending others into Banishment, and taking all their Wealth? Yet his rage and fury did not so far exceed, as to force and violate the Temples of the immortal Gods, using all possible diligence, to keep his men from committing any disorder and villainy. And when he passed into Asia, to revenge the outrages which the Persians had done unto the Grecians, he punished the men which had committed them, according to their deserts: but he touched not the Temples: Although the Persians had most wronged the Grecians therein.  
This Philip should have considered to the end he should not be so much esteemed, 
The blame of Philip.  the Heir of the aforesaid Kings in their Sovereignty, as in life and Conversation. He did what possibly he could in his life time, to show himself to be of the blood of Alexander and Philip: But he did not care to imitate them, nor to do as they had done. Wherefore leading another course of life, he also left another opinion of him with all Nations. For as he laboured to yield the like unto the etolians for their outrages, and to purge evil by evil, he thought not to offend. Calling to mind the outrages which Scope and Dorimache had done unto the Temple of jupiter Dedonee, he did not perceive that he committed the like error, straying wonderfully from reason. 
The Laws of War.  It is true that the Laws of War, permit to use cruelty against enemies, and to ruin and spoil their Castles, and Gardens, Towns, and Burroughes, Ships, Fruits, and such like: To the end that their forces may be weakened, and his own fortified and augmented. But it is the Act of a furious and mad man, to ruin those things that are neither any way profitable or commodious unto himself, nor hurtful unto his enemy: As Temples, Cloisters, Images, and such like.  
It is not sitting that a good and virtuous man, should persecute his Enemy to his total ruin. It sufficeth only that the faults of Delinquents may be purged and Corrected; and not to ruin with the unjust those things which have not offended, nor to seek to destroy and pull down with the Enemy that which hath committed no outrage. 
The practice of a Tyrant.  It is the practice of a cruel Tyrant, to Reign in doing evil, forcing his people through fear, and living in mutual hatred with his Subjects. 
The Duty of a King.  But the duty of a King is to do good unto all men, governing his people without fear, with bounty and Clemency: And living with his Citizens in mutual love and friendship. But we shall see more plainly the great error which Philip committed, if we shall truly consider the opinion which the etolians might have had of him, if he had not ruined the Cloisters and Images, nor carried away the Ornaments of the Temple. I conceive that being culpable of the things, which had been committed at the Temple of jupiter Dedonee, they might have seen plainly that Philip could have done the like, and yet it had been cruelty, the which notwithstanding in show he had done with reason: And that he would not imitate and follow their Wickedness in regard of his Bounty and Magnanimity, they would undoubtedly have condemned themselves for their faults, in commending and approving Philip with great admiration, for that like a magnanimous King, he had carried a respect unto the Gods, and executed his Choler upon them.  
There is no doubt, 
To vanquish an enemy by mildness.  but it is better to vanquish an Enemy by mildness and Clemency, then by force and might: For by Arms necessity forceth men to obedience; but mildness draws them to it willingly. By the one faults are corrected with loss: And by the other offenders amend and reform themselves without damage. Moreover in the one the Soldier's attribute unto themselves the greatest part of the glory, which is a great matter: But in courtesy, gentleness, and mildness, all the Victory is given unto the Commander. So as happily considering his age, they will not attribute to Philip the greatest part of those things which he had done, but to those that were in the War with him, of which number were Arate and Demetrius of Phare. The which would be easy to say unto him, although he had not been there present, and that this outrage done unto the Gods, had been by the advice of one of them. It is true, that this was done contrary to the course of Arates life, during the which he never did any thing rashly, nor without consideration: whereas Demetrius did always the contrary. There are likewise particular presumptions thereof, whereof we will speak when it shall be fit.  
Philip then (returning to out discourse) parts from Therm, laden with all spoils: and returns the same way he came, causing the Baggage to go before, with those that were best armed: and placing the acarnanians in Rearward with the Mercenaries, he made haste to pass the straits. He feared that the Enemies relying upon the advantage of the place, might charge him in the Rear. The which was presently put in practice, for that the etolians having drawn together three thousand men, never approaching near unto Philip, whilst he held the high Country, made their Ambushes in scattered places under the command of Alexander. But when the Rearward began to march, they entered into Therm, charging them upon the Tail. 
The etolians charge Philip's Rearward.  When as the alarm was given, the etolians relying much upon the advantage of places, pursued them with great courage. But Philip having wisely provided for the future, had left the Sclavonians in Ambush under a certain Hill, with many others that were armed with Targets. Who seeing the pursuit of the etolians, they marched against him with great fury, and presently slew six or seven score, and took as many: the rest saved themselves by infamous and shameful flight.  
The Acarnanians and Mercenaries, after they had gotten the victory, 
Paphia burri●.  they presently set fire on Paphia: and when they had past the straits with great speed, they found the Macedonians. Philip seated his Camp near unto Methape, staying for his men. 
Methape razed by Philip.  And parting from thence after he had razed it, he comes to a Town called Atres. Then continuing his way for three days together, he wasted the whole Country: The day following he planted his Camp near unto Conope, where he stayed the next day. After which he marched at the break of day towards Strate, where he passed the River of Acheloe, and lodged within a Bows shoot of the Town, drawing the Inhabitants often to skirmish. For he had been advertised, that there were three thousand Etolien foot within it, and about four hundred Horse, with five hundred Candiots. When as no man durst come forth, he raised his Camp again, and at the first took his way towards the Fens, to recover his ships. But when as the Rear of his Army began to pass the Town, 
The etolians made a sally out of Strate.  a number of Etolien Horsemen make a sally and charge them. They were presently followed by a Troop of Candiots, and many etolians came to succour their Horsemen, the acarnanians being in danger, turned head against the Enemy, and the Combat began betwixt them. The Victory was long in suspense: Finally, Philip sent the Sclanonians to succour the Mercenaries. Wherefore the etolians being vanquished, fled of all sides. Those which the King had sent, pursued the greatest part of them to the Gates and walls of the Town, whereof there were a hundred slain in the chase: the rest durst no more show themselves in Field. By this means the King's Army retired without danger to their ships.  
After which Philip planted his Camp, and gave thanks unto the Gods for the good fortune which he had obtained according to his desire: And making a Banquet, he invited all the Captains. It seemed true, that he had passed by dangerous places, into the which no man before him durst lead an Army. But he not only past them, but did what he would, and returned without loss or danger. Moreover, Megalee and Leonce (discontented at the King's good fortune having sworn to Appelles to hinder all his erterprises: which they could not effect, for that all things succeeded happily to Philip) were present at this Supper sad and pensive: so as they discovered easily unto the King, and to the other assistants what their hearts were. But when the Tables were taken away, and they were well inflamed with their free drinking, they returned to their Tents, seeking for Arate. Whom when they met upon the way, 
Megalee and Leonce do outrage to Arate.  they used many injurious speeches against him, and began to assault him with stones. But for that much people came of either side to succour them, there grew a great mutiny in the Campe. Philip hearing the Trumpet, sent men to inquire, and to pacify this tumult. To whom Arate declaring the business as it had past, and referring himself to the testimony of those that were present, he returned presently unto his Tent. Leonce retired secretly out of the press. Philip causeth Megalee and Crinon to be called, with whom he was much offended. And when as they answered him proudly, that they would never cease until they had been revenged of Arate: 
Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crowns.  The King incensed therewith, condemned them presently in twelve thousand Crowns, and to be committed to Prison. Three days after he calls for Arate, and entreats him not to care, promising him to give order for all things when as opportunity shall serve. Leonce advertised of the imprisonment of Megalee, came with force to the King's Tent: immagining that Philip (considering his youth) would alter his sentence for fear. Being come before the King, he demanded what man was so hardy to lay hand on Megalee, and who had committed him to Prison. But when as the King answered boldly, that he had done it, Leonce went away amazed, and in a manner sighing.  
Philip setting sail with his Fleet, came presently to Leucade: where after he had appointed men to divide the spoil, he called all his friends to judge Megalee. There Arate laid before them the outrages of Leonce, the great wrongs he suffered in the time of Antigonus, the Conspiracy he made with Appelles, and the hindrance he gave at Palea: To all which things he produced witnesses. Whereunto when Megalee nor Crinon could not answer any thing, 
The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon.  they were condemned by all the assembly. Whereupon Crinon remained a Prisoner: But Megalee was delivered upon Leonces caution. This was the estate of Appelles and his Confederates: whose Fortune was not such as they expected: For hoping to tertifie Arate, and to do what they would with the King, and by this means to prevail in their wills, all things succeeded contrary.  
In the mean time Lycurgus retires out of the Messeniens Country, having done nothing worthy of memory. Afterwards parting from Lacedaemon with an Army, 
Lycurgus takes the Town of Elea.  he took the Town of Elea, and besieged the Fort, whereinto the Citizens were retired: where after he had stayed there some time, and seeing his labour lost, he returned again to Sparta. And when as the Esienses over ran the Country of the Dimenses, some Horse men which were in Ambush, and come to succour them, put them easily to flight, and slew a good number of Gauls, taking Prisoners those of the Towns of Polymede of Egia, Agisipolis and Diode of Dime. Dorimache was gone in the beginning with an Army only of etolians, thinking that he might safely overrun Thessaly, and by this means draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea. But being advertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and ●ight with him, he durst not enter into the Plain, but always kept the top of the Mountains with his Army. And when he had news of the coming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉, ●e l●aues Thessaly presently to go and succour his Country: where being advertised of the King's retreat, not knowing what to do, and disappointed in all his erterprises, he remained sad and discontented.  
The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleet, having spoiled and wasted the Seacoasts, landed at Corinthe with his Army, 
Philip comes to Corinthe.  leaving his ships at leech. Then he sent Letters to all the allied Towns of Morea, to advertise them of the day when they should come in Arms to Tegee. Which things being thus ordered, without making any long stay at Corinthe, he parted with his Army: and passing by the Country of Argos, three days after his departure, he came to Tegee: whereas after he had received the Acheins which were there assembled, he proceeded in his course, passing secretly by the Mountains, he laboured to enter the Country of Sparta, before the Lacedæmonians should be advertised. Where having marched four days by the Deserts of the Mountains, he came to those which were right against the City: Then leaving Menelaie on the right hand, he drew to Amycle. The Lacedæmonians seeing the Army pass by their City, 
Menelaie.  they wondered at this strange accident, 
Amycle.  and being terrified with this sudden fear, they knew not what to do: For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they said Philip had lately done at Therm, and throughout all Etolia. And there was a certain bruit amongst them, that Lic●rgus was sent to succour the etolians. As for Philip's sudden descent into the Country of Sparta, no man had ever thought of it, and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt. Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope, 
The great diligence of Philip.  the world had reason to fear: for Philip managing the War with greater courage and policy than his age did bear, he terrified his Enemies. And namely (as we have said) he parted from Etolia, and p●ssing the Gulf of Ambracia in one night, he came to Leucade, where staying two days, and parting the third early in the morning, he arrived two days after at Corinthe, having spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia, and from thence continuing his course, he came within nine days to the Mountains which are right against Sparta, near unto Menelaie: so as they could hardly believe it when they saw him. The Lacedæmonians then terrified with the greatness and newness of this accident, knew not what Counceli to take, nor to whom to have recourse.  
The day following Philip camps near unto Amycle. It is a place in the Spartains Country, 
The situation of Amycle. The Temple of Apollo.  abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth, twenty Furlongs from Lacedaemon: Where the Temple of Apollo stands, being the most excellent of all the rest of the Province, as well for Art as wealth, being seated in that part of the Town which locks towards the Sea. Three days after when he had spoiled the whole Country, he went to the Castle of Pyrrhus, where he stayed two days, and wasting the whole Country, he put all to fire and sword, and planted his Camp near unto Carnia. From whence he suddenly marched to Assina, from whence (after he had attempted in vain to take it by affault) he raised the Si●ge, and wasted all the rest of the Country, marching directly to Tenare: From thence ●●●ning his way▪ he draws to the Lacedæmonians Haven, 
The Port of Gythia.  which they call Gythia: where there is a safe Port, about thirty Furlongs from the City. The leaving it on the right hand, he planted his Camp near to Elea: which is (if we consider it well) the greatest and best Country of the Spartains: The which he abandoned to the Soldiers, who put it to fire and sword. He also spoilt the Acriens and Lenques, and the whole Country of the Boys.  
The Messeniens having received Letters from Philip, were no less diligent than the other Allies, who levied men presently within their Towns, and sent the most able unto the King, to the number of two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse. But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the King's departure. And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should do, fearing likewise that it would seem, they had willingly made this delay for the suspicion they had of them in the beginning, they resolved to enter the Spartains Country, to the end they might join speedily with the King. 
The Castle of Olympes.  Being come unto the Castle of Olympes, which is seated near unto the Mountains of the Argives and Lacedæmonians, and had set themselves down foolishly and without consideration: for they did not fortify themselves neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes, neither did they choose a convenient place: But relying on the goodwill of the Inhabitants, they lodged simply near unto the Walls. Lycurgus advertised of their coming, takes the Mercenaries, and part of the Lacedæmonians, and goes directly to the Enemy. Where arriving at the break of day, he marcheth in Battle against the Messeniens: who perceiving him, abandoned all, 
The Messeniens surprised by Lycurgus.  and fled by heaps into this Castle. Lycurgus recovered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage, but he took not a man: he only slew eight Horsemen. The Messeniens after this defeat returned by the Argives Country. Lycurgus' proud of this good fortune, being returned to Sparta, useth all speed to levy men, and to prepare all things necessary for the War, labouring that Philip might not return by the Spartains Country without a Battle or danger. The King parts with his Army from Elia, spoiling all as he passeth, 
Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as he passeth.  and brought all back on the fourth day to Amycle. Lycurgus having resolved with his Friends and Captains to give Battle to the Macedonians, goes out of the City, and recovers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foot, commanding them of the City to be watchful, and when they should see a sign, they should speedily make sallies by diverse places, taking their way towards Eurota, which is a River near unto the City. These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedæmonians at that time.  
But to the end that what we say, may not seem obscure by the ignorance of places, we must declare the nature and situation: The which we will endeavour to do throughout our whole work, always joining places known to the unknown: For the difference of Countries do many times deceive in War, as well by Sea as Land. Our desire is, that all men should know not only the things, but how they were done. And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things, but especially in War: neither may we blame the use of Fe●s, Seas, and Lands for signs: and sometimes of Temples, Mountains, Towns, and certain Countries: nor finally the difference of circumstances: For these are things common to all men. It is also the means to advertise the Reader of things unknown, as we have said. The situation of places whereof we speak is this. Although that Lacedaemon seems to stand in a plain, yet it hath here and there rough and hilly places: near unto which towards the East, passeth this River which they call Erota, 
The River of Erota.  the which for the most part of the year is not to be waded through, by reason of its great depth. The Mountains wherein Menelaie stands, are on the other side of the River towards the City, which look towards the Winter's East: the which are tough and difficult and wonderful high: And bend over the Plain which lies betwixt the River and the City, by the which it takes its course along the foot of the Mountains. The King was of necessity to pass that way, having the City on the left hand, and the Lacedæmonians ready and in Arms: And on the right hand the River, and those which were in the Mountains with Lycurgus.  
Matters standing in this estate, the Lacedæmonians bethought themselves of a stratagem, by the which in breaking of a Dam, they should drown all the Plain betwixt the City and the foot of the Mountains, so as neither Horse nor Foot should be able to pass. By this means they saw the King should be forced to lead his Army by the foot of the Mountains: the which he could not do without great danger: for that he should be forced to extend his Army in length, and not united and close, and to march a slow pace. Philip seeing this, assembles his Friends, and was of opinion, that he must first chase away Lycurgus from the places which he held. Wherefore he takes in his company the Mercenaries, the Targeteers, and the Sclavonians, and began to march directly towards the Mountains to pass the River. Lycurgus understanding of the King's resolution, put his men in Battle, and persuades them to do their duties in fight, and withal he makes a sign to them of the City, as he had promised. Which done, the Soldiers presently sally forth, putting the Horsemen on the right wing. When Philip came near unto Lycurgus, he sent the Mercenaries to give the first charge, of whom the Lacedæmonians had the better at the first, by reason of the advantage of the place and the manner of their Arms. But when as he had sent the Targeteers with the Sclavonians to succour the Mercenaries, there was so great an alteration, as the Mercenaries seemed to have the victory in their hands: 
The ●light of the Lacedæmonians.  And the Lacedæmonians amazed at the fury of them that were well armed, fled presently, as despairing of their safety. There died about a hundred men: and some few more taken: the rest recovered the City.  
Lycurgus taking his way by inaccessible woods, arrived the night following at the City. When as Philip had put a sufficient strength of Sclavonians into the Mountains, he returned with them that were lightly armed, and the Targeteers to his Army. At the same time Arate bringing back the Army from Amycle, was not far from the City▪ with whom the King (passing the River) joined, and appointed them that were well armed to make head against the Horsemen at the foot of the Mountain. When as the Lacedaemonian Horsemen had charged the Macedonians, and the targeteers had fought valiantly, and withal the King had performed his duty well, they were in the end repulsed shamefully to the gates of the City. Afterwards the King past Eurota safely, and was forced to settle his Camp in the night, at his coming forth of the straits, in a place which was very strong by nature. Finally, the King had an humour to overrun the Country near to Lacedaemon. In the beginning of the said straits upon the approaches from Teges by the firm Land to Lacedaemon, there is a place about two Furlongs distant from the City, under the which the River hath its course: the which embraceth the City and the side of the River, with a steep and inaccessible Mountain. The foot of this Mountain is a slimy and watery Plain, as well for the entry as the going forth of an Army: so as whosoever plants his Camp there, in seizing upon the Hill, seems to camp safely, and to be in a sure place, in regard of the Town which is opposite, having under its power the entry and issue of the straits. Philip having seated his Camp there, he causeth the Baggage to march the next day, and draws his Army into the Plain, in view of the Town. Where after he had stayed some time, he wheels about like a Bow, and takes his way towards Tegea. And when he came into the Country where that famous Battle was fought betwixt Antigonus and Cleomenes, he planted his Camp there.  
Three days after when the places were well viewed, and the Sacrifices performed in two Mountains, whereof the one is called Olympe, and the other Eva, he went on his way, and came to Tegea, where he stayed some time to divide the spoil: Then suddenly he returned to Corinthe with his Army. Thither came Ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios to the King, 
Ambassadors from Rhodes to Chios.  to mediate a peace betwixt him and the etolians. To whom the King giving a gracious reception, he told them that he had long, and at that present was ready to embrace a peace if the etolians held it fit, and that they should go unto them, and consider of the means thereof. From thence he went to Leche, and prepared himself to embark, desiring to decide some pressing affairs at Phocis.  
At the same time Leonce, Megalee, and Ptolemy thinking yet to terrify the King, and by that means to repair their errors, calls the Targeteers, and those whom the Macedonians term, the King's Troop: whom they inform that they are daily in great danger without any recompense, or any share in the spoil, according to the ancient custom approved by all men. By means whereof they persuade these young men to assail and spoil the Lodgings of the King's principal Minions, and that falling upon the Kings own Lodging, they should overthrow the Gates and covering. The which when they had done, 
A mutiny against philip and his men.  there grew a great mutiny in the Town. Philip hearing the noise, makes haste to return from the Port: And drawing the Macedonians together, he pacifieth them partly with words, and blaming them for the things which they had done. And when as the fury increased, and that some were of opinion to chase out of the Town those that had been the cause of the mutiny, others saying that this fury of the Commons ought to be pacified without any greater punishment, the King dissembled his conceit for the present: And being as it were persuaded by them, he returned to the Haven, after he had given them many admonitions, knowing well the heads of this villainy: But he thought good to defer it to a more convenient time. Leonce and his Faction despairing, 
Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles.  for that none of their erterprises succeeded, retired to Appelles, and caused him to come from Cal●is, giving him to understand that they could not do any thing without him, for that the King crossed them in all things. Appals had carried himself in Calcis with greater liberty than was fit: for he gave them to understand that the King was young, under his Guard and without any power, terming himself Lord, and sole Governor of all things. Wherefore all the Princes of Macedony and Thessaly addressed themselves to him in all affairs. Within a short time likewise all the Cities of Gre●ce had forgotten the King in their elections, honours, and offices: Only Appelles managed all affairs. The King being long before advertised thereof, was much discontented and incensed: whereunto Arate spurred him on continually, although he dissembled his conceit so well, as no man could discover it. Appelles' ignorant of the King's resolution, and thinking to obtain any thing when he should present himself unto him, came from Calcis to Corinthe. When he came near the Town, Leonce, Ptolemy, and Megalee Chief of the Targeteers, and other Soldiers that were best armed, gave him a great reception, persuading the youth to go and mere him. He came then to the King's lodging in pomp, being attended on by the Captains and Soldiers. When as he sought (as he was wont) to enter suddenly, a certain Usher told him, that he must have patience, for that the King was busy for the present. Appelles' wondering at this new manner of proceeding, remained pensive for a time, after which he departed discontented, and without judgement: all the rest likewise abandoned him, so as he returned alone to his lodging, having no other Company but his own Family. O how suddenly are men advanced to great honours, 
The misery of Courtiers.  and in as short time reduced to greater miseries: especially such as frequent Prince's Courts. They are like unto Lots, which they usually give in public Counsels. For as those which a little before were were given in Copper, are suddenly turned into Gold, according to the will of those that dispose of them: So they which follow the Courts of Princes, are according to the Kings will and pleasure, happy one day, and miserable the next. When Megalee knew that he had sought the assistance of Appelles in vain, he trembled for fear, and intended to fly. After that day Appelles was called to Banquets and other honours that were done: but he never entered into the privy Council, nor assisted at the ordinary resolutions which were taken for affairs.  
Soon after the King returned to Phocis, leading Appelles with him: Whereas having speedily effected his will, he returned again to Elatia. During this, 
The flight of Megalee.  Megalee flies to Athens, leaving Leonce caution for him for twelve thousand Crowns. And when as the Chief of the Athenians would not receive him, he returned to Thebes. The King being parted from the Country which lies about Circe, he sailed to the Port of Sicyonia with the Targeteers and his Guard. From whence coming suddenly to the Town, he preferred the lodging of Arate before the other Princes, making his continual abode with him, commanding Appelles to sail to Corinthe. When as news came in the mean time of the flight of Megalee, he sent Taurion with the Targeteers whom Leonce had under his charge to Triphalia, as if he had been forced thereunto by some great affairs. After whose departure, he causeth Leonce to be apprehended. 
The taking of Leonce.  The Targeteers advertised hereof, sent an Embassy to the King to entreat him that if Leonce had been taken for any other thing then for the caution, that the judgement might not be given before their return: Otherwise they should think themselves contemned, and in disgrace with the King. The King pricked forward by the importunity of the Soldiers, he put Leonce to death sooner than he had resolved.  
During the which, the Ambassadors of Rhodes and Chios returned from Etolia, having agreed upon a Month's truce: and saying that the etolians were ready to treat a peace with the Knig, appointing moreover a day when he should meet with them near unto Rhie: Being confident that they would do whatsoever he pleased to have a peace. The The King accepting the truce, sent Letters to the Allies, willing them to send Ambassadors to Patres, to confer with him on the conditions of the peace. Then he parts from leech, and arrives two days after at Patres. At the same time they bring unto him Letters from Phocis, which Megalee himself had written unto the etolians: by the which he solicits them to maintain the War courageously, for that the King could not long continue it for want of victuals and other munition. Moreover, they contained many scandalous and opprobrious speeches against the King. The which being read, the King conceiving that Appelles had been the cause and the beginning of these practices, 
Appelles' taken Prisoner.  causeth him to be taken and brought to Corinthe, with his Son and Concubine: And he sent Alexander to Thebes, giving him charge to bring Megalee, 
Megalee kills himself.  to the end his caution might be discharged. But when as Alexander thought to execute his charge, Megalee prevented him, and slew himself. In a manner at the same time, Appelles, his Son, and his Concubine were put to death, 
The death of Appelles and his Son.  receiving the worthy punishment of their wicked lives, and namely for the outrage done by them to Arate.  
Although the etolians desired peace, being discontented with the long War, and seeing their affairs to succeed otherwise then they expected: for that conceiving they had to deal with a Child (considering that the King had neither age nor experience) they found him by his deeds to be a man excellent in Council and Execution, and themselves to be Children, as well in their particular as public affairs: Yet advertised of the mutiny of the Targeteers, and of the death of Appelles, from whom they expected some great alteration in the King's Court, they came not to Rhie at the day appointed. Philip holding this a good occasion to entertain the War, solicits the Ambassadors of the Allies which were there assembled, not unto peace (for the which they had been called) but to War. Then parting from thence with his Fleet, 
Philip sails to Corinthe.  he came to Corinthe, and sent all the Macedonians to winter in their houses. Parting from Corinthe, he sailed by the Euripe to Demetriade: there he put Ptolemy to death, (who only remained of the Conspiracy of Appelles and Leonce) by the judgement of the Macedonians.  
At the same time Hannibal had past the Alps, and was in Italy, and had planted his Camp near to the River of Poe, not far from that of the Romans. Antiochus after he had conquered many places in Syrria, had brought back his Army to winter. Lycurgus King of the Lacedæmonians fearing the Magistrates, 
The flight of Lycurgus into Etolia.  had fled into Etolia: for the Magistrates hearing a false report, that he would attempt some revolt, came in the Night to his house with a Troop of Youth: whereof being formerly advertised, he fled with his servants. When as Philip in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony, and that Eperate Chief of the Achei●s was made a scorn to the Youth of the Town, and to the Mercenaries, and was not obeyed, nor made any preparation for the defence of the Country, Pyrrhee (whom the etolians had sent to the Elienses for their Captain, accompanied with thirteen hundred Etoliens, and a thousand Foot, as well Soldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses, and with two hundred Horse, being in all about three thousand men) advertised thereof, spoilt not only the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses, but also of Patres: Finally, 
The Mountain Panachaique.  he pitched his Camp near unto the Mountain Panachaique. which looks towards Patres, and wasted all the neighbour Region. The Towns thus vexed, being no was succoured, they paid the Tax and charge unwillingly: The Soldiers would not be drawn to succour them, for that their pay was delayed. By this mutual trouble the Acheins affairs were in bad case: And the Mercenaries retired by little and little: the which happened by the negligence of the Commander. And when the affairs of Acheia stood in this estate, and that the time of the Election was come, 
Old Arate made Chief of the Acheins.  Eperate left the government, and the Acheins in the Spring made choice of old Arate. Thus past the Affairs in Europe.  
But seeing that in the distinction of times, and the order of actions, we have found a convenient place for this Subject, let us pass to the Wars of Asia under the same olympiad: Relating first (as we have promised in the beginning of our work) the War of Syrria, which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolemy. And for that I know well that this War was not ended at such time as I left to treat of the Actions of Greece, 
The Authors' good intention  and being resolved to follow this perfection and distribution, to the end the Readers may not be deceived in the true knowledge of every time: I hope to leave a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it, in setting down at what time in this present olympiad, and of the deeds of the Grecians, the beginning and ending of other actions happened: Moreover, we esteem nothing better nor more honourable in this olympiad, than not to confound things, to the end the discourse of the History may be plain and easy: And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible, until that coming to other Olympiades', we may yield to every year its actions according to order. And for that we have not resolved to write them all, nor the actions of all places, and that we have undertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessors have done; it is fitting we should be careful to express them in order, and that the general work of the History may with its parts be plain and apparent. Wherefore we will now write the Reigns of Anti●chus and Ptolemy, reducing things from far, and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may be notorious, and which squares with that which we have to say.  
For those ancients which have said, that the beginning is a moiety of the whole, they have undoubtedly taught us, that in all things we should use great diligence, 
An order required in all things.  that the beginnings may be well ordered. And although some think they have used a high Style, yet in my opinion they do not seem to speak with truth. Without doubt you may boldly say, that the beginning is not only a moiety of the whole, but hath also a regard to the end. Tell me, how canst thou make a good beginning, if thou hast not first comprehended in thy understanding the end of thy Enterprise? And if thou knowest not in what part, to what purpose, and the cause why thou wilt make it? For how can a History have order, if at the beginning or entrance thou dost not deliver plainly, from whence, and how, or wherefore thou art come unto the relation which thou dost presently make of actions? Wherefore they which will have things heard and understood fully, think that the beginnings do not only serve for the one half, but also for the end: wherein they employ themselves with great care and industry: the which I will carefully endeavour to do. Although that I am certain that many of the ancient Historiographers have been confident to have done the like, when as they pretended to write all generally, and to have written a longer History than their predecessors: of whom I will forbear to speak much, or to name them: Among the which I excuse Ephorus, the first and only man which hath attempted to write a general History. But I will use no longer discourse, nor name any of the rest: But I will say that some Historiographers of our time, comprehending the War betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians, in three or four small Pages, brag publicly that they have written all. It is certain that for as much as there hath been many and great exploits performed in Spain, Africa, Stoily and Italy, and that the War of H●nnibal hath been the greatest and longest, except that of Sicily. We must also understand, that the excellency of this war hath been the cause that we have all cast our eyes upon it: and the rather for that we were in doubt of the end. This is a War which every man (be he never so dull and simple) knows. Yet some of those which have handled the History, writing only superficially the actions of some times, yet they imagine they have comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians. Whereof the cause is, for that it is an easy thing to promise many great things by mouth, but it is not easy to bring a great enterprise to an end. And therefore this other is common, and (as a man may say) in the hands of all men, so as they have courage: But the last is rare, and few men attain unto it. Finally, the arrogancy of some, which glorify themselves too much, and commend their Writings, hath caused me to make this digression. But now I return unto my enterprise.  
When Ptolemy, surnamed Philopater, had seized upon the Empire of Egypt, after the death of his Father, 
Ptolemy King of Egypt.  and had made away his Brother with his adherents, (thinking there was no more cause of fear in his Family, for the afore said crime:) and that for strangers, Fortune had in good time assured all things, considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus: to whose Realms Antiochus and Philip had succeeded, who were scarce eighteen years old) he abandoned himself to pleasures, whose example the whole Country followed. For this cause his own people made no esteem of him. And not only his subjects, but also the rest which managed the affairs both within and without Egypt. The Lords of the lower Syrria, and of Cypress, have made War against the Kings of Syria, as well by Sea as Land. They also which hold the chief Cities, places, and Ports which are along the Seacoasts, from Pamphilia unto Hellespont, and the Country of Lysimachia, confined with the Principalities of Asia and the Lands. And as for Thracia and Macedony, the Princes of Enos and Maronia, and of Towns that were more remote, had always an eye over them. Wherefore employing their forces, to assail foreign Princes, far from their Realms, they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt. Their chief care than was for the Wars of foreign Countries. In regard of this King of whom we speak, there were many in a short time, who for his infamous loves, and ordinary excess in drinking, had an eye upon him and his Realm. 
The enterprise of Cleomenes upon Ptolemy.  Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedaemon was the first. He made no alteration whilst that the other King lived, who was surnamed Benefactor: as if he were persuaded, that during his life he should want no means to reconquer his Realm.  
But when as after his death, the affairs required his presence, Antigonus being also dead: And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made War against the Lacedæmonians, which they maintain according unto that which he had advised them in the beginning, being allied to the etolians: Then he was forced to think of his departure from Alexandria. Wherefore he first solicited the King to send them back with an Army and sufficient munition. And when as the King would not give ear unto it, he entreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family, for the time was now come, when as great opportunities were offered to recover his Father's Realm. The King neither considering the present, nor foreseeing the future, for the causes above specified, like an overweening man, and without judgement, never made any esteem of Cleomenes. But Sosibius (who chiefly governed all the affairs of the Kingdom at that present) holding a Council with his Friends, was not of advice to suffer Cleomenes to go with an Army at Sea, and munition, disdaining foreign affairs, and holding this charge lost, considering the death of Antigonus: fearing likewise that this death being so fresh, the way might be made easy to stir up some War: And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes, he would soon make himself Lord of all the Cities in Greece. Finally, they feared he would become their Enemy, considering the present: in regard of the King's manner of life, which was well known unto them. With this disadvantage, that Sosibius saw the Provinces of the Realm to lie one far from another, and to have great opportunities of revolt. 
An Army near unto Ephesus.  For there was near unto Samos a good number of Vessels, and great Troops of Soldiers near unto Ephesus. Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send back Cleomenes with an Army for the aforesaid reasons. But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Commonwealth, to let go so great a personage, who afterwards might prove their open Enemy, there was no prevention but to retain him by force. The which notwithstanding the rest disliked, conceiving that there would be great danger to keep the Lion and Sheep in one fold. Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause.  
At such time as they resolved to take Mega and Beronice, 
Mega. Beronice.  and that they feared to bring their enterprise to a good end, in regard of the fierceness of Beronice, they were forced to draw together all those which followed the Court, and to make them great promises if they prevailed. Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the King's fuccours to recover his father's Realm, and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politic in great affairs, he discovered his whole secrets unto him, propounding unto him great hopes. Cleomenes seeing him pensive, and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries, persuaded him not to care: promising him that the Soldiers should not trouble him, and that moreover they should give him great assistance to bring his enterprise to an end. And when as the other stood in admiration, dost thou not see said Cleomenes, that there are about three thousand men of Morea, and a thousand Candyots, all which will bring us where we please? Having these, whom else dost thou fear? What? The Companions of the War of Syrria and Caria? And when as Sosibius liked of his words, he entered more boldly into the Action. And afterwards considering of the King's soolery and negligence, he often called to mind this Speech, and had always before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes, and the affection the Soldiers bore him. Wherefore considering this, at the same time he gave the King and his other familiars to understand, that he must seize upon him, and keep him close and private. For the working and effecting whereof, he used this means.  
There was one Nicagorus a Messenien, a friend to the father of Archidamus, King of the Lacedæmonians, betwixt whom there had formerly been some friendship. But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for fear of Cleomenes, and fled to Messena, he not only gave him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first coming, but he always lived with him afterwards during his flight, so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them. When as after these things Cleomenes made show of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus, Nicagorus began to treat of the Conditions of peace. When the accord had been made, and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes, Archidamus returned to Sparta, assuring himself of the conventions of Nicagorus, whom Cleomenes meeting upon the way slew, 
Archidamus●layne ●layne by Cleomenes.  suffering Nicagorus and his company to pass away. In regard of Nicagorus, he carried the countenance of a very thankful man, for that he had saved his life: But he was vexed in his Soul, and incensed for the deed, for that he seemed to have given the occasion.  
This Nicagorus had failed unto Alexandria some little time before with Horses: whereas going out of the ship, he met with Cleomenes, Panthee, and Hippite, walking upon the strand: whom Cleomenes perceiving, saluted courteously, demanding what business had brought him thither: To whom he answered, that he had brought Horses. I had rather said Cleomenes, thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds: for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chief delight. Then Nicagores held his peace smiling. When as within few days after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses, he related unto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King. And seeing Sosibius to hear him willingly, 
Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes.  he acquainted him with the cause of the spleen he bore him. When as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes, he did him great courtesies for the present, and promised him great favours hereafter: Finally he wrought so, that embarking he left Letters concerning Cleomenes, which a servant of his brought after his departure, as sent from him. The which Nicagorus performing, the servant used speed to go unto the King, assuring him that Nicagorus had given him the Letters to carry to Sosibius. The Tenor whereof was, That if Cleomenes were not soon dispatched with an Army at Sea and munition, he would raise some troubles within the Realm. Sosibius embracing this occasion, 
Cleomenes taken Prisoner, and put in Guard.  gave the King and his Council to understand, that this must not be heard with a deaf ear, and that he must seize upon Cleomenes and give him a Guard. The which being put in execution, they gave him a spacious House, where he lived with Guards, differing therein from other Prisoners, for that he had a larger Prison.  
Cleomenes considering this, and having little hope for the future, resolved to hazard all, and yet without hope to effect any thing, and being in extreme despair, but desiring to make an honourable Death, and not to suffer any thing that might seem unfitting for the greatness of his Courage. I imagine likewise that he had an humour, and had propounded to himself that, which commonly great Spirits do in these Terms: 
That in dishonour I do not basely fall,  
Courage my heart, let's bravely venture all.   
When as he had observed the Voyage which the King made to the Town of Canope, 
The bold enterprise of Cleomenes.  he caused it to be bruited among his Guards, that he should be soon set at liberty. Wherefore he made a Banquet to his people, and sent offering and Garlands of Flowers to the Guards. And moreover store of Wine. Whilst they made good cheer, and were all drunk, he goes out of the House with his Friends and Servants, their Swords in their hands in the open day, the which the Guard never perceived. And when as marching in this manner, they met with Ptolemy in the Market place, 
Ptolomy●layne ●layne by Cleomenes.  they overthrew him from his Chariot and slew him: Whereat all those that did accompany him were amazed at the greatness of the fact. Finally they began to cry Liberty unto the people. But when as no man stirred, considering the greatness of the Crime, they turned head and assailed the Fortress, as if the Gate had been overthrown by the Treason of the Soldiers, and that they should presently take it. But for that the Guards (foreseeing the danger,) had Rampired up the Gate: in the end they slew themselves being frustrated of their hope, and died an honourable Death, worthy of a Spartaine Courage. Behold the end of Cleomenes a man of great Eloquence in speaking, and of great Resolution in War: Who it seems wanted nothing that did savour of a King but a Realm.  
After Cleomenes, Theodote borne in Etolia, and Governor of base Syrria, soon after resolved to have intelligence with Antiochus, and to deliver him the Towns of his government: For that he partly contemned the King for his negligence and idleness, and partly the Courtiers, growing distrustful, for that a little before he had propounded a good advice unto the King, 
Thenodote.  aswell for other things as to resist Antigonus, seeking to make War against Syrria: Wherein he was not only distasteful, but they caused him to come to Alexandria, where he was in danger of his life. Antiochus accepting this offer gladly, the matter came to effect. But to the end we may withal declare this Race, seeking out the Empire of Antiochus, let us make our entry summarily from those times, to come unto the War whereof we mean to Treat.  
You must understand that Antiochus the younger was Son unto Seleucus surnamed Callinice. Who after the death of his Father, 
Antiochus So● to Seleucus.  when the Realm fell to Seleucus his elder Brother, lived in the beginning privately in his House, in the high Country of the Realm: But his Brother being slain in Treason (as we have said) after he had past Mount Tauris with an Army, he took the Empire and Reigned, giving the government of all the Province, which lies on this side Tauris, to Acheus and Molon: And to his brother Alexander, the high Countries of his Realm: So as Molon should have Media, and his brother Persida. These contemning the King for his Age (for he was scarce fifteen years old) and hoping to draw Acheus to their Conspiracy, fearing moreover the cruelty and Treachery of Hermes, who then had the Government of the whole Realm, resolved to abandon the King, and to change the Estate of the Provinces which they held. Hermes was borne in Caria, to whom Seleucus the King's brother had given the government of the Realm, relying in him from the time they past Mount Tauris. Wherefore being advanced to this supreme Authority, he enuled all those which had any power in Court, being outrageous and cruel by Nature, condemning innocents at his pleasure: and favouring wicked men and Liars.  
Finally, he was cruel and rough in his judgements. But among other things he watched an opportunity to kill Epigene, who was Lieutenant General of Seleucus his Army: For that he found him a man of great Eloquence and great execution, having favour and Authority in the Army. And although he plotted this in his mind continually, yet he kept it secret, seeking some occasion to effect his enterprise. Finally when as the Council was assembled to confer upon Melons Rebellion, and that the King had commanded every man to deliver 〈◊〉 opinion, and that Epigene beginning first had said, that this business was not to be held of small importance, and that it was necessary the King should approach the Country, holding himself ready when time should require, and that by this means Molon would give over his enterprise, the King being near with a great Army, or if he did persist in that which he had begun, the people would deliver all the Traitors into the King's hands. 
The Speech of Hermes against Epigene.  Then Hermes enraged, said unto him● Epigene having long concealed thy Treason, thy disloyalty hath in the end been discovered in this Council: Labouring to deliver the King's person into the hands of Traitors. Having spoken thus, and in some sort showed his slander, he left Epigene. Finally showing a countenance rather of importune indignation, then of any manifest hatred, he persisted in his opinion not to lead an Army against Molon, fearing the danger: For that the Soldiers were not enured to War, and that they should use all diligence to make War against Ptolemy, holding that sure by reason of the King's negligence and idleness. By this means when he had stopped the mouths of all that were in the Assembly for fear, he sent Xenon, Theodote, and Hermioly with an Army against Molon: Giving King Antiochus to understand, that he should presently undertake the War of Syrria: Thinking by this means, that if the King were roundly beset with War, he should never be punished for the offences which he had formerly committed: Neither should he lose his Authority for the necessity and continual dangers wherein the King should be daily.  
Wherefore in the end he brought a counterfeit Letter, as sent from Acheus to the King. The Tenor whereof was, that Ptolemy had solicited him to enter into War, to get the principality, and that he would furnish him with money and munition, if he would take the Crown upon him, and that it was apparent to all the World that he pretended to be a King: The which in truth he seemed to be, but he did not yet enjoy the name of a King, nor wear a Crown, for the envy which Fortune procured him. Antiochus giving credit to these Letters, resolved to make a descent into Syrria: But whilst he stayed in S●leucia, and was careful to bring his enterprise unto a good end; Diognet Chief of the Army at Sea, arrived from Cappadocia, which is ●eere unto the Euxine Sea, bringing with him Laodicea, the Daughter of Methrid●●es, who was promised to Antio●hus. This is that Methridates, who bragged that he was descended from one of the seven Wise men of Persia. She was received with royal pomp, 
Antiochus marries L●●dicea.  and Antiochus married her presently: From thence he went to Antiochus, leaving the Queen Regent of the Realm: and applied himself wholly to raise his Army.  
At that time M●l●n seeing the people ready to do what he pleased, 
Mol●n goes to field with an Army.  aswell for the hope of the gain which he propounded unto them, as for that their Commanders were terrified by the King's false and counterfeit Letters: Having also his brother Alexander for a Companion in this War: After that he had gotten all the neighbour Towns by the corruption of their Governors, he goes to field with a great Army, and plants himself near unto the Camp of the King's Lieutenants. At whose coming Xenon, and Theodote being terrified, they retired to the next Towns. Molon being Lord of all the plain of Appolonia, and running where he pleased, the whole Province brought him great store of Victuals and munition. He was before terrible in regard of his great power: Neither had he any will to lose the occasion, for that that all the King's Races for Horses were in Media, with infinite store of Wheat and Cattle. In regard of the force, height and Wealth of that Region, we cannot speak sufficient. Media lies about the midst of a Asia: It excels in greatness and height all the other Regions about it. It is very powerful in people, 
The Situation of Media.  being discovered towards the East, by the Desert Countries, which lie betwixt Persida and Parasia. It joins and commands the Ports of the Caspien Sea: So doth it in the Mountains called Tapyreins, which are not far from the Hyrcanien Sea. But as for the Southern Regions, it looks to Messopotamia, and Appolonia, joining unto Persida, which lies before Mount Sagre, which hath a passage of a hundred Furlongs long: The which having many enclosures, is divided by Valleys and certain Plains, with the Cossees, Corbrenes, Carchins, with diverse other Barbarous Nations inhabit, being excellent in matters of War. Finally it joins to the Satrapiens upon the West, who differ not much from those which inhabit Pontus Euxinus. And as for the part towards the North, it hath the Elimees, Ariaraces, than the Caddusiens' and Mantianes'. Finally, it is situated above the Countries which near unto the Black Sea join to Pontus. It is separated from Nusia by a multitude of Mountains upon the West: and yet there is a plain well furnished with Towns and Burroughes.  
When as Molon was Lord of this Region, having a kind of a Realm, and was terrible even before this Rebellion, in regard of the great power of the Country, he showed himself then more intolerable towards the Asiens': For that at his arrival the King's Lieutenants had abandoned their Camp, and that matters did not succeed in the beginning according to their hopes. Wherefore in passing Tigris, Molon endeavoured to besiege Seleucia. But when as Zeux●● had stopped the Passage, by staying all the Boats, he retired: The Army being at Ctesiphon, he made provision of all things necessary to pass the winter. The King advertised of Molons' Army, and of the flight of his Lieutenants, resolved to lead his Army against him, leaving Ptolemy. But Hermes remembering his enterprise, sent Xenoete an Achaean, with an Army against Molon, saying that Lieutenants must fight with Rebels, and the King with Kings in person. Keeping the King thus in awe by reason of his Age, he went to Apamia: where he drew together an Army, and from thence marched suddenly to Laodicea. From whence the King parting with all his Troops, and having past a Desert, he came into a place which the Inhabitants of the Country called Marsia, 
Liban.  seated betwixt the two Promontories of Liban and Antiliban, 
Antili●ban.  which restrain it, and in the narrowest strength is miry and moorish: where also grow the Arromaticall Canes.  
Moreover there joins to the one side of the said straits a Town, 
The Town of Br●ches●  which they call Broaches, and on the other that of Gerre: Betwixt the which there is a rough and difficult way. The King marching for some days by these straits, came in the end to Gerre: Whereas when he saw that Theodote of Etolia had taken it, and Broaches, and that he had sortified all that part of the straits, which were near unto the Fens, with Ditches, and Pallisadoes, and men for the defence thereof, he laboured at the first to assail them. But when it seemed he lost more than he got, by reason of the disadvantage of the place, and that Theodote made a show to be of Ptolemy's party, he gave over the enterprise. And when he had news of the retreat of Xenoete, and of the attempt of Molon, he resolved to part from thence, and to give order for his own affairs.  
Xenoete being (as we have said) sent General against Molon, he had a greater power than was imagined, and used his friends with great arrogancy, and his enemies with too much cruelty. When he took his way to Seleucia with his Army, calling unto him Diogene Governor of the Country of Susian, and Pythias of the red Sea, he marched against the enemies, and planted his Camp near unto theirs, the River of Tigris being betwixt them. During the which there were many came swimming from Molons' Camp, advertising him that the greatest part of his Army would yield unto him, if he passed the River, for that they hated him, and loved and affected the King. Xenoete persuaded by their words, prepares himself to pass Tigris; and making show that he would make his passage at a certain place, where as the Water makes an Island, he made no show of any preparation. Whereupon whilst that Molon made no account of his enterprise, he prepared Boats speedily, and taking the best of his Horsemen, and the Chief of all the Footmen of his Army● he left Zeuxis and Pythias for the Guard of the Camp; and past his Army safely in the night by Boat fourscore furlongs beneath Molons' Camp: During the which he seated his Camp in a safe place, which was environed by the River for the greatest part, and the rest assured by Fens and Moors adjoining.  
When as Molon was advertised hereof, he sent his Horsemen before to hinder their passage, or to defeat them that were passed. Who approaching near to Xenoete, they annoyed themselves more (for that they knew not the places) than they did the enemy: For entering into those Moorish Fens, they could do no service, and many perished. Xenoete hoping that if he approached near unto Molon, he should draw many of his men unto him, marched a slow pace a long the river side, setting down near unto the enemy. At what time Molon leaving his Baggage in the Camp, retired by night, doing it either by policy or for some distrust he had of his men: 
The Retreat of Molon.  and takes his way towards Media. Xenoete thinking the enemy had been fled, terrified with his coming, and ill assured of his Soldiers, gains first the enemy's Camp, and calls unto him all his Horsemen, and the rest which he had left with Zeuxis. Then calling them all together, he persuades them to be of good hope for the future, considering the flight and despair of Molon.  
This propose ended, he commanded them to go to their Repast, and to be ready in morning to pursue their enemies: But all the soldier's hearts puffed up with the present success, and stuffed with all sorts of Booty, betook themselves wholly to gormundizing and drunkenness, and in the same sort of slothfulness and negligence, that by custom begets such things, passed the night. Now as Molon had gained an advantageous place, and that he had refreshed his men also, he advanced against the enemies, and finding them overcome and ●●●zed on by sleep and Wine, he assaulted their Camp with extreme fury, even in the break of day.  
Xenoete astonished with so great and unlooked for a business, could by no means awake his people for their drunkenness, but they were killed by the enemies resisting by small Companies; and so the greatest part were defeated within the Camp drowned in sleep, the rest throwing themselves into the River, striving to pass it by swimming: but the most of them perished for all that in the end. 
Xenoete his Army defeated and spoilt.  It was a pitiful thing to see men so affrighted, for all without any regard or consideration throwing themselves into the mercy of the Waves, and to pass therein, and drive afore them the Carriages and Baggage, as if they thought by the aid of the Water, they could gain or save their Camp, but it came to pass that in oneself same time, Sumpter horses, Arms, and dead bodies were borne by the River, as if also a Vanquisher, a thing both fearful to relate, and also horrible to behold.  
After that Molon had thus suddenly gained the Camp of the enemies, and had passed the River without danger, because there was none to hinder his passage, and that Zeuxis had taken flight, as it were, before the enemies approached, he took also the Fort which was there on the River. After this good fortune, he came into Seleucia with his Army: the which he took suddenly, in respect that those who were with Z●●xis were astonished at his coming, having abandoned the Town with Diomedon Governor of Seleucia: And after having ran over all the Province, he brought under his obedience all the Towns of the high Country without finding resistance: and from thence having Conquered the Empire of all the Country of Babylon, and all the Country about the Red Sea, he arrived unto Susa, taking the Town upon his first arrival, and after he had given many assaults to the Fortress because Diogene was there retired, and that he could not force●, he desisted from his enterprise and raised the siege, he returned into Seleucia with his Army: and there, after he ha● Garrisoned his men of War for some time, and had encouraged them unto the Wars, he with a great heart undertook to lead them out of the Country, and to Conquer in a small time all the Province that i● from Tigris unto the Town of Europe and Mesopotamia, even unto Dura.  
Antioch having (as we have heretofore said) these news, were in fantasy to leave the War in Syrria, and to provide for this other Country with an extreme diligence: they Assembled therefore those of their Counsel, and as they had commanded that every one should freely give his advice touching the War of Molon, and that Epigone should be made fit, saying that long sithence things should have been considered and looked unto, because the enemies should not have their courages so great to undertake such things, because of their good success: To whom nevertheless they ought ●ow to give order with all their endeavour and study, for some speedy course to preue●● all future danger.  
Then Hermes incensed again, began to use proud and injurious speeches without reason: He invented false slanders against Epigene, beseeching the King not to leave the War of Syrria so inconsiderately. Finally he grew into such a rage, as he offended many and discontented Antiochus. They could hardly pracifie his fury, although the King used what means he could to reconcile them. In the end when the advice of Epigene seemed the best unto the assistants, it was resolved in Council that the Army should march against Molon, and that there they should make the War.  
Hermes seeming presently to have altered his advice, said that all the World must observe that which the Council had decreed, and performed his duty to make provision of all necessary things for the managing of War. When the Troops were assembled at Apamia, and that there was a munity and a great discord grown amongst the common Soldiers: 
A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe.  Hermes finding the King amazed and much troubled, he assured him to pacify the rage and discontent of the Soldiers, and to divide and share the Corn quietly among them, if he would promise him never to carry Epigene with him in any exploits of War: For that they could not perform any thing of importance in an Army, being at so much difference and so incensed one against another. And although the King disliked this, and was very much discontented at his motion, for that he knew by experience that Epigone was a man of Council, and active in Affairs of War, yet to prevent the present, he sent him suddenly away: doubting that being circumvented by the promises of Hermes, he should not be master of himself. Which being done, all the rest of the King's Council grew into great fear. The Troops also receiving what Corn they desired, changed their affection, and followed Hermes, except the Cyrrastres: Who being six thousand men, mutined and abandoned the King's service: Who afterwards did him many affronts in his War at several times. Yet in the end they were defeated by a certain Captain of the King's party, and the greatest part of them slain: the rest yielded afterwards unto the King.  
Hermes having made the King's friends his own by fear, and the Soldiers by his bounty, 
The practice of Molon against epigene.  he marched with him and his Army. He laid a plot agianst Epigene, with the help and consent of Alexis, who at that time was Captain of Apamia; and writing letters, as if they had been sent from Molon to Epigene, he corrupted one of Alexis servants with great promises: who went to Epigene, to thrust these Letters secretly among his other Writings. Which when he had done, Alexis came suddenly to Epigene, demanding of him, if he had received any Letters from Molon: and when he affirmed no, the other was confident that he would find some. Wherefore entering into the House to search, he found the Letters, and taking this occasion slew him. These things happening thus, the King thought that he was justly slain. And although the rest of the Court and of his friends were much grieved at this sudden disaster, yet they dissembled their sorrow for fear.  
When as Antiochus was come unto Euphrates, he marched with his army unto Antiochia, and stayed at Michdionia about the midst of Dec●mber, desiring to pass the ●oughnesse of the Winter there: where staying about forty days, he went unto Liba, where he called a Council. And when as they consulted of the way which they should hold to find Molon, and from whence and how they might recover Victuals, (for at that time he made his abode in Babylon) Hermes was of opinion that they should keep their way upon this side the River of Tigris, and along the Banks; doubting and not a little fearing the Rivers of Luque and Capre. Zeuxis was of another opinion; but he durst not speak nor declare his mind plainly, remembering still the death of Epigene.  
But when as the ignorance of Hermes seemed apparent to all the assistants, he with some difficulty delivered his advice, that they must pass Tigris, aswell for many other difficulties which are on this side, as for that they must of necessity, after they had passed certain places in marching six day's journey by a Desert Country, came unto a Region which they call Diorex, where the passage was not safe, for that the enemy had seized thereon: And that moreover the return would be dangerous, especially for want of victuals. If the King likewise did pass Tigris, all the people of Appolonia, transported with joy would come unto him, who at this day obeyed Molon, not for any affection, but through necessity and fear: And withal they should have abundance of victuals, by reason of the fertility of the Country; and the passage of Media would be shut up for Molon, so as of necessity he should be forced to come and fight: Or if he fled, his Troops would soon yield unto the King. When the advice of Zeuxis had been allowed in Council, they presently past the whole Army with the baggage in three places. And marching from thence unto D●re, they raised the siege, (for one of Molons' Captains had some few days before besieged it) and afterwards continuing on their way, and having past the Mountains which they of the Country call Orie, in eight days they came into Apolonia.  
At the same time Molon having news of the Kings coming, and not holding himself assured of the S●sians and Babylonians, being lately made subject unto him and by surprise, fearing moreover that the passage of Media was stopped, he afterwards resolved to pass by the River Tigris speedily with his whole Army, making haste to gain the Woods which bend towards the plains of Apolonia, for that he had great confidence in his Slingers, whom they call Cyrtles. When he approached near these places, from the which the King parting with his Army from Apolonia was not far, it happened that the forerunners of either side, lightly armed, met upon a Hill, where they skirmished. But upon the approach of both Armies, they began to retire, and the two Camps lodged within forty furlongs one of another.  
When night came, Molon considering that a battle by day with the King would be dangerous for him, not relying much upon his men, he resolved to assail Antiochus at midnight. Wherefore he made choice of the ablest men of his whole Army, and takes his way by unknown places, resolving to charge the enemy from the higher part: But being advertised upon the way, that ten of his Soldiers had stolen away in the night, and retired unto Antiochus, he gave over his enterprise. So as taking another way, he returned to the Camp at the break of day, the which was the chief cause of great trouble in his Army: For they awaking with this sudden and short return of their Companions, they were so terrified and amazed, as they were in a manner ready to fly and abandon their Campe. Molon when the truth was known and well perceived, pacified this terror and amazement what he could, in so short a space, although it in some part increased still.  
The King being ready to fight, draws his Army to field at the break of day, 
Antiochus puts his Army in Battle.  and on the right Wing he sets the Lances, under the Command of Ardis, a man of great experience in the War. To whom he gave for a supply the Candyots his Allies, and after them the Gauls and Rhigosages: who were followed by the Soldiers of Greece, and finally by a great battalion of Footmen. In regard of the left Wing, he gave it to the Allies, which were all on horseback. He likewise set the Elephants in Front betwixt the two Wings, being ten in number. In regard of the supplies of Horse and Foot distributed on either Wing, he gives them charge to wheel about, and to compass in the enemy, as soon as the Battle should begin to charge.  
After all this he encourageth the Soldiers, telling them in few words what was necessary for the present: And he gives to Hermes and Zeuxis the leading of the left Wing, and takes the right unto himself. On the other side Molon draws his Army to Field with great difficulty; and puts it but ill in Battle, by reason of the disorder which had happened in the night. Yet he divided his Horsemen in two wings, thinking the enemy had done the like, placing the Targetteers and the Gauls with others that were of most apt courage, great experience and best Armed in the midst of the Horsemen: 
The order of Molons' battle.  putting the Archers and Slingers upon the two Wings, without the Troop of Horsemen, and in Front were placed all the Carriages and Billmen. He gave the leading of the left Wing unto his brother Neolaus, and himself takes the right.  
This done, the two Armies marched: Molons' right Wing was loyal and faithful unto him, charging Zeuxi● with great Courage and fury. But when as the left Wing drew somewhat near unto the King, it retired to the enemy. This happening, Molons' Troops fainted suddenly: And the King's Army grew more sto● and courageous. But when as Molon saw and well perceived himself thus betrayed, and environed by the enemy, thinking and immagining of the Torments which he must endure, 
The death of Molon.  if he fell alive into their hands, he slew himself. The like the rest did which had been Traitors unto the King, who recovering their Houses by flight, slew themselves.  
When as Neolaus had escaped from the Battle, and was retired unto Alexander Brother to Molon in Persis, he slew the mother of Molon and his Children: After whose death he slew himself, persuading Alexander to do the like. When as the King had spoiled the enemy's Camp, he commanded that the body of Molon should be hanged upon a Cross, 
Molon Crus●c●fled.  in the most eminent place of Media, the which was suddenly performed by them which had the Charge: who after they had carried it to Callonite, crucified it near unto the Town of Zagre.  
When he had given great admonitions to Molons' Army, and pardoned them, he sent men to Conduct them into Media, and to give order for the affairs of that Province. As for himself, he retired to Seleucia. Hermes continuing still in his resolution, condemned the Seleucenses in six hundred thousand Crowns for that they had revolted, banishing the Diganes: and put many to death in Prison by the Sword. But the King pacifying his rage, entreated the Burgesses courteously, and drew from them for a punishment of their revolt, only fourscore and ten thousand Crowns. These things thus pacified, he made Diogene his Lieutenant General in Media, and Apolodorus in the Province of Sus●s; and sent the Chancellor Tychon Lieutenant of his Army, into the several Countries of the Red Sea, there to lie in Garrison upon any sudden occasion which should happen. This was the end of Molons' revolt, and of the War which followed.  
The King glorious of this good fortune, and desirous to terrify the Barbarous Princes his Neighbours, to the end they should not presume hereafter to succour his Rebels with men and Victuals, marches against them with his Army: 
Antiochus goes against Artabazanes.  And first against Artabazenes, who was more powerful than any of the other Princes, and nearer to his Cities. At the same time Hermes feared to enter into the high Country for the eminent danger, and desired (as he had from the beginning) to lead the Army against Ptolemy. But when as certain news came of the birth of the King's son, 
Antiochus hath a So●ne.  he found this Voyage profitable for him, if Antiochus should chance to be slain by the Barbariains': For that being left Tutor unto the son, he should be Lord of the whole Realm. All being thus resolved, they past Mount Zagre, and overrun the Province of Artabazanes, which joins to Media, being separated from it by a Mountain, and on some parts comes to the Pontic Sea on that side of the Country which is about Phasi●: joining also to the Hyrcanien Sea. Moreover it abounds in all things necessary for the War. It happened that the Persians kept this Principality, when in the time of King Alexander, they made no account or esteem of it.  
Artabazen●s being amazed at the Kings coming, 
Artabaza●es makes an accord with Antioch●●.  and broken with Age, thought good to yield unto Fortune, and to agree with the King, upon such conditions as he pleased. When the accord was made, Apolophanes the Physician, whom the King loved much, seeing Hermes abuse his Authority too arrogantly, was very careful for the King, and in great fear for those which were about him.  
Wherefore after he had expected the opportunity of time, he comes to Antiochus, and entreats him to prevent the presumption and impudence of Hermes, and not to suffer it any longer, lest he fall into his brother's inconvenience: 
Apol●phanes advice to Antiochus.  for it was not far off. Finally, that he should speedily provide for his safety, and for that of his friends. Antiochus liked well of his Counsel, for that he hated and feared Hermes. The King thanked him, for that he had not feared to speak unto him of things which concerned his safety. Apolophan●s also seeing that he had not been deceived in the opinion which he had conceived of the King, grew afterwards more bold and hardy. For the rest, Antiochus Counselled him to be advised for his own good, and his friends, not only by words, but also by effect: And as he said, he was ready to do all they advised to that end: He made show that the King had a great disease in his eyes, and must endure the pain some days: until that time he had gotten leisure to make ready their enterprise. They used also power to go and advise with their friends touching this Affair, under the shadow of visitation: During which time, they made ready the most apt for the execution, and were willingly obeyed for the hate they bore to Hermes, and were ready to execute the Massacre. The Physicians likewise put themselves forward, that it was behooveful that Antiochus should go take the Air in the morning to refresh himself.  
Hermes came to the King in the mean time, as hath been said, together with the Allies which were participant of the enterprise, the rest remained in the Camp, as if they knew nothing of the Voyage. The others drawing then Antigonus out of the Camp, they led him into some by place, where at his only sign they killed Hermes. Behold now how he died, of whom always the punishment was never sufficient for his wickedness. The King returned to his Lodging, delivered from a great distress and fear, with a praise reaching to the Heavens by all the Province, of his Counsel and of his works, especially when they heard news of the death of Hermes. In the same time, the Women of Apam●● killed his Wife, and the Children, his. After that Antiochus was arrived in his lodging, he sent his Army to wi●●er in the Garrisons, and a● Ambassador to Acheus, and first complaining of that, that he had taken the Crown, and likewise ●urst accept the name of King: And that on the other side, he durst openly declare himself to hold the party of Ptolo●●. Now we must understand, that in the time the King led the War to Artabazenes, Acheus thinking that he should dye in the Country there, or if he died not, that he should without any hindrance draw the War into Syrria, before his return. Seeing and well perceiving the longness of the way, and the Conquering of the Kingdom, suddenly by the aid of Cyrrastes, that not long since had abandoned the King, and parted from Lydia with a great Army.  
And as he was arrived in Laodicea, which is in Phrigia; he seized on the Crown, taking also the ambition to be called King, and to write to the Towns to do so, being earnestly solicited by a Fugitive, called Synires. And as he then continued his voyage, and was not far from Lycaonia, the Men of War began to mutiny against him, being sorry that they led an Army against the first King: Wherefore Acheus seeing their fancies, turned him from the way he had begun, as if he would make them understand, that he drew not in the beginning to Syrria; but turned his way to Pisidique, pillaging all the Country, and distributing to the Men of War a marvellous ●ooty; so he gained them, and returned to his house: The King then well advertised of all these things, 〈◊〉 (as we have said) an Ambassador to Acheus, making ready in the mean while all that seemed to be necessary, to bring the War upon Ptolemy. And after that all the Army was near to Apamia, in the beginning of the Spring, he called his Friends to Council, requiring of every one their advice what they thought fit to be done for the War. 
Apolophanes adui●● to ●n●iochus.  When as many had counselled him diverse things concerning the places a●d preparation, and to make an Army by Sea, Apolophanes (of whom we have spoken) being borne in Seleucia, stood up and overthrew all the Opinions which had been formerly given, saying, that it was a solly to draw the War into base Syrria, and to suffer ptolemy to hold S●●encia, for that it was the source and cause of their Principality: That besides the disgrace he should do unto his Reigns, (considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had always kept it) it had moreover great commodities for the managing of the War. For whilst the Enemies shall hold it, it would be very prejudicial to all his Erterprises. For there must be no less care used to defend himself from this City, then to assail the Enemy. And if he held it, he should not only be able to preserve his own with safety, but also to undertake some good action both by Sea and Land, for the great opportunity of the place.  
The whole Assembly allowed of Apoloph●●es advice, and resolved to take the City first, for then S●l●ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt, from the time that Pt●lomy reigned, who was surnamed the Benefactor. 
Ptolemy the Benefactor.  He conquered it at such time, that for the ruin of Beronic●, and the rage he had concelued in his he●●t, he made a descent into base Syrria with an Army. Antiochus after Apolophanes advice was approved, he commanded Diogone General of the Army at Sea, to fail speedily to Seleuci●. And in the mean time parting from Apamia with his Army, he lodgeth within five Furlongs of Hippodrome. He likewise sends away The●●ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria, to the end he might gain the straits, and provide for the affairs of that Province.  
This is the situation of Seleucia, and the places about it; 
The situation of Se●euci●.  that as the City is seated upon the Sea-shoare, betwixt Cil●cia and Phenicia, so it hath under i● a wonderful great Mountain, which they call Coryphes, whose side towards the West, is washed with the Sea, which is betwixt Cypress and Phen●●ia, and the other which looks to the East, joins to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucen●es. Seleucia situated on the South, and separated by a deep and inaccessible Valley, which extends to the Sea, being environed with great Rocks and Caves: And on that side which looks to the Sea, it hath steps and Suburbs enclosed with walls. The City also is fortified with a good wall, and beautified with Temples, and fair buildings. It hath but one approach towards the sea, the which is difficult, and made by hand: for they must ascend unto it by Ladders. The river of Or●nte enters into the Sea near unto it, taking its source and beginning at Liban and Antiliban, and passeth by Antiochia: whereas running continually, it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people. Finally, it enters into the Sea near unto Seleucia. Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Governors of the City, offering them money with great hopes, if without fight they would deliver it unto him. 
Antiochus corrupts the Captains of Selevoia.  But when he could not win them, he corrupts some of the inferior Captains: with whom having agreed, he puts his men in Battle, as if he meant to assail the Town with his Army at Sea, and at Land on that side which looks towards Epirus. Dividing then his Army in three, after that he had inflamed the hearts of the Soldiers, promising them great rewards, he appointed Zeuxi● with his Company to be at the Gate which goes to Antiochia, and he gave to Hermogenes the places by which they go to Dioscoria, and gives charge to Ard●● and Diogene to assail the Suburbs and Arsenal: for it had been so agreed with the Traitors, 
Seleucia assaulted.  that as soon as the Suburbs were taken, they should deliver him the City. When as the King had given the ●igne for an assault, they all did their endeavours. But among the rest they which were with Ard●● and Diogene, carried themselves valiantly: For they could not assault no● scale the other places. But in regard of the Arsenal and Suburbs, they might assault and scale them.  
Wherefore whilst that the Army at Sea fell upon the Arsenal, and Ardis Troops upon the Suburbs, scaling the Walls, and that they of the Town could not succour them, for that they were environed on all sides by the Enemy, it fell out that the Suburb was suddenly taken. Which done, the petty Captains corrupted by the King, ran to Leonce, who at that time was Governor of the City, persuading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced. And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason, he sent presently to Antiochus, (being troubled with the amazement of his people) to yield them the City upon condition to have the lives of all the Inhabitants saved. The King accepting the condition, promised to save the lives of all Freemen, which were about six thousand: But when he was entered, he not only pardoned the Burgesses, but also called home the banished men of Seleucia, and restored unto them the government of their public affairs, and all their goods, and put a good Garrison into the Haven and Port.  
Whilst Antiochus stayed at Seleucia, he received Letters from Theodote, by the which he solicited him to go speedily into base Syrria. The King was long in suspense what council he should take, and was pensive and troubled with the course he should take in this action▪ you must understand, that Theodote borne in Etolia, had done great services for the Realm of Ptolemy, (whereof we have formerly made mention) and many times put his life in danger. At such time as Antiochus made War against Molon, he took in person (disdaining the King, and distrusting his Courtiers) Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole, and suddenly called in Antiochus. The King having taken Acheus to heart, and laying aside all other affairs, he returns with his Army the same way he came. When he was come to a place which the Country people call Marsia, he camped near the straits which are about Gerre, which is not far from the Fens, lying in the midst of that Country. There being advertised that Nicholas Lieutenant General to Ptolemy, held Ptolomais besieged, in the which Theodote was, he left those that were best armed, and gave charge to besiege the Town of Broaches, lying upon the Fens, 
The Town of Broaches besieged.  making haste to go and raise the Siege.  
Nicholas advertised by his Spies of the Kings coming, retired, and sent Lagore of Candy, and Dorimene of Etolia, to gain the straits which are near unto Beryta: Where the King planted his Camp, after that he had fought with them, and put them to flight. And when he had drawn together the rest of his Army in the same place, he makes an Oration to his Soldiers, and marcheth away with great courage. There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends, to whom he gave a good and gracious reception, 
Tyrus and pt●l●mais taken.  and he took Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of War. There were in these Towns forty ships, whereof twenty were for the War, well armed and furnished with all things necessary, all which were Quinqueremes or Quadriremes: the rest were Triremes, Biremes, and of one bank. All which he gave to Diogene, Captain of the Sea-army. When as news came unto him of the secret flight of Ptolemy to Cairo, and that his whole Army assembled together at Damiette, and that they sought to cut off the waters from him, he gave over his enterprise to assails Da●●●tte: and overrunning the Country, he laboured to win the Towns partly by force, partly by love. Whereof some being destitute of Garrisons, and fearing the King's power, yielded suddenly to the Enemy: Others relying upon their strength of their situation, maintained his assaults.  
As for Ptolemy being so apparently betrayed, he did not endeavour by reason of his weakness, to give that speedy order to his affairs that was sitting, so little account he had made of that which concerns the preparations of War. Wherefore Agathocles and Sosibius (who at that time governed all the affairs of the Kingdom) bethought themselves (as much as possibly they might) of that which was most necessary. They resolved to prepare for the War, sending in the mean time an Embassy to entreat Antiochus, 
The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius.  by way of dissembling, to debate Ptolomy's right: who as not daring to make War, and having advertised and persuaded his Friends, was retired into base Syrria. When as Agathocles and Sosibius had thus resolved, and given order according to their power, they speedily sent Ambassadors to Antiochus, and likewise to the Rhodiens, Constantinopolitains, Cizicins, and E●oliens, to persuade them to send Embassies to Antiochus to mediate a peace. When as these had sent to both the Kings, they gave them great means to provide in the mean time things necessary for the War, for Ptotomy receiving the Ambassadors graciously, with those of Antiochus, in the mean time he drew together the Mercenary Soldiers to Alexandria, which lay dispersed in other Towns, and sent others to levy men without the Province, making provision of victuals. Finally, he was careful day and night to prepare for the War. For the which he sent continually men to Alexandria, 
An Army raised by Pto●omy.  to give order there should not be any thing wanting that was necessary. He had also given charge to Echecrate of Thessaly, and to Phoxid● of Mil, to make provision of Arms, and to choose men, and to muster them: The like he did to Eurylochus Magnes, and to Socrates of Beocia: with whom also was Cn●pias Alorite. For he held them for men of judgement in such affairs: For that he esteemed them of great experience in the War, having served long under Demetrius and Antigon●●.  
These drew many soldiers together, providing wisely, and like honest men for all things. First they delivered Arms to the Companions according to their fashion and age, distributing to every one those which he could best manage, and disliking those which they had formerly used. Then they instructed them in particular for the future, and trained them continually, not by words only, but accustoming them to Combats made for pleasure. After that they drew them together, and by remonstrances and persuasions put courage into them for the War to come. Wherein Andromachus Aspondin, and Polycrates the Argive, who were lately come from Argos, were very powerful. These were men accustomed to the War, and much esteemed by reason of their Country, and the excellency of their lives: especially Polycrates, for the antiquity of his race, and the glory of his Father Muasias. These instructing the Bands publicly and in private, gave courage to the Soldiers for the future War. 
The distribution of Ptolomes' Army to his Captains.  Moreover, every one had his particular charge in the Army according to their experience. Euriloch●● Magnes had the command of three thousand men, which the Kings call the furious Troop. Socrates of Beocia, was Chief of two thousand armed with Targets. Phoxide the Achaean, and Ptolemy of Thras●●, and with them Andromachus Aspondin, led the great Battalion, and the Mercenaries: So as Adromachus and Ptolemy were Captains of the great Battalion, and Phoxide of the Mercenaries. The Phalange or great Battalion contained about five and twenty thousand men. The Mercenaries were eight thousand. Polycrates had trained and instructed the Gentlemen of the King's house, being seven hundred Horse, over whom he was Captain, and likewise of those which were come for Lybia, and had been levied in the Province. All which made the number of three thousand men.  
In regard of the Grecian Cavalry, and those which were in pay, Echecrates of Thessaly, a man of service, instructed them carefully, to the number of two thousand▪ being as diligent as any other to have a care of the Soldiers. C●opy had the command of all the Candiots, being three thousand in number: Among the which there was a thousand Soldiers newly levied, of which he gave the charge to Philon of Gnosie. There were moreover three thousand Africans, armed after the the Macedonian manner, over whom Ammonin Barcee was Captain. There were also about two thousand Egyptians under the command of Sosibius Finally, four thousand Thrace's and Gauls, which had long served in the War: and two thousand newly levied, whereof De●● of Thrace had the charge. This was Ptolomes' Army at that same time.  
When as Antiochus had besieged the Town of Dure, and saw that he could not prevail, as well for its fortification, as for the defence of Nicholas: in the beginning of Winter he concluded a truce with Ptolomes' Ambassador, and promised him willingly and freely, to go out of the Province, and to do him all the pleasure he could, although he had another intent: for he made haste to lead his Army to winter in Seleucia, for that Acheus made show to be of his side, although in truth he held Ptolomes' party. After the truce concluded, Antiochus sent presently an Ambassador, 
An Embassy sent from Antiochus to Ptolemy.  giving him charge to advertise him speedily of Ptolomes' intention, and that he should come unto him to Seleucia. Then leaving sufficient Garrison in necessary places, and the charge of all to Theodote, he led his Army to Seleucia: from whence he sent them to winter in Garrisons, and from that time he began to neglect all care in exercising his Soldiers, thinking he should have no more occasion of fight: For that he held many places in base Syrria and Phenicea, hoping that the rest would be soon reduced to his obedience: considering that Ptolemy durst not come to fight. His Ambassadors thought no less, for that Sosibius had given them fair and courteous words at Cairo: And not any one of those which had been sent to Antiochus, knew the preparation of War which was made in Alexandria: so as Sosibius dismissing the Ambassadors, was continually careful of the War. It is true, that Antiochus used great care to make his just quarrel known to the Ambassadors, when they should enter into discourse.  
Finally, being come to Sele●cia, and falling into private speech of the peace, according unto that which Sosibius had given them in charge, the King did not hold the outrage which he had done by open War, 
Reasons of the war propounded by Antiochus.  in seizing upon the places of base Syrria to be unjust or unreasonable: and that he had done nothing but by a just title. For he said, that Antigonus with one eye, and Seleucus, who first had conquered those places, were the true and lawful Lords. Wherefore the Realm of base Syrria belonged unto him, as it were by right of inheritance, and not to Ptolemy: For that Ptolemy had fought against Antigonus, not for his own right, but to conquer those Countries for Seleucus. Moreover, he propounded the mutual accord betwixt the Kings, for at such time as Antigonus was defeated, when as Cassander, Lysimachus and Seleucus would divide the Realm betwixt them, they adjudged all Syrria to Seleucus. This was all that Antiochus alleged. 
Th● answer of Ptolomes' Ambassadors to Antiochus.  chose Ptolomes' Ambassadors laboured to produce their reasons, making this present outrage far greater than it had been: saying that the accord had been broken as well by the treason of Theodote, as by the descent which Antiochus had made with an Army into Syrria. Moreover, they pretended Ptolomes' possession, saying, that he had made War with Seleucus against Antigonus, to the end he might conquer all the Empire of Asia for Seleucus, and make Syrria and Phenicea his own. These difficulties with diverse others, were many times debated betwixt them: but they could not conclude any thing, although matters were solicited by their common Friends: for that the party of Acheus bred a great controversy and debate betwixt them: For that Ptolemy sought to comprehend him in the accord, and Antiochus would not hear him spoken of: holding it a strange thing, that Ptolemy should presume to make mention of those who through Treason abandoned their King. Finally, the Ambassadors departed without any effect.  
In the Spring Antiochus useth all diligence to levy men, 
A levy of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolemy.  with an intent to assail Syrria both by Sea and Land, and to make subject all the other Countries of that Province. But Ptolemy did no less to reinforce the Army of Nicholas: so as he sent him store of victuals out of the Countries near unto Gaza, furnishing him moreover with Soldiers both by Sea and Land, with other things necessary. By means whereof Nicholas resuming courage, went boldly to Field with the help of Perigene, Commander of the Army at Sea, being sent by Ptolemy with thirty ships of War, and about four hundred Merchants Vessels. This Nicholas was borne in Etolia, as able and resolute a Soldier as any that served Ptolemy: who after he had formerly gotten with a part of his Army, the straits which lie near unto Platane, and marching with the rest to Porphirrion, he shut up the passage of the Province from the King with the help of the Sea-army. 
Ambassadors from the Arcadi●ns to Antiochus.  Antiochus being come to Marache, and Ambassadors arriving from the Arcadians, to confer of the conditions of their Alliance, he not only received them courteously, but freed the discord which had been long betwixt them, in reconciling the Arcadians which dwelled in the Island, with those that lived in Epirus. This done he comes to Berite, entering into the province by a place which the Countrymen call, the Face of God: in passing he took the Town of Botre, setting fire upon Triere and Calame. From thence he sent Nicarche and Theodote before, giving them charge to gain the straits which are near unto the River of Dice: And with the rest of his Army he plants himself near unto the River of Damure, from whence Diogene Chief of the Army at Sea, was not far.  
Then again he takes those that were lightly armed, whom he had sent before with Nicarche and Theodote, and goes to discover the straits which Nicholas had formerly taken: so as after he had well viewed the places, he returned to his Campe. Where the next day he left those that were best armed, under the charge of Nicarche, and marched with the rest against the Enemy. And for that Mount Liban doth much restrain those places towards the Sea-shoare, the way must of necessity be narrow, difficult, and almost inaccessible: leaving a straight and short passage towards the Sea. Whereas Nicholas having then built his Fort, he did hope he should be well able to repulse Antiochus: For that he had put himself into it with a good number of Soldiers: and had also fortified it with Engines and other defences.  
The King divided his Army into three Troops, 
Antiochus his Army divided into three.  whereof he gave the leading of the one to Theodote, giving him charge to fall upon the Enemies which defended the way of the Mountain. He gave another to Menedemus, whom he commanded to strive to get up th● Mountain: And the third he placed on the Sea-shoare, under the leading of Diocles. He put himself among the Baggage to see all, and to succour where need should require. At the same time Diogenet and Perigene began to fight at Sea, approaching as near to Land as possibly they could: so as they might see the Combats by Land and Sea with one view. 
A Combat at Sea and Land.  The Trumpets sounding to the charge, the fight was long equal at Sea: so as the Victory inclined to neither side: for that the two Armies were equal in number of men and preparation of War. In regard of the fight at Land, Nicholas had the better in the beginning, for that he had the advantage of the place. But when as they which were with Theodote, came upon them from the top of the Mountain, and charged them with great fury, Nicholas and his men fled shamefully. There were two thousand slain in the chase: the rest saved themselves in Sydon. And although that Perigene in show had good hope of the ●ight at Sea, yet seeing the defeat of the Army at Land, he retired. Antiochus drew his men together, and went and planted his Camp near unto Sydon: yet he did not hold it fit to attempt the taking thereof at that time, as well for the abundance of munition and victuals that were in it, as for the multitude of men, as well Inhabitants, as such as were retired into it after the Battle. Wherefore he dislodged, and went to Philotere, sending word to Diogenet, Chief of the Army at Sea, to sail to Tyre. You must understand, that Philotere is seated near unto a Fen, into the which the River which they call jordan, passeth: then takes its course by the Country of that Town which is called Scitheses. After the sudden taking of these two Towns, he enters into great hope for the future, for that their Fields were sufficient to furnish his Army with all kind of victuals, and other munitions for the war. There he placed sufficient Garrisons, and passing the Mountains, he came to the Tow●e of Atabyre, situated upon the Mountain of Mastodia, which hath fifteen Furlongs in ascent. There laying an Ambush near the Town, he began to draw the Inhabitants forth to fight, who following his men who seemed to retire, were in a manner all slain, they turning head: And for that the Ambush charged them in the Rear, he pursued the rest, and took them and their Town. At the same time Cere● being one of Ptolomes' Commander, left it. By the means whereof Antiochus gained many other Captains. For soon after Hippolochus of Thessaly came to yield himself to him with three hundred horse. And when he had put a Garrison into A●tabyre, he proceeded in his journey, 
divers Towns taken by Antioc●us.  pursuing his enterprise, and in passing the Country, took Pelle, Came, & Gepre. In the mean time the people of of Arabia agreeing together, followed his party. Autiochus growing into greater hope, & drawing victuals from them, went farther into the Country: and presently took Gallate with the Garrison of the Abillatins, of whom Nicie a Kinsman and Ally to Nemne, was Commander. And although that Gadare, which at that time seemed impregnable for its situation, held out, yet he took it suddenly in besieging it, and setting up his Engines. And having news afterwards that a good number of Enemies were drawn together into Rabatamassane a Town of Arabia, and spoilt all the Arabians Country which held his party, he went suddenly thither with his Army, and planted his Camp near unto the Mountains among the which the Town is situated. And when upon a view he had discovered that it was not to be forced but in two places, he set up his Engines, and other things necessary to force a Town, whereof he gave the charge to Nicarchus and Theodote: and in the mean time attends his other affairs.  
These men careful of the Battery, strove with emulation who should first overthrow the Wall, whereupon a great part fell sooner than they could imagine. This done, they fought continually day and night, striving to lose no time. And although the Siege continued long, yet they could not prevail, in regard of the multitude of men which defended it: until that a Prisoner showed them a little River, where the besieged fetch their water, the which they stopped up with Pallisadoes● stones, and such like things. Then being out of hope of water, they yielded to the Enemies. 
R●batamassana yielded to Antiochu●.  By this means the King having it in his hands, he gave it in guard to Nicarchus with a sufficient strength: and he sent Hippolichus and Ceree (who as we have said, had abandoned Ptolemy) into the Country of Samaria, with five thousand Foot: giving them charge to continue there for the defence thereof, and to preserve all the people which were under his obedience. From thence he parts with his whole Army, and comes to Ptolomais to pass the Winter there.  
When the Pednelissenses had been the same Summer besieged by the Selgenses, 
The Pednelissenses besieged.  and were in great danger; they sent to demand succours from Ac●eus. When he had heard them willingly, and promised to do it, they endured the Siege with great courage, growing more resolute by the hope of succours. Finally, Acheus sent G●rsyere with six thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse: giving him charge to use all diligence to succour the Pednelassenses. The Selgenses advertised by the Spies of his coming, recovered the straits which are about a place which they call, Eschelle, with the greatest part of their Army, and stop up all the passages. Garsyere entering by force into Myliade, and planting his Camp near ●nto a Town called Candois, he used this stratagem, seeing that he could not pass, for that the Selgenses kept all the passages. He began to raise his Camp, and to retire, making show that it was impossible for him to succour the Pednelissenses: for that the straits of the Country were held by the Enemy.  
The Selgenses thinking they had been gone, as men despairing to be able to succour them, 
The policy of Garsyere.  retired, some to the Camp, the rest returned to the City to recover Victuals. But Garsyere comes suddainiy back to the straits, whereas finding them abandoned, he set men to guard them under the command of Captain Phayle: and from thence he comes with his forces to Perge, whereas staying some time, he sent Ambassadors to Pamphilia, and the other Towns, to acquaint them with the insolency of the Selgenses, and to solicit them to enter into league with Achens, and to succour the Pednelissenses. The Sc●genses at the same time sent a Captain with an Army, hoping to chase Phayle from the straits. But for that matters succeeded otherwise then they expected, and lost many of their men in fight, they gave over their Enterprise: yet for all this they did not raise their Siege, but were more attentive than before, to set up their Engines.  
In the mean time the Ettenenses which inhabit the Mountains above side, sent eight thousand men armed to Garsyere: and the Aspendiens four thousand. The Sydetes made no show to send any succours: for that they were Friends to Antiochus, and hated the Aspendiens. Garsyere came to ednelisse, accompanied with the Troops of the Allies, thinking at his coming to raise the Siege. But when he saw that the Selgenses were nothing amazed, he set himself down near unto them. The Pednelissenses were so oppressed with want of Victuals, as they could no longer endure the hunger, wherefore Garsyere seeing it necessary to use diligence, prepared two thousand men, every one laden with a Mine of Wheat, and sent them by night to the Town. 
A M●●e is about two of our 〈◊〉, weighing an hundred and ten pounds.  The Selgenses advertised hereof, charged them presently, and slew the greatest part of them, and took all the Wheat. Wherewith they grew so glorious, as they not only besieged the Town, but they attempted the Enemies Campe. It is the custom of the Selgenses to be always bold and audacious. Wherefore in leaving sufficient forces in their Camp, they suddenly assailed the Enemy in diverse place. And when the Alarm grew hot, so as the Camp was forced in some places, Garsyere amazed at this great and sudden accident, and having no great hope, he caused the Horsemen to go forth by a certain place which was not guarded: whom the Selgenses (thinking they had fled for fear of being defeated) did not pursue, nor made any account of them. These Horsemen turning a little about, charged the Enemy suddenly in the Rear, fight with great fury. Then Garsyeres Footmen, who seemed to waver, turned head, being reunited, and fell upon the Enemy▪ By this means the Selgenses being thus environed, in the end fled. The Pednelissenses taking courage hereat, made a sally, 
The Victory of Garsyere against the Selgenses.  and beat them out of the Camp which had the guard. In the chase Garsyere made a great ●laughter: for there were above ten thousand men slain: of those which remained, the Allies retired to their houses, and the Selgenses to their Country, taking their way by the Mountains.  
The next day Garsyere parts with his Army, and makes haste to pass the Mountains, and to approach the Town, before that the Selgenses (being amazed with this fresh flight) should provide for any thing. Who being full of heaviness and fear, as well for the little hope they had of succours from their Allies, considering the loss they had made with them▪ & amazed with this fresh misfortune, were in great doubt of safety, either for themselves or their Country. 
Logbase sent Ambassador by the Selgenses.  Wherefore they assembled the Counsel, to resolve to send one of their Citizens called Logbase, in Embassy: who had had great Friendship and familiarity with Antiochus, which died in Thrace: And moreover he had bred up Laodicea the wife of Acheus, and his own Daughter, whom they had given him in her infancy to instruct. They sent him therefore as their Ambassador, thinking him sufficient for that business. But being come to Garsyere, he was so far from doing that which he had in charge, and which the duty of a good Citizen required, that chose he solicited him to write to Acheus, that he promised to deliver him the Town.  
Garsyere giving a willing ●are upon hope of taking it, sent men to Acheus to solicit him, and to let him understand how matters had past. Finally he makes a truce with the Selgenses, 
A truce made with the Selgenses.  delaying still to make an absolute accord with him, under colour that he would consider better thereon, to the end that in the mean time he might expect Acheus, and give Logbase opportunity to finish the Enterprise. But whilst they in the mean time conferred together, 
Communication with an E●y is dangerous.  the Soldiers by a kind of familiarity, went freely into the Town to fetch Victuals, which is many times the cause of a great Defeat. So as in my opinion there is not any Creature amongst all the rest, more simple than man, or that hath less sense and judgement: whom notwithstanding the greatest part of the World hold for the wisest. But how many Armies? How many Forts? How many and what Cities have fallen into the Enemy's hands thereby? And although these be things which daily happen, and that all the world sees, yet we show ourselves (I know not how) new and Apprentizes. This happens, for that we do not consider the fortunes which have happened to our Ancestors in former times: and that we busy ourselves with toil and charge, to make provision of Corn, Silver, Fortifications, and Arms. Moreover, we make no esteem of that which is of great profit in great dangers, but disdain it, although it be in our power to learn it in the time of peace, by the Histories and Commentaries of former actions, and as it were to practise them. But to the end we may return to the discourse from whence we parted, Acheus came at the day appointed. The S●lgenses going to meet him, had great hope and confidence in his bounty.  
In the mean time Logbase having drawn into his house a good number of those which came into the City for Victuals, he began to persuade the Citizens, not to lose any time: and that considering the goodwill which Acheus bore them, they should think of their affairs, and that in assembling the people, they should consider of the conditions of peace. These things being propounded, they presently assembled, to confer of their present affairs, calling those which were deputed for the guard of the City. Logbase making a sign unto the Enemy, as he had promised; suddenly arms all those which were in his house, doing the like himself with his Children, to undergo the danger. On the other side Acheus came to the Town with half the army. Garsyere marched with the rest to C●sbedia. This is a Temple of jupiter▪ so well situated above the Town, as it seems like a Fort.  
When as by chance some one saw the Enemy approach, he ran suddenly to acquaint the Assembly, whereupon there was so great an amazement among the peole, as leaving the Company, some ran to Cesbedia, others to the places where they were set in Guard, and the Commons ran to the house of Logbase: 
Loghbae and his Children slain.  where discovering the treason, some in fury got to the housetop, others forced the Gate, and slew Logbase, his Children, and all the partners of the Conspiracy. This done, they proclaimed liberty to all Bondmen by the sound of the Trumpet, and encouraged one another to succour and defend the City, running to all places necessary. When Garsyere saw Cesbedia seized on by the Burgesses, he changed his resolution, and Acheus seeking to force the Gates, the Se●genses made a sally, killing seven hundred of his men, and repulsed the rest from the Town. This done, Acheus and Garsyere returned to their Camp with shame and disgrace. The Selgenses afterwards fearing the sedition of the Town, and the presence of the Enemy, they sent their most ancient Citizens to demand a peace. 
A peace concluded betwixt 〈◊〉 and the Se●genses.  Who being come to Acheus, they agreed upon these conditions: that Acheus and the Selgenses should live in peace, and that they should pay unto him presently two hundred and forty thousand Crowns. That they should restore the Prisoners of the Pednelissenses, and that at a certain time prefixed, they should pay moreover nine score thousand. Thus the Selgenses (who by the Treason of Logbase were in danger of their Country and Liberties) defended themselves valiantly and with great courage: and neither lost their Liberties, nor that honour which they derived from the Lacedæmonians.  
When as Acheus had reduced under his obedience the Meliades, and the greatest part of Pamphilia, and had brought his Army to Sardis, he made War against Atta●us. All the Inhabitants on this side Tauris, feared him wonderfully. At the same time when he made War against the Selgenses. Attalus accompanied with the Eg●s●ges, Galates, overran Eolia, and the neighbour Towns, who for fear had yielded to Acheus. Whereof the greatest part submitted themselves willingly under his obedience: the rest were forced. Cyme, Smirne, and Phocea, were the first that yielded unto him. Afterwards the Egenses and Lemnites fearing a Siege, yielded in like manner. There came likewise Ambassadors from Th●ia and Colophon, submitting themselves and their Towns unto him. Which being received according to the ancient accord, and hostages taken, he made great account of the Smirniens, for that they had kept their faith best. Afterwards continuing his course, he passed the River of Lice, and went first to the Mysiens', and then to the Carsees, whom he terrified: The like he did to the Guards of the double walls, and took them and their Garrisons, For that Themistocles (whom Acheus had left there for Governor) delivered them unto him. And parting presently, ruining the Country of Apia, he passed the Mountain of Pelecas, and planted himself near unto a great River: where the Moon falling into an Eclipse, and the Galates discontented with the tediousness of the way, having a train of women and children in their Wagons, observing the Eclipse▪ protested that they would pass no farther. And although that King Attalus drew no service from them, yet fearing that if he left them, as it were in disdain, they would retire to Acheus, and that thereby he should purchase an ill fame, as if through ingratitude he had abandoned those who with great affection had followed him into Asia, he entreated them to endure a little toil of the way, and that he would soon bring them to a good place, where they should rest: And withal he would do for them whatsoever they should desire according to his power, and as reason should require. Attalus therefore gave Hellespont to the Egosages for their abode: and after he had entreated the Lampsacenes, the Alexandrians, and Ilienses courteously, for that they had kept their faith, he went to P●rg●mo with his Army.  
In the beginning of the Spring, 
The Army of Ptolemy.  when Antiochus and Ptolemy had made their preparations for the War, they made haste to draw their Armies to Field. Ptolemy parts from Alexandria with above three score and ten thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse, with three score and thirteen Elephants. Antiochus having news of their coming, he suddenly draws his men together. His Army consisted of five thousand Deigns, Carmaniens, 
The Army of Antiochus.  and Ciliciens lightly armed, under the leading of Bittace a Macedonian: and of twenty thousand men after the Macedonian manner, whereof the greatest part were Argyraspides, who were levied throughout the Realm, under the command of Theodote of Etolia, who committed the Treason. The number of the great Battalion was about twenty thousand, of whom Nicarchus and Theodote surnamed Hemiolia, had the leading. Moreover there were two thousand Agreens and Persians, Archers and Slingers: with whom were a thousand Thracians, over whom Menedemus Alabandeus was Captains. Moreover, five thousand Medians, Cissiens', Cadyssiens', and Carmains: which Accius the Son of Aspasian of Media had under his charge.  
In regard of the Arabians, and their neighbours, they were under the command of Zabdibel, to the number of ten thousand men or more. On the other side Hippulochus of Thessaly, had the leading of five thousand Grecians Mercenaries: and Eurylochus of fifteen hundred Candyots. Zelysgorgyne had a thousand Candyots newly levied, to the which were joined five hundred Lydiens with Slings. Lysimachus the Gaul, had a thousand Cardaces. Finally, the whole Cavalry amounted to six thousand Horse, of which Antipater the King's Nephew, had the charge of four thousand, and Themison of the rest. By this means Antiochus his Army consisted of three score and two thousand Foot, six thousand Horse, and a hundred and two Elephants. Ptolemy taking his way by Damietta, he made that Town subject unto him at his entrance: From whence after a plentiful distribution of Corn among the Soldiers, he parted, and passeth Cassia and Bathra, coming by the desert Countries. Being come to Gaza, and having assembled his Army, he marched slowly in the Country: planting himself on the fifth day, within fifty Furlongs of Raphia, which is a Town situated behind Rhinococure, and first of those of Syrria which looks towards Egypt.  
At the same time Antiochus armed with his Army, and passing that Town by night, he planted his Army within ten furlongs of his Enemy. In the beginning they kept themselves distant so far one from another. But some few days after, Antiochus desiring to get some place of advantage, and to give courage to his men, he lodged nearer unto the enemy, so as there were but five Furlongs betwixt the two Camps: So as going to forage and to Water, there were many encounters: on the other side, sometimes the Footmen, and sometimes the Horsemen skirmished betwixt the two Camps, trying the Fortune of the War. 
The hardy attempt of Theodote.  At the same time Theodote showed the great courage of a true Etol●en: For being by long experience acquainted with the King's manner of living, he entered at the break of day into the enemy's Camp, and could not be discovered by his Countenance, for that it was yet dark: Neither did he differ much from them in his Apparel, for that they used diverse fashions of habits. Having formerly observed the place where the King's Tent was planted, for that they had fought often near unto the Camp, he went directly to it. When he had passed unknown, and was come secretly to the Tent, in the which the King did usually eat and drink: Where casting his looks carefully about him, he saw him not, (for he was lodged in a place retired behind it) so as he wounded two that were lodged there, 
Andrew the King's physician sla●e.  and killing Andrew the King's Physician, he retired without danger to his Camp, bringing his enterprise to an end by his hardy courage: But deceived in his foresight, for that he had not well observed the place where as Ptolemy did usually lie.  
When the Kings had continued in Camp five days together, one before the other, they resolved in the end to give Battle. Ptolemy beginning to draw his Army out of his Fort, Antiochus suddenly did the like: And they planted their two chief Battalions in Front one against the other, 
The order of Ptolomes' Army in Battle.  armed after the Macedonian manner. Behold the order which Ptolemy held for the two Wings: Polycrates was in the right Wing, with the Horsemen that were under his charge: Betwixt the which and the great Battalion, were the Candyots placed near unto the Horsemen. After which was the King's battalion, and subsequently those that were armed with Targets, whereof Socrates had the Command: And finally the Lybians armed after the Macedonian manner. Upon the right Wing was Echecrates of Thessaly, having with him his Troop of Horses After which were appointed the Galates and Thracians; and then Phoxide with the Mercenaries of Greece; being followed by the great Battalion of the Egyptians. He had also placed forty Elephants on the left Wing, with the which Ptolemy were before the right Wing, near unto the horsemen that were hired. Antiochus on the other side, placed on the right Wing (with the which he was resolved to fight in Battle against Ptolemy) threescore Elephants: 
The order of Antiochus his Battle▪  Of which his companion Philip had the Charge. After these he order two thousand Horse under the leading of Antipater, and sets the Candyots in Front, near unto the Horsemen: Then he appoints the Mercenaries of Grease, and after then were five thousand men, who armed after the Macedonian manner, had Byttice for their Captain. As for the left Wing, he placed two thousand horses in Front, under the Command of Temison: near unto which he sets the Cardaces and Lydien Horsemen, and after them three Thousand men lightly armed, under the charge of Menedemus: in whose Rear were the Cissiens', Mediens, and Carmaniens: And after them the Arabians were joined to the great Battalion. Finally, he sets before the left Wing the rest of the Elephants, giving them for their Guide one Myisce a Household servant to the King.  
The two Armies being thus in battle, the Kings began to encourage their Troops, being accompanied with their Captains and friends, commending the valour of the Soldiers both in general and particular: And having great hope of their Battalions, they propounded great benefits which would redound by the Victory. Ptolemy had with him his sister Arsinoe, with Andromachus and So●ibius, who encouraged the Soldiers: And Theodote and Nicarchus were with Antiochus, for that of either side they were the Commanders of the two great Battalions. They were both of one humour to make Speeches unto their men, and yet neither of them had done any thing worthy of fame or praise to be propounded, for that they were newly come unto their Principalities. Wherefore they laboured to encourage their Troops, in reducing to their memory the glory and prowess of their Ancestors: And propounding moreover a hope of themselves for the future, they entreated and solicited the Captains to fight, and to undergo the danger resolutely and with courage. These were the speeches or such like, which they used in person, or by their Interpreters.  
This done, the two Kings marched one against the other, a slow pace. Ptolemy was in the left Wing, 
A Battle be●twixt Ptolemy and Antiochus.  and Antiochus in the right with his royal Battalion. Then the Trumpets sounded to Battle, whereof the first Charge was made by the Elephants. Few of Ptolomes' held good against those of the Enemy, whose Soldiers fought valiantly, casting of Darts, Pertwisans, and plummets of lead, wounding one another. But the Elephants made a stronger War; 
The Combat of the Elephants.  beating their Heads furiously together: For such is the manner of their fight, assailing one another with their teeth, and standing firm they repulse one another with great Violence: But if they once turn their sides they wound with their Teeth, as Bulls do with their Horns. But the greatest part of Ptolomes' feared the Combat: 
The Elephants of Lybia fear them of India.  the which doth usually happen to the Elephants of Lybia: For they cannot endure the scent, not hear the cry of those of India. So as fearing (as it seems) their greatness and force, they fly them, as it happened at that time, for that flying suddenly they broke the ranks of their own men, and made a great slaughter in Ptolomes' great battalion.  
The which Antiochus perceiving, he presently chargeth Polycrates Horsemen with the Elephants. The Grecians about his great battalion fell upon Ptolomes' Targetteers. Wherefore when the Elephants had broken them, his left Wing began to turn head. When Echecrates Commander of the right Wing, (expecting still the Combat of the said Wings) saw the Dust rise in the Air, and that his Elephants durst not charge the Enemies, he sends to Phoxide Captain of the Mercenaries to charge those which he had in Front: The which he did likewise, marching a slow pace with the Horsemen and the Elephants. There the Combat was long and furious: yet Echecrates being freed from the danger of the Elephants, and making a great slaughter of the Horsemen, and withal Phoxide pressing the Arabians and Medes. In the end Antiochus his left wing was put to flight. By this means Antiochus right wing vanquished, and the left fled. The two great Battalions stood firm and untouched, being in doubt of the end. And when as Ptolemy in the mean time had recovered his great Troop by his speedy running, and was in the midst of them, he amazed his Enemies, and gave great courage unto his own Captains and Soldiers.  
In the mean time King Antiochus being young and of small experience in the War, seeing himself Victorious of the one side, thought the like of the rest, and pursued the Chase of the Enemy with great eagerness. But when as one of his old Soldiers called him back, and showed him the Dust which a great Troupe had raised in his Fort, he then knew what it meant: and turning head he laboured to recover his Campe. But when he found that all his Army was in Rout, 
Ptolomes' Victory against Antiochus.  then wanting good Counsel he fled to Raphia, immagining that it was not his fault he had not obtained a glorious and Triumphant Victory, and that the baseness and sloth of his men had been the cause of his defeat. Ptolemy having the Victory by the means of his chief Battalion, and having lost many of his Horsemen and Soldiers of the right Wing, he returned to his Camp, and refreshed his Army. The next day, he caused his men to be sought out among the Dead, and buried.  
From thence (after they had stripped the Enemies that were slain) he marched with his Army to Raphia. And although that Antiochus (gathering together his men that fled) had a desire to keep his Camp, and to leave the Town, yet he was forced to go to Raphia: For that the greatest part of his Soldiers were retired thither. The next day early in the morning, he parts with that small Army, which he had remaining after so great a defeat, and went to Gaza: Where planting his Camp, he sent men to demand the dead bodies, and to inter them. Antiochus' lost above ten Thousand foot, and three hundred Horse. There were about four thousand footmen taken alive. In regard of the Elephants, there were three slain upon the field, and two wounded which died afterwards: most of the rest were taken. This was the end of that famous battle, where as two powerful and might Kings fought for the Empire of Syrria, near unto Raphia.  
When as Antiochus had buried the dead, he returned into his Country with his Army. As for Ptolemy, he presently recovered Raphia, with the other Cities, so as the people contended who should prevent his neighbour, in yielding first unto the King. In such events every man strives to apply himself unto the time. It is true, that the people of that Country are borne and inclined to embrace the fa●●our of the present time. But for as much as the people had a special devotion to the Kings of Alexandria, what they then did was held just and reasonable. The people of base Syrria have always affected this royal House. And therefore they honoured Ptolemy, with Flowers, Sacrifices, Altars, and such like things. When as Antiochus was come to the City, 
Antiochus sends Ambassadors to Ptolemy.  which is called by his own name, he presently sent his Nephew Antipater with Theodote Hermioly in Embassy to Ptolemy, to demand a peace of him: For without doubt he feared his forces, neither did he much rely upon his own soldiers, considering the loss which he had lately made. He likewise doubted that Acheus might move War against him, considering the opportunity of the time and occasion.  
As for Ptolemy, he thought not of all this: But being joyful of so great a Fortune, which he expected not, holding himself happy to enjoy all Syrria, he refused not the conditions of peace. So as being lulled a sleep with this base kind of life, which he had always used, his heart was much inclined thereunto. When the Ambassadors presented themselves unto him, he granted them a peace for a yearl, after that he used some proud speeches against Antiochus. To whom he sent Sosibius with them to confirm the Accord. 
An Accord made betwixt Ptolemy and Antiochus.  And after he had stayed about some three months in Syrria and Ph●nicea, and had given order for the Cities, leaving the charge of all those places to Andromachus Aspendius, he returned with his sister and Friends to Alexandria. On the other side Antiochus (after he had confirmed the Accord with Sosibius, and pacified all things to his liking) began to make preparation for War against Achens, according to his first Resolution and determination. This was the estate of Asia at that same present.  
At the same time the Rhodiens taking their occasion from an Earthquake, which a little before had befallen them, 
An Earthquake at Rhodes.  in the which the great Colossus, with a great part of the Pipes and Arsenals were ruined, they carried themselves so discreetly and wisely, as this ruin did not seem prejudicial unto them, but very profitable. Ignorance and simplicity differs so much from Prudence and Industry, not only in a private life, but also in public Affairs, that ease and plenty seem to procure loss and prejudice to the one, and adversities excuse the faults and errors of the other. The Rhodiens made these things great and ruinous, and labouring to sent Ambassadors to all places, they did so move the Cities and likewise Kings, as they not only drew great gifts from them, but they had them in such sort, as they which gave them held themselves beholding unto them. 
Presents made to the Rhodiens by many Cities.   
Hieron and Gelon did not only give them five and forty Thousand Crowns, to repair the place ordained for all Exercises (one part to be paid presently and the rest soon after:) but they also gave them Cauldrons of silver, with their Trevets, and pots for water. Moreover six thousand Crowns to perform the Sacrifices: And others six thousand to relieve the Burgesses: So as the whole present amounted to threescore thousand Crowns. Moreover all that sailed to Rhodes were free from Tribute. They gave them likewise fifty Slings or Warlike Engines: Finally they advanced Images in the most eminent places of Rhodes, as if they were beholding unto them; where the people of Rhodes were Crowned with that of Sarragosse. 
Ptolemy hi●pre● sent to the Rhodiens.  Ptolemy promised them nine score thousand Crowns: A million of Artabes of Wheat, which is a measure of Media: Timber to make six Quinqueremes, and ten Triremes, and about forty thousand Fathoms of Rope, and three thousand Masts and Sails, and to repair the Colossus nine score thousand Crowns, a hundred Architects, three hundred and fifty workmen, and for their Victuals seven Thousand and four hundred Crowns by the year. Twelve thousand Artabes of Wheat, for those which should make the Combats in their Games and Sacrifices: And twenty Thousand Artabes for the victualling of ten Triremes. Of which things he delivered the greatest part of them presently, with the third part of the money.  
Moreover Antigonus gave them Timber from eight unto fifteen Fathom, 
The ●ist of A●ti●onus to the Rhodiens.  with five thousand planks above twelve foot long, and two hundred three score and ten thousand weight of Iron, four score and ten thousand pound weight of Rossine, and a thousand bushels of pitch: And withal he promised them three score thousand Crowns overplus. Chrysea (who was a woman) gave them a hundred Thousand Bushels of Wheat, 
Chryseas gi●t.  with two hundred three score and ten Thousand pound weight of Lead. 
Seleucus his present.  Seleucus' father to Antiochus, sent them ten Quinqueremes Armed and furnished, and that they which failed to Rhodes should be free: He gave them likewise two hundred Bushels of Corn with Timber and Pitch, and ten thousand Fathoms of Cord made with hair, and six hundred thousand Crowns. Prustas and Mithridates did the like: So did all the Princes of Asia, as Lysannius, Olympiquus, Lymnius and others. Finally we cannot number the Towns which gave presents to the Rhodiens, every one according to their power. And if any man will observe the time and the beginning, when as this City was first Inhabited, he will wonder much, that in so short a time it is so much augmented both in private and Public. But when we consider the Commodity of the place, and the great felicity which doth grow from Foreigners, and their plentiful revenue; there is no more any cause of admiration: Being certain that this getting of Wealth is made with reason and judgement. We have thought it fit to relate these things.  
First, for the love of the Rhodiens, to the end that their industry and care for the Affairs of their Commonwealth might be known to all the World, for in truth they are worthy of commendation and love. Secondly, for the avarice of our Kings at this day, and the wretchedness of people and Towns: Who when they have given two or three thousand Crowns, imagine they have made a great stately Present, and look for such thanks and honours as were given to the Ancient Kings of Greece▪ Or let the Towns remember the great bounty of the ancient presents, lest they lose those great honours in making such petty gifts, and let them strive to preserve their dignity: To the end that the people and inhabitants of Greece may differ from other men.  
When in the beginning of Summer, Agote being then Chief of the etolians, and the time of Epirates Government over the Acheins being expired, (in my opinion this is the passage, where we last turned from the War of the Allies) Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian returned from Etolia: 
Lycurgus' called home▪  For the Magistrates called him home as soon as they found the accusation, for the which he was banished to be false. He was then sent to Pyrrhie the Etolian, who at that time was Captain of the Eliences, against the Messeniens. Arate found the trained men of Acheia ill disciplined, and the Towns careless of the duties of War: For that Epirate, who before him had the Government, had (as we have said) carried himself idly and carelessly in all things. But when he had acquainted the Acheins therewith, and received their order, he applied himself wholly to the preparation of the War. 
Arate prepares for the War.  Their Decree was, that they should not levy less than eight thousand Adventurers, and five hundred Horse: They should also make three thousand Foot Acheins, and three hundred Horse: Among the which the Megalopolitains should march, armed with Targets of Copper, to the number of five hundred foot and fifty Horse, and as many Argives. It was also ordered that they should prepare three Ships in the Gulf of Argos, and as many near unto Patres and Dyme. Arate was then careful to levy men, and to make ready the Army. Lycurgus and Pyrrhie after they had appointed a day for their departure, took their way to Messene: Whereof the Chief of the Acheins being advertised, he came to Megalopolis with the Adventurers, and some of those of the Election, to succour the Messeniens.  
Lycurgus' on the other side entering the Messeniens Country, 
Calames taken in Treason by Lycurgus.  took the Town of Calames by Treason: And from thence going on his course, he made haste to join with the etolians. When as Pyrrhie came to Elis ill accompanied, to assail the Messeniens, he turned head presently, being repulsed by the Cyparisseins. Wherefore Lycurgus took his way to Sparta, having done nothing worthy of memory, for that he could not join with Pyrrhie, neither was he strong enough to manage the War alone. Arate seeing the Enemies frustrated of their hope, and thereby foreseeing the future, he commanded Taurion to prepare fifty Horse, and five hundred foot, and that the Messeniens should send as many, meaning with this force to defend the Megalopolitains, Tegeates, and Argives, from the incursions of their Enemies: For that those Countries lie more in danger of the Lacedæmonians during the War, joining upon the Spartains Country. Finally, he resolved to Guard Acheia, with the Acheins and Mercenaries, from the danger of the Elyences and etolians. This done, he pacified the Discord, which was grown among the Megalopolitains, according unto that which the Acheins had ordered.  
For you must understand that the Megalopolitains, being a little before chased out of their own Country by Cleomenes, had need of many things which were wanting: And although they still maintained their authority, 
A Mutiny among the Megalopolitains.  yet they had neither victuals nor necessary expenses, either for the public or private: So as all was full of mutiny, rage, and malice. The which doth usual fall out in Commonweals, and among private persons, when as victuals fail. First they were in debate among themselves concerning the walls of the City, some being of opinion that that they should not make the enclosure greater, than their power would then bear, and keep it with so small a number of men, considering it had been the cause of their former danger, for that it was greater and more spacious than the power of the Inhabitants was able to defend. Moreover, they were of advice, that such as had Lands, should contribute the third part, to the end they might people the City: Others said, that they must not give a less circuit to the City, nor contribute the third part of their possession: But their chiefest contention was concerning the Laws written by Pritanides, an excellent man among the Peripatetics, whom Antigonus had given them for a Lawgiver. The City being in these combustions, Arate pacified them, and quenched the quarrels which were inflamed among the Megalopolitains, as well public as private. Finally they have graven the Articles agreed upon on a Pillar seated in the Omarie, at the Altar of Vesta. After the reconciliation of the Megalopolitains, Arate parting from thence, retired presently to an Assembly of the Acheins, leaving the Adventurers with Selcuous of Phare.  
The Elienses incensed against Pirrhie, as if he had not discharged his duty, they called Euripides from Etolia to be their Captain. Who considering that the Acheins held their Diet, took six hundred Horse, and two thousand Foot, and went suddenly to Field, where he spoilt the whole Country unto Egia: And when he had taken a great booty, he made haste to return to Leonce. Lice hearing this, went to meet them, and encountered them suddenly: when they came to fight, he slew four hundred, and took two hundred Prisoners: 
Lice defeate● Euripides.  Among the which were found Phissias, Antanor, Glearcus, Euanorides, Aristogites, Nicasippus, and Aspasias, men of note: and withal he had all their Arms and Baggage.  
At the same time the Captain of the Sea-army for the Acheins came to Molicria, and parting thence suddenly, he turned his way to Calcea: 
chalcea spoilt by the Achei●● Fleet.  where when as the Townsmen came out against him, he took two Galleys armed, and furnished with all things necessary, with many other smaller vessels. Moreover, he took great spoils both by Sea and Land, and drew victuals from thence, with other munition: wherewith he made the Soldiers more hardy and resolute for the future. On the other side the Cities were in better hope, for that they were not forced to furnish victuals for the Soldiers. In the mean time Scerdilaide holding himself wronged by the King, for that he had not given him his full pay, as he had articulated with Philip, sent fifteen Vessels under a counterfeit show of carrying Merchandizes, the which at their first arrival to Leucade, were kindly entertained, as Friends in regard of the League with the King. And when they could do no worse, they too●e Agatin and Cassander of Corinthe, 
Agatin and Cassander taken by Scordilaide▪  who as Friends were entered into the same Port with four ships: Being thus taken with their Vessels, they sent them presently to Scerdilaide. This done, they weighed Anchor from Leucade, bending their course towards Maleu, spoiling all the Merchants. In the beginning of Summer, when the Soldiers of Ta●rion were negligent in the guard of the said Cities, Arate having with him the choice of the Army, came into the Country of Argos to get victuals. On the other side Euripides going to Field with a good number of etolians, wasted the Country of the Tritenses. Lyceus and Demodochus particular Captains of the Acheins, advertised of the descent of the etolians, drew together the Dimenses, Patrenses, and Pharenses, with the Adventurers, and overran the Country of the etolians. Being come to a place which they call Phixia, they sent their Footmen that were lightly armed, with their Horsemen to overrun the Champagne Country, and lodged their men that were best armed in Ambush thereabouts. When the Elienses came to charge them without order to succour their people, passing the Ambush, Lyceus' Company fell upon them: 
A defeat of the Elienses by Lyceus.  whose fury they being unable to resist, fled, so as there were about two hundred slain, and four score taken Prisoners with all the Booty.  
At the same time the Commander of the Acheins Sea-army, having sailed often to Calydon and Naupacte, spoiled the whole Country, and chased the Enemy twice. He also took Cleonice of Naupacte, who for that he was a friend to the Acheins, had no harm: but within few days after was freed without ransom. At the same time Agete Chief of the etolians, assembled a Troop of them, putting the Country of the Acarnanians to fire and sword, and spoiled the Country of Epirus. This done, he returns home, giving leave to the Soldiers to retire to their houses. Afterwards the Acarnanians made a descent into the Country of Strate: where being repulsed by the Enemy, they made a shameful retreat, yet without any loss; for that the Stratenses durst not pursue them, fearing an Ambush. At the same time there was a Treason practised in the Country of the Phanotenses after this manner. Alexander Governor of Phosis for Philip, laid a plot for the etolians by a certain man called jason, to whom he had given the government of the Phanotenses. He was sent to Agete Chief of the etolians, promising to deliver the Fortress of Phanotenses unto him: whereupon they agree and swear together.  
When the day appointed was come, Agete comes in the Night with the etolians: when he had laid his Troop in Ambush, he made choice of a hundred men, 
The etolians circumvented by a Stratagem.  whom he sent to the Fort. jason having Alexander ready with him, with a sufficient number of Soldiers, receives the companions into the Fortress, according to the accord: whom Alexander charged with his Company, and took all the etolians. But when day was come, Agete assured of the fact, carried back his Army into his Country, having worthily deserved this deceit, for that he had many times practised the like. 
Bylazon taken.  At the same time Philip took Bylazon, which is a great Town in Peonia, and in a good situation for the entry from Dardania into Macedony.  
By this means he freed them from all fear of the Dardanians, who could not make any incursions into Macedony, the entry being stopped by the taking of the said Town: whereas placing a good Garrison, he sent Chrysagonus with great speed into high Macedony, to make anew levy of men. As for himself he took some men and went into Beocia, and Amphaxate, and came to Edesa: where expecting Chrysogonus with the Macedonians, he parted presently after with the whole Army, and came to Larissa on the sixth day: And pursuing his course from thence all night, he arrived at Melitea, the which he endeavoured to take by Scalado, and if the Ladders had not been something too short, without doubt he had prevailed in his Enterprise: wherein the Commanders are chiefly to be blamed. For when some of them make haste rashly and inconsiderately to take Towns, 
The indiscretion of Commanders blamed.  without any foresight or consideration of the walls, valleys and such like, by the which they attempt the taking by an assault, who will not blame them? And although they have duly considered of all things, yet who will not tax them to give the charge to the first man they meet, to prepare ladders, & such like instruments, as a thing of small consequence? Finally, in such actions they must do that which is necessary, or else fall into danger. For the loss doth often follow the despair, and in many kinds: First the ablest men are in danger of the attempt, especially upon the retreat, when they begin to disdain them Whereof there are many examples. And you shall find in such attempts many frustrated, some defeated, others to have been in extreme danger: And they they which have saved themselves, have been subject for the future to distrust and hatred: and some have served for an example, to all others to be vigilant, giving not only to such as were present at the danger, but also to them that hear of it, some kind of admonishment to be careful of themselves. Wherefore they must never make use of such advice rashly: In regard of the means to use it well, it is secure if they follow reason.  
We must now return to our discourse, and speak thereon hereafter, when occasion shall be offered, and that it is not possible to fail in such erterprises. Philip prevented in his erterprises, plants his Camp near unto the River of Empe, and sent his men to Larissa, and other Towns, whom he had levied in the winter for the Siege: For all his design was to take Thebes. It is a Town situated near to the Sea, 
The situation of Thebes.  ans about 300. Furlongs from Larissa. It confines fitly with Magnesia and Thessaly: To the one side called Demetriade: And to Thessaly on that part where the Pharsaliens and Pherenses dwell. This City doth much annoy the Pharsaliens and Demetriens: For that the etolians held it at that time: The like they did to them of Larissa: for the etolians made many incursions into the Country which the Inhabitants call Namirice. Wherefore Philip considering that such things ought not to be neglected, and left behind, he sought all means to take it. Wherefore he provided a hundred slings and five and twenty great Crossbows, and approached the City of Thebes with his Army, the which he divided into three Troops, and besieged it on three sides: whereof he placed the one near unto Scopia, 
Thebes besieged by Philip.  the other at Heliotropia, and the third near unto the Mountain which looks into the City: Fortifying the spaces in the Field with Ditches and double Pallisadoes. Moreover he built Towers of wood in every space of two Acres of ground with sufficient guards.  
Then he draws together all the preparation for the War, and begins to plant his Engines of Battery against the Fort. Yet the three first days he could not make his approaches to set up his Engines, so great was the courage and resolution of those which fought upon the walls. But after that by the combat, and by the multitude of Darts, part of the Burgesses were slain, and others wounded, and that the besieged ceased for a time, the Macedonians began to mine: where working continually, although the ground were bad, they approached unto the wall on the ninth day.  
From that time they were continually employed in battering the City: so as the Slings and great Crossbows ●euer ceased day nor night: And within three days they made a breach of four score Fathoms in the wall. And when the supporters made unto the wall, were not able to bear the burden, they fell, and brought the wall down with them, before the Macedonians had set them on fire. This being done, when as their courages increased, and that they made show to enter, 
Thebes yielded to Philip.  and begin an assault, the Thebins being amazed, yielded themselves and their City. When as Philip had by this means assured the Countries of Magnesia and Thessaly, he took the best of the etolians goods, and thrust the ancient Inhabitants out of the town, repeopling it with Macedonians, and changing its name of Thebes, he called it Philiopolis. Whilst that Philip stayed in this City, there came Ambassadors from Chios, Rhodes, Constantinople, and from King Ptolemy. Whom when he had answered, 
Ambassadors come to Philip.  as he had formerly done, (that he had been always willing to hearken to a peace) he sent them away, giving them charge to understand the will of the etolians. For his part he made no reckoning of peace, being resolved to continue his attempts. Wherefore being advertised, that the Vessels of Scerdilaide spoilt all the Coast of Malea, and that he entreated the Merchants as Enemies, and that moreover he had taken (breaking the accord) some ships at Leucade, he arms twelve Vessels covered, and eight open, and sails by the Euripus, having likewise thirty Merchants Vessels, hoping to take the Sclavonians: neither did he neglect the Etolien War, for that he was not yet advertised of the actions which had passed in Italy. For at such time as Philip held Thebes besieged, the Romans had been vanquished by Hannibal in Tuscany: But the news were not yet come into Greece.  
When Philip had taken the Sclavonian Vessels, and for this cause had sailed into Cenchrea, he caused the ships that were covered to run along the Coasts of Malea towards Egia and Patres, and stays the rest of the Vessels in the Port of leech. Then he makes haste to go to the Nemeen Game, and arrived at Argos. Being at the sight, he had letters from Macedony to advertise him that the Romans had been vanquished by Hannibal with a wonderful defeat, and that they were masters of their Campe. He presently shows it only to Demetrius, charging him to keep it secret. Who taking his occasion thereby, began to entreat the King that in dispatching the Etolien War speedily, he would attend that of the Sclavonians, for that all Greece than obeyed him: The which they would do hereafter: For that the Acheins affected him, and the etolians feared his forces, considering the losses they had made during this War: and that as for Italy, the voyage which he should make, would be a beginning to conquer the Monarchy, the which did more justly belong to him then to any other, and that moreover the opportunity was great for the present, considering the great defeat of the Romans which Han●ibal had made. Demetrius using these means, persuaded the King, who was but young, and of a high spirit, and too desirous of rule.  
Afterwards Philip called his Council, and began to advise touching a peace with the etolians. To the which Arate would willingly have assisted: the King presently sent Cleomice from Naupacte to the etolians, not expecting the Ambassadors, to propound publicly the Conditions of a Peace: For he found Arate after the taking of Thebes, attending the Diet of the Acheins. In the mean time he took ships at Corinthe, with the Bands of Foot men, and came to Egia, and from thence to Lassion, whereafter he had taken a Tower in the Peripes, he made show to enter into the Elienses Country: to the end they should not think that he much affected a peace. And when as Cleomice had returned twice or thrice, and that the etolians entreated the King to go unto them, he willingly yielded thereunto. Then sending Letters speedily to all the Towns of the Allies, the great fire of the War being now quenched, he advertised them to send Ambassadors to compound and make a peace with the etolians. And in the interim he transports his Army, and planted his Camp near unto Panormus, which is a Port of Morea right against Naupacte, expecting the Ambassadors of the Allies. Whilst they assembled, he went to Zacynthe, and pacified the differences of that Island, then suddenly he returned to the same place. When the Ambassadors were met, he sent Arate and Taurion with some others to the etolians, who being come unto them (for they were assembled at Neupacte) they had some conference: where understanding the desire they had of peace, they returned speedily to Philip, and advertised him thereof. The etolians desiring it wonderfully, sent an Embassy with them unto the King, entreating him to come unto them with his Army, to the end their differences might be the better and sooner decided. Philip won by their entreaties, sailed with his forces to a place twenty furlongs from Naupacte. There landing with his men, after he had fortified his Camp and ships with Ditches and Pallisadoes, he stayed the coming of the etolians. Who came unto the King without Arms: And making a stand two Furlongs from his Camp, they presently sent men to confer of the differences which they had at that time. The King sent first unto them all those which were there present for the allied Cities, 
A peace betwixt Philip and the Eloliens  giving them charge to conclude a peace with them, upon condition, that hereafter every man should keep that which he presently held. And when they had so concluded, they afterwards sent many Messages for the particular actions of either side. Of which things we have willingly omitted the greatest part, for that there is nothing seems worthy of memory yet I have thought good to relate in few words the remonstrances which Agelaus of Naupacte made to the King & the Allies.  
When he was allowed to speak, 
The Speech of Agelaus.  and that all men were attentive to hear him: It is needful (saith he) the Grecians should have no War among themselves, and they should give thanks unto the Gods, if all with one accord (like unto those which pass the Rivers holding hands) may be able to repulse the attempts of the Barbarians, and defend themselves and their Cities: and if this cannot be continually entertained, yet at the least they should at this day apply themselves unto it, for that Greece was never in great danger: saying that he considered the great Armies, and the great War which would soon follow: making no doubt▪ that if the Carthaginians did vanquish the Romans in Italy, or the Romans them, neither the one nor the other would content themselves with the Empire of Sicily or Italy: But the Victors would presently extend themselves farther then were fit, and would pass towards the East.  
Wherefore they must all provide for it, and especially Philip. The which he can no otherwise do, but in quenching this present War, and cease to torment the Cities of Greece: And that chose he have a care of all, as of one Body, and study for the safety thereof in general as his own, and subject unto him. Doing which all the Grecians will love him, and sight with him like good men in his future Wars: And finally the Barbarians fearing the loyalty of the Grecians towards him, will not attempt any thing against his Empire. The which if he had a desire to enlarge, he must attempt against the Western Countries, and consider in what estare the affairs of Italy now stand, and that moreover the time was come, when he might easily hope for the Empire of all the world. To effect the which he should be the less troubled, for that the Romans had been defeated by Hannibal at the Lake of Perousa. Finally, he persuades the King to exchange the War and Discords of Greece into Peace and Concord, and that he should strive with all his power to keep himself at liberty for the future, that he might be able to make Peace and War when he pleased. Moreover, he said, that if he suffered this Cloud which they saw arising towards the West, of a cruel and mortal War once to approach near the Countries of Greece, he feared much that these Quarrels and Contentions which were amongst them, would be found so far out of their power, as they would not be able to pray unto the Gods to have means to make War or Peace at their pleasure.  
When as Agelaus had ended his Speech, he inflamed the hearts of the Allies to peace, and especially Philip: for that moved by the words of Demetrius, he had fixed his mind upon it. Wherefore they all with one accord made a peace with the etolians. The which being confirmed, they retired all into their Countries. These things were done in the third year of the hundred and fortieth olympiad: I mean that Battle which the Romans gave in Tuscany, with the war of Antiochus in Syrria, and the peace made betwixt the etolians, Philip and the Acheins. Behold the time wherein the Wars of Greece, Italy, and Asia were first intermixed. For after that day neither Philip, nor the other Princes of Greece attempted any thing either for War or Peace, but had their eyes wholly fixed upon Italy. Soon after the Lands of Asia did the like, and all they which were either Enemies unto Philip, or any way opposite unto Attalus, retired not to Antiochus, nor unto Ptolemy, nor to the Southern or Eastern parts, but all unto the West. Some solicited the Carthaginians, other did the like to the Romans by continual Embassies. The Romans likewise fearing the power and courage of Philip, sent Ambassadors into Greece. And as we have according to our first resolution, plainly set down, as I conceive, when and how, and for what causes the Affairs of Greece are intermixed with the Italians and Lybians, as it were in one body: we must now pursue the Actions of Greece, until we come to the time when as the Romans were vanquished and defeated near unto Cans by the Carthaginians: For there we have left the actions of Italy, and have written in this Book and the precedent, the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia.  
The War being ended, 
Tymoxines Chief of the Acheins.  when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Governor, resuming their ancient kind of living, they gave order by little and little for their Commonwealth: The like did the other Cities of Morea: So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods. All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continual war. It is certain that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a mild and courteous kind of life, the which in precedent times they did not enjoy: Being as Euripides saith, always tormented by their neighbours, and without rest. Yet it seemeth reasonable for, for all they which tend to a principality, and have their liberty in recommendation, have continual quarrels amongst them, they tending to a superintendency. The Athenians freed from the fear of the Macedonians, seemed to live in great Liberty: but following the besenesse of their Commanders Euriclides and Mition, they paid Tribute in a manner to all Kings, and namely to Ptolemy, who soon after that time made War against the Egyptians. 
The Athenians abandon Ptolemy.  For as he had been assisted in the War against Antiochus, they presently abandoned him: For that grown proud with the Battle given near unto Raphia, they would no more obey the King, seeking only a Commander, as if they had been able of themselves to manage the War: the which was soon after done.  
Antiochus during Winter had levied a great Army, 
Antiochus passeth Mount Tauris.  and the Summer following past Mount Tauris: where making a League with King Attalus, he renewed the War against Acheus. And although the etolians found the peace good in the beginning, for that the War had taken a better end than they expected: Having chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chief Commanded, by whose means the peace had ensued: yet after some time they blamed him much, 
The etolians blame Agelaut for making of the peace.  complaining that by his means they had lost the great profits they had drawn from Foreign parts: For that he had made a peace, not only with some Provinces, but generally with all Greece. But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury: And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacify their Choler.  
Scerdilaide under colour of money due unto him, 
The Exploits of Scerdilaide.  had spoilt all those he met, and (as we have said) had taken ships of Leucade, and had rifled a Town in Pelagonia, which they call Pissea, with diverse other Cities of Dassarete, as Antipatria, Chrissndion, and Gertonte: Having moreover gained a good part of Macedony, aswell by persuasions, as by force.  
Philip after the peace concluded, having embarked himself and his Army to sail thither, and to encounter Scerdilaide, he took land being wholly bend to recover the said Towns. Finally, when he had fully resolved to make War against Scerdilaide, holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanovia, 
Demetrius his advice to Philip.  as well for other Erterprises, as chiefly for his passage into Italy. The which is an advice, whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible, saying that he had seen Philip do so in a Dream. He did not press this for any love he bore him, but for the hatred he had to the Romans: Thinking by this means to recover the Country about Pharos, from whence he had been expelled. Philip recovered all the said Towns, approaching near them with his Army: For in Dassarate, he took Creone and Geronte, and near unto the Fens of Lychnide, Enchelane, Cerece, Sation, and Boys: and Bantia in the Province of the Calicenins: and towards the Pissantins, and Orgysse. This done, he sent his Army to Winter. It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy, and past his Winter in Da●nia, and the Romans making their Election, created Gaius Terrentius, and Lucius Emilius Consuls.  
Whilst that Philip spent the Winter, he drew together a hundred Vessels, (which never King of Macedony had done before him) thinking it necessary to make provision: Not so much for the Combat at Sea, (for that he did not hold himself equal in forces to answer the Romans) as to pass his Army into Italy. Summer being come, and the Macedonians enured to the Oar, he parts with his Army. At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris. Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea, 
Philip's enterprise against Sclavonia.  came unto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade. Where planting his Camp, he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes, for he feared much the Sea Army of the Romans. But when he was advertised by his Spies, that it was near unto Lylibeum, his Courage increased, and he proceeded in his Enterprise, taking his course directly to Apolonia. When as he was near those Countries which are about the River of Loia, which passeth near to Apolonia, he fell into the same fear which doth many times befall Armies at Land: For some of his Vessels which followed in the Rear, and had sailed towards an Island called Sason, lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulf, came by night to Philip, telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea, who advertised them, that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium, bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide. 
Philip leaves his Enterprise for fear.  Philip immagining that the Army was not far off, was amazed: And weighing Anchor retired with great fear and disorder, he came the next day to Cephalenia, sailing continually by night: Where assuring himself he stayed some time, making show that his return was for some pressing affairs in Morea.  
It happened that this was a false Alarm: For you must understand that Scerdilaide advertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawn together in Winter, and fearing his coming by Sea, had obtained succours from the Romans by his Ambassadors: 
Succours sent by the Romans to Scerdilaide.  So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleet which was at Lilybeum, the which passing near unto Rhegium were discovered. If the King had not been amazed without reason, he might well have vanquished them, and performed his Enterprise against Sclavonia: And the rather for that the Romans had received a wonderful loss near unto Cans against Hannibal, where they were in a manner quite ruined. But being then terrified without cause, he made a safe flight into Macedony, and remained infamous.  
At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory: For when as the Gauls whom Attalus had drawn out of Europe into Asia for the War of Acheus, had abandoned him for the causes above mentioned, they spoiled all the Towns of Hellespont with too much avarice and cruelty. And when in the end they had besieged the Towns of the Elienses, than they of Alexandria near unto Trod, performed an Act worthy of memory: for sending Themiste against them with four thousand men, they not only raised the siege of the Elienses, but chaste all the Gauls from Trod, aswell cutting off their Victuals, as disappointing their designs. The Gauls having taken the Town of Arisbe in the Country of the Abideniens, sought to surprise all their Neighbours. Against whom Prusias was sent with an Army, 
Prusias defeats the Gauls.  and giving them Battle he defeated them, killing women and Children, without any regard of Age or Sex, and abandoned the spoil of their Camp to his Soldiers. By this means Hellesponte was freed from great fear, leaving for the future a good example to Barbarians, not to pass so easily out of Europe into Asia. These things were done at that time in Greece and Asia.  
In regard of Italy, many Towns yielded to the Carthaginians, after the defeat of the Romans at the Battle of Cannes. Finally, we will make an end here of the Histories of that time, seeing we have sufficiently showed in what Estate Asia and Greece were in the hundred and fortieth olympiad. And having briefly related them in the following Book, we will turn our Discourse to the Government of the Romans, as we had resolved in the beginning.  
The end of the Fifth Book of Polybius.   

THE sixth BOOK OF the History of POLYBIUS'.  
Concerning the diverse Forms of Government.  
THe Declaration hath been easy, by the which the Actions past are related, and the judgement given of the future, touching the frequent increase of the Grecians Commonweals, and how again they have many times felt a total alteration. We may without any trouble deliver things known, and easily conjecture of the future by the precedent. In regard of the Romans, it is difficult to judge of the present, for the variety of their Government: Or to foretell the future, for the ignorance of the Actions, which (as proper to that Nation) have been in old time decided in public and in private. Wherefore if any one will exactly know the diversities, he had need of an excellent judgement and consideration of Actions. It is true, that they which by instruction would make us know things, propound three kinds of Government: Calling the first a Royalty, the second Aristocracia, and the third Democracia. 
A division of Government.  Yet in my opinion we may with reason doubt of these things, whither they propound them unto us solely, or better than the other: For it seems they are ignorant of either. It is apparent that, that Government should be held the best, which is composed of all the aforesaid properties; whereof we have made proof not only by reasons, but also in effect: For that Lycurgus hath first established the Lacedæmonians Commonwealth in that manner. Neither must we think that these Governments are alone: For we have seen some monarchial and Tyrrannous, who although they differ much from a Royal, yet they seem to have something common with them: the which our monarchs imagine, usurping with all their power the name of King. Moreover the Olygarchicall Commonweals, which have been in great number, seem to have some correspondency with the Aristocratical; although they differ much. The like we must judge of a Democracy. And to prove it true, it will be apparent hereby.  
We must not hold a Monarchy for a Reign: but only that which is voluntary, 
A true Monarchy.  and governed more by a Common consent then by fear and violence. Neither must we hold every Olygarchy for Aristocracy; but that only which according to the Election is managed by the wifest and best men, 
A true Aristocracy.  neither must that be allowed for a Democracy, where as all the Commons have power to do what they will and please● but where as the ancient custom and use is to honour the Gods, to do good unto their Parents, to reverence old men, and to obey the Laws. Then they will call a Commonweal democratical, 
A Democracy.  when as the Commons shall accept of that which many allow of. Wherefore we must say that there are six kinds of Governments: We have already spoken of three Common to all the World: The other three are near unto them, 
Six kinds of Governments.  that is to say a Monarchy, Olygarchy, and Ochlocracy. The first whereof is a Monarchy, rising naturally without any establishment. From whence doth grow a Royal Government, 
A Monarchical Government of one alone by fear.  by order and good direction. But when the Royal changeth into its neighbour vices, as into Tyranny, then by the abolishing thereof an Aristocracy takes its being: the which naturally changeth into Olygarchia. And when the Commons revenge with fury the Governors' injustice, then grows a Democracia. For the outrages and iniquities whereof, in time it proves an Ochlocracia.  
A man may understand that these things plainly which I have said, are true, 
Ochlocracia is a Government of the mutiny of the people.  if he knows the beginning and the change of every Government according to the course of Nature. For whosoever shall consider either of them a part, and how they grow, may also judge of their increase, force, and alteration; and when and how the one ends in the other. I have been of opinion that this kind of Disputation and Exposition agreed well with the Roman Government: For that by a certain course of Nature, it hath taken from the beginning its institution and increase. Peradventure these alterations and changes of Government from the one to the other, are more exactly handled by Plato, and some other Philosophers. But for that they are disputed by them in many and diverse manners, it happens that few men understand them, Wherefore we will endeavour to comprehend them, and set them down by certain Articles, so as (according to our opinion) they may be of consequence for the profit of the History, and all men's understanding. And if there be found for the present some defect in regard of the general and Universal declaration, the reasons which shallbe hereafter delivered in particular, will repair it. What Principles then shall I assign for government? From whence shall I say they take their first growth and being? When mortality fell upon mankind by inundation of Waters, 
The beginning of governements.  or by pestifferous Calamities, or by barrenness of the Land, or by other such like causes (as we have understood hath been, and in reason may often be hereafter) all Institutions and Arts were then lost: And when again the multitude of men hath by succession of time taken increase, as it were from some remainder of seed; and that in regard of the weakness of their Natures they gathered together, even as of Custom (as it is reasonable) other creatures do according to their kinds, it is then necessary that he obtain the principality and Empire which is of greatest force of body, and of most understanding. The which we see happen in other kinds of bruit Beasts, (which we must hold for a most certain work of nature) among the which we see the strongest and of most spirit march before, as Bulls, Stags, Cocks, and such like.  
It is therefore likely that a principality is of that kind, and that the course of men's lives is so governed, assembling together after the manner of Beasts, and following those which are the most strong and powerful, to whom force is the end of their principality, 
principality or Monarchy.  which we may with reason call Monarchy. But when as with Time there grows from these Assemblies a Company and Custom, 
A Royalty.  than a Royalty takes her Birth: And then Men begin to think of Honesty and justice, and of their contraries: Such is the manner of the beginning and fountain of the said Governments. As all men have a desire of a mutual and natural Conjunction, and that from thence proceeds the generation of Children, it is manifest that when any one of those which hath been bred and brought up, doth not acknowledge nor yield the like to those which have bred them, but chose presume to do them outrage in word or deed, than they which are present are offended: as knowing their care, trouble, and pains which have engendered them, and with what diligence they have bred up their Children. For as Mankind is more excellent than all other Creatures, to whom is given understanding and Reason, it is not fit to pass over the said disorder, after the manner of other Creatures: And that chose the assistants ought to observe and reprehend such an Action; foreseeing the future, and making their account that the like may happen unto themselves.  
Moreover, if at any time he which hath received comfort and aid from any one in his Adversity, doth not acknowledge his Benefactor, but seeks to prejudice him in any sort, it is manifest that they which shall see it, will be grieved and discontented: So as their Neighbour shall move them to pity, thinking of themselves as of their Neighbour. Wherefore then doth rise a certain thought of Virtue, and a consideration of the duty which every man must observe, which is the beginning and end of justice.. In like manner if any one amongst the rest takes revenge upon the most furious Beasts, withstanding their force, it is reasonable that such a one, should purchase among the people an acknowledgement of affection and Command: And he that should do the contrary should both wrong his honour and good reputation. Whence again the consideration of infamy and honesty, and of their difference takes it birth: Whereof the one merits (as commodious and profitable) to be loved and followed, and the other to be shunned and avoided. When as any one having the principality and the greatest power, useth the aforesaid things by the advice of many, and that he seemed to impart them to the Subjects, according unto every man's merit: Then fearing no more any violence, and having a good opinion of him, they submit themselves voluntary unto his obedience, and defend his Government: And if he proves in all respects worthy of honour, with one accord they take revenge and fight against those which are Enemies to his power.  
By this means by little and little, he makes himself King of a Monarch, when as reason succeeds in the Empire, in steed of rage and force. This is the first Contemplation for men, according unto nature of Honesty and justice, and of their contraries; it is the true beginning and fountain of a Royalty. They do not only maintain their principality and government, but many times leave it to their posterity, hoping that their Children bred up under such men will be of the same will and disposition. But if it happens at any time that the posterity of former Kings displeaseth them, than they make an Election of Princes and Kings, without any respect of corporal forces, aiming only at the differences of judgement and reason, making trial of the diversity of both by the works themselves.  
Wherefore leaving the ancient custom, they which have once seized upon the Crown, and have gotten this power, they fortify certain places with walls, and possess the Country as well for the safety, as to supply their Subject's necessities abundantly. Whilst that Kings were careful of these things, they were free from slander and envy: For that they differed not much from others in their Apparel or Diet, observing a course of life conformable to others, with a conversation and familiarity common to many. But when as they (who by succession and a prerogative of race, are come unto the government) have already the preparations which serve for safety, and those which are more than necessary for food: then following their appetites, by reason of the great abundance of all things, they think it fitting for Princes to be more richly attired then their Subjects, and to be entreated more delicately with diversity of meats, and to converse without contradiction with other women than their own. Hence springs envy and scandal with hatred and implacable rage: Finally the royalty changeth into Tyranny.  
The beginning of this ruin, and the conspiracy which is made against Princes, 
Tyranny.  grows not from the wicked, but is practised by the best and most resolute men, who cannot endure such outrages and insolences of Princes. And withal the Commons having found a head to make resistance, join with him for the aforesaid causes against their Prince: and then the former of a Royalty and a Monarchy is wholly ruined, so as by consequence an Aristocracia must take its beginning and source. 
Aristocracia.  Then the people as it were by a thankful acknowledgement, ordain these suppressors of Tyrants to be their Heads and Commanders, and they submit themselves unto them. When as they have with good zeal embraced the charge of this government, they have nothing in so great recommendation, as that which concerns the public good: providing with great care and diligence for any thing that may touch the people's profit, as well private as public. But when the Children enjoy the same power from their Fathers, and have not experience of adversities, nor of the equality and politic liberty, being withal bred up from their youth in the authority and prerogative of their Fathers, they change an Aristocracy into Olygarchia, some abandoning themselves to a vicious and insatiable desire of covetousness and getting: 
Olygarchia.  Others to drunkenness, and by consequence to excess in Banquets: some to Adulteries, and forcing of Boys: Finally, having done unto the people that which we have formerly spoken of, it is reason they should conceive the like ruin in the end that did befall the Tyrants.  
Believe me, if any one observes the envy and hatred which the Citizens bear them, or dare say or do any thing against the chief Commanders, he shall presently have all the people ready to give him aid and assistance in his Enterprise. And when they have murdered those, they dare not choose a new King, fearing the injustice of the former, neither dare they trust their Commonweal in the government of many, the memory being yet so fresh of the baseness of the precedent: so as their only hope resting in themselves, they retire, changing the Olygarchicall government into a Democracia, and taking upon themselves 
Democracia,  the care and charge of the Commonweal. It is true that in the mean time some of those have escaped, which had tasted of the pre-eminence and power: who taking delight and pleasure in the present estate of the Commonweal, make great esteem of equality and liberty.  
But when as young men succeed, and that the Democracia is delivered to posterity, (they strive in making little account of equality and liberty) to be greater than the rest: whereinto they chiefly fall which have great wealth. When as they affect command, and cannot attain unto it of themselves, they begin to dispose of their riches, and to corrupt the Commons with that bait. A great number being corrupted by their bounty, by reason of a silly Covetousness of presents, than a Democracia is ruined and changed into violence, and a seditious estate of policy. For the Commons having been accustomed to live by the goods of their Neighbours, make a mutiny, taking a resolute and audacious man to be their Head, who for his poverty cannot in reason aspire to the honours of the Commonweal, and then they assemble together, and fall to murders and ruins, and to spoil and divide the Land amongst them, until their fury being pacified, they find again a new Lord and Monarch. Behold the revolution of Governments, and the providence of Nature, according unto which the estate of the Commonwealth, changeth and rechangeth, and makes the same return. Which things if any one knows not plainly, he will be ignorant of the time in foretelling the future Estate of the Common. But he will err often, for that a Government increaseth and decreaseth where into it is so transferred, if without great judgement he gives his advice. We will likewise come to the knowledge of the Institution, increase, and vigour, and likewise of the future change of things in the Roman Commonwealth, according to this knowledge.  
And if it happen that any other Government hath (as we have already said) from its beginning this Institution and increase, by the course of Nature it willbe changed into its contrary: The which may be well observed by that which follows. We will deliver in few words the Nemothesia of Lycurgus, which shall not be impertinent to our Discourse. Wherefore when he had considered all decent things, and how they are necessarily perfect by a certain Nature, he hath also observed how every form of Government is variable, which is established simply according unto a power, so as suddenly it degenerates into its neighbour Vice, and consequently by Nature. For as rust consumes Iron, and worm's Wood, being natural unto them, so as although they can preserve themselves from all exterior outrages, yet they are corrupted by these, as borne with them: So as according to Nature there is a certain malice growing and adhering unto every Commonwealth: As to a Royalty there is a Monarchy: 
Chirocracia a Government by the mutiny o● the people.  To an Aristocracy an Olygarchia; and to a Democracia, a Chirocracia: So as it must needs follow, that in succession of time all the foresaid change by the said means.  
Lycurgus' having foreseen these things, hath ordained a Commonwealth, which was neither simple, nor under the absolute power of one man: uniting all the Virtues and properties of the most commendable Governments, to the end that nothing in it should take a greater increase than was needful; nor degenerate into the nearest vice: And that their forces by a mutual restraint should not bend or decline to any part, nor any thing therein ruined: Finally, that the Commonweal should remain of an equal weight for ever, according to reason and equality, and that by this means Loyalty should be restrained from Arrogancy, by the fear of the people, for that a just portion of the Commonweal was allotted unto them. And again, the Commons durst not disdain the Kings, for the respect of the most aged: Who being chosen by the Gravest, addicted themselves continually to equity: So as the weakest party was maintained in its Customs, and was strong and to be feared by the Succour and aid of the Senators. The Commonweal being thus established, he hath preserved the liberty of the Lacedæmonians longer then hath come to our knowledge. When he had foreseen the Fountain and source of all of them; and what did usually happen, he established the said Commonwealth with out danger.  
In regard of the Romans, they have done the like in the Institution of their Commonwealth, 
The Romans.  not by one reason, but as choosing that which seemed best unto them, being made wise by the event of things, by many Combats and alterations: And by this means they have attained unto the same end which Lycurgus prescribed: settling a better form of a Commonwealth than we have in Greece. Finally, he that will judge of Writers with reason, doth not judge of matters as they are omitted, but according to those which are mentioned. And if he finds any thing false, he must conceive that omission hath been by ignorance: but if all which they have spoken be true, let him then grant that what they have omitted, hath been done for some cause, and not through ignorance.  
These three parts, (whereof we have formerly spoken,) ruled in that Commonwealth. They were all established and ordered so equally, and proportionably by them, as no man, no not the inhabitants themselves, could ever say whether this Commonweal were Aristocratical, democratical, or Monarchical. The which hath not happened without reason: For if we observe the power of the Consuls, it appeareth plainly to be Monarchical and Royal: and if that of the Senator's, it seems to be Aristocratical: But if we duly consider the popular power which consists in many, it is apparently democratical. In like manner, no man can say by what part the form of the Commonwealth was then guided and governed, except in some things.  
The Consuls being present at Rome, have the Government of all the public Affairs, 
The Office of the Consuls.  before they draw the Army to field. To whom all the other Princes obey and are subject, (except the Tribunes of the people) appointing Lieutenants in the Senate, from whom they demand advice in pressing Affairs: moreover they have the Charge and power to make Edicts. Finally, they have the care of all that which concerns the public Affairs, which the Commons are to decide. It is their duty to call the people together, and to pronounce their Edicts, and to judge of the plurality of Voices. Finally, they have the power and Authority to prepare for War, and generally of all the Government which is under the Heavens, to conclude, they have in a manner a most stately and Royal authority. It is lawful for them to dispose of their Allies in what they shall think fitting for matters of War. To appoint and ordain Captains of Thousands, to levy an Army, and to choose the most able and sufficient. It is also in their power to punish all their Subjects wheresoever they remain: and to dispose of the public Treasure as they shall think good, being to that end followed by the Questor: who presently obeys their Commandment: So as he which shall consider this part of the Commonweal, he will say with reason that it is Monarchical and most Royal.  
Finally, if it happen that any of things which we have spoken, or shall speak, shall change presently or hereafter, they may not in any sort derogate from our opinion. Next after, the Senate hath the oversight of the public Treasure: For they may dispose of the Revenues and Expenses. 
The duty of the Senate.  It is not in the power of the Questors to employ money, no not in particular Affairs, without their order, but for the Consuls. Finally, the greatest and heaviest expense, as that which many times the Questors are accustomed to employ, at the return of the Quinquinall, or space of five years for the repairing of public Buildings, the Senate decrees: And whatsoever is allowed the Censors, depends thereon. Of all offences committed throughout Italy which deserve a public punishment, as Treason, Conspiracy, Poisoning, and Murders by secret practices, the punishment belongs unto the Senate.  
And moreover if any private person, or any City hath need of thanks or blame, or of succours and assistants, the Senate hath the whole charge. Finally, if they be to send an Embassy into any part out of Italy; to reconcile some, or to admonish them, be it to Command any thing, or to declare War, the Senate hath the power. In like manner when as Ambassadors come to Rome, the Senate gives order for their entertainment, and what answer shallbe made. Finally, the Commons have no hand in all that which we have said: So as whatsoever thou shalt see done in the absence of the Consul, will seem to be an Aristocratical government: The which many Grecians and Kings imagine, for that in a manner all their affairs are under the Authority of the Senate, without any contradiction whatsoever. For this cause some one will demand with reason, what portion of the Commonweal remains to the people? Seeing that the Senate hath the Government of things, which we have delivered in particular, and that it disposeth (which is much more) of the Revenues and public expenses: And that moreover the Consuls making War without the City, have a Royal power over the preparations, and all other affairs which are in the Campe. And yet there is a part reserved for the people, the which is of greater esteem. 
The authority of the people.  For they have the authority of honours and punishments: wherein is contained the power and government, and finally the general life of men.  
Believe me, there is nothing that concerns the Subjects, that can be ordered by reason, by such as have not the knowledge of this difference, or having it do abuse it. What reason were there that the Wicked should be equal in Honour with the Good? The people therefore judge and many times diversely, when as the injustice which they are to punish is of great consequence, and namely in those which have had great and Honourable charges. They alone condemn to death: Wherein there are some actions past worthy of praise and memory: For usually they suffer those that are accused of a Capital or heinous crime, to retire in the sight of all the World, although there remain an opinion in some which confirms the judgement and Sentence, by the which a free and Voluntary Banishment is taken quite away.  
Fugitives are in safety in the Towns of Naples, 
Towns for the retreat of such as are voluntarily Banished.  Preneste, Tivoly, and in other Confederates. Finally, the people give Principalities to the most sufficient: which in a Commonwealth is a goodly reward of honesty. They have also Authority to confirm the Laws: and Peace and War lies in their will: judging of the Succours, Reconciliation, and Accords of their Allies. Finally, the people confirm these things in approving or disannulling them: So as now some may justly say, that the greatest part of the Commonweal is in the people's hands, and that it is democratical.  
We have delivered how the diverse forms of Commonweals, 
The mutual knitting together of three Commonweals.  are divided among them: We must now show how they may assist and give comfort one unto another. When the Consul hath received his power, and drawn an Army to Field, he seems a King, yet he hath need of the people and Senate, to bring his resolutions to an end, without the which he cannot possibly finish his Affairs. It is certain that he hath need to furnish and provide Victuals, pay, and munition for the Armies. But it is not possible to furnish him with Corn, Apparel, nor pay, without the will of the Senate: So as the attempts of the Consuls are of necessity made fruitless, if the Senate doth willingly fail him or hinder him.  
By this means it is in the resolution of the Senate to make the Erterprises of the Commanders effectual or not. It is also in their power to send another Commander when the year is past, or continue his Authority that doth enjoy it. Moreover the Senate may make his Exploits seem great and admirable, and augment and increase his Actions, in like manner they may blemish and disgrace them. In regard of that which they call Triumphs, by the which a certain visible show of their Actions is brought by the Consuls to the view of the people, they dare not attempt them, as it is fitting, neither (to speak plainly) bring them to an end, unless the Senate allow of them, and furnish the charge. The consent of the people is wonderful necessary, be they never so far off, for it rests in them, (as were have formerly said) to confirm or disannul all Accords and Leagues. But behold another case: For after their Government is ended, they are forced to yield and submit their actions unto the judgement of the Common people, so as they ought not to be careless of the love and good liking of the Senate and vulgar sort.  
Although the power of the Senate be very great, yet they must of force have respect unto the multitude of public affairs, and draw them to their ends and intentions: Neither can they put general and great doubts in Execution, nor punish crimes committed against the Commonweal, if what the Court ordains be not confirmed by the Common people. Matters which concern the Senate itself, are of the same condition. For if any one propounds a Law, by the which it doth in any sort abridge the Authority and power of the Senate, or overthrows their Prerogative and Honour, or pursues them in their lives, all these things are to be done by the power of the people.  
It is likewise certain that the Senate cannot execute any of their resolutions, not hold a Council, nor assemble themselves, if any one Tribune of the Commons opposeth. The Tribunes must always do according to the opinion of the people, and observe their will. In regard of these things the Senate fears the people, and observes them: In like manner the people are bound unto the Senate, and forced to win them: For as there are many Farms which the Censors dispose of throughout all Italy, for the great multitude of public repairations, and many places of Rivers, Pools, Gardens, and Mines, and finally all other things of that nature, which are under the Roman Empire: they are all managed by the people, hiring all the Rents and profits which grow thereby.  
Some take their Leases from the Censors, to whom others associate themselves, others become sureties for the Farmers: and some bring the Inventory of the goods into the Treasury. Of all which things the Senate hath the knowledge For it rests in them to prolong the Term, and to grant some abatement, if there hath been any loss: Finally, to remit the whole Debt, if there hath happened any impossibility. There are infinite cases wherein the Senate may help, or hurt, but those much, which hire the public Rents, whereof the Senate hath the charge. They also name the judges in most of their conventions as well public as private, as far as the greatness of the cause shall require. Wherefore relying upon their wisdom, and fearing the uncertainty of their aaffaires, they carefully observe the instances and oppositions of the Senate's advice. They do not willingly oppose against the attempts of the Consuls: For that all in general (wheresoever the Roman, ●mpire doth extend) are under their Command, as well in private as in public. As therefore the power of either of these is such, as they may mutually bring profit or prejudice, yet they are so fitly united against all crosses and disasters, as we cannot find a better form of a Commonwealth.  
For when as any common terror shall present itself, and that they are forced to succour one another the forces of this Commonwealth are so great, as there is not any thing wanting, neither doth any man fail, in his Charge, but all tend jointly to bring to a good end that which hath been resolved: and that whatsoever hath been ordained, may not be delayed beyond the opportunity of time. Finally, all employ themselves as well in public as in private to finish the Enterprise. Wherefore they have this peculiar unto them, that their force is unresistable, and they accomplish whatsoever they resolve. Again, if (freed from the public fear of Strangers) they abandon themselves ●o prosperity and abundance of wealth, which they enjoy by means of their good fortunes, then usually they grow insolent and proud, alured by flatteries, and given to delights and idleness. Then may they easily see how the Commonwealth studies to help itself: For when as any one of the parts will be Mistress, and rule more than is fitting, it 〈◊〉 manifest, that neither of them being newly erected, according to our discourse, the Enterprise of either of them may be mutually restrained and hindered, so as none of them can fly off, nor advance itself, either of them continue in their charge, as well by an oppositit on to their Enterprise, as through a present fear of punishment.   

A Parcel of the sixth Book touching the Order of the Roman Armies.  
WHen the Romans have chosen the Consuls, they appoint the Tribunes of the Soldiers: that is to say, fourteen of those which have followed the Wars five years, and ten others which have continued ten years. Among the which there are four on Horseback, and six on Foot: who must of necessity go until they come to the Age of six and forty years: except such whose estate doth not amount to above seven pounds sterling: For those they leave and reserve them for the Sea. But if the affairs be urgent and pressing, the Footmen are bound to serve twenty years. In regard of the Citty-magistrate, no man can execute it before he hath served ten years.  
When the Consuls ordain a levy, they make Proclamation by the Trumpet, on what day all the the Romans of sufficient age to bear Arms, to meet; the which they do yearly. When the prefixed day is come, and that all the able men are come into the City, and assembled before the Capitole, the youngest Tribunes divide themselves into four parts, as the People and Consuls have ordained: For that they make the general and first division of their Bands into four Legions. Then the four first chosen are appointed to the first Legion, the three following to the second, the four subsequent to the third, and the three last to the fourth. They ordain the two first of the most ancient to the first Legion, the three next to them of the second, the two following to the third, and to the fourth the three last of the most ancient. When the division of the Tribunes hath been thus made, so as all the Legions have their Captains equally, they cast lots upon every Race, being set apart one from another, right against either Legion: And they call their Company, most commonly fallen by lot: out of which they choose four Young men of like constitution. 
The manner of the Tribunes in the choice of the Legions  After which the Tribunes of the first Legion make the first choice: Then the second, the third, and the fourth last of all. And again, upon the presenting of other four, they of the second choose first, and so the rest in order: They of the first begin the last. Then of the four which are presented after these, the Tribunes of the third Legion choose the first, and they of the second are the last. By this means making always this election by porrion, and as it were by a kind of circulation, it falls out that to every Legion the men are equally divided.  
When they have chosen this number, (the which they do to the end that every Legion may consist sometimes of four thousand two hundred Foot, sometimes of five thousand if the danger seems great) and that the division is thus made, they were wont to muster their Horsemen after the Leginaries. At this day they are the first, by an election of the richest made by the Censor, of which they appoint three hundred to every Legion. The levy being thus made, every Tribune draws together his Legion, and in choosing one of the most sufficient, they take an Oath from him to obey his Captains faithfully, and to execute their Commandments: Then the rest swear particularly in passing, testifying by asigne, that they are ready to do all things as their first man had done.  
At the same instant the Consul advertiseth the Governors of Towns allied in Italy, from whom they think good to draw succours, acquainting them with the number of men, the day and the place when they should meet which should be levied. Who after they have made their levy accordingly, they send them having taken an Oath, and given them a Commander and a Treasurer. But when the Tribunes at Rome have taken the Oath of the Soldiers, they send them back, appointing a day and a place to every Legion when they ought to come without Arms. 
The diulsion of Soldiers in every Legion.  When they are drawn together on the day appointed, they make choice of the youngest amongst them, and weakest in their estates, to carry javelins or Darts: Then such as are more advanced in years, they carry Arms which they call forked Darts or javelins: And they which are strong of Body and more aged, are made principals: But the Triarij are chosen out of the most ancient. So many differences of Names and Ages are among the Romans, and likewise of Arms in every Legion. They divide them in such sort, as the Triarij are the most ancient, to the number of six hundred: The principals twelve hundred, to whom the forked javelins are equal: The rest which are younger, are light javelins. If the Legion consists of a great number, they divide it proportionably, except the Triarij, whose number is always the same.  
They youngest are bound to carry a Sword, 
The form of a Buckler.  a light javelin, and a Buckler. This Buckler is firm as well for its art, as for the greatness, sufficient to defend the body. It is round, having three foot in Diameter. The Soldiers have moreover a light Head piece, whereon doth hang a Wolves skin, or some such thing, which serves for a covering and mark, to the end that every one may be known by his Captain being in fight, 
The light javelin.  doing his duty or not. The light javelin is most commonly three foot long, of the bigness of a man's finger, with an Iron head a good span long, and is so slender and sharp, that upon the first cast it must of necessity bend, and so is made unprofitable to cast again: Otherwise they will serve the one as well as the other. Then they command those which are more aged, whom they call forked javelins to be armed.  
The Romans Arms are first a Target two foot and a half broad, 
The form of a Target.  and bending upon the superficies, and four foot in length: The greatest hath four fingers more, and is made of two boards glued together with Oxe-glew: And is covered with a Calf's skin, or that of a Goat, or some such like Beast. All the circumference hath a hoop of Iron, the better to bear off the blows of a Sword, and that leaving it on the ground, it may not wear. In the midst there is a Boss of Iron, which bears off all blows, and the violence of Stones; of long Pertwisans, and of all manner of Darts be they never so violent. The Sword which they call Spanish, 
The Spanish Sword.  and hath two edges with a very sharp point, hangs commodiously with the Target upon his thigh. It chargeth home for that it is strong and stiff. Moreover, they have two spits, a head-piece of Brass, and greaveses for the defence of their legs, amongst the which spits, some are great, others slender: The strongest which are long and round, have three inches in Diameter: Those which are square, have the sides equal: The slenderest are like unto the lesser forked Darts, which they carry with the said Arms: The staff whereof doth not much exceed the length of four foot and a half: and they arm them with a head of Iron, equal in length to the staff, the which they join so close with so many ligatures and crosse-nailes, as they never dissolve until the Iron break: although at the neither end it be a finger and a half thick, where it joins unto the staff, so careful they are in setting them together.  
Besides all these things, they are adorned with a Crown of feathers, with three red or black feathers standing right up almost a foot and a half, the which set upon the top of the head, together with his other Arms, make a man seem twice as big, and by this means of a goodly appearance, and terrible to the Enemy. Others taking a piece of Brass a span broad, which they lay upon their stomaches, which they term the guard of their hearts, are completely armed. But they which are held to have above a hundred and fifty pounds sterling in their estates, take for the defence of their body, with their other Arms, shirts of mail. The Principals have the same kind of Arms, and in like manner the Triarij, but in stead of spits, they carry forked javelins. They choose the heads of Bands our of all these sorts, except the youngest) to the number of ten, of the most ablest men: Besides the which they make another Election of ten others, whom they call head of Ordnance. Among the which the first chosen is admitted to Council. 
The manner of choosing the heads of Bands.  These again choose as many Lieurents, These things done, they divide with the Captains every age into ten parts, except the light javelins: appointing to every Band two Captains and two Lieutenants of those which have been chosen. In regard of the light javelins or Darts which remain, they distribute them equally throughout all the Bands: which Bands they have called Orders, Troops, and Ensigns: and their Captain's Centurions and Heads of Bands. These choose out of every Troop two strong and resolute men to carry the Ensigns. They make two Captains to every Troop, and with reason: For as it is certain what either of them can do or suffer, and that the actions of War have no excuse, they will never have the Troop remain without a Commander or Governor. If they be both present, the first chosen leads the right wing of the Troop, and the second those which are upon the left wing of the Ensign. If one miscarries, he that is present governs all. Finally, they desire not so much valour nor disdain of death in their Commanders, 
Government, Constancy, and good Counsel required in a Captain.  as government, constancy, and good counsel: and not to engage themselves first in the fight, nor to begin it: But being vanquished and pressed, they should stand firm, and rather dye then to abandon their place. They have also divided their Cavalry into ten Troops, drawing from every one of them three Captains: who likewise made choice of three Lieutenants, of which the first is Chief of the Troop, and the rest hold the rank of Dizeniers or Commanders of ten, and so they are called. The second holds the place of the first in his absence.  
The Arms of the Horsemen are at this day very like to those of the Grecians. Formerly they had no Guyrasses, being in danger by reason of their Linen breeches, 
The Roman Cavalry armed after the Greek manner  with the which they were more active to mount on Horseback lightly, but they found themselves in great danger in fight, being in a manner naked. Moreover, their forked javelins were unprofitable for two respects: For first they made them slender and fit to dart, so as they could not take their aim, and many times they were broken before the point could stick, for that they were continually shaken with the trotting of the Horses: and withal they were of no use but to thrust forward, being unarmed at the other end. In truth they were of no service after they were broken. They had also Targets made of the hides of Oxen, like unto puffed up ●akes, which they usually make at Sacrifices: The which they could not well use in fight, for that they were not firm, but swelled with rain. By this means they grew unprofitable, Wherefore as the use did not seem good, they presently changed, embracing the fashion of the Grecians Arms, in the which the thrust with a javelin is sudden and certain, neither is it without effect, for that it shakes not, but is firm. Moreover, in turning the point behind, the use is firm and violent: Their Target is the like, for both in defending and assailing it, it is firm, strong, and profitable. 
The docility of the Romans.  The which when they had seen, they presently followed it: for the Romans are as apt as any others to embrace the best course of life. When the Tribunes have made their division, and the orders concerning Arms, they send them back to their houses. The day coming whereon they have sworn to come to the place appointed by the Consul, (for that every one doth assign it apart unto his Legion, considering that most commonly they ordain to every one apart, hath one certain length joining to the way, being 100 foot long. They study often to make the depth equal, except unto the Allies. But if their Army be greater, they add both to the length and depth. And as the lodgings of the Horsemen answer to the middle of the Tribunes Tents, there is a certain way made crossing the afore said straight line, and the void place before the Tribunes. The passages are like unto streets. For as of either side the troops are lodged all along, but after the Horsemen of the said two Legions, they lodged the Triarij in the same form, joining troops to every Ensign, so as the figures touch one another, hawing their aspect to the other side contrary to the Horsemen, reducing the depth to half the length in every form: For that they are most commonly but half so many in number as the other troops. Wherefore as the number of men is often found unequal, it happens that the parts are always made equal in length, for that they differ in depth. Then they lodge the Principals 50. foot distant, and opposite to the Triarij. These being turned against the said spaces, the two streets are complete, taking their beginning from the same straight line, with such approaches as the Horsemen have, that is to say, of 100 foot distance, which is before the Tribunes, and ending on the contrary side: The which formerly we have propounded to be opposite to all the form of the Campe. After the Principals they lodge the forked javelins behind in an opposite aspect, the figures being joined. And as by the first division all the parties have ten Ensigns, so the streets are alike and equal behind, as well in length as in separation, upon the sides opposite to the Rampire and Palisado▪ where turning the last Ensigns, they camp Then after the forked javelins leaving a space of eight fathom and two foot, against them they lodge the Horsemen of the Allies, taking their beginning at the same straight line, & ending on the same side. The number of the Allies Footmen is equal to the Roman Legions, only excepted extraordinaries, but the Horsemen are double in number, from whom a third part is drawn for extraordinaries. The Commanders of Bands take the first lodgings in every quarter: placing on every side the sixth Band after the fifth, they retire eight fathom and two foot, the like they do with the Bands of Footmen: so as there is another passage made through the Legions, and cross the streets: the which is a way equally distant from the Tribunes Tents, which they call the fifth, for that it is drawn after the fifty five Bands. The place which remains behind the Tribunes Tents, and which of either side joins to the Consults Pavilions, serves partly for the Marketplace, and partly for the Questor and his munition. In regard of the two last Pavilions, of either side of the Tribunes, some choice Horsemen and other voluntaries following the Camp for the love of the Consul are lodged there, towards the sides crossing the Rampires, some looking towards the Questors munition, and some to the Marketplace, with an order bending towards the Tents of the extraordinaries. It often falls out that these men are not only lodged near the Consul, but they also do their duties about him and the Questor, when the Army marcheth, and in their other affairs.  
To these are joined Foot men looking to the Rampire, who do the like service: after which they leave a space of 16. Fathom and 4. foot broad, equally distant from the Tribunes Tents, besides the Market place, the Pretorium & the Questory, extending throughout all the parts of the Rampire: At the upper end whereof the extraordinary. Horsemen of the Allies Camp, looking towards the Praetor and Questor. In the midst of their Pavilions, there is left a way to the Praetor's place, of 8. fathom and 2. foot, drawing to the further end of the Campe. After these are lodged the extraordinary Footmen of the Allies, turning their backs to them, and looking towards the Rampire and the further end of the whole Campe. In regard of the void place remaining of either side of the crossing flanks, it is for strangers & new comers. Matters being thus disposed, the whole form of the Camp remains square with equal sides. As for particular figures as well of separation of streets, as of other ordinances, they are much like a Town. They cast up the Rampire 33. fathom and 2. foot from the Tents: for that this void space profiteth them much. For it is commodious for the cleansing of the Camp, so as every man goes forth, into that place by the street which is nearest to him without crossing 〈◊〉 another. There they also keep their cattle safely in the night, & the ●ooty which they have taken from the Enemy. And it is of great benefit, for if the Enemy assails them by night, neither Fire nor Darts can touch them, or very little, and without any offence, considering the great distance and the Tents about them. It is then easy for a man to judge how spacious this Camp is, whether they give it a multitude of Foot and Horse, or they make the Legion of four or five thousand men, with the length, depth, and great number of quarters: adding thereunto the spaces of ways with all other things. If at any time the number of the Allies be great, whether that they followed the Camp from the beginning, or came afterwards upon some occasion, they fill up the places which are about the Pretorium, with such as are new come, & they draw the marketplace and the Questory into one, for the necessity of the time. Also if the number of those which are come to Field with the Army be great, they add on either side of the Roman Legions a street towards the crossing Flanks. And if all the four Legions & both the Consuls be joined in one Camp, we must conceive that they are two Armies, equally camped and joined back to back, the lodgings of their extraordinaries touching one another, the figure being somewhat long, and twice as spacious, with a circumference half as big again. The Consuls being in one Camp, they do always thus: But if they be separated, they observe the first order? In regard of the Marketplace, the Pretorium and Questory, they place them in the midst of the two Armies. But when they are encamped, the Tribunes assemble, taking a particular Oath of all men, be they free or bond, who swear not to steal any thing in the Camp, and if they find any thing to bring it to them. Then they dispose of the Ensigns, and depute out of the two Legions two of the Principals and of the forked javelins, for the guard of the place which is before them. For thither the greatest part of the Romans repair daily: and therefore they have the charge it should be kept clean. Every Tribune chooses three out of the other two and twenty Ensigns which remain. According to the said division, there are so many Ensigns of Principals and forked javelins in every Legion. There are six Tribunes which govern in their turns, and particularly three Ensigns, the which set up the Tent in the place appointed for him that hath the government, paving the place which is about it. Moreover they have charge to fortify if it be needful, for the guard of the Baggage. They also appoint two Watches, 
The order of two Watches.  either of them consisting of four men whereof some are before the Tent, and others behind near unto the Horses. As every Tribune hath three Ensigns, and above a hundred men in either of them, except the Triarij and light javelins (which are not bound to that service) the charge is found light: for that the Watch falls to every Ensign but the fourth day. Finally, as for these duties, the necessary Command, with the honour and obedience is due unto the Tribunes. The Ensigns of the Triarij are freed from the Tribunes charge, but they serve daily among the Troops of Horse men, as they are lodged near them: and they have a care of the Horses, lest they should entangle and hurt themselves, and so be made unserviceable: or being untied fight together, whereby an Alarm might grow in the Camp▪ Moreover, one out of every Ensign keeps a guard daily before the Consul, whereby he is in safety from Treason, being the most honourable Magistrate. The Allies have the charge of either side of the Ditch and Palisado, where every one of their Troop is nearest, and the Romans of the other two, and every Legion hath one. And as every flank is distributed by the Ensigns, the Captains of the Bands are present at the particular guard, but in general two of the Tribunes had the oversight, who in like manner had the charge of the rest of the Legion. For For their division being made by two, they govern by their turns two Months in six, and they (to whom the lot is fallen) have the prehemivence of all the affairs. The same manner of government is observed among the Commanders of the Allies. The Horsemen and Captains of Bands, come at Sunrising to the Tribunes Tents, and the Tribunes to the Consul, to whom he gives order for pressing affairs: They likewise to the horsemen and Captains, who command the Troop in time convenient. As for the watch word by Night, they give it safely thus: A man is chosen both of the Horse and Foot of the tenth Ensign, which camps behind upon the extremity of the streets, 
The Romans manner in giving the word.  who is not bound to watch, but comes only every day at the Suns setting to the Tribunes Pavilion, and when he hath received the word, (which is written down) he returns, and being come unto his Ensign, he delivers it with the word unto the Commander of the next Ensign in the presence of witnesses. The like he doth unto the next, and so consequently of all the rest until it come unto the first Ensigns which are lodged near unto the Tribunes. They must bring back this Paper to the Tribunes before night: and if all those which have been delivered be returned, they know that the word hath been given to all in general, having passed through them all. If there be any fault, the Tribune inquires presently of the cause, and knows by the inscription from what quarter the Paper came, and when the error is discovered, they presently condemn him to a certain Fine. Moreover, they appoint their guards after this manner: An Ensign watches about the Consul's Tent: the like do the Deputies of every Ensign about the Tribunes and the Troops of Horse men. Thus they of every Band dispose of themselves, and the Consuls of the other guards. There are most commonly three guards, one about the Questor, and two tohers about the Lieutenants and Councillors. But the light javelins remain without the Camp, making a guard by day about the Palisado, for it is their charge: Of which there are ten appointed for the guard of every Gate.  
The Lieutenant of every Ensign brings in the Evening unto the Tribune those that are appointed for the first watch: to either of which the Tribune gives little Tallies, having Characters: After the receipt whereof they retire to the places assigned them. Concerning the survey of the Watch, 
To whom the survey of the watch belongs.  they trust Horsemen; for the chief Captain of the Band must give order to one of his Lieutenants to carry this Commandment to every Legion: That is to say, to four young men of his Band before dinner, that the charge belongs to them, to visit the Watch the Night following. This being done, the like command must be given to the Captain of the next Band, that it belongs to his charge to make the Round the day following. This being heard, the day following he doth the like to othres, and so consequently of the rest: Finally, they which have been chosen by the Lieutenants of the first Band, to whom the Watch is fallen, repair unto the Tribunes, and take in writing what portion, and how many Watches they are to visit, which done, they remain in the guard near unto the first Ensign of the Triarij, of the which the Captain of the Band hath the charge, to the end the Trumpet may sound in fit time for the Watch. The time being come, he that hath the charge to make the Round, doth it to the first Watch. He not only visiteth the places near the Palisado and streets, but altogether going about the Ensigns and Troops: and if he finds the Watch of the first guard waking, he takes their Talley: But if he finds any one sleeping, or the place abandoned, he departs, taking witness of them that are near. The like also they do which afterwards go the Round. The charge to cause him to sound to the Watch, belongs to the Captains of Bands of the first Ensigns of the Triarij of every Legion, who serve as visiters for the guard. Either of which in the morning brings the Paper to the Tribune, and if they have brought all they return. If any one brings less than the number of the guards, they search by the Character where the fault was committed. This being known, they call the Captain of the Band, who brings those whom they had appointed for the Watch. These debate it with the Visitor: And if the fault be in the Watch, the Visitor delivers it presently with the testimony of those that were near: 
The manner how they punish such as fail in the Watch.  For he is bound to do it: But if he hath erred himself, the blame is laid upon him, and they make his process presently before the Tribune, in the presence of the assembly: if he be condemned, they whip him. This is their punishment: The Tribune when he hath scarce touch● the condemned with the rod all the Soldiers of the Camp fall upon them with rods, and kill them for the most part, and if any escape, yet they are not preserved: for how were it possible, seeing that the return into their Country is forbidden, neither have they Friends or Kinsmen that dare receive them into their houses. Wherefore they which fall into this Calamity, perish totally. To the like punishmen are also subject the Lieutenant and Captain of the Band, if they have failed in their Command, the one as Vissiter, and the other as Captain of the Band, who must show himself in time convenient, wherefore as the punishment is severe and irremissible, the watch never commits any fault. The Soldiers must obey the Tribunes, and they the Consuls. It is true the Tribunes have power to condemn in a Fine, to absolve and to whip. The Captains have the like privilege over the Allies. If any one hath stolen any thing in the Camp, he is whipped: so is a false witness, or any one that is apprehended abusing the flower of the youth. Moreover, if any one hath been thrice reprehended for one and the same crime, they punish him afterwards grievously as a depraved person. They hold these crimes infamous and base in a Soldier, as if any one hath bragged falsely to the Tribune of his prowess to win honour: Or if any appointed to the guard of a place, abandon it cowardly, or leaves any of his Arms for fear in fight. Wherefore some having apparent death before them in the place where they are set, as being environed by a great Troop, will never abandon the station where they have been once appointed, fearing the punishment due to their offence. Some in the like dangers losing by chance their Bucklers and Swords, or some other Arms, thrust themselves among their Enemies, hoping to recover that which they have lost by force: or enduring some unfortunate accident, to fly a manifest infamy and reproach of their Companions. If these things happen to many, and that some Ensigns have by a general consent abandoned their place, they held it not fit to whip them, nor to kill them all, but they have another expedient which is profitable and terrible: for after they have drawn the Army together, the Tribunes bring them into the midst of it, accusing them with big words. Finally, he draws forth by lot five or eight, sometimes twenty, having regard unto the Troop, so as there be the tenth part of the delinquents, whom they whip as hath been said, without any remission. Moreover, he commands the rest to lodge without the Rampires and Pallisadoes of the Camp, delivering them Barley for Wheat. By the apparent danger and fear of the lot equally incident to them all, seeing the event is uncertain, with the example of the Munition which they give them of Barley, concerns them all, and serves for a terror and restraint from offences. Moreover, they encourage young men to undergo danger: For when necessity requires it, and that any one of them hath performed an act of valour, the Consul assembles the Army, where they are presented which have done any memorable act: There he commends every man in particular, laying open what they have valiantly performed, 
The manner of recompensing the Soldier's valour.  or any other thing that hath been worthy of memory, during the whole course of their lives: Finally, he gives a gaulish Dart to him that hath wounded the Enemy: To a Footman which hath overthrown a Horseman and stripped him, a vessel of Gold: To a Horseman the Furniture of a Horse. In former time they had none but the gaulish Dart: which are gifts which they receive, which in skirmishes and such like actions have done valiantly and courageously, where without any necessity they enter voluntarily, and fight man to man in single Combat, not he which in Battle or the taking of a Town hath wounded or stripped an Enemy. It is true they give a Crown of Gold to those which have first ascended the wall: The Consul in like manner makes show of such as have defended and preserved any Citizens or Allies, and makes them honourable by gift. Moreover the Tribunes compel those which have been preserved, if they do it not willingly, to crown their preserver, to whom they bear a reverence and respect during their lives, as to their Fathers, to whom they yield the like duty. By these enticements they not only encourage the assistants to fight, and by their example to undergo danger: but likewise the Inhabitants which remain in the City. For they which have obtained these gifts, besides the glory and esteem of the Soldiers, the fame flying to their family, they have solemn pomps made for them, being returned into their Country with great honour and dignity, for that they to whom the Captains have done such honours, are only worthy to be so magnified and esteemed. They also set up in the most apparent places of their City the spoils, as marks and testimonies of their virtue. As they are thus curious and diligent in the Camp, for honours and punishment, it is reasonable and fitting the events of War should prove prosperous and honourable.  
The Footmen have by the day fourteen Dinars, the Captains of Bands two Sous and four, 
The pay or entertainment of Foot and Horse.  the Horsemen have three Sous and six, a Footman hath monthly almost four Bushels of Wheat, a Horseman hath by the month three Septiers and a Mine of Barley and a Septier of Wheat. As for the Allies, the Footmen have the same, the Horseman hath eight Bushels of Wheat, 
A Septier is two Mines, and a Mine two London bushels.  and two Septiers and a Mine of Barley, which are things done in favour to the Allies. The Questor deducts a certain portion of the Romans pay, for the Wheat, Apparel, or Arms, if any of them have need. They march in Battle after this manner, when the first warning is given, they pack up their Tents and Baggage. The which no man may take down, or set up, before those of the Tribunes and Consuls be ordered. At the second sound of the Trumpet, 
The order of the Camp in marching.  they lay the Baggage upon the Sumpters. But at the third the first must march, and all the Camp must move: whereas sometimes the extraordinaries march first, being followed by the right wing of the Allies, with their Baggage in the Rear. After these march the first Roman Legion, with their stuff after them. Then follows the second with their carriages, following the Army close.  
It is true, the left wing of the Allies makes the Rearward when the Army marcheth. Sometimes the Horse men follow in the Rear, every one to his Quarter: where they are upon the wings of the Baggage, to assist them for their safeties. But if there be any doubt of the Rearward, all march in one order, except the extraordinaries of the Allies, who are brought to the front of the Rearward, and every other day the same Legion & wings make the point. Then again they follow behind, to the end that all may be partakers of Forage and water, changing their order daily, to the end every one may be first in his turn. They observe another kind of march in dangerous times, and in a plain Champagne. They make three Battalions in equal distance, consisting of forked javelins, Principals and Triarijs, putting before the Baggage of those Ensigns which march first. After the first those that are second: and then doth march the Baggage of the third, and they order their Baggage and Ensigns by this proportion alternatively. Marching in this order, if there happens any great affairs, they cause the Ensigns to march through the Baggage, sometimes presenting their Targets, sometimes their javelins to the Enemy. And in one instant and the same march, the Soldiers put themselves in order of Battle, unless it be when as your forked javelins fetch a compass: For then the Baggage with their attendants, stealing behind the Soldiers, recovers some place of safety.  
But when in marching they are near to plant their Camp, the Tribunes and they which are usually appointed to that charge, go before: who after they have viewed the place fit for the Camp, they first mark out the place for the Consul's Tent, (as hath been said) and upon what aspect and flank of the square thus marked out, the Legions should be lodged. Then they measure out a plot for the Pretorium: after which a straight line, whereupon are joined the Tribunes Pavilions: Then a line equally distant, after which are lodged the Legions. In like manner they measure on the other side of the Pretorium, the places whereof we have lately spoken in particular. This is soon done, for that the measures are easy, the spaces being certain and ordinary) they set down a mark, and first of all that where the Consul's Pavilion must stand: Then the second on the side which is chosen: The third to the line in the midst, to the which the Tribunes set their Tents: The fourth where the Legions are lodged. Of which these last are red, and the Consuls white. As for the other side, there they sometimes fasten forked Darts, or other marks of diverse colours. This done, they consequently make the streets: At every one they fasten a forked Dart, to the end that all things might be known more commodiously to them that approach to the Army, and to the view of the Camp, by a conjecture and consideration of the Praetors mark.  
Wherefore every man knowing plainly in what street and in what part his Tent is, for that they always hold one place in the Campe. It falls out in like manner as when an Army enters into its own City, which is well known. Every man from the Gate turning, marcheth presently and comes to his own lodging without wand'ring, for that all in general and particular know in what quarter of the City their dwellings are. It happens likewise in the Romans Camp, wherein they seem (following this custom) to take a contrary course to the Grecians in regard thereof. The Grecians make great account of the strength of a Camp, and seek it principally, flying partly the labour of ditching, imagining that fortifications made by hand, are not so effectual and good as those of nature, wherefore they are forced in Camping, wholly to change their forms according to the situation on of places: so as all men's lodgings are uncertain. In regard of the Romans, they desire rather to endure the labour of rampring, and to do all other things necessary for their ease, and to have the knowledge of every one in the Campe. These are the general parts of the contemplation of an Army, and the situation of a Campe.   

A Parcel of the sixth Book of Potentates, and which is the most excellent.  
ALL Historiographers in a manner have in their writings made great esteem of the Excellency of these kind of Commonweals, as the Lacedæmonians, Candiots, mantinians, and Carthaginians: Some likewise have mentioned the Athenians and Thebeins. For my part, I differ from the rest: in regard of the Athenians and Thebeins. I do not hold it needful to use many words of them; for that they have had no great increase, nor any firm forces, neither are they fallen into any moderate alteration: But as they seemed to be in vigour and force by a certain new temporal Fortune, so they have felt a contrary change. The Thebeins have purchased an esteem of virtue among the Grecians by the fault of the Lacedæmonians, 
The Thebeins.  and the hatred of those which were of their League, adding thereunto the excellency of one or two in regard of the aforesaid things. That the virtue of Governors, and not the estate of the Common weal hath been the cause of the Thebeins felicity, the sudden following Fortune hath made manifest. Their power hath been augmented and confirmed, and again ruined during the lives of Epaminundas and Pelopidas. Wherefore we must conceive that these Men and not the Commonweal, have been the cause that the City of Thebes hath purchased so much honour whilst it was in esteem. We must likewise for the same reason judge the like of the Athenians: the which hath many times, 
The Athenians.  especially by the virtue of Themistocles, made itself glorious, but hath presently tried a contrary change by the disorder of its nature.  
It hath always happened to the Athenians, like unto ships unfurnished of Pilots. For when the Company resolve to agree, and to obey the Governor of the ship, either for fear of Enemies, or for the danger of a storm, they perform their duties cheerfully. But when through arrogancy they begin to disdain their Governors, and to mutiny, for that the same things do not please all men: so as some have a will to fail, others to force the Pilot to go to harbour, and that some lay hold of the Oars, and call upon him to set sail: this causeth an infamous spectacle to those which behold it, by reason of the mutual discord and mutiny. The humour of those which are Companions in the Navigation, hath no stay: wherefore flying many times the great depth of the Sea, and great storms which do usually arise, they sail along the shore. The like hath often happened to the Athenians. For as they have some times repelled by the virtue of their people and Commanders, great and grievous calamities, yet they have erred wonderfully by their great rashness and indiscretion, having a prosperous gale and all things successful. Wherefore it is not needful to hold any longer discourse, neither of it nor of the Thebeins: where the Commons attempt all things according to their own humours, the first being brutish and rude, and this other accustomed to violence and fury.  
Coming then to that of the Candyotts, it is fit to know two things, why the most learned among the ancient writers, as Ephorus, Xenophon, calisthenes, and Plato, say first that it is like and the same with that of the Lacedæmonians, and secondly that it is commendable: For neither of them seems true in my opinion: The which may be conceived by that which followeth, showing first that it differs; they say that the Lacedæmonians have this proper; that it is not lawful for one man to have more land than another, being necessary for every Burgess to have an equal portion of lands in the City. Secondly that he is to be amerced as a wicked man, that hath greater possessions than the rest: By this means ambition is wholly or in part rooted out of this Commonweal. Thirdly, their Kings enjoy the Crown for ever: and they only for life, whom they call ancients: By whom and with whom all the affairs of the Commonweal are managed. 
The Lacedaemonian Commonweal.  In regard of the Candiots, all the things are governed by contrary means. For the Laws allow them to possess what Lands they can get: by this means Excellency is in esteem amongst them, 
The Common weal of Candy  so as the possession of Lands is not only held necessary, but also most honest.  
Finally, the desire of infamous and avaricious gain is so powerful amongst them, that among all mortal men only the Candiots find no kind of gain worthy of blame: Although that in that which concerns their principality, they have an Annual and democratical government: so as we are in doubt, and wonder often, how Writers have delivered them unto us to be familiar and as it were Germans, seeing they have so contrary a Nature: Neither have they without doting ordained so many differences, not lightly, but with a great show of words: saying that only Lycurgus among the Ancients, had aimed at firm and solid things: And that as there are two means for the preservation of every Commonweal, which are force against the Enemy, and mutual concord and agreement among themselves: that in chase avatice, he had withal taken away all civil discord and mutiny: and that by this means the Lacedæmonians being freed from these mischiefs, have better than any other Grecians governed their Commonweal, and with greater union. And although the Candyotts be of this advice parralelling themselves, Yet they think it concerns them nothing, living in many public mutinies, murders and civil war by their natural avarice, presuming to say that these two Governments are alike. Ephorus speaking of these two Commonweals, useth the like speech, except their names: If any one doth not observe the proper names, who can discern whereof he speaks. These are the causes for the which in my opinion they differ.  
We will now show the reasons for the which the Candyotts' Commonwealth, doth not seem commendable nor worthy to be imitated. I conceive that of every Commonwealth their be two Principles, for the which their estate and power is desired or detested: Which are their manner of living and their Laws. 
Two principles of every Commonweal.  That is to be desired and the best, by the which the life of men in private is made religious and honest, and the common course of living in the City gracious and just. Finally that is to be detested and avoided, where they do the contrary. And as we judge confidently that the men of a Commonwealth apply themselves to virtue, when we see their course of life, and the laws to savour of honesty in some of them: So we may with reason say, that a Commonweal is altogether depraved, aswell by the laws, as by their course of living, when we see any given to covetousness, and the public Arts unjust.  
Moreover you shall not find any lives in private more cunning and crafty, nor erterprises more unjust then among the Candiotts, except some few. Whereof we approve it by this comparison, the reason why we hold their Commonwealth not to be like the Lacedæmonians, nor to be chosen, or worthy to be followed. I say moreover that Plato's Commonweal is not to be preferred. Although that some of our Philosophers make great esteem. 
Plato's Commonweal is to be rejected.  As we do not receive among handicraftmen, nor wrestlers, those which have not exercised their bodies, nor been accustomed to wrestling, So we may not receive this: So as compared with the former, we may not bring it in compedition, before we see some effects. I will for the present only propound this: If we must esteem and parallel it to the Commonweals of Lacedaemon, Rome, and Carthage, it were even as if a man should propound an Image, to be compared with men that are living and animated. For although he deserves commendation of his Art, yet the comparison of things which be dead, with the living, seem to the eye poor and obscure. Leaving them therefore, let us return to the Lacedaemonian Commonweal. Lycurgus without doubt, seems to have made the law, and well provided that the Burgesses might agree together, for the preservation of Lacedaemon, and the maintenance of their liberty: So as his consideration seems more divine than humane. An equality of possessions, with a simple and common course of living, should cause a modest life in private, and make a City quiet and peaceable. Finally, exercise in labour, and to endure all toil, was to make men strong and valiant. Being certain that these two which are magnanimity and temperance, concurring together in a private person or a City, malice can hardly creep in amongst them, or be drawn from their neighbours. By these means the Commonwealth being settled, it hath procured safety to all the Country of Lacedaemon, and a very durable liberty. But as for that which concerns the conquest, and principality over their neighbours, and finally the enterprise of a war, it seems he never thought of it: but only that they should bring in a certain friendship or resolution, by the which the common course of living of the City, should rest contented with their moderate estate, even as their lives in private were modest, and contented with their choice. And although he had instituted in such sort, as they were freed from ambition, and were very wise aswell in private as in the common course of their living in the City: yet he hath left them towards the other Grecians more then ambitious, and of an insatiable desire to reign, with an extreme avarice: So as it is partly notorious, that first in a manner among the Grecians, greedily desiring the countries of their neighbours, they made war against the Messeniens, to draw them into subjection: It is also partly manifest, that they had obstinately sworn amongst themselves, not to raise the siege, before they had forced the City of the Messeniens. It is also notorious that for the great desire they had to rule over the Grecians, they had again submitted themselves to the yoke of those whom they had vanquished in battle, So as they had patiently obeyed their commandments.  
They had vanquished the Persians making a descent, in fight for the preservation of the Grecian liberty: to whom notwithstanding being returned and fled, they have delivered the Greek Towns which were restored, according to the peace made by Antalcides: to the end that having money▪ they might fortify themselves against the Grecians. At what time the establishment of their law seemed to decline: for whilst it gaped after the command of their neighbour, and finally of Morea, they helped themselves with content, by the means which Lacedaemon did furnish, having necessary preparations speedily, and making a sudden return unto their houses: But when they began to put an Army to Sea, and to march out of Morea with forces by land, it is certain that their Iron money, nor the trocking of their A●nall fruits, could not supply their necessities according to the laws of Lycurgus. Their enterprise required currant money, and traffic with strangers for victuals: so as they were forced to have recourse unto the Percians, to impose a tribute upon the Islanders, and to exact money from all the Grecians: knowing it impossible (according to the laws of Lycurgus) to hold the principality of the Grecians, nor to be able to keep their own Commonwealth. But why have I wandered so far in this discourse. To the end it may really appear, that the institution of Lycurgus laws, is only sufficient for every man to preserve his own, and to maintain his liberty: And we must confess to those which respect a Commonwealth to this end, that there is nothing more to be desired, than the estate and order of the Lacedæmonians. But as any one tends to greater matters, and thinks of the command of the Empire, and Signuiy over many, their hope in him and his favour towards them, to be more specious and magnificent, 
The Roman Commonweal more excellent than the Lacedaemonian.  we must then confess, that the Lacedaemonian Commonwealth is defective, and that the Romans is more excellent, and of a more powerful foundation. The which experience shows plainly.  
For when the Lacedæmonians laboured to conquer the principality of the Grecians, they suddenly brought their own liberty into danger: whereas the Romans after they had reduced Italy under their obedience, within a short time they subdued the whole world, being sufficiently supplied with abundance of all things, and provision of munition and victuals to effect their Enterprise. 
The Carthaginian Commonweal.  In regard of the Carthaginian, it seems to have been well instituted since its beginning, according to all differences. They had Kings, and an Aristocratical power of Senators: The Commons also had their prerogative in matters which belonged unto them. Finally, in that which concerns their general assembly, it was like unto that of the Romans and Lacedæmonians. It is true, that in the time of Hannibal's War, that of the Carthaginians was lesse, and that of the Romans better. In every Commonweal and action there is a certain natural increase and vigour, and consequently a diminution: so as all things are perfect in their vigour. Moreover these Commonweals were at that time different: For the greater the Carthaginians were in the beginning, having had many better fortunes than the Romans, the more they have been weakened. In regard of Rome, It flourished then even in order and policy. And as the people of Carthage took great authority upon them in Council, so the Senate had great power among the Romans. Wherefore as in public resolutions the Commons in the one gave their advice, 
A Comparison betwixt the Roman and Carthaginian Commonweals.  and the best men in the other: so the Romans have been more excellent in their public affairs: where if they have been in danger of their whole estate, yet using good Council, they have in the end vanquished the Carthaginians.  
But for that which concerns a sudden preparation to War, the Carthaginians are more active at Sea, and prepare their Fleets better: For that this practice is hereditary and ancient unto them, and they traffic more by Sea then any other men. But as for the Footmen, the Romans make better use than the Carthaginians, for that they wholly addict themselves unto it. In regard of the Carthaginians, they are careless of Footmen: As for Horsemen they take some good order. The reason is, for that they employ foreign forces which are Mercenaries: and the Romans their own Nation and Burgesses. Wherefore this Commonwealth is more commendable than the other, the which commits the hope of their liberty to the prowess of mercenary men: and the Romans to their own virtue and the succour of the Allies. Wherefore if at any time the Romans have made loss in their Principalities, they resist with all their forces. The Carthaginians on the other side, fight for their Country and Children, cannot abate their fury, maintaining the Combat unto the last gasp, until they have vanquished the Enemy. Wherefore although the Romans be (as I have said) inferior unto them in Sea-fights, yet they exceed them in the bounty of their Soldiers. And although that in dangers at Sea, the experience of naval combats be of no small importance, yet the prowess of Soldiers at Sea, is of great profit for the Victory.  
The Italians in truth are of a more excellent disposition than the Pheniciens or Lybans, as well in force of body as in courage: whereunto they usually incite their Youth. I will tell you one thing which may serve for a great presumption, of the diligence of this Commonweal, ordained to breed up such men as will endure any thing, to the end they may purchase praise, virtue, and same unto their Country. 
The pomp of the Romans to an honourable person.  If at any time a man of great fame and note, dies, they bring him with great pomp to the place which they terms for valiant men, where he is sometimes upon his feet, but seldom laid along. When as all the people are assembled, if there be any Son of his of sufficient age, he goes into the Chair of Orations: if not, some other of his Race, who sets forth the virtue and valour oft he deceased. Hence it grows that many, not only of his Companions in valour, but also others being admonished, and seeing visibly the deeds, have so great compassion, as the misfortune seems not only proper to those which undertake the danger, but common to the people. Finally, after they have interred him and performed likewise his obsequies, they set his Image upon the most apparent place in the house, building about it a Chapel of joiners' work. The proportion of his face is carefully wrought to the life, according to the form and lineaments. Which Images being shown in public Sacrifices, they adorn honourably. When a man of some excellent Race is dead, they make his obsequies, and they being about him which seem to be of the same height, stature, and proportion, they put on a garment bordered with purple, if he had been a Consul, or General of an Army: or else a Robe of Purple, if a Censor; Or of cloth of Gold, if he hath triumphed, or done any such like thing. These march in a Chariot in this order: Before the which go the bundles of Rods and Maces, and other things accustomed to honourable persons, according to every man's authority, with the which during his life he hath been honoured in the Commonwealth. Being come to the place of interment, they are all set in Chairs of ivory according to their order: so as a young man that thirsts after glory and fame, can behold nothing more beautiful. For who would not be encouraged, to see the Images of men whom they honour in regard of virtue, and as it were alive? What other spectacle can we find more beautiful? Moreover, he that makes the Funeral Oration, begins to speak of his other Kinsmen there present, and first of all the most ancient, relating the deeds and employments of either of them. So as it falls out that by the Commendation of good men, many times remembered by their virtue, their glory is immortal which have performed any honourable action: and their honour which have served their Country well, is made known to many, and multiplied to posterity. Moreover, young men are encouraged to that resolution, that they are ready to endure any thing that presents itself for the public good, to the end they might purchase the renown which accompanies good men. Many Romans for this cause have fought man to man, to get an estimation among the people: Others have chosen an apparent death: some to save others in Battle: Others to the end they might procure a safety in peace to the Commonwealth. Some also having the command of an Army, have contrary to all custom and law, slain their own Children, having more regard to the good of the Country, then to the natural alliance of those which were nearest unto them. They write diverse other things of many Romans: but it shall suffice at this time to produce one for an example and proof.  
They report of Horatius Cocles, that when he fought against two, right against the Bridge of Tiber before the City, and seeing a multitude of Enemies come to succour them, fearing left they should force the City, he retired to those that were at his back, crying out unto them that they should break the Bridge, and in the mean time maintained the sight with great courage and resolution, receiving many wounds, and stayed the fury of the Enemies: so as they wondered not so much at his forces, as at his resolution and courage. When by the breaking of the Bridge the Enemy's enterprise was disappointed, Cocles casting himself armed into the River, died according to his resolution, esteeming more the preservation of his Country, and his future glory, than his present life, or that which he had remaining to live. It is likely that by such courses young men were inflamed with a desire to honest actions.  
As for that which concerns gain, the custom and proceeding of the Romans is much more excellent than that of the Carthaginians, to whom nothing is infamous that brings profit: where there is nothing more vile and base among the Romans, then to be corrupted with gifts, and to wrest from another man contrary to duty. The more honourable they esteem a benefit gotten from a great and powerful man, the more they blame and condemn as infamous abundance purchased by unlawful means. For proof where of, among the Carthaginians they attain unto the government which have openly given presents: whereas among the Romans that corruption is punished with death if it be discovered. Wherefore as the rewards of virtue are contrary among them. It is apparent that the institution of these Commonwealths is unequal in these things. Finally, it seems that concerning the opinion of the Gods, the Roman Commonwealth follows not the best. And I imagine that all the world holds it a dishonour that this is found among their actions. I speak of their superstition. It is in truth preached among them for so excellent, and so anchored in men, as well in private as public, as they cannot add any thing, the which in truth will seem admirable. I am of opinion they have done it for the common sort. For if the Commonweal could have assembled wise men, this course happily had not been necessary. But for that the multitude is light and inconstant, and subject to disordered affections, and to unreasonable distempers of fury and violence, it was fit to restrain them by a disguised fear, and by this kind of strange language. Wherefore the Ancients did not without reason enure the Common sort with the knowledge of the Gods, and with Tales of Hell, which some at this day oppose foolishly and without consideration.  
Wherefore in passing over with silence other which govern Commonweals, if a man lends to Grecians but six hundred Crowns, they cannot keep their Faith, although he hath ten promises, and as many Signatures, and twice as many Witnesses. In regard of the Romans, in all their Commands, they which manage great affairs and wealth, perform their duties according to the Faith of their Oaths: whereas in other states you shall find few men careful and sparing of the public good, and performing the duty of an honest man: so it is a rare thing among the Romans, to find any one accused of such a Crime. 
All things subject to corruption.  That there is corruption and alteration in all things, it is not needful to to speak: For the necessity of Nature will give sufficient proof. And as there are two menaes by the which every Commonwealth is usually overthrown, whereof the one is exterior, and the other of itself: That which is exterior is in its consideration inconstant: But as for the order within itself, we have formerly delivered what kind the first is, what the second, and how it ends in a third Commonwealth: so as they which can appropriate the beginning of this present Subject to the end, may also fore tell the future: the which in my opinion is manifest.  
For when a Commonweal hath gotten (after many and great dangers avoided) an excellency and unresistable power, it is apparent, that growing (as of custom) to abundance of wealth, the expenses are more sumptuous, and men grow more quarrelsome touching Governments and other Erterprises. By the continuance whereof begins a change to worse, as to ambition which is a kind of ignomy: Moreover, an arrogant kind of living and sumptuousness. The people will leave this Title of change, when as grown proud with ambition, sweetened with their good words which seek to gain them by covetousness. For then being furious, and managing all things with rage, they will no more obey their Princes, nor be equal to their Governors, but most commonly will have all the power. This done, the Commonweal will change its name into a goodly show of liberty and a Democracia: but in effect to a most wicked Orchlocracia. Finally, as we have declared the establishing, increase, with the vigour and disposition of the Commonwealth, and the difference from others, and what is good or bad in it, we will here make an end of this Discourse.  
Resuming then the parts which cohere with the time of the History, from whence we strayed, we will in few words make a brief relation of an action: to the end that not only inspeech, but also in effect, after the manner of a good workman, we may plainly show the vigour and power of the Commonwealth, as it was at that time, propounding some excellent action. When as Hannibal had won the Battle of Cans against the Romans, 
Hannibal's proceeding after the Battle of Cannes.  he took eight thousand men Prisoners, which had been appointed for the guard of the Fort or Camp: suffering them all to send to their houses for their Ransom and safety. He sent ton, of the most apparent to Rome, upon their Faith to return again. Whenas one of them being out of the Fort, was returned, saying that he had forgotten something, and having taken that which he had left, he went on his way, thinking by this return to have kept his Faith, and to have made his Oath void and unprofitable. When they were come to Rome, they entreat the Senate not to hinder the delivery of the Prisoners, and that they would suffer them to pay thirteen Livers for a man, and that they might return safely to their Families. They said that Hannibal had so agreed, and that moreover they were worthy to be preserved, for that they had not played the Cowards in the Battle, nor done any act unworthy of the Roman name: But being left to guard the Camp, all the rest being slain in Battle, they had been suddenly environed and brought under the Enemy's subjection. But when the Romans (having made great losses during the Wars, and being in a manner abandoned by all their Allies, so as they seemed to be in great danger for their Country) had heard this speech, they were not careless of their honour, to yield unto their misery: neither did they disdain any thing that was needful to be done. But considering Hannibal's intention, who thought by this practice to draw away their Treasure, and withal to dis●inhearten & discourage his enemies in battle, showing covertly that the vanquished had yet some hope remaining and were so far from yielding to that which was required, as they were neither moved to pity the Prisoners, nor made any account of the future faule of men: making it known (in refusing to redeem their men) that the conceit and hope which Hannibal had in them was vain. Finally, they have enjoined their Soldiers by a law, to unquish in fight or to die, for that being vanquished there remained no hope of safety. After which things decreed, they sent back the nine Ambassadors, who willingly returned according to their promise, delivering him who had thought cunningly to break his Faith to the Enemy, bound hand and foot: so as Hannibal was not so glad of the Battle won against the Romans, as sorrowful, wondering at the constancy and magnamity of these men in their resolutions.   

A PARCEL OF the Seventh Book of the History of POLYBIUS', concerning the Accord made betwixt the Carthaginians and Messeniens, with the taking of the City of the Sardines by Antiochus.  
THe City of the leontin's is wholly situated towards the North: In the midst whereof is a great place, where there are Palaces built, Seats of justice, and a Market place for all Commodities. Upon every side of the place is a Hill, with a thick Rock, and the plain of these Hills upon the top, is filled with houses and Temples. Finally, this City hath two Gates: whereof the one is towards the South, at the end of the place above mentioned, going to Saragosse: and the other bends to the North, towards the Leontine Plains and the errable Land. But under one of the Rocks which looks towards the West, there flows a River which they call Lisson: 
The River of Lisson.  where there are houses built one against another, and many others under the Rock, betwixt the which this River passeth. Behold the accord sworn, which was made by Hannibal the Commander, Mago, Mercane, Barmocare, and all the Carthaginian Senators which were then with Hannibal, 
An accord made betwixt the Carthaginians, Macedonians, and Grecians.  and the Carthaginian Army which he had under his command, with Zenophanes the Son of Cleomachus, Ambassador for the Athenians, whom King Philip the Son of Demetrius sent unto them as well for himself as for the Macedonians and their Allies: And that before jupiter, juno and Apollo: And before the Gods of the Carthaginians, Hercules and jolae, Mars, Triton, and Neptune: And before the Gods of their Army, the Sun Moon, and Earth: And the Rivers, Gods, and Waves, and finally before all the Gods which possess Carthage, and all those which hold Macedony and the rest of Greece, and in the presence of all other Gods which are not comprehended in this Oath. Captain Hannibal with the Senators of Carthage which were with him and the whole Army, have said: according to your good pleasure and ours, we Friends, Allies, and Brethren, shall give order to this Accord sworn, concerning the Friendship and good intelligence, so as the Lords of Carthage, Captain Hannibal and his men, with the other Carthaginian Princes, which live under the same Laws, and likewise the Bisartins, with all the Cities and Nations subject to the Carthaginians, Soldiers and Allies, and all Cities and people with whom we have any league or friendship, as well in Italy and Spain, as in the Country of Genova, and if there be any others in this Region with whom we have any friendship or league, shall be guarded and defended by King Philip and the Macedonians, and all other Grecians which are in league with them.  
In like manner King Philip and the Macedonians with the Allies of the other Grecians, shall be guarded and defended by the Carthaginians, making War with them, and by the Bisartins, and by all the Cities and Nations acknowledging the Empire of Carthage, with their Allies and Soldiers, and all Nations and Cities which are in Italy, Spain, and Genova, and all other Allies which are in other Countries of Italy. Neither the one nor the other shall have any practices, nor plot any War by devices, being of good affection and intelligence, without fraud or deceit, Enemies to those which shall make War against the Carthaginians, except the Towns, Cities, and Ports, with whom they have a sworn league. We likewise shall be Enemies to those which shall make War against King Philip, except the Cities and Nations with whom we have sworn friendship. Finaly, you shall maintain our party, in giving aid and comfort according to the necessity of our affairs, in the War begun betwixt us and the Romans, until that by the grace of the Gods you and we may have a good end. And if by the help of the Gods you and we shall consent to to treat of friendship with the Romans touching the War we have with them, we will treat it in such sort, as you shall be partakers, so as it shall be never lawful for them to make War against you: Neither may the Romans rule over the Cercyreins or Apolliniates, or Epidamnes, or over Phaire, or Demale, the Parthins, and the Antintanica▪ And moreover they shall restore to Demetrius of Phaire all his Subjects, whom they have received for Burgesses. And if it happen that the Romans make War against us or you, we shall succour one another as the common necessity shall require. The like also we will do, if others make War against us, except the Kings and Nations with whom we are in league. Moreover, we will add or diminish what we shall think good of this accord sworn by a common consent.  
During these things Philip taking the Bowels of the Sacrifices, the which according to the custom were brought unto him, and bending himself a little, he presented them to Arate, demanding of him what those Sacrifices signified, and whether they would abandon that Fort or keep it still. Then Demetrius as the most aged, said: If thou hast the judgement of a Soothsayer, we will leave it suddenly, but if the understandiug of a warlike King, we will keep it. And not to abandon it, thou shalt consider of another necessary occasion: For by this means in laying hold of the Ox's horns, thou shalt have it wholly in thy subjection. By the horns he meant Isthomate, and the acrocorinth: and by the Ox, Morea.  
Then Philip returning to Arate, art thou of this advice? And when as Arate spoke nothing, he entreated him to deliver his opinion: who after he had considered thereon, answered, thou mayst keep it, if thou canst provide in such sort that the accord with the Athenians may not be infringed. If in taking it thou puts a Garrison, thou shalt lose all the Fort, and the Garrison itself (meaning his faith) which thou hast received from Antigonus, in giving the Guards to the Allies. Consider whether it be now better, that in putting me forth, thou losest this fidelity, and that by this means thou settlest Garrisons over the Messeniens, and other Allies. But Philip had a great desire to break the accord: the which his following actions made manifest. And when he had a little before been sharply reprehended by young Arate for the defeat of some men, and that the elder (having spoke freely and with authority) had entreated him not to give an easy ear to such speeches as should be used unto him, shame restrained him: and taking his right hand, well said he, let us follow the same course.  
In regard of the City of the Sardins, there were continually combats and dangerous encounters. For the soldiers of either side studied day and night to frustrate one another's policies by new inventions: to write all which in particular would be no less unprofitable than tedious. And when as the siege had continued full two years, Lagoras of Candy, a man well experienced in the art of war, having considered with himself, that many times strong Cities fall easily into the Enemy's hands, by the negligence of the inhabitants, who relying upon their fortifications made as well by nature as art, assure themselves and grow idle: And knowing likewise how they are accustomed to set guards in strong places, which might make heads against the Enemy's attempts: Seeing likewise according to his conceit the despair of them all, that they should not be able to take the Sardins Fort by this means; and that want of victuals and munition, remained for their last hope to take it: The more he considers thereon, and studies by what means he might find some occasion to surprise the City. And when as afterwards he found that the courting of the place, 
A sign of the Sardins negligence.  which they call Serie (it is that which joins the City with the Fort) was without guard, it happened that according to his hope and opinion, he discovered the negligence of the guard by his presumption.  
This place was very rough and steep, having a valley near unto it, into the which they of the City cast their dead carrion: Whither reforted a great number of vulture and other ravening Birds. When this man saw that these Birds after they were full gorged, perch daily upon the top of the valley, and on the wall, he knew thereby, that of necessity this courtine was abandoned, and for the most part without guard. Then approaching wisely in the night, he sought means to get up. And when he found that in a certain place of the valley they might ascend, he advertised the King. Who conceiving a good hope, persuaded Lagoras to continue his enterprise, promising to do what possibly he could. Lagoras entreats the King, to give him for companions Theodote the Etolien, and Denis Captain of his guard, and that he would command them to bear him company to lay this Ambush: For they seemed to be able men and sufficient for this enterprise. And when the King had satisfied his demand, they agree together, and by a common consent make choice of a night, when as part of the morning had no moonlight. After which the day before at Sunne-setting, they make choice of fifteen strong and resolute men, to mount up the ladders with them, and to gain the wall, who in this hardy enterprise should be their companions.  
Then they chose thirty other, to lie a little distant of in Ambush: to the end that when they had recovered the wall, they should fall upon the next gate, and strive to break the hinges and joints, and the others within the bars and locks. They also appoint two thousand men in the rear of these, who entering with them should recover the place of the Theatre: The which was made so conveniently, as it was opposite to the approaches of those of the Forts and those of the City. Moreover to avoid the suspicion of the truth, in regard of the choice of these men, he gave order that the etolians should give an assault unto the City by a certain valley: And therefore it was needful that these should second them, according to a sign which should be given them. When as all things were ready, and the Moon grown dark they which were Lagoras, taking the ladders, approached closely to the top of the valley, and hid themselves under the rock.  
When at the break of day they had relieved the watch which was on that side, and the King had sent (as of custom) others to second them, and had apppointed a good number for a place where they run their horses, no man suspected any thing of the enterprise: But when as the two ladders were set up against the wall, where Denis on the one, and Lagoras on the other mounted first unto the top, their grew a great noise, and alteration in the Campe. It so fell out that they which mounted the ladders, could not be discovered by them of the City, nor by the rest which were in the Fort under Acheus, by reason of the Rock which advanced over the valley. But their courage which ascended the wall and assailed the City, was apparent to the Army. Wherefore some wondered at there incredible resolution, others foreseeing the future, and fearing, remained partly amazed, and partly joyful. Wherefore the King seeing the alteration in his Camp, desiring also to divert this fancy, as well from his own men, as from those of the City, he led forth his Army, and besieged the two Gates, which they call Persides, On the other side Acheus, seeing the Enemy's alteration more than of custom, was in great doubt, being ignorant of the present cause, and could not understand the practice, Yet he sent men to the Gate, which succours came somewhat late, for that they descended by straits and hollow places. Aribaze who was Captain of the City, went simply to the Gates, which he had seen Antiochus assail: appointing some to go unto the wall, others to make sallies by the Gate, to keep the Enemy from approaching, and to fight with them. In the mean time Lagoras, Theodote, and Denis, with their troop, having recovered the walls, came to the Gate underneath, whereof some maintained the charge which the Inhabitants gave them, others broke the bars and bolt of the Gates. The like did they without which were apppointed to that Quarter. When as the gate was opened, the other two thousand entered the City, and seize upon the place of the Theatre. This done, all they which had run to the walls, and to the Gate which they call Perside, who had been sent by Aribaze to defend it, against the Enemy's assault, came running thither. After which retreat, the Gate was opened, so as some of the King's troop pursuing those which abandoned it, entered pell mel. When they had taken the Gate by force, some entered the City, others forced the next Gates. They that were of Aribazes band, with all the Citizens, recovered the Fort by flight, after they had made some little resistance. After this rout, Legoras and Thodotes band stood firm in the place of the Theatre, serving as a Fort to all the rest. Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides took the City. 
The City of the Sardins taken by assault.  By this means, the City was wholly sacked and ruined, some killing those they encountered, others setting fire of the houses, and some gaping after spoil for their private profit. And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins.   

A PARCEL OF the Eighth Book of the History of POLYBIUS', concerning the Difference of a Particular and General History.  
NO man can justly say, if they to whom these kinds of Calamities and disasters have befallen, aught to be blamed or censured, or held worthy of pardon and pity in regard thereof: For that it falls and happens to many (to whom all things have been done conformable and agreeable unto reason) to be subject to those which transgress with great desire, the things which are just and reasonable before men. Yet we may not be silent here, being necessary (having regard to the time and circumstance of accidents) to blame some Captains, and to pardon others: The which will appear plainly by this. When Archidamus King of the Lacedæmonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crown, he fled from Lacedaemon. Who soon after being again persuaded, put himself into his hands. Being therefore by this means stripped of Crown and Life, he hath left no excuse to posterity, of those things which he hath suffered. For what colour is there, the cause being still the same, and Cleomenes power increasing, but he should suffer the things which we have spoken, having put himself into their hands, from whom he formerly had fled, giving order for his safety contrary to all hope? Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had been the cause of King Alexander's iniquity, and that he knew well, that all Tyrants are capital Enemies to those which defend liberty, yet he persuaded Epaminundas to be Governor not only of the popular Commonweal of the Thebeins, but also of the Grecians. And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly, to the end he might ruin the Monarchy of Alexander, yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassy unto him. Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies, he was the cause of great prejudice to the Thebeins, and the ruin of their glory, which until that time they had preserved: for the confidence he had in those, whom he should not have trusted.  
The like happened to Cheius Chief of the Romans, during the War of Sicily, for that he had indiscreetly thrust himself into the Enemy's power. divers others have suffered the like. Wherefore they are worthy of blame, who without great consideration, submit themselves unto their Enemies, and not they who (as much as in them lies) managed their Affairs discreetly: for in truth no man can govern them well, relying upon another. If thou dost them by certain occasions, which are conformable to reason, thou shalt be blameless. The most likely causes of this kind are, an Oath, Children, Wife, and for the most certain, the forepassed life. And if it happens that under colour of these things, thou falst into an inconvenience, the fault shall not be thine in suffering, but theirs who commit the wrong. Wherefore we must seek such Arguments and assurances, as in regard thereof, he in whom you trust, may not break the faith which he hath given. But for that there are few such, the best will be to have a care of those which are conformable to reason: so as if we be decelued therein, we may not lose our excuse with strangers: the which hath happened to many of our Predecessors.  
It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof we have made mention, and of a later date, in that which hath befaene Acheus: who fell into his Enemy's hands, although he omitted nothing that might be done for his safety, providing for all things as much as Humane sense could effect. Wherefore the event hath caused commisseration and pardon, in him which hath suffered with strangers, and blame and hatred to those which have done the outrage. Moreover, I do not find it strange to my Enterprise and first intention, to advertise the Readers of the greatness of these things, and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Commonweals. Who will not hold it fit to be considered, how the Governors of such great Cities, not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spain, having moreover of either side an equal hope of the future, and a present danger of the War, have not been contented with this apparent discommodity, but contended for Sardinia and Sicily, embracing the whole, not only in hope, but with Expenses and Preparations of War, which will move any man to wonder, that shall observe it all in particular? The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preservations: And two others in Spain, where Cneius had the leading of that by Land, and Publius of the other by Sea. These are things which happened to the Carthaginians. Moreover they sent an Army by Sea, to cross the attempts of Philip in Greece: In the which Marcus Valerius commanded first, than Publius Sulpicius, with whom Appius likewise joined with a hundred Quinqueremes. Moreover Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land, had assailed Sicily: The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians.  
By the which things I am confident, (the which I have often spoken in the beginning of this Work) to find a certain assurance by the accidents which consist in this, that it is not possible for those which Write particular Histories, to be able to observe the general disposition of things: For how is it possible, that he which doth barely read the Exploits of Sicily and Spain, can know or conceive the greatness and continuance of Actions, nor in what sort or form of a Commonweal, Fortune hath brought it to an end? The which is very admirable to us, for that all the Countries of the World, which are come to the knowledge of men, are subject to one Empire and Power, the which hath not formerly been.  
It is true, that it is not impossible to understand in some sort by particular Histories, how the Romans have Conquered Sicily and Spain: But it is a difficult thing to know in what sort they have attained to this Universal power and Command: Nor to what use particular Actions have served to their general Enterprise, nor with what succours, nor at what time they have attempted it, without a full and general History of the proceedings: neither will it be easy for the same causes, to consider the greatness of Actions, nor the power of this Commonweal. For in that the Romans have Conquered Sicily and Spain, and have made War there both by Sea and Land, it is no wonder if one man deliver it in particular. But if we consider that when these things happened, this powerful Commonwealth had ended many others, and at the same time, and how it was effected, and with what calamities and War, they were afflicted in their own Region, which performed these Exploits at that time, finally their deeds willbe held glorious and admirable; and then the knowledge of these things will square well. This Discourse shallbe directed unto those, who by particular Commentaries, think they are able to attain unto the knowledge of a general History.  
Marcus furnished with an Army of threescore Quinqueremes, sailed to Achrandine, either of which were armed with men, carrying Bows, Slings, and Darts to repulse those which should defend the Forts. He had also eight Quinqueremes furnished with Pallisadoes, aswell on the right as left side: with the which being joined together with two thin enclosures, they approached unto the Wall, by means of the palisado set without the enclosure, 
The order of the Engines of Battery.  and they call them Sambuques. The manner of ordering the same Engines was in this sort. They had within the Ship a Ladder of four foot broad, to the end that at the Descent it might come to the top of the Wall: Upon the sides thereof they made stays, and armed them with a covering for defence, setting them cross the enclosures, which kept the Ships united together, so as they did pass much beyond the Prow or forepart of the Ship. There were pulleys fastened with Cords to the top of the Masts: and when as necessity required, they drew those which were at the poop or hinder part by the pulleys, with Cords tied to the top of the ladder. The others which were at the Prow, assured the Engine with stays: and finally they approached it to the wall, drawing near to Land by the navigation of the ships, which was done by the means of two Pallisadoes which are placed without. On the top of the ladder there was a plank, which covered three superficies with Persian Targets, to the which four Soldiers mounted, and fought against those which from the Forts sought to hinder the approach of the Sambuques. When by the joining of the ladder they have gained the wall, in disarming the sides of their Targets, they mount to the Forts or Towers. The rest follow them by the Sambuques, by means of the transport of the ladder from Vessel to Vessel by ropes. Finally, this Engine was not unfitly so called. For being finished and set up, the figure of the ship and ladder reduced into one, make it like unto a Sambuque. They imagined to come close unto the Wall with this Engine.  
But Archimedes' having made provision of Engines fit for all distances, troubled them at Sea much, and thrust them into despair, annoying them a far off with casting Engines which were strong and great. But if they went beyond them, he used lesser Engines, according to the distance, which disappointed and hindered their Enterprise and navigation: until that Marcus being much perplexed, was forced to make his approaches covertly in the Night. When they had recovered Land, and were out of the Battery, he made another kind of Engine against those which were to fight by Sea. For he made many holes in the Wall without, the height of a man, and of the bigness of a man's hand, where he appointed within casters of Darts, and of Engines to repulse, making by the means thereof the Enemy's attempts in their mounting unprofitable.  
By this means he not only repulsed them far off, and prevented their attempts near, but also slew many of them. And whereas they made use of their Sambuques, he likewise set up Engines, to pull them over the Wall: and kept them always hidden until necessity required, setting them upon the Walls within, to pass forth and fall upon the sayle-yards: some of them cast Stones, or Led of twelve hundred weight. And when as the Sambuques approach sometimes in turning, they cast from the top of the Engines with a Tower, Stones against them as necessity required. So as not only the Sambuque hath been broken, but also the Vessel: and all they that were within it in great danger. Again, some Engines cast lesser Stones upon the Enemy, coming to the assault covered with Targets, to the end they might not be annoyed with the Darts and other Weapons, which they cast from the Wall, that they which fought in the Prow might be repulsed. They likewise let down a hand of Iron tied to a Chain, the which laying hold of him which governed the top, drew the Prow within the Walls with the tail of the Engine. And if at any time in raising the Prow, he set the Ship upon its Poop, he held it firm and unmoveable by his instrument, then by a kind of favour he let slip the hand and the chain by the Engine. By this means some fell upon their sides, others were overthrown, a great part of them (the Prow falling from the top to the bottom) were drowned with great confusion. Marcus discontented with Archimedes' repulses, seeing likewise his men prevented in their attempts, to his prejudice and disgrace, said (although he were grieved with his misfortune) in scoffing at the deeds of Archimedes', that he used his ships as they do pots, to draw water out of the Sea, and that being battered and beaten, they were as disloyal fallen infamously. This was the eud of the Siege at Sea. In regard of those which were with Appius, they ceased from their attempts, having endured the like affronts and losses. For although they were a good distance from the Wall, yet they were hurt and slain with their casting of Stones and Darts.  
In truth the Art, the number and the effect of all manner of Engines, whereof King Hieron had made good provision, was admirable, the which Archimedes' had forged and made, being the Architect and Engineer. And when as they approached the City, some of them (as we have said) were slain with their Arrows, and continually repulsed from their approaches: Others covered with Targets, and therefore assailing with greater force, were overthrown, and slain with Stones and the bodies of Trees: A good number likewise were slain by the hands descending from the Engines as we have said: For they cast down men being raised up on high with their Arms. Wherefore they of Appius Army retiring to their Camp, and holding a Council with the Captains, were all of one opinion, and resolved to try all manner of hope, to take Saragosse by siege: the which in the end they did. For when they had besieged this City for the space of eight Months, they ceased not daily to make brave and valiant erterprises of War: But they never durst attempt to take it by force.  
By this means a man with good fortune seemed to bring to an end great and admirable things, when as they are fitly joined together in great affairs. Finally, the Romans having such great Armies both by Sea and Land, attended to take the Town speedily, if they could get an old man out of Saragosse, not daring to approach it, whilst that Archimedes' were present and could defend it. Wherefore conceiving that Saragosse might be taken for want of victuals and munition, considering the great multitude which was in the City, they relied upon this hope: and hindered by an Army at Sea that nothing might approach, and by that at Land, that no succours might come. Moreover, the Commanders being loath to spend the time in vain, during the siege of Saragosse, but withal to undertake some good thing beside the siege, they divided their Army in such sort, as two parts should remain with Appius for the siege of the City: And that Marcus with the third part should assail the Carthaginians, who sent an Army into Sicily.  
Finally, Philip having made the Messeniens his mortal Enemies, could in nothing offend them that was worthy of fame: Although he had assailed their Country to torment them, using great indignities to his best Friends. 
Philip causeth Arate to be poisoned.  For soon after he caused old Arate to be poisoned in Messene, for that he was discontented with his course of life: The like he did to Taurion, who had served him in Morea. Wherefore these his Actions were presently divulged and made known to strangers. His power over those whom he then defeated was not new, but long before used, and practised by custom: neither was Arate ignorant of this mischief, the which was discovered by this means. And as he had concealed it from all others, yet he did not hide it from Cephalon one of his familiar Friends: But declared unto him his infirmity, the which appeared by the bloody spittle against the wall, saying: Behold Cephalon, the recompense we reap by Philip's Friendship.  
Truly, Mediocrity is so great and honest, as he which suffers, is more ashamed of the deed, than he that hath committed it. But such rewards they reap of Friendship, that have been Companions in such great Actions, and done service to Philip. Finally, Arate after his death received sufficient honours, 
Honours done to Arate after his death.  both in his Country and the Common weal of the Acheins, as well for the government which he had often in charge, as for the many favours he did unto that Nation. They decreed him Oblations and heroic honours, and finally, all things which serve to perpetuate the memory: so as if the Dead have any sense, it is likely he commends the acknowledgement done unto him, and the communication of affliction and dangers which have happened in his life time.  
As Philip had long devised how to take Lisse, and its Fort, desiring to reduce those places under his obedience, he drew thither with his Army. Having marched two days, and past the straits, he campt near unto the River of Ardaxana, near unto the City. And when he had viewed the situation of Lisse, excellently well fortified both by nature and industry, as well towards the Sea as Land: And likewise the Fort joining near unto it, the which in show was impregnable to all the World by force, as well for its extent upwards, as for the other fortification, he despaired to take it, yet he did not wholly despair to take the Town. Considering therefore that the space betwixt the Town & the Mount of the Fort, was reasonable to besiege the Town, he thought good to make a Skirmish there with his Archers, which was then his manner of proceeding. Suffering then the Macedovians to rest a day, whom he advertised of things necessary, he laid an Ambush in the Night of a great part, and the ablest of his men, in certain woody Valleys, and near unto a Mediterranean place, lying above the place whereof we have spoken: and retaining for the day following those that were armed with Targets, and the rest of the nimblest Soldiers, he takes his way forthwith towards the City, marching of either side towards the Sea.  
When he had passed beyond it, and had made a stand there, it was apparent that he meant to assail the City in that place. As this coming of Philip was not unknown, so a great number out of Sclavonia were come into Lisse. It is true that for the great confidence they had in the fortification of the Fortress, they sent but a mean Garrison. Wherefore when the Macedonians approached, the Inhabitants presently made a sally, 
A sally made by them of Lisse.  relying in their multitude and the force of the place. The King ordered the Targetteers in the plain, commanding the most active to recover the hills, and to fight valiantly with the Enemy. The which they performing, the danger seemed something equal. But in the end Philip's men retired, for the difficulty of the place and the multitude of their Enemies. And as they retired to them that were armed with Targets, they of the City pursuing them with a kind of disdain into the Plain, fought with the Targetteers. They likewise whi●● had the guard of the Fort, seeing Philip retire by little and little with his Troops, and imagining that he was going away, came running covetely, trusting in the nature of the place: Then leaving few men within the Fort, they came by unknown ways into the Plain, as if they were to take the spoils of their flying Enemies.  
But in the mean time they which were in Ambush, rise suddenly and gave a furious charge with the Targetteers upon the Enemies. The multitude was herewith so amazed, as the Lissiens' retired for their safety to the City. In regard of those which had abandoned the Fort, their return was cut off by the Ambush. Whereby it happened that whereas before there was no hope, now the Fort was presently taken, and without danger, 
Lisse taken by Ph●l●p.  and Lisse the next day by the valour of the Macedonians, and by their rough and terrible assaults Philip having conquered the said places contrary to his hope, he made all the Neighbours thereabouts subject unto him, so as a great part of Sclavonia, offered to submit their Towns to his protection. It is true, there were no Forts that could endure the violence of Philip: neither any safety for those which resisted, after the taking of the said Forts by assault.  
Bolis 
Bolis.  was a man borne in Candy, who had long frequented the Court, and was advanced to the prime dignity. He seemed to be very wise and resolute, with no less experience in the War. Whom when Sosibius had gained, and made affectionate unto him, he commanded him (after a long speech) to put a business in execution, telling him, that there was not any thing at that time, could be more pleasing unto the King, then to find means to save Acheius. The which Bolis having heard, and promised to consider thereon, he retired. Two or three days after, when he had thought of this Discourse, he came to Sosibius, and undertook to effect it: saying, that he had long held the party of the Sardins, and had good knowledge of the Country: Adding moreover, that Cambyle, 
Combyle.  Captain of the Candiots which are in pay with Antiochus, was not only a Burgess, but also his kinsman and friend. It happened that Cambyle and the Candiots that were under his charge, had the guard of the backpart of the Fortress, which was not fortified, but it was guarded by a multitude of Cambyles Soldiers. When as Sosibius found this advice good, studying how he might free Acheus from calamity, or whether it were better to attempt it by some other man than Bolis, but his humour concurring with Bolis, the business took this effect. Sosibius delivered money presently, to the end nothing should be wanting for the Enterprise, promising great rewards if it succeeded well. So promising the King's favour, and that of Acheus if he might be preserved, he fed Bolis with great hopes.  
This man being ready to undertake the Enterprise, without any longer expectance imbarkes: and having Letters of Recommendation and credit, he goes to Nicomache at Rhodes, who seemed to be affected to Acheus, as well for his Father's love, as for particular Friendship: And likewise to Melancome in Ephesus. These in truth were the men, of whose means Acheus had formerly made use, as well coming to Ptolemy, as in other foreign and remote places  
Being come to Rhodes, and afterwards to Ephesus, having acquainted them with this business, and finding them ready in any thing he desired, he sent Arian (being one of those that were under his charge) to Cambyle, saying that he had been sent from Alexandria, to levy foreign Soldiers, and that he had a great desire to conserre with him concerning matters of importance: And therefore he desired to appoint a time and place where they might meet unknown to the World. Arian came to Cambyle, discovering unto him his charge: whereunto he gave ear, being ready to do that whereunto they pressed him, appointing a day and place known to them both: whither being come in the Night, he sent back Arian?  
As Bolis was a Candiot, and cunning by Nature, he studied of the resolution enquiring of all things. Finally, according to the agreement of Arian, he goes to Cambyle, and delivers him the Letters: whereon they advice and consult after the manner of Candiots. 
A Treason practised against Acheus by Cambyle and Bolis.  For they had no care to succour Acheus being in danger, but only to provide for their own safety and commodity. And as they were both Candiots, they were soon of one opinion as followeth: That the ten Talents which Sosibius had delivered, should be equally divided betwixt them: and then they should discover the business to Antiochus, to make use of him, and promise to deliver Acheus into his hands, in giving them money, and hopes worthy of their attempt. These things being thus concluded, Cambyle undertakes that which concerns Antiochus: Bolis on the other side resolves within certain days to send Arian to Acheus with Letters of recommendation from Nicomache and Melancome. But concerning the means how Arian might enter safely into the Fort and return, he gives him charge to do his duty. If this were done, and that Acheus made answer to those things which concern Nicomache and Melancome, Bolis held himself assured, that he might well deliver him into the hands of Cambyle.  
After this resolution they part, either of them striving to effect that which they had concluded. Cambile embracing the first occasion, discovered the business unto the King. As this promise pleased Antiochus, which offered itself contrary unto his hope, so he took it partly joyfully, promising great matters: partly distrusting, he considered of either of their opinions and resolutions, But in the end giving credit, thinking that this Enterprise came Divinely unto him, he often entreated Cambyle to bring it to an end. Bolis wrought in like manner with Nicomache and Melancome. Who thinking these things to be guided by God, they suddenly prepare Letters from Arian, directing them to Acheus, Written by their Common scent, as they had bbin accustomed: And in sending them they persuaded Acheus, togiue● credit to those things which Bolis and Cambyle should do. They were written in such fort, as being surprised they could not be understood.  
Arian enters the Fort by the help of Cambyle, and delivers the Letter to those that were with Acheus: and instructs him diligently of everything, as one who from the beginning had been present at that which was practised. And although he answered oftener for Sosibius and Bolis, then of Nicomache and Melancome, and likewise for Cambyle, so he often maintained by his own invention, the Arguments which they made: And the rather being ignorant of that which had been resolved betwixt Cambyle and Bolis. Acheus giving credit, aswell in regard of Arians answers, as of the Letters of Nicomache and Melancome, made an answer, and sent Arian presently back. And as this business was handled often of either side, in the end Acheus people sent word of themselves to Nicomache, that there was no more hope of safety remaining: And advice him to send away Bolis with Arian at midnight, as it were to take them. The resolution of Acheus was, that first he would fly the present danger, and then recover Syria.  
Finally, he was in a wonderful hope, that if suddenly and contrary to all hope he showed himself to the Inhabitants of Syria, Antiochus being yet tied at Sardainy, he should cause a great alteration, purchasing great praise, aswell with the Antiocheins, as with the inhabitants of base Syria, and Phenicca. Acheus being in this hope and conceit, expected the coming of Bolis. In regard of Melancomes peoples, after the coming of Arian, and the Letters read, they presently send away Bolis with all speed, making him great remonstrances, and putting him in great hope, if he effected his Enterprise. Bolis sending Arian before, advertised Cambyle of his coming, and came by night to the place appointed. And when they had agreed on the day, and had resolved how to bring all to an end, they entered the Camp at night. This was their resolution: If it happened that Acheus came out of the Fort alone, or accompanied with some one with Bolis and Arian, he might be taken with an Ambush as abandoned. But if he came forth well accompanied, the business would prove difficult, to those to whom they had given the charge. Finally, they thought to take him alive, knowing that by this means they should do great pleasure to Antiochus. Wherefore they gave charge unto Arian to march before, when he should draw forth Acheus, for that he knew the turnings, by the which he had often entered and comeforth. Bolis was to follow the rest behind, to the end that being come unto the place, where the Ambush should be ready by Cambyle, he might seize upon Acheus and stay him, fearing that through the Alarm in the night, he might save himself through the Forest, or being in Despair, he might cast himself into some pit: and contrary to their Resolution, fall alive into the Enemy's hands.  
These things being thus concluded, when Bolis came to Cambyle, he was the same night brought by him to Antiochus being alone. And when the King had received him graciously, and had assured them of his promises, making remonstrances to either of them, not to be negligent in the business, they then returned to their Campe. In the morning Bolis accompanied with Arian ascend, and at night they enter the Fort. Acheus receiving him with great affection and love, demanded many things of him diligently. And as he observed aswell the countenance, as the familiar speech wherewith Bolis assured the plot, he showed partly a joyful countenance, for the hope of his safety: So he partly languished, for the apprehension of the future danger. But for that he was a man of a great Spirit and great Experience, he did not hold it fit to rely wholly upon Bolis. And therefore he used this Speech unto him: That for the present he could not go forth; and that he would send three or four of his friends with him, and that after conference with Melancome he would be ready. Acheus in truth did all that could be done: But he was ignorant of the common Proverb: That he must Candize with the Candyots. 
To Candize with the Candyots.  Bolis likewise had foreseen all things which concerned this business.  
But when the night came, in the which he said he would send his friends, sending Arian and Bolis before out of the Fort, he commanded them to attend until the coming of those which should go with them. Whereunto obeying, in the mean time he confers with his Wife. 
Laodicea the wife of Acheius▪  But for that he had amazed Laodicea, with a business not foreseen, he stayed sometime until he had pacified her, and brought her to an expectance of good hope. Than making the fifth, he attired the others meanly, and himself puts on an old and simple Robe, showing himself to be a man of a base condition: and so he goes forth. He had given charge to one of his Friends to answer Arian continually to all that he should propound, and that he should learn of him whither they went, and should speak of the rest as of Barbarians. When they were come to Arian, he went before for the knowledge he had of the way.  
In regard of Bolis he followed behind, according to the first resolution, being doubtful of that which was offered. For although he were a Candyot, and did dive into all things nearly, yet he could not know Acheus, by reason of the darkness of the night, nor yet whither he was there. And as the descent was rough, and for the most part uneasy, and in some place unsafe and dangerous for the steepness, and being come unto a certain place, where as some held Acheus and others received him, (at that time in truth they could not wholly forbear to yield him their accustomed reverence) than Bolis suddenly knew which was Acheus. When he came to the place appointed to Cambyle, and that Bolis had given them a sign by his whistle, they of the Ambush issue forth and take the rest: But Bolis seized upon Acheus, having his hands wrapped up in his Robe, fearing that in discovering the Ambush, he should attempt to kill himself: for he had a Sword ready. Being thus suddenly environed, he fell into the hands of his Enemies, 
Acheus' taken and brought to Antiochus.  and was presently led to Antiochus with his friends. The King remaining in suspense, expecting what would become of it, he was alone in his Tent waking accompanied only with two or three of his guard. But when as Cambyles Company was arrived, and had laid Acheus bound upon the ground, his Speech failed him for so strange an accident; so as he continued long without speaking: And in the end touched with Commisseration and pity, the tears came into his eyes: the which in my opinion happened by a Consideration, that those things which Fortune brings, are inevitable and uncertain.  
Acheus was son to Andromachus, brother unto Laodicea the Wife of Seleucus, 
The Race of Acheus.  and he had married Laodicea daughter to King Mithridate, and withal he was Lord of all the Region on this side Mount Tauris. As he was then held to live in a place of his own wonderful strong for the Enemy, so he was now set upon the ground bound and mannacled in their hands: Neither was there any man that knew of the fact, but those which had the Execution. But when the day was come, and that the friends (according to the custom) were come unto the Tent, and saw this accident, it happened unto them as it had done formerly unto the King. For in wondering at the business, they were in doubt of those things which they saw. When the Council was assembled, they spoke many things of him touching his defeat. First they decreed that his hands and feet should be cut off, 
The condemnation & death of Acheus.  and then having taken of his Head it should be sowed to an Ass' skin, and the rest of his body hanged upon a Crosse. Which being Executed and the Army hearing thereof, the fury and alteration was so great in the Camp, as Laodicea, who knew nothing but the departure of her Husband, looking from the Fort, conjectured of that which had happened by the trouble and alteration in the Campe.  
A Herald was presently sent unto Laodicea, who advertised her of those things which had befallen Acheus, commanding to consider of Her estate, and to leave the Fort. At the first they which held it made so great cries and lamentations, as they could give no answer: Not so much for the affection they bore to Acheus, as for the accident which seemed to them all unlooked for and not foreseen. Finally, they were in great doubt what they should do. Antiochus after the ruin of Acheus, pressed the besieged more violently, persuading himself that in the end he should have means to take it by the Soldiers themselves: the which happened accordingly. For they being divided among themselves, 
The strong fort yielded to Antiochus.  they parted into Troops, some holding for Ariobaze, others for Laodicea. After which, both parties yielded for their mutual distrust, and delivered the place.  
To conclude, as Acheus had done what he could in reason, (being vanquished by the wickedness of those which assured him) lost his life, serving for a profitable Example to posterity for two causes. First, that no man should rely simply upon any: And next, that no man should mistake himself for his good Fortune, but be prepared for all accidents, which may happen to man. And therefore in the beginning they go forth, as it were to take some spoils, and come by night to the Carthaginians Camp: Others held the close way, staying at a certain place full of Woods. 
He 〈…〉 to the Carthagininians.  But Philimene and Nicon approached the Camp: Whom the Watch led Prisoners to Hannibal, they never discovering of whence nor what they were: making only a sign that they would speak with the General.  
Being then brought unto Hannibal, they told him that they would speak with him in secret. Who giving them Audience with great affection, they excuse themselves and their Country, accusing the Romans in many sorts, to the end they should not seem to be come forth about this business without cause. Wherefore Hannibal commended them much, and entertained them courteously: Finally, he sent them back to return speedily to confer with him, ordering for the present that these men should be let go: when they were out of the Camp, and in the mean time he would consider what should be most safe. This he did to have conference with these young men, and to inquire of their affairs: 
Ta●●ium betrayed to Hannibal.  And to the end they should keep their credit with the Citizens, as if by the Captains leave they had made incursions for spoil.  
When as Nicon had Executed his Charge, Hannibal was very well satisfied and joyful: For that he might have means to effect his Enterprise which was then difficult. Phil●mene on the other side affected the business propounded, for that they had given him a safe access to speak, and he had found Hannibal very attentive, promising him to give store of Victuals to the Citizens. Then they not only got credit with the Tarentins, but moreover they had a good Train, aswell for the accord made, as for the Victuals whereof they had sufficient. Afterwards making a second incursion, and putting every thing in Execution, they assured Hannibal: and were likewise assured by him, (that is to say,) that the Carthaginians should leave the Tarentin● in their Liberty, not oppressing them with any Subside or Tribute, nor with any other impost: Being also lawful for them, after they had Conquered the City, to ruin the Romans Houses. Finally they agreed, that when they should come unto the Camp, the Watch should presently take them.  
Which things being concluded, they had power to come and speak often with Hannibal: parting from the City sometimes to get spoil, and sometimes to Hunt. These things being thus agreed upon for the future, most of them had a care of the occasion. In regard of Philim●ne, 
Philim●●● appointed for Hunting.  they appointed him for Hunting. For as he was much inclined to it, they thought he could do no other thing but to attend it. Wherefore they gave him this Charge, to the end he might take wild beasts, first to win Caius Lybius Governor of the City, and afterwards those which kept the Gates, which are called T●menides. Embracing this Commission, he took some Beasts in Hunting, others were prepared for him by Hannibal. For his part he continually brought 〈◊〉 prize, whereof he shared part to Caius and to the Guards of the gates to the end they might speedily open the Gate called Rhinopile. He entered and went forth often in the night by this Gate, under colour of fear of the Enemy, but in the mean time he made use of it for his Enterprise.  
When Philimene had obtained this course with the Guards, so as without suspicion approaching to the Wall, if he whistled, they opened unto him the Gate Rhinopile: And withal observing that the Roman Governor of the Gate, should be on a certain day with great Company at Musea near the Market place, they appointed that day to Hannibal. He had long before invented this fiction, as if he were sick, to the end the Romans should not hold it strange, that he stayed so long there; and then he feigned himself to be more sick. He had not been in the Camp for the space of three days upon the approaches of Tarentum. The day being come, he makes choice of a thousand of the ablest and resolutest men, both Horse and Foot: to whom he gives charge to carry Victuals for four days. Finally he marched speedily, removing his Camp at the break of day. He gave command to foure●score Numidian Horses to marched thirty Furlongs before the Camp, and that they should run of either side of the Country, to the end that no man might discover the whole Camp, but taking some of them that fled, the rest which escaped might advertise the City of the Numidians courses. When as the Numidians were about twenty Furlongs off, they set down to Supper near unto a certain River, in a Rock which was not easy to discover.  
Then Hannibal drawing the Captains together, he discovers his Enterprise unto them; and persuades them, that first of all they should carry themselves like brave men: for that there were never such great rewards propounded unto them: And that secondly every man should keep his Soldiers in obedience during the Voyage, and punish those severely, that should abandon their places through Disobedience. Finally, they should have a care of those things which should be Commanded, and that they should not attempt any thing of their own fancy, contrary to his Commandment. This Speech being delivered in the presence of the Captains, he marched, (being yet night) meaning to come unto the Walls about midnight. He had Philimene for his Guide, to whom he gave Synagrie for a Companion in that same Action.  
When as Calus Lybius with his Company were in the day time at Musea, according to the conception of the Youth, they advertised him that the Numidians overran the Country towards the West, when as their desire of drinking increased. Yet thinking to stay them, he called for the Captains, giving them charge to go forth at the break of day with half the Horsemen, and repulse the Enemy which spoythe Country. This was all the conceit he had of the business. As for those which kept Company with Nicon and Tragisque, assembling suddenly within the City, they looked for the return of Caius. And being suddenly ready, for that they had drunk in the day time, some retiring to certain places stayed there: Others among the Youth go to meet Caius, sporting and playing among themselves, making show to bring them back which should be found at the Banquet, and moreover as it were, transported by reason of the Drunkenness of Lybius Company, as soon as they met they fell to laughter and immoderate sport of either side: then turning head they Conducted Caius unto his House. He laid him down to rest as a man sound drunk, after the manner of those which drink daily, having nothing in his brain that troubled him: finally, he was full of joy and negligence. But Nicon and Tragisque; having assembled the Youth, divided themselves into three Band: and after advice, they seized upon the most commodious approaches to the Market place, to the end that nothing might be unknown unto them, of that which was practised, aswell within the City as without.  
They also approached near unto Caius House, being resolved that if he should have any suspicion of the Enterprise, to kill him first: And that whatsoever they did they should begin with him. As it often times happens at the return from Banquets, when as the Tumult was suddenly passed, and that the multitude was laid down and a sleep, and by the advancement of the night, the hope of the Enterprise remained entire, then altogether attend the Execution. The Youth had articulated and agreed with the Carthaginians, 
An accord made by the youth of Tarentum with the Carthaginians.  that Hannibal coming to the City, near unto Musacee on the East, and to the Gates which they call Temenides, he should make a fire upon a little Hill, the which some call the Hill of Hyacinthe, and others of Apollo Hyacinthe. And that when Tragisques Company should see it, they should answer him by the like sign of fire: This done, Hannibal should quench the fire which he had made without the City, and then approach with a slow pace.  
These things thus concluded, the Youth of the City having past the inhabited part, they came to the Monuments of the Deceased. The Eastern part of the City of Tarentum, was full of Monuments: For that all the dead are buried within the Walls of the City, according to a certain old Oracle. They say that God gave the Tarentins to understand by an Oracle, that it would be best for them when they had most Inhabitants. For their parts they thought, that they should have a good dwelling according unto the Oracle, if they retained the dead within their City. For this cause they inter them within their walls. When as the Youth of the City was come to the Pithyonique Hill, they expected what would succeed. Hannibal approaching did what had been concluded: and the Company of Nicon and Tragisque seeing the fire, they took courage, and kindled another fire. Again seeing Hannibal's fire quenched, they made haste and ran unto the Gate, meaning to prevent Hannibal's men in killing the Guards: for that the Carthaginians preparing to enter marched slowly. When they had prevailed in their Enterprise, and the Guards being surprised, some slew them, others broke the Bolts. The Gates being suddenly opened, Hannibal's men came with such a measured March, as without any delay they assailed the City. When they had made their entry safely and without Tumult, 
Tarentum taken by Hannibal.  thinking they had done the greatest part of their business, they entered the Market place boldly, on that side which joins to the Sea. In regard of the Horsemen, they leave no less than two Thousand within the Walls for their supply, as well for the accidents which might happen without, as for other expected things which do usually chance.  
When they were come unto the places near unto the Market, the Army made a stand. Philimene likewise being much troubled, how he might execute his Charge, stayed without. For when they made the fire, they ran not to that Gate: and they had sent him with a wild Boar, and about a Thousand Lybians with him to the next Gate, meaning to execute their Enterprise, not by one means only but by many. When as Philimene was according to his Custom come unto the Walls, the Guards suddenly were ready descending to Rhinopile. When as he called unto them to open the Gate, for that having a Boar, he was soar laden, the Guard hearing those words open speedily, expecting to have a share of Philimenes' prize, as formerly he had done to others.  
Philimene being the first of this Battalion enters, accompanied by another, wearing a Numidian Habit, as if he had been of that Country: after whom followed two others, carrying Venison. When there were four entered, they slew him which opened the Gate, running simply and without fear, 
They kill the po●●er.  to handle the Boar, there entered to the number of Thirty Lybians by the little Wicket, which followed them a slow pace and secretly. This being done, some broke the Hinges, others slew the Guards at the Gate, and others called the Lybians by signs being yet without, leading them to the Market place, as it had been ordered. Hannibal joyful of the adiunction of these men, for that matters succeeded according to his desire, he was attentive to that which he had begun. He therefore draws two Thousand Gauls a part: and dividing them into three Bands, he appoints to either of them two of the Youth which had managed this Enterprise, with some of his Captains, giving them charge, that they should gain the most commodious approaches to go unto the Market place. After which they should receive the Youth of the City, and have a care to preserve the Citizens, and that they should cry out to the Tarentins, to stay in the place which was assigned them for their safety. Finally, he Commands the Captains of the Carthaginians and Celts, that they should kill all the Romans they should encounter. Dividing themselves one from another, they dispatch that which they had in charge. The Enemy's entry being known to the Tarentins, the City was full of cries and unexpected Trouble.  
When as Caius was advertised of the Enemy's entry, thinking that he should not be able to prevent the danger, by reason of his drunkenness, 
Caius saves himself.  he gets suddenly out of his lodging with his family: And when he was come to the Gate which leads unto the Port, and that the Guard had opened the Rhinopile, he escapes that way, and imbarques with his people in a little Cock boat which lay in the Port, and was carried to the Fort. Afterwards Philimene makes provision of Roman Trumpets, whereof some founded near unto the Theatre, as they had usually done. And when the Romans ran in Arms according to their Custom to the Fortress, the Enterpize was dispatched to the liking of the Carthaginians. But they which being dispersed and without order entered into those places, some fell into the hands of the Carthaginians, others among Celts: Who by this same means slew a great number.  
The day approaching, the Tarentins rested in their Houses, not able to prevent this inconvenience. For they thought by reason of the founding of the Trumpets, that this combustion had been made by the Romans; for that they made no spoil in the City. But when they saw some of their men slain in the place, and some of the Gauls stripping the dead bodies of the Romans, they began to think of the coming of the Carthaginians. When as Hannibal had drawn his Army into the market place, and that the Romans were retired to the Fort, the which they held before with their Garrison, he causeth a Proclamation forth with to be made and proclaimed, that all the Tarentins should come unto the Market place without Arms. In regard of the Youth, they went up and down the City crying liberty, advising and persuading the Citizens to rest assured that the Carthaginians were there for their good. But all the Tarentins which held the Romans party, being advertised of this Action, retired to the Fort: The rest assembled without Arms at the sound of the Trumpet. To whom Hannibal spoke graciously.  
When the Tarentins had generally conceived by his Speech, and unexpected hope, he sent many of them away, giving them charge at their return, to be careful to Write the name of the Tarentins upon their doors: And if by fortune or chance any one did it to a Romans House, he should be punished with Death. Wherefore he made choice of men accustomed unto this charge, and sends them presently to spoil the Romans Houses, willing them to hold and maintain the Tarentins lodgings for Enemies, which had not the mark of a Tarentine. Finally, he kept the rest in battle to succour the others. When he had drawn together great store of goods by this spoil, and that the commodities answering the conceived hope of the Tarentins, came to good, they then returned to Arms.  
The day following Hannibal holding a Council with the Tarentins, decreed to separate the City from the Fort, and to fortify it, to the end they should be no more in fear of the Romans holding the Fort. Wherefore he began first to fortify the City with pallisadoes, right against the Walls of the Hill which is before the Fort. And knowing that the Enemies would stir and make some attempt, he appointed sufficient Forces: Thinking that for the future, there would be nothing more necessary, to amaze the Romans, and to assure the Tarentins. When as they began to set up their impalement, and that the Romans assailed their Enemies with great confidence, courage and resolution, Hannibal fight with them a little, provoked them to the Combat. 
A skirmish betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians.  But when as many of them past beyond the Hill, he giving courage to his men encounters the Enemy. When the Combat grew hot, as much as might be in a straight place environed with Walls, the Romans in the end being roughly repulsed gave back, so as many of them fell into the Numidians hands: Finally the greatest part being repulsed, and falling into the ditches, died.  
After this, Hannibal fortified the City with Pallisadoes without danger, and having done all things to his liking he was at quiet. He likewise forced the Enemies to remain shut up in their Fort, in fear not only of themselves, but also of the Fort. In regard of the Citizens, he hath so puffed up their Courage, as they held themselves able to resist the Romans, without the help of the Carthaginians. Afterwards Hannibal leaving some little space, from the palisado towards the City, he made a Ditch answering the Palisado and the wall of the Fort, from whence some time there were Soldiers drawn unto the wall of the City. Moreover having Pallisadoed this Ditch, this fortification proved not less strong than a Wall. Besides the which within towards the City (leaving a reasonable space) he began a Wall from that part which they call the Saviour, unto that which they call Deep: So as without any Garrison, these Fortifications would be sufficient to cause the Tarentins to dwell in safety. Leaving then a sufficient Garrison of Horse for the Guard of the City and wall, 
The River of Erota.  he planted his Camp forty furlongs from the City, near the River which some call Gallea, others Erota, which name it hath taken from that other River, passing near unto Lacedaemon, which they likewise call Erota.  
The Tarentins in truth have many such, as well in the Country as in the City, for that undoubtedly they have taken their Colony and Race from the Lacedæmonians. The wall being finished and ended, aswell by the diligence and industry of the Tarentins, as the help and assistance of the Carthaginians, Hannibal resolves to overthrow the Fort. And when he had prepared and made all things ready for the siege, the Romans having received into the Fort succours by Sea, from Metaponcia, they were something refreshed and comforted, and in the night assailed Hannibal's Engines, ruining them all with their preparations. This made Hannibal to despair of the siege of the Fort.  
And when the City walls were made perfect, he assembles the Tarentins, and lets them understand, that it was very necessary for them to be masters of the Sea, 
Hannibal's Remonstrance to the Tarentins.  against the discommodities of the present time. But as the mouth of the Port was in the Command of the Fort, it was not in their power to help themselves with ships at their pleasure, or go out of the Port: Where as the Romans had all necessaries brought unto them safely. So as the City should never enjoy a perfect freedom and liberty. Hannibal considering this, he let the Tarentins understand, that if they which held the Fort, lost the hope of the commodity of the Sea, they would presently yield it to them. The which the Tarentins hearing, they allowed of his Speech, but they could not at that time effect it, unless they were assisted by the Carthaginians Army: The which could not then be done. Wherefore they could not conceive whereto Hannibal tended, propounding these things.  
And when he maintained that they might well be masters of the Sea without the help of the Carthaginians, they wondered more, not being able to understand his conception. When he had viewed the place within the Walls, from the Port unto the outward Sea, he was of opinion that the Ships might sail close unto the Wall towards the South. When he had given this advice unto the Tarentins, they not only embraced it suddenly, but commended Hannibal wonderfully. Presently after they had made Wheels, they prepared a way for ships, which was sooner done then spoken, for that affection and the multitude of Workmen prevailed much. By this means the Tarentins past their ships into the open Sea, and safely besieged those of the Fort, who received their succours from abroad. In regard of Hannibal, leaving the City he raised his Camp, and returning three days after, to the Palisado which he had made in the beginning, he stayed to spend the rest of the Winter.   

A PARCEL OF the Ninth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
BEhold the most renowned and excellent Actions, comprehended under the aforesaid olympiad, and within the space of four Years which it contains: Of which we will endeavour to speak of in two Books. I am not ignorant that our Commentaries have been something rough, and that they are pleasing to a certain kind of Auditors, and blamed by others. In truth other Historiographers, and in a manner all, or the greatest part, helping themselves with all the parts of a History, draw many men to the reading of their Commentaries. The manner to Discourse of Genealogies causes a desire to hear: That also which speaks of Colonies, Voyages, Possessions, and Races, which please a curious man of little judgement, as that of Ephorus. And to a civil man, that wherein they Discourse of the Actions of Nations, Cities, and Potentates, whereunto applying ourselves plainly, and disposing all our Treaty to these things, we direct and guide ourselves by a certain kind of Discourse, as we have formerly promised.  
It is true, we direct most Readers to that which is not much pleasing and delightful. Finally, we have at large delivered the cause, why in reprooving the other parts of a History, we will thus write the Actions. There is no hindrance that for the better expressing and declaration, we should not briefly advertise the Reader hereof. But as many of these things are related in diverse manners, of Genealogies, Fables, and Colonies, and moreover of Races, Alliances, and Possessions, it will be necessary for him that would Write, to speak consequently of strange things as proper, which were an infamous thing: Or if he will not, he must labour in vain, in promising publicly to pursue and Comment of those things, which have been sufficiently declared, and delivered to posterity by the ancient.  
For this cause, and for many others we have left them, receiving a relation of Actions: For that first, that as many new things offer themselves often, so it is very necessary to use a new kind of Discourse: The which happens not in the beginning of the Relation, so as we deliver the subsequent Actions. And secondly, for that this kind hath been before, and is most profitable, by the which the experience of things and Policies, have so much prevailed with us, as they which have a desire to know the Actions, may help themselves by an easy way, in all that which happens by the course of time. Wherefore having no such regard to the pleasure and delight of those which shall read and peruse our Commentaries, as to the profit of the Hearers, we have (leaving the other parts) fixed upon this. Finally, they which shall diligently consider of our Commentaries, willbe more certain witnesses.  
When as Hannibal had enclosed the Camp of Appius Claudius, 
Appius besieged by Hannibal.  being at the siege of Capova, at the first he used skirmishes, seeking to draw the Enemy to Battle. But when as no man presented himself, in the end he besieged them, which was an Enterprise wherein he was frustrated aswell as of the first, although the Horsemen of the Wings assailed them in Troops, casting Darts into their Camp, with great cries: And the footmen charge them by Bands, labouring to break the palisado. Yet they could not divert the Romans from their former resolution, repulsing those which assailed the Palisado with great strength and Courage: And being well armed, they went not out of the Camp with their Ensigns. Hannibal bearing these things impatiently, and the rather for that the Romans could not any way be annoyed from the Town, studied what order he might take for the present Affairs. For my part, I think that the case falling out thus, seems to have made not only the Carthaginians to doubt, but all other men to whom the knowledge thereof hath come.  
Who will not wonder, hearing how the Romans have often been vanquished by the Carthaginians, and durst not present themselves, nor fight with them, have not abandoned their Fort being in the open field? It is certain that in times past, they had always Camped only at the bottom or foot of Mountains against the Enemies: But now being in a fair Plain, and in the openest place of all Italy, besieging a strong Town, they were assailed by them of all sides, against whom they durst not once think or imagine to make head, being so much disheartened. And although the Carthaginians prevailed continually fight, yet they were no less annoyed by the vanquished▪ Finally, I hold this to be the cause, that they consider the Enterprise one of another: That is to say, that the Troops of Hannibal's Horsemen, purchased the Victory to the Carthaginians, and a defeat to the Romans: Wherefore the vanquished made sudden sallies after the fight. They also lodged their Troops in such a place, as the Horsemen could not annoy them. The case falling out thus near unto Capova, was common to them both. The Romans in truth durst not come forth to fight, being terrified with the Enemy's horse. They kept themselves within their Fort, knowing well that the Cavalry vanquishing them in fight, they could not annoy them.  
The Carthaginians likewise could not with reason stay long with so great a number of Horses: For that the Romans had for that ●ause wasted the whole Country: Neither could they give order to have Hay and Barley brought on Horseback so great a way unto their Cavalry and Sumpters: Neither durst the Carthaginians besiege the Enemy without Horse, being fortified with Ditches and Pallisadoes: Against the which in fight without Wings upon an equal danger, they should hazard an uncertain Fortune. They feared likewise that the Roman Subjects, would join with them and succour them, and that cutting of their necessary Victuals, they would draw him into great distress.  
Hannibal considering these things, having opinion that they could not raise the siege directly, 
A wise Consideration of Hannibal.  he takes another advice. Finally, he makes his reckoning, that if in stealing away suddenly, he should show himself about Rome, he might do something that might be profitable for the Carthaginians affairs, the inhabitants being amazed with such a new accident: Or if that did not succeed, he should force Appius Army to raise the s●ege to succour and supply their Country, or else forthwith divide themselves, so as they which should succour the Country, and they which remained at the siege would be easy to vanquish. Considering these things, he sent a certain Lybian messenger to Capova, persuading him to retire to the Romans, and so into the City, providing wisely by this means, that his Letters might be safely carried. He feared much, that the Capovans seeing his departure would yield, following the Romans party, as destitute of hope. For this cause he acquaints them with his intention by Letters, for the which he sends the Lybian, after the departure of his Army, to the end that knowing his resolution and dislodging, they should maintain the siege courageously.  
When as they which besieged Capova, had entreated the people of Rome for assistance, that Hannibal held them besieged, they were all in great doubt and fear, for that the present Affairs required a final end, and therefore they sought by frequent Embassies and attempts to assist that party concerning the General. The Capovans on the other side (after they had received the Letters by the Lybian, and known the Carthaginians advice) hold good against the Enemy, resolving to adventure and try their Fortune. Wherefore Hannibal having fed his Army the fifth day after his coming, and leaving fires burning, he raised his Camp, so as he was not discovered by the Enemy. Taking then the difficult way by the Saunitide, discovering & gaining by his Cavalry the nearest places to his way, he passed the River of Annion secretly, whilst that the Inhabitants of Rome were in suspense for Capova and that War: Approaching in such sort, as he planted his Camp within forty Furlongs of Rome. 
Hannibal within 40. furlongs of Rome.  And as he assailed it by this means, it happened that they of the City were troubled and dismayed with fear, for that this accident came suddenly and contrary to their hope, and that Hannibal had not formerly besieged the City so near. They had also a conceit, that he approaching so near the City, their Army besieging Capova, must of necessity be defeated. 
The amazement of the Romans.  The men fly to the Walls, and out of the City to places of advantage. The Women on the other side make professions about the Temples, washing the pavement with their hair. 
The superstition of the Roman Dames.  It was a thing they were accustomed to do, if at any time the Country were in great danger.  
When as Hannibal was thus encamped, thinking to assail the City the day following, there happened an admirable and casual accident, working for the preservation of the Romans. Caius and Publius had taken an Oath of the Soldiers which had been levied, to come to Rome the the same day in Arms. They also made another Levy: so as at a certain time a great number of men of War transported themselves suddenly to Rome. With the which the Captains made a bold sally: and planting their Camp before the City, they restrained Hannibal's fury. The Carthaginians in truth at the first made such an attempt, as they despaired not to take the City by assault. But seeing the Enemies to hold a Camp, and advertised by a Prisoner of that which had happened, they desisted from their Enterprise to take the Town, falling to spoil the Country, 
The Carthaginians waste the Country about Rome.  and to fire their houses: so as at the first they brought a wonderful booty unto their Camp, as being come to this kind of hunting, to the which never Enemy thought to attain. And when as afterwards the Consuls taking courage, had planted themselves within Eleven Furlongs of the Enemy's Camp, 
The Romans is Field.  Hannibal lost all hope of taking the City, notwithstanding the great spoils which he had made; and which is more, he parts at the break of day with his Army, keeping a good reckoning of days, in the which according to his advice taken from the beginning, he was in hope that Appius advertised of the danger of the City, would wholly raise the siege, and that he would succour Rome; or leaving some portion of the Army, and taking the greatest part, he would make haste to succour his Country: either of which happening, his affairs would succeed well. But Publius breaking the Bridges of the said River, forced him to pass his Army at a Ford, being always in the tail of him, and annoying him much.  
It is true, he could not defeat him for the great number of Horses, and the dexterity of the Numidians fit for all purposes: yet he retired to his Fort, having recovered a great part of the booty, and taken about three hundred men. Afterwards imagining that the Carthaginians hastened their retreat for scare, he pursued them in the Rear by Skirmishes. In the beginning Hannibal made haste pursuing his design. But when as on the fifth day he had been advertised that Appius continued still at the siege of Capova, he stayed: then suddenly receiving those which pursued him, 
A defeat of the Romans by Night.  he charged them in the Night, making a great slaughter, and chase the rest out of their Fort. When as the day following he saw the Romans retired to a certain Hill, strong by situation, and rampired, he despairs to take them: Yet making his voyage by Daunia and Brette, he assails the neighbour places to Rhegium so suddenly, as he had in a manner taken the City: yet he surprised all those that were straggling in the Fields, with a great number of the Rheginois at his coming. In my opinion we ought with reason to observe at that time the virtue and envy of the Romans and the Carthaginians in the conduct of the War.  
For as all the World wonders at Epaminundas, General of the Thebeins in this, that when he was come with the Allies of the War to Tegee, and was advertised that the Lacedæmonians were with their league at Mantinaea, assembling there to give Battle to the Thebeins, he gave order to his Troops to feed presently: By this means he causeth his Army to march in the Evening, 
Lacedaemon taken by Epaminundas.  as it were to recover some convenient places to put them in Battle. When he had drawn many into this conceit, he parts to assail the City of Lacedaemon. Where entering about three hours in the Night, contrary to all hope, and finding it naked and destitute of help, he took it, and kept it on that side which was paved to the River. As this disaster happened with a great alteration, and that a certain Fugitive flying to Mantinaea, had advertised King Agesilaus of that which happened, and that they of the league made haste to succour Lacedaemon, he was out of hope to be able to keep it. But when he had fed near unto the River of Erota, and had drawn his Army together, after that he had suffered many miseries and dangers, he returns to Mantinaea, taking the same way, with hope to find it destitute and unfurnished of Lacedæmonians and their league, as being gone to succour Lacedaemon: the which succeeded accordingly. Wherefore giving courage to the Thebeins, and marching in the Night with great labour and toil, he arrived by noon at Mantinaea, being destitute and void of succours. It is true that the Athenians who at that time held the party of the Lacedæmonians, against the Thebeins, were come to their succours. When the forward of the Thebeins, arrived at the Temple of Possidon, standing seven Furlongs from the Town, it happened as a thing forecast, that at the same instant the Athenians showed themselves upon a Hill near to Mantinaea, who being discovered by them which remained in the Town, they went to the Walls, taking courage to repulse the Thebeins attempts. Historiographers therefore have reason to complain of the said actions, saying, that the Commander had done all that was fitting for a wiser and more excellent Captain then the Enemies were, and that Epaminundas was vanquished by Fortune. 
Epaminundas vanquished by Fortune.  Some others likewise may say with reason, that the like happened unto Hannibal.  
For who will not wonder at this Commander, in observing that he endeavoured to raise the siege, in assailing the Enemy by Skirmishes: And when he was therein frustrated in his attempts, he assailed Rome itself: And when this Enterprise did not succeed, for the casual events, he again endeavoured (turning head with his Army) to charge the Enemy, and to try if he might trouble those which besieged Capova: And when in the end he prevailed not in his Enterprise, he resolved to annoy the Enemy in ruining them of Rhegium. It is true that some one will happily judge that at this day the Romans are to be preferred before the Lacedæmonians. Who upon the first advertisement parting together, delivered Lacedaemon, yet losing Mantinaea for their parts: But the Romans preserved their Country without raising the siege from before Capova, growing constantly obstinate in their Enterprise, and have in the end assailed the Capovans resolutely. I have propounded this Discourse not so much to praise the Romans or Carthaginians, (for we have many times showed them to be excellent) as well for their present Captains, and for those which hereafter shall have the government of these two Commonweals: to the end that remembering them, and having these things before their eyes with a desire of imitation, they may take courage, not of a desperate and dangerous rashness, but of a politic resolution, with an admirable industry and good discourse, which shall never be subject to forgetfulness, retaining still in memory actions well managed; and Erterprises without reason.  
For this cause the Romans have decreed to set a part, and to carry into their Country the things we have spoken of, not omitting any thing. If this be well done and profitable to them, or otherwise, it requires a longer discourse: And moreover whether it hath been in former times, or is only necessary at this day. If considering these things, they had instructed their men, it is certain that according to reason they had transported to their use the things for the which they had grown great: But if leading a simple life, they fly abundance and sumptuousness, and yet they vanquish those which many times have store of such good things, why should not their actions be turned to vice? Some one may confidently say, that they err which have left the Victor's course of life, to follow that of the vanquished, and having incurred envy, a Companion of such things: which is a case much to be feared in Great men. Doubtless a man thus possessed, will never hold them happy which possess another, and bears them envy. Moreover, who will take compassion of those which degenerating lose their principalities? If Fortune smiles, and if a man draws together all the wealth of another, and moreover, invites in some sort the dispossessed to see it, he sins doubly. First the Spectators have no compassion, but are admonished as of their own miseries: whereby not only envy but also choler inflames them against the fortunate. The remembrance of their own calamities is as it were a stirring up to hatred against the Authors. It is true, that it may be there is some show of reason for the drawing of Gold and Silver. For they could not have attained to the Empire, if they had not gotten the power taken from others.  
In regard of those things which concern not power, they might leave them with the envy in those places where they were before, and make their Country of better fame, in beautifying it with honesty and magnanimity, not with Images and figures. I hold this Discourse for those which Potentates always usurp, to the end that in sacking Cities they may not conceive that the miseries of other men, are the glory and beautifying of their Country. Finally, it is necessary that the accidents which happen in the Art of War, be diligently considered of▪ It may happen they shall duly foresee every thing, if any one doth execute speedily that which is propounded.  
If any man will know that executions done openly with violence, are of less consequence than actions of policy and time, he may easily judge by the actions past. It would be no difficult thing to understand by the events, that in matters which are done by time, there are more found executed through errors then by reason; For no man doubts that many faults are committed through the ignorance and dulness of Commanders. Wherefore we must consider the reason of this kind. It is not fit to hold for good service the accidents which without foresight happen in the profession of War, but rather for events and casual accidents: and we must leave them, for that they are not governed by reason, whereas those should be apparent which are done with a settled resolution whereof we now speak. But for that every action hath time, space, and a determinate place, and hath need of secrecy, and of confident resolutions: and that it doth import by whom, with whom, and by what means they shall execute them: it is apparent that he which shall duly consider every one of these things apart, shall not stray from reason: if he omits any one of them, he shall be defrauded of his whole resolution. Nature in truth makes one of all the parts, and every one of them (although vulgar) sufficeth to cause a disaster of advice if it be forgotten: Finally all the parts do scarce suffice, although they be employed to bring any work to a good end. Wherefore Commanders should not omit any thing of this kind.  
Silence is the chief of those things which we have spoken of: to the end that through joy if any unexpected hope presents itself, or for fear and amazement, 
The duty of a Commander.  they do not through familiarity or friendship, communicate their enterprise to any stranger, but only to those without whom they cannot execute their resolutions: nor yet to them, but so far forth as necessity shall force them. He must be secret not only in words but also in his affections. For it happens to many to discover by signs, and sometime by their actions, their resolutions which the tongue hath kept silent. Secondly, it is necessary not to be ignorant of the ways both by day and night, and the means to pass them as well by Sea as Land. The third point, and the most exquisite, is to know the opportunity of times by the circumstances, and to be able to conjecture it with judgement. He must make no little esteem of the manner how to execute it. For many times thereby things which seem impossible, prove possible, and those which usually have been possible, are made impossible. Finally, he must not disdain the Accords and Articles annexed, nor the choice of things by the which, and with whom that which hath been resolved, is brought to an end. Of these things some are considered by the exercise, others by Histories, and some by the course and reason of experience. The knowledge likewise of the ways, and whither he means to go, and its nature would be very fitting●: and consequently by whom and against whom they make War, and carefully to consider of the business, and not to trust all men. It is true that they which are led and governed, must always in such affairs give credit to those that lead them. Moreover, Commanders may happily learn these things and other such like from a simple Soldier: some by their own industry, and others by History, in considering the actions experience. It is also necessary to understand the Mathematics, and the Theoric, especially of Astrology and Geometry, the Art whereof is not very necessary in this trade: yet the use may help much in the alteration of things. Their chief necessity consists in the consideration of the Day and Night. If they had been always equal, there would be no difficulty therein, and the knowledge would be common to all.  
But as the aforesaid things have a difference not only betwixt them, but also in themselves, it is most necessary to know what be their augmentations and diminutions. How can the course and perfections of the Day and Night be known without the consideration of the said difference? No man can without their experience attain unto those things which concerns a competency of time, being otherwise forced to work sooner or later then is needful. Haste in these affairs is more defective than the delay of an Enterprise. He that exceeds the time appointed, is frustrated of his hope: But he may repair it in giving good order, knowing after what time it may be done: whereas he that prevents the opportunity of the approaching time, and being discovered, not only fails of his Enterprise, but is in danger to be wholly defeated. Occasion is the Mistress of all humane affairs, and especially in the Art of War.  
A Commander therefore of an Army must have knowledge of the Solstice of Summer, and of the Equinoctials, and of the intermixed increases and decreases of Days and Nights. 
The knowledge of the diversities of Days necessary for Captains.  By this only means he may hold a mean in things which are to be effected, as well by Sea as Land. Moreover, he must know every point of the Day and Night, to the end that he may understand the time when to plant his Camp and to raise it. It is not possible that he shall attain to a good end which doth not consider the beginning. It is not impossible to see the hours of the Sun by the shadows whilst he makes his course, and the distances which are made by it in this world: In regard of those of the Night, it is a difficult thing, unless some do follow and observe the Stars after the disposition of the Heaven, and the order of the twelve Signs in the Zodiac. It is in truth easy for those which diligently observe the Celestial Stars. For although the Nights be unequal, yet in every one of them six of the twelve Signs do move, so as it is necessary that to every part of the Night an equal portion of the Zodiac be turned, and as daily it is apparent what part the Sun drives behind, which is that which it separates from the Diameter: it is necessary that accordingly there should be so much consumed of the Night, that after this part it appears elevated from the rest of the Zodiac. The Signs of the Zodiac being known as well for their number as greatness, it falls out afterwards that they show themselves such all times of the Night. But when the Nights are cloudy, we must observe the Moon: for her greatness, her light appears universal in what part of the world soever she be. And we must sometimes search by the times and places of the East, and sometimes of the West: for that in this part there is a knowledge, so as she follows the Diurnal differences of the East. There is also in this knowledge a manner of easy consideration. There is likewise the same end almost within a figure, and all are of Sense. 
Homer.  For this cause they justly commend the Poet, who brings in Ulysses an excellent Prince, taking conjecture of the Stars, not only to direct a Navigation, but also to manage War at Land. We may in truth exactly foresee unexpected chances, although that many times they be of great preplexity, as inundations by Rain and Rivers, Snows and violent Frosts, and finally Fogs and Clouds, with such like things. Shall we not with reason be destitute and void of many things by our own fault, if we disdain those which we may fore see? We may not therefore contemn or despise any of these things, lest we fall into such a consideration which they say hath happened unto many others: Concerning which we must now speak by way of Example.  
Arate Chief of the Acheins, labouring to surprise the City of Cynethe, 
The error of Arate.  appointed a day to them of the Town which had the same intelligence: who coming by Night to the River which falls to Cynethe, he was to stay there with his Army: and they of the Town taking their occasion about Noon, should send forth one of them secretly out at the Gate, covered with a Cloak, and should command him to stay before the Gate upon a Dunghill: and in the mean time the rest should take the chief men sleeping, who were accustomed to guard the Gate about Noon. Which being done, coming out of their Ambush, they should plant their Battalion against the Gate. These things thus concluded, Arate came at the time appointed, and keeping the accord, he laid his Ambush near unto the River. But about five of the Clock, a man having weak Sheep of those which are accustomed to feed about the Town, came forth of the Gate in a Cloak, as it was needful; who according to the reason of the time, enquired of the life of the Shepherd: And staying upon the said Hill, looked where he was▪ Arate thinking they had given him the Sign, makes haste to gain the Town with his men. But when the Gate was suddenly shut by the Guards that were present, for that they within had nothing ready, it happened that Arate was not only frustrated of his purpose and intention, but was the cause of extreme calamities to the Burgesses, with whom he had intelligence. For being apprehended, they were presently chased away or slain. What shall we think to be the cause of this accident? Doubtless for that this Commander had executed this agreement with more lightness than was fit, who being young had not an exquisite knowledge of these two accords, nor of the things annexed. The affairs of War have an alteration in a moment, wavering from one side to another in the Events. When as likewise Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, had resolved to take the City of Megalopolis by practice, he agreed with the Guards of the Walls, 
The error of Cleomenes.  that he should come in the Night with his Army to the Gate which they call Pholee, at the third renewing of the Watch. For they which held his party, had then the guard of the Wall. But when he had not foreseen, that the Nights were shorter at the rising of the Pleyades, he parting from Lacedaemon with his Army at Sun setting, and as he could not come thither in time, arriving when the Sun was up, he was repulsed, making his attempts in vain and without reason, with a great and shameful loss of his men, and in danger to lose all: Whereas if he had aimed truly at the time appointed by the agreement, and had brought his Army when as his Confederates had power to let him in, he had not failed in his Enterprise.  
In like manner Philip (as we have formerly said) having plotted a secret surprise of the City of the Meliteens, failed doubly. 
The error of Philip.  He brought not Ladders of a sufficient length, as the business required, neither did he observe the time. For having resolved to arrive at Midnight, when as all the World slept, he dislodged before the time from Larisse with his Army, and came too soon into the Meliteens Country. For this cause as he could not stay, fearing to be discovered by the Citizens, nor yet steal away, he gave an assault to the City, the Inhabitants being yet awake. So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walls by his Ladders, for that they were not of a just length, neither could he enter by the Gate, for that the Confederates which he had in the City, could not succour him being excluded by the time. And as he had incensed the Citizens, and made a great loss of his men, he returned with shame and disgrace, it being a warning and caveate unto all others, not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter.  
As likewise Nicias which was Chief of the Athenians, might have preserved the Army which he had near unto Saragosse, 
The error of Nicias.  and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush, to the end he might not be discovered by the Enemy, he retired into a safe place: Afterwards he removed not his Camp through superstition, for that the Moon was Eclipsed, as if she had foretell some ensuing danger and misfortune. But it happened unto all, as ●ell to the Army as Captains, to fall into the hands of the Saragossins', when as the Night following Nicias raised his Camp, being discovered by the Enemies. Notwithstanding he might in such affairs have been made wise by such as have had experience, that the commodity of time ought not to be neglected for such things, making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort. Ignorance in truth gives a great help to men of experience, to bring their affairs to a good end. We must then for the aforesaid things have recourse to Astrology, in regard of the measure of ladders, the manner is as followeth. If any one of the Conspirators have given the height of the Wall, they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be: As if the Wall be ten foot high in some places, 
What a Ladder for the War ought to be.  the ladders must be twelve foot long. Finally, they must give unto the ladder good footing, according to the proportion of the staffs: left burdened it too much, it break not easily by reason of the multitude: and again set up strait, it will be very dangerous unto them. If there be no means to take the measure, nor to approach the Wall, let them take the greatness of those things which are elevated on the Plain, by the space of all the height, which is a kind of measure not only possible, but also easy for those which study to learn the Mathematics.  
Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aim truly in their resolutions of the course of War, to know the use of Geometry: If not perfectly, yet at the least that they have the knowledge of proportions, and consideration of Similitudes. It is not only necessary for this, 
Geometry necessary for the War.  but also for the comprehension of Designs in the situation of a Camp: to the end that when as we sometimes change its general disposition, we may observe the same proportion of things which are there comprehended: And if sometimes we retain the same Designs of Camps, we may extend the place comprehended by them, or straighten it; according to the reason of things before decreed, or set apart: the which we have declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordering of Battles. I do not believe there is any man that will be discontented with our study, for that we charge the profession of War with many things, commanding those that love it, not to disdain Astrology nor Geometry. For my part, I strive especially, and with great desire to command things necessary, as I do reprove and blame the excess of vain and superfluous things, in regard of the subtleties and dreams in every Science: So do we those which are out of necessary use. It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing, or playing of the Flute, take the preparatives which concerns the accords and Music: And likewise Wrestling, for that this kind of Art seems behooveful to bring this exercise to an end: And yet they which term themselves Soldiers, are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies: So as they which practise Mecanique Arts, 
The carelessness of Soldiers for the Sciences.  are more careful and studious than those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory: the which no man of Sense will deny. But we have spoken enough of this Subject.  
Many conjecture the greatness of things by the Circuit: to whom notwithstanding it seems incredible, that although the City of Megalopolis be contained within the Circuit of fifty Furlongs, and that of Lacedaemon within forty eight, 
The circuit of Megalopolis and Lacedaemon.  yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis. And if any one (meaning to make this doubt greater) saith, it is possible that a City, or the Palisado of a Camp, having the Circuit of forty Furlongs, may be more ample and complete then that of a hundred, this will seem unto them a mad and extravagant speech: the cause is, for that we remember not the things which inhuman Disciplines are delivered unto us by Geometry. This is the cause why I have undertaken this Discourse. For that not only many people, but also some of those which govern the Commonweal, and likewise Commanders and Captains are amazed and wonder how it can be possible, that the City of Lacedaemon should be greater than that of Megalopolis, seeing the circuit is less: and that consequently they conjecture the number of men by the circuit of the Campe.  
There is another such like error which they commit in the description of Towns. For many conceive, that Cities contain more houses which are crooked and hilly, than those which are in a flat Country. But this is not true, for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Street, but in a plain Country, for the which it happens that the Hills yield: the which may appear by that which is apparent in a Plain. If thou dost consider the houses which are built high, and set upon the declining of a Hill, so as they are all of an equal height, it is apparent that their tops being level, the distance is equal, as well of those which are built under the Hills, as those which are seated on the Plain near unto the foundations of the Wall. It sufficeth at this time to have spoken to those which (desiring the pre-eminence over others, and to govern Commonweals) are ignorant of these things, being amazed and wonder at this relation. The City of Agragas is not only more excellent among many other Cities, but also for the force of its Rampire, 
The City of Agragas.  and for the grace and building. It is built eighteen Furlongs from the Sea, so as every man may be partaker of her commodities, the Walls are excellently fortified by their situation and the industry of man. The Wall is seated upon a hard and inaccessible Rock, as well by Nature as by Art. It is environed with Rivers. For towards the South runs a River of the Town's name, and on the Western part towards the Winter Solstice, passeth the River of Hypse. The Fortress is seated upon the side of the Summer's East. The which hath without an inaccessible valley and within it one approach to the City. On the top is built the Temple of Minerva, and of jupiter A●abarin, like as at Rhodes. For as Agragas hath been peopled by Rhodiens, their God with good reason hath the same name, as at Rhodes. Finally the City is stately adorned with Temples and Porches. In regard of the Temple of jupiter Olympian, it is none of the most sumptuous: But likewise it seems not less in its height and greatness than any other of Grecce.  

The Oration of Chlenee, Ambassador for the etolians to the Lacedæmonians.  
IT is so true my Masters of Lacedaemon, that your power hath been the beginning of Servitude to the Grecians, the which I hold so certain, as no man at this day will say the contrary. We may judge of it in this manner. For what a multitude of Grecians are there in Thrace, whereof the Athenians and Calsidonians have planted Colonies? What City hath had a greater estate and power than that of the Olynthiens? The which when as Philip had made Captive, and ordained to serve for an Example, he hath not only been Lord of all the Cities of Thrace, 
Philip subdued the Thessalians.  but hath moreover made subject the Thessalians, being terrified with fear. And when as afterwards he had subdued the Athenians by Arms, he used his Fortune nobly, not so much for the good of the Athenians (for there wanted much) but to the end that by the same of his benefits towards them, he might draw others to a voluntary obedience.  
In regard of the authority of your City, it seemed for a time to favour the other Grecians. Wherefore propounding what he thought good, he went to Field with an Army, and in spoiling the Country, he hath ruined and sacked your houses, and finally your Country, distributing part to the Argives, part to the Tegeates, some to the Megalopolitains, and the rest to the Messeniens: seeking without reason to benefit others, to the end he might endamage and and annoy you. Alexander hath since taken upon him the power and command. Who thinking that there was yet remaining some comfort for Greece in the City of Thebes, 
Alexander ruined Thebes.  I conceive you all know how he hath ruined it. But what need is there to relate in particular the Deeds of those which have succeeded them, and how ill they have entreated Greece? There is no man so negligent of the actions of War, which doth not know how Antipater (the Grecians being vanquished near unto Lamiai) did most wickedly entreat the miserable Athenians and others: 
Antipater.  To whom he was so outrageous and unjust, as he sent Inquisiters for Fugitues, and sent to the Cities, against those which had contradicted him, or in any fort offended the honour of the Macedonians. Whereof some being violently drawn out of the Temple, and others from the Altars themselves, have been miserably defeated and slain: the other Fugitives have been chased out of Greece. There was no freedom but only in the Nation of the etolians. In regard of the executions done by Cassander, Demetrius, and Antigonus, Gonas, who is ignorant of them? The knowledge hath been manifest, seeing they have been done without any disguising. Some of them placed Garrisons in Towns, others settled Tyrants: By which means there hath not been any City free from the name of this kind of servitude.  
But leaving this Discourse, I come in the end to Antigonus: to the end that none of you considering plainly my intent, 
Antigonus.  may think himself beholding to the favour of the Macedonians. Antigonus in truth hath not made War against you for the preservation of the Acheins: neither for that he was offended with the Tyranny of Cleomenes, he desired to set the Lacedæmonians at liberty (it were too great a folly, if you were of this opinion) but for that he saw his power was not assured, if the principality of Morea were under your gonernment, and withal he saw the industry of Cleomenes, and that Fortune smiled upon you, the which he feared with envy. He came not to give succours to Morea, but to ravish your hopes, and abate your greatness. Wherefore the Macedonians are not so much worthy of love, Lording it over this City which they have ruined, as to be held for Enemies and odious, seeing he hath always hindered you, when you had means to command all Greece. In regard of the iniquity of Philip, what need is there to use any long discourse? His execration towards the Gods, 
The blame of Philip.  for the outrages committed in the Temple of Thermes is plainly declared: And as for his cruelty to men, it is fully expressed by this prevarication, and the accord violated with the Messeniens. Finally, the etolians have alone among the Grecians made head against Antipater in the view of all the World: so as they lived in safety which were outrageously afflicted. They have also withstood the attempt of Brennus and the Barbarians which accompanied him: And they alone being called, have endeavoured with you to set the principality of Greece at liberty. But it is enough of this Subject: We must now advise in some sort, and take order touching this present Council, as with them that resolve for the War. We must consider it according to the truth.  
I am also of opinion that as the Acheins as the weaker, should not only forbear to spoil your Country, but also give great thanks unto the Gods if they may preserve their own: The Eliences and Messeniens will make War against them for the league they have with us, the like you will do. As I understand, Philip will desist from his Enterprise, being assailed by the etolians at Land, and by the Romans and Attalus by Sea. It is moreover easy to judge of the future by the actions past. For making War only against the etolians, he could never subdue them, how then will he support this present Water? Take these words according to my first proposition: that it may be notorious to all men, that you ought not by a rash and unadvised Council, but by a mature & settled deliberation rather give succours to the Etoliens the Macedonians. And if you have formerly prevented, and given order for those, what means can there remain? If you have granted us present succours, before you have received the benefits of Antigonus, we must with reason inquire, if it be fit that in yielding to the succeeding benefits, you should contemn the precedent which you have enjoyed. How this liberty and safety being published hath been consumed by Antigonus, there are some which reproach it unto you, and turn these things to evil, demanding often whither you should follow the party of the etolians or Macedonians: You would enter League with us in many things, to whom in these affairs you have given your faith, and you have it mutually from us, having managed the former Wars with us against the Macedonians. Who can doubt justly of these things.  
It is certain that the Affairs which you have with Antigonus and Philip, is palliated under the Title of courtesy. Finally, what need is there to declare that, which since hath been done unto you? Either in regard of the outrage of the etolians, or the bounty of the Macedonians, or for any other thing which hath been available unto them? How can you being now changed, confirm the Accords and Oaths with them, (which are great Testimonies and Ties among men) to whom formerly you had wisely resolved not to obey?   
When as Chlenee had Discoursed of these things, and had spoken in such sort, as he thought no man could contradict him, he made an end of his Speech. After whom Lucisque Ambassador for the Acarnanians, entering, contained himself at the first, seeing many discoursing of the aforesaid things: But when silence was made, he began in these Terms.  

The Oration of Lucisque Ambassador of the Acarnanians to the Lacedæmonians.  
YOu Masters of Lacedaemon, we are come hither, as sent by the Commonweal of the Acarnanians. We conceive that this our Embassy, is common to Us and the Macedonians: For that in a manner daily, they and we are Companions in the same hope. And as in dangers we involued together, by reason of their excellency and the greatness of their Virtue, to the end that by their forces we may live in safety: In like manner the commodity of the Acarnanians, is according to the care of the Ambassadors, contained in the right of the Macedonians. Wherefore you have no cause to wonder, if we make a long discourse of Philip and the Macedonians. Chlenee making an end of his Oration, adds a brief recapitulation of the right by the which you were bound unto them: For he hath said, if their be nothing which hath been done Since by the etolians, which doth hurt or discontent, after the Succours granted unto them: or any courtesy done by the Macedonians, this present deliberation, is of a just consideration. If likewise they have not committed, in producing the things which concern Antigonus, the which formerly have been allowed by you, I am of opinion that you are the simplest men in the World, if you renew the Oaths and Accords. For my part, I say you are the simplest men in the World, and take the vainest resolution, if when as there hath been nothing done according unto his Speech, and the Grecians Affairs remain such as they were before, when you made the League with the etolians.  
But if this cause hath a very different disposition, as I will show in continuing my Discourse, I think it will appear plainly, that I say something which will be commodious unto you, being unknown by Chlenee. We are come hither to that end, being persuaded that we are to speak it, to make it known. Wherefore it is necessary, if it may be done, that when you have heard the calamities which hangs over all Greece, you should resolve on that which may be honest and fit, and to enter into League with us in the same hope. If this cannot be done, but at this present you will rest yourselves. Yet I hold it necessary, that in Discoursing in few words of this Subject, (for that the others have presumed to accuse the House of the Macedonians) we should clear the ignorance of those, which have given credit to their Speeches.  
Chlenee hath said that Philip the son of Amintas, Conquered the principality of Thessaly by the ruin of the Olyntbiens. chose I am of opinion, that not only the Thessaliens, but the rest of the Grecians have been preserved by Philip. Who is there among you, that knows not that at such time as Nomarche and Philomale, going to Delphos, 
The blame of Nomarche, and Philomale.  had usurped the Government unjustly, and ravished the Treasure of the Gods execrably, what great forces they then raised, against the which none of the Grecians durst once open his mouth publicly. As they were wicked towards God, so they laboured for to usurp the principality of all Greece. At what time Philip employing his forces willingly, defeated the Tyrants, and restored the things safely which belonged to the Temple: Delivering withal unto the Grecians anoccasion of liberty, as the effect doth testify to Posterity. The Grecians did not make choice of Philip to be their Commander, both at Sea and Land, as having offended the Thessaliens, as this man hath presumed to say, but as a Benefactor unto Greece: Which dignity no man before had ever received. It is true, he came to Lacedaemon with an Army. This was not by his own advice, as you know: But being called and often pressed by his Friends and Allies of Morea, whom he obeyed unwillingly. And when he arrived there, consider Chlenee how he carried himself. When it was in his power to make use of the fury of their neighbours, aswell in the spoil of the Lacedaemonian Region, as in debasing the City; whereby he should purchase their favour, but he would not follow this advice: But terrified both the one and the other, and forced them to make an end of their Quarrel, for their common good and profit. Neither did he Constitute himself a judge in this Contention, but established men chosen throughout all Greece.  
Is this an Act worthy of reproach and reprehension? Thou hast likewise made the same reproach to Alexander, as if he had wrongfully afflicted the Thebeins: But thou hast made no mention of the punishment which he inflicted upon the Persians, to revenge the common outrage done to all the Grecians: Nor how he delivered you from great miseries, reducing the Barbarians into servitude, and defeating their Succours, with the which they ruined Greece, making War sometimes against the Athenians, and their Ancestors, sometimes against the Thebeins: and that in the end he made Asia subject to the Grecians. As for his Successors, how dares he presume to speak? They have been themselves many times the cause of good to some, and of hurt to others, during the Calamities of their time: Against whom some happily may have cause to remember outrages: But it becomes not you, from whom they never diverted any good, but chose preserved you many times from harm. Who are they which have called Antigonus the son of Demetrius to subvert the Acheins? Who are they moreover which have made a League, and sworn it with Alexander the Epirot to ruin Acarnania, and to divide it: Have not you done it? 
Alexander the Epirot.  Who hath sent such Commanders contrary unto the public good, as you have done? Who were not ashamed to infringe the liberties.  
How hath Tymeus sacked the Temple of Neptune in Tasmare, that of Artimedes at Luses? In regard of Phariques, he hath ruined the Temple of juno in Argos. And Polycrates that of Neptune in Mantinaea. What hath Lattabe and Nicostrates done? Have they not infringed the Accords of the Pambiolates with Panegyre, and practised the cruelty of Sytheans, and Gallatians, or Gauls, so as nothing hath been done by the Successors? And when you could not excuse them, you hold it a glory that you have broken the attempts of the Barbarians, falling upon Delphos: Saying moreover that for this cause the Grecians ought to give you thanks. And if they must acknowledge this commodity from the etolians, what honour do not the Macedonians deserve, who employ the greatest part of their lives continually, to maintain the safety of the Grecians against the Barbarians? What is he that doth not know that the Grecians have been continually subject to great dangers, if the Macedonians and the bounty of their Kings had not served them for a Rampire? Whereof behold a great Argument: For when as the Gauls disdaining the Macedonians, had vanquished Ptolemy surnamed Ceraune, they came presently into Greece with Brennus' Army: The which had often happened, if the Macedonians had not had the charge. And although I could hold a long Discourse of ancient deeds, yet I think these presents will suffice. But for that which among other things Philip hath done, he turns to cruelty the ruin of the Temple: But he doth not add their outrage and insolency, which they have committed in the Temples and Oratories of the Gods, which are in Die and Dodone, the which he should have spoken first. You relate the wrongs and miseries you have endured, and make a greater show than is needful, passing over in silence, those which you have formerly committed in great numbers: For you know, that every outrage and wrong that is done, is by all men rejected upon those, who have first done the wrong unjustly.  
As for the deeds of Antigonus, I will only make mention, to the end his Actions may not seem to you worthy of contempt: neither must you lightly regard a deed of great esteem. I do not think there were ever so great a benefit seen, as that which he hath imparted unto you. It seems unto me so excellent, as there cannot be a greater: The which may appear by this. Antigonus made War against you, then in giving you Battle, he vanquished you by Arms: He was in the end Lord of the Country and City, he might by the Law of Arms have entreated you roughly: But he was so far from offering you any outrage, as beside other Benefits, he hath (chase the Tyrant) restored your Laws and proper rights. For which Fact ordaining a Testimony to the Grecians by public praises, you have called him Antigonus your Benefactor and Saviour. What should you then do? I will tell you, seeing there is hope of your good Audience: The which I will do, and not without reason, not to charge you with reproaches, but for that the quality of matters forceth me, to speak that which is necessary in public. What shall I then say? That in the former War you should have embraced the League of the Macedonians, and not of the etolians: And that at this day you should rather reunite yourselves with Philip, seeing he calls you then with them.  
You answer, that in doing so, you shall break your Accords. But tell me, if you shall commit a greater mischief, in leaving the Accord which you have made in particular with the etolians, then in Transgressing those which concerning all the Grecians, are graven and Consecrated upon a Pillar? Why do you so superstitiously fly the disdain of those, from whom you never received any benefit: And bear no respect to Philip, nor to the Macedonians: from whom you have the power to hold this Council? Think you that right and equity, aught to be preserved to Friends? Yet the Sanctity is not so great to observe the Faith reduced in Writings, as the sin is profane and execrable in bearing Hatred, and making War against a public body. What the etolians require now of you? But we have spoken enough of this Subject, the which would be held by the Envious, not to concern the present business. I return therefore to the Continuation and Discourse of the cause which consists in this. If the Affairs be at this day a like, as when you made an Alliance of War with them, the election of things propounded in the beginning must remain in you. If they be altogether changed, it is fit you should consider judiciously upon that which they require.  
I demand of you Cleonice and Chlenee, what allies had you when as you called these men to a Common war. Had you all the Grecians? With whom at this day have you communication of your hope? Or to what league do you invite these men? Is it not of Barbarians? Think you this present war is like unto the precedent, and not different? You contended then with the Acheins, and your kinsmen the Macedonians, and with Philip, for principality and glory: And now the war is made by strangers against Greece for its servitude, whom you think to draw against Philip. Are you ignorant that their forces are called in against yourselves and all Greece? Like unto those which during a war retire into their City a greater Garrison than their own forces for their own safety, make themselves subject to their friends, as soon as they are freed from the fear of their Enemy: The etolians think the same at this day. Whilst they desire to vanquish Philip, and to humble the Macedonians, they do not observe how they blind themselves with a western fog, the which happily may bring some darkness to the Macedonians, and in the end be the cause of great miseries to all the Grecians. It is therefore necessary for all Greece, to provide for the threatenings of this time, and especially for the Macedonians. Otherwise what cause think you my Masters of Lacedaemon; had your Ancestors, when as Xerxes demanded by an Ambassador which he sent unto you Water and Earth, they cast him that was sent into a Well, and cast Earth upon him: Then taking him out again, they gave him charge to tell Xerxes that he had Water and Earth in Lacedaemon? Moreover, for what reason did the Company which was slain with Leonides, cast themselves upon the Enemy in view of all the World? Was it not to the end they might see them undergo the danger, not only for their own liberty, but also for the rest of Greece? Consider now, if it be decent and fitting for their posterity, to take Arms, and to make War with the Barbarians, in allying themselves with them, against the Epirotes, Acheins, Acarnanians, Beocians, Thessaliens, and in a manner against all the Grecians, holding nothing infamous, so as it were profitable. What must they attend that do such unlawful things?  
As the Romans have been united to them, so the others have endeavoured (having the said comfort and aid from the Sclavonians) to make the war by Sea, and to break the Accord at Pyles: And have by Land besieged the City of the Clitoriens, ruining that of the Cynetheins. It is true, they first made an Accord with Antigonus, in regard of the Acheins and Acarnanians. But at this day they are Confederate with the Romans against Greece in general. These things understood, who doth not suspect the coming of the Romans, and detest the sottishness of the etolians, who presumed to enter into such a League? They spoil the Vines, and the Island of Acarnania, and have already taken the City of the Tallaneins and Anticyra, which they with the Romans have ruined, who carry away their Wife's and Children, suffering (as it seems) the common accidents of those which fall into the hands of strangers in regard of the soil of these miserable people, the etolians enjoy it. It were without doubt a very honest and pleasing thing that the Lacedæmonians should embrace this League, who would have the Thebeins alone among the Grecians live in peace, when the Persians descended: and have resolved to make vows unto the Gods to vanquish the Barbarians.  
Your duty and Honour, my Masters of Lacedaemon, depends thereon, to the end that having recourse unto your Ancestors, and fearing the coming of the Romans, and suspecting the bad intent of the etolians, and putting you in mind of the deeds of Antigonus, you may detest the League of the wicked, and fly the amity of the etolians, allying yourselves by a common hope with the Acheins and Macedonians. And if some of the chief yield not unto it, at the least budge not, neither make yourselves Companions of their Outrages. It is true, that affection to friends is very profitable, if it be commodiously made: But if it be forced, and finally slow and defective, it hath no comfort: and therefore you must observe, if only in words, or else in actions they will keep their League with you.   

A parcel of the River of Euphrates.  
Euphrates takes its source and beginning in Armenia, running its course by Syria, drawing towards Babylon, and falls as it seems, into the Red Sea; whereof the sign is. It looseth itself in hollow places under ground made in that Region, before it falls into the Sea. Wherhfore it hath a different nature to other Rivers. The course of others augment as they pass by many places, and are very high in Winter, and low in Summer. But Euphrates grows very high at the rising of the Canicular, especially in Syria, and continuing its course decreaseth. The cause is for that it is not augmented by the concurrence of the winter rain, but by the melting of the Snow: It decreaseth likewise for that it extends upon the plain, and is dispersed for the watering of the Land. Then the transport of Armies is slowly made, for that the ships stay in regard of the burden, the River being low; and finally the swift course of the water is some hindrance unto the Navigation.    

A PARCEL OF the Tenth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
AS from thence unto the Sea, and from the City of Rhegium unto Tarentum, 
The Coast of Tarentum.  there be above two Thousand Furlongs, yet the Coast of Italy hath no Ports, except those which are at Tarentum. That Coast turns to the Sicilian Sea, and bends towards Greece. It is much peopled with Barbarians: So there are very famous Grecian Cities. For the Brucians', Lucain, and some Countries of the Samnites, and moreover the Calabriens, and many other nations inhabit this Country: Even as among the Grecians, lies Rhegium, Caulone, Locres, and Croton. Moreover the Metapontins, and Thurins, possess this Maritine Region. And therefore they which come from Sicily and Greece, are (when as they sail unto any of the said places) by necessity carried to the Ports of Tarentum: And are forced to Traffic with their Merchandizes in that City, with all the inhabitants of that Coast. Some happily may conjecture, that the Commodity of this place, proceeds from the abundance and fertility of the Crotoniates. And although they have some Summer stations of small revenue, 
The Crotoniates.  yet it seems they will challenge to themselves a great fertility, and from no other thing but from the fruitfulness of the place, which is not to be compared to the Ports and Region of the Tarentins. There is also a Commodity from this place to the Adriaticke Ports, at this day great, but in former times greater. All they which sailed from high Poville unto Sipuntes in Front, and were carried into Italy, landed at Tarentum, and made use of this City for their Commerce and Traffic, as in affairs. Then the City of the Br●tensins was not yet built. Wherefore Fabius much esteeming this abode, was addicted unto it, leaving all other things. All others hold him for a very fortunate man, and that many times, and for the most part, he ended his Erterprises without reason and accidentally: holding this kind of men to be more, divine and admirable, than those which attempt all things by a discourse of reason: Being ignorant withal, that by these words the actions of the one are worthy of Commendations, 
Understanding more commendable than Fortune.  and those of the other happy and fortunate. Moreover, the one is common unto the people: But the other is proper to wise and judicious men, whom we must hold divine and beloved of the Gods.  
For my part Fabius seems to me to have a Nature and disposition like unto Lycurgus, the Lawgiver of the Lacedæmonians. We must not think that Lycurgus had been so superstitious, as obeying Pitheas, he had established the Lacedaemonian Commonwealth: Nor likewise Publius Scipio moved with Dreams and Divinations, had purchased so great a power in the Country. But for that the one and the other saw many men not greatly to affect doubtful affairs, not likewise to presume to undertake matters that were grave and dangerous without the hope of the Gods: For this cause Lycurgus making use of the same drawn from Pytheas in his opinion, he made them more pleasing and certain. Publius Scipio in like manner had made an impression in many of a conceit of him, that he executed his Erterprises by a certain Divine Council: By this means he made his men more assured, and willing to attempt difficult things. That he hath brought every thing to an end by sufficient reason and wisdom, and that for this cause all his actions have had an end concurret to reason, will appear manifest and plain by the Discourse which I shall hold concerning him.  
It is certain he was bountiful and generous: 
The disposition of Publius Scipio.  But as for his industry, sobriety, and vigilancy in his resolutions, no man can conceive them, but such as have lived with him, and have exactly searched the depth of his disposition: amongst the which was Lelyus', who had been his Companion from his Infancy in all his actions and discourses unto his Death: for that he seems to speak likely things, and conformable to his actions. First he reports this Noble deed of Publius, when as his Father had resolved to fight with Hannibal near unto the River of Poe. For at that time being as it seems but seventeen years old, going into the Field, he had received from his Father a Troop of the best and strongest men for his defence and guard.  
And when he saw his Father in danger, and environed by the Enemy, accompanied only with two or three Horse, havining received a dangerous wound, he began at the first to encourage his company to succour his Father: But when they wavered, for the great multitude of the Enemies, 
The courage of Publius.  he cast himself desperafely as it seems, and charged them courageously. Afterwards when the rest were forced to fight, the Enemies amazed with fear, ceased the Combare. Old Publius being thus preserved contrary to all hope, he was the first who (in hearing of them all) called him his Saviour. When by this action the fame of his prowess and dexterity began, he afterwards engaged himself in greater dangers, whensoever the supreme hope of the Country required it by necessity: This was not with a courage relying in Fortime, but of a judicious Captain.  
Afterwards Lucius his elder Brother, aspiring to the Dignity of Aedile, the which among the Romans was the Noblest command of the Youth, and that by custom they made choice of two Aediles among the Paricij, and that there were many at that time which aimed at it, he was long before he durst demand it of his Brother. When the Election grew near, and that he had made a conjecture by the humour of the multitude, that his Brother would hardly obtain it, seeing himself on the other side in great favour with the people, and might attain unto his attempt, if with their consent he undertook the cause, he fell into this conceit. When he saw his Mother visit the Temples, and sacrifice unto the Gods for his Brother, and that she entertained a great hope of the future, which she had in singular recommendation, and that his Father being then Commander of the Army in the said War, had sailed into Spain, he told his Mother that he had one dream twice, and that it seemed unto him that he returned being made Aedile with his Brother, from the place to go unto their house: And that running unto the door, she had saluted them with embrace. When he had ended this Speech, the Mother being very passionate with an effeminate affection, and answering I know not what, she added; Oh that I might see that Day: will you says he, that we make a trial? Whereunto consenting, for that she did not think he would dare to attempt so great a matter, considering that he was very young, she required (as it were in sport) that he should presently provide him a long Cloak. For they which stand for government, are accustomed to be so attired. In regard of his Mother, she had no eonfidence in his words.  
Publius' when he had this brave Robe, went suddenly to the place, his Mother being yet asleep. When the Multitude had received him with amazement, 
Publius Scipio and his Brother created Aediles.  as well for this novelty contrary to all hope, as for the love and affection they had formerly borne him, and afterwards drawing to the place appointed, he was near unto his Brother, many adjudged this government not only to Publius, but also to his Brother for the love of him: and being both of them created Aediles in this manner, they returned to their house. When the Mother had received the news, she ran unto the Gate, and with affection and love saluted them. Wherefore although that Publius disdained Dreams, yet it seemed by this action to all those which have heard speak of it, that he had speech with the Gods, not only sleeping, but much more in the day waking. But for that he was bountiful and pleasing in his words, and had well observed the affection of the Commons towards him, and had accommodated the time to the people and his Mother, he not only perfected his Enterprise, but also seemed to have dispatched in by some Divine inspirarinn. They without doubt which cannot duly consider the occasions, nor the causes and dispositions of every thing by the vice of Nature, or ignorance and dulness, refer unto the Gods and Fortune the causes of things which are decided by industry and discreet reason. These things I speak for the Readers, to the end that falling through error into the vulgar opinions of this man, they should not leave good and commendable graces that were in him, that is to say, his Dextity and Industry. In regard of that which I speak of him, it will appear manifest by his actions.  
Publius Scipio being then General of the Army in Spain, calling his Troops together, he advised them not to be amazed for the adventures and disgraces past. For the Romans had never been vanquished by the prowess of the Carthaginians, 
A●emonstrance of Publius Scipio to his Army.  but by the treason of the Celtiberians: And the rashness of the Commanders separated one from another, for that they trusted in them: which are things he said were then among the Enemies. For besides that they made War being far distant one from another, they offered outrages to their Allies, and made them Enemies: And that for this cause some were already sent home: and the rest will speedily (when they shall be assured) come when you have once past the River, not so much for the good will they bear you, as to seek a revenge for the wrongs received by the Carthaginians. But moreover the Captains are in dissension among themselves, and will not willingly join together to fight with you: And being thus divided, they would be defeated, and fall easily into their hands. Wherefore he persuaded them, that considering these things they should pass the River boldly, promising to give good order for the rest. When he had used this speech unto the other Captains, he left his colleague Marcus upon the passage of the River, accompanied with three thousand Foot and five hundred Horse, to the end he might succour his Companions being in the River: he himself passed with the rest of his Army, holding his intention secret from all the World. He resolved things which he did not impart to many men. His resolution was to lay siege to the City of Carthage scitnate in Spain, by the way of course: The which every man might understand, and that it is an excellent presumption of his esteem, whereof of I have formerly spoken. For as he was but seven and twenty years old, he gave himself first to things which in the judgement of the World seemed desperate, for the great precedent dangers and misfortunes: leaving all things that were vulgar and easy: and resolved and attempted those which seemed impossible unto the Enemy, every one of which required an exact wisdom, knowledge, and understanding.  
In the beginning being yet at Rome, when he had considered by himself, and eniquired diligently of the treason of the Celtiberians, and of the division in the Armies, what might happen, and what fortune had befallen his Father, he was nothing amazed at the Carthaginians, neither did he faint as many usually do. But after that he understood that the Allies on this side the River of Ebro, continued constant in their Friendship, and that the Commanders of the Carthaginians were in discord, and oppressed the Subjects, he affected the War with an assured courage, having no confidence in Fortune, but in wise Council. When he arrived in Spain, he moved them all, and having enquired of the Enemy's actions, he understood that the Carthaginians Armies were divided into three: and that Mago made his abode within the Pillars of Hercules, at certain places called Coneys: And that Asdrubal the Son of Scone, was near the mouth of a River by Portugal; the other Asdrubal in the Carpentins Country held a City besieged: Either of which places were many day's journey distant from the City of the Ceneteins. Studying then whether he should resolve to give Battle unto the Enemy, if it were against all their forces, he should be in danger to be defeated, as well in regard of that which had befallen his Predecessors, as for that their Armies were great. If likewise he laboured to fight with the one, it was to be feared that in flying the Battle, the other Armies would come, and by this means he should be enclosed, falling into the like Disasters, whereunto his Uncle Caius and his Father Publius had been subject.  
Wherefore leaving this advice, when he understood that Carthage was a great ease unto the Enemies, and would be a great annoyance to him in this War, he consider of every thing, wintring among the Eilotes. When he was advertised in the beginning that it had Ports which might contain all the Sea-army of Spain: having likewise a Maritine situation, spacious and commodious for the Carthaginians, for the Navigation which comes from Lybia: and likewise for that the Treasure and Baggage for the Army, with all the hostages of Spain, were kept there: adding thereunto the great advantage, for that the Fort had not above a thousand Soldiers in Garrison, for that they never suspected that any man would presume to besiege it, the Carthaginians being in a manner Masters of all Spain: and that finally the rest of the people are in great number, yet they were Artisans, Mech annickes and Fishermen, who had no great experience in the War: He imagined that his coming to this City would be unexpected with amazement. He was not ignorant of the situation of the Town, nor of its fortification, nor likewise of the disposition of the Pool: which things he had learned from Fishermen which had frequented the place: This Pool was generally muddy, and yet wadeable for the most part: and withal the water retired daily about Sunsetting. Wherefore concluding that if he prevailed in his Enterprise, he should not only annoy the Enemy, but it would be a great benefit for the War: And if his advice and council succeeded well, he might preserve his Subjects as Master of the Sea, if he might once fortify and strengthen his Army. The which was easy: for that the Enemies were far off. Leaving therefore all other resolutions, he attends this during Winter.  
And when he had once resolved, being of the age we have mentioned, he concealed his resolution from all the World, (except to Caius Lelyus') until he thought it fit to manifest it. Although that Historiographers give testimony of this resolution, yet when they come to the end of the action, they attribute this excellent work to the Gods and to Fortune, and not to him nor his wisdom; without any probable arguments, and the testimony of those which lived with him: for that Scipio himself declares plainly in an Epistle which he had written to Philip, that making use of the advice which we have mentioned, he had undertaken the War of Spain, and the siege of Carthage. Moreover, commanding Lelyus' secretly touching the Army at Sea, he gave him charge to sail above the City. He alone was privy to his design, as I have said. Himself taking the Troops of Footmen, marched speedily. There were in the Army at Land about five and twenty thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse. 
The number of Scipio's Army at Land.  Being come unto the City on the seventh Day, he planted his Camp on the North part, 
Carthage besieged.  and fortified it without with a double Rampire and Ditches from one Sea unto the other, without doing any thing towards the City. The Nature of the place had fortification enough.  
To understand well how this City hath been besieged and taken, I hold it necessary in some sort to describe the neighbour Countries and its situation. 
The situation of Carthage.  It is seated in Spain about the middle of the Maritine Region, in the Gulf which hath its aspect towards Africa: whose depth is about twenty furlongs, and the breadth at the entrance about ten: All this Gulf makes a kind of Port, where there lies an I and at the mouth of it, leaving on either side a little entrance. And when the Sea is troubled with any torment, than all the Gulf is calm, but when the Western Winds of the Winter Solstice, beating upon the two entrances, cause the storm: But as for other Winds it is not troubled, by reason of the firm Land which environs it. Behind the Gulf there rises a Cape, whereon the City is situated, environed with the Sea towards the East and South, and with a Lake upon the West and North, so as the space which remains from one Sea to another, by the which the City is joined to the firm Land, is not above two Furlongs.  
In regard of the City, one moiety of it is concave: and towards the South it hath the approach of the full Sea: Finally, it is full of Hills, whereof two are rough and difficult: the other three are very low, but strong and hard to pass, whereof the highest bends towards the East, advancing to the Sea: There the Temple of Asclepie is built. Right against the which is another of the same situation, whereon stands a sumptuous royal Palace, the which some say had been built by Asdrubal affecting a Regal power. The rest of the lesser Hills have their tops towards the North. That of the three which looks directly towards the East, is called Phoste: to the which is joined that of Alete. It seems that Pheste hath been the inventor of Silver metals, and for this cause purchased divine honours, The third is called Crove. In regard of the Lake joining to the Sea: it hath taken its course by the work of man, for the benefit of Fishermen, and others trafficking by Sea. But at the breach of the Bank by the which the Lake and Sea are divided, they have made a Bridge, to the end that Sumpters and Carts might bring things necessary from the Country.  
This was the situation of those places, the Romans Camp was fortified in Front, without any provision as well by the Lake, as Sea on either side. In regard of the space which joins the City to the firm Land, he did not fortify it, for that it was in the midst of his Camp: to the end he might amaze the Citizens, and make use of it for Skirmishes, and to sally forth and retire to his Campe. The Walls in the beginning had not above twenty Furlongs: Although that many have given it forty: which is not true. We spoke not by hearsay, but upon a certain knowledge, for that we have seen the places: and at this day they contain no more.  
Scipio having drawn his Army together with that at Sea, began to make remonstrances unto them, without using any other arguments and reasons, then simply to propound the things whereof we have partly spoken, and showing them that this attempt was feasible: and in relating in particular things done by prowess, he extenuated that of his affairs. Finally, he promised Crowns of Gold to those which should first ascend the Wall: and the accustomed rewards to others which should carry themselves openly like brave and valiant men. And in the mean time he affirms that Neptune had appeared unto him in sleep, and had showed him this kind of attempt to assail the City: And consequently promised, that during the assault, he would work so apparently, as the efficacy of his Succours should be manifest to the whole Army. By his remonstrances and evident reasons, together with the promise of Crowns of Gold, and moreover by the providence of God, he imprinted a vehement desire and courage in the Youth.  
The next day he drew his ships into the Maritine places, furnished with diverse Engines to cast, whereof he gave the charge to Caius Lelyus': And taking at Land two thousand able men with those that carried Ladders, he began the assault three hours after. Mago on the other side who had the guard of the City, dividing his Battalion of a thousand men, leaving the one half within the Fort, and plants himself on the Hill which looks towards the East: and appoints about two thousand strong men, furnished with Arms which were in the City, to the Gate which draws to the Isthmus, and the Enemy's Camp: Commanding the rest to run up and down the Walls, and to defend them with all their power. When as Publius Scipio had caused the Trumpet to found to the assault, 
The beginning of the fight for Carthagena.  Mago caused a sally to be made by the Gate, hoping to terrify the Enemies, and to frustrate their attempt. As they fought valiantly with those that came marching in Battle towards the Isthmus, there was a brave Combat, every man giving courage to his Companion. But the attempt was not equal, for that their Succours were not alike: For that the Carthaginians came running forth but by one Gate, within the space of two Furlongs: whereas the Romans came suddenly and from many places. Scipio restrained his men near the Camp, to draw the Enemy far from the City, being confident that if he defeated this Battalion of Commons, he should subsequently defeare the rest, and that no man would dare to make a sally. It fell our that the Combat was for a time equal: for that on either side they had made choice of their ablest men to make the point. 
The Carthaginians repulsed.  But in the end the Carthaginians being repulsed by the force of those which came running from the Camp, turn head: so as many were slain during the Combat and retreat. There were many likewise slain at the Gate.  
After this all the people of the City were so amazed, as they which were on the Walls fled: and the Romans had like to have entered with the Runaways. Moreover, they set up the Ladders diligently, 
Carthage assaulted by the Romans.  whereas Scipio undertook the danger: the which he did wisely. He was accompanied with three men carrying Targets, (the which covering Scipio, hindered the fight from the top of the Wall) defended him thus covered. By this means striving upon the flanks and difficult places, he was of great use in taking this City. When he saw what was done, being also discovered to all the Soldiers fight, he gave them great courage, so as no danger was avoided: and he employed himself cheerfully with the rest (as it was reasonable) in every occasion that was offered to purpose. When the first ascended the Ladders resolutely, the multitude of Defendants did not make the assault so dangerous, as the height of the Walls. For this cause they which defended it, were more assured seeing the difficult which happened. For some of the Ladders broke by reason of the multitudes which mounted on them. They also which ascended first, were so dazzled with the height of the Ladders, as if the resistance and defence had been any thing, they must have cast themselves down headlong: And when as any such accident happened, striving to get over the Wall, they were overthrown to the ground. And although such things happened, yet they could not repulse the Romans from their assault: so as when the first were fallen, their next neighbours stepped into their places.  
But as the day was far spent, and the Soldiers tired with the toil of the assault, the Commander caused a retreat to be sounded. Wherefore they of the City rejoiced as if they had repulsed the danger. But Scipio attending the time when the Tide should retire, appointed five hundred men for the Lake with Ladders. In regard of the Gate and Isthmus, he set fresh men: and after that he had preached unto them, he delivered them more Ladders then formerly, to the end they might mount upon the Walls more thick. 
A second assault given to Carthage by the Romans.  When they had sounded to the assault, and that the Soldiers went up the Ladders with great courage, there grew a great trouble and alteration in the City. For when they thought they had been free, they saw the danger renewed by another assault. But when they found themselves destitute of Darts, and were heavy for the great number of those which perished, they were discontented at that which happened, yet defending themselves no less valiantly. Finally, the ebbing of the Sea began during the Combat of the Ladders: The height of the Pool was much diminished, by the ebbing of the Tide, the which was great, falling by the mouth into the Sea, so as it seemed incredible to those which saw it without consideration.  
Scipio having his guides ready, commands those which he had appointed, to enter and to carry themselves valianty. He was as fit and industrious as any man, to put courage into his Soldiers, and to make them resolute to whom he preached. When they obeyed him, and strived through the mud, all the Army held that which happened to be done by some Divine providence. Wherefore remembering those things which they had heard, and the prowess of Scipio, they were so inflamed, as they drew to the Gate close and with a violent course, and seek to break it open with Hatchets and Axes. The others approaching the Walls through the mud, and finding the top nakeed of men, they set up their Ladders not only without danger, but they passed the Walls without difficulty. The Citizens in truth were drawn to other places, neither did they think that the Enemy would ever assail the Wall by the Lake. Moreover by reason of the extreme cry and the confused noise, they could neither see nor hear any thing that was done.  
The Romans having gotten the Wall, seek first under colour of making the round, 
Carthagena tsken by assault.  how they might draw the Enemies unto them. For the effecting whereof their Arms was of great service. Finally, they come to the Gate, where as some going down cut the bars, others entered from without. In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders, after they had defeated them which defended the Walls, they leapt over, and by this means the Wall was gotten. As for the Hill situated towards the East, they which entered by the Gate recovered it, chase away the Guards. When as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entered into the City, he sent many of them according to the Custom, against the Citizens, giving them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy, and not to busy themselves with spoil until they had a sign given them. The Romans do this to terrify them. And therefore we often see, that when they take Cities by force, they do not only kill the men, but they cut their Dogs in pieces, and dismember their other Cattle. Many such things happened in that City, by reason of the multitude of Prisoners.  
Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assails the Fort: 
Scipio assails the fort.  whereunto making his approaches, Mago at the first strives to defend it: 
Mago delivers the fort.  But when he understood the Truth of the taking of the City, he sends men to parley for his safety, and by this means he delivers the Fort. This done, a sign being given, the massacre ceased, and they fell to spoil. And when as night approached, some remained in the Camp ordained for that end: And the General spent the night in the Fort, accompanied with a Thousand men: Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses, by the Captains of Thousands, to carry the booty to the Ensigns in the market place. In regard of them that were lightly armed, called from the Camp on the Hill, he sent them to the Eastern parts. The Romans took Carthage in Spain after this manner. The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Soldiers, and the substance of the Burgesses and Artisans to the place, the Captains of Thousands according to Custom, divided it among their Bands.  
Among the Romans this order is observed touching Cities taken. 
The order of the Roman● in the division of the spoil of a Town.  Sometimes to every day they number the men, and distributing them according to the greatness of the City, sometimes they divide them by Ensigns. They never appoint above half the Army for this business. The rest remain in Battle for the Guard, sometimes they are without, and sometimes within the City, unto the end they may be always ready. The Army being divided for the most part in two of Romans, and two of Allies, they which are deputed for the division, do every man bring his booty unto the Campe. This done, the Millaneers or Captains of Thousands divide it equally to them all: Not only to those which remain in Battle, but also to the Guards of the Tents, to the sick, and unto all those which are ordained for any public service.  
When they are together in Camp to go unto the War, 
The Soldier's Oath touching the pillage.  they swear not to commit any fraud in the pillage, and that they keep their faith according unto the oath which they have taken. But we have spoken sufficiently here of in Discoursing of their policy. Finally when an Army is thus divided, one part attending the Booty, and the rest standing in Battle for their Guards, yet the Romans had never any difference through Covetousness. For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gain, and that in the mean time some follow the spoil, and the others remaining in Battle guard them, no man abandons his Ensign: The which many times is the cause of great loss and danger to others. Many suffer loss, and are in danger in regard of gain: For it is apparent, that they which remain in Camp, or are in Battle, contain themselves unwillingly: for that most commonly all the spoil under his Command and power which rules, if he be an absolute Monarch: And if he be a Commander, every man holds that his own, which may be hidden and purloined, although that all things be carefully brought together. And for that most part of men desire booty, and for this cause are in danger, having no means to obtain an absolute Victory, it falls out that they are in danger to lose all. The which happens to many, who although they have prevailed in their Enterprise, whether they have cast themselves into the Enemy's Camp, or have taken a City, yet they have not only been repulsed, but moreover had lost all, and for no other cause but that above mentioned. Whereefor Commanders ought to have nothing in greater recommendation and care, then that where of we speak: which is, that (as much as may be possible) this hope may remain to the greatest part: that if such an accident happens, the division may be equal to them all. Then the Captains of Thousands gave order ●o the Booty: and the Roman Commander having drawn together the● Prisoners, (which were little less than a thousand) he commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wives and Children, and then the handycraftsmen. This done, he adviseth the Citizens to embrace the Friendship of the Romans, 
Scipio's providence concerning the Prisoners.  and to remember the favour which they received, and then he sent them back to their houses. Whereof some weeping, and others joyful for their unexpected safety, they retire, having done their duties to the General.  
In regard of the Workmen and Artisans, he told them, that for the present they were public Servants to the City of Rome: But if every one did his duty cheerfully and willingly, he promised them liberty, if the War undertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end. Then he gave charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men, and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries, for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand. He also made choice of the strongest, and the most flourishing in age and form, to furnish the Troops: and filled the captive ships with all the Mariners, exceeding the former one half: so as every ship had in a manner twice as many men. 
The number of ships that were taken.  There were eighteen captive ships, and in the beginning they had been five and thirty. To whom he promised liberty if they showed themselves friends and valiant, and that if in this War he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians. When he had declared himself in this manner, he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyal, as well to himself as to the Roman Commonweal: The Workmen and Artisans are in like manner joyful upon the hope of liberty.  
But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troops, in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians. For he had two Senators and fifteen Councillors: whom he gave in charge to Caius Lelyus', commanding him to have a special care. Moreover, he calls all the hostages unto him, which were above three hundred. Then he makes much of the Children, willing them to rejoice, and that within few days they should see their Parents. In like manner he persuades the rest to be of good hope, and to write unto their Cities and Friends, that first of all they had their lives saved, and were well entreated: And that secondly the Romans would send them all home to their houses in safety, if their Friends could embrace their alliance. This Speech being ended, he gave the most commodious spoils of the Army to every one according to his Race and age, as to Children Feathers and Bracelets, and to young men Swords. When as among the Captives the Wife of Mandonin, 
The Wife of Mandonin.  the Brother of Andobale, King of the Lecheteins, had cast herself at his feet, demanding with tears that he would have a better respect to her honesty then the Carthaginians had had, being moved with compassion, he demanded of her what necessary things she wanted. She was an aged woman, and carried the show of some great Dignity. And when she held her peace, he calls for those which had the charge of the women, who presenting themselves, and affirming that the Carthaginians had furnished the Women with all things necessary: she touching his knees again, repeared the same words. Scipio viewing her, and thinking that they unto whom he had then given the charge, showed themselves liars through negligence, commanded the Women not to be discontented, and that he would give order to place other Commissaries, to the end nothing should be wanting that was needful for them. Then staying a little, Captain she said, thou mistakest my words, if thou dost think that I require thy assistance to content the belly.  
Then Scipio hearing her conceit, and observing in her face the vigour of Andobales daughters, and of many other Potentates, was forced to weep; for that this Lady discovered her Calamity in few words. Wherefore when it appeared that he understood her conceit, taking her by the Hand, as he did the rest, willing them to rejoice: promising to have them in as great recommendation, as his own sisters and children: and that according to his promise, he would appoint trusty and confident men to have the Charge over them. Finally, having delivered unto the Questors all the Wealth found in the public Treasure of the Carthaginians, which amounted to above eighteen hundred Thousand Crowns: So as joining them unto other twelve hundred Thousand, which the Questor of Rome had, the whole sum would be above three millions.  
At the same time certain Young men having taken a Virgin, passing in the flower of her age, and the beauty of her body all the rest of the Women, knowing that Scipio took delight in it, they came unto him bringing this Virgin, and staying him, told him that they presented her unto him. Publius' amazed and-wondring at her beauty: if I were (saith he) a private person, there is no gift could be more pleasing unto me: 
The chaste answer of Scipio.  But being a great Commander, there is nothing less in my affection: Letting them understand (as it feemes by this answer) that in time of rest and idleness, the use of such things is pleasing to young men: But when affairs do press, it engenders in them which use them, great hindrances both in body and mind. Finally he thanked the young men: And calling for the father of the Virgin, he restored her unto him, giving him charge to marry her as he thought good, to some Citizen. By this means having made show of the Chastity and modesty of his Heart, he became very pleasing to the Subjects. These things being thus ordained, and the rest of the Prisoners delivered to the Captains of Thousands, he sent Caius Lelyus' to Rome to the five Years Sacrifices, with the Carthaginians and the other prisoners of note, to make known in their Country, the accidents which had happened.  
Many in truth which despaired of the War in Spain, applied themselves unto the present in diverse manners, resuming Courage again, where as the news was directed publicly. Scipio staying some time at Carthage, practised the Army at Sea continually: And he taught the Captains of Thousands this kind of Exercise for the Footmen. He appointed the Soldiers to run thirty furlongs armed on the first day: And on the second they should all furbush and cleanse their arms: And on the third they should rest: 
Exercises appointed by Scipio for his Army both at Sen and Land.  But on the fourth they should fight with Swords of Wood covered with Leather, and with plummets, teaching them to cast Darts: And on the fifth to fall to their running, as in the beginning. In like manner he solicited the Artisans and Workmen carefully, to the end that nothing should be wanting in the true Exercises of Arms. He also appointed part of the Commissaries to this Work, and went up and down daily, soliciting every man unto that which was necessary.  
Finally, whilst the Army at Land practised often before the City, the Mariners used their Exercises at Sea, with their turnings and returnings. And they which should be in the City, should Furbush, Forge, and Work: and that all should be carefully employed to prepare Arms. There is no man but would have held the City for a shop of War, according to the saying of Xenophon, if he had seen it then. As all things seemed good unto him, and conveniently dispatched for necessary use, and that consequently he had put a Garrison into the City, and rampired the Walls, he dislodgeth with his Army, as bending both by Sea and Land towards Tarragone, having the Hostages with him. He marched with his Army, as in his judgement such marches are requisite in all occasions. In the which he must always accustom the Horsemen, as to manage a Horse, to handle a javelin, and moreover to bound and gallop, and to turn on the right hand or the left. Sometimes they disbanded the Commanders of ten out of the midst of the Army, and they which commanded twenty upon the two wings: and sometimes they drew them together, and stayed them according to the troops of horsemen upon the wings: or else they made an extent of two wings by an interposition, or by the policy of the Captains of the rearward. In regard of their exercise in a throng, he said it was not necessary, as having one course upon the way.  
They must in all alarms be accustomed to charge the enemy, and to make their retreat, that they should always approach as nimbly as they could, marching united and in the same order. They must moreover observe the spaces betwixt the bands, for if the horsemen undergoing the danger break their ranks, there was nothing so dangerous nor prejudicial. When he had taught them all these things, especially to the Captains, he enters into Cities, to inquire first if most of them obeyed the things which had been commanded them, and finally if they which had the government of Cities, were sufficient to execute the constitutions with judgement: holding nothing more necessary than the Prudence of Governors. These things being thus ordered, he assembles the horsemen of Cities in a certain place, and himself making certain bounds and Curvets, he taught them all the managing of Arms. He did not march in the head of the army, as Captains usually do at this day, thinking the first place to belong unto them. This without doubt takes away the commanders experience, and draws him into danger It is true that he is seen by them all, but sees not any. 
The duty of the Commander of an Army.  It is necessary that the Commander of an Army show example, not by a Military authority, but by experience of a Captain, and his prowess in Arms, marching sometimes with the forward, and sometimes with the rearward, and sometimes in the Battle: the which this man did, riding and considering them all, who being doubtful he taught, correcting their errors in the beginning: the which seldom happened by reason of the precedent diligence. Demetrius Phalerius hath showed it, saying, that as in buildings where the houses are comprehended under one Roof and ligature, it happens that the continuance is the stronger: So a whole Army is made more firm, in the which all is diligently pursued in particular, and by the Chambers. That which is done at this day, is very like to the government and order of a Battle. Light things and those which are most usual in an Army, many times perish wholly in it. In regard of the Role of those which disband, and are armed with advantage, the Battalion contains them. Now the etolians fight like a forlorn hope: So do they of Morea their Allies: whereas the Romans make head holding the order of a Battalion. And if the others be repulsed, and returning from the Combat perish, the Romans retire without loss: and if they vanquish, which God forbid) they will make all the rest of Greece subject.  

A Parcel of Media.  
MEdia according to the Circuit of the Country, is the most defensible among all the Potentates of Asia, in regard of the multitude and valour of the men, and likewise of the Horses. It doth furnish in a manner all Asia with this kind of cattle: so as the Royal Races which are bred and entertained there, are of great benefit to the Medians. It is also inhabited with Grecian Cities, the which Alexander caused to be built for the guard thereof, by reason of the neighbourhood of the Barbarians: except the Erbatanes, whose City is built upon the Northerly marches of Media. Yet it is near the parts of Asia which confine upon the black Sea and the Euxine.  
In the beginning the Royal City of the Medians was amongst all the rest the most excellent in riches and sumptuous buildings. It is situated under the Mountain Countries, and neighbours to Oronte without Walls, having only a Fort that is well furnished and fortified with great Art. Under which is situated the royal City of the Persians. It is a question whether we should speak of it in particular, 
The Royal City of the Persians.  or be silent. Believe me, it gives a strong argument to those whose intention and custom is to relate rare and admirable things, and to speak some adding much unto them: which breeds a doubt in those which wisely receive all that which is out of common fancy.  
This royal City hath in greatness and circuit almost seven Furlongs, and the sumptuousness of every building such, as it shows a great abundance of wealth in those that first founded them. For as all the Carpenter's work is of Cedar or Cypress, yet they have not left one cloud, but have lined the joists, Wainscot, and Pillars with the vaults of the Galleries, with plates of Gold and Silver: and in regard of the Vessel it was all of Silver. Yet the greatest part was carried away at the coming of Alexander and the Macedonians: and the rest under the government of Antigonus, and of Seleucus Nicanor, and likewise at the coming of Antiochus, when as the Temple of Enee had about it many Pillars gilded, and a great quantity of Silver vessels, and finally, there were some small number of Tiles of Gold, but many more of Silver. Moreover, there was a great heap of Silver within the Royal City, coined of the aforesaid things, to the number of about two Millions and four hundred thousand Crowns▪   

A Parcel of Antiochus, and of his Army into Hyrcania.  
Antiochus' hopes to come unto those places. Arsaces' like wise thinks that he dare not pass the Deserts there confining with so great an Army, especially for the want of Water. It is true that in the said places the Water shows itself upon the superficies, and that there are many Ditches having deep Wells, but unknown to those which did not frequent them. Of which they have a Tale in the Country: that at such time as the Persians enjoyed Asia, this Country had in certain places (In the which formerly there was no Water) five Springs or Fountains. And therefore as Tauris hath many great Rivers, they employed great labour and cost to fill the Ditches from far, 
Many Rivers comes out of Tauris.  the which succeeded: neither do they know which use these Waters, the Spring of these Ditches, nor whence they come. When as Arsaces saw him take the way by the Desert, he resolved to shut up the Wells and to corrupt them. The King having this news, he dispatched some from Nicomedia with a thousand Horse, who finding Arsaces gone with his Army, leaving some Horsemen to fill up the Ditches. To whom suddenly after their coming they gave the chase, and then returned to Antiochus. The Deserts being past, 
Hecatomphilon.  the King arrived at a City called Hecatomphilon, situated in the midst of Parthyene. It hath taken its name for that all the passages of the neighbour Countries join there: Here he refreshed his Army, and made his reckoning that if Arsaces had been able to join Battle with him, he would not have retired leaving his Country, nor sought other places more commodious for his Army to fight in, than those which are about Hecatomphilon. By his departure therefore it is manifest to him that will consider this action, that he had taken another resolution. Wherefore Antiochus resolved to take his way to Hyrcania.  
But when he was come to Tages, and had notice of the difficulty of the places by those of the Country, the which he was to pass unto the tops of the Mountains which bend to Hyrcania, and that the Barbarians held the most difficult places, he resolved to take a good number of the ablest men, and to separate their Captains, and to inform every one of them how to perform the way, and likewise he appointed Pioneers, marching with them to level the way for the Soldiers, Leginaries, and Baggage. This being concluded, he gave the first Battalion to Diogenes, adding thereunto the Archers and Slingers, who from the Mountains might cast their Darts and Stones: the which held no order of Battle, but came always in time to the place of danger, and were of great service in difficult places. He accompanied them with about two thousand Candiots armed with Targets, of which Polixenides had the charge. In the Rearward he ordains the armed men and the Targeteers: The Commanders whereof were Nicomedes of Chio, and Nicolas the Etolien.  
As these men march before, it fell out that the roughness and straits of the passage were found more difficult than the King had conceived. All the length of the ascent was about three hundred Furlongs, and for the most part by the deep Fourd of a Torrent, into the which were fallen from the high Rocks Stones and Trees which made the passage inaccessible. To the which the Barbarians gave great assistance: casting continually Trees which were cut down, and gathered together great heaps of Stones: and seized (keeping withal the length of all the Valley) on the Hills of advantage, which might serve them for defence: so as if they had not been frustrated, Antiochus had given over his Enterprise as destitute of his forces. For as it was necessary for the Enemies to take their way, and to ascend by that Valley, they seized on the said places and fortified them. But they did not observe that it was impossible for the Leginaries to pass there with their Baggage until the way were made: for these could not approach or come near the Confines of the Mountains.  
They that were lightly armed and the valiant men, could not ascend the Leucopetres. For this cause the Ordnance changed when they were joined unto the first Guard of Diogenes Troops who ascended out of the Torrent. Suddenly the Combat began as the accident showed: Diogenes Troupe marching slowly through the Country, 
Diogenes fights with the Barbarians.  gave a rough charge to the Enemy: And in throwing of Darts and Stones pressed the Barbarians, annoying them much with their Slings which they cast from their Palisado. Having chased the first, and had taken their place, they gave charge to the Pioneers to make the passage even, the which was presently performed by reason of their great number.  
By this means when the Slingers, Archers, and Darters had marched to the higher places, scattered here and there, and sometimes together, seizing on the most commodious places, and the Targeteers held the lower Country, marching in Battle a flow pace along the Torrent: The Barbarians stayed not, but abandoning the place, they drew together on the top of the Mountains. In regard of Antiochus Troops, it passed the difficult passages safely after this manner: But slowly and with great difficulty: They could hardly eight in a Rank recover the top of the near Mountains. And when the Barbarians were there assembled, having an humour they should be able to keep the Enemies from gaining the top, there fell out a brave Combat. By these reasons the Enemies were repulsed, who reuniting themselves fought against the Leginaries, and made head against them with great courage and valour.  
In the Night the bravest of them turning about recovered the top, and the places lying behind. The which the Barbarians seeing, and suddenly amazed, they turned head. The King is very careful to restrain the fury of his Soldiers pursuing the Enemy, causing a retreat to be sounded, desiring they should enter into Hyrcania united and in good order. 
The City of Tambrace.  This kind of march being ordained according to his will, he comes to the City of Tambrace, destitute of Walls, yet having a royal and large Palace: where he campt and besieged it. B●t when as many, as well Soldiers as of the Country had retired to the City of Syringe, (it was not far from Tambrace, and was as it were the Capital of Hyrcania, as well for its fortification as for its wealth) he resolved to ruin it by force.  
Marching therefore with his power, and planting his Camp about it, 
Syringe besieged by Antiochus.  he besieged the City. The greatest part of his work was to make platforms in the fashion of a Tortoise. The Ditches were triple, being about seven Fathom and a half broad, and four deep. Upon either bank there was a double Palisado with a strong outwall. There were continual Skirmishes whilst they wrought: from whence they carried from either side men slain and hurt: for that they fought very valiantly, not only upon the ground, but also under it in the Mines. But by reason of the multitude of Pioneers and the King's diligence, it happened that the Ditches were suddenly filled up, and the Walls fell being shaken with the Mines. This done, the Barbarians being confounded, and much terrified and amazed with fear, they kill the Grecians which were in the City, and taking their richest stuff retire by Night. The King seeing this, sends Hyparbase with the Mercenaries: with whom the Barbarians fight, 
Syringe taken by Antiochus.  and in the end abandoning the Baggage, retire again into the City. But when the Targeteers pressed them valiantly, not able to bear the burden being so grievous, they presently yield having no more hope.  
The Commanders of the Army being desirous to see the Enemy's 
A defect in the Text.  Troops environed on the Hill, they command those which were in the Palisado not to budge: in regard of themselves they go to view the places, being accompanied with two Troops of Horse, and some Footmen lightly armed, with thirty executioners of justice.. Certain Numidians accustomed to Darts, coming out of the Enemy's Fort to lie in Ambush, they had by chance stolen from the Hills: who having notice given them by a Spy, that some were on the top of the Hill higher than they, they prepare themselves and march cross the Hill, and casting themselves betwixt them and their Camp, they shut them in and take them. 
Claudius Marcellus wounded and taken.  Claudius Marcellus the Consul was at the first charge wounded, and taken with some others, forcing the rest being wounded to fly into Caves and Pits. The which they of the Camp seeing, they could not relieve them in this danger. For whilst they cried out and wondered at this accident, and that some bridled their Horses, and others armed themselves, the Execution was ended. The Son of Claudius saved himself with difficulty, and contrary to all hope being wounded. Finally, Claudius fell into these dangers more through simplicity then by any true judgement of a Captain.  
For my part I am forced to admonish the Reader of these kind of adventures through the whole tract of our Work, where I see not only ordinary Soldiers, but even Captains themselves to have erred by manifest ignorance. What profit can a Prince or Commander reap, which hath not the knowledge of dangers which he must avoid, lest the whole Army perish with him? Who knows not that if necessity doth force them to attempt a thing, that a great part of the Troops must perish before the Commanders feel it? The trial must be suddenly made not by the Commander. 
Common excuses of ignorance and negligence.  That which they usually say, I did not think it: and who would ever have thought that should have happened? Seems to be a great argument of ignorance, and of a weak judgement in the Commander.  
For this cause I hold Hannibal among the good Captains for many reasons, and which may herein be commended, who hath employed much time in the profession of Arms, and who making use of judgement in many and diverse occasions, hath many times by his industry frustrated the Enemies in particular encounters, and was never circumvented in such great Battles: who as it appears hath preserved himself with great providence. And that with good reason. For the Commander being safe, although all the rest perish. Fortune produceth many occasions by the which the damages received by those miserable accidents may be repaired: But if he perish like unto a Pilot in a ship, there grows no profit, although that Fortune give the Victory to the rest against the Enemy: For that the hope of all depends upon the Commander. I speak these things against those who by a glorious presumption, or a youthful humour, or by stupidity, or disdain, fall into this inconsideration. One of the said things must of necessity be the cause of these misfortunes.   

Of Publius Scipio and of the War of the Romans against the Carthaginians.  
AS Publius Scipio General of the Romans in Spain, being in the Region of Tarracona, had first drawn the Spaniards to his Friendship, and made them faithful, for that he had restored them their hostages, he had in this action Edecon, a powerful Prince for a voluntary assistance: who suddenly after the taking of Carthage, and his Wife and Children reduced under the power of Publius, considering the alteration of the Spaniards towards him, he resolved in the beginning to be the Author, believing confidently that by this means he might recover his Wife and Children, and that he should seem to join unto the Romans willingly, and not through necessity: The which succeeded accordingly. For when the Army had been newly sent to winter, he came to Tarracona accompanied with his Friends.  
Being admitted to the speech of Publius, 
A Remonstrance of Edecon to Publius.  he said, that he was wonderfully bound unto the Gods, that before all the Princes and Potentates of the Country, he had retired himself unto him: and that of the rest, some sent and depended on the Carthaginians, and in the mean time they sued unto the Romans with joined hands: and that for his part he was come not only to yield himself but also his Friends. Wherefore if he received him into his Friendship and alliance, he was confident that he should be able, not only for the present, but also for the future to do him great service. For as soon as the Spaniards should see him admitted to his Friendship, and to have obtained his demands, they will likewise come all to recover their Friends, and to purchase the alliance of the Romans: and that for the future they would employ themselves with emulation in his other affairs, if their hearts were once possessed with this honour and humanity. He required to have his Wife and Children, and that being admitted into Friendship, he might return to his house, where having found some good occasion, he might show his affection, and that of his Friends towards him and the Roman Commonweal. This Speech being ended. Edecon was silent. As Publius had long expected this, and considered of Edecons reasons, he delivered him his Wife and Children, granting the alliance. Moreover during his presence, he draws the Spaniard by many means to his Devotion, and imprinted in his followers a great hope for the future, sending him back to his House. When this accident was divulged, all the Spaniards inhabiting within the River (being formerly no friends to the Romans) followed their party in a manner with one accord. These things fell out to the content of Publius Scipio. After their departure he sent back the maritine Bands, seeing no show of danger at Sea. Yet he made choice of those that were most serviceable, and divides them among the Ensigns, to the end he might make the Bands of footmen the more complete.  
Andomale and Mandonin, men at that time of great power among the Spaniards, 
Andomale and Mandonin.  attended a fit occasion, having long carried a secret hatred in their hearts against the Carthaginians, although they held them for their trusty and confident friends: For that Hasdrubals men (making show to have no great confidence in them) they had exacted a great sum of money, and their Wives and Children for Hostages, whereof we have formerly spoken. When as then they imagined they had found a fit opportunity, they retire their Bands from the Carthaginian Camp, and in the Night recovered certain places of great strength, where they might remain free from all danger. This done, many other Spaniards abandoned Asdrubal, having been long discontented with the pride of the Carthaginians: 
Asdrubal abandoned by many Spaniards.  Having recovered this first occasion to show what friendship they bore them: the which many others had done.  
You must understand that the Execution of great matters, and a Victory gotten by force upon the Enemy, be of great consequence, yet there is required great prudence and Wisdom, to make good use of things decided by Arms. So as there are more that enjoy Prerogatives, than they which use them well: The which happened to the Carthaginians. For after they had defeated the Roman forces, and sláine Publius and ●aius Scipio, father and Uncle of this Publius, of whom we now Treat, thinking that Spain was then in no more danger of War, they entreated the Inhabitants roughly. For this cause in steed of friends and Allies, their Subjects were incensed and deadly Enemies. The which fell out justly. They had an humour that the means to Conquer Principalities, diffred from that of preserving them. They were ignorant that they keep their pre-eminence well, which observe the same will and humour, wherewith principalities have been first Conquered.  
It is manifest and observed in many, that men are of that Nature, that whereas prosperity offers itself, they show themselves kind to their Neighbours, promising hopeful things. But when they have attained to their desires, than they deal wickedly, and reign over their Subjects as over flaves. Wherefore not without reason the affections of Subjects, change with the alteration of their Princes: The which happened to the Carthaginians. Asdrubal takes much advice upon this accident for the event of things. The retreat of Andomale troubled him. So did the hatred and abandoning of the other Commanders. Finally, he was discontented at the coming of Publius, whom he still expected to come against him with his Army. When he saw himself abandoned by the Spaniards, and that all in one League retired to the Romans, 
The advice of Asdrubal for the War.  he took this advice. He resolved that in making preparation of a good Army, he would fight with the Enemy. If through the favour of Fortune he had the Victory, he would then consider safely and wisely of the rest, but if it should be averse unto him in fight, he would retire into Gaul with the remainders of the Battle, and from thence with a multitude of Barbarians draw into Italy, and join with his brother Hannibal under the same hope. Asdrubal being of this advice prepares himself. Publius having received Caius Lelyus', and understood the decrees of the Senate, marcheth, having retired his Army out of the Garrisons: To whom the Spaniards come at the passage, and march with him with willing and joyful hearts. Andobale had before sent unto Publius, but when he approached near unto this Country, he came unto him accompanied with his friends: Where after he had spoken unto him, he concluded the League of friendship which he formerly had with the Carthaginians, 
Andobale speaks to Publius Scipio.  giving him to understand what service and loyalty he had observed towards him; and finally he exposeth the outrages and injuries which he and his had suffered, entreating him to be the judge of that which he said: And if he seemed to accuse the Carthaginians unjustly, he might certainly know that he would never keep his faith to the Romans: If being forced for the necessary respect of many iviuries, he had desisted from his affection, yet he had good hope that joining to the Romans to keep his faith firm with them. After he had used many such Speeches, he made an end.  
To whom Publius answering, said, that he belived it▪ and had understood the outrages of the Carthaginians, 
publius' answer to Andobale.  which they had used to other Spaniards, and their lasciviousness towards their Wives and daughters. Of whom notwithstanding he having taken many, reduced rather into the estate of Captives and slaves, than Hostages, he hath kept them with such honesty, as the Parents themselves could not have done. And when as Andobale and his Company confessed it, and making an obeisance unto him, they saluted him as King, the assistants observed those words. 
Publius' saluted King.  Publius blushing, commands them to be of good hope, promising them they should find courtesy and favour with the Romans, and presently delivers them their Daughters: and the day following makes an accord with them. The principal Articles of their Accord was, 
The Spaniards join with the Romans.  that they should follow the Roman Princes and obey them willingly.  
These things thus concluded, they return unto their Camp, and come with their Army to that of Publius, and making War with the Romans, they march with them against Asdrubal. The Commander of the Carthaginians staying near to Catol●gne, fast by the City of Babylis, and near unto the Mines of Gold and Silver, he changed his Camp when he was advertised of the coming of the Romans, so as he had the river at his back in manner of a Rampire: and in front and on the sides a Palisado with a sufficient depth for the Fortification: there was finally a length in the Valleys sufficient to put them in battle. And as for the side of the Hill there were usually men. When as Publius approached, he was ready to hazard the Combat: although he were in doubt seeing the advantage and force of the places, where the Enemy lay in Campe. But when he had contained himself two days, and was in fear that Mago and Asdrubal the son of Gescon coming, he might be environed round, he resolved to fight and to hazard a battle: Making therefore another Army, he labours to gain the palisado. In regard of those that were lightly armed and the choice footmen, he sends them to the side of a Hill, giving them charge to assail, and to view the Enemy's forces.  
And when that this was done with great Courage, the Commander of the Carthaginians attends the event from the beginning. But when he saw his men pressed, and in danger by the courage of the Romans, he draws his Army into the field, and plants in near the side of the Hill, relying upon the opportunity of the place. At the same time Publius sends his bravest men to succour those that were in danger; and stayed the rest ready: He takes the one half and assails the Hill upon the left side of the Enemy, fight against the Carthaginians: And delivers the rest to Lelyus', giving him charge to assail the Enemy on the right hand. When this was done, Asdrubal draws his Army out of the Fort. 
The Carthaginians assailed by the Romans.  He had hitherto kept it, relying upon the fortified places, having an opinion that the Enemies durst not assail him. But for that this charge of the Romans came unexpected, he puts his Army into Battle later than was needful.  
The Romans undergoing the danger of the fight, whilst that the Enemies were not yet upon the Wings, they not only assailed the Hill without danger, but in approaching slew those which crossed them, whilst that the Enemies made ready their battle: forcing those to turn which prepared themselves and made head against them. When as Asdrubal, according to his first resolution, saw his Army give back and shamefully repulsed, he had no will to fight unto the last gasp. Taking therefore the Treasure and the Elephants, 
The defeat of Asdrubal.  and all those he could draw together in the flight, he retires to the River of Tagus, and to the Hills of the Perinee Mountains, and to the Gauls inhabiting there. Scipio held it not fit to pursue the Victory suddenly, doubting the coming of the other Commanders: Finally, he gave the booty of the Fort to the Soldiers.  
The day following, he draws together all the Prisoners, whereof there were ten Thousand foot, and two Thousand horse, to dispose of them. 
Scipio saluted King of the Spaniards.  All the Spaniards of that Country which were allied unto the Carthaginians, come and submit themselves to the favour of the Romans. And when he had given them audience, they saluted Scipio as King. The which Edecon began when he did his obeisance; and after him Andobale with his friends. Scipio at that time regarded not their words but was silent: But when after the Battle all saluted him as King, he was moved therewith, so as he forbade it. Drawing all the Spaniards together, he told them that he would be truly Royal, and so held; but he would not be called a King by no man living. This done, he ordained they should call him Chief or Commander. It is not without cause, 
The Commendation of Publius Cornclius Scipio.  that we may justly commend the magnanimity of this man: By the which being yet young, having the favour of Fortune such, as all the Subjects had him in so great esteem, as they saluted him by so excellent a name, yet he was always so continent, as he would not accept of this will and humour of the Subjects. But he will wonder much more at the excellency of his magnanimity, if he looks to the last days of his life: when besides the valiant exploits which he hath done in Spain, he hath ruined the Carthaginians, and made subject unto the Romans many good Countries in Lybia, from the Philenin Altars, to the pillars of Hercules. He hath also ruined Asia, and the Assyrian Kings. Finally, he hath reduced to the obedience of the Romans the best and greatest part of the World. And therefore if he had pleased he might well have embraced the opportunity to usurp a royal power, in these Countries which he hath invaded and taken. The disdain of such things (as Scipio hath wisely done) surpasseth not only humane nature, but a divine. This magnanimity doth so much excel other men, as no man would demand of the Gods a greater favour: I mean then a Crown, the which he hath so often refused, being delivered unto him by fortune, and hath had his Country in more esteem, and his own honour then the great command of a royal power. He gave leave to all the Spaniards, being set a part, to return into their Country without ransom, except three hundred horse whereof he gave the choice to Andobale, giving the rest to those which had not any. Finally, being now seized on the Carthaginians Camp, he stayed there in regard of the fertility of the Country, expecting the Carthaginian Commanders which were remaining: he also sent forces to the tops of the Perenee Mountains to watch Asdrubal, and then when the season was come he retired to Tarracona, to winter his Army there.   

He returns to the History of the Grecians.  
AS the etolians lifted up their horns for the new hope and confidence they had in the Romans, and the arrival of Attalus, they amazed all the world, making War by Land as Attalus and Publius did by Sea, for this cause the Acheins entreat Philip to succour them, for in truth they not only feared the etolians, but also Machains, for that he had seized upon the Argive Mountains with an Army, the Beocians fearing the enemy's Army at Sea, require a commander and succours. The Negrepontins demanded instantly some provision against the enemy, the like did the Acarnanians, there was also an Ambassador from the Epirotes, they said likewise that Scerdilaide and Plaurate assembled their Armies, and that moreover the Thracians, who confine upon Macedony would endeavour to assail it if the King should retire from thence, in regard of the etolians, they had seized upon the straits of Thermopiles, and fortified them with Ditches, Pallisadoes, and a great Garrison, hoping they should be able to keep in Philip, and wholly to stop up the passage in succouring his Allies within Pyles.  
These adventures seems worthy of Consideration,) and not without reason) by the Readers, in the which is the true Experience and practise of Princes according unto their Corporal power. For as in Hunting Beasts are moved with their Forces and Power, when they are engaged in an apparent danger, so it befalls Princes: the which they might then discover in Philip. He dismisseth all the Ambassadors, 
Attalus against Philip by Sea.  promising them to do what possibly he could. His whole inclination was the War, expecting by what means and against whom he should first begin. But when the forces of Attalus were come against him, and had assailed the Island of Peparethon, he sends men to guard the City: And dispatcheth Polyphantes with a small Army towards Phocea and Beocia, and Menippus to Chalcis, and the other Negrepont, with a thousand Targetteers, and five hundred Agrians. In regard of himself, he went to Scotuse, whether he Commanded the Macedonians to repair.  
When he had news that Attalus Army had taken the rout of Nicaea, and that the Chief of the etolians assembled at Heraclea, to confer of the Affairs of the War, he parts from Scotuse with his Army, and made haste to dissolve their Assembly. He arrived too late, yet he wasted their Corn, and after that he had spoiled the Inhabitants about the Gulf of Enee, he returned, leaving his Army at Scotuse, and taking his way to the Demetriade: With his ablest men and the royal Wing, he stayed there expecting the coming of the Enemy. And to the end nothing should be unknown unto him, he sends to the Peparethiens, and Phociens, and likewise to the Negrepontins, giving them charge to make him a sign by fire of all things that should be done, upon the Tisee which is a Mountain in Thessaly, which in regard of the places is very commodiously situated. But as this manner of sign by fire, is of great commodity for the War, and hath formerly not been used, I do not hold it good to pass it, but in this passage to make some reasonable mention. No man is ignorant that opportunity and occasion are the principal parts in all things: But much more in the profession of War, to bring enterprises to an end: But among those things which are useful, 
Advertisements by fire.  fires are of great efficacy. They use them at this day, and are the cause of some opportunities, to be able to advertise him who hath the care of that which is done, although it be three or four days distant, or more: To the end that by the sign of fire, they may suddenly give succours unto them that demand it, although that in former times they have held it of small moment, for that the most part knew not how to use it. But the use ought to be ordered and settled upon certain and determinate agreements. But whereas things which they will signify are not resolutely set down, they cannot make use of these fires, as those are whereof we will speak.  
If the Army at Sea were come to Orea, or Peparethon, or Chalcis, they might signify it to those, with whom this hath been resolved. But if any of the Citizens will turn their Coats, or practise a Treason or Murder within the City, or any such thing as hath usually happened, and yet cannot be divined (matters which happen suddenly and unlooked for, have need according to the occasion, of Counsel and aid) yet it may be signified by fire. For of those which consideration cannot prevent, they cannot make any Conclusion. Aeneas' seeking to correct this kind of doubt and perplexity, 
The advice of Aeneas touching signs by fire.  hath in few words made the Commentaries, of the institution of the heads: And hath abundantly comprehended for the understanding, the sum of those things which are required; the which may easily be discovered by this speech, saying: That they which will give notice by the advertisement of fire of any of great and pressing business, must make provision of pots of earth, whose breadth and depth must be equal, and they must have three foot in depth, and one and a half in breadth: Then he must make slender Corks in the mouth of it; in the midst whereof he must tie them in equal parts of three fingers distant; and in every part a great Circumference, in the which are also painted the most vulgar and general things which happen in the profession of War. As by the first, that Horsemen are suddenly entered the Country: In the second, that footmen armed; in the third, that men lightly armed: And consequently in others, that foot and Horsemen, or an Army at Sea, and that there is Corne. You must in this sort paint the things which do usually happen in Regions, according to the providence and time of the motions of War.  
This being done he Commands to observe diligently the pots of the one and the other, so as the pipes may be equal and run equally: And when the pots shallbe full of Water, they must put in the Corks with sticks; and then let the pipes run together. This happening it is apparent, that all being equal, the Corks of necessity abate as the Water runs, and the sticks hide themselves in the Vessels. When these things are equally ordered, and they are to use them, than they must transport them to the places, where the one and the other are to observe the fires, and then must set them on either side upon the Vessels. Finally, in what thing soever that any portrait of the stick shall fall, he ordains they should set up a light which must continue until the Deputies answer him with the same. And when both fires are discovered, than he must take them away and suffer the pipes to run. But as for the falling of the Cork and the stick, that which of the Images shall approach unto the brink of the pot which we will let you see, he order that they shall set up a light: and that they should stop the pipes, and see what image of those which are figured upon the stick, comes to the brink.  
This may be done when as all the things which they manifest, are of either side moved with the same diligence. The which may be in some sort by a light set up by agreement to serve for an advertisement, unless they be undetermined: For it is impossible to see future things, or that that be figured upon the stick which we foresee. Finally if by Fortune any unexpected accident happens, it is certain that it cannot be declared by this invention: Nor any thing of that which is figured in the stick be determined. They cannot give advertisement of the number of Horsemen or of foot, or of ships, nor of the quantity of Corne. For we cannot dispose of things, whereof the knowledge cannot be made before they be done. And by consequence how can any man resolve of succours, if he knows not the multitude of the Enemies, 
Another kinds of advertisement by fire invented by Cleomenes and Democrites.  and the place where they are? How can a man work safely, or otherwise? Or how can he plot any Enterprise, which knows not the number of the Enemies, nor the quantity of Corn which is come unto them from their Allies?  
A latter kind hath been invented by Cleomenes and Democrites. In regard of that which is vulgar and of ready use, we have determined: the which may advertise exactly all that which is necessary to be known. The use whereof requires diligence, and an exact observation; and it is in this manner. You must divide the Letters according to their order in five parts, every one consisting of five: But in the end there shall want one, which is no matter of Consequence. And when as they which shall make use of lights for an advertisement, shall prepare five little Tables, and write upon either of them the parties according to their order, and then they agree together, that he which gives the advertisement, shall set up the first lights and two together, which shall not be taken away until the other hath answered in like manner. This serves to the end that by this light they may understand, that they are discovered. These others being taken away, they must show the first which are on the left hand, and declare by the Table the things whereunto they must have a care. As if the first Table he lifted up, it signifies one: if the second two; and so consequently. They must also lift up those which are on the right hand, after the same manner, to advertise what letters he shall write that takes the light. When they which have agreed together upon these matter, come unto the place, they must first have a Dioptre, having two Cavels: to the end that he that is to lift up the light right against it, may see the place both on the right hand and left.  
The Tables must be fixed strait and by order, near unto the Dioptre, and the places on the right hand and the left must be separated ten foot, and the height of a man. Moreover they must be careful that the lights may be visible when they set them up, and likewise hidden when they take them down. These things being thus prepared on either side, and that they have an intent to give some advertisement, as that a hundred Soldiers are retired to the Enemy, they must first use the Dictions which by the small Letters may signify that which we have said; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as that a hundred (Candyots) have abandoned us. The letters now are less, and yet that is signified. This which is written in the Table will show itself thus. The first letter is thus x, the which is in the second part and second Table: they must also set up the lights upon the left hand, to the end that he which hath the charge, may understand that he must look to the other Table. Then on the right hand he must set up fire, to let him know that thisx is the fifth Letter on the right hand, the which he which observes the lights, must write in the Table. Then 
p. r.  p wherefore he must lift up two on the right hand, which signifies the second of the fourth part: For this cause he that observes the Lights, writes the letter▪ 
p. r.  and so consequently of the rest. By this means whatsoever happens, it may be certainly known, following this invention. Moreover they must have many lights, for that there must be two to every Letter. And if any one doth duly observe these things, which serve to this use, that which is required may be done. Moreover, they which make use of these two inventions, must give order when as they will use them, to be able to give full and certain signs. Whosoever pleaseth, may easily know in many kinds how great soever the difference of the said things make show of, and which they have been accustomed to observe. For many things not only difficult, but which seem impossible having gotten the succession of time and custom, become most easy.  
There are many and diverse examples which deserve credit; but the most excellent is that which happens in the Art of reading. If any one instructs a man without Experience, and not accustomed to read, although he be industrious, and that finally he produceth an infant bred up to it, and that a Book being given him he appoints him to read the Contents, it is manifest that the other will not believe, that he can know first how he may by the looking of it read every letter, know their powers, and how they ought to be joined; forth at either of the said things require much time. Wherefore when he hath not artained this Art, and sees this little Boy continue with one breath five or six lines, he would never easily believe, but that he hath formerly read the Book. And if moreover he hath a good pronunciation, and observes the points, aspirations, and pauses, he will not be persuaded and believe no more:  
Wherefore we must not disdain any thing that is profitable, in regard of the evident difficulty: But we must apply ourselves to that which makes all good things comprehensible to men, and namely in those wherein most commonly the supreme safety doth consist. We have undertaken to speak these things, according unto that which we have promised in the beginning. For we have said that all Speculations have so prevailed with us, as for the most part they are methodical Sciences. Wherefore it is a very profitable portion of a well composed History.   

Of Antiochus.  
THe Aspasiens' dwell betwixt Oxus and Tanais: Of which Rivers, the one falls into the Hyrcanian Sea, and Tanais into the Lake of Meotis. They are Navigable for their greatness: So it seems wonderful how the Tartarians passing Oxus aswell by foot as Horseback, come into Hyrcania. There are two opinions conceived: The one is credible, the other strange although possible. Oxus draws his Springs from Mount Coucasus, but augmented much in Bactria by the descent of smaller Rivers, it passeth by a violent Course by the Country of Ped●a. There it falls into a Desert, and runs with a violent stream, through certain Rocks and Pits, for the great number and vehement beating of the places lying under it, so as its violence overflows the Rock in the lower Countries above a Furlong. By this place near unto the Rock the Aspasiens', as they say, passing the River both on Foot and Horseback, descend into Hyrcania. The other opinion hath a more propable reason, saying, that for that place hath great Ditches, into the which this River falls with its force, she makes hollow and opens the bottom by the violence of her Course: And by this means the River takes its course under ground, for a small space, and then riseth again. The Barbarians having experience hereof, pass there on Horseback into Hyrcania.  
When as Antiochus was advertised, that Euthideme was about Tagure with an Army, and that a thousand Horse kept the passage of the River of Aria, he proceeds and resolves to besiege it, having no more confidence in his resolution. And when he was within three day's journey of the River, he marched the two first slowly: And on the third having fed his men, he causes his Camp to march at the break of day: Then taking the Horsemen and his strongest soldiers, with a thousand Targetteers, he makes haste in the night. He had understood that the enemy's Cavalry was at the guard of the River in the day time, but at night they retired to a City some twenty Furlongs off. When he had performed the rest of the way in the night (for those Countries were convenient for Horsemen) he passed the River at the break of day with the greatest part of his Army. The Bactrian Horsemen being advertised by their Scouts, cry out and fight with the Enemy upon the way.  
The King seeing that he was to maintain their first Charge, gives Courage to those which had been accustomed to accompany him in such encounters, which were two thousand Horse: and commands the rest to cast themselves betwixt both, with their Troops put into battle as of custom. Finally, he fights with the Bactrian Horse which presented themselves. 
A skirmish of the Bactreans with Antiochus.  Antiochus seemed in this danger to have fought more valiantly than his men: so as many perished on either side. Yet the King's men defeated the first troop of Horse: But when the second and the third charged them, they were repulsed turning their heads basely. But when as Etole had given charge to the great power of the Horse to march in Battle, he freed the King and his Company, terrifying the Bactrians who were in disorder, and put them to flight. Wherefore when they were charged by all the etolians, they ceased not to fly until having make a great loss they were joined unto Euthideme. And when as the King's Horsemen had made a great slaughter, and taken many in the City, they presently retired, and planted their Camp near the River. It happened that in this same Combat Menippe was wounded and died, losing some of his Teeth with a blow: Finally, he purchased a renown of Valour. After this Combat Euthideme retired with his Army to Zariaspe a City of the Bactrians.    

A PARCEL OF the Eleventh Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
ASdrubal did not allow of any of these things. But (seeing the Enemies march in Battle) when as matters changed not, he caused the Spaniards and Gauls that were with him to fight. Setting the Elephants in Front, being ten in number, and after he had joined the Battalions close, united, and in length, and had put all the Army in battle in a short time, casting himself in the midst of the Ordnance near to the Elephants, he assails the Enemy upon the left flank, having resolved to die in that battle. The Lybian presents himself with great Courage to the enemy, and in charging fights valiantly with his troops. Claudius' Nero one of the Consuls, appointed for the right side could not join with the enemy, nor yet enclose them, for the unevenness of the ground: 
A Battle betwixt Asdrubal and the Romans in Italy.  wherein Asdrubal trusting, he had charged the enemy on the left hand. Wherefore as he was perplexed and in doubt, for that he lost time, he learned what he had to do. Taking therefore the Soldiers of the right wing, he goes beyond his Camp near unto a passage behind the Battle and on the left hand, and gives a charge unto the Carthaginians, near unto the wing where the Elephants had their station. At that time the Victory wavered. For in truth the danger was equal of both sides, considering that neither Romans, Spaniards, nor Carthaginians had any hope of safety remaining, if they were frustrated of their intention. Finally, the Elephants were of use to both of them in the fight: For when they were enclosed in the midst, and assailed with Darts they aswell broke the ranks of the Spaniards, as of the Romans. But when as Claudius' Troop had charged the enemy in the rear, the Combat was unequal, for the charge given unto the Spaniards both in Front and behind. So as it happened that in the beginning of the Combat, there was a great laughter made of Spaniards: So likewise there were six Elephants supine by the force of the men they carried: the other four broke their● ranks: being alone and destitute of their Indians they were taken▪  
And when as Asdrubal had been formerly and unto his end an able man, 
Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slain.  he lost in fight valiantly his life, worthy to be commended. He was brother to Hannibal, who undertaking the Voyage of Italy, gave him the Conduct of the Wars of Spain. And afterwards being practised by many encounters against the Romans, he hath endured many and variable Fortunes: And in this also that the Carthaginians sent Commanders to succeed him, he always carried himself like a man worthy of his Father Barca, bearing unto the end like a man of Courage all disgraces and losses. We have declared these things in regard of the precedent. But now we will decide the last Combats, in that which seems worthy of Consideration.  
Seeing before our eyes many Kings and Commanders which having great Combats concerning their whole estates, have always cast their eyes upon the most excellent Actions, and of Consequence; and who often inquire and Discourse how they shall help themselves in every good Fortune: And who moreover care not for mischances, not consider of the means, nor that which they are to do in every action and event: For that this other is in their hands, and this requires a great preparation. And therefore many having been vanquished, carry themselves poorly by their baseness and inconsiderations: Although that the Soldiers have many times sought valiantly, and with good direction: And have by this means dishonoured their precedent actions, making the rest of their Lives infamous. It is an easy thing for him that will know how many Commanders fail, and are frustrated herein, and that there is much difference betwixt man and man. Precedent times have afforded many examples in these things. In regard of Asdrubal he was no less provident in dangers, then for his safety, whilst he had any hope conformable to reason, to be able to do any thing worthy of his Predecessors. But when as Fortune had deprived him of all hope for the future, and had concluded him to his last end: omitting nothing for the Victory, nor that which concerned the preparation and danger, he carried himself like a man of providence: And although that all was in danger, yet he obeyed the present time, neither did he suffer any thing unworthy of his Predecessors. Behold the reason which I have delivered concerning those which apply themselves to the managing of War: to the end that undertaking dangers rashly, they draw not them into despair which are under their Charge, nor by desire of an infamous life, they make their deaths dishonourable and blame worthy.  
The Romans having gotten the Victory by force, presently break the Palisado of the Enemy, and kill like Sacrifices many Celts sleeping in Drunkenness upon their Mattresses, 
The Celts slain sleeping.  and assemble together the rest of the Prisoners: By the which there did accrue nine score thousand Crowns to the Commonweal. There died in this Battle as well of Carthaginians as Gauls, near ten thousand men, 
The number of the dead.  and about two thousand Romans. Some Nobles among the Carthaginians were taken, the rest were slain. When this News came to Rome, they were scarce believed for that they desired wonderfully to see it done, but as there came many men declaring not only what had been done, but every thing in particular, than the City entered into an immoderate joy: all the Temples were adorned, and filled with Sacrifices and Oblations: Finally, they grew so confident and assured, as at that time they did not think that Hannibal (whom they had formerly so much feared) was in Italy.  

An Oration to the etolians of the Wars of Greece.  
MY Masters the etolians, I think it is very manifest that King Ptolemy, the Citizens of Rhodes and Constantinople, with those of Chio and Miteline make no great account of your League. It is not the first nor the second time that we have treated with you of Peace: But even at that time when you moved War, applying yourself unto it, and embracing all occasions, we have not ceased to admonish you. Now we conjecture the ruin of yourselves and the Macedonians, and for the future we are in care for your health and for all Greece. As fire thrust into a Forest is no more in his power that hath kindled it, but consumes all that it encounters: Being moreover governed by the Winds, and by the consumption of the Forest, and that many times it sweeps away suddenly the Incendiary himself: so the War being once inflamed by some, ruins them first: Then it runs without reason, destroying all things it encounters, agitated by rashness, and the beastliness of those which kindle it, as it were driven by the Winds. Wherefore my Masters the etolians, seeing that the Islanders, and the Grecians which inhabit Asia, do often sue unto you, that disdaining War, you would make choice of Peace, for that the case concerns you: resume your senses, consenting with those who with reverence admonish you. If with some good fortune you did manage a War which were profitable, commodious, and glorious (it is that undoubtedly which they expect most therein) according to your first intention and design of events, they might with reason pardon you as men of great courage. This War is altogether infamous, full of ignominy, and cursed, is it not necessary to stay and defer it? Advice without doubt should be freely given, you will hear (if you be wise) my words patiently. It is much better for you to be preserved with a commodious reprehension, then in hearing pleasing words, to perish the first soon after: and then subsequently the rest of Greece, set your ignorance before your eyes. You say you make War against Philip for Greece, to the end that being preserved they should not obey his Commandments: But in truth you make War to its ruin and defeat. 
An accord betwixt the Romans and the etolians.  It is that which your accord with the Romans declare, the which in the beginning consisted in writing, but now they are seen in actions. The letters were then dishonourable unto you, but at this day they are visible to the eye, and manifest by your works. Finally, Philip carries the Name, and is made the colour of this War: although he suffers nothing that is grievous: But as he hath many Allies in Morea, as the Beocians, Negrepontins, Phociens, Locrine's, Thessalians and Epirotes, you have concluded against them under conditions, that the bodies and movable goods should belong to the Romans, and the Cities and Countries to the etolians.  
But as you are Lords of this City, you would not endure they should offend any Freeman, nor set fire of your City, holding such actions cruel and barbarous: and yet you have made a League, according to the which you have delivered the rest of Greece to Barbarians as your own by gift, by an outrage and a most ignominious injustice. These are the things which in the beginning you understood not: But at this day you are made manifest unto the World by the misery of the poor Oretins and Eginetes, for that Fortune hath of purpose raised your ignorance upon a Theatre. The beginning of this War and of the actions which happen are such. But what can we expect more, if in the end all things succeed according to your desire: shall it not be a beginning of great miseries to all the Grecians? Believe me, that after the Romans have ended the War in Italy (the which will soon happen, Hannibal being shut up in a Corner of Brutia) they will employ all their forces against Greece, under colour to give succours to the etolians against Philip, but the truth is to make all Greece subject: the which will soon be manifest. For whether they are resolved to carry themselves like honest and honourable persons, having the Victory, the thanks shall be theirs: If otherwise they shall have the profits of the Defeats, and the power over them that escape. Then you will call upon the Gods, when as none of them or any man will offer to assist you. You should then in the beginning foresee all things: This was lawful for you. But as many future things are out of humane providence, now at the least you should take a better advice, having seen the event of this War. I entreat you and exhort you not to envy your own safety and liberty, nor that of the rest of Greece.   
And when by his Speech (as he conceived) somewhat moved the opinions of many, Philip's Ambassador entered: who leaving the things which might be spoken in particular, he said, that he had two points in charge: That if the etolians broke the peace, he was ready to appeal unto the Gods, and to the Grecian Ambassadors there present, that they were to be held for the Authors of those things which hereafter should fall upon Greece, and not Philip. Glory saith he, doth much amaze the Enemy, but a reasonable preparation of Arms is of greater service for necessity. Then they should do that which is necessry, if they transfer the diligence and care which they have at this day for their apparel, to the preparation of their Arms, observing in their apparel the ancient negligence. For by this means they may give order for their private course of life, and preserve their Commonwealth. And therefore (saith he) it is not needful that he which gives himself to Arms, and to the profession of War, should look when he puts on his Boots, whether they be handsome, and if his strops and pantofles be brave: nor whether his Cloak and jacket be rich, when he must put on a Head-piece. Believe me, the danger is manifest which they must expect, which have an exterior show in more recommendation than things necessary. Finally, it were fit they should consider, that this curiosity in habits savoured of a woman, I mean that is not much chaste: where as the charges in Arms and severity, restrain a good man, desiring to preserve himself and his Country.  
All the assistants found this Speech so good, in wondering at the advice of this remonstrance, that after they were gone out of the Court, they pointed at those that were richly clad, forcing some to leave the place: and finally, they prepared themselves to Arms and to make War accordingly. Behold how one sole Oration pronounced by a man of esteem and in season, not only retires men from great vices, but also incites them to great Erterprises. But if he which gives good advice, leads a life answerable to his words, it is necessary that his council should purchase credit: the which happened in this man. He was sober and simple in his apparel and living, and in the usage of his body. Finally, he was of a pleasing speech without envy and rancour. He studied wonderfully to be found veritable in all his life, and therefore when he used any ordinary speech, the Auditors gave him great credit. And as his life served for an example in all things, so the Auditors had no great need of any long Discourse. Wherefore he hath often in few words, by his credit and knowledge in things, overthrown the long speeches which seemed to have been delivered sufficiently by the Enemies. When the Council was ended, every man retired to his Country: And in commending as well the man as his words, they had a conceit that they could not do amiss under his government.  
Finally, Philopemen went speedily to the Cities to make preparation for the War. Then he trained up a multitude assembled: and when he had not employed eight Months in the preparation of these forces, 
Phylopemen makes War against Machanides, Tyrant of Lacedaemon.  he leads his Army to Mantinaea to fight with the Tyrant for the liberty of all Morea. Machanides likewise taking courage, and thinking to prevail over the Acheins at his pleasure, gives the Lacedæmonians to understand the things that were then necessary, as soon as he was advertised of the assembly of the Tegeans at Mantinia: Then suddenly the next day at Sunrising he takes his way towards Mantinia, marching on the right wing with the Legionaries, and placing the Mercenaries on the right and left, going a slow pace in the beginning of his voyage: He adds moreover Chariots carrying a great abundance of instruments of War and Crossbows.  
At the same time Philopomen having divided his Army into three, he caused the Sclavonians and Corslets to go forth by the Gate which tends to the Temple of Neptune, 
The order of Philopomens' Battle.  and withal the strangers and strong men: then by that which looks to the West, the Legionaries: and the Horsemen of the City by the next. Moreover, he seized (with the best of his adventurers) of a little Hill lying right against the City, the which extends upon the way of strangers and the Temple of Neptune. And joining the Corslets, he lodgeth them on the South, ordering the Sclavonians in a place near unto them. Then casting the Legionaries behind them in a round, he lodgeth them in the space near the Ditch which draws to Neptune's Temple, by the midst of the Mantinians Plain, and joins upon the Mountains near unto Elisfasiens'. He order moreover upon the right wing the Acheian Horsemen, of which Aristonete of Dymce had the leading: and upon the he had all the Strangers, having their distinct Ordnance amongst them.  
When the Enemy's Army approached, he comes to the Legionaries, admonishing them in few words, but with the efficacy of the present danger. But most part of his words were not heard: for the multitude pressed the cause so much for the affection they bore him, and the impetuosity of the people, that the Army as it were moved with a certain divine fury, persuaded him to work without fear. Finally, he endeavoured (if time would have permitted him) to declare unto them diligently, 
The order of Machanides Army.  how this present danger concerned some in regard of infamy and a base servitude, and others in regard of liberty always memorable and glorious. Moreover, Machanides instructs first the Battalion of the Legionaries which they call Orthie, that it should fight with the right wing of the Enemies. Then he marcheth, and after he had gained a mean space, makes the form of a Snail, and draws his Army in length, putting his right wing in Front to the left of the Acheins. In regard of the Targetteers, he placeth them before the whole Army with some space.  
Philopomen seeing his attempt, who thought by the Targeteers to give a Charge to the Legionary Bands which offended the Soldiers, and caused a great alarm in the Army, so as he delayed no longer, making use in effect of the Tarrentins at the beginning of the Combat near to Neptune's Temple, upon the Plain which was commodious for Horsemen. Machanides seeing this, is forced to do the like, and to cause the Tarrentins (which were with him) to march. Finally, they fought valiantly in the beginning. But when those that were lightly armed, prevailed something over them that were weaker, it fell out in a short time that the Combat began of either side betwixt the foreign Soldiers. And when as they had joined together, and had fought long like brave men, the danger was equal, so as the rest of the Armies, expecting the issue of the Battle, could not fight there, for that many times both the one and the other in fight, exceeded their first station. Yet the Tyrant's soldiers had for a time the better, considering their multitude and dexterity, with their Arms and Experience. The which did not happen without cause. For as the multitude in Commonalties, is more cheerful in Combats in War, than the Subjects which are Enemies to Tyrants, so strange Soldiers taking pay of monarchs, excel those of Commonweals. And as some Subjects fight for liberty, and some are in danger of servitude, some also of the Mercenaries fight for a certain profit, others for the defence of their Lives. But a popular power puts not her liberty into the hands of Mercenaries, after they have defeated their Enemies: Whereas a Tyrant the greater Enterprise he makes, the more soldiers he hath need off. For as he doth more outrages, so he hath more watchers over his life.  
The safety then of monarchs consists in the good affection, and forces of his foreign Soldiers. 
The safety of monarchs.  Wherefore then it happened that the foreign Soldiers fought with such great Courage and Resolution, as the Sclavonians and Horacites being in front of them could not endure their Charge: flying all as repulsed towards Mantinia, seven Furlongs distant. Then that which some men held in doubt was made plain and certain. It is manifest that many actions in War breed Experience of things, so do they ignorance. It is a great matter for him that hath purchased Authority in the beginning, to extend it farther: But it is a far greater matter to fix upon him whose first attempts have not been successful: and to consider the indiscretion of the unfortunate, and to observe their faults.  
You shall oftentimes see that they which seem to have the better, are within a short space frustrated of all in general: And again, they which at the first were beaten, have by their industry restored all: the which appeared then betwixt these two Princes. For when the bands of Soldiers which the Acheins had wavered, and that the left wing was broken, Machanides leaving his good Fortune and the Victory of those of the Wing, and to assail the others in Front, and finally to attend the Victory, he did nothing of all this, but scattered with the Mercenaries, without order like a young man, he pursued the Chase, as if fear had not been able to pursue those which fled unto the Gates. The Chief of the Acheins employed all his power to stay the Mercenaries with cries and persuasions, calling to the rest of their Commanders. But when he saw them forcibly repulsed, he was not amazed if they turned head, or despairing, abandoned the place, but he withdrew the Wing which charged and pursued them. And when the place where the danger was, was abandoned, he sent presently to the first Legionaries, that they should cover themselves with their Targets; and in keeping order he went speedily before. Being come suddenly to the place abandoned, he defeated the pursuers, having great advantage upon the Enemy's battailion. He likewise persuaded the Legionaries to have a good Courage and resolution, and not to budge, until he gave them order to march close in Battle against the Enemy. And as for Polybius the Megalopolitaine, having gathered together the remainder of the Sclavonians which had turned Head, with the armed men and the Strangers, he enjoins him to have a great care to keep the battalion in good order, and to look to those which were retired from the Chase. The Lacedæmonians likewise resuming Courage and strength, for that they were esteemed the most valiant, charged the Enemies with their javelins without Command.  
And as in this pursuit they were come unto the brink of the Ditch, and had no more time to return, for that they were in the Enemy's hands, and that finally they forsook and disdained the Ditch, for that it had many descents, and was dry and without Trees, they ran into it without any discretion. As this occasion offers itself against the Enemy, Phylopomen having foreseen it long before, he then Commanded all the Legionaries to advance with their javelins. And when as all the Acheins with one resolution had cast themselves upon the Enemies with horrible cries, having formerly broken the battalion of the Lacedæmonians, descending into the Ditch, they turn Head with great Courage against the Enemy which held the higher ground. It is true, that a great part was defeated aswell by the Acheins as their own men. That which I have spoken happens not by chance, but by the providence of the Commander, who had suddenly made this Ditch. Philopomen fled not from the Battle as some had conceived: But considering and advising diligently like a good Commander of all things in particular, that if Machanides should lead his Army thither, it would happen that by ignorance of the Ditch, he would fall into danger with his Battalion, as it succeeded in Effect. And if considering the difficulty of the Ditch, he should seem to fear and turn Head, he should then be wonderfully frustrated of his Enterprise and Design, for that he should have the Victory without fight, Machanides being defeated by a unfortunate disaster. It had happened to many which had undertaken a Battle, that finding themselves insufficient to join with the Enemy, some in regard of the disadvantage of places, others for the multitude, and some for other causes, and by this same means showing and expressing themselves in their flight to be of little Experience, some hoping to be stronger upon the Rear, and others that they might escape the Enemy safely. Among the which were these Commanders.  
But Philopomen was not deceived in his foresight: by whose endeavour it happened, that the Lacedæmonians made a speedy flight. And when he saw his Legions to vanquish, he laboured to bring that unto an end which remained of an absolute Victory. Which was, that Machanides should not escape, and therefore knowing him to be at the pursuit of the Chase, on that side of the Ditch which lay towards the City with his Mercenaries, had not been retired and with drawn, he attends his coming. But when as Machanides flying after the Chase, saw his Army turn head, and hearing that all hope was lost for him, he laboured with his foreign Soldiers in turning head, to escape through the Enemies dispersed, and scattered in their Chase. Whereunto they likewise having regard, stayed with him in the beginning, feeding themselves with the same hope of safety. But when as at their coming they saw the Acheins keep the Bridge upon the Ditch, than all amazed they abandon him and fled, every man looking to his own preservation. And when the Tyrant despaired of the passage of the Bridge, he went directly to the Ditch, and endeavours to find a passage.  
Philopomen knowing the Tyrant by his purple Robe, and the caparrisson of his Horse, leaves Polybius there, and gives him charge to keep the passage carefully, not sparing any of the Mercenaries, for that most commonly they favour and support the Tyrant of Lacedaemon. In regard of himself, he takes Polyene, Cypariss●e, and Simie, of whom he then made use, marching against the Tyrant and his Company on the other side of the Ditch. Machanides had at that time two men with him, that is to say, Anaxidamus and a strange Soldier: When he pressed his Horse to take a certain commodious passage of the Ditch, Philopomen doubling upon him, gave him a mortal wound with a javelin, and soon after another, 
Machanides slain.  killing the Tyrant valiantly. The like happened to Anaxidamus by the Horsemen which marched with him. The third man despairing of the passage, 
Anaxidamus slain.  escaped the danger by flight, whilst they slew the other two. After their death Simieses Company stripped them, and brought away the Head and Arms of the Tyrant, to make his death known unto the Troops: whereby they might with more diligence pursue the Enemies into their City: the which served much to move the Commons. For by this means they reduced the City of Tegea under their obedience: 
Tegea taken▪  after which prize they camped near unto the River of Erota, after they had made themselves Masters of the Champion Country. And as they could not chase the Enemy out of their Country for a long time, they then wasted all the Lacedaemonian Provinces without fear, having lost few men in Battle, and the Lacedæmonians above four thousand, besides many Prisoners, and the taking of all their Baggage and Arms.  

Of Hannibal and the Carthaginians.  
ANd therefore who will not wonder at the government, 
The excellency of Hannibal.  virtue and power of this man, in his valiant exploits of War decided in Field, having regard to the length of time, and knowing Hannibal as well in Battles as encounters, as in sieges of Towns, alterations, and events of times, and in the fullness of all the Erterprises and resolutions, according to the which he hath made War in Italy against the Romans for the space of seventeen years, and having never broken up his Camp, but kept it still entire as under a good Leader, and commanded so great a multitude either without mutiny towards him or among themselves, although he did not employ in his Army men of one Nation, not of one Race. 
divers Nations under the leading of Hannibal.  He had under his command Lybians, Spaniards, Phoenicians, Italians, and Grecians: among the which the Laws nor customs, nor the Language had any thing common. But the industry of the Commander made this great multitude of different Nations obedient to the Commandments of one man, according to his desire: although the Events were not always answerable, but diverse: and that many times Fortune smiled upon him, and was sometimes opposite. These things considered, you may safely say (in wondering at the virtue of this Commander, in that which concerns this point) that if he had first assailed the other Countries of the World, and then the Romans, he would have prevailed in all that he had attempted. But seeing at this day he hath begun the War against those which he should have assailed last, he hath made both the beginning and the ending.  
Asdrubal having drawn together the Soldiers from those places where they had wintered, prepares for his voyage, and camps near unto a City called Elinge, 
Asdrubal camps near to Elinge.  building a Palisado on the side of the Mountain, with plain spaces before, fit for skirmishes and encounters. He had three score and ten thousand Foot, four thousand Horse, and two and thirty Elephants. Publius Scipio on the other side sends Marcus junius to Lochis to receive the Bands which he had leived: 
Publius Scipio draws his Army together.  being three thousand Foot and five hundred Horse. In regard of the other Allies, he accompanies them, taking his way to the place appointed.  
When he was come to Catalongne, and to the places which were about Becyle, and had joined his Army with Marcus, and with the Troops of Colichante, he fell into a great perplexity for the apparent dangers. For in truth he had not a sufficient Roman Army without the forces of the Allies to hazard a Battle. It seemed an unsafe thing, foolish, and rash for those which put their hope in the forces of their Allies to hazard a Battle. But as he was for a time in suspense, and that the affairs concluded that he must use the Allies, he came to fight with the Spaniards: to the end that by this means he might make the Enemy imagine that he fought with his whole Army.  
This being resolved, he marches with all his Troops, being forty five thousand Foot, and about three thousand Horse. And when he was near the Carthaginians, so as he might well be discovered, he camps about certain little Hills right against the Enemy. 
Asdrubal chargeth the Romans.  Asdrubal thinking to have found a fit time to charge the Romans in Camping, he fell upon their Camp with the greatest part of his Horsemen, and Massanissa with the Numades, having a conceit to surprise Scipio suddenly. But he having formerly foreseen the future, he laid an Ambush of Horsemen behind a certain Hill, 
A sudden charge of the Romans against the Carthaginians.  equal in number to those of the Carthaginians: who charging by surprise, many in the beginning turning head, in regard of this unexpected Charge of the Romans, fell from their Horses, others affronting the Enemies fought valiantly. But for the dexterity of the Roman Horsemen in fight, the Carthaginians being troubled and discontented, after some little resistance gave back, retiring in the beginning in good order: But when the Romans pursued them, they took their flight under the Campe. This done, the Romans assure themselves the more to undergo the danger: and the Carthaginians did the contrary. The days following they draw their Armies into the Plain which lay betwixt them, and making skirmishes as well of Horsemen, as of their most valiant Foot, and trying one another they resolved to Battle.  
It seemed then that Scipio had practised a double stratagem. For when he saw Asdrubal slow in ordering of his forces, and to put the Lybians in the midst, and the Elephants upon the two wings: Then as he was accustomed to observe the opportunity of the time, 
The double policy of Scipio.  and to make head against the Lybians by Romans, and to mingle the Spaniards upon the wings, on the day which he resolved to fight, he doth now the contrary, giving by this means great comfort to his forces for the Victory, and weakening the Enemy. Presently at the Sunrising he gives all the Soldier's notice by men appointed, that all they which were to fight armed, should stand before the Palisado. This done, when they had obeyed him cheerfully, for the hope they had conceived for the future, he sends the Horsemen before, and the ablest Soldiers, giving them charge to approach the Enemy's Camp, and that in skirmishing courageously they should begin the Battle. For his part, he marcheth at Sunrising with the Footmen. And being come into the midst of the field, he drew his Army in Battle after another form than he had been accustomed. 
Scipio puts his men in battle  For he put the Spaniards in the midst, and the Romans upon the wings. When as the Horsemen approached the Palisado, and that the rest of the Army was in sight and ready, the Carthaginians had scarce time to arm.  
Asdrubal being then forced to draw the valiantest of his men to field against the Romans, 
Asdrubal puts his men in Battle.  being yet fasting without preparation and in haste both the Footmen and Horsemen: and to plant his Army of Footmen not far from the Mountains, and the Ordnance in the Plain as they had been accustomed. The Romans stayed some time: but for that the day was well advanced, and that the Combat of either side was uncertain and equal, and that there was danger that they which should be pressed, turning head, would retire upon their Battalions, than Scipio retiring the Skirmishers by the space betwixt the Ensigns, he divides them upon the wings after those which had been formerly appointed. Then he gives order to assail the Enemy in Front, first to the javelins, and then with Horsemen: and being a Furlong from the Enemy, he commands the Spaniards which were in Battle, to march in the same order, and that they should turn the Ensigns upon the right hand, and they of the left doing the contrary. And when he began on the right side, Lacius Marcus and Marcus junius led three brave Troops of Horsemen on the left hand, and before were those which were lightly armed and accustomed to the War, with three Bands of Footmen (the Romans call a Band of Footmen a Cohort) to whom the Targetteers joined on the one side, and the Archers on the other.  
In this sort they marched against the Enemy, making by this means an attempt with effect, considering the continual repair of those which joined with them by files. As by chance these men were not far from the Enemy, and that the Spaniards which were on the wing were farther off, as they which matched a slow pace, they make an attempt upon the two Battalions of the Enemy, drawn in length with the Roman forces, according to that which had been resolved in the beginning. The following alterations (by the means whereof it happened that they which followed, joined with the former, encountering the Enemies in a direct line, had betwixt them diverse orders) so as the right Battalion had on the left side the Footmen mingled with the Horse. For the Horsemen which were on the right wing, mingling with the javelins of the Foot lightly armed, laboured to enclose the Enemies. The Footmen on the other side covered themselves with their Targets. They which on the left hand were in the Troops charged with their javelins, and the Horsemen accompanied with the Archers with their full speed. By this motion there was a left wing made of the right wing of the Horsemen, and of the most valiant Soldiers of the two Battalions: But the Commander made no great account, being more careful to vanquish the enemy with the other Battalion: wherein he had good judgement. We must know things as they are done, and use a fit observation according to the occasion offered.  
By the charge of these men the Elephants assailed by the Archers, 
A disorder by the Elephants.  and the Horsemen with Darts and javelins, and tormented of all sides were wounded, making as great a spoil of their Friends as of their Enemies. For they ran up and down and overthrew men of all sides, breaking the Carthaginian Battalions. In regard of that of the Lybians which held the middle part, and was of great service, it stood idle unto the end. For not able to succour those which on the wings abandoned the place, by reason of the Spaniards charge: nor remaining in their station, do that which necessity required: for that the Enemies which they had in Front, did not give them Battle.  
It is true that the wings fought for a time valiantly: Considering that all was in danger. And as the hair was vehement, the Carthaginians broke, seeing that the end of the Combat succeeded not according to their desire, and that their chiefest preparation was hindered: The Romans on the other side had the advantage both in force and courage: and in that principally, that by the providence of the General the best furnished among the Carthaginians were made unprofitable. Wherefore Asdrubal being thus pressed, retired in the beginning with a slow pace from the Battle: Then turning in Troupe, he recovered the neighbour Mountains. And when as the Romans pursued them near, they posted to their Palisado. If some God had not preserved them, they had suddenly lost their Fort. But for that the disposition of the Air changed, and the rain fell continually with violence, the Romans could hardly recover their Fort.  
And although that Publius Scipio had sufficient experience of the War, 
A defect in the Text.  yet he never fell into so great a doubt and perplexity, the which happened not without reason. For as we may foresee and prevent exterior causes and discommodities of the Body, 
A good Comparison.  as cold, heat, labour, and wounds, before they happen: and cure them when they come: being on the other side difficult to foresee those which proceed from the Body, and are hardly curable when they happen: we must judge the same of policies and Armies. It is true, there is a speedy means and help to prevent the Wars and Ambushes of Strangers when they are contrived: But against those which the Enemy doth practise in the State, as seditions and mutinies, the Physic is difficult, and requires a great dexterity and singular industry in the government of affairs. But in my opinion one advice is necessary for all Armies, Cities, and bodies politic: which is, that in that which concerns the things above mentioned, they never suffer too much sloth and idleness: especially in time of prosperity, and the abundance of all things necessary.  
Scipio as a man of excellent diligence, 
The wisdom of Scipio.  and consequently industrious and active to manage great affairs, propounded a certain course to decide the present combustions, after he had assembled the Captains of thousands. He gave order that they should promise unto the Soldiers the restitution of the victuals and taxes: and to give credit to his promise, they should levy the ordinary taxes ordained in Cities diligently and openly for the relief of the whole Army, to the end it might be apparent that this preparation was made for the institution of their Victuals. And that moreover, the Milleniers should command the Commissaries of the Victuals, and admonish them to have a care, and to take charge of the Victuals: and that conferring among themselves, they should make known, if part of them or altogether would undertake it. He said, that they must consider of that which was to be done. The others thinking of the same things, had a care of the Treasure. And when as the Milleniers had made known the things which had been ordained, Scipio being advertised, imparted unto the Council that which was to be done. They concluded that they should resolve on the day when they were to appear: So as the people should be sent back, and the Authors severely punished: who were to the number of five and thirty.  
And when the Day was come, and the Rebels there present, as well to obtain pardon, as for their Victuals, Scipio secretly commands the Captains Milleniers, that they should go and meet with the Rebels, and in choosing five of the chief of the Mutiny (every man carrying himself courteously at their encounter) they should bring them to his Pavilion: if this could not be done, yet at the least they should convey them to the Banquet, and to this kind of assembly. And as for the Army which was with him, he gave them notice three days before, to make provision of Victuals for a long time: as if Marcus should go to Andobale to fight: whereof the Rebels being advertized, they were the more assured. They expected to enjoy a great power, if (the rest of the Army being separated) they were admitted about a Commander, when they approached near the City, he commands the other Soldiers, that being prepared the day following, they should come forth at the break of day. In regard of the Milleniers and Captains, he gives them charge that after their coming forth of the City, they should stay the Soldiers in Arms at the Gate, having first lodged the Baggage: and that afterwards they should divide themselves by the Gates, and have a care that none of the Rebels should escape. They which were appointed to receive them, joining to those which came unto them, entertained the offenders courteously according unto that which had been enjoined them. Their charge was to seize upon these men, at such time as they should be set at the Banquet, and to keep them bound: So as not any of the Company being within should go forth, but only he that should advertise the Commander what had been done, Wherefore when the Milleniers had performed their Charge, the General seeing in the Morning following those to be assembled in the place which were arrived, he causeth an Assembly to be called. 
Publius Scipio assembles his Army.  When the advertisement was given, they all came running as of custom, whether it were with a desire to see the Commander, or to hear those things which were to be spoken of the present affairs. Scipio sends to the Milleniers which were at the Gates, and commands them to bring the Soldiers that were armed, and to environ the whole assembly: Then marching forth, he amazeth them all at the first sight. A great number in truth thought that he was not well disposed: But when contrary unto their opinions they found him sound and safe, they were amazed at his presence. Finally, he used this Speech unto them, saying, that he wondered for what cause some of them were offended, or under what colour they were moved to attempt a Rebellion.  
There are three causes for the which men presume to fall into a mutiny against their Princes and Country: Which are, 
Three causes of the people's mutiny against Princes.  when as they blame their Governor, and endure them unwillingly; or when they are offended with the present Government; or upon a conception in their opinions of a greater and better hope. I demand of you, saith he, which of these three hath moved you. Are you angry with me that I have not delivered you Victuals? It is not my fault. For you have not wanted any Victuals under my Leading. It is the error of the Romans which have not yielded that unto you now, which hath been formerly due unto you? Should you then accuse your Country, so as you should Rebel and become its Enemy, then being present to speak unto me, and to entreat your friends to assist you? The which in my opinion had been much better. It is true, a pardon may be given unto Mercenaries, if they abandon those from whom they receive pay: But it is not fit to pardon such as carry Arms for themselves, their Wives, and their Children. For it is even like as a man should come unto his Father, and charge him that he had villainously cozened him in matters of money, and kill him from whom he holds his life. Have I oppressed you more with toils and dangers than the rest, giving them more Commodities and profits then unto you? In truth you dare not speak it, neither can you convince me although you durst attempt it.  
I cannot conjecture the cause for the which being incensed against me, you have attempted this Rebellion. I would understand the occasion from yourselves. I think there is not any man among you that can allege or pretend any thing. You cannot, in truth, be sad for the present. When was there ever greater abundance of all things, nor more prerogatives of the City of Rome? When was there ever greater hope for Soldiers then there is at this day? Peradventure some one of these desperate men will think that at this day the profits are greater in show, and the Hope better and more firm with the Enemy. Which are they? Is it Andobale and Mandonin? Which of you doth not know that as they first falsified their Faith with the Carthaginians coming to us? And that now again they declared themselves our Enemies, inviolating their oath and Faith? Were it not an honest and commendable thing, that in giving them your Faith, you should become Enemies to your own Country? And yet you have no hope in them to enjoy Spain. You were not sufficient being joined to Andobale to fight with us, neither yet alone. Whereto then did you aim?  
I would know it from yourselves, if you have put your confidence in the Experience and Virtue of the Captains which now are appointed you, or in the Rods and Maces which march before them, whereof of there is no honesty to use any longer Discourse. But in truth there is nothing of all this; neither can you invent any thing against me nor your Country. Wherefore I will answer for Rome and myself, propounding those things which seem reasonable to all men, which is this, the People and all the Commons are such as such as they are easily deceived and moved to any thing. 
The inconstancy of the people.  Wherefore it happens to them as to the Sea. For as the Sea of itself is without offence, and safe to those which make use of it: And if it be tormented with the violence of the Winds, it is such unto Sailors as are the Winds wherewith it is beaten: The Commons in like manner are made like unto those which govern them, which are their Commanders and Councillors. And therefore now I suffer all your Leaders unpunished, promising that hereafter I will quit all revenge: But as for those which have been the Authors of the Rebellion, I bear them an implacable hatred: for this cause we will punish them conveniently for the crimes which they have committed against their Country and us.  
And when he had used this Speech, the Soldiers that were in Arms and round about, made a great noise with their Swords in the Proches, and presently the Authors of the mutiny were brought in naked and bound. Finally, the multitude grew into a great amazement for the horror of the Executions which were done in their sight: 
A punishment of the Mutines.  so as when as some were whipped, and others executed, they moved not an eye, nor any man spoke a word, remaining all amazed and terrified by these accidents. The Authors of these mischiefs being whipped and slain, and drawn through the midst of them: the rest were assured in common by the Commander and Princes, that no man hereafter should be punished by any man for the remembrance of this fact. Wherefore they came all to the Milleniers, and swear absolutely to obey the Commandments of the Princes, and not to consent to any thing against the City of Rome.  
When as Scipio had corrected the Mischief newly grown, 
Scipio's Speech to his Army.  he settles his Army in its former estate. Then suddenly drawing it together within Carthage, he made his complaints of the rashness and wickedness of Andobale towards them: and after he had made a long speech of his disloyalty, he incensed the hearts of many against the said Potentate. Finally, he put them in mind of their encounters against the Spaniards and Carthaginians, whilst they were under the Carthaginian Commanders: Of whom (as they had been always victorious) there was no cause he said, to be in doubt or fear, but that coming again to fight with the Spaniards under Andobale, they would be defeated. Wherefore he said he would make no more use of the Spaniards to fight, and that he would undergo the danger with the Romans alone: to the end it may be manifest to all the world, that we have not chased the Carthaginians out of Spain with the help of Spaniards: but by a Roman virtue, and that by our own dexterity we have vanquished them with the Celtiberians.  
This Speech being ended, he persuaded them to live in Concord, and that they would undertake this present danger, if ever they undertook any with great assurance. In regard of the means of the victory, he assures them that with the help of the Gods he will take order. The Commons conceived so great a courage and confidence, as all of them carried a countenance like unto those which behold their Enemies, and prepare to fight. His words being ended, he sent back the assembly. The next day he raiseth his Camp and marcheth: and being come on the tenth day to a River, he passeth it four days after: 
Scipio lays a bait for the Enemy.  then he plants himself before the Enemies, having recovered a certain Plain betwixt his Camp and theirs. The day following he sent forth towards the Enemy upon the Plain, some cattle which followed the Army: and commands Caius to keep certain Horsemen in a readiness, and to the Chief of the Milleniers, to prepare Archers and Slingers.  
When the Spaniards had fallen suddenly upon the cattle, he sent certain Soldiers that were Archers. The Combat beginning, and the Soldiers running unto it on either side in good numbers, there grew a great Skirmish of Footmen near unto the Plain. When a fit occasion was offered to assail the Enemy, and that Caius had his Horsemen ready as he had commanded him, he chargeth the Footmen, and repulseth them from the Plain, to the places near unto the Mountains, to the end they might be scattered, and slain in great numbers. When this happened, the Barbarians were moved, fearing that being vanquished in skirmish before they came to the Battle, 
The Spaniards put themselves in Battle.  they should seem to have fainted, wherefore at the Sunrising they drew their Army in good order to Field, preparing for the Battle. Publius Scipio was ready to give it: But when he saw the Spaniards descend without reason into the Plain, and not only to put their Horsemen in order, but also their Foot, he stayed, to the end that a greater number might assemble in this order of Battle, having confidence in his Cavalry, and much more in his Footmen, for that they should come to an equal Combat, and fight hand to hand: and that the Arms and men which he had, were more excellent than the Spaniards. But for that it seems necessity pressed him, he directed his Army against those which were in Battle against the Mountain: 
The order of Scipio's Battle▪  drawing four Cohorts out of the Camp towards those that were descended into the Plain.  
Finally, Caius Lelyus' led his Horsemen against the Enemy, by the Hills which come from the Camp unto the Plain, and chargeth the Spaniards Horse in the Rear, and in fight stays them, to the end they should not succour their Foot. The Enemy's Foot being destitute of the help of their Cavalry, in whom having put their trust, they had descended into the Plain, were forced and annoyed in the Combat; the which likewise happened to the Horsemen. For when as (enclosed in the straight) they could not fight at ease, their defeat was greater than that of the Enemy: for that their Footmen were on the side, and their Enemies in Front, and their Horsemen were charged in the Rear. The Combat being after this manner, they which descended were in a manner all defeated: They which were joining unto the Mountain fled. They were the most valiant and the third part of the Army: with whom Andobale escaped, recovering a certain Fort. Scipio having ended the Wars of Spain, drew to Tarracona, to carry a great triumph of joy, 
A defeat of the Spaniards.  and a glorious Victory to his Country. Desiring them to be present at the Creation of Consuls, he sails to Rome being accompanied by Caius, delivering the Army to junius and Marcus, having given order for all the affairs of Spain.   

Of King Antiochus.  
IT was in truth Ewthydemes Magnes to whom he answered, saying that Antiochus laboured to chase him out of his Kingdom unjustly: and that he had not rebelled, to the end he might enjoy the Principality of the Bactrians. And when he had used a long speech tending to that end, he entreated Teleus that by his means he might obtain a truce, and that he would inform Antiochus, that he did not envy his royal Name: For that if he did not yield to his accords, neither of them should live in safety. For there was a great descent of Tartariens, which would be dangerous to either of them: and if they entered the Region, it would undoubtedly be reduced under the subjection of Barbarians. These words being ended, he sends Teleus to King Antiochus. When the King had long ruminated to what end this business would tend, he heard the proposition which was made by Teleus concerning a truce.  
When Teleus was returned, going and coming often from the one to the other, Euthydemes in the end sent his Son Demetrius to confirm the Accord. Whom when the King had received graciously, and holding the Young man worthy to reign, as well for his outward show as for his excellent dexterity of Eloquence, he first promiseth to give him one of his Daughters, and to his Father the Name of King: Finally, after he had passed in writing the Pactions and Accords sworn, he raiseth his Camp, and sends Victuals freely to his Army.  
When he had received the Elephants which Euthydemes had sent, he passeth Mount Caucasus: and after that he came into India, he renewed the League with Sophasine King of the Indies: where after he had received an hundred and fifty Elephants, and had again given Victuals to all his Army, he marcheth with all his forces. Moreover, he sends Androsthenes the Cyzecenien to receive Gaza, which by the accord was delivered unto him by the King. And when he had past Arachosia, and the River of Erymanthus, he arrived in Carmania by Dratigene: where he wintered, for that Winter approached. This was the end of Antiochus Voyage which he made by the high Countries, by the which he drew to his obedience not only the satraps and Governors of the high Countries, but also the Marritine Cities, and the Potentates inhabiting near unto Tauris: Finally, he hath assured his Reign, making by his confidence and good industry all his Subjects amazed. For he seemed by this Voyage worthy to reign not only over the Asiatiques, but also over the Europians.    

A PARCEL OF the Twelfth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
WHo will wholly commend the Excellency of this Region. In regard of Tymeus, thou mayst with reason term him ignorant, not only of things concerning Lybia: but also a Child and without understanding, and also subject to a foolish ancient report, according to the which we have heard that Lybia is all sandy, dry, and deserts. The like they said of Creatures: And yet it hath so great abundance of Horses, Sheep, and Goats, as I know not where we may find the like in the World: For that many people of Lybia make no use of the fruits which proceed from the hands of man, but live with Mare's Milk. 
The manner of the Lybians living.  Moreover who doth not know the multitude and force of Elephants, Lions, and Panthers, and consequently the beauty of Bugles or wild Oxen, and the greatness of Ostriches? whereof there are none in Europe, and yet Lybia is full of such things: whereof Tymeus being wholly ignorant, he delivers as it were of purpose things contrary to truth.  
As he hath lied in matters concerning Lybia, so hath he done the like of the Island of Cyrnon. Whereof making mention in his Second Book, 
The Island of Cyruon not well known by Tymeus.  he saith, that it abounds in Goats, Sheep, and wild Oxen, and moreover in Stage, Hares, and Wolves, with some other Beasts: and that the men are much given to Venery, and spend their whole lives therein. When as in the said Island there is neither wild Goat, Ox, Hare, Wolf, nor Stag, nor any such kind of Beast: Except Foxes, Coneys, and wild Geese. It is true, that a Coney seen a far off, seems like unto a Leveret: But when they hold it, it differs much, as well in sight as in taste. It breeds and lives most commonly in the ground. For this cause all the Beasts of this Island seem wild, for that the Keepers cannot follow them, in regard this Island is woody, hilly, and steep: But when they will draw them together, staying in commodious places, they call them by a Trumpet, and every one runs to his own. Finally, if sometimes they which come into the Island, see Goats or Oxen feeding alone, and seek to take them, they will not come at them, but fly from them as strangers: and when the Keepers discovering those which come from the ships, sounds his Trump, they make haste and run unto him: which put ignorant men in conceit, that the Beasts of this Island are wild, whereof Tymeus hath made dreams, writing impertinently▪  
It is no great wonder, that they obey the sound of the Trump. For they which breed Swine in Italy, have no Hogheards which follow them after the manner of Greece: 
The manner of breeding Swine in Italy.  but going before them a little space, they sound their Trumps, and the Swine follow them behind, running after the sound. These Beasts are so accustomed every one to his Trump, as it is a wonder and in a manner incredible to those that shall hear speak of it. For it happens that for the abundance of Swine, and other things necessary, the troops are in such great numbers in It●ly: especially in the ancient and among the Tyrrbeins and Gauls: so as of one breeding there are sometimes above a thousand. Wherefore they send them generally according to the age by troops in the Night: So as many being sent together, they cannot keep them according to their kind, and they mingle as well going and passing, as in their return.  
For this cause they have invented the sound of the Trump, to the end that when the Swine mingle, they may separate them without difficulty. When as the Hogheards march one way, and the other another, in sounding the Trump, the Swine part of themselves▪ every one following his own Trump with such great heat, as it is impossible to stay them, or to hinder their course. But when in Greece they mingle, hunting and running after Fruits, he that hath the greatest number and retires soon, carries with his own the next, and sometimes steals ●hem, he that hath the charge not knowing how he hath lost them: for that the Swine stray far from their Hogheards whilst they run greedily after the Fruits of Trees, when as they begin newly to fall. But we have spoken sufficiently.  
It hath often been my chance to go to the City of the Locrines, and to deliver them that which was necessary. 
The City of the Locrines.  I have made them free from the War of Spain and Dolmacia: to the which by accord they were subject by Sea to the Romans. Wherefore they have done us all honour and courtesy, in acknowledging to be freed from this trouble, danger, and charge. Wherefore I am more bound to praise the Locrines, then to do the contrary. Finally, I have not omitted to deliver and write the History of the Colony, which hath given us to understand, that Aristotle is more veritable than that which Tymeus reports. 
The Colony of the Locrines according unto Aristotle.  I am of their opinion which maintain the renown of this Colony to be ancient according to the saying of Aristotle, and not of Tymeus: for the which they produce these arguments: First that all things which have been famous among them for their Predecessors, are come from women and not from men: so as (by way of example) they are held amongst them for noble, which have taken their name from a hundred Families. These are the Families which the Locrine's made choice of, before they went to make a Colony: whereby it might happen, that by Oracles they cast Lots upon the Virgins to send them to Troy: Whereof some went in Colony, and their posterity was to be held Noble, and termed of the hundred Families.  
Again, for that which concerns him whom they call Philephore, they have made this report: That when as they chased the Sicilians, who then inhabited that part of Italy, the Nobles and Chief men then honoured the Sacrifices, and took many of the customs of the Country: so as they hold nothing of their Paternal, in observing that from them: and in correcting they have ordained that they should not make any of their Sons Philephore, but only a Virgin, in regard of the Nobility which came from Women. There was not, neither is it said, that their hath been any pactions or accords made betwixt the Locrines and the Grecians. In regard of the Sicilians, they had all that we have made mention of. They say, that when they came first into Sicily, they which then held that Region where they now dwell, being amazed and receiving them with fear, made an accord with them: which was, that they should maintain Friendship, and enjoy the Country in common as long as they should tread upon the Earth, and carry a head upon their shoulders. And when this kind of Oath was made, they say, that the Locrines did put earth into their shoes, and secretly hid the heads of Garlic: and having thus sworn, and finally cast the Earth out of their shoes, and likewise the heads of Garlic, soon after they chaste away the Sicilians out of the Country. This the Locrines did say.  
As a Rule although it hath less length and breadth, 
A defect in the Text.  yet it retains still the Name, if it hath that which is proper to a Rule: So they say, if it be not strait and having the property of a Rule, it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule: In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or use, or in any other of the parts which are proper unto them, observe the truth, they deserve the name of a History: But if that fails, they are no more worthy of that name. For my part, I confess, that such Commentaries are to be held for true: and I am of this opinion in every part of our Work, when I say, that even as when the Bones are separated from a living Creature, it is made unuseful, so is a History: For if thou takest away the truth, the rest will be but a vain Narration. We have said, that there were two kinds of lies, the one through ignorance, 
Two kinds of untruth.  the other which is delivered wittingly. The pardon is easy for those which through ignorance stray from the truth, and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly. As men of judgement resolving to revenge their enemies, do not first observe what their Neighbour deserves, but rather what they must do: the like we must think concerning dotracters, not caring for that which the Enemies ought to hear, but to observe carefully what it is fit to speak. They which measure all things according to their choler and envy, must of necessity fail in all, and stray from reason, when they speak otherwise then is fitting. Wherefore we do not seem unjustly to reprove the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares. In truth, he neither deserves pardon nor credit with any man, 
Tymeus reprehensible.  for that in wronging him openly, he strays from reason, in regard of his natural bitterness. Neither do the injuries against Agathocles please me, although he were the most cruel man living. I speak of those whereof he makes mention in the end of his History, 
Agathocles cruel.  saying, that Agathocles had been a public Sodomite in his younger years, and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons: and so to other foul villainies which he adds.  
Moreover, he saith, that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner: Why have not I thee, nor thou me? In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares, some will not only cry out, but wonder with reason at his excessive Rage. That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogative, it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held. He came to Sarragosse, flying the Wheel, Smoke, and Clay, being eighteen years old: And when he was come for this cause, sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily: He also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities, and ended his life with the Name of a King, after that he had grown old in this government. It is not then necessary to say, that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent, and that he had had great power, and great forces to execute all these things: And that a Historiographer must not only deliver unto posterity those things which concern the blame, and show the accusation, but also those which touch the praise of the man. This is the property of a History. But this Child blinded with his own rancour, in his relation augments through hatred his offences, omitting wholly the virtues: being ignorant that it is no less blame worthy than a lie in those which write the Histories of Actions.  
It happened saith he, 
A parcel corrupted.  that as two young men contended for a Servant, that he was somewhat long with a Friend: And when as the other two days before came out of the Country, in the absence of the Master the Servant retired speedily into the house: and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither, seizing on him, brought him into Question, saying, that the Master of the house ought to give Caution. For the Law of Zaleucus was, 
Zaleucus the Lawgiver.  that he deserved a suit to whom he had made the retreat. And when as the other said, that according to the same Law he had also made the retreat, for that the Body was parted to come unto the Potentate: he saith, that the Princes were in doubt upon this business, and called Cosmopole, 
Cosmopole.  referring themselves to him in this cause. Who interpreted this Law, saying that the retreat hath always been to him who had the last, or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction. But if any one spoilt another by force, and had retired it, and that subsequently he which first enjoyed it, terms himself the master, this is no true possession. And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence, said, that it was not the sense of the Law, Cosmopole protested, and offered the Condition, if there were any man that would speak any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Lalevens. The which is such, that the Captains Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men, 
A severe sentence.  they consulted upon the sense of the Law: if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense, he was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers. This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole, the Young man answered, that the Condition was unjust: for that Cosmopole had not above two or three years to live, (for he was about fourscore and ten years old) and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining. 
A wit●●nswer of a Young man.  For which witty and pleasant Speech he escaped the severity of the judgement: and the Princes judged according to the advice of Cosmopole.  
We will make mention of a certain expedition of War, 
Of the Voyage of Alexander against Darius Gal●sthenes  which hath been very famous, and decided in a very short time: In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath erted in that which doth most import: I speak of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius. In the which he saith that Alexander had past the straits, which they call the Ports of Cilicia; and that Darius took his way by the Ports which they call Menides, and drew with his Army towards Cilicia. And when he understood by the Inhabitants, that Alexander took his course towards Syria, he followed him: and when he approached unto the straits, he Camped near unto the River of Pyre. Finally, that the compass of that place was not above fourteen Furlongs from thence, and from the Sea unto the hilly Countries, and that the said River falls into the Sea, traversing the said places: First by the sides of the Mountain ending at the Plain, and then by the Field having his Banks rough and not easy to come unto.  
These things supposed, he said, that when as Alexander turning head, came near unto Darius, his advice and that of his Princes was to order his Battle within his Camp as he had formerly done, and to help himself with this River as with a Rampire, for that it ran near unto his Campe. Finally, he ordered his Horsemen upon the Sea-shoare, and upon their Rear the Mercenaries: so as near unto the River they were joined in one, and the Targetteers were placed in the Mountains. It is a difficult thing to consider how he ordered these before the Battalion: 
The reprehension of Calisthenes.  seeing that the River passed near unto the Camp, the multitude likewise being so great. They were as Calisthenes saith, thirty thousand Horse and as many Mercenaries.  
It is an easy thing to know what space will contain these. For they order their Ranks according to the true use of eight in a great Troop of Horse, every one requiring a space in Front, to the end they may turn easily. To eight hundred of which a Furlong sufficeth, and ten to eight Thousand, and four to three Thousand five hundred: So as this space of fourteen furlongs, is filled with twelve Thousand Horse. If then he hath ordered all this Troop of Horse in Battle, it wants not much but being tripled, the order hath been made without any space betwixt. In what place then hath he ordered the multitude of Soldiers, but in the Rear of the Horsemen? But he will say no, and that they fought with the Macedonians at their first coming. Of necessity there must be an uniting made, seeing that the order of the Horsemen held the moiety of the place towards the Sea, the other towards the Mountains being kept by the Mercenaries. Hereby we may infer, how close the Horse men were united, and what space there must be from the River unto the Campe. Then he saith, that when the Enemies approached, Darius being in the midst of his Army, called unto him the Mercenaries and their Wing. But we may doubt how this is spoken. For it is necessary that the Horsemen and Mercenaries should be joined about the midst of this same place. When as Darius was in the midst of his Mercenaries, how hath he called them? Finally he saith, that the Horsemen of the right Wing fought with Alexander at his first coming: and that he received them valiantly, and fought with them in front, and that the Combat of either side was very furious.  
In regard of that which was spoken by him that the River was in the midst (as a little before we have delivered) he hath forgotten himself. Finally, he writes things of Alexander like unto these. He saith that he passed into Asia, accompanied with forty Thousand foot, and four Thousand five hundred Horse. And as he would have advanced, there came unto him out of Macedony other five Thousand foot, and eight hundred Horse: And although that for the affairs of his long absence, he had left three thousand foot, and three hundred Horse, yet he had forty two thousand remaining. These things presupposed, he saith that Alexander was advertised of Darius' descent into Sicilia, so he was not above a hundred furlongs from him, and that he had already past the straits of the Country, and for this cause turning head he repast them again, putting the great Battalion in Front, than the Horsemen, and after all the rest of the baggage of the Army.  
And when he came afterwards into the plain, that all the baggage being packed up, he commanded that being mingled with the Battalion, they should make their ranks, containing first about two and thirty in number, then of sixteen, and of eight near the Enemy. These Speeches have less reason than the former. For as the furlong contains in these spaces sixteen hundred men, when a rank is of eighteen men, so as they be every one separated a Fathom, it is manifest and doth plainly appear that the ten will contain sixteen Thousand men, and twenty double the number. The which may easily appear, for that when as Alexander ordered his Army by sixteen men in a rank, it was very necessary that the place should be of twenty Furlongs, and yet all the Cavallerie remained and ten thousand Foot. Finally, he saith, that he led his whole Army in Front against the Enemies, being yet forty Furlongs off. But that is so strange, as we can hardly imagine any thing more insensible. Where shall we find such spaces in the Champion Country even in Cilicia, that a Battle set in order, holding twenty Furlongs in breadth, and forty in length, may march in the Front? There are so many hindrances to order this form of Battle, as they can hardly be numbered. Moreover, ●he sayings of Calisthenes give no sufficient arguments to purchase credit. For he saith, that the Torrents which fall from the Mountains, make so many and such great Moors and Fens, as he assures us that a great number of Persians perished there in the flight. But would Darius suddenly show himself against the Enemy? Is there nothing more easy than a Battalion broken and scattered in Front? But how much more easy is it to order a Battle in a convenient passage, then to lead an Army directly to fight, being broken and scattered in woody and crooked places? And therefore it were better to lead in Army close and united, and double rather than Quadruple.  
By this means it would not be impossible to find the means to pass, and to put the Battle in order, and with ease, if he might by his Scouts discover the coming of the Enemy. But Calisthenes besides the rest, order not the Horse men in Battle, when he led the Army in Field, being in Front, ordering the Footmen equally. It is also a strange thing when he saith, that Alexander being near the Enemy, comprehended the order of his Battalion of eight for a Rank: So it is manifest that necessarily the length of this Battalion contained the space of about forty Furlongs. But if they have been (as the Poet said) close together, so as they have been joined one to another: Yet it would be necessary, that the place should contain Twenty Furlongs. And yet he saith, there were but fourteen: and that in such sort, as one part was towards the Sea, and a moiety of the Army upon the right hand: and that moreover all the armed men had place sufficient on the side of the Mountains, to the end they might not be suppressed by the Enemy holding the borders of the Hills.  
We know well that he makes a crooked order within: But we also leave out ten thousand Foot, which exceeds the means which he hath given: So as the length of this Battalion according to Calisthenes, hath want of above twelve Furlongs, in the which it is necessary that thirty two thousand men, containing a restraint of thirty in a Rank being joined, have been there comprehended. He saith, that this Battalion was ordered after the Rate of eight in a Rank. These errors doubtless cannot be defended, for that which is impossible in itself, is not worthy of credit. As often as we have respect unto the spaces due unto every man, and to the length of all the place, and to the number of men, the lie were no excusable. It were loss of time to repeat all his fooleries.  
He saith, that Alexander thirsted after a Battle against Darius, and that Darius was of the same opinion in the beginning, and afterwards changed his resolution. He doth not show how they knew one another, nor what order they observed in their Army, nor whether Darius, past: Neither finally, how the Battalions came to the River side, seeing it was crooked and height. Without doubt we cannot believe that Alexander committed so gross an error: seeing that from his Infancy he had gotten so great experience and practise in the Art of War. 
An excuse of Alexander upon Calisthenes.  We must rather think that the Historiographer could not through ignorance discern things possible from the impossible in these affairs. But we have spoken sufficient at this time of Ephorus and Calisthenes.  
First he is of Opinion, that they must advertise those of the Council, that the Trumpets awakes sleepers during the War, and Birds in the time of Peace. Finally, he saith, that Hercules instituted the Olympic Combats, and the truce and abstinence from War: and that by this means he hath showed a sign of his will. In regard of those against whom he made War, he annoyed them all through necessity, and for Command: but he was never willingly the Author of any harm to man. He consequently brings in Inpiter angry with Mars, and saying, 
Most sure thou owest to me the least goodwill  
of all the Gods that haunt Olympus' Hill:  
Thou tak'st no pleasure but to war and fight,  
In brawls and quarrels is thy chief delight.   
He Writes likewise, that the Wisest of the Divine Gods saith thus, 
Bad Citizens who will not when they may,  
Stop civil strife: fall often to decay.   
And that Euripides is of the same Opinion with this Poet, when he saith, 
Blessed Peace, the best of Goddesses that be,  
Oh how much in my heart I honour thee.  
If thou deny thy presence by delay,  
I fear grim Death will snatch me hence away,  
Haste then that I may futurely be blessed  
With sports and renels that adorn a Feast.   
He saith moreover, that War is very like unto a Disease, and Peace to Health. 
The War like unto a Disease.  The which doth comfort and recreate the sick: whereas in the other the sound perish. Finally, that old men are buried by young according to the order of Nature: But in the War the contrary happens. And that it is strange thing, that there is no   

A PARCEL OF the Thirteenth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
AS the desires of such as are troubled with the Dropsy are never satisfied, not taken away by any exterior humour, if the interior disposition of the Body be not cured: So the concupiscence to have much is never satisfied, if the vice which lies in the heart be not by some reason corrected. There falls out something like in the Desire of fraud, which no man living will confess to be royal: although that some at this day hold it necessary to manage affairs by deceit for to reign. The Acheins avolde it much. For they were estranged from deceits towards their Friends to advance their power, 
The Acheins free from fraud  as they would not vanquish their Enemies: holding it neither noble nor firm, if they did not vanquish by prowess and in open fight. Wherefore they ordained among themselves, that no man should make use of hidden Arms, thinking that an open Combat hand to hand was the true determining of War. Finally, they declared themselves unto their Enemies, and and signified the War, when they are once resolved to undergo the danger of a Battle; the like they did of the places where they would decide it.  
But at this day they say, he is no good Commander that executes any enterprise of War openly. There is yet remaining in the Romans some Relics of the ancient humour in such affairs. They signify it before, and they seldom use any Ambushes, fight readily hand to hand. Let these words be spoken against the affection which is much more ready, then is needful, in malicious practices, policies and ambushes among Princes, as well in affairs of War as Policy.  

Of Philip.  
PHilip had instructed and commanded Heraclides to consider how he might annoy and ruin the Rhodien ships, and had sent an Ambassador to the Candiots to draw them and to incense them to make War against them. 
Heraclides malicious.  Heraclides was a man fit for malicious practices, thinking likewise that Philip's Commandment being accepted would be gainful, soon after when he had considered thereon, 
The vices of Heraclides.  he sailed against the Rhodiens. This Heraclides was borne at Tarentum, issued from a Race of Artisans, but wonderfully given to villainies and malice. First he prostituted his Body publicly in his younger years: and as he afterwards grew subtle, he had the charge of the Register, being to the poor severe and audacious, and towards Great men a flattering Courtier. Yet he was chaste out of his Country, as if he had sought secretly to deliver the City of Tarentum to the Romans, when he had no power in the government: He was an Architect, and by reason of some building of the Walls, he had in his hands the Keys of a Gate which bends to the Mediterranean Coast. But when he was retired to the Romans, and had again written to Tarentum to Hannibal, and had sent thither, he fled to Philip being discovered, and foreseeing what would succeed: with whom he had so much credit and authority, as he was in a manner the Author of the subversion of a great Kingdom. 
The force of truth.  But the nature of the greatest of the Goddesses seems to show the truth unto men, and to give them great forces: so as although she be opposed by all men, and that sometimes all kind of persuasions accompanied with lies be armed against her, yet she slips I know not how of herself into the fantasies of men, so as sometimes she suddenly raiseth her forces: and sometimes after she hath been long hidden, she comes to light and discovers untruth.  
When as Nabis Tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, 
Nabis Tyrant of the Lacedæmonians.  had three years enjoyed the Principality of Lacedaemon, he had not attempted any thing, neither durst he make trial: For that lately Machanides had been slain by the Acheins: But he laid the first foundations of a long and grievous tyranny. He utterly ruined some of the Lacedæmonians, banishing those which were Noble or Rich, or had any honour from their Ancestors, giving their substance and Wives to other Noble men, and to Mercenaries. Who were Murderers, thieves, Robbers, and breakers of houses. Finally, this kind of men (to whom the Country was forbidden, in regard of their wickedness and villainies) were by him carefully drawn together from all the parts of the Earth, of whom he held himself Prince and King. He had Lanciers for the guard of his Body, by whom it plainly appeared that his wickedness and power would be of long continuance. Besides the said things he was not satisfied with the banishmen of Citizens, but moreover he left not any place safe for Fugitives, not any certain refuge. He slew some upon the way, sending after them, and killed others in their return. Finally, in Cities (where the Fugitives did remain) he hired houses near unto them by men not suspected, sending Candiots thither: who making holes in the Wall, slew them with Arrows, or at the Windows, the Fugitives standing there, or else being at their Meare in their houses: so as these miserable Lacedæmonians had no place of refuge, nor time assured.  
He hath by this means ruined many. He dressed up an Engine, if it may be so termed: It was the Image of a Woman richly attired, the form whereof was like unto the Wife of Nabis, and very well painted. When he called any Citizens, meaning to exact money from them, at their first entrance he used courteous and mild speeches, speaking of the fear of the Acheins near unto the City and Region: He likewise declared the multitude of Soldiers which he entertained for their safety, and finally the charges he was at for the Gods, and the public good of the City. If by this Speech he persuaded them, than he had them ready at his devotion; but if any one refusing would not give care unto him, he added these words: peradventure thou canst not persuade thyself: 
Apege the Wife of Nabis.  Yet I think this Apege (which was the Name of his Wife) will do it. After this speech, the Image was presented: and when he rise out of his Chair, he embraced it as his Wife, and approached it near unto his bosom. This Image had the Elbows and Hands full of Nails under the garment, and likewise near the Paps, and when he touched the back of the Image with his hand, he extended it unto the breast, and led it by the handling of Instruments: and by this means he forced the Image in a short time, to pronounce any kind of voice. Upon this occasion he ruined many of those which refuse to obey him.    

A PARCEL OF the Fourteenth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
THe Consuls were careful of these affairs. Publius Scipio wintered in Africa, who being advertised that the Carthaginians prepared an Army to Sea, 
Utica besieged by Scipio.  he did the like, yet omitting nothing concerning the Siege of Bysarthe: neither did he wholly despair of Sophax or Syphax, sending often unto him, for that their Armies were not far distant, persuading himself that he might retire him from the alliance of the Carthaginians. He despaired not but that he was now glutted with Pedisca, for whose sake he held the Carthaginians party: 
Pedisca the wife of Syphax,  and in like manner of the friendship which he had with the Phoenicians, as well for their natural discontent against the Numidians, as for their prevarication both against God and Men. Whilst he ruminated of many things with a variable hope for the future, for that he feared a danger by Strangers, knowing that the Enemy increased much, he resolved in the end upon this occasion. Some of those which he had sent to Syphax, related unto him, that the Carthaginians besides their Winter-tents, had their Lodgings made of Wood and Leaves, and among the Numidians, the Princes had them of Reeds, and they of the Cities there assembled of Leaves: Some being of the Ditch and Palisado, and others without.  
Scipio having a conceire, that if he assailed their Camp by fire, it would be a surprise unexpected by the Enemy, and of great effect for him, inclined unto it. In regard of Syphax, he intended by his Embassies which he sent unto Scipio, to settle a Peace, so as the Carthaginians should leave Italy, and the Romans Africa: and that either of them should enjoy that which they held: which things being formerly heard, he had not accepted: but at that time he advertised the Numidian by an Embassy in few words, that the proposition made by him was not impossible. So as Syphax having great hope, solicited a parley often. This done, there were many and frequent Embassies.  
It happened that sometimes they met without Guards, and Scipio always sent men of great judgement with his Ambassadors: for whom he had prepared Military habits, which were base, poor, and servile, to discover and view the entries and issues of the two Camps. 
The Camp of Asdrubal of 30000. Foot and 3000. Horse.  There were in truth two: the one of Asdrubal, containing thirty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse: the other which was ten Furlongs off, was of Numidians, having ten thousand Horse, and about fifty thousand Foot. These had the approach more easy, 
The Camp of Syphax of 10000 Horse, and 50000. Foot.  and the Lodgings more fit to burn: for that the Numidians used no Timber nor Earth, but only Reeds and Canes to make their Lodgings.  
And for that the Spring was come, Scipio having inquired of all the preparations of the Enemy, he causeth his ships to float, and puts Engines into them as it were to besiege Bysarthe by Sea. Moreover, he seized upon a Hill near unto the City with about two thousand Foot, to the end he might put a conceit into the Enemy, that all this was done for the Siege: Yet in truth he made this Guard, until he might have an opportunity to execute his Enterprise, to the end that the Armies being out of their Camps, the Garrison of the City should not dare to sally forth, nor assail the Palisado being near, nor besiege those which were there in the Guard.  
This preparation being ready, he sent to Syphax, to demand of him if he would conclude the Articles, and whether the Carthaginians did like of them: and that he should propound nothing more concerning the accord, giving also charge to the Ambassadors not to return without answer upon these Differences. Being come unto the Numidian, their charge being heard, he consented, for that Scipio was ready to conclude this Accord: and withal the Ambassadors told him, that they would not depart before they carried back an Answer from him.  
But being in great fear and doubt that the Carthaginians would not give consent, he sent with all speed unto Asdrubal, advertising him of that which was treated, with many persuasions to accept of the Peace. Syphax was negligent and careless, and suffered the Numidians which he had drawn together, to lodge without the Campe.  
This Scipio did in show, but he was careful of the preparations. And when as the Carthaginians had advertised Syphax to conclude the accord, rejoicing thereat, he signified it presently to the Ambassadors: who being returned to their Camp, acquainted Scipio with that which the King had done. These things being heard, he presently sends back an Embassy to Syphax, to tell him, that he liked well of the accord, and desired a peace: but the Senate and Council were not of that Opinion, saying, that they would pursue their Enterprise. The Embassy came to Syphax, and declared these things unto him. Scipio had sent these Ambassadors, to the end he should not seem to have broken the accord, if during a parley of Peace, he should attempt any Enterprise of an Enemy: conceiving that having signified this unto the Enemy, whatsoever he should do would be blameless. Syphax was much discontented with this news, considering the hope he had of a Peace: He goes to Asdrubal, acquainting him with that which the Romans had signified unto him: whereupon doubting, they consulted how they should carry themselves, but they were far from knowing the resolution and design of the future accidents. As for standing upon their guard, or to believe that any disaster or misfortune were at their Gates, they had no thought thereof.  
It is true, their whole intent was to draw the Enemy into the Plain. Scipio gave many presumptions by his preparation and summation, that he had some Enterprise against Bysarthe, Finally, about Noon he sends for the Captains Milleniers, whom he held for his loyal Friends, and acquaints them with his intent, giving them charge, that an hour after Dinner they should put the Army in Battle before the Palisado, when as all the Trumpets according to custom had given the Sign. 
A custom of the Romans during their repast.  The Romans have a custom, that during the repast, all the Trumpets and Clairons sound before the General's Tent: to the end that during that time they should set watches in convenient places. When he had retired his Spies which he had sent unto the Enemy's Camp, he confers and examines the Reports of the Ambassadors, and considers of the approaches of the Camp, 
Massanissa.  making use therein of the advice and council of Massanissa for the knowledge of the places. And when as all things were ready for the Execution, 
Scipio draws to the Enemies Campe.  he marcheth with his Army directly towards the Enemy, the first Watch being changed, leaving a sufficient number to guard the Campe. They were threescore Furlongs off.  
And when they were come unto them about the end of the third Watch, he delivers half the Army to Caius Lelyus', with all the Numidians, giving them charge to assail Syphax Camp, and persuading them to carry themselves like brave men, and not to attempt any thing rashly, holding for certain that the more their sight is hindered by darkness, the more courage and confidence they should have to finish Nocturnal assaults. Finally, he assails Asdrubal with the rest of the Army. Yet his purpose and resolution was not to put it into execution, before that Lelius had first set fire of the Enemies. 
Lelius assails Syphax his Camp by fire.  Being thus resolved, he marcheth a flow pace. Lelius on the other side dividing his Army in two, assails the Enemies suddenly. But as the lodgings were built in such sort, as if they had of purpose been destinated for the fire, where the first had cast the fire, and consumed all the first Tents, it fell out so as they could not succour this Disaster: Both for that the lodgings stood close together, and for the abundance of stuff wherewith they were built. Lelius stood still in Battle: But Massanissa knowing the Country, placed Soldiers upon the passages, by the which they which fled from the fire, must retire. Not any of the Numidians understood that which was done, nor Syphax himself, thinking this fire had been accidental. Wherefore they go rashly out of their lodgings and Tents, some being yet asleep, and others drinking: So as many were crushed in pieces by them at the sally of the Palisado, and and many were burnt: In regard of those which fled the flames, they were all slain, falling into the Enemy's hands, not knowing what should befall them, nor what to do.  
When at the same time the Carthaginians saw this great fire and high flames, thinking the Numidians Palisado was on fire, some went presently to help them: all the rest ran out of the Camp without Arms, standing before their Palisado amazed, they expected what the end would be. 
Scipio sets Hasdrubals Camp on fire.  When as things succeeded according to Scipio's intent, he falls upon those which were come out of the Camp, and pursuing others into it, he presently sets fire on their lodgings. The like happened to the Phoenicians, as well by fire as by other miseries and misfortunes, where with the Numidans were afflicted.  
But when as Asdrubal had discovered by the event, that this fire of the Numidians was not accidental, but by the policy and courage of the Enemy, he ceased suddenly from giving Succours, making haste to save himself, for that there was little hope remaining. The fire suddenly wasted and consumed all: There were no more passages for Horses, Sumpters, and men, among the which some were half dead, and burnt with the fire, others were terrified and amazed, so as they which made preparation to defend themselves valiantly, were hindered, neither was there any means of hope, by reason of the trouble and confusion.  
The like happened to Syphax and to the other Commanders. But either of them escaped with some few Horses: the rest of the Troops of Men, Horses, and Sumpters, perished miserably by this fire. Some were ignominiously slain by the Enemy after they had fled the violence of the fire, and defeated not only without Arms, but naked and without apparel. Finally, all the place of these Camps was full of howling, horrible cries, fear, and unusual noise: and moreover with a violent flaming fire: Either of the which had been sufficient to amaze and terrify humane Nature, and the rather for that these things happened contrary unto all hope. Wherefore it is not possible for any man living to imagine this accident, considering the greatness: for that it hath exceeded the policy of all precedent actions. And although that Scipio hath performed many deeds of prowess and valour, yet this seems to be the most excellent and hardy of them all. At the break of day the Enemies being some defeated, and others fled with amazement, he gave charge to the Commanders to pursue the Chase.  
The Chief of the Carthaginians budged not in the beginning, although he were advertised by many: The which he did, relying upon the fortification of the City. But when he saw the Mutiny of the Inhabitants among themselves, 
The flight of Asdrubal.  he fled, accompanied with those which had escaped with him, fearing the coming of Scipio. He had five hundred Horse, and about two thousand Foot. The Inhabitants being agreed, yielded themselves to the Romans. Whom Scipio pardoned, abandoning the spoil of two Neighbour Cities to the Soldiers. These things being thus decided, he returned to his first Campe. The Carthaginians were discontented, that the hope which they had conceived in the beginning, had succeeded so contrary. They expected to have besieged the Romans (enclosed within the Fort of Bysarthe, where they had wintered) as well by Sea as Land. And when they had all their preparations ready, they were not only destitute of their Camps, so inconsiderately delivered to their Enemies, but it seemed they should all perish with their Country: For this cause they were amazed with great fear and faintness of heart.  
And when as the affairs pressed them to consider prudently of the future and eminent danger, the Senate was full of doubt, and of diverse confused thoughts: Some said, they must send to Hannibal, and call him out of Italy, 
The Carthaginian Senate ho●●●● Council.  for that all their hope consisted in that Commander, and the Army which he had: Others were of advice they should send to Scipio to obtain a truce, and to parley of an accord and agreement: some would have them to be of good courage, and to levy an Army, and finally to send to Syphax. He was fled far unto Abbe, drawing together those which escaped from the danger: which advice was resolved. Wherefore they levy men, and send to Asdrubal to that end, and likewise to Syphax, entreating him to give them Succours, and to observe the conventions according to their first purpose, promising him that their Commander should presently join with his Army.  
The Roman General followeth the Siege of Bysarthe the which he did the rather, for that he was advertised that Syphax continued in his first resolution, 
Scipio attends the Siege of Bysarthe.  and that the Carthaginians levied a new Army. For this cause he raised his Camp and besieged Bysarthe. When he had divided the spoil, he chased away the Merchants upon good advice. For the Soldiers careless of the present commodity of goods: for that the hope of profits which grew by their good fortune was apparent, they had intelligence with the Merchants.  
It seemed very fit to the King of Numidia and his Friends at the first sight, that they should retire to their houses: But when the Celtiberians arrived near unto Abbe, 
4000 Celtiberians come to succour the Carthaginians.  who being entertained, were above four thousand men, the Carthaginians grew assured, and by little and little recovered their spirits, relying upon these Troops. Moreover, when as Pedisca the Daughter of Asdrubal, and Wife to Syphax, (of whom we have spoken) entreated him with all affection that he would not abandon the Carthaginians for the present: The Numidian yielded to her entreaties. The Celtiberians put no small hope into the Carthaginians. For although they were but four thousand, yet they said, they were ten thousand. Finally, they promised to be insupportable in the fight, as well for their courage as their Arms. The Carthaginians grown proud with this common bruit, were more confident to recover their Camps.  
Finally, they set up their Palisado within thirty days near unto the Plain called the Great, and there they planted their Camp, accompanied with the Numidians and Celtiberians, being in number thirty thousand men. When the news came unto the Romans Camp, Scipio presently prepared to part. And when he had sent to those which held the Siege before Bysarthe, and to the others which were at Sea, informing them what they were to do, he marched towards the Enemy, having all his Bands furnished with the most valiant men. 
Scipio draws towards the Enemy.  Being come on the fifth Day to this great Plain, and approaching near the Enemy, he camped the first Day upon a Hill, thirty Furlongs distant from them, the Day following he descends into the Plain, sending the Horsemen before within seven Furlongs, and there settles his Camp again.  
After two Day's expectance, when they had skirmished of either side to come to a Battle, either of them in the end drew to Field, and put their men in order. Scipio first of all placeth in Front his forlorn hope, 
The order of Battle of the Romans Army.  according to their custom: After which he appoints the Principals, and in the third place the Triarij in the Rearward. As for the Horsemen, he order the Italians on the right hand, and Massanissa with the Numidians on the left. 
The order which Syphax and Asdrubal held.  Syphax and Asdrubal set the Celtiberians in the midst, against the Romans Bands, the Numidians on the left hand, and the Carthaginians on the right. Suddenly when the Combat began, 
The beginning of the Battle.  the Numidians were repulsed by the Roman Horsemen, and the Carthaginians (as they had often before) losing courage, were overthrown by Massanissa's Company. Yet the Celtiberians fought valiantly against the Romans: for they had no hope of safety remaining for the ignorance of the places, neither yet if they were taken, considering their unjust War. For seeing that Scipio during the War of Spain, had not offended them, it seemed against reason, and a disloyalty to give succours to the Carthaginians. But when the Wings began to give back, they were in a manner all slain, being enclosed by the Principals and the Triarij. Thus the Celtiberians perished, 
The defeat of the Celtiberians.  who were a great help to the Carthaginians, not only in the fight, but also in the flight, for if they had not entertained the Romans, and that the Chase had been suddenly followed, few of the Enemies had escaped: but as their resistance caused the stay, Syphax retired safely with his Horsemen into his Country, and Asdrubal to Carthage, 
Syphax retires in safety.  with the rest which escaped. When as the Roman General had given order for the spoils and Prisoners, 
The adulec of the Romans.  calling a Counsel, he consulted what there was to do. Whereupon it was thought fit that Scipio should with part of the Army assail the Towns, and Lelyus' with Massinissa accompanied by the Numidians and part of the Roman Army pursues Syphax, 
The pursuit of the Romans after Syphax.  and not give him leisure to make any new preparations. These things thus resolved they separate themselves, and some go against Syphax with their Soldiers, and the General against the Cities: whereof some yielded to the Romans for fear, and others being forced by siege. At that time the whole Region wavered and were ready to revolt, having been cruelly tormented and vexed during the length of the Wars of Spain.  
In regard of Carthage, as formerly there was great inconstancy, so now there was greater trouble and combustion, for that having heard and seen this Wound the second time, they grew desperate in themselves. It is true that they among the Counsellors which seemed to have greatest Courage, 
divers opinions of the Carthaginians concerning their War.  commanded that they should sail against those which laid siege to Bysarthe, and to make a trial if they might raise the siege, and to fight with the Enemy at Sea, as being ill furnished. They required also that they should send for Hannibal, and rely upon that hope: and that there was reasonable occasions of safety by these two attempts. Some said, that the time would not allow it, and that they must fortify and furnish the City for a siege: And that being of one consent, the accident would minister occasions. Some also advice to make an Accord and League, whereby they should free themselves of the eminent dangers.  
As there were many opinions upon this business, they confirm them all together. Wherefore this was their Resolution, they that were to sail into Italy, parting from the Senate should go presently to Sea: The Pilots likewise should prepare that which concerns the ships: And the rest for the safety of the City, having a daily care for particular things. But when as the Roman Army was enriched with booty, and that no man made any resistance, Scipio resolves to send the greatest part of the booty to the first baggage: And taking the ablest and most active Bands to seek to force the Enemy's palisado, He therefore (having a good courage) seated his Camp in view of the Carthaginians. He had a conceit that by this means he should amaze and terrify them.  
The Carthaginians having in few days given order for all the Equipage, Victuals, and munition of their Ships, they meant to weigh Anchor, and to execute their Resolution. 
Tunie taken by Scipio.  Scipio came to Tunis: and although that they which had fled thither kept the approaches, yet he took it. Tunis is distant from Carthage six score Furlongs, and is to be seen in a manner by all the City: Moreover it is strong aswell by Nature as by Art: The Carthaginians embarked, and came to Bys●rthe.  
Scipio seeing the Enemy's Army at Sea, was troubled, fearing lest his should fall into some inconnenience, having not suspected it, neither was it ready nor prepared for that which might happen. Wherefore turning head, he raised his Camp, seeking to give order for his affairs.  
When he perceived his covered ships, well provided to carry the instruments, and conveniently to raise the siege, but ill apppointed for a Combat at Sea, and that those of the Enemies had been during the Winter instructed and prepared; he was out of hope to make head against them, and to come to fight: Yet he prepared the covered Vessel, and environed them with three or four ranks of Merchant's ships.  
The remainder is wanting.   

A PARCEL OF the Fifteenth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  
SCipio was impatient, that the means to get Victuals was not only taken from him, but there was plenty with the Enemy: But he seemed to be much more grieved that the Carthaginians had broken their Oath and Accord, making War again. Wherefore he made choice for Ambassadors of Lucius Servinus, Lucius Citinus, 
Lucius Sir vinus Lucius Citinus, and Lucius Fabius sent Ambassadors to Carthage.  and Lucius Fabius, and sent them to speak unto the Carthaginians upon this late Action, and also to signify unto them, that the people of Rome had confirmed their Accords, for they had lately brought Letters unto Scipio containing the said Articles. When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage, they were first brought unto the Senate, and afterwards to many others, 
A remonstrance of the Roman Ambassadors to the Carthaginians.  where they discoursed freely of the present Affairs. First they put them in mind, how their Ambassadors being arrived at Tunis, and were come into the assembly of the Council, they had not only Sacrificed to the Gods, in bending down to the ground, as other men are accustomed to do: But moreover (prostrating themselves humbly) they had kissed their feet: And when they were risen again, had acknowledged their fault to have broken the Accord concluded in the beginning with the Romans, and that for this cause they confessed, that they were not ignorant, that they were lustily tormented and that they entreated that by the Fortune of Humans, they might not be forced to suffer things that were not to be repaired, and that by this means their indiscretion and rashness would make the Romans bounty Commendable. The Ambassadors say, that at the repetition of these things, the Chief and Councillors which were then present in Counsel, were amazed and wondered, with what impudence they forgot things that were then spoken, and durst in manner break the Covenants sworn. It is in a manner manifest, that upon the confidence they had in Hannibal and his forces, they had presumed to do these things, but inconsiderately. Finally, it was apparent to all the World, that flying the last year out of all Italy, and being shut up through their faintness in the Country of Lacinium, and in a manner besieged, they are fallen at this day to that as they are hardly in safety: And although that as Victors they would present themselves, and try with us the fortune of the War, who have vanquished you in two following Battles, yet they must not hold the future for certain: Nor yet think of the Victory, but rather fear to be frustrated again. And if that happened, to what Gods would they make their prayers and vows? In what Language would they speak, to move the Victors to a Commiseration of their calamity? Seeing that with reason all hope would be taken away, aswell with the Gods as men. These things thus propounded, the Ambassadors forthwith depart.  
Some of the Carthaginians were of opinion that the Accord should not be broken: The greatest part aswell of Burgesses as Senators, disliked that to the Accord there were some grievances added, and they were much discontented at the hard reprehension of the Ambassadors. Moreover they could not restore the ships which had been broken, nor repay the Charges. They were likewise fed with no small hope of Hannibal's Victory. One part of them were of opinion to send away the Roman Ambassadors without answer. The Burgesses (whose intention was howsoever to renew the Warne) consulting among themselves practised in this manner. We must (said they) give order that the Ambassadors may be safely sent back to their Campe. Wherefore they presently prepare two Galleys for their return. But they advertise Asdrubal Chief of their Army at Sea, 
A Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Ambassadors.  entreating him to keep some vessels ready near unto the Romans Camp: to the end that when the Mariners should abandon the Ambassadors, these other should board them, and cast them into the Sea. The Army at Sea had joined to the Romans upon the flat near unto Bysarthe.  
When they had acquainted Asdrubal with these things they dismiss the Romans: And give charge unto the Mariners of the Galleys, that when they had past the River of Macre, they should suffer the Romans to Sail towards the Mountain; for from thence they might visibly discover the Enemies Campe. When the Mariners had Conducted the Ambassadors, and according to their charge had crossed the River, they turn head, having bid the Romans farewell. Lucius in truth suspected no harm, but thinking to be thus left at Sea by the Mariners through disdain, he was much incensed. Whilst they sailed alone, the Carthaginians present themselves with three Galleys, which assail the Roman Quinquereme, not able to annoy it nor board it, through the great resistance which they made: And that fight in Front and upon the flank, they annoyed the Soldiers with great slaughter of them: until being seen by those which spoiling the Maritine Country, came running from their Camp to the Sea shore, they ran the Galley a shore. It is true, many of the Company were slain, but the Ambassadors escaped beyond all hope.  
These things happening, the Wary was again renewed with greater violence and cruelty then before. The Romans intended with great Courage to vanquish the Carthaginians, seeing the faith violated. The Carthaginians likewise fearing themselves guilty of that which they had committed, were careful not to fall into the Enemy's subjection. Their courages being such, it was apparent that this must be decided by a Battle: For this cause not only Italy and Africa, but also Spain Sicily and Sardinia, were troubled and ravished in their judgements, attending the end. And when at the same time Hannibal was destitute of Horses, he sent to one Tycheus a Numidian allied to Syphas, who seemed to have the most valiant of all the African horse, persuading him to give him succours, and he should be a sharer in the Action, 
Hannibal sends to Tycheus.  knowing that if the Carthaginians vanquished, his principality would remain safe and entire. But if the Romans prevailed, his life itself willbe in danger, in regard of the ambition of Massanissa. Being thus persuaded, he comes unto Hannibal with about two Thousand Horse.  
When as Scipio had fortified his Fleet at Sea, and left Bobias for Lieutenant, he spoilt the Cities, refusing to receive any that offered themselves willingly, making them slaves, 
Athia Lieutenant at Sea for Scipio.  and showing the indignation which he had conceived against the Enemies in regard of the faith broken by the Carthaginians. Finally, he sends continually to Massanissa, letting him understand how the Carthaginians had broken the Accords, entreating him to assemble the greatest Army that possibly he could, and to join with him, according unto their conventions. Massanissa after the conclusion of the Accord, was gone with an Army accompanied with ten Ensigns of Romans, aswell Horse as foot, not only to recover his own Country, but also to seize upon those of Syphax with the help of the Romans. Finally it happened that the Ambassadors sent back from Rome Landed at that time at the maritine palisado of the Romans, 
The Carthaginian Ambassadors stayed by Ethias.  Suddenly Bebias sends his men to Scipio, and retains the Carthaginians, being sad and supposing to be in wonderful danger.  
When as they were advertized of the cruelty of the Carthaginians towards the Roman Ambassadors, they held not themselves secure from punishment. When as Scipio understood what had been done, that the Senate and people of Rome had confirmed the agreement which he had made with the Carthaginians, and that they were ready to do that which he advised them, he was wonderful glad. Moreover, he commands Bebias to send back the Carthaginian Ambassadors to their Houses with all favour and courtesy: Using therein a good advice (in my opinion) with a wise consideration in what great esteem his Country held their faith with Ambassadors. He made his reckoning that the punishment deserved by the Carthaginians did not merit so great a respect, then that which the honour of the Romans required to be done. Wherefore refraining his Choler and indignation, conceived for the offence of the Carthaginians, he laboured to observe that which they say in the Proverb, That we must cleave unto the duties of our Elders. By this means he won the hearts of all the Carthaginians, and surmounted Hannibal and their madness by his Loyalty.  
When as the Carthaginians saw their Towns forced, 
The Carthaginians pre●●e Hannibal.  they sent to Hannibal that he should delay no longer, but present himself unto the Enemy, and decide their affairs by a battle. Hannibal hearing these things, made answer to those that came unto him, that he would consider thereon, and make choice of a fit time, to the end he might not seem negligent. Some days after he raiseth his Camp from Adrumetum, and marching he Camps near unto Zama, which is a City five day's journey from Carthage towards the West. From thence he sent three Spies, 
The Clemency of Scipio, unto Hannibal's spies.  desirous to know where the Romans campt, and how they govern things which concern the Situation of a camp. When these Spies were brought to Scipio General of the Romans, he was so fa●re from punishing them, as others usually do, as chose he gave charge to a Captain Milleniere, to show them plainly what soever was done in the Campe. Which being done, he demands, if the Commissary had showed them all things carefully. The which when they had confessed, he sent them back with Victuals and Guides, commanding them to relate carefully unto Hannibal what they had seen.  
This Action causing Hannibal to wonder at the magnanimity and confidence of the man, he conceived an humour to parley with Scipio. The which when he had resolved, he sent a Trumpet, saying that he desired to Treat with him concerning all their differences. Scipio having heard this from the Trumpet, consented, saying, that he would signify unto him the place and the hour, when and where he would parley. These things being heard by the Trumpet he returns unto his Campe. The day following Massanissa arrives with six Thousand foot, 
The coming of Massanissa to Scipio's Camp.  and almost as many Horse: Whom when as Scipio had entertained courteonsly, and showed him great signs of favour, for that he had made all those subject which had formerly obeyed Syphax, he forthwith raiseth his Camp: And when he came unto the City of Margara, and had found a commodious place, and had appointed the warring within a Bows shot, he planted his Camp there: And from thence he gave notice (by certain convenient Messengers) unto the Chief of the Carthaginians, that he was ready to parley about their differences.  
The which Hannibal hearing, he presently marcheth with his camp, and approaches so near, as he was within thirty furlongs of the Romans: Sitting down upon a certain Hill, which besides the Watering, was for all other things commodious and sufficient enough: In truth it was something far, and therefore troublesome unto the Soldiers. The day following the two Commanders, accompanied with some few Horsemen go out of their Camps, 
The interview of Hannibal and Scipio.  and again they separate themselves from their Companies, meeting alone in an indifferent place with an Interpreter. Hannibal began first in these terms. I wish said he, the Romans had never desired any thing out of Italy, nor the Carthaginians out of the limits of Africa: either of them no doubt have great bounds, and as it were limited by Nature 
Hannibal's Speech to Scipio.  And as we have made War, first for the difference of Sicily, then again for Spain: and that finally, Fortune being averse against us, our Country hath been in danger, and we are now in peril: The question is, whether there be any means to end this present difference after we have pacified the Gods.  
For my part I am ready, having made trial how inconstant Fortune is, and how by little and little she inclineth sometimes to the one, and sometimes to the other, as if she were governed by Children. I am in doubt in regard of thee, as well for thy great youth, as for that all things have succeeded according to thy desire, as well in Africa as in Spain, having never yet felt the violence and fury of Fortune, so as happily thou dost give no credit to my words although they be true. Yet consider the condition of these things, which not only concern our Ancestors, but even ourselves. I am that Hannibal, who after the Battle near unto Cans, being Lord in a manner of all Italy, approached near unto Rome, and planted my Camp within forty Furlongs, studying what I should do with you and your Country.  
Now I come into Africa to thee a Roman, to confer with thee of my lafety, and of that of the Carthaginians. I pray thee consider this, and grow not proud, but courteously confer of the present affairs: that is, that thou wouldst choose of good things the greatest, and of bad the least. What man of judgement will make choice of the danger which is near him, if he observe it well? For the which if thou obtainest the Victory, thou shalt much increase thy glory, and that of thy Country: whereas if thou be'st vanquished, thou shalt utterly lose through thine own fault all thy pomp and magnificence, and precedent commodity.  
But to what end do I use these words? To this, that all that for the which we have formerly contended, may remain to the Romans, as Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, and that the Carthaginians in regard thereof may never make War against them. The like also to be done of the other Lands which lie betwixt Italy and Africa, and let them belong to the Romans. I believe confidently, that these accords and agreements will hereafter bring safety to the Carthaginians, and to thee and the Romans great glory and honour. Thus much spoke Hannibal.  
Scipio answering to these things, 
Scipio's answer to Hannibal.  the Romans said, they have not been the Authors, but the Carthaginians, of the War which hath passed for Sicily, nor of that of Spain: whereof they must know that Hannibal had been the chief Author, and that the Gods are witnesses, whom I pray to impart the virtue, not to those which are the Authors of outrages, but to those that defend themselves. Yet I consider what the Nature of Fortune is, and with all my power have searched into humane affairs. If before the Romans passage into Africa, and that parting out of Italy thou hadst propounded these accords, I am of Opinion thou hadst not been frustrated of thy hope. But now thou hast abandoned Italy against thy will, and that being in Africa, we have held our Camp in the open Plain, it is manifest that matters are much changed. Withal (which is a great matter) we are come hither, thy Citizens being partly vanquished, and suing for a peace, we have passed in writing the accords that were sworn, in the which (besides that which thou now propoundest) these Articles were comprehended: that the Carthaginians should have no covered vessels, that they should pay three Millions of Gold, restore the Captives without Ransom, 
Articles comprehended, in the Accords passed betwixt Scipio and the Carthaginians.  and give hostages. These were the accords which passed betwixt us: for the which we and they came to the Senate and to our people. We have protested that that these accords thus reduced to Writing seemed good unto us: The Carthaginians entreated that they might enjoy the said agreements: The Senate obeyed, and the people in like manner gave their consent thereunto.  
The Carthaginians after they had obtained what they had demanded, have transgressed and broken the accords. What remains now to be done? Be thou in my place and judge. Shall we take the grievances out of the conditions, to the end you may suffer no punishments for the transgression, and that you may be taught hereafter to prevaricare against your benefactors? Or else having obtained that which you demand you should not be bound unto us? But what? When thy people now in suing had obtained their request, they presently entreated us as Enemies, after they had conceived some little hope of thee. If the burdens had been too heavy, they might have required an abatement from the people: and if they had remitted any Articles of the accord, the Senate doubtless would have made no long delay. But to what end tend our words? Submit yourselves and your Country to our protection, or vanquish fight. Hannibal and Scipio having discoursed after this manner, being of contrary opinions retire.  
The day following at Sunrising, they put their Armies into Battle, whereof the Carthaginians were to fight for their safety and for Africa, and the Romans for the universal Empire. What is he who considering these things can without compassion hear the relation? No man shall ever find more warlike Armies, nor more fortunate Commanders, nor more excellent Wrestlers in the Stratagems of War, nor greater rewards propounded unto them by Fortune. For they which should obtain the Victory, should not only be Lords of Africa and Asia, but also of all the other parts of the World which are at this time mentioned in Histories: the which soon after succeeded, Scipio put his Army in Battle after this manner. First he ordered those that were lightly armed by certain spaces: 
The order of Scipio's Battle.  after whom he placed the Bands of the Principals, and not according to the spaces of the first Ensigns, as the Romans had been accustomed, but distant one from another, in regard of the multitude of the Enemy's Elephants: and upon the Rear he appoints the Triarij. As for the Wings, he gave charge of the left to Caius Lelyus' with the Italian Horsemen: and the right to Massanissa with all the Numidians that were under his charge. Finally, he filled the spaces of the first Ensigns with forked javelins: to whom he commanded to begin the Skirmish: and if they were repulsed and forced to give back by the violence of the Elephants, that they which should be separated, should retire by the strait spaces to the Rear of the Army: and they which should be environed, should retire to the Ensigns by the cross spaces.  
These things being thus ordered, 
Scipio's Speech to his Army.  he makes an Oration in few words to his Army, and yet proper for the event of the affairs. He entreats them to remember their precedent Battles, and to behave themselves like brave men, worthy of the Roman Name, setting before their eyes, that having the Victory they should not only be Lords of all Africa, but moreover they should purchase the Empire and government of the rest of the World. If the fortune of the War succeeded otherwise, thee which died fight valiantly, should have an honourable grave, having died for their Country: whereas they that should turn head, should live the remainder of their days in great ignominy and misery, for there is no place in Africa that can shelter them in their flight, finally if they fall into the Carthaginians hands, they which have any judgement understand well what the event will be: and God forbid that any of you should make trial of it, when as fortune propounds unto us great rewards of every side, shall we not be the most simple Idiots in the world, if when of good things they present the best unto us, we choose with a desire of life the worst of bad? wherefore in propounding these two, either to vanquish or dye, he encourageth them to match against the enemy, for being in this humour, they must with a despair of life, always vanquish their enemies in making head. Scipio inflamed the hearts of his Soldiers after this manner. 
The order of Hannibal his Battle.   
In regard of Hannibal, he placed his Elephants before the whole Army, being above four score: and then about twelve thousand Mercenaries, which were Gen●uois, Maiorquins, Minorquins, and Maurusiens': After which he placed the Inhabitants of Africa and the Carthaginians. After all which he order those which he had brought our of Italy, and feparates them from the rest above a Furlong. He fortified the Wings with Horsemen, ordering the Numidians on the right, and the Carthaginians on the left. He commanded every Leader to encourage his Soldiers, to the end they might put their trust in him, and the Troops which he had brought out of Italy. He likewise commands the Carthaginian Captains to acquaint their men with the miseries which would befall their Wives and Children, if this Battle succeeded otherwise then they desired. The which they effected. Hannibal likewise came to them which he had brought with him, and entreats them with a long speech to remember their mutual and common life, for the space of seventeen Years: That they should think of the many Battles which they had fought with the Romans, in the which they had been always Victors, and had never left them any hope of Victory. But he entreated them chiefly, that amidst the encounter they should set before their eyes the infinite prerogatives: Namely, the Battle which they gained, fight against the Father of this present Roman Commander, near unto Trebia: Then that which was against Flaminius: and also towards Cans against Emilius: the which he said, were neither for the number and multitude of men, nor according unto their forces worthy to be compared to the present danger.  
When he had used this Speech, he commands them to look upon the Enemies in Battle, telling them that they were not only fewer in number, but they were scarce the least part of those which then fought against them, and that they could not compare with them in forces. And as the others were before invincible, they had fought cheerfully and stoutly, and that of these some were the Children of men, and the others the Relics of such as had been often defeated in Italy, and had so many times showed them their heels. Wherefore he was of advice that they should not do any thing to the prejudice of their glory and fame, nor of their Commander: But in fight courageously, confirm the opinion which was conceived of them to be invincible. Behold the Speeches or such like which they held unto their Armies. 
The beginning of the Battle by the Elephants.  When as all things necessary were ready for the Combat, and that the Numidian Horsemen had skirmished long: Hannibal commanded those which were mounted upon the Elephants to charge the Enemy.  
But when the Trumpets and Clairons sounded, some of them being amazed, turned head, and went violently against the Numidians, which were come to succour the Carthaginians. Finally, the left Wing of the Carthaginians was left bare by Massanissa's Company. The rest of the Elephants fight with the javelins in the midst of the Battalions, without doubt endured much, so likewise they annoyed the Enemies: until that being amazed, some going forth by the spaces were taken, as the General had given order: Others flying on the right hand, and wounded by the Horsemen, pass in the end the place of the Battle. And when the Elephants were thus dismayed, Lelyus' charging the Carthaginian Horsemen, repulseth them in such sort, as they soon turned head, the Chase being pursued by him.  
The like did Massanissa. 
The strength of the Battle.  Whilst these things are in action, the two Battalions come to fight with a slow pace, and wonderful great courage, except those which were come out of Italy, who budge not out of their place. When they came to affront one another, the Romans crying after their Country manner, and making their Targets sound with their Swords, fought with their Enemies. The Mercenaries of the Carthaginians cast forth diverse confused cries, for it was not the same sound, nor the same voice; but diverse languages: for they were men drawn from diverse Countries. And when as this Battle was fought with great courage, and man to man, for that the Combatants could not help themselves with their javelins nor Swords, the Mercenaries fought in the beginning with great courage and dexterity, and wounded many Romans. The Romans also trusting in their good order and Arms, laboured much to go on.  
And when as they which were in the Rear of the Romans, gave courage to the first in following them, and the Carthaginians not coming on to succour their Soldiers, but staying behind basely and for want of courage, the Barbarians declined. Wherefore when they saw themselves abandoned by their Companions, in retiring they fell upon those which stood still and slew them: the which forced many Carthaginians to dye valiantly. For when they were slain by the Mercenaries, they fought boldly as well against their own men as against the Romans: In which combat (as they fought after a horrible manner like furious men) they made no less slaughter of their own then of the Enemies. By this means they fell confusedly upon the Troops that were lightly armed. The Captains of the Principals seeing this accident, charged their Battalions. The greatest part of the Carthaginians and Mercenaries were slain, aswell by them as by those that were lightly armed.  
In regard of such as escaped and fled, Hannibal would not suffer them to mingle with the Battalions, commanding their Captains to rank● them before, and forbidding moreover to receive such as approached: wherefore they were forced to retire upon the Wings, and without them. But for that the place betwixt the two Armies was full of blood and dead bodies, this put the Carthaginian General into great difficulty, and was a great let for him to charge again. For the instability of the dead which were bloody and fall'n upon heaps, with the confusion of Arms which were fallen among the dead, they were to have a troublesome passage which marched in Battle. Yet the wounded being carried back, and a retreat being sounded by the Trumpets which followed those that were lightly armed, he puts his men before the fight in the midst of the Enemy: In regard of the Principals and Triarij, he gives order that being closely joined, they should march cross the dead bodies upon the two Wings.  
When they were equal with those that were lightly armed, the Battalions charged one another with great violence and courage. 
The great fury of the fight.  It happened that for the multitude, courage, and equal Arms of either side, the Combat was long doubtful. They that were slain, died every man in his Rank with a brave emulation, until that Massanissa and Lelyus' returning from the chase of the Horsemen, had by good fortune rallied their men together: with whom charging upon the Rear of those which were with Hannibal, a great number of them were defeated in Battle; and few of them escaped which fled: For the Horsemen were dispersed of all sides, 
The victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians.  and the Country was plain and Champion. There died above fifteen hundred Romans, and twenty thousand Carthaginians: The Prisoners were not much less. This Battle in the which they fought for the Empire, and which by the said Commanders was judged the universal victory to the Romans, had this end. And when as after the fight, Scipio pursuing the Carthaginians, 
Hannibal flies to Adrumetum.  had overthrown their Palisado, he returned to his Campe. Hannibal recovered Adrumetum, still running with some few Horses. He had done his duty in this Battle, not omitting that which was requisite for a good an expert Captain.  
For first he laboured to divert the eminent danger by a parley with Scipio. 
Hannibal vanquished by fortune.  It is the duty of a man which doth not wholly rely upon valour, but distrusting Fortune, to foresee things which contrary to all opinions do usually happen in a Battle. And afterwards coming to the Combat, he so carried himself, as the Battle could not be better ordered against the Romans by him that shall use the like Arms, than Hannibal had then disposed it. For when the Army and order of the Romans was divided, it fell out that all of them might fight together, or by Troops against any open attempt, by a certain order of the Battalion: for that always two Ensigns were joined near together when it was needful, and that moreover their Arms served the Soldiers for a covering and assurance, considering the greatness of their Targets, and the firmness of their Swords to strike, so as for these reasons it seemed a difficult thing to defeat them. Yet Hannibal gave so good order for all these things, as he showed his industry. For he had suddenly prepared this multitude of Elephants, and placed them before his Battalions, to the end they might break the Enemy's Ranks. Secondly, he ordered the Mercenaries in Front, after which he caused the Carthaginians to march, to the end they might ●ite the bodies of the Enemies, and make the vigour of their Arms unprofitable, by reason of the number of the Dead, and that withal he should force the Carthaginians, (as placed in the midst) to stand in Battle, and to fight until that forced by necessity he should come to combat. In regard of the valiant men, he mingled them by spaces: foreseeing that which doth usually happen, to the end that remaining undaunted both in body and courage, he might make use of their forces at need. He deserves pardon in this, that having omitted nothing that might serve to vanquish, yet he hath been frustrated, seeing that before he had been invincible. It happens sometimes that some actions resist the attempts of good men: and sometimes it happens that a good man is prevented of his desire by him that is better: the which may then be said to have happened by Hannibal.  
It is true that when as things which exceed the common custom and manner of living of some, 
A defect of the 〈◊〉  perish of themselves for the greatness of the accidents, they deserve commiseration with those that are present and hear it: The unusual novelty of things move us. But if that such an accident happens by deceit and Hypocrisy it moves none to pity, but to Choler and Hatred: The which then happened to the Carthaginian Ambassadors.  
Scipio beginning in few words, let them understand that he was not to show them any courtesy or favour, seeing they confessed they had begun the War against the Romans, and against the conventions had spoiled the City of the Zachantiens, 
Zachantia spoiled by the Carthaginians.  and first Transgressed the Accords, Oaths, and Agreements reduced to Writing: And yet the Romans have resolved to show them grace, and (in regard of Fortune and humane adventures,) to use Clemency and Magnanimity in their present Affairs. The which should be manifest unto them, if they consider what was offered. Finally they must not take it ill if for the present they imposed upon them things, which they must do, or suffer, or deliver: But they should wonder and hold it strange, if they obtain any mercy: Seeing that Fortune disfavouring them for their injustice, had (in denying mercy and pardon) made them subject unto their Enemies.  
This Speech being ended, he promised them Clemency and Favour: Teaching them withal what they were to endure: The which is comprehended in these Articles. 
The Articles of Accord, propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians.  That they should leave unto the Carthaginians the Cities which they had in Africa before this last War attempted against the Romans, and the Countries which anciently they held, and finally their Cattle, Bodies, and other Wealth. Moreover it was granted them, that from that day they might live free without any let or hindrance of their Laws and Customs. This was that which was granted them of grace. Again they added these contrary Articles: That the Carthaginians should make restitution, of the unjust spoils which they had committed against the Romans during the Truce: That they should restore all the Captives and Fugitives, which they had had during the War: They should deliver all their long Vessels except ten Galleys: And in like manner the Elephants: not to attempt to make any War out of Africa, nor in Africa itself without the consent of the Romans: To restore unto King Massanissa, the Houses, fields, Cities, and whatsoever had belonged to him or his Predecessors, within the limits that should be set down: That they should nourish the Army for three months, and pay them until the answer were returned from Rome: And according unto the Accord pay six Millions of Gold, within fifty Years, after the rate of sixscore thousand Crowns yearly: That they should give in Hostage for the assurance of their faith, a hundred young men, as the Commander should appoint, which should not be under the Age of fourteen Years, nor above thirty.  
The Roman General propounded these things unto the Carthaginian Ambassadors, 
Hannibal forceth a Citizen.  who made haste to make their Report They say, that when as a certain Senator, laboured to contradict the said Articles in the Senate, Hannibal stepping forth drew him out of his Seat: And when as the rest were discontented, for that he had done against the Custom of the City: Hannibal steps up again and saith, (as it is reported) that if he had committed any thing against their Custom and course of living, he was to be pardoned: For they knew well that being a young Boy of nine years of age, he had gone out of the Country, and returned again at the age of five and forty: For this cause he entreated them that they would not have any regard to that, wherein he had transgressed their Custom, considering rather that if he suffered for the affairs of the Country: It was for them he had fallen into this transgression. Finally that it seemed wonderful and strange to him, if any Carthaginian knowing what Council had been taken against the Romans, aswell for the public as private good, did not adore Fortune: Seeing that now being made subject unto them, they had purchased such grace and favour: Whereof if any one would have put the Country in Hope, some days before the Romans had the Victory, he would not have been able to speak for the greatness and excess of the apparent miseries,  
Wherefore he entreated them again, not to do any thing slowly, nor by Discourse: And that consenting all with one voice to the Articles of the peace, they should Sacrifice unto the Gods, and pray that the people of Rome might confirm them. When it seemed that he had given wise advice, and fit for the time, it was concluded to accept the Accord prescribed, and to pass it with the Romans. Wherefore they suddenly sent away the same men in Embassy which had contradicted the Articles.  

A Parcel of the Deeds and Posterity of Ptolemy.  
FInally who will not wonder, that Ptolemy had not provided to give aid to these men during his life, seeing there were some which were ready to succour them? But when Death surprised him, he left a young Infant, to whom by right of nature, he had endeavoured, as they say, with both hands to preserve him the Crown: Then encouraging one another, they make haste to practise a Villainy, and to murder this Infant, and to divide his principality among them. The which they do not after the manner of Tyrants, who pretend some colour for their infamy: But carry themselves afterwards so impudently and brutishly, as that which they speak of the life of Fishes is due unto them. Of whom they say, that although they be of one kind, yet the defeat of the smaller feeds and entertains the life of the greater. Wherefore who will not think to see a great execration against the Gods, and a cruelty towards men, and likewise a great avarice of the said Kings, seeing this paction and agreement as in a glass? What is he who for these causes having accused Fortune in humane affairs, doth not likewise consider that she hath since made them to suffer worthy punishments, and left to posterity a good example for the amendment of their course of living, as having propounded unto these Kings such an ignominious punishment? For when they had transgressed the agreements among themselves, and divided the Infant's Principality, all things did justly prove hurtful and opposite unto them, which they had wickedly resolved against their Kinsfolks and Neighbours, by the bringing in of the Romans? for that the one and the other being suddenly vanquished, they were not only forced to abate their covetousness of another man's goods: but being made subject to tributes, they were constrained to obey the Commandments of the Romans. Finally, Fortune hath in a short time disposed of the Reign of Ptolemy, making the Potentates of the others, and their successors, some of them to be banished and miserable, involuing some in a manner in the like Disasters.   

Of Philip of Macedony.  
THe Cianeins fell in these miseries not so much through Fortune, and the injustice, of their Neighbours, as by their own rashness and the bad government of their Commonweal, where most commonly the worst were in esteem, and good men put to death for the spoils of their Wealth, and by this means they are in a manner willingly fallen into these misfortunes, whereunto all men incline, I know not how apparently, yet they cannot resolve upon any advice, nor suddenly distrust: which some bruit Beasts do. 
A good comparison.  For if sometimes they enter into jealousy of Baits and Nets, if they have seen any other perish, you shall hardly draw them to do the like, holding the place for suspect, with a distrust of all things which have any resemblance. In regard of men, when they hear some speak, and see others perish in like manner: Yet suddenly when any one using gracious words, hath propounding a mutual hope of correction, they run without any regard into the toils, knowing certainly that never any man which had swallowed this kind of bait had escaped, such policies being an assured defeat to all men.  
When as Philip had reduced the City under his obedience, he rejoiced as if he had brought some brave and honourable action to an end. And when he had speedily given Succours to his Allies, and had terrified all those which estranged themselves from him, and had claimed abundance of goods and bodies under the colour of justice, he never thought of those things that were contrary, although they were manifest: giving at the first Succours to the Ally, who had not been wronged, and yet had broken the confederations with his Neighbours. And as finally he had confirmed the bruit of his cruelty towards his Friends, afflicting the Cities of Greece with great miseries, he had justly purchased the general esteem of a cruel man withal the Grecians. Thirdly, he wronged & reviled the Ambassadors of the said Cities, 
Ambassadors wronged by Philip.  who were come to free the Cianeins from that eminent danger: And being called by him, and conferring daily with him, they were present at things which he desired not.  
Moreover, he incensed the Rhodiens against him: so as they could not endure to hear any mention of him. Finally, Fortune therein favours him openly. His Ambassador made an Oration upon the Theatre against the Rhodiens, commending the magnificence of Philip, who when he had by some means got possession of the City, he had done that grace unto the people. This he did to reprehend the suspicion and detraction of those which resisted him, and to manifest his resolution to the City. There came also some one from the Port unto the Magistrate, advertising him of the ruin of the Cianeins, and of the cruelty which Philip practised against them: So as when the Governor entering in the midst of the Ambassador's Oration, speaking the said things, and declared the news, the Rhodiens could not believe for the excess of the fact.  
Philip having then prevaricated and dissembled, not so much against the Cianeins as against himself, began to be so transported and to stray from his duty, as he gloried and bragged in his actions as good, for the which he should have been ashamed. 
The Rhodiens declared Enemies to Philip.  The Rhodiens from that day held Philip for an enemy, and prepared to that end. The etolians also conceived a hatred against him for the same fact. When as lately being reconciled, he had given forces to that Nation, there being then no cause of hatred nor spleen, (when as a little before the etolians, the Lysimacheins, Calsidoniens, and Cianeins were made Friends) he hath in assailing first the Lysimacheins, distracted their City from the Alliance of the etolians: spoiling those of the Calsidoniens, and thirdly the Cianeins, whilst that the Chief of the etolians was resident in their City, having the superintendency of the public affairs.  
Finally Prucias rejoiced for that which had happened beyond his desires: But he was discontented that another should reap the reward for the taking of the City, and that there was fallen unto him a desolate place naked of buildings, so as he could not effect any thing. After he had assembled the greatest men of the Macedonians, he came to them with the King and Agathoclia, feigning in the beginning that he was not able to speak for tears: And when he had wiped them often with his cloak, and caused them to cease, take saith he, carrying an infant, this which the dying Father hath delivered into the arms of this Creature (showing his sister) and hath left it unto us upon our faith, do you understand my masters of the Athenians? The love of this infant is of small moment to procure his safety, where as now the cause is in you and your hands. Tlepoleme in truth hath for a long time (as it is manifest to those which consider well of things) had greater desires than were fitting, and hath now resolved on the day and time when he will usurp the Town. For this cause he entreated that they would not believe him, but those which being present knew sufficiently the Truth.  
This Speech being ended, he brings in Critolaus, who said he had seen the Altars and Sacrifices, prepared by the multitude, for the usurpation of the Crown. The which the Macedonians hearing, they were neither moved with pity, nor had any respect unto that which was spoken. But in mocking and murmuring they jested among themselves, so as Prusias knew not how he got out of the Assembly; the which happened in other Assemblies of the people. In the mean time many of the old Soldiers arrived by Sea, whereof some being kinsmen and other friends, they entreated them to assist them in this present business, and that they should have regard to the injuries which had been done them by dishonest and unworthy men. Most of them were incensed to put the great men to death: for that they presumed that what should happen would be unto their prejudice: Seeing that Tlepoleme took all things necessary that were sent to Alexandria. Finally, it was an advancement to Agathocles to incense the Choler of many, and of Tlepoleme.  
They had put Danae his Mother in Law into custody, being pulled from the Temple of Ceres, and drawn through the City bareheaded, seeking by this means to show their hatred against Tlepome. 
Danae a prisoner.  Wherefore the people being incensed spoke no more in secret: For some in the night wrote their conceived hatred in all places. Others in the open day going in Troops, delivered the hatred which they bore unto the greatest. They which were with Agathocles, seeing the affairs, and having little hope in them, they thought of their retreat. But when as through their indiscretion they were ill provided, they desisted from their Enterprise, and made a Register of the Conspirators and of their Adherents in this commotion, to the end they might suddenly kill some of their Enemies, and seize upon others, and by this means usurp a Tyrannical power.  
And as they practised these things, they accused Moeragena one of Tlepolemes guards, for that he advertized all, and held his party in regard of the familiarity of Adee, Governor at that time of Bubaste, Agathocles suddenly gives charge to the Secretary Nicostrates, that he should inform diligently of Moeragena, with all manner of torments. Moeragena being suddenly taken by Nicostrates, and led into a certain secret place of the Hall, he answered at the first well, concerning the accidents which had happened: But when he confessed nothing of the things which were spoken, he was stripped. Some prepared the instruments to Torture him, others holding Whips put off their Cloaks. At the same instant one comes running to Nicostrates, and after he had whispered in his ear, he parts in haste. Nicostrates follows him suddenly without speaking word, beating continually upon his thigh. This was an unhoped accident for Moeragena. For some held the Whips, but they had no Commandment to whip him, others had the instruments ready to torture his feet.  
When as Nicostrates was gone, they were all amazed, and looking one upon another expected when he would return. Soon after the assistants vanished one after one, 
Moeragena saves himself naked.  and in the end Moegarena was abandoned. This done, he passeth the Hall contrary to all Hope, and being naked slipped into a certain Tent of the Macedonians near unto the Hall. When by good fortune he had found the greatest there assembled, he acquaints them with his disaster, and how he had escaped, as it were, by miracle. Some of them did not believe him, others seeing him naked were forced to give credit. Moeragena entreats them with ●eares, not only to have a care of his safety, but also of the Kings and their own: And that their Death was manifest, if they did not make use of the occasion, for that all the World was inflamed with Hatred, and there was not any man but was ready to put Agathocles to Death, saying that this Hatred increased Hourly, and that they must have men to execute this Enterprise.  
The Macedonians hearing this Speech were incensed, and in the end obeying to Moeragena: They suddenly enter into the first Tents of the Macedonians, and then into those of the other Soldiers. They were joining and near to the side of the City. When as many of them took upon them the Charge, and that there was no need of any thing but of some one, to give courage to them that came, and who should first execute the Enterprise, this attempt kindled like a flame. There were scarce four hours spent, but that all men aswell Soldiers as Citizens, conspired to assail Agathocles. There was a accident which happened suddenly, which served well to end this attempt. For when they had brought Letters to Agathocles, and that the Spies were returned, and the Letters sent by Tlepoleme, signified unto the Army that he would be soon there, being likewise assured by the Spies that he was near, he fell into so great a transport in his judgement, as he neither did nor thought of any remedy against the eminent dangers, but following his accustomed course, he went to drink and banquet with others.  
And when Oenanthe was sad and sorrowful, 
Oenanthe sad.  she goes unto Ceres' Temple. Where (when it was opened for a certain Annual Sacrifice) she prays humbly, than she useth Enchantments towards the Goddesses, finally she stays at the Altar and rests there. Many Women were silent and observed her heaviness and affliction. The kinsfolks of Polycrates, and some other Noble men comforted her, and being ignorant of the approaching misery. She on the other side crying out with a loud voice, Come not near me you Beasts: I know well you are ill affected towards us, and that you require the Gods to send us some ill Fortune: But I hope that with their good pleasure you shall taste of your own Children. Having ended this Speech, she commands the Executioner to suppress them, and if they did not obey, to beat them. Taking this occasion they all depart, and in lifting up their hands towards the Gods, they prayed that she might make trial of that which she had wished to the Company.  
But when the men had concluded the revolt, and that in every house the fury of the Women was added thereunto, their hatred grew double. When as the darkness of the Night was come, the whole City was filled with Mutiny, lights, 
A mutiny of the people.  and running up and down. Some assembled at the Theatre with cries, others encouraged one another, and some ran to hide themselves in houses, and places that were not suspected. And when the spacious places about the Hall; the place for running of Horses, and the Court about Dyonisius Theatre, were filled with a multitude of all sorts of men. Agathecles hearing this, riseth up being drunk, after that he had emptied his gorge, and came unto the King after he had taken all his Kinsmen except Philon.  
After he had used some Speech moving to compassion, he takes him by the hand, and leads him to the Armoury of lavelings, seated betwixt the top and the wrestling place, and which bends by the way of the Theatre: And after he had opened two Doors, he came to the third, accompanied with two or three of the Guard and his Kinsmen. These Doors were transparent and shut with double Bars. And when at that time all the Commons of the City were there assembled, so as not only the places were full of men, but also the passages and tops of houses, there grew a confused cry and howling of Women and Children, with the men in this Mutiny, as well of them of Chalcedonia, as of Alexandria mingled together. A● Sunrising the cry was confused: yet the chief● sound was, that they called for the King.  
The Macedonians rising first, seize upon the Ports of the King's Treasure. But when they understood in what part of the Palace the King was, turning to the first Doors of the first Armoury, they beat them down. And when they were come unto the second, they demand the Infant with a great cry. Agathocles seeing what would befall him, entreats the Guard to intercede for him to the Macedonians, letting them understand, that he would relinquish the government of the Infant, with his power and dignity, and moreover all the government: entreating them to be so favourable unto him, as to save his life, affording him necessary Victuals and the like, returning unto his ancient and former course of life, and that he would not (nay he could not) offer offence or wrong unto any man whatsoever.  
None of the Guards pitying him in his distress, wo●ld obey him, only Aristomenes undertook the charge, who was afterwards Governor of the public affairs. He was an Acarnanian, and as he was advanced in years, having the superintendency of the affairs, he was held a good Governor to the King and royal Palace: And in the mean time he had respect to the prosperity of Agathocles: for he was the first who calling unto him Agathocles, he alone had a Crown of Gold by all the assistants: the which they usually do only to Kings. Finally, he was the first that durst carry a Ring with Agathocles Image. And when he had a Daughter by his Wife, he called her Agathoclea. But we have spoken sufficiently of this Subject.  
He therefore having taken charge of Agathocles commandment, and going forth at a Postern, he came unto the Macedonians. When he had used some little speech, and declared the Will of Agathocles, the Macedonians sought to kill him▪ and when as many put forth their hands to defend him, they enquired the Opinion of the rest, which being understood, he returned to Agathocles, having charge to come back with the King, or else to return no more. The Macedonians having given this Answer, sent back Aristomenes, and assailing the second Door, they unhang it. Wherefore they which were with Agathocles, 
Ag●thoclea shows her Paps unto the Macedonians.  seeing the violence of the Macedonians, as well by their actions as by their answer, coming first to the Door, lifting up their suppliant hands: Agathoclea likewise showed the Paps wherewith she said she had given the King suck, entreating the Macedonians with a mournful and miserable voice, only to save her life. And when as by the great lamentations of her Fortune she had prevailed nothing, in the end they draw forth the Infant with his Guards.  
The Macedonians presently set the King on Horseback, and lead him to the Theatre. Assoon as he was discovered, they stay his Horse with great clamours and joy, and taking him down they set him in a royal Chair. In the mean time the Commons partly rejoice, and were partly sad. They rejoiced for the coming of the Infant: again, they were sad and grieved for that they which were the Offenders, had not been taken and punished accordingly. Wherefore crying continually, they required that they might be brought and exemplarily punished by an Ignominious and reproachful Death, as the Authors of all their miseries and troubles. But when the Day was far spent, the Mutiny of the people could not be pacified by any means.  
Sosibius the Son of Sosibius, than Captain of the Guard, having the principal charge of the King's affairs, seeing that the Mutiny of the people could not be pacified, and the Infant grew sad through the insolency and novelty of the present affairs, and the trouble of the Commons, he demanded of him if he would not deliver unto the people those which had offended against him or his Mother. And when he consented, he commanded the Guards to make the Kings will known: And then they took the Infant in his Chair, and carried him to his own house.  
But when the King's pleasure was divulged and made known by the Guards, all the place was full of joy and exclamations. They which were with Agathocles and Agathoclea, retired presently to their houses. The Guards presently forced some of them, and others were thrust on by the people, to seek them out and kill them. Whereof the beginning was by an accident.  
One of the Guard, and a follower to Agathocles named Phylon, being yet full with Drink, came forth into the place. Who when he saw the Mutiny of the people, he said unto the assistants, that if ever Agathocles came forth again as he had done, they would repent it. They which heard him, some blamed him, others thrust him, and when he offered to defend himself, some suddenly tear his Cloak, others slew him miserably with their javelins. 
Phylon slain.  Whilst they dragged him about the place yet breathing, and that the Commons had tasted the fury of striking, they expect hourly to have the rest brought.  
Soon after Agathocles was the first, being bound and mannacled: who going on was suddenly thrust through by some one, 
Agathocles slain.  wherein he performed the part of a Friend, and not of an Enemy. For by this means they prevent his worthy punishment. They brought with him Nicon and Agathoclea naked with her Sisters, and consequently all their Parentage: Finally, they draw Oenanthe out of the Temple, 
Nicon and Agathoclea slain.  and bring her on horseback naked unto the place: When all these were delivered unto the Commons, some bite them, others prick them, and some pull out their eyes and dismember them, until they were maimed.  
The Egyptians are wonderful cruel in their fury. 
The Egyptians cruel.  At the same time some Virgins which had been bred up with Arcinoe, hearing Siren crying out that Philammon Trite● had been present at the murder of the Queen, they fall upon his house, and kill him with Stones and Staffs, 
The cruelty of Virgins.  smothering his young Son. Finally, they drag his Wife into the place and kill her. This was the end of Agathocles and Agathoclea with their Kinsfolks. I am not ignorant what Fables and colours some Historiographers use in these actions, to amaze the Readers with a copious advancement of words, and otherwise then the truth contains.  
Some refer this accident to Fortune, showing how inconstant and inevitable she is: seeking to bring Causes and Similitudes of actions. It is true that in the pursuit of this Work I had resolved to help myself with the said actions, for that this Agathocies had nothing honourable for his courage and prowess in the War, neither any happy managing of affairs which ought to be desired; Neither did he understand the cunning and policy of a Courtier, in the which Sosybi●s and many others being very well instructed, had usurped Kingdoms: The which notwithstanding happened unto this man. He grew great by chance, for that Philopater was not able to govern the Realm.  
Having therefore gotten this occasion to come unto greatness, when as after his Death he had a fit opportunity offered to maintain his power, yet he lost both life and goods faintly and basely, being slain within a short time. 
Agathocles and Denis Sicilians.  Wherefore it is not fitting, that in the relation of such things they should add words: especially when they speak of such as Agathocles and Denis Sicilians, with some others, which had been famous and renowned for their actions. One of them in truth came of a base extraction: But as Tymeus cavils, Agathocles being a Potter, he came in his younger years to Sarragosse. They were either of them in their times Tyrants of Sarragosse: of that City I say, which at that time was great in authority, and abounding in riches: And afterwards they were Kings of all Sicily, and enjoyed some parts of Italy.  
In regard of Agathocles, he died not in assailing Africa, but after this manner with a desire to Reign. 
The saying of Scipio.  And therefore they say of Publius Scipio, who first forced Carthage, that when they demanded of him what men he held ablest to undertake an Enterprise, and of great discretion and courage, he answered Agathocles and Denis.  
We must in truth when the proposition is made, hold the Reader in suspense and doubt, and relate their fortune and humane accidents, in adding words in manner of Doctrine: In regard of the said things, I am not of Opinion it should be done. For this cause we reject in this passage the Writers of Agathocles with their many words, for that those horrible Narrations and fearful events, which have nothing but a conceit worthy to hold the Reader in suspense. Finally, it is not only unprofitable to treat of them with a long discourse, but also their vehemency in the end brings tediousness and trouble. There are two ends, namely, profit and pleasure: 
Two ends in Histories.  whereunto they must have regard which will ruminate any thing either of hearing or sight.  
And for that profit belongs chiefly to the narration of an History, it is most necessary and convenient, that this kind of adding of words unto fearful accidents, should turn from these two ends. What is he that would willingly follow unexpected accidents, and without reason? No man rejoiceth continually, either for the seeing or hearing of things which are out of Nature and the common sense of men: But in the beginning we are exceeding joyful and glad to see some, and to hear others, to the end we may rightly understand and know after what manner that is done which seems unto every one very strange and impossible.  
When we once begin to know them, no man takes any delight or pleasure to stay upon things which are strange from the course of Nature, nor will have any desire to fall often upon the same subject. Wherefore the Narration must draw a desire of imitation where he may delight. And if they add words to some miserable accidens besides these ends, they are more fitting for a Tragedy then a History.  
Peradventure you must pardon those which do not consider things which are common to Nature and the World: But they hold the Fortunes of their Ancestors great and wonderful, whereon falling by Fortune in Reading or Hearing them from others, they settle their affections. Wherefore they know not, that they use more speech of such things than is needful, which are neither new, having been spoken formerly by others, neither can they profit nor content.  
The remainder is wanting.    

A PARCEL OF the Sixteenth Book of the History of POLYBIUS'.  

Of the Battle given at Sea betwixt Philip and King Attalus.  
PHilip was much troubled, seeing many things succcede unfortunately in his siege, and withal that the Enemies were in the Haven with a good number of covered Vessels, neither could he well resolve what to do. And when as the present occasions deprived him of all means of choice, in the end he weighed Anchor, and set Sail contrary unto the Enemy's Hope. For Attalus and his Company expected that he should grow obstinate at the Siege, considering the preparation which he had of Engines of Battery. Philip made all haste to sail away, imagining that he might get before them, and make a safe retreat unto Samos along the shore: Yet he was deceived in his conceit. For when as Attalus and Theophiliscus saw that he had weighed Anchor, they suddenly resolved and set Sail, observing no order, 
Attalus chargeth Philip's Army at Sea.  for that they conceived that Philip would have persevered in his Enterprise. Yet they charge him making great speed with their Oars: So as Attalus fell upon the right wing which got before, and Theophiliscus upon the left.  
Philip seeing himself thus pestered, and suddenly surprised, he gave the sign of the Battle to them of the right wing, commanding them to turn their prowess against the Enemies, and to charge them resolutely: Then he retired to the smaller Lands, which were in the midway with the lighter Vessels, 
The number of Philip's ships and of his Enemies.  expecting the end of the Battle. The number of Ships of War which Philip had, were fifty three covered Vessels, with a hundred and fifty Foists and Galleys uncovered. In regard of the Vessels remaining at Samos, he could not arm them. Those of the Enemies were in number threescore Vessels covered, with those of Constantinople: with the which there were nine Galliots and three Galleys.  
When as Attalus Ships began the fight, presently they that were near, charge one another without command. Attalus fell upon a Vessel with eight Oars, crushing it in such sort as it took water: and when as they which were upon the hatches, had defended themselves long, in the end he sunk it. On the other side Philip's Galley of ten Oars, which was the Admiral, was by chance taken by the Enemies: For when as a Galliot sailed against it, it bruised it much in the midst of the Bulk, joining unto it behind at the poop, to the which it remained grappled, for that the Pilot could not stay its violence. So as when this Vessel stuck close unto her, she was much hindered, neither could they govern nor turn her. In the mean time two Quinqueremes charge her, and bruising her in two places, sink her with the Soldiers. Among the which was Democrites, Captain General at Sea for Philip. At the same instant Dionysodorus and Dynocrates brethren (who were Commanders of the Army under Attalus) giving a charge, 
Democrates Captain General to Philip, sunkt.  found themselves in great danger in the fight: So as Dynocrates gave charge to a Vessel with seven Oars, and Dionisodorus to one of eight. Dynocrates' was broken above water, and that of the Enemy under the water, yet he could not free himself from them, although he had often attempted it in sawing.  
Wherefore when as the Macedonians defended themselves valiantly, he was in danger to be taken. But for that Attalus came to succour him, charging the Enemy, and parting the two ships which were grappled, Dynocrates saved himself by good fortune. In regard of the Enemies, they were all slain fight valiantly: so as the Vessel being destitute of Soldiers, was taken by Attalus. And when as Dionisodorus sailed with great swiftness to fight, he could not overtake any, and passing through the Enemies he had the Palisado on the right side disarmed, and the Beams broken which carried the Tower. This happening he was invested round by the Enemy with great noise and cries. All the Mariners perished with the Ship, and Dionisodorus swum away with two others unto a Galliot which came to succour him. In regard of the other Vessels the danger was equal: For as the number of Philip's Foists was greater, so was that of Attalus in covered Vessels. Finally, the Combat was so carried upon Philip's right Wing, as the Victory inclined to neither. It is true that Attalus was in better hope for the future.  
The Rhodiens in the beginning of the party separated themselves from the Enemies, who having a great advantage by the lightness of their Vessels, fought against the Macedonians making the Rearward. And when in the beginning they fell to flight, they carried away all their defences, charging them behind and in poop. But when as Philip's Vessels began to turn head altogether, giving aid to those which were in danger, and that the Rear of the Rhodiens were joined to Theophiliscus: then they charged with great fury, encouraging one another with great shouts and Trumpets. And if the Macedonians had not mingled their Foists among their covered Vessels, the Battle had been soon decided: for they took from the Rhodien ships all commodity in diverse sorts: For that when as by either side the order was broke, they were all mingled. Wherefore they could not easily enlarge themselves, nor turn their Vessels, nor assist themselves with those means whereof they were best provided, for that the Foists did continually charge them, sometimes falling upon the Palisado, so as they could make no use of their Rowers, and sometimes upon the prow and poop, to deprive them of their Pilot and Oars. And when as they fought in a direct line, they invented a stratagem: for abating the prowess they made their charge fruitless, breaking the Enemy's Vessels under water: To prevent the which they could find no remedy. It is true, this happens seldom for that all avoided the encounter, for that the Macedonians fought valiantly hand to hand, and most commonly in passing they razed the Palisado, making it unprofitable. Then suddenly casting about, they assailed those that were in poop: and likewise giving charge to those which showed themselves upon the flanks, or which turned aside, they broke some, and took the Equipage from others: so as fight after this manner, they had sunk diverse of the Enemy's Vessels.  
There were three excellent Quinqueremes of the Rhodiens in danger: whereof the Admiral was one, in the which Theophiliscus commanded: Then that whereof Philostrates was Captain, and the the third was governed by Antolice: in the which Nycostrates remained. It happened that she gave a charge to one of the Enemy's Vessels, where she left her spur, so as it sunk with the Soldiers: And Antolice's Company being invested, for that they took water at the prow, defended themselves valiantly: But Antolice being wounded fell into the Sea with his Arms and died, the rest fight with great courage. At what time Theophiliscus coming to succour them with three Quinqueremes, he could not save the ship being full of water  
After that he had broken two of the Enemy's Vessels, and cast the Soldiers into the Sea, he lost the greatest part of his men fight resolutely, for that he was suddenly invested by many frigates and covered Vessels. It was hardly in his power to save his ship, being wounded in three places: for that he had adventured himself too boldly: But Philostrates came to succour him, undertaking the apparent danger with great courage. But when he was joined unto these Vessels, he rechargeth the Enemy furiously again: where he was seen weak of body by reason of his wounds, but much more excellent and constant in courage then before. It happened that there were two Combats at Sea very far one from another: For Philip's right Wing coasting still along the shore, never abandoned the Coast of Asia, but the left Wing succouring the Rearward, had fought with the Rhodiens, for that they were not far from Chios. When as Attalus seemed to have gloriously Vanquished Philip's right Wing, and that he approached near unto the Island, where he Anchored, expecting the end and conclusion of the Battle, he perceived one of his Quinqueremes in danger to be sunk by a ship of the Enemles, and made haste to succour it with two other of his Quinqueremes. When as the Enemy's ships turned away to recover Land, the more he pressed desiring to take it. The which Philip perceiving, that Attalus strayed too boldly and adventurously from his Company, he made haste being accompanied with four Quinqueremes, three Gall●otts, and the nearest Frigates, hoping he should be able to take it, as it fortunately happened; forcing him to get unto the nearest shore in great distress. Then leaving his Vessel there, he fled on foot with the Sea men, to save himself in Erythee. 
Erythee a town in Asia.  Wherefore Philip recovered the sh●p and the King's plate.  
They which were with Attalus in this great danger, bethought themselves of a policy in War, and set the richest of the King's plate upon the Hatches. 
The Policy of Attalus his Soldiers.  Wherefore the first of the Macedonians approaching with their Frigates, and seeing great store of plate with a purple Robe, and other rich furniture lying there, they gave over the pursuit, and attended the spoil, so as Attalus retired unto the Port of Erythree without any disturbance. And although that Philip were absolutely the weaker in this Battle at Sea, yet he returned very ambitious and proud through Attalus misfortune, making great haste to come unto his Company. Where after he had drawn and gathered together all his Vessels, he persuaded them to be of good Courage and Resolution, seeing he had won the Battle. And in truth, such was the opinion of men, as if Attalus had been dead in ●lying, seeing that Philip returned, bringing the royal Vessel prisoner.  
Dyonisodorus considering what was become of the King, gathered the Vessels together and sounded a recreate: after which he retired safely to the Porst of Asia.  
At the same time the Macedonians, who fought against the Rhodiens, having been well beaten, they retired out of danger: For every ship got him away under colour to give succours to those that were in danger and distress. In regard of the Rhodiens they retired to the Port of Chios, having taken some of the ships, and broken part of their spurs. 
The loss of ships which Philip made▪  There was sunk in this Battle at Sea which Philip had against Attalus, the Galleys of ten Oars, nine Oars, seven Oars, and six Oars, and moreover ten Vessels covered, three Galliots, and five and twenty Foists, withal the Mariners. And in that which was against the Rhodiens, ten covered Vessels, and forty Foists: and there were two Quadriremes, and seven Foists taken with the Mariners. In regard of that of Attalus, one Galliot with two Quinqueremes were sunk, with the royal Skiffe. And of the Rhodiens two Quinqueremes and Galleys, but there was nothing taken. As for the loss of men, there died three score Rhodiens, and about three score and ten of Attalus men, and of the Macedonians under Philip, to the number of three thousand, and above six thousand Mariners: and there were taken alive, as well Allies as Macedonians two thousand, and seven hundred Egyptians. Such was the end of the Battle at Sea near unto Chios.  
Philip attributed the Victory unto himself for two principal causes: 
The causes why Philip challenges the Victory to himself.  First for that he had forced Attalus to fly to Land, and had taken the royal Vessel: the other for that he anchored in the place which they call Argennon, among the Enemies, wracks, and that the next Day he carried himself as a Conqueror, gathering together the Relics of the fight, and drawing together the Bodies of such as might be known, to the end he might confirm this Opinion. But the Rhodiens with Dyonisod●rus made him soon after confess that it was not true, so as he did not hold himself to have had the Victory: For the next day the King being busied about these things, they set sail against him, the one being advertised of the other: and when (after they had put their ships in Front) no man durst present himself, they retired to Chios.  
But Philip who had never before at one time lost so many men, nor such, carried his misfortune impatiently, and was in a manner desperate, although he laboured by all means to hide his conceit, matters seeming unsupportable: for besides many other occasions, the misfortunes which happened after the Battle, had put all those that were present in fear. Believe me, that after so great a slaughter of men, all the Country where the Combat was fought, was full of Carcases, blood, Arms, and the wracks of Ships. And the days following you might have seen the shore full of all these things ●eaped together. So as it was not only displeasing unto him, but to all the Macedonians.  
In regard of Theophiliscus, having survived a day, and written into the Country of the success of the Combat at Sea, and had appointed Cleoneus to command the Army in his place, he died of the wounds he had received: 
The death of Theophiliscus.  who had showed himself a valiant man in danger, and who by the providence of his Council, was worthy to have his Name preserved in memory. For if he had not given advice to follow Philip, all the rest had neglected the opportunity of the Victory, being amazed at his courage: so as in beginning of the fight he forced his Citizens to follow the occasions of the time. He likewise persuaded Attalus not to temporize, nor to waste time in the preparation of things concerning the War: But chose to fight valiantly, and to undergo the present danger. Wherefore the Rhodiens have with good reason, after his death done him such honours, as the living and those that were present were not only incited to fight valiantly for their Country, but also the posterity.  
What do we then see in this violence? No other thing but Nature. It oftentimes falls out that many upon a bare show of hope, desire impossible things, vanquishing every man's hope with their covetousness: and when they have once begun, they cannot divert their fancies: for that they have their understanding blinded and deceived with the impossibility of their attempts, and the discontent of the accidents. When as Philip had in vain given some assault to a small Town, for that it was well fortified, he retired, after he had ruined some places with the whole Country.  
Being gone from thence, he planted his Camp about Prinasse, 
Prinasse besieged by Philip.  and besieged it by myning. Where when he lost his time, for that the place was stony, he used this invention: he causeth a great noise to be made by day in the Ours, as if he laboured to overthrow the Walls, causing in the night great store of earth to be brought and to be laid at the entry of the Ours, to the end he might terrify the Inhabitants by a view of so great a digging in the ground. It is true that at the first the Prinasseins were constant and courageous: but when as Philip had signified unto them that their Wall was undermined the length of the third part of a Furlong, and had demanded of them if they would deliver the City and save their lives, or perish with it, the foundations being burnt, then giving credit unto his words, they presently delivered it.   

A Parcel of the City of the jasseens.  
THe City of the jasseens is situated in Asia upon the Gulf joining to Neptune of Milesia, 
The Gulf of Neptune.  and called of the Myndiens. According to the advice of many, it takes its name from the Cities of the Vargylietes, which are built upon the back part. They say that in the beginning they were peopled by Argines: and that afterwards the Milesiens' predecessors being brought in, and the Children of Neleus, they built the City of Myletum, 
The City of Miletum built.  after their defeat in the Wars of Carya. This City hath ten Furlongs in circuit. The common bruit is, and they believe it among the Vargylietes, 
The Image of Diana.  that although the statue of Diana Cindiades be uncovered, yet it endures no fogs nor rain, like unto that of Vesta among the jasseens: the which some Historiographers have averred. For my part, I know not how I contradict and blame boldly in all this treaty this advice of Historiographers. In truth they seem to me wholly to favour of their Childishness, who without consideration comprehend not only idle and sottish things, but those which are impossible. For if any one should say that some body may be so illuminated and transparent, as he shall make no shadow, this would show a transported judgement, as Theopompus hath done, saying that they which enter into the Temple of jupiter in Arcadia, make no shadow. Whereunto that is conformable which is now spoken. Wherefore we must pardon some Historiographers in all things which preserve the devotion of the people towards the Gods, who relate monstrous things, but in that which exceeds this course, they are not to be pardoned. Peradventure in every thing there is a different quality to describe them, yea, sometimes impossible: wherefore we must pardon if any one through ignorance doth stray a little from the truth: and according to my judgement reprove all that which exceeds reason.   

A Parcel of Publius Scipio.  
PVblius Scipio being soon after returned from Affricke● When as the expectation of the people was conformable to the greatness of his actions, it fell out that they conceived a great love and affection towards him: The which was not without cause. For whereas they feared never to chase Hannibal out of Italy, nor to free themselves nor their Allies from the eminent danger: they seemed then certainly not only to be delivered from all fear and misery, but also to domineer over their Enemies: wherefore they were confounded with joy. When he triumphed▪ being moreover by the effects of things which were brought in, advertised of the precedent dangers, they were touched with an exceeding love as well to the Gods, as to the Author of so great an alteration.  
Syphax King of the Masaisylins' was led in triumph through the City with the other Prisoners, 
Syphax King of the Masaisylins'.  who soon after died in Prison. These things thus perfromed, the Romans made continual Combats for many Days, and celebrated Feasts in their assemblies, having wherewithal to satisfy it by the liberality and bounty of Scipio. Many attempt great Wars bravely, and strive with a certain vehemency to augment a Commonwealth: But it is a rare thing to bring them to the propounded end, and to accomplish by reason and industry, if Fortune sometime opposeth that which wants courage and speedy action. Wherefore some may with reason blame the sloth of Attalus and of the Rhodiens, in commending the royal courage of Philip, and his constancy in his enterprise: not that his conceit is always worthy of Commendation but so far as it concerns his present Enterprise and attempt. I propound this distinction to the end no man should suspect us of contradiction: for that (as we have heretofore) commended and blamed Philip, so now I do the contrary. They must understand that in the beginning of this Work I have so made my distinction, saying that it was necessary sometimes to commend and blame the same persons, 
A man may be commended and blamed according to the diversity of his Actions.  for that moments and events of things do many times change the hearts of men, when they incline to better or worse. It happens likewise sometimes, that men by Nature endeavour things which are reasonable, and sometimes the contrary: whereof in my Opinion the one happened now to Philip. When he was inflamed for the precedent losses, showing more choler and rage then reason, he accommodated himself to the present occasions, with a constant and admirable courage, and hath by this course enjoyed those things which followed, in advancing himself against the Rhodiens and Attalus. I thought good to deliver this, for that some give over their erterprises in leaving their first heat, like unto bad and lazy runners: Some likewise vanquish their Enemies in this only, that they are constant in their erterprises.   

Of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes Maritine and opposite.  
I Hold it lost time to use any long discourse of the commodities of the Cities of Abydos and Sestes: for that matters of small moment are known to all, by reason of the ordinary frequenting of the places: yet I do not think for the present that a summary advertisement to the Reader, would be unprofitable in regard of them. You must understand that the things which are now to be spoken of the said Cities) are not so much drawn from their situation, as from their opposition and conference. Whereas the Navigation of the Sea, which some call by the name of Ocean, others Attlantique, is not passable, but at the straits which are at the Pillars of Hercules: Neither can they in our Sea, in the Propontis and Pontus, unless it be made by the straight betwixt Abydos and Sestes. 
Of the profit of Abydos and Sestes.  As Fortune hath prepared two Gulfs with some reason, it falls out that the straight of the Pillars of Hercules is broader than that of Hellesponte: For it is of three score Furlongs, and that of Abydos only of two. The which we may conjecture hath been made for a greater spaciousness of the exterior Sea, 
A comparison of the straight of Abydos with that of Gibeltar.  then ours. That of Abydos is more commodious than that of the Pillars of Hercules. For the first is inhabited on either side, and in manner of a Port, for the mutual communication of Traffic, and hath in some place a Bridge for those which pass on foot from one firm land to another. They also salie continually on the other side. In regard of that of the Pillars of Hercules, it is little frequented, for that the people which inhabit some in Africa, some in Europe, have little commerce together: and this exterior Sea is little frequented and tried. The City of the Abydeins 
The City of the Abydeins.  is environed on either side with the farthest bounds of Europe: having a Port from whence Sailors with what wind soever, may be seen. But it is not possible for any man to come unto the City, being without this ingulfement of the Sea to the Port, by reason of the swiftness and vehemence of the current.   

Another Parcel of Philip of Macedon.  
YEt when as Philip had fortified one part with Pallisadoes, 
The Abydeins besieged by Phil●p  and cast a Ditch about the other, he besieged the Abydeins by Sea and Land. In regard of the means of their defence, it was not admirable, neither for the greatness of the preparation, nor for the diversity of inventions, which are declared in the same work, by the which the besiegers and besieged do usually practise and surprise one another by policies: But for the good directions and valour of the besieged, it is worthy of memory, if ever any were, and which ought to come unto posterity. In the beginning the Inhabitants of Abydos relying in themselves, maintained the attempts of Philip valiantly: and as for his Engines set up at Sea, they broke some with casting of Stones, and they burnt others: so as the Enemies could hardly save their Vessels from this danger: In regard of those at Land, for time they made a valiant resistance, never despairing to obtain the Victory against their Enemies. But when as the Fort which stood without the Wall had been overthrown by Ours, and that the Macedonians were afterwards come unto the Wall which they had built within, in the end they sent Iphias and Pantacnote in Embassy, to yield the City unto Philip, but upon condition that he should suffer the Soldiers of the Rhodiens and Attalus to depart, and their Bodies free, to save themselves where they thought good with their Apparel. And when as Philip had given them charge to submit themselves unto his will, or to fight it our bravely, the Ambassadors retired. 
The course which the Abydeins take in despair.  This being heard, the Abydeins assemble the people, and consult in despair of their necessities. First of all they decree to give liberty to their Slaves, to the end they might willingly become Companions in the Combat: And consequently draw all their Wives into Diana's Temple: and the Children with their Nurses into the Schools, and finally their Gold and Silver into the Market place, and the richest apparel into the Rhodiens Galley, and that of the Cyziceneins.  
When they had decreed these things, and had with one accord executed the resolution, they make another assembly, choosing fifty of the most ancient, and men of credit, being strong and able to execute the decree, and make them swear in the presence of all the Citizens, that if they saw the Wall taken by the Enemy, they should then kill their Wives and Children, and set fire of the said Galleys, casting (according to their Oath) the Gold and Silver into the Sea. Finally, they call their Prelates, who conjure them all to vanquish their Enemies, or to dye fight for their Country. This done, after they had sacrificed, they force their Prelates, and their Wives to make execrations upon the Sacrifices of the said things. These things thus confirmed, they did not countermine against the Enemy's Ours, resolving that if the Wall sell, they would stand upon the ruins, fight to the death. Wherefore some one may with reason say, that the folly of the Phocenses and the joy of the Acarnanians, hath been vanquished by the courage of the Abydeins. The Phocenses seem to have decreed the like for their Kinsfolks, although they were not wholly in despair of the Victory, for they were to fight in field with the Thessalians.  
The Acarnanians foreseeing the attempts of the etolians, resolved the same in their eminent danger, whereof we have formerly spoken in particular. The Abydeins being shut up, and in a manner desperate of their safety, desired rather by a common consent to try this Fortune with their Wives and Children, then living to deliver them into their Enemy's hands. For which reason we may blame Fortune for the ruin of the Abydeins: Seeing that having compassion of the calamities of the former, she hath suddenly relieved them▪ yielding unto the desperate hope and safety: whereas chose she hath been incensed against the Abydeins. The men were slain and the City taken: their Children with their Wives fell into their Enemy's hands: For after the fall of the Wall, planting themselves upon the ruins, according to their Oath, they fought with such great courage, as when as Philip had sent supplies unto the Macedonians at the assault until Night, he was in the end forced to take breath, and to despair of his attempt. The Abydeins did not only fight with great confidence, standing upon the dead bodies in danger, and with resolution with their Swords and javelins: But having no means to use them, they cast themselves with fury upon the Macedonians, overthrowing some with their arms, charging others always with the stocks of their broken javelins: and repulsing them, thrusting directly at their Faces and other naked parts. 
The prowess of the Abydeins.  Night being come, and the Combat ceasing, Glaucides and Theognite assembling some few of the ancient, changed (for the hope of their private safeties) that severe and noble vow of the Citizens, in regard of the great number that had been slain at the Wall, and for that the rest were weakened with toil and wounds. Wherefore they resolved to abandon their Wives and Children to Captivity, and at the break of day to send their Priests and Wives, with their Diadems and head-bands to Philip, to the end that entreating him upon their knees, they might deliver him the City.  
At the same time King Attalus being advertised of the Siege of the Abydeins, sails by the Egean Sea to Tenedos. In like manner Marcus Emilius the younger a Roman, came by Sea to Abydos. For when the Romans had been truly advertised of the Siege of Abydos, and would expostulate with Philip according to their charge, and to understand the cause why he assailed the Kings, 
Marcus Emilius s●nt to Philip.  they sent this Emilius unto him. Who when he had audience of Philip in Abydos, he let him understand that the Senate admonished him, not to make War against any Grecians, nor to meddle with the affairs of Ptolemy: And whereas he had done outrage to the Rhodiens and Attalus, he should make a promise to give them satisfaction: in doing which he should remain in peace, but if he would not obey, he should prepare to have War with the Romans. When as Philip laboured to let him understand that the Rhodiens had been the first Assailants, Marcus interrupting him said; What have the Athenians? Cianeins, and Abydeins done? which of them hath first assailed you? The King studying what to answer to these three demands, 
The brave answer of Philip to Marcus Emilius.  told him that he pardoned his arrogancy in words, for that first he was young and without experience: Secondly, that he was the best man amongst them, as in truth he was. The Romans (said he) have no reason to break the Accords, nor to make War against me: but if they did, he would defend his own valiantly and invocate the Gods for aid. This Speech being ended, they parted one from the other.  
Philip having gotten the City of the Abeydeins, he presently took all the Goods which had been carried away by them. 
The cruelty of the Abydeins to themselves.  When he saw the people and their fury, who slew, burnt, and strangled themselves, their Wives, and Children, casting them into Wells, and hanging them in their houses, he was amazed: And being discontented at that which was done, he let them know that he gave them three days respite that would hang or kill themselves. But the Abydeins preventing him (according to their first resolution) could not suffer any one of those to live, which were not yet bound nor tied to this kind of necessity, holding themselves in not doing it, for Traitors towards those which had fought, and were dead for their Country. All the rest without delay died according to their Races.   

Of Philopomene and the deeds of the Acheins.  
ANd when as Philopomene had considered the distances of of all the Cities, and that they might come to Tegee by one way, he wrote Letters to all the Cities, and sends them to those which were farthest off, and divides them in such sort, as every City had not only those which were directed unto it, 
The form of Philopomenes Letters to the Cities.  but also those for other Cities lying upon the same way. He hath written to the Magistrates in these terms: When you shall have received these Letters, use all diligence, that such as are able to bear Arms, may assemble in the Market place, every man furnished with five Day's victuals, and seventeen Sous, and sixteen Deniers in Money. And when they shall be all assembled, lead them to the next City: where being arrived, deliver the Letters to the Magistrate, and perform the contents. In the which was contained the charge which had been given to the former, only the name was altered, but he place was not named whither the Voyage was intended.  
This course being continued, no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made, nor whither they went out of the next City. All being uncertain and receiving one another they marched on. But for that the Cities which were beyond, had not an equal distance from Tegee, he did not send Letters to them all at the same time, but particularly according to their order: so as unknown to the Inhabitants, and to those which arrived, what should succeed, all the Acheins entered in Arms by all the Gates. He had without doubt resolved these things in his judgement, by a Military stratagem, for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had. The which the Tyrant had. The same day that the multitude of the Acheins should assemble, he sent choice men, who in the Night should pass the Selasia: and at the break of day run into the Country of Lacedaemon. But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them, he gives them charge to recover Scotite, obeying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things. For he had given him the charge of all this enterprise. These men went resolutely to the place appointed. And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheins●o ●o sup early, he goes with his Army out of Tegee: and making good use of the Night in his Voyage, he leads his Army to the place appointed near unto Scotite, the midway betwixt Tegee and Lacedaemon. The Soldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custom, 
A sally out of Pelene upon the Acheins.  and assailed the Enemy suddenly, who were advertised of their coming by their Scouts. And when the Acheins (according to the Commandment they had received) retired, they pursued them at their backs confidently and with courage. But suddenly they fell into the Ambush, where some of them were slain by the Acheins, and others taken.    

A PARCEL OF the Seventeenth Book of the History of POLYBIUS':  
Where they treat of the Peace betwixt Philip of Macedony and the other Grecians, by the means of Titus a Roman.  
THe time appointed being come, 
Philip's Company.  Philip artives by Sea from the Demetriade, to the Gulf of Meli●a, accompanied with five Foists and one Galley, wherein he sailed. He was attended on by Apolodorus and Demosthenes Macedonians, his Chancellors. There was also Brachylles of ●eocia, and Chiliades the Achein, a Fugitive out of Morea for the causes above mentioned. With the which were also King Saminandre and Dionisodorus sent by Attalus. And as for the Cities and people, Aristenetes and Xenophon were for the Acheins: and Acesymbrotes and Navarchus were for the Rhodiens: and for the etolians came Phenee Chief of the Army, with many other Citizens.  
When they were approached the Sea near unto Nicaea, Titus the Chief of the Romans, stayed at the shore. Philip being almost at Land, stayed in his Vessel. And when as Titus persuaded him to Land, he said (standing upright in his ship) that he would not. Being likewise demanded by Titus what he feared, he answered, No man but the Gods: 
The wise answer of Philip.  but there were many there whom he did not trust, namely, the etolians. And when the Roman Commander wondered, saying, that the peril was equal unto all, and that time common. Philip answering said, that he understood it not so: For an inconvenience happening to Phenee, the etolians had Commanders enough for the War: But if Philip died, there was no King of Macedony for the present. In the beginning of his Speech he seemed importune to them all. But Tytus advised him to speak of the Affairs for which he was come. Philip answered him, that it belonged to him and ●ot unto himself: For this cause he required him to let him know what there was to be done to enjoy a Peace.  
The Roman Commander told him that he must use plain and open words, and advised him to leave all Greece, restoring the Prisoners and Fugitives which were in his power: To yield likewise unto the Romans the places of Sclavonia, which he had seized on after the Accord made in Epirus: That he should restore unto Ptolemy, all the Cities which he had taken since the Death of Ptolomeus Philopater. When Tytus had spoken this, he held his peace: But turning to the rest, he willed every man to deliver his charge▪  
Dionisodorus being sent by Attalus began first, 
The Articles which Dionisodorus demanded of Philip.  saying that he should restore the ships taken by him in the Battle at Sea near unto Chio, and likewise the Prisoners: and re-edify the Temple of Venus, and the Arsenal of the triumphs of Victories which he had ruined. After whom Asesymbrotes Chief of the Army at Sea for the Rhodiens, 
Asesymbrotes' demands for the Rhodiens.  required that Philip should leave Perea, which he had taken from them, and finally retire the Garrisons which he had at jasse, in the Vargylies, and in the City of the Eromeens: And moreover restore the Perinthiens to the commonalty of the Constantinopolitains, and to abandon Sestes, Abydos, and the Fairs of Asia. 
The demands of the Acheins and etolians.  After the Rhodiens the Acheins demanded Corinth and the City of the Argives whole and safe. After these the etolians required first as the Romans had done, that he should abandon all Greece, and that afterwards he should restore the City's whole and entire, which formerly had been of the same Burgess with the etolians.  
When as Phenee Chief of the etolians had spoken thus, Alexander following after, whom they call Icy, in show a man of judgement to manage affairs, and of great Eloquence, 
Alexander against Philip.  said, that Philip did not demand a peace roundly, nor made War valiantly, if it were to be done at any time: and that in assemblies and treaties he watched carefully, playing the part of an Enemy: and that in the War he carried himself wickedly, and not as a good man. For when he should affront the Enemy, it is manifest that he flies the list, and in the mean time burns and ruins Cities: and being thus vanquished by his will, he corrupts the rewards of the Victors: although the ancient Kings of Macedony were never of that mind, but quite contrary. They have fought often Battles in the open field, and have seldom ruined any Cities. The which is manifest to all the World, as well by the Asian War of Alexander against Darius, as by the difference of the Successors, by the which they have all made War against Antigonus for the Empire of Asia. And their posterity hath been of this humour until the time of ●yrrhus, to fight valiantly with an Enemy in open Battle: Doing all that concerned a mutual Combat of men furnished with Arms, yet pardoning the Cities: for that the Victors of them are vanquished, and blamed by those which are subdued. It is the part of a mad man to ruin that for which the War is made, and then to leave it: The which he said Philip did at that time, and that he had ruined more Cities in Thessaly, being of the same friendship and League in War; when as he parted speedily from the straits of Epirus, then ever any of those had done which made War against the Thessaliens.  
And when he had used a long Speech, and delivered other things of the same subject. In the end he demanded of Philip, why Lysimachia being associated to the etolians, and having a Commander of the War from them, he had chased him away, putting a garrison into the City? Why he had spoiled the Cyaneins, of the Etolien Burgeoiship, being a friend to the etolians? Moreover upon what colour he detained Escheins, Thebes, Phthie, Pharsalia, and Larrisse? Having spoken this, Alexander held his peace. When as Philip had approached nearer to Land then before, standing upright in his ship, 
Philip's answer.  said, that Alexander's Speech was Etolique: and that it was notorious to all the World, that no man ruined those which were his companions in Arms, and yet a Prince according to the occasion of times, is many times forced to do things against his will. The King using this Speech: Phenee having a bad sight, looks oftentimes cross upon Philip, saying that he told Fables: and that he should either vanquish in fight, or else subscribe and obey the commandments of the Victors.  
And although that Philip were discontented, yet he omitted not his kind of speech; but turning to Phenee, a blind man said he, would see it. He was in truth apt to Choler, and it was it a manner bred in him, to jest at the good Fortune of other men. Then turning towards Alexander, thou demandest of me, said he, for what reason I have taken Lysimachia: To the end that through your negligence and baseness, it might not be ruined by the Thrasiens', as than it happened, having retired my Soldiers for the present, being there for the defence thereof, and not as thou sayst to take it. In regard of the Cyaneins, I made no Warreagainst them: But when as Prusias assailed them in giving him succours, I took the City with him, whereof you have been the cause. For when as the other Cities of Greece and myself had required you often by Embassies, to abrogate the Law which allows you to take spoil upon spoil: You answered that we must first take Etolia from Etolia, than the said Law. 
A strange Custom of the etolians.  And when as Tytus wondered how that could be, the King laboured to make him understand it, saying that the etolians had a Custom not only to assail those and their Country, with whom they had War: But also it is lawful for them, if their Allies be in Quarrel, to assail both the one and the other with their Regions, and to hold them, without any common decree. And by this means the etolians have neither Laws of Friendship nor Hatred, being ready to fall upon those which are in controversy for any Affairs. Whereon then do these men ground an accusation against me? I was a friend to the etolians, so was I allied to Prusias, and I attempted against the Cy●neins to succour my Allies.  
But behold a case of wonderful discretion, that they which have made themselves Enemies to the Romans, command the Macedonians to depart out of Greece. Without doubt it is a very arrogant Speech. If the Romans speak it, it is tolerable, if the etolians, intolerable. But out of what Greece would you have me depart? How do you limit it? Are there not many etolians in Greece? You shall see that the Agraeins, Apodates, and Amphiloqueins are not of Greece, at the least you leave them to me. And when as Tytus smiled, this said he, shall suffice against the etolians: And as for that which concerns the Rhodiens and Attalus, we may with more justice and equity require, that they should rather restore to us our Prisoners and Vessels, than we to them. We have not assailed the Rhodiens nor Attalus first, but they us, it is without contradiction. Yet for thy sake we will restore Perea to the Rhodiens, and to Attalus his ships and men which are living. In regard of the ruin of the Triumph of Victories, and of Venus' Temple, we cannot repair them: And for that which concerns the Trees and Gardens, I will send men to dig the ground, and will give order that the Trees which are cut may grow again. And when as Tytus smiled again at the scoff of Philip, Philip addressing himself to the Acheins, he put them in mind at the first of the benefits and favours they had received from Antigonus and himself. Moreover he laid open the many Honours which the Acheins had done unto them. Finally, he hath read the Resolution of their revolt in following the Romans party. Upon which occasion he propounded many things against the prevarication and ingratitude of the Acheins: Yet promising to restore them Argos. In regard of Corinthe he would confer with Tytus.  
After this Speech held to the rest, he said to Tytus▪ that he was to speak to him and to the Romans, whether he were of opinion that he should abandon the Cities and places which he had Conquered among the Grecians, or else those which he had received from his Predecessors. And when as Tytus held his peace, Aristenes was suddenly ready to answer for the Acheins, and Phenee for the etolians. But when the hour was past, the Time had closed up their mouths. Philip required that he might have men given him to write down all that was to do for the peace. For when he was alone, he said he had no man with whom conferring, he might yield a reason of the Actions wherewith they charged him.  
And although that Tytus heard Philip willingly in his jest, yet being loath to be discovered by others, he gave him a touch, saying: It is no wonder if thou be'st alone Philip, when thou hast slain all those which gave thee Council. The Macedonian using a Counterfeit smile, held his peace. Then they all gave in Writing what they had demanded, appointing another assembly for the day following at Nicaea. To which place Titus came with his Company, where all the rest appeared, but Philip came not. And when as the day was far spent, and that Titus expected his coming no longer, he armed at Sun setting, accompanied with the same men, saying that he had spent the whole day in vexation and discontent, for the difficulty of the things wherewith they charged him, But according to the opinion of others he did it to frustrate by the shortness of time, the accusation of the Acheins and etolians. He had seen them the day before at his departure ready for their defence, and to complain of him.  
Wherefore at his arrival he entreated the Commander of the Romans to treat of this business with him in private, to the end that in debating it, they might not fall to any outrageous words, but draw it to some end. When he had often entreated this, Titus demanded of the Assistants their opinion what he should do: and when they all yielded unto it, and that he should observe his words, he took Appius Claudius a Captain of a thousand, and commanding the rest that retiring a little into the Sea, they should stay there, bidding Philip to come to Land. The King accompanied with Apolodorus and Demosthenes landed, 
Philip lands.  and had a long discourse with Titus. In regard of that which was spoken of either side, 
The Articles agreed on by Philip.  it is a difficult thing to judge. Titus then when as Philip was retired, related unto the rest the things which he had propounded, namely that he would yield unto the etolians, Larissa and Pharsalia, but not Thebes: That to the Rhodiens he would leave Perea, but not jasson nor Bargulies' to the Acheins Corinthe, and the City of Argives: to the Romans that which he held in Sclavonia with all the prisoners. That he would restore to Attalus the vessels, and all the prisoners that were living since the naval fight. But when as the whole Company disliked of this accord, saying that they must generally decree that he must depart out of all Greece: Otherwise all these articles would be vain and frivolous.  
Philip seeing this contention, fearing likewise the future accusations, he entreats Titus to defer this assembly until the next day, for that it is now late, saying that he would persuade them, or suffer himself to be persuaded. And when as Titus had granted this, they resolved to assemble again at the Port of Tyronye, and so they parted. The day following they all met at the hour apppointed. Philip having made a short speech, 
Another assembly a● Thronye.  requires them all, especially Titus, that they would not break of the treaty of peace: for that there were many things which did conduct to the conclusion of an accord, unless the fault were in them, that the composition was not made. Otherwise they must send Ambassadors to the Senate to order their differences, to the which he would obey, and do all they should command him.  
These things thus propounded by Philip, the others said that they must do that which concerned the war, and not trust to his demands: But the Roman Commander said, that he was not ignorant that Philip would not do any thing that was propounded unto him: and yet their cause was nothing impaired, in yielding him this favour which he demanded. For there could nothing be spoken there that could be confirmed without the Roman Senate: and that moreover the approaching time would be very commodious to make trial of their advice. For as the Armies are unprofitable in regard of the Winter, there could be no inconvenience, if in the mean time they referred themselves unto the Senate, but a great commodity unto them all.  
When they were of this opinion seeing Titus to concur, that the present differences should be transferrded to the Senate, 
Philip's cause sent to Rome.  they resolved to suffer Philip to send an Embassy to Rome, and in like manner all in particular to make their causes known unto the Senate, and to accuse Philip. When this resolution of the Assembly had succeeded according to the humour and advice of Titus conceived in the beginning, he presently pursued those things which were requisite for the Enterprise, having given order for his affairs. Finally, he deals no more with Philip, but assigns him two Months only, in the which he should send an Embassy to Rome, and should retire his Garrisons for Phocis and Locre. He gives him likewise charge, that he should not make War against any of the Roman Allies, and should give order that in the mean time the Macedonians should do them no outrage.  
And when he had dealt with Philip upon these Articles by Writing, he brought the rest of the things propounded to an end of himself. He suddenly sends Aminandre to Rome, knowing his sufficiency in affairs, and to purchase Friends easily wheresoever he came: and that he would procure some good conceit and hope, in regard of the name of Royalty. After whom he sends for Ambassadors, Quintus Fabius, his Nephew in respect of his Wife's Sister, 
Ambassadors sent to Rome by Titus, the Etolien●, Acheins, and Athenians  and Quintus Fului●s, and with them Appius Claudius whom they call Nero. The etolians sent Alexander Issien, Democrates a Calydonien, Dicearchus a Trichonien, Polymarchus an Arsinoen, Lamin an Ambracio●e, and Nicomachus an Acarnanien: and of those which were Fugitives from Thurion, and dwelled at Ambracia, Theodotes, Pherea a Fugitive of Thessaly, and then remaining at Strate.  
The Acheins sent Xenophon an Egien: King Attalus, Alexander alone: The people of Athens Ciphesodorus. All which come to Rome to the Senate, to deliver unto their judgements the things which they had resolved that Year, before that the two Consuls (at the request of the others) were sent into Gallacia against Philip. When as Titus' Friends conceived that the two Consuls should remain in Italy for fear of the Ganles, they enter all into the Senate, and accuse Philip roughly, delivering the same which they had formerly objected unto the King: Yet they laboured carefully to possess the Senate with an opinion, that they could not hope for any liberty, if Calchis, Corinthe, and the Demetriades con●nued in the hand of the Macedonians.  
They said, that Philip had used that speech, and had assured that the said places were the Bonds and shackles of Greece: the which he might well say with reason and truth. For they could not sail safely from M●rea to Corinthe, there being a royal Garrison: neither durst the Locrines, Beocians, and Phoco●ses do it, whilst that Philip holds Calchis and the rest of Negrepont: Neither likewise the Thessalians and Magnetians could not sail freely, Philip and the Macedonians holding the Demetriade. Wherefore in that which Philip hath said, that he would leave the other places, it is a fancy and a shift to escape the present time: and when opportunity should serve, he would easily subdue the Grecians, so as he held the said places. For this cause they entreated the Senate, that Philip might leave those places; or else continue in his Enterprise, and fight valiantly: And that the greatest part of the War was already decided, the Macedonians having lost two Battles, and the greatest part of their forces at Land being consumed.  
These Speeches ended, they entreated them with all affection not to suffer the Grecians to be frustrated of the hope of their liberty, nor themselves deprived of an honourable Title. The Ambassadors of Greece having debated these things or the like: those of Philip had prepared a Mountain of words, but they were suddenly rejected. For when as they were demanded if they would leave Calchis, 
Philip's Ambassadors rejected.  Coriuth, and the Demetriades, they denied that they had any thing in charge. Wherefore being checked, 
War declared against Philip.  by this means they ended their Speech. The Senate sends the two Consuls into Galacia, and declares the War against Philip to be just, giving charge to Titus to attend the Grecians affairs.  
When as the news came into Greece, all things succeeded to Titus according to his desire. For besides that Fortune favoured him, what soever he undertook he brought to an end by his providence and care. 
The Commendation of Titus.  He was in truth (if there were any among the Romans) a witty and ingenuous man. He not only undertook ordinary affairs, but those that were secret, and with such Dexterity and Courage, as he surpassed all others, although he were yet but young: for he scarce passed the Age of Thirty years. He was the first which passed into Greece with an Army.  

A certain Parcel.  
Mankind which seems to be the most cunning and malicious of all the Creatures, hath greater means to be more vicious. The others serving their corporal Desires, are only deceived by them. But Mankind sins no less by a desire of glory through negligence and inconsideration then by Nature.   

More of Titus and the Grecians Actions.  
ANd when as Titus could not learn where the Enemy's Camp was seated, and being assured that they were come through Thessaly. he commands them all to cut stakes, and to carry them with them, to the end they may be ready at necessity. This without doubt seems (according to the custom of the Grecians) impossible, being easy to the Romans. The Grecians in truth are no good Commanders of their Bodies in Marching, 
The Grecians delicate of their Bodies.  and do hardly endure toil. But the Romans having their Targets hanging at their backs in a Belt of Leather, and carrying their Head-pieces in their hands, bear the stakes. There was a great difference betwixt them. 
A difference betwixt the Romans Stakes and the Grecians.  The Grecians held a stake that had many branches at the foot very commodious. But the Romans use stakes with two, or three, or four branches at the most, so as they are easy to carry, for a man carries two or three Faggots together. There is also this difference: For the Grecians stake planted before the Camp, may be easily pulled up. When that only which is strong, is fixed in the ground, and hath many and great branches, if two or three of them show themselves, and draw the stake unto them, it is easily pulled up. And whereas this happens, there is a breach easily made, by reason of the greatness, and then the joining of them is undone by the shortness and mutual height of this kind of palisado The Romans do otherwise. They plant themright up, and interlace them in such sort, as it is not easy for any one to discern or know from which the of the stakes stuck in the ground, the shoots take their growth, nor from what stocks the branches come. Finally, it is not possible for him that seeks to pull them up, to put to his hand, for that they are very thick and intermixed together: And if they be carefully planted, he that shall lay hold on them, shall not be able to pull them up easily, for thatall their joints take their force from the Earth: Secondly, he shall be forced to transport many shoots together, which shall lay hold of one branch, in regard of their mutual interla●ing: Neither is it likely that two or three will seize upon one stake. Yet if it happens that some one pulls up one or two, yet the space cannot be discovered. Wherefore there is a great difference, for that this kind of stakes is easy to find, and easy to carry, and the use is more safe and firm. So as it is apparent, that if the Ramen have not any thing touching the managing of the War which is worthy of imitation, yet this kind of stakes (at the least in my judgement) deserves it.  
When as Titus had prepared all things ready to serve him at need, he marcheth a slow pace with his whole Army. 
Titus' plants his Campeneare to Pherees  And when he came within fifty Furlongs of the City of Pherees, he camped there. The day following at the break of day, he sent forth Spies, to seek if they could by any means discover where the Enemies were, and what they did. But when as Philip had received advertisement, that the Romans were at that time Camped near unto Thebes, raising his Camp from Larissa, he prepares his way towards Pherees with his whole Army.  
When he was within thirty Furlongs, planting his Camp there, he commanded them to have a care of their Victuals. At the break of Day awaking his Army, he sent forth those that were apppointed for Scouts, giving them charge to gain the Hills above Pherees: Then at the Sunrising he parts with all his forces. It happened soon after, that the Scouts of both Armies met on the top of the Mountains. Knowing one another in the Dark, they stayed a little distance off: and advertised their Commanders of that which had happened. And when they required Directions what they should do, they were called back.  
The day following either of them sent forth Horsemen, and about three hundred Soldiers to discover: with whom Titus sent two Bands of etolians for their experience of the places: The which assailing one another near unto Pherees and Larissa, 
An encounter of the foretunne●s.  they fought valiantly. But when the etolians of Epoleme fought with great courage, being also called the Italiques, it happened that the Macedonians were pressed. But after they had skirmished some time, they retired to their Camps. And when as the day following the Plain was displeasing to either of them, for that it was full of Trees, Hedges, and Gardens, they raise their Camps. Philip took his way towards Scotusse, making haste, to the end he might draw Victuals from the City, and lodge his Army with more advantage. Titus conjecturing what would happen, parts with his Army at the same instant, making haste to spoil the Scotussiens' Corn before the coming of Philip. But for that in the marching of the two Armies, there was a great interposition of high Hills and Mountains, the Romans nor the Macedonians could not discover one another in the direction of their way. Wherefore that day's journey being ended, Titus came unto Eretria, and Philip to the River of Onchiste, and presently planted their Camps there unknown to one another.  
And when as the day following they had marched on, Philip stays at Melambie of the Seotusseins, and Titus about the Thetidie of Pharsalia: where they were again unknown one to another. And as there fell a Rain and the yearly Thunder, it happened that the day following in the Morning there arise a great fog, the which falling they could not see what was before their feet. Yet Philip making haste to dispatch that which was offered, Campt wand'ring with his Army: But being hindered by the troublesomeness and difficulty of the way in regard of the fog, he advanced little, and pallisadoed his Campe.  
Finally, he sent Phedria, and gives him charge to gain the tops of the Hills interposed. Titus likewise being Camped about Thetidie, and being doubtful where the Enemies were, he made choice of ten Bands, and about a thousand of the most valiant, sending them before to search diligently, and to enter the Country: who marching to the tops of the Hill, fell by indiscretion into an Ambush of the Enemies, 
The Romans charged by the Macedonians.  by reason of the darkness of the day. Either of them at the first were somewhat troubled, but soon after they charge one another. They likewise send to inform their Commanders of this accident.  
But when as the Romans in this Charge were pressed, and in danger by the Ambush of the Macedonians, they sent unto their Camp for Succours. Titus commanding the etolians, sends those which were under the charge of Archidamus, and of the Eupolemus, and two Tribunes with five hundred Horse, and two thousand Foot. At whose coming they which in the beginning did but skirmish, resuming courage, presently put on another kind of Combat. The Romans relying upon their Succours, double their forces for the fight. And although the Macedonians defended themselves bravely, yet they sent unto the King, being pressed and annoyed by their Arms, and for their refuge recovered the tops of the Mountains.  
And when as Philip had no hope but that they should be able that day to give Battle with all their Forces for the foresaid Causes, he had sent many of his men to forage. But when he was advertised of that which happened by those which he had sent, and that the mist was past, he sent Heraclides the Gyrtonien, Chief of the Thessalian Horse, and Leon Commander of the Macedonian Cavalry.  
He likewise sent Athenagórus with all the Mercenaries except the Thracians. Who being come to the Ambush, and the Macedonians much reinforced, they made head against the Enemy, and repulsed the Romans from the Hills. The Dexterity of the Etolien Horse did much hinder the Enemies from turning head. They fought in truth with great courage and confidence. 
The Nature of the etolians as well on force as Horseback.  The etolians in regard of the Footmen, are faint both in their Arms and Ordnance for a Combat in Field: But their Horsemen are excellent above all the other Grecians in particular and separated Combats. Wherefore it happened, that for that they had stayed the violence and fury of the Enemy, they could not so soon recover the Plain, but stayed for a time in Battle.  
But when as Titus saw not only the most valiant and his Horsemen retire but also his whole Troops to be dismayed, 
Titus puts his Army in Battle.  he draws his whole Army to Field, and puts them in order upon the Hills. At the same instant they which were in Guard, ran hastily one after another to Philip, crying out unto him, Sir, the Enemies fly, lose not this occasion: The Barbarians seek us not: This day is yours, embrace the time, and by this means they ●n●ire and stir up Philip to Battle, although the situation of the place did not content and please him. For the said Hills (which they call Dogshead) are rough, difficult of all sides, and high. Wherefore when as Philip had formerly foreseen the unequalness of the places, he had not in the beginning made any preparation unto Battle: But being then provoked by the great confidence of the advertisements, he draws his Army with all speed out of the Fort.  
In regard of Titus, he order his Troops and Bands for the Battle, and follows them close which began the Skirmish, making remonstrances unto the Battalions as he turned. His Speech was short, plain, and intelligible to the Hearers. Propounding then the cause, he said unto his Soldiers: Are not these O Companions, the same Macedonians, who formerly holding in Macedony the top of the Mountains towards Heordia, you have forced with Sulpicius, and chased from thence with the defeat of the greatest part of them? Are not these the same Macedonians, who being seized upon the difficult places of Epirus, and leaving no hope of approach, you have chased by your prowess, and forced to fly into Macedony, abandoning their Arms? What reason is there then that you should fear the same men, with whom you are to enter into an equal Combat? To what end do we propound unto you precedent actions to consider on, but that in regard of them you should fight more confidently? Wherefore Companions attend the Battle with resolution, giving courage one to another. I hold for certain, that with the good pleasure of the Gods, the end of this Battle will soon be the conclusion of the precedent.  
When Titus had used these Speeches, he commands the right Wing of his Army not to budge, setting the Elephants before them: And assails the Enemy with great courage with the left Wing, being accompanied by the most valiant. They which among the Romans had began the Fight, showing their courage, pressed the Enemies, having been relieved by some Troops of Footmen. And when as at the same time Philip saw that the greatest part of his Army was in order of Battle before the Palisado, 
A Battle betwixt the Romans and Philip of Macedony.  he marcheth, taking the Targetteers and the Battalion of the right Wing, and ascends the Hills with speed: giving charge to Nicanor (whom he called Elephant) to command the rest of the Army to follow close. As soon as the first had recovered the top, he defends the Battalion, setting the Targets before, and seized upon the higher Country. And when as the Macedonians pressed the Romans much, upon the two flanks of the Hills, he discovered the tops to be abandoned. As he fortified the right Wing of his Army, it happened that the Soldiers were much annoyed by the Enemy.  
For when they they which were best armed, were joined unto the most valiant of the Romans, and succoured them in this fight, they pressed the Enemies much and flew many. As the King was there in the beginning, and saw the Combat of the valiant men not to be far from the Camp, he rejoiced: again, when he saw them decline, and to have need of Succours, he was forced to send them, and at that instant to hazard a Battle, although that many of the Troops of his Army were yet upon the way, and approached to the Hills. And in taking the Soldiers he ranks them all, as well on foot as Horseback on the right Wing, commanding the bears of Burdens and the Battalions, to double the Front of their Ranks, and to stand close upon the right hand.  
This being done, when as the Enemies joined with them, he commanded the Battalion that bending down their javelins they should match in order, and mingle with the strongest. At the same instant, when as Titus had retired those which had bagunne the Fight, to the spaces which were betwixt the Ensigns, he chargeth the Enemy.  
The Combat beginning on either side with great fury and clamour, all crying together, yet those which were without the fight crying unto the rest, the Battle was made very horrible and cruel, and it showed the force of the Combat, Philip's right Wing carried itself valiantly in this Battle: charging the Enemy from above, having an advantage in their order: which finally for the present fight was much more commodions, in regard of the diversity and several sorts of Arms. In regard of the rest of the Army, some were joined unto the Enemy fight a far off, others showed themselves upon the left hand having gotten the tops of the Hills.  
When as Tytus saw and did well perceive that his men could not endure the force of the Enemy's battalion, and those of the right wing to be repulsed, and some seaine, and others to retire by degrees, and that all his hope of safety consisted in the right Wing, he goes speedily unto them, and considers the Enemy's order. When he saw some succeed in their places which had fought, and others to descend from the Hills, and some to stay upon the tops, he marcheth against the Enemy with his Ensigns, putting the Elephants before. And when as the Macedonians had no advertisement by Trumpets and Clarons, and that they could not make it good, nor receive any true order of a battalion, aswell for the difficulty of the place, as for that the Combatants had the form of goers, and not of an order of Battle, and that there was no further means to fight single, or hand to hand with the Romans: Being also terrified and much injured with the Elephants, and likewise separated one from another, they marched presently away. Wherefore many Romans pursued them continually and slew them.  
One of the Captains Milleneirs being of this Troop, having but twenty Ensigns, considering at the very instant what was to be done, did great service for the obtaining of an absolute Victory. For when he saw those that accompanied Philip, assailed the others often, and grievously to annoy the left Wing, he turns to them that were in distress, leaving those which vanquished on the right Wing, and charged the Macedonians in the Rear. When as they of the battalion could not make resistance, fight man to man, this other was at their backs, killing those they encountered, there being no man that could succour them, so as in the end they were forced to turn head, and to abandon their Arms. Although that Philip (as we have said in the beginning) had a great hope in the Victory, making a conjecture in his own conceit, yet seeing the Macedonians to abandon and leave their Arms suddenly, and the Enemies to charge in the Rear, he parts speedily from the Battle with some Horse and Foot to consider fully of the Combat.  
When as he imagined that the Romans by their pursuit would approach to the right Wing on the tops of the Hills, he seeks to draw together as many Thaesiens' and Mac●donians as possibly he could. When as Tytus pursued the Chase, and had discovered the left Wing of the Macedonians to ass●ile the tops of the Hills, 
The sign which the Macedonians give when they yield.  he stayed: For that the Enemies held their javelins right up: The which the Macedonians are accustomed to do when they yield, or retire from the Enemy. When he had known the cause of this accident, he restrains his men, being willing to pardon those that were amazed with fear. But whilst that Tytus considered of these things, some of the fore most Charge them from above and kill many: 
The victory of the Romans.  few escaped abandoning their Arms. This Battle being thus ended of all sides, and the Romans having the victory, Philip retires towards Tempe, and coming the first day to the Tower of Alexander, he passed the Night there. The day following passing to Gonnes, he entered Tempe, staying there for those which should escape in the flight.  
When as the Romans had pursued the Chase for a time, some strip the dead, others draw the Prisoners together, and a great part go to force the Enemies Campe. There they find the etolians, who had forced it before for spoil, and imagining that they were frustrated of a booty which was due and did belong unto them, they began to accuse the etolians before the General, and to complain, that he had imposed the danger and the burden of the Battle upon them, giving the profit and benefit unto others: yet being returned unto their Camp, they were somewhat pacified. The day following they assemble and gather together the Prisoners, and the rest of the spoil and booty, and from thence they took their course towards Larissa.  
There died in this battle about seven hundred Romans, and near upon eight thousand Macedonians; 
Number of the dead on either side.  the Prisoners were not less than five Thousand. Besides many that escaped by flight. Thus ended this Battle given betwixt Philip and the Romans in Thessaly at the Dogshead.   

Of the difference of the Roman and Macedonian Arms.  
I Had promised in the sixth Book, to make a Comparison of the Roman and Macedonian Arms, and of the ordering of their Battles, and wherein they differ either worse or better: Now I will endeavour to perform my promise. As in former times the Macedonian Armies have given good proofs of their Valour, having Vanquished the Asiatiques and Grecians, and that the Romans have surmounted the Africans as much, as all the Western Nations of Europe, and that in our time the conference of these Armies and men is to be made, not for once but for many times, it will be commodious and profitable to seek out their difference, and for what reason the Romans vanquish, having always the upper hand in Martial Combats: To the end that acknowledging it from Fortune, we should with reason call them happy Victors, as the ignorant usually do: But knowing the true cause, we should commend and hold these Captains for miracnlous. In regard of the Battles given betwixt Hannibal and the Romans, and their loss, it is not needful to use any long Discourse. The Romans without doubt did not suffer those losses, for want of Arms, and the order of their Battles, 
The Romans have been Vanquished by the policy of Hannibal.  but in regard of the good direction and policy of Hannibal.  
We declared this when we related the Battles themselves. The end of the War confirms our opinion. For when as the Romans had found a Commander like unto Hannibal, they suddenly were Victors. So doth this, that when as Hannibal had Vanquished the Romans first, he furnished the common Soldiers better with the Roman Arms, rejecting their own: Having usurped them in the beginning, he afterwards made continual use of them. Pyrrhus in like manner did not only use the Italians Arms, but also their ordering of Armies, when as by change he sets in the head of the Romans an Ensign and Band of the battalion. Yet he could not overcome nor vanquish by this means, the end of the Combat being always doubt to the one and the other. It shallbe therefore necessary and convenient to Trea●e thereof first, to the end that nothing may seem any way contrary unto our opinion: but I will begin our conference.  
It is an cafie thing to know by many instructions, that if a Battalion observes its proper order and forces, so nothing can annoy it, nor withstand it, for as an armed man hath three foot in his posture in a close Combat, and that the length of his Pike from one end to the other is of four and twenty foot, and at the least of one and twenty: And that for the space of his hands with the end which remains for to shake it, they abate six foot during the Combat, it is apparent that a Pike shall have fifteen foot in length, besides the body of every man that is armed, when with both hands he presents it and chargeth the Enemy. Whereby it commonly happens that the other Pikes pass three foot before the second, third, and fourth rank of the precedent: The others before the fifth, if the battalions be fitly joined and close, according unto the order of those which are in the Rear and upon the Flanks: As Homer teacheth when he saith, the Target assures the Target, the Head-piece the Head-piece, and the Man the Man: The Head-pieces adorned with Horse's hair, touch one another with their brave Crests: tending, that they should be joined together and close.  
As these things are spoken with good reason and truth, it is apparently necessary, that the Pikes should be charged, according to those that go before, passing betwixt them the length of ten foot and a half. By this means they may visibly know of what force the preparation and order of a battalion is, having the length of sixteen Ranks: Whereof they which exceed the fifth cannot fight with their P●kes. For this cause they cannot fight hand to hand, nor man to man: but they support them at their backs until they take breath, to the end that the first rank may hold a firm order, repulsing all manner of force with their Pikes, which (passing the first) might charge upon the rear. For in marching after this ●manner, they press the fore-most with the weight of their bodies, to make a more violent charge. For it is impossible for the fore-most to turn back.  
This being the order of a Macedonian Battalion, aswell in particular as in general, we must by way of comparison speak of the properties and differences of the Roman Arms, and of their ordering of a Battle. The Romans have three foot space with their Arms. The which in fight they move from man to man, 
Order of the Romans Arms.  for that every man covers his body with his Target, the which they also use when any occasion of Combat is offered. They commonly fight with the Sword by transport and apart: Wherefore it is manifest that these men have betwixt them, a Retreat and space of three foot at the least, betwixt him that goes before, and the other which follows to fight more at ease, whereby it happens that a Roman standing still, contains the space of two Macedonian Soldiers, being in the first Rank: So as he must offer himself and fight against ten Pikes: All which one cannot cut if he would, holding them in his hands: Neither can the following Forces any way assist the first Rank, neither to assail nor to manage their Arms. So as we may easily conjecture, that it is impossible for any man living, to sustain and defend the violence of a Macedonian battalion in Front, 
For what cause the Romans Vanquish.  if (as we have formerly said) it retains its propriety and force, for what cause then do the Romans Vanquish?  
Whence comes it that Macedonian battalions, are frustrated of their Hope of Victory? It is for that the Roman Ordnance, hath in Battle infinite places and times commodious for the Combat, and the Macedonians have only place and time, when it may be serviceable and commodious. And therefore if upon some necessity the Adversary's ●all suddenly upon the Macedonian battalions, when they are to give Battle, it is likely that they which make use of it, would be always the Masters. But if they can divert or turn it, (which is an easy thing) of what amazement and great terror will this Ordnance be?  
Moreover it is very plain and manifest that a Macedonian battalion hath need of Plains and Even ground without any let or incumbance, as Ditches, Springs, Valleys, Hills, and Watercourses: for all these things may disturb, break, and make frustrate their desire and intention. It is (as a man may say) in manner impossible, to find a Country of twenty Furlongs (I speak of no more) where none of the aforementioned things are found. It is without any question or doubt a rare thing, and which no reasonable man will deny. Yet I will allow there are some found. If the Enemies do not direct and guide themselves thither, but passing on ruin the Towns, Villages, Cities, and whole Regions of their Friends and Allies, what profit then will grow by this kind of Ordnance? If it stays in places of advantage, it cannot give succours to its friends, nor preserve itself. For Victuals, Munition, and succours, may be very easily intercepted by an Enemy, if without any opposition he be master of the field. If likewise in leaving places of advantage, a Macedonian Battalion seeks to execute some enterprise, he is in danger of the Enemy. For although that some one goes to field, and doth not at one time offer his Army to the fury of the Macedonian Battalion, diverting himself for a time during the fight, we may easily conjecture by that which the Romans do at this day, what will happen. The conjecture of that which we say, must not be taken from the effect. They do not present their Battalion in such an indifferent place, as they must suddenly fight with all their forces in front. One part fights the other stirs not.  
Moreover if at any time the Macedonians press their Enemies eagerly, and are afterward repulsed by them, the proper order of the Battalion is broken. For they leave the rest of the Army, whether they pursue those that are retired, or fly from those which charge them. The which being done, they leave unto the Enemy the place which they had held, not to charge in front, but to serve them upon the flank or in the rear, to succour those of the Battalion. Why it is not probable, that it should be easy for a Roman Battalion, to observe time and advantage, and not for a Macedonian, seeing the differences are great, according to the truth of the said things.  
Moreover it is necessary for those which make use of the Macedonian Ordnance, to pass through all sorts of Countries, and to plant their Camp, and finally to seize upon commodious places and to besieged and endure sieges, and to present himself against the Enemy. All these things are requirest in war: Sometimes also the general moments which are great, serve much for the victory: all which are not easy for a Macedonian Ordnance, yea sometimes they are unprofitable, for that the soldier can neither serve in rank nor man to man: Whereas the Roman is fit and profitable for these things. For every Roman coming to fight with his Arms, is active for all times and places and for all charges: and hath generally one Ordnance, whither he be to fight in Troop with the whole Army, or particularly Ensign, to Ensign or Man to Man. Wherefore as the commodity is most excellent, so many times the end and conclusion of the Battle is more prosperous and successful unto the Romans, then to others. I have therefore thought it necessary and convenient to use a long Discourse concerning these things, for that there are many Grecians at this day which hold it incredible, that the Macedonians should be vanquished and overcome, being ignorant of the cause and means, whereby a Macedonian Ordnance is vanquished by the Roman Arms.  
When as Philip had used all possible means he could in this Battle, and yet was prevented of the Victory, 
Philip's retreat into Macedony.  he forthwith made great haste (passing by Tempe) to recover Macedony, being accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battle. He presently sent unto Laressa the second Night after the Battle, one of the Archers of his Guard, giving him charge to tear and burn the Royal Letters, doing therein an Act worthy of a King, who in his adverse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to be done. He knew and did well perceive that if the Romans were once seized on his Commentaries, there might be many occasions offered unto his Enemies against him and his Friends. It may be it happened and fell out to him as to others, who not able to contain their power moderately in prosperous things, yet have borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience: The which happened unto Philip, as willbe apparent by the following Discourse. So as aiming at that which was convenient, we have plainly showed and declared his Attempts tending to reason, and again his change to worse, and when, how, and wherefore these things were done, having plainly set forth and expressed his Actions: We must by the same means declare his Repentance and diligence, whereby being changed through his adverse Fortune, he carried and behaved himself at that time like a wise and discreet man. Finally, Tytus having given good order after the Battle, for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoil, he went to Larissa.   

A Parcel of an imperfect sense.  
TO define folly we cannot, for that they are desirous of the same means. This kind of remissness and dulness, is often 〈◊〉 in many. Neither is it to be wondered at, if it hath place among others: But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found, there is another cause, for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree: Watch and remember that thou must distrust. This is the bond of hearts.   

Of a certain Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans.  
AT the same time came from the Vargyles' Publius Lentulu●, 
Antiochus makes an assembly at Lysmachia.  with ten Legates: and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius vilius. When their coming was suddenly declared unto the King, they assembled all within few days at Lysimachia. After whom followed Hegissi●nactes, and Lisias sent at that time to Titus. Finally, the conference in private betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous. But when the assembly met for affairs, they embraced another disposition. Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leave all the Cities, the which being subject to Ptolemy, he had taken in Asia. In regard of those which were subject to Philip, he contested much to have him leave them. For it was a mockery, that Antiochus coming he should reap the fruits of the War which the Romans had made against Philip: He likewise advised him not to meddle with the free Cities. He also said, that it seemed strange, that without reason he had passed into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land: That no man could conceive it to be to any other end, then to make War against the Romans. These things being propounded by the Romans, they held their peace. 
Antiochus' answer to the Romans.  The King in answer said, that he wondered for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia, and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans. Finally, he entreated them not to usurp, nor to deal with the affairs of Asia: And that for his part he would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy. In regard of Europe, he had entered with his Armies to recover the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace: For that the command of all those places belonged to him: this government in the beginning being due to Lysimachus: But when as Seleucus made War against him, and had overthrown him in Battle, all the Kingdom of Lysimachus became subject to Seleucus by force. After the time of his predecessors, Ptolemy was the first who violently the said places, usurped them: The like did Philip. And that for his part he recovered them, accommodating himself to his own times, and not to those of Philip.  
And as for the Lysimachians, ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himself, no way wronging the Romans, and restored them to their Country: The which he did to show this mercy to the affairs of Seleucus, and not to make War against the Romans. In regard of the Cities of Asia, they ought not to enjoy liberty by the commandment of the Romans, but of grace. And for that which concerned Ptolemy, that with all his heart he gave him thanks: and that he understood that he had not only concluded Friendship with him, but made a League. When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins, and Smy●niens, should be called, and audience given them, it was done accordingly. There Parmenio and ●ythodorus presented themselves for the Lampsaceneins, and Cerane for the Smyrnien. When as these men debated freely, the King being incensed to yield an account of their debate before the Romans, interrupting the Speech of Parme●io, cease saith he, to plead so much, I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans, but rather before the Rhodiens, and then by this means they broke off the Assembly without any mutual affection.   

Another Parcel.  
MAny men desire actions of courage and prowess, but the experience is rare. Scope in truth and C●comenes have had great occasions for Combats and hardy Erterprises. For as Scope was formerly taken, he had resolved in the same hope with his Servants and Friends, but he could not save himself. Finally, his just death (having led a wretched life) hath given testimony of his great weakness. And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces, having the government of the King in his nonage, and was of his Council, yet he was soon ruined.  
For when as Aristomenes knew that he had assembled his Friends in his house, holding a Council with them, he sent unto him by his Guards to come unto the assembly. But he was so transported in his judgement, as he did not that which he ought to have done, neither could he (being called) be obedient unto the King: which was the greatest folly in the World: until that Aristomenes knowing his baseness, lodged Soldiers and Elephants near his House, and sent Ptolemy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men, to bring him with fair words, if he would come willingly; if not, to use force.  
When as Ptolemy was entered into his house, and signifying unto him that the King demanded Scope, he did not at the first observe his wo●ds: But casting his looks upon Ptolemy, he was long in that estate, as it were threatening him, and wondering at his presumption. But when as Ptolemy approached with assurance, and laid hold of his Cloak, than he required help of the Assistants. Being in this estate, and a great company of the young men coming about him, being also advertised, that his house was environed with Soldiers, he followed him obeying the times, being accompanied by his Friends. When as he was come to the Assembly and Council, the King charged him a little: Then Polycrates newly arrived from Cypress: and in the end Aristomenes. The accusation was according to that which had been spoken: but they added moreover, that he had drawn his Friends together to consult, and that being called by the King, he would not obey. For which things all they which were in the Assembly, not only condemned him, but likewise the foreign Ambassadors there assisting. But when as Aristomenes came to accuse him, he took many notable persons, not only of Greece, but also of the Etolien Ambassadors, who were there for the accord: Among the which was Dorimachus, the Son of Nicostrates.  
And when as these men had spoken, Scope laboured to allege some excuses: But when as no man give ear unto him for the foulness of his Crimes, he was suddenly carried to Prison with his Friends. The Night following, Aristomenes caused him to dye of poison with all his Friends and Kinsfolks. 
Scope pu● to death by poison.  In regard of Dicearchus, he put him to death, having suffered great Torments: having endured fit punishments for all the Grecians. This was that Dicearchus whom Philip (presuming to break the accords with the Lands of Cyclades, and the Cities of Hellespont, had made him Commander of all his Army at Sea, and superintendent of the said business. And when he was sent to a manifest execration, he did not hold it an unreasonable and wicked act, thinking he should be able to terrify both Men and Gods by his rage. Making haste to recover the ships, 
Altars set up by Dicear●hus to cruelty and iniquiry.  he set up two Altars, the one to cruelty, and the other to iniquity: Upon the which he sacrificed and prayed as unto the Gods. Wherefore it seems he was punished by a just Death, as well in the presence of Gods as Men. For as he led a life of a strange Nature, so he ended by a strange Death. Finally, when as the other etolians were desirous to retire home, the King suffered them to go with all their Goods. Scope in his life time had a wonderful desire of riches. He exceeded all other in avarice. And after his death his houses were found abounding with Gold and rich movables. Whereas he had for assistant the ingratitude and drunkenness of Charimorthe, he had wholly corrupted the Realm.  
When as the Privy Council had taken order for the etolians affairs, they all inclined to give power to the King to command: Not in regard of the maturity of his age, but for that they thought thereby, that the estate of the Crown would further the affairs: and that if the King took upon him a free power of the Realm, it would be a beginning and advancement to the better. Making then a stately preparation, they put it in execution with royal Magnificence. Polycrates seemed to have assisted them much in this Enterprise. For as this man was dear unto his Father, being yet young, there was not a better Courtier in all the whole Court, neither for that which concerned his fidelity, nor the affairs, nor yet i● more favour with the King. When as Cypress with the revenues were delivered unto him upon his faith and trust, in that dangerous time subject to many hazards, he not only kept this Island for the Infant, but also gathered together great store of Treasure, the which he then brought unto the King, delivering the government of Cypress to Ptolemy the Megalopolitaine. And when upon this occasion, he had purchased a great power for the future, in time he strayed and fell into a rash and wicked course of life. Ptolemy Agesandre by the force of his Age fell into the like infamy. Wherefore when opportunity shall serve, it shall be no great trouble to declare what great ignominy and reproach followed their governments.  
To God only be all Honour and Glory.    

The Contents of the chiefest matters contained in this History.  

AN alliance made by Hieron with Leptine. fol. 6  
Accord betwixt Hieron and the Romans, and what it contains. 10  
Agregas besieged by the Romans. 11  
Agregas spoiled by the Romans. 13  
A defeat of Hannibal's ships for want of a good wind. 15  
An Engine invented by the Romans, called the Raven. ib.  
A defeat of 4000 allied to the Romans by Amilcar. 16  
Army of 140000. Romans, and more Carthaginians. 18  
A remonstrance made by the Carthaginian Captains, unto the Soldiers of their Army. 18  
Amilcar vanquished. 20  
A victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians. ibid.  
Aspis taken by the Romans. ibid.  
Asdrubal, Bostar, and Amilcar, Commanders of the Carthaginian army. 21  
A remonstrance of Polybius: 24  
Aspis besieged by the Carthaginians. 25  
A great number of the Roman ships perished by a Tempest. 26  
Asdrubal sent into Sicily by the Carthaginians. 27  
A new army at Sea, prepared by the Romans. 28  
A defeat of Carthaginians by the Romans. Army at Sea prepared by the Romans. 29  
A conspiracy of mercenary Soldiers serving under the Carthaginians. 30  
Alexon. ibid.  
A sally of the Carthaginians upon the ●●omans Engines of battery. 34  
An enterprise of the Romans upon Tri●anum. 35  
A Combat at Sea betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. 36  
Appius Claudius deposed from the Consulship, and afterwards condemned to dye. 37  
Amilcar spoils the Coasts of Italy 39  
Amilcar. ibid.  
A good comparison. 40  
Army at Sea prepared by the Carthaginians. 41  
A victory of the Romans, against the Carthaginians. 42  
Amilcar Father unto Hannibal. 43  
Amilcar. 50  
A mutiny of mercenary and oiher common Soldiers in Sardinia, and Bostare slain. 52  
A great inhumanity and wickedness committed. 54  
A cruel resolution. ibid.  
A defeat of the Carthaginians by Matho. 57  
Assignation of a battle. 58  
Asdrubal chosen and made General of the army. 60  
Agron King of Sclavonia. ibid.  
A defeat of etolians by the Slavonians. 61  
A reprehension of the Epirots. 62  
A bold answer of an Ambassador. 64  
A Victory of the Slavonians against the Acheins. 65  
Apotonia yielded to the Romans. 65  
Accord made with Tuto. 6●  
A treaty made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. 67  
A description of Italy. 67  
A price had to be credited. 68  
A defeat and ruin of the Senogalloys by the Romans. 71  
A defeat of the Gauls in Delphos. 71  
Amazement of the Romans, for the descent of the Gauls. 72  
A descent of the Transalpins' into Italy. 72  
A victory of the Gauls against the Romans. 74  
A defeat of the Gauls army. 77  
A victory of the Romans against the Millannoys. 79  
Acerras besieged. 79  
A defeat of Gauls by the Romans. 80  
Acerras taken by Cornelius. 80  
Asdrubal slain. 81  
All Morea reduced into a League. 82  
A League betwixt the Dymonsori●s and them of Patras. 84  
Aristomachus, Xenon, Cleomenes● 86  
Antigones Tutor to Philip's son. 86  
Athenes. 86  
A good consideration of rate. 87  
A good in●ention of a rate. 87  
Acrotorinth yielded to Antigonus. 90  
Argos taken by the Acheins. ib.  
Acrotorinth taken by Antigonus, ibid.  
Aristomachus. 94  
Aristomachus strangled. 95  
Army levied by Cleomenes● 97  
Antigonus blamed. ibid.  
Antigonus' camp seated upon the banks of Gorgile. 98  
Attalus. 103  
Agesilaus. 106  
A good comparison. ibid.  
Antiochus an enemy unto the Romans. 108  
Asdrabal son in Law to Hannibal. 109  
A good consideration and necessary for all Governors. ibi.  
Army of a hundred thousand men. 110  
An Embassy from the Romans unto Hannibal. 110  
An other accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. 118  
An other accord. ibid.  
An other accord made with Asdrubal. ib.  
A division of Provinces to the Consul. 125  
A surprise made by the Bullo●ians upon the Romans. 126  
A defeat of the Numidians, by the Roman Cavalry. 129  
Army of Hannibal decreased. 137  
A combat of the horse, betwixt Hannibal and Scipio. 141  
A● Embassy from the Bullonians to Hannibal. 142  
A plain is sometimes an occasion of am ambush. 144  
Ambush laid by Hannibal for the Romans. 145  
A defeat of the Roman horsemen. 146  
Army levied by the Romans both by Sea and Land. 147  
A defeat of some Romans by Asdrubal. 148  
Ambush laid by Hannibal. 151  
A defeat of the Roman horsemen by Maherbal. 153  
A Dictator created. ibid.  
Hasdrubals p●rting from Carthage to go into Spain. 158  
Army at Sea prepared suddenly by the Carthaginians. 159  
Acedux or Abilux. ibid.  
Acedux conspires with the Romans. 160  
A combat betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians. 163  
A legion of five thousand men, and the manner how the Romans raise an army. 166  
A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans. 168  
A great amazement at Rome. 170  
Asdrubal. 171  
Acheus. Antiochus. 175  
Ariston. 176  
An Embassy sent from Arate to the Etotoliens. 180  
A Fight betwixt the Acheins and the etolians. 181  
A defeat of the Acheins. 181  
Arate blamed by the Acheins. 182  
Advice of the Acheins touching the war against the etolians. 182  
Amity amongst the Lacedæmonians. 187  
Ambassadors sent from Lacedemonia to Philip 188  
Alexander the Great. 188  
Amphixions restored to their Laws. 189  
Answers to Ambassadors. 192  
Aristocrates 193  
A league made between the Lacedæmonians and etolians. 195  
An absolute Defeat of the Gauls Empire. 200  
Attalus and Acheins. 201  
Achate caused himself to be called King. ibid.  
Accord betwixt the Constantinopolitaines and the Rhodiens. 203  
Accord made with Prusias. ibid.  
Alexander. 205  
Assault given by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire. 206  
Alexander slain. 207  
Athens taken by Lycurgus. ibid.  
Ambrachia taken by Philip. 208  
An assembly of the etolians to keep the passage of a River. 209  
Arate joins with Philip. 212  
Appelles Tutor to Philip. 216  
Appelles persists in his Enterprise. 219  
Accusation of Appelles against Arate and and the Acheins. 221  
Answer of Arate. ibid.  
Alexander Chamberlain to King Antigonus. ibid.  
Alexander the Great. 229  
Amycle. 233  
A multitude against Philip and his men. 237  
Appelles taken Prisoner. 239  
An Army near to Ephesus. 242  
Archidamus slain by Cleomenes 243  
Antrochus Son to Seleucus 245  
Antiochus marries with Laodicea. 246  
Antiochus puts his Army in Battle. 252  
Antiochus goes against Artabazanes. 253  
Antiochus hath a Son. ibid.  
Artabazanes makes an accord with Antiochus. ibid.  
Apoliphanes advice to Antiochus. 254  
Antiochus corrupts the Captains of Seleucia. 256  
An Army rassed by Ptolemy. 258  
Answer of Ptolemy's Ambassadors to Antiochus. 259  
Advice of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolemy. 260  
Antiochus his army divided into three. 261  
Army of Ptolo●y. 266  
Army of Antiochus. ibid.  
Andrew the King's Physician slain. 267  
Antiochus send Ambassadors unto Ptolemy. 270  
Accord made betwixt Ptolemy and Antiochus. ibid.  
Arate prepared for the War. 272  
Again and Cassander taken by Scardilade. 273  
Athenians abandon Ptolemy. 279  
Antiochus passeth Mount Tourus. ibid.  
Advice of Government. 282  
A true Monarchy. 283  
A true Aristocracy. ibid.  
A Democracy. ibid.  
A Royalty. 284  
Aristocratia. 286  
Authority of the people. 289  
Athenians. 304  
All things subject to corruption. 311  
Accord made betwixt the Carthaginians, Macedonians and Grecians. 313  
Achens taken & brought to Antiochus. 328  
Accord made by the youth of Tarentum with the Carthaginians. 331  
Appius besieged by Hannibal. 337  
A w●se consideration of Hannibal. 338  
Amazement of the Romans. 339  
Alexander ruinated Thebes. 348  
Antipat●r. ibid.  
Antigonus. 349  
Alexander the Epirot. 352  
Asdrubal abandoned my many Spaniards. 375  
Advice of Asdrubal for the War. 376  
Andobale speaks to Publius S●ipio. ibid.  
Attalus against Philip by Sea. 379  
Advertisement by fire. ibi.  
Advice of E●eas touching signs by fire. 380  
An other kind of advertisement by fire, invented by Cleomenes and Demotrites. 381  
Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slain. 386  
Accord betwixt the Romans and the etolians. 388  
Anaxid●mus slain. 393  
Hasdrubals Camp near to Elinge. 394  
Asdrubal chargeth the Romans. 395  
Asdrubal puts his men in battle. 396  
Agathocles cruelty. 407  
Achiens free from fraud. 414  
Apege the wife of Nabis. 416  
Advice of the Romans. 423  
Articles comprehended in the accords passed betwixt Scipio and Carthaginians. 430  
Articles of accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians. 435  
Agathocles showed her paps to the Macedonians. 442  
Agathocles slain. 443  
Attalus chargeth Philip's army at Sea. 446  
A man may be commended and blamed according to the diversity of his actions. 453  
Abideins besieged by Philip. 454  
A course which the Abydeins take in despair. 455  
Alexander against Philip. 460  
Antiochus answer to the Romans. 477   

B.  
Beginning of the History. 5  
Blame of Philin and Fabius Historiogra. 9  
Battle at Sea betwixt the Carthaginians & Romans. 16  
Battle at Sea betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians. 19  
Battle given by the Romans to the Carthaginians. 24  
Battle won by the Carthaginians. 58  
Boloniens defeated by the Romans. 71  
Battle of the footmen. 76  
Boloniens Country spoiled. Boloniens yield unto the Romans. 78  
Beginning of the League. 81  
Bostar Chief of the Carthaginians. 160  
Bremius chief of the Gauls. 200  
Blame of Philip 238  
Bold enterprise of Cleomenes. 244  
battle betwixt Ptolemy & Antiochus. 268  
Beginning of governments. 284  
Blame of Nomarche and Philomale. 351  
Beginning of the fight for Carthage. 362  
Battle betwixt Asdrubal and the Romans in Italy. 385  
Battle by the Elephants. 432  
Brave answer of Philip to Marcus Emilius. 456   

C.  
Carthaginians lose the Battle. 13  
Carthaginians army 350. sail. 17  
Complaint of the Soldiers. 45  
Courtesy of Romans to the Carthaginis. 56  
Causes of Alexander's war in Persia. 106  
Cause of the first war betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 108  
Countries Conquered by Hannibal. 110  
Cruelty of Hannibal. 153  
Carthaginians defeated by the Romans upon a Hill, and then surprised. 161  
Course which Hannibal took in passing the straits kept by the Romans. 162  
Camp of Asdrubal of 30000. foot, and 300. horse. 418  
Camp of Syphax of 10000 horse, and 50000. foot. ibid.  
Carthaginians Senate hold a Counsel 421  
Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Ambassador. 426  
Carthaginians press Hannibal. 428  
Cruelty of Virgins. 443  
Causes why Philip challengeth the Victory to himself. 450  
Cruelty of the Abydeins to themselves. 456  
Courteous and wise answer of Philip. 459  
Custom of the etolians very strange. 461  
Commendation of Tytus. 465  
Defeat of Hieron by Apias. Defeat of the Carthaginians by Apias. 8  
Dissension betwixt Amilcar & Hanno. 55  
Death of Amilcar. 59  
Death of King Ageron. 60  
Demetrius father to Philip. 61  
Duraza surprised by the Sclavonians. 64  
divers victories of the Gauls against the Romans. ●0  
Diligence of the Romans 73  
Defeat of the forlorn hope of the Gauls. and the death of King Aueroeste. 77  
divers defeats of the Acheins. 89  
Duty of a Historiographer. 92  
Death of many great Princes. 101  
Demetrius lost his Realm and Life by conspiracy. 105  
Demetrius King of Sclavonia. 111  
Discretion of the head of an enterprise. 112  
Demetrius a man of great courage, and little judgement. 114  
Division of the world in three parts. 124  
Delta an Island in Egypt. 131  
Duty of a good Captain. 150  
Description of the Country of Capua, and its situation. 155  
Division of the Roman Army, betwixt the two Dictator's. 163  
Discord between the two Consuls. 168  
Diversity of swords betwixt the Gauls and the Spaniards. 170  
Defeat of the Roman horsemen by the Gauls and Spaniards. 171  
Difference betwixt a private and public injury. 191  
Death of Thibete. 203  
Dor●mache smothered 207  
Defeat of the etolians. 212  
Duty of a King. 230  
Death of Appelles and his son. 239  
Death of Molon. 252  
Distribution of Ptolemy's Army unto his Captains. 258  
divers Towns taken by Antiochus. 261  
Defeat of the Elienses. 274  
Demetrius his advice to Philip. ibid.  
Duty of the Senate. 289  
Dooiss●ty of the Romans. 295  
Defeat of the Romans by night. 340  
Duty of a Commander. 342  
Disposition of Publius Scipio. 357  
Duty of Commanders of an Army 369  
Diogenes fights with the Barbarians. 371  
Defeat of Asdrubal. 377  
divers Nations under the leading of Hannibal. 394  
Double policy of Scipio. 395  
Disorder by the Elephants. 397  
Defeat of the Spaniards. 402  
Defeat of the Celtiberians. 422  
divers opinions of the Carthaginians concerning their war. 423  
Democrates Captain General unto Philip, sunk. 447  
Death of Theophiliscus. 450  
Death of Scope by poison. 479   

E.  
Ambassadors sent by the Carthaginians, to Marcus Attilius. 22  
Embassies s●nt through all Africa by Matho and Spendiu●. 47  
Emilius slain in the battle. 172  
Ambassadors sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnanians 226  
Etoliens charge Philip's rear ward. 231  
Ambassadors from Rhodes to Chios. 237  
Elephants of Lybia fear them of India. 268  
Earthquake at Rhodes. 270  
etolians circumvented by a stratagem. 274  
Ambassadors come to Philip. 276  
etolians blame Agelaus for making of the peace 279  
Error of Arate. Error of Cleomenes. Error of Philip. Error of Nicins. 345  
Exercises apppointed by Scipio for his Army by Sea and Land. 368  
Excellency of Hannibal. 394  
Excuse of Alexander upon Calistines. 411  
Interview of Hannibal and Scipio. 4●9  
Ambassadors wronged by Philip. 438  
Egyptians cruel. 443  
Ambassadors of Philip rejected. 465  
Ambassador sent to Rome by Tytus. 464   

F.  
Fifty thousand men within Agregas. 12  
Fore sight of the Carthaginians. 31  
Forty thousand men slain by Amilcar. fertility of Italy. 68  
Foresight of Amilcar, father to Hannibal. 108  
First Accord betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians. 116  
Fear of the Elephants upon the Rhone. 129  
Fabius returneth to the Campe. 163  
Fabius speech to Lucius Emilius. 165  
Fort of Naples taken by Hannibal. ibi.  
Fifteen hundred etolians defeated by Philip. 209  
Flight of Euripides. 112  
Forces which Philip left at Dyme. 224  
Flight of Megalle. 238  
Flight of Lycurgus into Etolia. 239  
Form of a Buckler. 293  
Form of a Target. 293  
Flight of Asdrubal. 421   

G.  
Great resolution of the Rhodiens. 33  
Ges●on makes remonstrances to the Soldiers 46  
Ges●on with his Company put to death. 54  
Ga●les 〈◊〉 of living. 69  
Gauls ●●turnes from the Romans 70  
Gauls were seven months in Rome. 72  
Gessates dwell on this side the Rhine 79  
Grecians terrified by the Gauls. 81  
Great villainy committed by the mantinians. 93  
Gauls endeavoured to stop Hannibal's passage over the Rhine. 127  
Gauls inhabiting along the Rhine, have often past into Italy. 130  
Gauls repulsed. 143  
Great Amazement which was at Rome, for the battle lost. 152  
Great reputation of Fabius. 164  
Gauls battalion of foot broken by the Romans, and reunited again. 171  
Great diligence in Philip. 233  
Gift of Antiochus to the Rhodiens. 271  
Government, constancy, and good Counsel required in a Captain. 295  
Geometry necessary for the War. 346  
Great fury of the fight. 433  
Gulf of Neptune. 451   

H.  
Hieron chosen King of the Saragossins'. 6  
Hieron follows the Carthaginians part. 7  
Hannibal son of Amilcar Captain of fifty ships, with 10000 men. 31  
Hannibal a Rhodien. 33  
Hanno hanged on a cross. 52  
Hannibal crucified. 57  
Hannibal his speech to Antiochus 109  
Hannibal answers, when he comes to age he will be an enemy to the Romans ib.  
Hannibal's victory on the Barbarians. 110  
Hannibals answer to the Roman Ambassadors. 111  
Hannibal's Army of 50. thousand foot, and nine thousand horse. 123  
Hannibal raiseth his Army to pass the Rhone. 127  
Hannibal's victory over the Gauls 128  
Hannibal's speech unto his soldiers. ibid.  
Hannibal passeth the Alps along the Rhone 130  
Hannibal conducted by Guides at the passage of the Mountains. 131  
Hannibal makes a speech. 134  
Hannibal goes on his course. 135  
Hannibal's speech to his soldiers. 139  
Hannibal puts his men into battle. 145  
Hannibal's speech to the prisoners that was allied to the Romans. 148  
Hannibal's policy to keep himself from killing by Treason. ibi.  
Hannibal looseth an eye 149  
Hannibal runs along the Coast of the Adriatic sea. 153  
Hannibal presents battle to Fabius. 154  
Hannibal's policy against Fabius. 157  
Hannibal's speech to his soldiers. 169  
Hannibal puts his men into battle. ibid.  
Hannibal's Army consists of forty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse. 170  
Hannibal's loss. 172  
Hannibals proceeding after the battle of Cannes. 312  
Honours done unto Arate after his death. 323  
He turns his discourse to the Carthaginians. 329  
Hannibals remonstrances to the Tarentins. 334  
Hannibal within forty furlongs of Rome. 339  
Hannibal sent to Tyche●●. 427  
Hannibal's speech to Scipio. 429  
Hannibal flies to Adrume●um. 434  
Hannibal forceth a Citizen. 435   

I.  
Intelligence of the soldiers within Carthage. 44  
I●●irians and Sclavonians. 63  
Iseas King. 84  
I conceive that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Africa, where as now the City Cle●ea stands. 116  
Idleness of the etolians. 183  
Ithoria very strong. 210  
Image of Minerva. 217  
Indiscretion of Commanders blamed. 275  
Inconstancy of the people. 400  
Island of ●yrnon not well known by Tymens'. 404  
Image of Diana. 451   

K.  
King Etas and Gallus slain. 71  
King Andubal taken 148  
King Darius 199  
Knowledge of the diversity of days necessary for Captains. 343   

L.  
Letters from Tunes to the Mutines Campe. 53  
Lucius Emillius and Caius Tarentius, chosen Consuls. 164  
Lucius Posthumus Praetor. 165  
Lucius Emillius. 171  
Lucius Posthumus defeated in Gaul. 173  
Lycurgus chosen King. 1●5  
Lyciens Town razed and burnt 20●  
Lacedaemonian Magistrates slain by C●●lon. ●●9  
Lacedæmonians unfortunate after they 〈◊〉 the Laws of Lycurg●s. ibid.  
Leonce a Tra●tor to Philip. 226  
Laws of War. 230  
Lycurgus takes the Town of El●▪ ●33  
Leonce and his Faction returned unto Apelles. 237  
Levy of Armies by Antigonus and Ptolemy. 360  
Logbasse sent Ambassador by the S●lgenses. 263  
Logbasse and his children slain. 265  
Lycurgus called home. 272  
Lice defeated Eurip●des 273  
Lacedæmonians Commonweal. 305  
Lisse taken by Philip. 3●4  
Laodicea the w●fe of Acheus. 327  
Lacedaemon taken by Epaminu●das. 340  
Lelius assails Syfax his Camp by fire. 420  
Lucius S●ruivus Lucius Citinus and Lucius Fabius sent Ambassadors unto Carthage▪ 425  
Loss of ships which Philip made. 449   

M.  
Marcus Valerius, and Octatillius chosen Consuls. 10  
Marcelle taken by assault. 16  
Marcus Attillius taken, with 500 Romans. 24  
Many Towers ruined by their Engines. Mount Erix. ●8  
Mount Aetna. ibid.  
Mutiny of the common Soldiers. 45  
Matho punished. 58  
Megalopoly razed. 91  
Mount Taurus 103  
Modena besieged by a great number of the Gauls. 125  
Misery very common among Soldiers. 137  
Magobrother to Hannibal. 144  
Marcus Manuttus Constable. 154  
Many Countries ruined by Hannibal. ibid.  
Manuttus his Speech. 164  
Messenians seek the Alliance of the Acheins. 179  
Music profitable to all the World. 186  
Messenians always friends to the Arcadians, and enemies unto the Lacedæmonians. 192  
Machate sent Ambassador from the etolians to the Lacedæmonians. 149  
Macha●e prevails in his Enterprise. 195  
Metropolis taken and burnt. 209  
Mountain of Appiare. 212  
Malicious policy of Appelles. 216  
Money and Corn delivered to Philip by the Acheins. 224  
Methap taken by Philip. 228  
Methape Razed by Philip. 231  
Magalee & Leonce do outrage to Arate. 232  
Magalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crowns. ibid.  
Mutiny against Philip and his men. 237  
Misery of Courtiers. 238  
Magalee kills himself. 239  
Molen goes to fie●d with an Army. 246  
Mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. 250  
Molen Crucified. 253  
Mine of Whea● about two of our Bushels, weighing an hundred and ten pounds. 263  
Mutiny among the Megalopolitains. 273  
Monarchal government of one alone by fear. 283  
Mutual knitting together of three Commonweals. 290  
Manner of Tribunes in the Choice of Legions. 293  
Manner of the Romans Camping. 297  
Manner how they punish such as fail in the Watch. 300  
Manner of recompensing the Soldier's valour. 301  
Mago delivers the Fort. 364  
Many rivers comes out of Tauris 370  
Machenides sla●ne. 393  
Manner of Libias living. 404  
Manner of breeding Swine in Italy. 405  
Maegarena saves himself naked. 440  
Mutiny of the people. 441   

N  
Nara●e. 51  
Note the Injustice of the Romans. 58  
Nicophanes Cercid●s. 87  
Never Commander did any thing worthy which was not pleasing unto his Soldiers. 109  
Nature of Philip. 216  
Nature of the Macedonians. 224  
Nicagores accuseth Cle●menes. 243  
Number of Scipio's Army at Land● 361  
Number of Ships that were taken. 366  
Number of the Dead. 387  
Nabir Tyrant of the Lacedæmonians. 415  
Ni●on and Agathocl●● slain. 443  
Number of Philip's Ships and of his Enemy. 447   

O  
Order of the Battle of Zantippus. 23  
One hundred and fourteen Vessels of the Carthaginians taken by the Romans. 26  
One hundred and fifty of the Romans Vessels lost. 28  
Occasion ●o renew the War between the Romans and the Gauls. 72  
Order of the Gauls Battle. 76  
Orcomene taken with other Towns. 91  
Order of Antigonus Battaile. 98  
Other Articles passed betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians. 107  
Opinion of Polybius in the delight of an History. 120  
Order which Hannibal gave for the defence of Spain. 121  
Oration which Hannibal made to his Soldiers. 122  
Order which Hannibal held to put his men into Battle. 170  
Occasion of the Ruins of Cynethenses● 186  
Ocanthy. 205  
Order that Philip held to take to pass the straits of Therm. 228  
Old Arate made Chief of the Acheins. 240  
Order required in all things. ibid.  
Order of Molens Battaile. 252  
Order of Ptolemy's Army in Battle. 267  
Order of Antiochus his Battle. ibid.  
Ochtocracia is a government of the Mutiny of the people. 283  
Olygarch●●. 286  
Office of the Co●suls. 288  
Order of the Watches. 299  
Order of two Camp in Marching. 302  
Order for the Engines of battery. 320  
Order of the Romans in the Division of the spoil of a Town. 365  
Order of Philopom●ns Battle. 390  
Order of Machanides Army. ibid.  
Order of Scipio's Battle. 401  
Of the voyage of Alexander against D●rius Calisthenes. 408  
Order of Battle of the Romans Army. 422  
Order which Syphax and Asdrubal held. ibid.  
Order of Scipio's Battle. 431  
Order of ●annibal his Battle. ibid.  
O●nanthe sad. 440   

P  
punishment of Traitors. 5  
Policy of Hieron. 6  
Philin. 9  
Palermo besieged by the Romans, and taken by assault. 27  
Policy of Cecilius to defeat the Elephants. 28  
Port of Trepanum taken by Luctation commander of the Roman Army. 41  
Policy of Amilcar. 51  
Prudence of Hieron. 55  
Phenice taken by the Sclanonians. 61  
Parthenia yielded to the Romans. 65  
Pillage made by the Gauls upon the Romans. 70  
Policy of the Gauls. 74  
Pursuit of Emilius. 75  
Pythagorians burnt in Italy. 82  
Port of Corinthe taken. 85  
Pillage of Mantinnia came to nine score 1000 Crowns. 96  
Polybius hath been present at a great part of the things which he hath written. 105  
Philip. 106  
Philiws a Historiographer. 118  
Polybius hath made forty Books. 120  
Parting of the Roman Armies. 126  
Polybius his Remonstrance against Historiographers. 130  
Polybius visited the Alps. 131  
Polybius his excuse. 135  
Polybius hath visited Africa, Spain, and the Gauls. 137  
Policy of Hannibal for an example to his Soldiers. 138  
Paulus Emilius spe●ch to the Soldiers. 167  
Policy of Hannibal. 169  
Polybius writes nothing but what he hath seen or received from those which had seen them. 175  
Philip. ibid.  
Ptolemy Philopater. ibid.  
Polymarches. 184  
Philip comes to Corinthe 187  
Philip's wise Answer. 188  
Phebidins. 190  
Philip's Army. 196  
Pr●sias. 201  
Pl●tor Chief of the Sclavonians. 205  
Philip's Army. 208  
Poetia taken by Composition. 299  
Peania taken by assault. 210  
Philip fortifies the Fort of the Eniades. ibid.  
Psophis taken by assault. 213  
Philip gives forces to the Aeheins. 214  
Philip assaults Alphira. 217  
Phialenses yield to Philip. 218  
Prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedæmonians. 229  
Practice of a Tyrant. 230  
Paphia burned 231  
Philip comes to Corinth. 233  
Philip sails to Corinth. 239  
Ptolemy King of Egypt. 241  
Ptolemy slain by Cle●m●nes. 244  
Practice of Molen against Epige●●. 250  
Ptolemy the Benefactor. 255  
Policy of Agathocles and Sosibius. 257  
Pednelissenses besieged. 262  
Peace concluded betwixt Acheus and the Selgenses. 265  
P●olomyes Victory against Antiochus. 269  
Presents made to the Rhodiens by many Cities. 270  
Ptolemy his Present to the Rhodiens. 271  
Peace betwixt Philip and the etolians. 277  
Philip's Enterprise against Sclanonia 280  
Philip leaves his Enterprise for fear. ibid.  
Prusias defeats the G●ules. 281  
Principality or Monarchy. 284  
Pay and entertainment of Foot and Horse. 302  
Plato's Commonweal is to be● rejected. 306  
●ompe of the Romans to an honourable person. 309  
Philip causeth Arate to be poisoned. 323  
Philomene appointed for Hunting. 329  
Philip subdued by the Thessalonians. 348  
Publius Scipi● and his Brother Created Aediles. 358  
Publius Answer to Andobale. 376  
Philops men ●akes War against Machanides Tyrant of Lacedaemon. 389  
Publius Scipi● draws his Army together. 394  
Publius Scipio assembles his Army. 398  
Punishment of the Mutineers. 400  
Partell corrupted. 407  
Pedisca the W●fe of Syphax. 417  
Pursuit of the Romans after Syphax. 423  
Phylon slain. 453  
Policy of Attalus his Eouldiers. 449  
Prinassa besieged by Philip. 45●  
Queen ●uca. 61  
Quintus Fabius chosen Dictator. 153   

R.  
Rhegium besieged by the Romans. 5  
River of Ciamosure. 6  
Romans resolve to succour the Mamertins. 7  
Retreat of Hannibal from Agregas. 13  
Romans invention to enure their men to the Oar. 14  
Romans Army by Sea. 17  
Rhodien taken with his ship. 34  
Romans surprised by Arthal●. 37  
Romans Fleet broken at Sea. 38  
River of Mechera. 50  
Reconciliation of Amilcar and Hann●. 58  
Rome taken by the Gauls. 70  
Retreat of the Ga●les. 75  
Revolt of Aripote of Argos. 90  
Revolt of the mantinians. 93  
Ri●er of Tagus. 110  
Roman Ambassadors sent to Carthage. 115  
Remonstrances of the Gaulish Kings unto the Carthaginian Campe. 128  
Roman Ambassadors signify War unto the Carthaginians. 121  
Revolt of the Bolonians. 125  
Romans advertised by Hannibal. 138  
Retreat of Scipi●. ibid.  
River of Trebia. 142  
Romans fear for the loss of the Battle. 147  
Romans defeated and surprised. 151  
River of Vantoure. 156  
Romans Army at Sea. 158  
Romans Victory at Sea. ibid.  
Romans great Army at Sea. 159  
River of Fen. 168  
Romans Army of four score thousand Foot, and 6000 Horse. 170  
Romans lose the Battle. 172  
Rhodie●s succour the Synopenses. 205  
Retreat of the Dardariens without doing anything. 211  
Retreat of Euripides from Stymphalia. 212  
River of Eremanthea. 213  
Revolt of the Leapreates against the etolians. 218  
River of Acheloe. 227  
River of Erota. 235  
Retreat of Molon. 248  
Reasons of the war propounded by Antiochus. 259  
Rabatamassana yielded to Antiochus. 262  
Romans. 288  
Roman Cavalry armed after the Greek manner. 295  
Romans manner in giving the word. 299  
Roman Commonweal more excellent than the Lacedaemonian. 308  
River of Lisson. 313  
Race of Acheus. 328  
Ri●er of Erota. 334  
Romans in Field. 339  
Remonstrance of Publius Scipio unto his Army. 359  
Royal City of the Persians 369  
Remonstrance of Edecon to Publius. 374  
Reprehension of Calisthenes. 408  
Remonstrance of the Roman Ambassadors to the Carthaginians. 425  
Rhodiens declared Enemies to Philip. 438   

S.  
Succours required from the Romans by the Mamertins. 6  
Supplies which the Carthaginians put into Agragas. 11  
Scuerity of the Romans towards their Soldiers. 11  
Sixscore Vessels made ready for the Sea by the Romans. 14  
Spendius. 46  
Surprise of the Carthaginians Campe. 49  
Sephira. 50  
Supplies of Numidians come to Spendius. 51  
Succours from Sclavonia to the Midionians. 60  
Scerd●lade. 62  
Some Gavies banished their Country for their disloyalty 63  
Sparia or Lacedaemon. 101  
Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians. 108  
Sagont forced by Hannibal. 112  
Scipio his speech to his men. 141  
Sempronius puts his men into Battle. 146  
Scipio arrives at Empories, and conquers unto Ebro. 147  
Six thousand Romans taken in a Burrow by composition. 162  
Supplies sent from Rome into Spain. 159  
Scerdilade and Demetrius. 183  
Scope chosen Head of the etolians 190  
Situation of Constantinople. 196  
Shelves in the sea. 198  
Situation of Synop. 205  
Situation of Egire. 206  
Situation of Ambrachia. 208  
Scope makes an incursion into Macedony. 208  
Situation of Sophia. 212  
Sally of the Elienses upon the Macedonians. 213  
Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache. 216  
Situation of Triphalia and its Towns. 216  
Situation of Alphira. 217  
Slander of Appelles. 220  
Situation of Sephasenia. 225  
Situation of Amycle. 234  
Speech of Hermes against Epigene. 245  
Situation of Media. 247  
Situation of Silucin. 255  
Selutia assaulted. 256  
Seleucus his present. 271  
Situation of Thebes. 275  
Speech of Agelaus. 277  
Succours sent by the Romans to Scerdilade. 281  
Six kinds of gouernments● 283  
Spanish sword. 294  
Septier is two Mines, and a Mine is two London Bushels. 302  
Sign of the Sardens negligence. 315  
Sally made by them of Lisse. 324  
Strong Fort yielded unto Antiochus. 328  
Skirmish betwixt the Romans and Carthage. 334  
Superstition of the Roman Dames. 339  
Situation of Carthage. 361  
Second assault given to Carthage by the Romans. 363  
Scipio ass ails the Fort. 364  
Soldiers Oaths touching the Pillage. 365  
Scipio's providence concerning the Prisoners. 3●6  
Syringe besieged by Antiochus. 372  
Syringe taken by Antiochus. ibid.  
Spaniards join with the Romans 376  
Scipio saluted King of the Spaniards. 377  
Skirmish of the Bactreans with Antiochus. 3●4  
Safety of Monarchies. 391  
Sudden Charge of the Romans against the Carthaginians. 395  
Scipio p●●s his men in Battle. ibid.  
Scipio's speech to his Army. 400  
Scipio lays a bait for the Enemy. 401  
Spania●ds put themselves in Battle. ibid.  
Scip●e draws to the Enemies Campe. 419  
Scipio sets Asdruba●● Camp on fire. 420  
Scipio attends the siege of Bysarthe. 421  
Scipio draws towards the Enemy. 422  
Syphax returns in safety. 423  
Sc●pio's Answer to Hannibal. 429  
Scipio's speech to his Army. 431  
Strength of a Battle. 432  
Saying of Scipio. 444  
Syphax King of the Masaisylins'. 452   

T.  
The Persians. 2  
The Lacedæmonians. ibid.  
The Maccdonians. ibid.  
The Romans. ibid.  
Timer us an Historiographer. 4  
Taking of Messina by some Campanois. 5  
Taking of Rhegium by the Romans. ibid.  
The punishment of Traitors. ibid.  
The Campanois holding Messina, are called Mamertins. ibid.  
The Mamertins deliver their Town and Fort to the Carthaginians. 6  
The M●mertins recover the Fort from the Captain of the Carthaginians. 7  
The order of the Roman Armies and the number of men in a Legion. 10  
Tunes taken by the Romans by an assault. 2●  
The Numidians great Robbers. ibid.  
The leading of the Carthaginians Army given to Xantippus. 23  
The policy of Cecilius to defeat the Elephants. 28  
Tree principal Promontories in Sicily. 30  
To●ne of Erix taken from the Romans by Amilcar. 40  
The Canspiracy of the Women of Africa. 48  
The Victory of Amilcar. 51  
The Victory of the Carthaginians against Spendius. 52  
Towns of Hippona and Bysarthe revolt from the Carthaginians. 55  
The extreme necessity that pressed the strangers Campe. 56  
The Victory of the Sclavonians against the Epirotes. 62  
The Romans Embassy to Teuca Queen of Sclavonia. 63  
The Turinois and Agoniens. 68  
The Genovois. 68  
The Poe. 68  
The Venetians come from Paphlagonia. 69  
The number of the Gauls Army. 73  
The preparations which the Romans made for War. ibid.  
The number of Soldiers that was raised in Italy. 73  
Tuscany ruived by the Gauls. 74  
The advice of Anero●ste. 75  
The Arms which the Gauls did use. 77  
Taking of King Congolli●ane. ibid.  
The Army of Milanese. 78  
The uneasiness of the Gauls Swords. 79  
The Pythagorians burned in Italy. 82  
The Lacedæmonians and Thebans. 83  
The alliance of twelve Cities. 84  
The envy of the etolians against the Acheins. 86  
The Nature of Kings 87  
Tages yielded unto Antigonus. 91  
The great Villainy committed by the mantinians: 93  
The mantinians sold. 94  
The cruelty of Aristomachus. ibid.  
The great fidelity of the Megalopolitains. 95  
Third part of the Booty is due to the General. 96  
The Number of the Nations that were in Antigon●● Army. 97  
The Wars which Antiochus and Philip made. 103  
Tostnes of Sclavonia reduced to the Roman obedience. 113  
The war like policy of Emilius. 113  
The Victory of the Romans upon the Sclavenians. 114  
The number of Hannibal's Army in a table of Copper, seen by Polybius. 122  
The number of horse and foot which were in Hannibal's Army at his parting from Spawn. 123  
The parting of the Roman Armies. 126  
The means to pass the Elephants. 129  
The Savoyards' hinder Hannibal and his Army. 132  
They of the Mountains charge the Carthaginians. ibid.  
Treason of the Barbarians against Hannibal. 133  
The number of men which Hannibal had, after he had passed over the Alps. 135  
The policy of Hannibal for an example to his Soldiers. 138  
The retreat of Scipi● 141  
Treason of the Gauls against the Romans. 142  
The manner of the Numidians fight. 146  
The difference betwixt a Dictator and a Consul. 153  
The means which Fabius made to stop Hannibal's passage 156  
Two Dictator's at Rome at one instant. 162  
The River of Fante. 168  
The Romans in old time very sermonious. 170  
Ten thousand Romans taken alive. 172  
Three score and ten thousand slain in the battle. ibid.  
Tarent, Capua, and Naples reduced under the obedience of Hannibal. 173  
Time of the death of Antigonus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy. 175  
The causes of the war betwixt the Achei●s and Philip against the etolians and Lacedæmonians. ibid.  
Taurion taken by assault. 177  
The nature of the Thess alonians. ibi.  
The murder of the Governors of the Lacedæmonians 188  
The blame of the Epirots. 192  
The murder of the Lacedaemon Governors by the young men. 195  
The power of clemency in Princes. ibid.  
Towns taken in Argos by Lycurgus. 195  
Two causes why the Black Sea and the Pontic run continually. 197  
The refuge of Europe. 199  
Thracians vanquished by the Gauls. 200  
Tole imposed upon those that sailed into the Black Sea by Constantinople 201  
Town of Thalam●. 215  
Thalame yields. ibid.  
Typaneates yields unto Philip. 217  
Towns which yield to Philip. 218  
Taurion dispossessed of the government of Morea. 221  
Therm spoiled by the Macedonians. 228  
Temple of Apollo. 234  
Taking of Leonce. 238  
The●dote. 245  
Town of Broaches 247  
Town of Broaches besieged. 257  
Taking of Ptolemy. ibid.  
Tr●ce made with the Selgenses. 264  
Thebes besieged by Philip. 275  
Thebes yielded to Philip 276  
Timoxenes Chief of the Acheins. 299  
Tyranny. 285  
Towns for retreat for those that are voluntarily Banished 290  
thebans. 304  
Two principle of every Commonweal. 306  
Treason practised against Acheus by Cambila and Bolis 325  
Tarentum betrayed unto Hannibal by treachery. 329  
Tarentum taken by Hannibal. 332  
Tegea taken 393  
Three causes of the people's mutiny against Princes. 309  
Two kinds of untruths. 406  
Tymerus reprehensible. 407  
Tymerus speaks by hear say and imagination. 412  
Tunis taken by Scipio. 423  
Two ends in Histories. 444  
The situation of Phigalea. 175  
The etolians spoil and injure the Messeniens. 176   

V.  
Varro offers battle, and the order which he held. 170  
Varro flies with threescore and ten Horse. 172  
Vanquish an enemy by mildness. 230  
Victory of Garsyere against the Selgenses. 263  
Understanding more commendable than fortune 357  
Voyage of Alexander against Darius Calistines. 408  
Vices of Heraclides 415  
V●●ca besieged by Scipio 417  
Victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians 434   

W  
What is required in a Tragedy 92  
What the Carthaginians held in Africa. 124  
War attempted by the etolians against Morea. 177  
War concluded against the etolians. 189  
Whom the survey of the watch belongs. 300  
What a Ladder for the War ought to be. 346  
Wife of Mandonin. 366  
Wisdom of Scipio. 397  
Witty answer of a young man 408  
War like to a disease. 411   

X  
Xantippus a Lacedaemonian 22  
Xantippus returns into his Country. 25  
Xenoete his Army defeated and spoiled. 249   

Z  
Zalucus the Lawgiver. 407  
Zachantia spoiled and ruined by the Carthaginians. 435   
FINIS.   

The Plot of the Romans CAMP.  
Every side of the Camp hath 2100 foot in the Ditch.  
The Ditch and Palisado.  
Every side of the situation of the Tents 17000 feet. 200  100 Footmen strangers and newly come.  Footmen of the Allies extraordinary 840.  Footmen of the Allies extraordinary 840.  Footman strangers and newly come. The Length. 100 Horsemen strangers and newly come.  Horsemen of the Allies extraordinary 300.  Horsemen of the Allies extraordinary 200.  Horsemen stranger's and newly come. 100  100 Choice footmen and voluntaries. Choice horsemen and voluntaries.  The Market place. The pretorium. The Questory or Treasury.  Choice footmen and voluntaries. Choice horsemen and voluntaries. 100  The Tribunes.   50    100  100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse ●0 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 50  A cross street  100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 327. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 200 foot 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked javelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Roman horse 30  Roman horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked javelins' ●0  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 200 foot.   175 foot. 150 foot. 50 100 100 50 50 100 50 100 50 50 100 100 50 150 175   Footman Allies 1260 Horsemen Allies 400  F. javelins 1200 Princip. 1200  Tria R. 600 Horse 300  R. horse 300 Tria 600●  Prin● p. 1200 F. javelins 1200  Horsemen Allies 400 Footmen ●60   
The Romans Camp contains in its square, equal of all sides, 91. Acres and about 12. Rod: after 22. foot to the Rod, and 100 Rod to the Acre.  
In regard of the Gates of the Camp, I have purposely omitted them, for that Polybius makes no mention: Although the manner of the Romans was to have four according to the four Corners of the world: And it is placed in the midst of every side of the Ditch.  
As for the light javelins or Darts, they are divided among other Bands: And as for the streets I have not set them down, for that they may be easily imagined.