DISCOVERY OF THE LARGE, RICH, AND BEAUTIFUL EMPIRE OF GVIANA, WITH a relation of the great and Golden City of Manoa (which the spanyards call El Dorado) And the Provinces of Emeria, Arromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers, adjoining.  
Performed in the year 1595. by Sir W. Ralegh Knight, Captain of her majesties Guard, Lo. Warden of the Sannerries, and her highness Lieutenant general of the County of Cornwall.  
Imprinted at London by Robert Robinson. 1596.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MY singular good Lord and kinsman, Charles Howard, knight of the Garter, Barron, and Counsellor, and of the Admirals of England the most renowned: And to the Right Honourable Srr Robert cecyl Knight, Counsellor in her highness privy Counsels.  
FOR your Honours many Honourable and friendly parts, I have hitherto only returned promises, and now for answer of both your adventures, I have sent you a bundle of papers which I have divided between your Lo. & Srr Robert Cecyl in these two respects chief: First for that it is reason, that wasteful factors, when they have consumed such stocks as they had in trust, do yield some colour for the same in their account, secondly for that I am assured, that whatsoever shallbe done, or written by me, shall need a double protection and defence. The trial that I had of both your loves, when I was left of all, but of malice and revenge, makes me still prejume that you will be pleased (knowing what little power I had to perform aught, and the great advantage of for warnedenemies) to answer that out of knowledge, which others shall but object out of malice. In my more happy times as I did especially honour you both, so I found that your loves sought me out in the darkest shadow of adversity, and the same affection which accompanied my better fortune, sored not away from me in my many miseries: all which though I cannot requited, yet I shall ever acknowledge: and the great debt which I have no power to pay, I can do no more for a time but confess to be due. It is true that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very grievous effects, and if aught might have been deserved in former times to have counterpoised any part of offences, the fruit thereof (as it seemeth) was long before fallen from the tree, and the dead stock only remained. I did therefore even in deadstocke only remained. I did therefore even in the winter of my life, undertake these travels, fit for bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for men of greater ability, and for minds of better encouragement, that thereby if it were possible I might recover but the moderation of excess, and the lest taste of the greatest plenty formerly possessed. If I had known other way to win, if I had imagined how greater adventures might have regained, if I could conceive what farther means I might yet use, but even to appease so powerefull displeasure, I would not doubt but for one year more to hold fast my soul in my teeth, till it were performed. Of that little remain I had, I have wasted in effect all herein, I have undergone many constructions, I have been accompanied with many sorrows, with labour, hunger, heat, sickness, & peril: It appeareth notwithstand that I made no other bravado of going to the sea, than was meant, and that I was neither hidden in cornwell, or else where, as was supposed. They have grossly belied me, that forejudged that I would rather become a servant to the Spanish king, them return, & the rest were much mistaken, who would have persuaded, that I was too easeful & sensual to undertake a journey of so great travel. But, if what I have done receive the gracious construction of a painful pilgrimage, and purchase the lest remission, I shall think all too little, and that there were wanting to the rest, many miseries: But if both the times past, the present, and what may be in the future, do all by one grain of gall continued in an eternal distaste, I do not then know whether I should bewail myself either for my too much travel and expense, or condemn myself for doing less than that, which can deserve nothing. From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I am returned a beggar, and withered, but that I might have bettered my poor estate, it shall appear by the following discourse, if I had not only respected her majesties future Honour, and riches. It become not the former fortune in which I once lived, to go journeys of picorie, and it had sorted ill with the offices of Honour, which by her majesties grace, I hold this day in England, to run from Cape to Cape, & from place to place, for the pillage of ordinary prizes. Many years since, I had knowledge by relation, of that mighty, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana, and of that great and Golden City, which the spanyards call El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa, which City was conquered, re-edified, and enlarged by a gonger son of Guainacapa Emperor of Peru, at such time as Francisco Pazaro and others conquered the said Empire, from his two elder brethren Guascar, and Atabalipa, both then contending for the same, the one being favoured by the Oreiones of Cuzco, the other by the people of Caximalca. I sent my servant jacob Whiddon the year before, to get knowledge of the passages, and I had some light from Captain Parker sometime my servant, and now attending on your Lo. that such a place there was to the southward of the great bay of Charuas, or Guanipa: but I found that it was 600. miles farther off, than they supposed, and many other impediments to them unknown and unheard. After I had displanted Don Anthonio de Berreo, who was upon the same enterprise, leaving my ships at Trinedado, at the port called Curiapan, I wandered 400. miles, into the said country by land and river: the particulars I will leave to the following discourse. The country hath more quantity of Gold by manifold, than the best parts of the Indies, or Peru: All the most of the kings of the borders are already become her majesties vassals: & seem to desire nothing more than her majesties protection and the return of the English nation. It hath another ground and assurance of riches & glory, than the voyages of the west Indies, & an easier way to invade the best parts thereof, then by the common course. The king of Spain is not so impoverished by taking 3 or 4 port towns in America as we suppose, neither are the riches of Peru, or Nueva Espania so left by the seaside, as it can be easily washed away, with a great flood, or springtide, or left dry upon the sands on a low ebb. The port towns are few and poor in respect of the rest within the land, and are of little defence, and are only rich When the fleets are to receive the treasure for spain: And we might think the spanyards very simple, having so many horses and slaves, that if they could not upon two days warning, carry all the Gold they have into the land, and far enough from the reach of our footmen, especially the Indies being (as it for the most part) so mountainous, so full of woods, rivers, and marshes. In the port towns of the province of Vensuello, as Cumana, Coro, and S. jago (where of Coro and S. jago were taken by Captain Preston and Cumana and S. josephus by us) we found not the value of one rial of plate in either: but the Cities of Barquasimeta, Valentia, S. Sebastian, Cororo, S. Lucia, Alleguna, Marecabo, and Truxillo, are not so easily invaded: neither doth the burning of those on the coast impoverish the king of spain any one Ducat, and if we sack the river of Hache, S. Marta, and Cartagena, which are the ports of Nuevo reyno and Popayan. There are besides within the land which are indeed rich and populus, the towns and Cities of Merida, Lagrita, S. Christofero, the great Cities of Pampelone, S. Feed Bogota, Tunia and Mozo where the Esmeralds are found, the towns and Cities of Morequito, velis, la villa de Leva, Palma, unda a Angustura, the great City of Timana, Tocaima, S. Aguila, Pasto, juago, the great city of Popaian itself, Los Remedios, and the rest. If we take the ports and villages within the bay Vraba in the kingdom or rivers of Dariena, and Caribana, the cities and towns of S. ivan de Roydas, of Cassaris, of Antiocha, Carramanta, Cali, and Auserma have gold enough to pay the King part, and are not easily invaded by the way of the Ocean, or if Number de Dios and Panama be taken in the province of Castillo de oro, and the villages upon the rivers of Cenu and Chagre peru hath besides those and besides the magnificent cities of Quito and Lima so many islands, ports, Cities, and mines, as if I should name them with the rest it would seem incredible to the reader: of all which because I have written a particular treatise of the west Indies, I will omit their repetition at this time, seeing that in the said treatise I have anatomised the rest of the sea towns as well of Nicaragna, jucata, Nueva Espanna, and the islands, as those of the Inland, and by what means thy maybe best invaded, as far as any mean judgement can comprehend. But I hope it shall appear that there is a way found to answer every man's longing, a better Indies for her majesty then the King of Spain hath any, which if it shall please her highness to undertake, I shall most willingly end the rest of my days in following the same: If it be left to the spoil and sackage of common people, if the love and service of so many nations be despised, so great riches, and so mighty an Empire refused, I hopen her Majesty will yet take my humble desire and my labour therein in gracious part, which if it had not been in respect of her highness future honour & riches, I could have laid hands and ransomed many of the kings & Cassiqui of the Country, & have had a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemption: But I have choose rather to bear the burden of poverty, than reproach, & rather to endure a second travel & the chances thereof, them to have defaced an enterprise of so great assurance, until I known whether it pleased God to put a disposition in her princely and royal heart either to follow or foreflow the same: I will therefore leave it to his ordinance that hath only power in all things, and do humbly pray that your honours will excuse such errors, as without the defence of art, over run in every part, the following discourse, in which I have neither studied phrase, form, nor fashion, and that you will be pleased to estceme me as your own (thought over dearly bought) and I shall ever remained ready to do you all honour and service.  W: R.  

To the Reader.  
BEcause there have been divers opinions conceived of the gold oar brought from Guiana, and for that an Alderman of London and an officer of her majesties mint, hath given out that the same is of no price, I have thought good by the addition of these lines to give answer as well to the said malicious flaunder, as to other objections. It is true that while we abode at the Island of Trinedado, I was in form by an judian, that not far from the Port, where we anchored, there were found certain mineral stones which they esteemed to be gold, and were thereunto persuaded the rather for that they had seen both English, and French mengather, and embark some quantities thereof: upon this liklyhoode I sent 40. men & gave order that each one should bring a stone of that mync, to make trial of the goodness, which being performed, I assured them at their return that the same was Marcasite, and of no riches or value: Notwithstanding divers trusting more to their own sense, then to my opinion. kept of the said Marcasite, and have tried thereof, since my return, in diucrs places. In Guiana itself I never saw Marcasite, but all the rocks, mountains, all stones in the plains, in woods, and by the rivers side are in effect thorough shining, and appear marvelous rich, which being tried to be no Marcasite, are the true signs of rich minerals, but are no other than El madre del oro (as the Spaniards term them) which is the mother of gold, or as it is said by others the scum of Gold: of divers sorts of these many of my company brought also into England, every one taking the fairest for the best, which is not general, For mine own part, I did not countermand any man's desire, or opinion, & I could have a forded them little if I should have denied them the pleasing of their own fancies therein: But I was resolved that gold must be found either in grains separate from the stone (as it is in most of the rivers in Guiana) or else in a kind of hard stone, which we call the white spar, of which I see divers hills, & in sundry places, but had neither time, nor men, nor instruments fit to labour. Near unto one of the rivers I found of the said white spar or flint a very greatledge orbanke, which I endeavoured to break by all the means I could, because there appeared on the out side some small grains of gold, but finding no mean to work the same upon the upper part, seeking the sides and circuit of the said rock, I found a cleft in the same from whence with daggers, and with the head of an axe, we got out some small quantity thereof, of which kind of white stone (wherein gold in gendered) we saw divers hills and rocks in every part of Guiana, wherein we traveled. Of this there hath been made many trials, and in London, it was first assayed by Master Westwood a refiner dwelling in woodstreet, and it held after the rate of 12000 or 13000 pounds a tun. Another sort was afterward tried by Master Bulmar and Master Dimocke assay master, & it held after the rate of 23000 pounds a tun. There was some of it again tried by Master Palmer controller of the mint, and Master Dimocke in gold smith's hall, and it held after 26900 pounds a tun. There was also at the same time, and by the same people a trial made of the dust of the said mine which held 8. pound 6. ounces weight of gold, in the hundred: there was likewise at the same time a trial made of an Image of Copper made in Guiana, which held a third part gold, besides divers trials made in the country, and by others in London. But because there came of ill with the good; and belike the said Alderman was not presented with the best, it hath pleased him therefore to scandal all the rest, and to deface the enterprise as much as in him lieth. It hath also been concluded by divers, that if there had been any such oar in Guiana, and the same discovered, that I would have brought home a greater quantity there of: first I was not bound to satisfy any man of the quantity, but such only as advenured, if any store had been returned thereof: but it is very true that had all their mountains been of massy Gold, is was impossible for us to have made any longer sfay to have wrought the same: and whosoever hath seen with what strength of stone, the best gold oar is environed, he will not think it easy to be had out in heaps, and especially by us who had neither men, instruments, nor time (as it is said before) to perform the same: There were on this discovery. no less than 100 performs, who can all witness, that when we passed any branch of the river to yew the land within, and stayed from our boats but six hours, we were driven to wade to the eyes, at our return: and if we attempted the same the day following, it was impossible either to ford it, or to swim it, both by reason of the swiftness, and also for that the borders were so prestred with fast woods, as neither boat nor man could find place, either to land or to embark: for in june, july, August and september, it is impossible to navigate any of those rivers, for such is the fury of the Current, and there are so many trees and woods overflown, as if any boat but touch upon any tree or stake, it is impossible to save any one person therein: and ere we departed the land it ran with that swiftness, as we drove down most commonly against the wound, little less than one hundred miles a day: Besides our vessels were no other than wherries, one little barge, a small cockboat, and a bad Galiota, which we framed in haste for that purpose at Trinedado, and those little boats had nine or ten men apiece, with all their victuals, and arms. It is further true, that we were about 400. miles from our ships, and had been a month from them, which also we left weakly mand in an open road, and had promised our return in 15 days. Others have devised that the same oar was had from barbery, and that we carried it with us into Guiana: surely the singularity of that device, I do not well comprehend, for mine own part, I am not so much in love with these long voyages, as to devise, thereby to cousin myself, to lie hard, to far worse, to be subjecteth to perils, to diseases, to ill savours, to be parched and withered, and withal to sustain the care and labour of such an enterprise, except the same had more comfort, than the fetching of Marcasite in Guiana, or buying of gold oar in Barbary. But I hope the better sort will judge me by themselves, & that the way of deceit, is not the way of honour or good opinion: I have herein consumed much time, and, many crowns, & I had no other respect or desire than to serve her majesty & my Country thereby. If the spanish nation had been of like belief to these detractors, we should little have feared or doubted their attempts, wherewith we now are daily threatened. But if we now consider of the actions both of Charles the fist, who had the Maidenhead of Peru & the abundant treasures or Atabalipa, together with the affairs of the Spanish king now living, what territories he hath purchased, what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors, how many kingdoms he hath endangered, how many armies, garrisons, & navies, he hath & doth maintain, the great losses which he hath repaired, as in 88 above 100 sail of great ships with their artillery, and that no year is less unfortunate but that many vessels, treasures, and people are devoured, & yet notwithstanding he beginneth again like a storm to threaten shipwreck to us all, we shall find that these abilities rise not from the trades of sacks, and Civil Oranges, nor from aught else that either Spain, Portugal, or any of his other provinces produce: It is his Indian Gold that indaungereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe, it purchaseth intelligence, creepeth into Counsels, and setteth bond loyalty at liberty, in the greatest Monarchies of Europe. If the spanish king can keep us from foreign enterprises, and from the impeachment of his trades, either by offer ofinuasion, or by besieging us in Britain, Ireland, or else where, he hath then brought the work of our peril in great forwardness. Those princes which a bound in treasure have great advantages over the rest, if they once constrain them to a defensive war, where they are driven once a year or oftener to cast lots for their own garments, & from such shall all trades, & intercourse, be taken away to the general loss & impoucrithmet of the kingdom, & common weal to reduced besides when men are constrained to fight, it hath not the same hope as whom they are priest & encouraged by the desire offpoyle and riches. Farther it is to be doubted how those that in time of victory seem to affect their neighbour nations, will remain after the first view of misfortunes, or ill success; to trust also to the doubtfulness of a battle, is but a fearful and uncertain adventure, seeing therein fortune is as likely to prevail, as virtue. It shall not be necessary to allege all that might be said, and therefore I will thus conclude, that what soever kingdom shall be enforced to defend itself, may be compared to a body dangerously diseased, which for a season may be preserved with vulgar medicines, but in a short time, and by little and little, the same must needs fall to the ground, and be dissolved. I have therefore laboured all my life, both according to my small power, & persuasion, to advance all those attempts, that might either promise return of profit to ourselves, or at last be a let & impeachment to the quiet course, & plentiful trades of the Spanish nation, who in my weak judgement by such a war were as easily endangered and brought from his powerfulness, as any prince in Europe, if it be considered from how many kingdoms and nations his revenues are gathered, and those so weak in their own beings, and so far severed from mutual succour. But because such a preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in haste, and that the time which our enemies embrace, can not be had again to advantage, I will hope that these provinces, and that Empire now by me discovered shall suffice to enable her Majesty, and the whole kingdom, with no less quantities of treasure, than the king of Spain hath in all the Indies, east and west, which he possesseth, which if the same be considered and followed, ere the Spaniards, enforce the same, & if her Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to loose her highness favour and good opinion for ever, and my life withal, if the same be not found rather to exceed, then to equal what soever is in this discourse promised or declared. I will now refer the reader to the following discourse with the hope that the perilous and chargeable labours and endeavours of such as thereby seek the profit and honour of her Majesty, and the English nation, shall by men of quality and virtue receive such construction, and good acceptance, as themselves would look to be rewarded withal in the like.  W: R.  

THE DISCOVERY OF GVIANA.  
ON Thursday the 6. of February in the year 1595. we departed England, and the sunday following had sight of the North cape of Spain, the wind for the most part continuing prosperous: we passed in sight of the Burlings, and the rock and so onwardly for the Canaries, and fallen with Fuerte ventura the 17. of the same month, where we spent two or three days, and relieved our companies with some fresh meat. From thence we coasted by the Gran Canaria, and so to Tenerife, and stayed there for the lions whelp your Lordship's ship, and for captain Amiss Preston and the rest: But when after 7. or 8 days we found thcm not, we departed and directed our course for Trinedado with mine own ship, and a small bark of Captain Crosses only (for we had before lost sight of a small Gallego on the coast of Spain, which came with us from Plymmouth:) we arrived at Trinedado the 22. of March, casting ancour at point Curiapan, which the Spaniards call punto de Gallo, which is situate in 8. degrees or there abouts: we abode there 4. or 5. days, and in all that time we came not to the speech of any Indian or Spaniard: on the coast we see a fire, as we sailed from the point Carao towards Curiapan, but for fear of the Spaniards, none dared come to speak with us. I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore and landed in every Cove, the better to know the Island, while the ships kept the channel. From Curiapan after a few days we turned up North-east to recover that place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los Hispanioles, and the inhabitants Conquerabia, and as before (revictualing my barge) I left the ships and kept by the shore, the better to come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to understand the rivers, watering places and ports of the Island which (as it is rudely done) my purpose is to sand your Lordship after a few days. From Curiapan I came to a port & seat of Indians called Parico where we found a freshwater river, but saw no people. From thence I rowed to another port, called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea: In the way between both were divers little brooks of fresh water & one salt river that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees, & were very salt & well tasted. Albina their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground: the like is commonly seen in the West Indies and else where. This tree is described by Andrew Thevet in his french Antartique, and the form figured in the book as a plant very strange, and by Pliny in his XII. book of his natural history. But in this Island, as also in Guiana there are very many of them.  
At this point called Tierra de Brea or Piche there is that abundance of stone pitch, that all the ships of the world may be therewith Ioden from thence, and we made trial of it in trimming our ships to be most excellent good, and melteth not with the sun as the pitch of Norway, and therefore for ships trading the south parts very profitable. From thence we went to the mountain foot called Annaperima, and so pasing the river Carone on which the Spanish City was seated, we met with our ships at puerto de los Hispanioles or Conquerabia.  
This Island of Trinedado hath the form of a sheephook, and is but narrow, the north part is very mounteynous, the soil is very excellent and will bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yield. It hath store of dear, wild porks, fruits, fish & fowl: It hath also for bread sufficient Mais, Cassani, and of those roots and fruits which are common everywhere in the west Indies. It hath divers beasts, which the Indies have not the spainards confessed that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers, but they having a purpose to enter Guiana (the Magazine of all rich metetls) cared not to spend time in the search thereof any farther. This Island is called by the people thereof Catri, and in it are divers nations: those about Parico are called jaio, those at Punto Carao are of the Arwacas, and between Carao and Curiadan they are called Saluaios, between Carao and punto Gallera are the Nepoios, and those about the Spanish City term themselves Carinepagotes: Of the rest of the nations, and of other ports and rivers I leave to speak here, being impertinent to my purpose, and mean to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and description of the Island, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge, that I might the better describe it.  
Meeting with the ships at puerto de los Hispanioles, we found at the landing place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent, and they offering a sign of peace I sent Captain Whiddon to speak with them, whom afterward to my great grief I left buried in the said Island after my return from Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, and to enter into terms of peace, more for doubt of their own strength then for aught else, and in the end upon pledge, some of them came aboard: the same evening there stolen also aboard us in a final canoe two Indians, the one of them being a Casique or Lord of the people called Cantyman, who had the year before been with Captain Whiddon, and was of his acquaintance. By this Cantyman, we understood what strength the Spanyardes had, how far it was to their City, and of Don Anthonio de Berreo the governor, who was said to be slain in his second attempt of Guiana, but was nor.  
While we remained at puerto de los Hispanioles some Spanyardes came aboard us to buy linen of the company, and such other things as they wanted, and also to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly and feasted after our manner: by means whereof I learned of one and another as much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or as they known, for those poor soldiers having been many years without wine, a few draughts made them merry, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and of the riches thereof, and all what they known of the ways and passages, my self seeming to purpose nothing less than the entrance or discovery thereof, but bread in them an opinion that I was bond only for the relief of those english, which I had plainted in Virginia, whereof the brute was come among them, which I had performed in my return if extremity of weather had not forced me from the said coast.  
I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes: the one was to be revenged of Berreo, who the year before betrayed 8. of Captain Whiddons met, & took them while he departed from them to seek the E. Bonaventure, which arrived at Trinedado the day before from the East Indies: in whose absence Barreo sent a canoe aboard the pinnace only with Indians and dogs inviting the company to go with them into the woods to kill a dear, who like wise men in the absence of their Captain followed the Indians but were no sooner one harquebus shot from the shore, but Berreos' soldiers lying in ambush had them all, notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely: the other cause of my stay was, for that by discourse with the Spaniards I daily learned more and more of Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the enterprise of Berreo, by what means or fault he failed, and how he meant to prosecute the same.  
While we thus spent the time I was assured by another Casique of the north side of the Island, that Berreo had sent to Marguerita & to Cumana for soldiers meaning to have given me a Cassado at parting, if it had been possible. For although he had given order through all the Island that no Indian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of hanging and quartering, (having executed two of them for the same which I afterwards found) yet every night there came some with most lamentable complaints of his cruelty, how he had divided the Island & given to every soldier a part, that he made the ancient Cassiqui which were Lords of the country to be their slaves, that he kept them in chains, & dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon, & such other torments, which I found afterwards to be true: for in the city after I entered the same, there were 5. of the Lords or little kings (which they call Casiqui in the west Indies) in one chain almost dead of famine, & wasted with torments: these are called in their own langauge Acarewana, and now of late since English, French, & Spanish are come among them, they call themselves Captains, because they perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called by that name. Those five Captains in the chain were called Wannawanare, Carroaori, Maquarima; Tarroopanama, & Aterima. So as both to be revenged of the former wrong, as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats, to departed 400. or 500 miles from my ships, and to leave a garrison in my back interressed in the same enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of Spain, I should have savoured very much of the Ass: and therefore taking a time of most advantage, I set upon the Corp duguard in the evening, and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Calfield onwards with 60. soldiers, & myself followed with 40. more & so took their new city which they called S. joseph, by break of day: they abode not any fight after a few shot, & all being dismissed but only Berreo & his companion, I brought them with meabord, and at the instance of the Indians, I set their now City of S. joseph's on fire.  
The same day arrived Captain George Gifford with your Lord ships ship, & Captain Keymis whom I lost on the coast of Spain, with the Gallego, and in them divers Gent. and others, which to our little army was a great comfort and supply.  
We than hastened away towards our purposed discovery, and first I called all the Captains of the Island together that were enemies to the Spaniards, for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other countries, & planted there to eat out & waste those that were natural of the place, & by my Indian interpreter, which I carried out of England, I made them understand that I was the servant of a Queen, who was the great Casique of the north, and a virgin, and had more Casique under her then there were trees in that Island: that she was an enemy to the Castelani in respect of their tyranny and oppression, and that the delivered all such nations about her, as were by them oppressed, & having freed all the coast of the northern world from their servitude had sent me to free them also, and with all to defend the country of Guiana from their invasion and conquest. I showed them her majesties picture which they so admired and honoured, as it had been easy to have brought them Idolatrous thereof.  
The like & a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations both in my passing to Guiana, & to those of the borders, so as in that part of the world her majesty is very famous and admirable, whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana, which is as much as Elizabeth, the great princess or greatest commander. This done we left puerto de los Hispanioles, and returned to Curiapan, and having Berreo my prisonour I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he knew.  
This Berreo is a gent. well descended, and had long served the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, the low Countries and else where, very valiant & liberal, and a Gent. of great assuredness, and of a great heart: I ufed him according to his estate and worth in all things I could, according to the small means I had.  
I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get what knowledge he could of Guiana, and the end of my journey at this time was to discover & enter the same, but my intelligence was far from truth, for the country is situate above 600. English miles further from the sea, than I was made believe it had been, which afterward understanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the knowledge of my company, who else would never have been brought to attempt the same: of which 600. miles I passed 400. leaving my ships so far from me at anchor in the sea, which was more of desire to perform that discovery, then of reason, especially having such poor & weak vessels to transport ourselves in; for in the bottom of an old Gallego which I caused to be fashioned like a Galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship boat of the Lion's whelp, we carried too people and their victuals for a month in the same, being all driven to lie in the rain & weather, in the open air, in the burning sun, & upon the hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of furniture in them, wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals being most fish, with the weet clotheses of so many men thrust together and the heat of the sun, I will undertake there was never any prison in England, that could be found more unsavoury and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for many years before been dieted and cared for in a sort far more differing.  
If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have come too late to Trinedado to have found us there (for the month was expired which I promised to tarry for him there ere he could recover the coast of Spain) but that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, and that we had entered the country but some ten days sooner ere the rivers were overflow en, we had adventured either to have go to the great City of Manoa, or at lest taken so many of the other Cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have made a royal return: but it pleased not God so much to favour me at this time: if it shallbe my lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life therein, and if any else shallbe enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much, he shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortes, or in Peru by Pacaro, whereof the one conquered the Empire of Mutezuma, the other of Guascar, and Atabalipa, and whatsoever Prince shall possesseit, that Prince shall be Lord of more Gold, and of a more beautiful Empire, and of more Cities and people, then either the king of Spain, or the great Turk.  
But because there may arise many doubts, and how this Empire of Guiana is become so populous, and adorned with so many great Cities, Towns, Temples, and treasures, I thought good to make it known, that the Emperor now reigning is descended from those magnificent Princes of Peru of whose large territories, of whose policies, conquests, edifices, and riches Pedro de Cieza, Francisco Lopez, and others have written large discourses: for when Francisco Pacaro, Diego Almagro and others conquered the said Empire of Peru, and had put to death Atabalipa son to Cuaynacapa, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his elder brother Guascar to be slain, one of the younger sons of Guaynacapa fled out of Peru, and took with him many thousands of those soldiers of the Empire called Oreiones, and with those and many others which followed him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of America which is situate between the great river of Amazons, and Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoke and Maranion.  
The Empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru towards the sea, and lieth under the Equinoctial line, and it hath more abundance of Gold than any part of Peru, and as many or more great Cities then ever Peru had when it flourished most: it is governed by the same laws, and the Emperor and people observe the same religion, and the same form and policies in government as was used in Peru, not differing in any part: and as I have been assured by such of the Spanyardes as have seen Manoa the imperial City of Guiana, which the Spaniards call El Dorado, that for the greatness, for the riches, and for the excellent seat, it far exceedeth any of the world, at lest of so much of the world as is known to the Spanish nation: it is founded upon a lake of salt water of 200. leagues long like unto mare caspin. And if we compare it to that of Peru, & but read the reiport of Francisco Lopez & others, it will seem more than credible, and because we may judge of the one by the other, I thought good to insert part of the 120, chapter of Lopez in his general history of the Indies, wherein he describeth the court and magnificence of Guynacapa, ancestor to the Emperor of Guiana, whose very words are these. Todo el seruicio de su casa, mesa, y cozina era de oro, y de plata, y quando menos de plata, y cobre per mas rezio. Tenia ensurecamara estatuas huecas de oro que parecian gigantes, y las figuras alpropio, y tamano de quantos animales, aves, arboles, y yeruas produze la tierra, y de quantos pieces cria la mary aguas de sus reynos. Tenia assi mesmo sogas, costales, celtas, y troxes de oro y plata, rimeros de palos de oro, que pareciessen lenna raiada para quemar. En fin no avia cosa en su tierra, que no la tuuiesse de oro contrahecha: y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un vergal en una Islacerca de la Puna, donde se yuan a hol gar, quando querian mar, que tenia la ortaliza, las flores, yarboles de oro y plata, invention y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista. Allende de todo esto tenia infinitissmia cantidad de plata, y oro por labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio po la muerte de Guascar, ca los Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los espanioles se lo tomauan, y embiauan a Espania. That is, All the vessels of his house, table and kitchen were of Gould and Silver, and the meanest of silver & copper for strength and hardness of metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which seemed giants, and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees and herbs, that the earth bringeth forth: and of all the fish that the sea or waters of his kingdom breeds. He had also ropes, budgets, chests and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold that seemed wood, marked out to burn. Finally there was nothing in his country, whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold: Yea and they say, The Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an Island near Puna, where they went to recreate themselves, when they would take the air of the sea, which had all kind of garden herbs, flowers and trees of Gold and Silver, an invention, & magnificence till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an infinite quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuzco which was lost by the death of Guascar, for the Indians hide it, seeing that the Spaniards took it, and sent it into Spain.  
And in the 117. Chapter Francisco Picarro caused the Gold, and Silver of Atabalipa to be weighed, after he had taken it, which Lopez setteth down in these words following.  
Hallaron cinquenta y does mill marcos de buena plata, y vu millon y trezientos y veinte y seys mill, y quinientos pesos de oro, which is: They found fifty and two thousand marks of good silver, and one million, and three hundred twenty and six thousand and five hundred pesoes of gold.  
Now although these reports may seem strange, yet if we consider the many million which are daily brought out of Peru into spain, we may easily believe the same, for we find that by the abundant treasure of that country, the Spanish King vexeth all the Princes of Europe, and is become in a few years from a poor king of Castille the greatest monarch of this part of the world, and likely every day to increase, if other Princes forsloe the good occasions offered, and suffer him to add this Empire to the rest, which by far exceedeth all the rest: if his gold now endanger us, he will then be unresistible. Such of the Spanyardes as afterward endeavoured the conquest thereof (whereof there have been many as shall be declared hereafter) thought that this Inga, (of who me this Emperor now living is descended) took his way by the river amazons, by that branch which is call Papamene, for by that way followed Oreliano (by the commandment of the Marquis Pacarro in the year 1542.) whose name the river also beareth this day, which is also by others called Maragnon, although Andrew Thevet doth affirm that between Maragnon and amazons there are 120. leagues: but sure it is that those rivers have one head & beginning, and the Maragnon which Thevet describeth is but a branch of Amazons, or Oreliano, of which I will speak more in another place. It was also attempted by Diego Ordace, but whether before Oreliano or after I know not: but it is now little less than 70. years since that Ordace a knight of the order of Saint jago attempted the same: and it was in the year 1542. that Oreliano discovered the river of Amazons; but the first that eversawe Manoa was johannes Martin's master of the munition to Ordace, At a port called Morequito in Guiana there lieth at this day a great anchor of Ordaces' ship, and this port is some 300. miles within the land, upon the great river of Orenoque.  
I rested at this port sour days: twenty days after I left the ships at Curiapan. The relation of this Martin's (who was the first that discovered Manoa (his success & end is to be seen in the Chancery of Saint ivan de puerto rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, which appeared to be the greatest encouragement as well to Berreo as to others that formerly attemped the discovery and conquest, Oreliano after he failed of the discovery of Guiana, by the said river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and there obtained a patten of the king for the invasion and conquest, but died by sea about the Islands, and his fleet severed by tempest, the action for that time proceeded not. Diego Ordace followed the enterprise, and departed Spain with 600. soldiers and 30. horse, who arriving on the coast of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny with the most part of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious part, in so much as his ships perished, and few or none returned, neither was it certainly known what become of the said Ordace, until Berreo found the anchor of his ship in the river of Orenoque; but it was supposed, and so it is written by Lopez that he perished on the seas, and of other writers diverfly conceived & reported. And hereof it came that Martin's entered so far within the Land and arrived at that City of Inga the Emperor, for it chanced that while Ordace with his army rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana,) by some negligence, the whole store of powder provided for the service, was set on fire, & Martin's having the chief charge was condemned by the general Ordace to be executed forthwith: Martin's being much favoured by the soldiers had all the mean possible procured for his life, but it could not be obtained in other sort then this. That he should be set into a canoe alone without any victual, only with his arms, and so turned lose into the great river: but it pleased God that the canoe was carried down the stream, & that certain of the Guianians met it the same evening, & having not at any time seen any Christian, nor any man of that colour, the carried Martynes into the land to be wondered at, and so from town to town, until he came to the great City of Manoa, the seat and residence of Inga the Emperor. The Emperor after he had beheld him, known him to be a Christian (for it was not long before that his brethren Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru) and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained: he lived 7. months in Manoa, but not suffered to wander into the country any where: he was also brought thither all the way blindfold, led by the Indians until he came to the entrance of Manoa itself, and was 14. or 15. days in the passage: he avowed at his death that he entered the City at Noon, and then they uncovered his face, & that he traveled all that day till night thorough the City, and the next day from sun rising to sun setting, ere he came to the palace of Inga. After that Martynes had lived 7 months in Manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, Inga asked him whether he desired to return into his own country, or would willingly abide with him: but Martynes not desirous to stay, abstained the favour of Inga to departed, with whom he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the river of Orenoque all laden with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to Martynes at his departure: but when he was arrived near the rivers side, the borderers which are called Orenoqueponi rob him and his Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers being at that time at wars which Inga, had not conquered) save only of two great bottles of gords, which were filled with beads of gold curiously wrought, which those Orenoqueponi thought had been no other thing than his drink or meat or grain for food with which Martynes had liberty to pass, and so in Canoes he fallen down from the river of Orenoque to Trinedado, and from thence to Marguerita, & so to Saint ivan de puerto rico, where remaining a long time for passage into Spain he died. In the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the Sacrament at the hands of his Confessor, he delivered these things, with the relation of his travels, and also called for his Culabaza or gords of the gold beads which he gave to the Church & friars to be prayed for. This Martynes was he that christened the city of Manoa, by the name of El Dorado, and as Berreo informed me upon this occasion. Those Guianians and also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I have seen are marvelous great drunkards, in which vice I think no nation can compare with them and at the times of their solemn feasts when the Emperor carowseth with his captains, tributaries, & governors, the manner is thus. All those that pledge him are first stripped naked, & their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white Balsamum: by them called Curcai of which there is great plenty and yet very dear amongst them, and it is of all other the most precious, whereof we have had good experience: when they are anointed all over, certain servants of the Emperor having prepared gold made into fine powder blow it thorough hollow canesupon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from the foot to the head, & in this sort they sit drinking by twenties & hundred & continued in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together: the same is also confirmed by a letter written into Spain which was intercepted, which master Robert Dudley told me he had seen. Upon this sight, and for the abundance of Gold which he see in the city, the Images of gold in their Temples, the plates armours and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it El Dorado. After Oreliano who was employed by Pacaro afterwards Marquis Pacaro conqueror and governor of Peru, and the death of Ordace and Martynes, one Pedro de Osua, a knight of Navarre attempted Guiana, taking his way from Peru, and built his brigandines upon a river called Oia, which rises to the southward of Quinto, and is very great: this river falls into Amazons, by which Osua with his companies descended, and came out of that Province which is called Mutylones: and it seemeth to me that this Empire is reserved for her Majesty and the English nation, by reason of the hard success which all these & other Spaniards found in attempting the same, whereof I will speak briefly, though impertinent in some sort to my purpose. This Pedro de Osua had among his troops a Bescayn called Agiri, a man meanly born, & bore no other office than a Surgeant or Alferez: but after certain months, when the soldiers were grieved with travels and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the branches or body of Amazons, this Agiri raised a mutiny, of which he made himself the head, and so prevailed as he put Osua to the sword and all his followers, taking on him the whole charge and commandment, with a purpose not only to make himself Emperor of Guiana, but also of Peru and of all that side of the West Indies: he had of his party seven hundred soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other captains and companies to deliver up towns and sorts in Peru, but neither finding by the said river any passage into Guiana, nor any possibility to return towards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that the descent of the river made so great a currant, he was enforced to desemboque at the mouth of the said Amazons, which cannot be less than a thousand leagues from the place where they embarked: from thence he coasted the land till he arrived at Marguerita to the North of Mompatar, which is at this day called puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew Don ivan de villa Andreda, governor of Marguerita who was father to Don ivan Sermiento governor of Marguerita when Sir john Burgh landed there, and attempted the Island. Agiri put to the sword all other in the Island that refused to be of his party, and took with him certain Cemerones, and other desperate companions: From thence he went to Cumana, and there flew the Governor, and dealt in all as at Marguerita: he spoilt all the coast of Caracas, and the province of Vesuello, and of Rio de hache, and as I remember it was the same year that Sir john Hawkins failed to Saint ivan de Lua in the jesus of Lubeck, for himself told me that he met with such a one upon the coast that rebelled, and had failed down all the river of Amazons. Agiri from thence landed about Sancta Marta, and sacked it also, putting to death so many as refused to be his followers, purposing to invade Nueuo reygno de Granada, & to sack Pampelone, Merida, Lagrita, Tunia, & the rest of the cities of Nueuo reygno, and from thence again to enter Peru: but in a fight in the said Nueuo reygno he was overthrown, & finding no way to escape, he first put to the sword his own children, foretelling them that they should not live to be defamed or opbraid by the Spaniards after his death, who would have termed them the children of a Traitor or Tyrant, and that sithence he could not make them Princes, he would yet deliver them from shame and reproach: These were the ends and tragedies of Oreliano, Ordace, Osua, Martin's, and Agiri.  
After these followed jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa with 130. soldiers, who failing his entrance by sea was cast with the currant on the coast of Paria, and peopled about S. Miguell de Neveri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de Silva a Portuguese of the family of Rigomes de Sylva, and by the favour which Rigomes had with the king, he was set out, but he also shot wide of the mark, for being departed from Spain with his fleet, he entered by Maragnon and amazons, whereby the nations of the river, and by the Amazons he was utterly overthrown, and himself and all his army defeated, only seven escaped, and of those but two returned.  
After him came Pedro Harnandez de Serpa, and landed at Camena in the West Indies, taking his journey by land towards Orenoque; which may be some 120. leagues, but ere he came to the boarders of the said river, he was set upon by a nation of Indians called Wikiri, and overthrown in sort, that of 300. soldiers, horsemen, many Indians, and Negroes, there returned but 18: others affirm that he was defeated in the very entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the Empire called Macureguarai. Captain Preston in taking S jago de Leon (which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed, being a great town, and far within the land) held a gentleman prisoner who died in his ship, that was one of the company of Hernandes de Serpa, and saved among those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spaniards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana, and El dorado the city of Inga. Another Spaniard was brought aboard me by Captain Preston, who told me in the hearing of himself and divers other gentlemen, that he met with Berreos' camp-master at Carasas, when he came from the borders of Guiana, and that he see with him forty of most pure plates of gold curiously wrought, and sword of Guiana decked and inlaid with gold, feathers garnished with gold, and divers rarities which he carried to the Spanish king.  
After Hernandez de Serpa it was undertaken by the Adelantado, Don Gonzales Cemenes de Casada, who was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nueuo reigno, whose daughter & heir Don Anthonio de Berreo married: Gonzales sought the passage also by the river called Papamene, which rises by Quito in Peru, & runneth southeast 100 leagues, & then falls into Amazons, but he also failing the entrance, returned with the loss of much labour and cost: I took one captain George a Spaniard that followed Gonzales in this enterprise. Gonzales gave his daughter to Berreo taking his oath and honour, to follow the enterprise to the last of his substance and life, who since as he hath sworn to me hath spent 300000. ducats in the same, and yet never could enter so far into the land as myself with that poor troop or rather a handful of men, being in all about 100 gentlemen, soldiers, rowers, bote-keepers, boys, and of all sorts: neither could any of the forpassed undertakers, nor Berreo himself discover the country, till now lately by conference with an ancient king called Carapana he got the true light thereof: for Berreo came about 1500. miles, ere he understood aught, or could find any passage or entrance into any part thereof, yet he had experience of all these forenamed, and divers others, and was persuaded of their errors and mistake. Berreo sought it by the river Cassamar, which falls into a great river called Pato, Pato falls into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called Orenoque.  
He took his journey from Nueuo reygno de granada where he dwelled, having the inheritance of Gonzales Cemenes in those parts: he was followed with 700. horse, he drove with him 1000 head of cattle, he had also many women, Indians, and slaves. How all these rivers cross and encounter, how the country lieth and is bordered, the passage of Cemenes, and Berreo, mine own discovery, and the way that I entered, with all the rest of the nations and rivers, your Lordship shall receive in a large Chart or Map, which I have not yet finished, and which I shall most humbly pray your Lo. to secret, and not to suffer it to pass your own hands, for by a draft thereof all may be prevented by other nations. For I know it is this very year sought by the French, although by the way that they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told me ere I departed England, that Villiers the Admiral was in preparation for the planting of Amazons, to which river the French have made divers voyages, and returned much gold and other rarities, I spoke with a captain of a French ship that came from thence, his ship riding in Falmuth, the same year that my ships came first from Virginia.  
There was another this year in Helford that also came from thence, and had been 14 months at an anchor in Amazons, which were both very rich. Although as I am persuaded; Guiana cannot be entered that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by branches of rivers into the river of Amazons and so it doth on every hand far from the country itself, for those Indians of Trinedado have plates of gold from Guiana, and those Cannibals of Dominica which devil in the islands by which our ships pass yearly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Paria, those Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, Cumanagotos, and all those other nations inhabiting near about the mountains that run from Paria thorough the Province of Vensuello, and in Maracapana, and the Cannibals of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai, Coaca, Aiai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my description as they are fituate) have plates of gold of Guiana. And upon the river of amazons Thevet writeth that the people wear Croissants of gold, for of that form the Guianinians most commonly make them: So as from Dominica to Amazons which is above 250. leagues, all the chief Indians in all parts wear of those plates of Guiana. Undoubtedly those that trade amazons return much gold, which (asis aforesaid) cometh by trade from Guiana, by some branch of a river that falls from the country into Amazons, and either it is by the river which passeth by the nations called Tisnadoes, or by Carepuna. I made inquiry amongst the most ancient and best traveled of the Orenoqueponi, & I had knowledge of all the rivers between Orenoque and amazons, and was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not: And though I digress from my purpose, yet I will set down that hath been delivered me for truth of those women, and I spoke with a Casique or Lord of people that told me he had been in the river, and beyond it also. The nations of these women are on the south side of the river in the Privinces of Topago, and their chiefest strengths, and retracts are in the islands situate on the south side of the entrance, some 60, leagues within the mouth of the said river. The memories of the like women are very ancient as well in Africa as in Asia: In Africa those that had Medusa for Queen: others in Scythia near the rivers of Tanais and Thermadon: we find also that Lampedo and Marthesia were Queens of the Amazons: in many histories they are verified to have been, and in divers ages and Provinces: But they which are not far from Guiana do accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which I gather by their relation to be in April. And that time all Kings of the borders assemble, and Queens of the Amazons, and after the Queens have choose, the rest cast lots for their Valentines. This one month, they feast, dance, & drink of their wines in abundance, and the Moon being done, they all departed to their own Provinces. If they conceive, and be delivered of a son, they return him to the father, if of a daughter they nourish it, and retain it, and as many as have daughters sand unto the begetters a Present, all being desirous to increase their own fex and kind, but that they cut of the right dug of the breast I do not find to be true. It was farther told me, that if in these warsthey took any prisoners that they used to accompany with those also at what time soever, but in the end for certain they put them to death: for they are said to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such as offer to invade their territories. These Amazons have likewise great store of these plates of gold, which they recover by exchange chief for a kind of green stones, which the Spaniards call Piedras Hijadas, and we use for spleen stones, and for the disease of the stone we also esteem them: of these I see divers in Guiana, and commonly every king or Casique hath one, which their wives for the most part wear, and they esteem them as great jewels.  
But to return to the enterprise of Berreo, who (as I have said) departed from Nueuo reygno with 700. horse besides the provisions above rehearsed; he descended by the river called Cassanar, which rises in Nueno reygno out of the mountains by the city of Twia, from which mountain also springeth Pato, both which fall into the great river of Meta, and Meta rises from a mountain joining to Pampelone in the same Nueuo reygno de Granada: these as also Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountains by Timana fall all into Baraquan, and are but of his heads, for at their coming together they lose their names, and Baraquan farther down is also rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the city and hills of Timana rises rio grand, which falls into the sea by Sancta Marta. By Cassonar first, and so into Meta Berreo passed, keeping his horsemen on the banks, where the country served them for to march, and where otherwise he was driven to embark them in boats which he builded for the purpose, & so came with the currant down the river of Meta, and so into Baraquan. After he entered that great and mighty river, he began daily to lose of his companies both men and horse, for it is in many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, and divers Islands sharp pointed with rocks: But after one whole year, journeying for the most part by river, and the rest by land he grew daily to fewer numbers, for both by sickness, and by encountering with the people of those regions, through which he traveled, his companies were much wasted, especially by divers encounters with the Amapaiens: And in all this time he never could learn of any passage into Guiana, nor any news or same thereof, until he came to a farther border of the said Amapaia, eight days journey from the river Caroli, which was the farthest river that he entered. Among those of Amapaia, Guiana was famous, but few of these people accosted Berreo, or would trade with him the first three months of the six which he sojourned there. This Amapaia is also marvelous rich in gold (as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana with whom I had most conference) and is situate upon Orenoke also. In his country Berreo lost 60. of his best soldiers, and most of all his horse that remained in his former years travel: but in the end after divers encounters with those nations they grew to peace, and they presented Berreo with 10. Images of fine gold among divers other plates and Croissants, which as he swore to me and divers other gentlemen were so curiously wrought, as he had not seen the like either in Italy, Spain, or the Low Countries: and he was resolved that when they came to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by his camp-master, they would appear very admirable, especially being wrought by such a nation as had no Iron instruments at all, nor any of those helps which our gold smiths have to work with all. The particular name of the people in Amapaia which gave him these pieces are called Anebas, and the river of Orenoque at that place is above 12. English miles broad, which may be from his out fall into the sea 700. or 800. miles.  
This Province of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground near the river, and by reason of the read water which issueth out in small branches thorough the fenny and boggy ground there breed divers poisonful worms and serpents, and the Spaniards not suspecting; nor in any fort foreknowing the danger were infected with a grievous kind of flux by drinking thereof, and even the very horses poisoned therewith: In so much as at the end of the six months, that they abode there, of all their troops, there were not left above 120. soldiers, and neither horse nor cattles. For Berreo hoped to have found Guiana by 1000 miles nearer than it fallen out to be in the end, by means whereof they sustained much want and much hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had traveled Amapaia how they lived with that tawny or read water when they traveled thither, and they told me that after the Sun was near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their pots and pitchers with that water, but either before that time, or towards the setting of the Sun it was dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poison. I learned also of divers other rivers of that nature among them which were also (while the Sun was in the Meridian) very safe to drink, and in the morning, evening, and night, wonderful dangerous and infective. From this proviuce Berreo hasted away as foone as the Spring and beginning of Summer appeared, & sought his entrance on the borders of Orenoque on the south side, but there ran a ledge of so high & impassable mountains as he was not able by any means to march over them, continuing from the east sea into which Orenoque falls, even to Quito in Peru: neither had he means to carry victual or munition over those craggy, high, and fast hills, being all woody, and those so thick and spiny, and so full of prickles, thorns, and briars, as it is impossible to creep thorough them: he had also neither friendship among the people, nor any interpreter to persuade or treat with them, and more, to his disadvantage, the Cassiqui and kings of Amapaia had given knowledge of his purpose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sack and conquer the Empire, for the hope of their so great abundance and quantities of gold he passed by the mouths of many great rivers, which fallen into Orenoque both from the north and south, which I forbear to name for tediousness, and because they are more pleasing in describing than reading.  
Ilstreo affirmed that there fallen an hundred rivers into Orenoque from the north and south, whereof the left was as big as Ria grand, that passed between Popayan, and Nueuo reyno de granada (Ria grand being esteemed one of the renowned rivers in all the west Indies, & numbered among the great rivers of the world:) But he known not the names of any of these, but Caroli only, neither from what nations they descended, neither to what Provinces they led, for he had no means to discourse with the inhibatants at any time: neither was he curious in these things, being utterly unlearned, & not knowing the east from the west. But of all these I got some knowledged, & of many more, partly by mine own travel, & the rest by conference; of from one I learned one of others the rest, having with me an Indian that spoke many languages, & that of Guiana naturally. I sought out all the aged men, & such as were greatest travelers, and by the one & the other I came to understand the situations, the rivers, the kingdoms from the east sea to the borders of Peru, & from Orenoque southward as far as Amazons or Maragnon, and the religions of Maria Tamball, and of all the kings of Provinces and captains of towns and villages, how they stood in terms of peace or war, and which were friends or enemies the one with the other, without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor else where: For by the dissension between Guascar and Atabalipa, Pacaro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the Tra 〈…〉 calliani bore to Mutezuma, Cortes was victorious over Mexico; without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprise, and of the great honour and riches, which they attained unto.  
Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and looked for no other success than his predecessor in this enterprise, until such time as he arrived at the Province of Emeria towards the east sea and mouth of the river, where he found a nation of people very favourable, and the country full of all manner of victual. The king of this land is called Carapana, a man very wise, subtle, and of great experience, being little less than 100 years old: In his youth he was sent by his father into the Island of Trinedado, by reason of civil war among themselves, and was bread at a village, in that Island, called Parico: at that place in his youth he had seen many Christians both French and Spanish, and went divers times with the Indians of Trinedado to Marguerita and Cumana in the west Indies, (for both those places have ever been relieved with victual from Trinedado) by reason whereof he grew of more understanding, and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the strength and arms of his country with those of the Christians, and ever after temporised so, as whosoever else did amiss, or was wasted by contention, Carapana kept himself and his country in quiet and plenty: he also held peace with Caribas or Cannibals his neighbour, and had free trade with all nations whosoever else had war.  
Berreo sojourned and rested his weak troop in the town of Carapana six weeks, and from him learned the way and passage to Guiana, and the riches & magnificence thereof: but being then utterly disable to proceed, he determined to try his fortune another year, when he had renewed his provisions, and regathered more force, which he hoped for as well out of Spain, as from Nuevo reyno, where he had left his son Don Anthonio Xemenes to second him upon the first notice given of his entrance, & so for the present embarked himself in Canoes, & by the branches of Orenoque arrived at Trinedado, having from Carapana sufficient Pilots to conduct him. From Trinedado he coasted Paria, and so recovered Marguerita: and having made relation to Don ivan Sermiento the governor of his proceeding, and persuaded him of the riches of Guiana, he obtained from thence 50. soldiers, promising presently to return to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant nothing less at that time, for he wanted many provisions necessary for such an enterprise, and therefore departed from Marguerita, seated himself in Trinedado, and from thence sent his camp-master, and his Sergeant mayor back to the borders to discover the nearest passage, into the Empire, as also to treat with the borderers, and to draw them to his party and love, without which, he known he could neither pass safely, nor in any sort be relieved with victual or aught else. Carapana directed this company to a king called Morequito, assuring them that no man could deliver so much of Guiana, as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but five days journey from Macureguarai, the first civil town of Guiana.  
Now your Lordship shall understand that this Morequito, one of the greatest Lords or Kings of the borders of Guiana, had two or three years before been at Cumana and at Marguerita, in the west Indies, with great store of plates of gold, which he carried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his own country, and was daily feasted, and presented by the governors of those places, and held amongst them some two months, in which time one Vides governor of Cumana won him to be his conductor into Guiana, being alured by those Croissants and Images of gold which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of El Dorado: whereupon Vides sent into Spain for a Patent to discover and conquer Guiana, not knowing of the precedence of Berreos' patent, which as Berreo affirmeth was signed before that of Vides: so as when Vides understood of Berreo, and that he had made entrance into that territory, and foregone his desire and hope, it was verily thought that Vides practised with Morequito hinder and disturb Berreo in all he could and not to suffer him to enter through his signory, nor any of his companies, neither to victual, nor guide them in any sort; for Vides govenor of Camena, and Berreo were become mortal enemies, as well for that Berreo had got Trinedado into his Patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo prevented in the journey of Guiana itself: howsoever it was I know not, but Morequito for a time dissembled his disposition, suffered Spaniards, and a Friar (which Berreo had sent to discover Manoa) to travel through his country, gave them a guide for Macureguaray the first town of civil and appareled people, from whence they had other guides to bring them to Manoa the great city of Inga: and being furnished with those things, which they had learned of Carapana, were of most price in Guiana, went onward, and in eleven days arrived at Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for certain: although I could not be assured thereof by the Lord which now governeth the Province of Morequito, for he told me that they got all the gold they had, in other towns on this side Manoa, there being many very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of Christians, with many rooms.  
When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of the border of Arromaia, the people of Morequito set upon them, & flew them all but one that swum the river, and took from them to the value of 40000. pesoes of gold, and as it is written in the story of job, one only lived to bring the news to Berreo, that both his nine soldiers and holy father were benighted in the said Province. I myself spoke with the Captains of Morequito that flew them, and was at the place where it was executed. Berreo enraged herewithal sent all the strength he could make into Arromaia, to be revenged of him, his people, and country: but Morequito suspecting the fame fled over Orenoque, and thorough the territories of the Saima, and Wikiri, recovered Cumana, where he thought himself every safe with Vides the governor: But Berreo sending for him in the king's name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one Fashardo on the sudden ere he was suspected, so as he could not then be conveyed away, Vides dared not deny him, as well to avoid the suspicion of the practice, as also for that an holy father was slain by him and his people, Morequito offered Fashardo the weight of three quintals in gold, to let him escape, but the poor Guianian betrayed of all sides was delivered to the camp-master of Berreo, and was presently executed.  
After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of Berreo spoilt his territory, & took divers prisoners, among others they took the uncle of Morequito called Toptawari, who is now king of Arromaia) whose son I brought with me into England) and is a man of great understanding and policy: he is above 100 years old, and yet of a very able body: the Spanyardes led him in a chain 17. days, and made him their guide from place to place between his country & Emeria the province of Carapana aforesaid, and was at last redeemed for 100 plates of gold, and divers stones called Piedras Hijadas, or Spleen stones. Now Berreo for executing of Morequito and other cruelties, spoils, and slaughters done in Arromaia hath lost the love of the Orenoqueponi, and of all the borderers, and dare not sand any of his soldiers any farther into the land than to Carapana which he called the port of Guiana: but from thence by the help of Carapana he had trade farther into the country, & always appointed 10, Spaniards to reside in carapana's town, by whose favour & by being conducted by his people, those ten searched the country thereabouts as well for mines, as for other trades and commodities.  
They also have got a nephew of Morequito, whom they have Christened and named Don ivan, of whom they have great hope, endeavouring by all means to establish him in the said province. Among many other trade's those Spaniards used Cansas to pass to the rivers of Barema, Pawroma, and Dissequebe, which are on the south side of the mouth of Orenoque, and the re buy women and children from the Cannibals, which are of that barbarous nature, as they will for 3. or 4. hatchers cell the sons and daughters of their own brethren and sisters, and for somewhat, more even their own daughters here of the Spaniards make great profit, for buying a maid of 12. or 13. years for three or four hatchets, they cell them again at Marguerita in the west Indies for 50. and 100 pesoes which is so many crowns.  
The master of my ship Io. Douglas took one of the Canoes which came laden from thence with people to be sold, and the most of them escaped, yet of those he brought, there was one as well favoured, and as well shaped as ever I saw any in England, and afterward I saw many of them, which but for their tawny colour may be compared to any of Europe. They also trade in those rivers for bread of Cassavi, of which they buy an hundred pound weight for a knife, and cell it at Marguerita for ten pesoes. They also recover great store of cotton, brasil wood, and those beds which they call Hamacas or brasil beds, wherein in hot countries all the Spaniards use to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did we ourselves while we were there: By means of which trades, for ransom of divers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and knives, Berreo recovered some store of gold plates, eagles of gold and Images of men and divers birds, and dispatched his camp-master for Spain with all that he had gathered, therewith to levy soldiers, and by the show thereof to draw others to the love of the enterprise: and having sent divers Images as well of men as beasts, birds and fish so curiously wrought in gold, doubted not but to persuade the king to yield to him some further help, especially for that this land hath never been sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the Indies their works were well spent, and the gold drawn out with great labour and charge: he also dispacrhed messengers to his son in Nueuo reyno to levy all the forces he could, and to come down the river Orenoque to Emeria, the province of Carapana, to meet him: he had also sent to Saint jago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas to buy horses and mules.  
After I had thus learned of his proceed past & purposed: I told him that I had resolved to see Guiana, and that it was the end of my journey, & the cause of my coming to Trinedado, as it was indeed, (& for that purpose I sent ja. Whiddon the year before to get intelligence, with whom Berreo himself had speech at that time, and remembered how inquisitive ja. Whiddon was of his proceed, and of the country of Guiana,) Berreo was strike into a great melancholy lie and sadness and used all the arguments he could to dissuade me, and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded: And first he delivered that I could not enter any of the rivers with any bark or pinnace, nor hardly with any ships boar, it was so low, sandy, and full of flats, and that his companies were daily grounded in their Cansas which drawn but twelve inches water: he further said that none of the country would come to speak with us, but would all fly, and if we followed them to their dwellings, they would burn their own towns, and besides that the way was long, the winter at hand, and that the rivers beginning once to swell, it was impossible to stem the currant, & that we could not in those small bots by any means carry victual for half the time, and that (which indeed most discouraged my company) the Kings and Lords of all the borders and of Guiana had decreed, that none of them should trade with any Christians for gold, because the same would be their own overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossess them of all together.  
Many and the most of these I found to be true, but yet I resolving to make trial of all whatsoever happened directed Captain George Gifford my vice-admiral to take the Lion's whelp, and Captain Calfield his bark to turn to the eastward, against the mouth of a river called Capuri, whose entrance I had before sent Captain Whiddon & Io. Douglas the master, to discover, who found some nine foot water or better upon the flood, and five at low water, to whom I had given instructions that they should anchor at the edge of the should, and upon the best of the flood to thrust over, which should john Douglas voyde and bekonned for them before: but they laboured in vain, for neither could they turn it up altogether so far to the east, neither did the flood continued so long, but the water fallen ere they could have passed the sands, as we after found by a second experience: so as now we must either give over our enterprise, or leaving our ships at adventure 400. mile behind us, to run up in our ships botes, one barge, and two wherries, but being doubtful how to carry victuals for so long a time in such babbles, or any strength of men, especially for that Berreo assured us that his son must be by that time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one King master of the Lion's whelp with his ship boat to try an other branch of a river in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, which was called Amana, to prove if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter: But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it thoroughly, because he was assured by an Indian his guide that the Cannibals of Guanipa would assail them with many Canoes, & that they shot poisonned arrows, so as if he hasted not back they should all be lost.  
In the mean time fearing the worst I caused all the Carpenters we had to cut down a Gallego boat, which we meant to cast off, and to fit her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best they could, so as she might be brought to draw but five foot, for so much we had on the bar of Capuri at low water. And doubting of Kings return I sent Io. Douglas again in my long barge, as well to relieve him as also to make a perfect search in the bottom of that bay. For it hath been held for infallible that whatsoever ship or boat shall fall therein, can never dissemboque again, by reason of the violent currant which setteth into the said bay, as also for that the rbize and easterly wound bloweth directly into the same, of which opinion I have herded john Hampton of Plymouth one of the greatest experience of England, & divers others besides that have traded Trinedado.  
I sent with john Douglas and old Cassique of Trinedado for a Pilot, who told us that we could not return again by the bay or gulf, but that he known a by branch which ran within the land to the Eastward, and that he thought by it we might fall into Capuri, and so return in four days: john Dowglas searched those rivers, and found four goodly entrances, whereof the lest was as big as the Thames, at Wolwich, but in the bay thitherward it was shoal and but six foot water, so as we were now without hope of any ship or bark to pass over, and therefore resolved to go on with the botes, and the bottom of the Gallego, in which we thrust 60. men: In the Lion's whelps boat and wherie we carried 20. Captain Calfield in his wherry carried ten more, and in my barge other ten, which made up a hundred: we had no other means but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat. Captain Gifford had with him Master Edw. Porter, captain eyes 〈…〉 s, and eight more in his wherry with all their victual, weapons, and provisions: Captain Calfield had with him my cozen But shed Gorges and eight more. In the galley, of gent. and officers myself had captain Thin, my choose john Greenuile, my nephew john Gilbert, captain Whiddon, captain Keymis, Edw. Handcoke, captain Clarke, lieutenant Hewes, Thg. upton captain Facy, jerom Ferrar, Antho. Wells, Will. Connock and above 50. more. We could not learn of Berreo any other way to enter but in branches, so far to the windeward as it was impossible for us to recover: for we had as much sea to cross over in our wherries as between Dover and Calais and in a great billow, the wind and currant being both very strong, so as we were driven to go in those small botes directly before the wind into the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, and from thence to enter the mouth of some one of those rivers, which Io. Douglas had last discovered, and had with us for Pilot an Indian of Barema, a river to the south of Orenoque, between that and Amazons, whose Canoes we had formerly taken as he was going from the said Barema, laden with Cassavi bread to fell at Marguerita: this Arwacan promised to bring me into the great river of Orenoque, but indeed of that which he entered he was utterly ignorant, for he had not seen it in twelve years before, at which time he was very young, and of no judgement, and if God had not sent us another help, we might have wandered a whole year in that labyrinth of rivers, ere we had found any way, either out or in, especially after we were past ebbing and flowing, which was in four days: for I know all the earth doth not yield the like confluence of streams and branches, the one crossing the other so many times, and all so fair & large, and so like one to another, as no man can tell which to take: and if we went by the Sun or compass hoping thereby to go directly one way or other, yet that way we were also carried in a circle amongst multitudes of islands, and every Island so bordered with high trees, as no man could see any further than the breadth of the river, or length of the breach: But this it chanced that entering into a river, (which because it had no name we called the river of the Read cross, ourselves being the first Christians that ever came therein:) the 22. of May as we were rowing up the same, we espied a small canoe with three Indians, which (by the swiftness of my barge, rowing with eight oars) I overtook ere they could cross the river, the rest of the people on the banks shadowed under the thickewood gazed on with a doubtful conceit what might befall those three which we had taken: But when they perceived that we offered them no violence neither entered their canoe with any of ours, nor took out of the canoe any of their, they then began to show themselves on the banks side, and offered to traffic with us for such things as they had, and as we drew near they all staid, and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creak which came from their town into the great river.  
As we abode there a while, our Indian Pilot called Ferdinando would needs go ashore to their village to fetch some fruits, and to drink of their artificial wines, and also to see the place, and know the Lord of it against another time, and took with him a brother of his which he had with him in the journey: when they came, to the village of these people, the Lord of the Island offered to lay hands of them purposing to have slain them both, yielding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory to spoil and destroy them: But the Pilot being quick and of a disposed body slipped their fingers & ran into the woods, and his brother being the better footman of the two, recovered the creeks mouth, where we stayed in our barge, crying out that his brother was slain, with that we set hands on one of them that was next us, a very old man, and brought him into the barge, assuring him that if we had not our Pilot again, we would presently cut off his head. This old man being resolved that he should pay the loss of the other, cried out to those in the woods to save Ferdinando our Pilot, but they followed him notwithstanding, and hunted after him upon the foot with their Dear dogs, and with so main a cry that all the woods eckoed with the shout they made, but at last this poor chased Indian recovered the river side, and got upon a tree, and as we were coasting, leapt down and swum to the barge half dead with fear; but out good hap was, that we kept the other old Indian, which we handfasted to redeem our Pilot withal, for being natural of those rivers, we assured ourselves he known the way better than any stranger could, and indeed, but for this chance I think we had never found the way either to Guiana, or back to our ships: for Ferdinando after a few days known nothing at all, nor which way to turn, yea and many times the old man himself was in great doubt which river to take. Those people which dwell in these broken islands & drowned lands are generally called Tiuitiuas, there are of them two sorts, the one called Ciawani, and the other Waraweete.  
The great river of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the north side of his own main mouth: on the south side it hath seven other fall into the sea, so it desemboketh by 16. arms in all, between islands and broken ground, but the islands are very great, many of them as big as the Isle of Wigh: and bigger, and many less: from the first branch on the north to the last of the south it is at lest 100 leagues, so as the rivers mouth is no less than 300. miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which I take to be far bigger than that of Amazons: all those that inhabit in the mouth of this river upon the several north branches are these Tiuitiuas, of which there are two chief Lords which have continual wars one with the other: the islands which lie on the right hand are called Pallamos, and the land on the left Hororotomaka, and the river by which john Dowglas returned within the land from Amana to Capuri, they call Macuri.  
These Tiuitiuas are a very goodly people and very valiant, and have the most manly speech and most deliberate that ever I herded of what nation soever. In the summer they have houses on the ground as in other places: in the winter they devil upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages, as it is written in the Spanish story of the West Indies, that those people do in the low lands near the gulf of Vraba: for between May and September the river of Orenoke rises thirty foot upright, and then are those islands overflown twenty foot high above the level of the ground, saving some few raised grounds in the middle of them: and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. They never eat of any thing that is set or sown and as at home they use neither planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad they refuse to feed of aught, but of that which nature without labour bringeth forth, They use the tops of Palmitoes for bread, and kill Dear, fish and porks for the rest of their lustenance, they have also many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and foul.  
And if to speak of them were not tedious, and vulgar, surely we saw in those passages of very rare colours & forms, not elsewhere to be found, for as much as I have either seen or read. Of these people those that devil upon the branches of Orenoque called Capuri and Macureo, are for the most part Carpenters of Canoes for they make the most and fairest houses, and cell them into Guiana for gold, and into Trinedado for Tobacco, in the excessive taking whereof, they exceed all nations, and notwithstanding the moistness of the air in which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours they suffer to hunt, fish & foul for their liunig in all my life either in the Indies or in Europe did I never behold a more goodly or better favoured people, or a more manly. They were wont to make war upon all nations, and especially on the Cannibals, so as none dared without a good strength trade by those rivers, but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. When their commanders die, they use great lamentation, and when they think the flesh of their bodies is putrefied, and fallen from the bones, than they take up the carcase again, and hung it in the Casiquys house that died, and deck his skull with feathers of all colours, and hung all his gold plates a bout the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs. Those nations which are called Arwacas which devil on the south of Orenoque, (of which place and nation our Indian, Pilot was) are dispersed in many other places, and do use to beat the bones of their Lords into powder, and their wives and friends drink it all in their several sorts of drinks.  
After we departed from the port of these Ciawani, we passed up the river with the flood, & anchored the ebb, and in this fort we went onward. The third day that we entered the river our Galley came on ground and stuck so fast, as we thought that even there our discovery had ended, and that we must have left 90. of our men to have inhabited like rooks upon trees with those nations: but the next morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and hawling to and fro, we got her afloat, and went on: At four days end we fallen into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, which was called the great Amana, which ran more directly without windings and turnings than the other. But soon after the flood of the sea left us, and we enforced either by main strength to row against a violent currant, or to return as wise as we went out, we had then no shift but to persuade the companies that it was but two or three days work, and therefore desired them to take pains, every gentleman and others taking their turns to row, and to spell one the other at the hours end. Every day we passed by goodly branches of rivers, some falling from the west, others from the east into Amana, but those I leave to the description in the Chart of discovery, where every one shall be named with his rising and descente. When three days more were overgone, our companies began to despair, the weather being extreme hot, the river bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, and the currant against us every day stronger than other: But we evermore commanded our Pilots to promise' an end the next day, and used it so long as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the river to three, and so to two, & so to the next reach: but so long we laboured as many days were spent, and so driven to draw ourselves to harder allowance, our bread even at the last, and no drink at all: and our men and ourselves so wearied and scorched, and doubtful withal whether we should ever perform it or not, the heat increasing as we drawn towards the line, for we were now in five degrees.  
The farther we went on (our victual decreasing and the air breeding great faintness) we grew weaker and weaker when we had most need of strength and ability, for howerlie the river ran more violently than other against us, and the barge, wherries: and ships boat of Captain Gifford, and Captain Calfield, had spent all their provisions, so as we were brought into despair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all the company that it was but only one days work more to attain the land where we should be relieved of all we wanted, and if we returned that we were sure to starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh us to scorn. On the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of fruits good to eat, flowers and trees of that variety as were sufficient to make ten volumes of herbals, we relieved ourselves many times with the fruits of the country, and sometimes with foul and fish: we see birds of all colours, some carnation, some crimson, ' orange tawny, purple ', watchet, and of all other sorts both simple and mixed, as it was unto us a great good passing of the time to behold them, besides the relief we found by kill some store of them with our fouling pieces, without which, having little or no bread and less drink, but only the thick and troubled water of the river, we had been in a very hard case. Our old Pilot of the Ciawanis (whom, as I said before we took to redeem Ferdinando,) told us, that if we would enter a branch of a river on the right hand with our barge and wherries, and leave the Galley at anchor the while in the great river, he would bring us to a town of the Arwacas where we should find store of bread, hens, fish, and of the country wine, and persuaded us that departing from the Galley at noon, we might return ere night: I was very glad to hear this speech, and presently took my bark, with eight musketeers, Captain Giffords' wherry, with himself & four musketeers, & Captain Calfield with his wherry and as many, and so we entered the mouth of this river, and because we were persuaded that it was so near, we took no victual with us at all: when we had rowed three hours, we marveled we saw no sign of any dwelling, and asked the Pilot where the town was, he told us a little farther: after three hours more the Sun being almost set, we began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us, for he confessed that those Spaniards which fled from Trinedado, and also those that remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined together in some village upon that river. But when it grew towards night, and we demanding where the place was, he told us but four reaches more: when we had rowed four and four, we see no sign, and our poor watermen even heart broken, and tired, were ready to give up the ghost; for we had now come from the Galley near forty miles.  
At the last we determined to hung the Pilot, and if we had well known the way back again by night, he had surely go, but our own necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety: for it was as dark as pitch, and the river began so to narrow itself, and the trees to hung over from side to side, as we were driven with arming sword to cut a passage thorough those branches that covered the water. We were very desirous to find this town hoping of a feast, because we made but a short breakfast aboard the Galley in the morning, and it was now eight a clock at night, and our stomachs began to gnaw apace: but whether it was best to return or go on, we began to doubt suspecting treason in the Pilot more and more: but the poor old Indian ever assured us that it was but a little farther, but this one turning and that turning, and at last about one a clock after midnight we see a light, and rowing towards it, we herded the dogs of the village. When we landed we found few people, for the Lord of that place was go with divers Canoes above 400. miles of, upon a journey towards the head of Orenoque to trade for gold, and to buy women of the Cannibals, who afterward unfortunately passed by us as we road at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of night and yet came so near us, as his Canoes grated against our barges: he left one of his company at the port of Morequito, by whom we understood that he had brought thirty young woomen, divers plates of gold, and had great store of fine pieces of cotton clot, and cotton beds. In his house we had good store of bread, fish, hens, and Indian drink, and so rested that night, and in the morning after we had traded with such of his people as came down, we retuned towards our Galley, and brought with us some quantity of bread, fish, and hens.  
On both sides of this river, we passed the most beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld: and whereas all that we had seen before was nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we beheld plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art and labour in the world so made of purpose: and still as we rowed, the Deer came down feeding by the water's side, as if they had been used to a keepers call. Upon this river there were great store of fowl, and of many sorts: we see in it divers sorts of strange fish, & of marvelous bigness, but for Lagartos it exceeded, for there were thousand of those ugly serpents, and the people call it for the abundance of them the river of Lagartos, in their language. I had a Negro a very proper young fellow, that leaping out of the Galley to swim in the mouth of this river, was in all our sights taken and devoured with one of those Lagartos. In the mean while our companies in the Galley thought we had been all lost, (for we promised to return before night) & sent the Lion's Whelps ships boat with Captain Whiddon to follow us up the river, but the next day after we had rowed up and down some four score miles, we returned, and went on our way, up the great river, and when we were even at the last cast for want of victuals, Captain Gifford being before the Galley, and the rest of the botes, seeking out some place to land upon the banks to make fire espied four Canoes coming down the liver, & with no small joy caused his men to try the uttermost of their strengths, and after a while two of the 4. gave over, and ran themselves ashore, every man betaking himself to the fastness of the woods, the two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay hold on these, and so turned into some by-creeke, we known not whither: those Canoes that were taken were laden with bread, & were bond for Marguerita in the west Indies, which those Indians (called Arwacas) purposed to carry thither for exchange: But in the lesser, there were three Spaniards, who having herded of the defeat of their governor in Trinedado, and that we purposed to enter Guiana, came away in those Canoes: one of them was a Cavallero, as the Captain of the Arwacas after told us, another a soldier, and the third a refiner.  
In the mean time, nothing on the earth could have been more welcome to us next unto gold, than the great store of very excellent bread which we found in these Canoes, for now our men cried, let us go on, we care not how far. After that Captain Gifford had brought the two Canoes to the Galley, I took my barge, and went to the banks side with a dozen shot, where the Canoes first run themselves ashore, and landed there, sending out Captain Gifford and Captain Thine on one hand, and Captain Calfield on the other, to follow those that were fled into the woods, and as I was creeping thorough the bushes, I see an Indian basket hidden, which was the refiners basket, for I found in it, his quicksilver, saltpetre, and divers things for the trial of mettles, and also the dust of such ore as he had refined, but in those Canoes which escaped there was a good quantity of ore and gold. I than landed more men, and offered 500 pound to what soldier soever could take one of those 3. Spaniards that we thought were landed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf, for they put themselves into one of the small Canoes: and so while the greater Canoes were in taking, they escaped: but seeking after the Spaniards, we found the Arwacas hidden in the woods which were pilots for the Spaniards, and rowed their Canoes: of which I kept the chiefest for a Pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana, by whom I understood, where and in what countries the Spaniards had laboured for gold, though I made not the same known to all: for when the springs began to break, and the rivers to raise themselves so suddenly as by no means we could abide the digging of any mine, especially for that the richest are defended with rocks of hard stones, which we call the White spar, and that it required both time, men, and instruments fit for such a work, I thought it best not to hover thereabouts, lest if the same had been perceived by the company, there would have been by this time many barks & ships set out, & perchance other nations would also have got of ours for Pilots, so as both ourselves might have been prevented, & all our care taken for good usage of the people been utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit, and such violence or insolence offered, as the nations which are borderers would have changed their desire of our love and defence, into hatred and violence. And for any longer stay to have brought a more quantity (which I hear hath been often objected) whosoever had seen or proved the fury of that river after it began to arise, and had been a month and odd days as we were from hearing aught from our ships, leaving them meanly manned, 400. miles off, would perchance have turned somewhat sooner than we did, if all the mountains had been gold, or rich stones: And to say the truth all the branches and small rivers which fallen into Orenoque were raised with such speed, as if we waded them over the shoes in the morning outward, we were covered to the shoulders homeward the very same day: and to stay to dig out gold with our nails, had been Opus laboris but nor Ingeny: such a quantity as would have served our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of the mines to our infinite disadvantage we had made, and that could have been the best profit of farther search or stay, for those mines are not easily broken, nor opened in haste, and I could have returned a good quantity of gold ready cast, if I had not shot at another mark, than present profit.  
This Arwacan Pilot with the rest, fearing that we would have eaten them, or otherwise have put them to some cruel death, for the Spaniards to the end that none of the people in the passage towards Guiana or in Guiana itself might come to speech with us, persuaded all the nations, that we were men eaters, and Cannibals: but when the poor men & women had seen us, and that we gave them meat, and to every one something or other, which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceive the deceit and purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed (as they confessed) took from them both their wives, and daughters daily, and used them for the satisfying of their own lusts, especially such as they took in this manner by strength. But I protest before the majesty of the living God, that I neither know nor believe, that any of our company one or other, by violence or otherwise, even known any of their women, and yet we see many hundred, and had many in our power, and of those very young, & excellently favoured which came among us without deceit, stark naked.  
Nothing got us more love amongst them then this usage, for I suffered not any man to take from any of the nations so much as a Pina, or a Potato root, without giving them contentment, nor any man so much as to offer to touch any of their wives or daughters: which course so contrary to the Spaniards (who tyrannixe over them in all things) drawn them to admire her Majesty, whose commandment I told them it was, and also wonderfully to honour our nation.  
But I confess it was a very impatient work to keep the meaner sort from spoil and stealing, when we came to their houses, which by cause in all I could not prevent, I caused my Indian interpreter at every place when we departed, to know of the loss or wrong done, and if aught were stolen or taken by violence, either the same was restored, and the party punished in their sight, or else was paid for to their uttermost demand. They also much wondered at us, after they herded that we had slain the Spaniards at Trinedado, for they were before resolved, that no nation of Christians dared abide their presence, and they wondered more when I had made them know of the great overthrow that her majesties army and fleet had given them of late years in their own countries.  
After we had taken in this supply of bread, with divers baskets of roots which were excellent meat, I gave one of the Canoes to the Arwacas, which belonged to the Spaniards that were escaped, and when I had dismissed all but the Captain (who by the Spaniards was christined Martin) I sent back in the same canoe the old Ciawan, and Ferdinando my first Pilot, and gave them both such things as they desired, with sufficient victual to carry them back, and by them written a letter to the ships, which they promised to deliver, and performed it, and then I went on, with my new hired Pilot Martin the Arwacan: but the next or second day after, we came aground again with our galley, and were like to cast her away, with all our victual and provision, and so lay on the sand one whole night and were far more in despair at this time to free her then before, because we had no tide of flood to help us, and therefore feared that all our hopes would have ended in mishaps: but we fastened an anchor upon the land, and with main strength drawn her off: & so the 15. day we discovered a far off the mountains of Guiana to our great joy, and towards the evening had a slent of a northerly wound that blew very strong, which brought us in sight of the great river of Orenoque; out of which this river descended wherein we were: we descried a far off three other Canoes as far as we could discern them, after whom we hastened with our barge and wherries, but two of them passed out of sight, and the third entered up the great river, on the right hand to the westward, & there stayed out of sight, thinking that we meant to take the way eastward towards the province of Carapana, for that way the Spaniards keep, not daring to go upwards to Guiana, the people in those parts being all their enemies, and those in the canoes thought us to have been those Spaniards that were fled from Trinedado, and had escaped kill: and when we came so far down as the opening of that branch into which they slipped, being near them with our barge and wherries, we made after them, and ere they could landlord, came within call, and by our interpreter told them what we were, wherewith they came back willingly aboard us: and of such fish and Tortugas eggs as they had gathered, they gave us, and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that part with them, and to do us all other services they could.  
That night we came to an anchor at the parting of three goodly rivers (the one was the river of Amana by which we came from the north, and ran athwart towards the south, the other two were of Orenoque which crossed from the west and ran to the sea towards the east) and landed upon a fair sand, where we found thousand of Tortugas eggs, which are very wholesome meat, and greatly restoring, so as our men were now well filled and highly contented both with the fare, and nearness of the land of Guiana which appeared in sight. In the morning there came down according to promise' the Lord of that border called Toparimaca, with some thirty or fortte followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruits, & of his wine, bread, fish, and flesh, whom we also feasted as we could, at lest he drank good Spanish wine (whereof we had a small quantity in bottles) which above all things they love. I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, who conducted our galley and botes to his own port, and carried us from thence some mile and a half to his town, where some of our captains garoused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant, for it is very strong with pepper, & the juice of divers herbs, and fruits digested and purged, they keep it in great earthen pots of ten or twelve gallons very clean and sweet, and are themselves at their meetings and feasts the greatest garousers and drunkards of the world: when we came to his town we found two Cassiques, whereof one of them was a stranger that had been up the river in trade, and his boats, people, and wife encamped at the port where we ankored, and the other was of that country a follower of Toparimaca: they lay each of them in a cotton Hamaca, which we call brasil beds, & two women attending them with six cups and a little ladle to fill them, out of an earthen pitcher of wine, and so they drank each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other, and in this sort they drink drunk at their feasts and meetings.  
That Cassique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the port where we anchored, and in all my life I have seldom seen a better favoured woman: She was of good stature, with black eyes, fat of body, of an excellent countenance, her hair almost as long as herself, tied up again in pretty knots, and it seemed she stood not in that awe of her husband, as the rest, for she spoke and discoursed, and drank among the gentlemen and captains, and was very pleasant, knowing her own comeliness, and taking great pride therein. I have seen a Lady in England so like to her, as but for the difference of colour I would have sworn might have been the same.  
The seat of this town of Toparimaca was very pleasant, standing on a little hill, in an excellent prospect, with goodly gardens a mile compass round about it, and two very fair and large ponds of excellent fish adjoining. This town is called Arowocai: the people are of the nation called Nepoios, and are followers of Carapana. In that place I saw very aged people, that we might perceive all their sinews and veins without any flesh, and but even as a case covered only with skin. The Lord of this place gave me an old man for Pilot, who was of great experience & travel, and known the river most perfectly both by day and night, and it shall be requisite for any man that passeth it to have such a Pilot, for it is four, five, and six miles over in many places, and twenty miles in other places, with wonderful eddies, and strong currants, many great islands and divers shoals, and many dangerous rocks, and besides upon any iucrease of wind so great a elbow, as we were sometimes in great peril of drowning in the galley, for the small botes dared not come from the shore, but when it was very fair.  
The next day we hasted thence, and having an easterly wound to help us, we spared our arms from rowing: for after we entered Orenoque, the river lieth for the most part east and west, even from the sea unto Quinto in Peru. This river is navigable with ships little less than 1000 miles, and from the place where we entered it may be failed up in small pinnaces to many of the best parts of Nuevo reyno de granada, and of Popayan: and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and invaded as from hence. All that day we sailed up a branch of that river, having on the left hand a great Island, which they call Assapana which may contain some five and twenty miles in length, & 6. miles in breadth, the great body of the river running on the other side of this Island: Beyond that middle branch there is also another Island in the river, called Iwana, which is twice as big as the Isle of Wight, and beyond it, and between it and the main of Guiana, runneth a third branch of Orenoque called Arraroepana: all three are goodly branches, and all navigable for great ships. I judge the river in this place to be at lest thirty miles broad, reckoning the islands which divide the branches in it, for afterwards I sought also both the other branches.  
After we reached to the head of the Island, called Assapana, a little to the westward on the right hand there opened arrived which came from the north, called Europa, and fallen into the great river & beyond it, on the same side, we ankored for that night, by another Island six miles long, and two miles broad, which they call Ocaywita: From hence in the morning we landed two Guianians, which we found in the town of Toparimaca, that came with us, who went to give notice of our coming to the Lord of that country called Putyma, a follower of Topiawari, chief Lord of Arromaia, who succeeded Morequito, whom (as you have herded before) Berreo put to death, but his town being far within the land, he came not unto us that day, so as we ankored again that night near the banks of another Island, of bigness much like the other, which they call Putapayma, on the main land, over against which Island was a very high mountain called Oceope: we coveted to anchor rather by these islands in the river, than by the main, because of the Tortugas eggs, which our people found on them in great abundance & also because the ground served better for us to cast our nets for fish, the main banks being for the most part stony and high, & the rocks of a blue metalline colour, like unto the best steel over, which I assuredly take it to be: of the same blue stone are also divers great mountains, which border this river in many places.  
The next morning towards nine of the clock, we weighed anchor, & the breeze increasing, we failed always west up the river, a and after a while opening the land on the right side, the country appeared to be champain, and the banks showed very perfect read: I therefore sent two of the little barges with captain Gifford and with him captain Thine, captain Calfield, my cozen Greenvile, my nephew Io. Gilbert, captain Eynus, master Edw. Porter, and my cozen Butshead Gorges, with some few soldiers, to march over the banks of that read land, and to discover what manner of country it was on the other side, who at their return found it all a plain level, as far as they went or could discern, from the highest tree they could get upon: And my old Pilot, a man of great travel brother to the Cassique Toparimica told me, that those were called the plains of the Sayma, and that the same level reached to Cumana, and Carracas in the west Indies, which are 120. leagues to the north, and that there inhabited four principal nations. The first were the Sayma, the next Assawai, the third and greatest the Wikiris, by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa before mentioned was overthrown, as he passed with three hundred horse from Cumana towards Orenoque, in his enterprise of Guiana, the fourth are called Aroras, and are as black as Negroes, but have smooth hair, and these are very valiant, or rather desperate people, and have the most strong poison on their arrows, and most dangerous of all nations, of which poison I will speak somewhat being a digression not unnecessary.  
There was nothing whereof I was more curious, than to find out the true remedies of these poisoned arrows, for besides the mortalitic of the wound they make, the party shot endureth the most insufferable torment in the world, and abideth a most ugly and lamentable death, sometimes dying stark mad, sometimes their bowels breaking out of their bellies: and are presently discoloured, as black as pitch, and so unsavoury, as no man can endure to cure, or to attend them: And it is more strange to know, that in all this time there was never Spaniard, either by gift or torment that could attain to the true knowledge of the cure, although they have martyred and put to invented torture I know not how many of them. But every one of these Indians know it not, not not one among thousand, but their southsaires and priests, who do conceal it, and only teach it but from the father to the son.  
Those medicines which are vulgar, and serve for the ordinary poison, are made of the juice of a root called Tupara: the same also quencheth marvelously the heart of burning fevers, and heals inward wounds, and broken veins, that bleed within the body. But I was more beholding to the Guianians than any other, for Anthonio de Berreo told me that he could never attain to the knowledge thereof, & yet they taught me the best way of healing as well thereof, as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards have been cured in ordinary wounds, of the common poisoned arrows with the juice of garlic: but this is a general rule for all men that shall hereafter travel the Indies where poisoned arrows are used, that they must abstain from drink, for if they take any liquor into their body as they shall be marvelously provoked there unto by drought, I say, if they drink before the wound be dressed, or soon upon it, there is no way with them but present death.  
And so I will return again to our journey which for this third day we finished, and cast anchor again near the continent, or the left hand between two mountains, the one called Aroami, and the other Aio: I made no stay here but till midnight, for I feared hourly lest any rain should fall, and then it had been impossible to have go any further up, notwithstanding that there is every day a very strong breeze, and easterly wind. I deferred the search of the country on Guiana side, till my return down the river. The next day we failed by a great Island, in the middle of the river, called Manoripano, and as we walked a while on the Island, while the Galley got a head of us, there came from us from the main, a small canoe with seven or eight Guianians, to invite us to anchor at their port, but I deferred till my return, It was that Cassique to whom those Nepoios went, which came with us from the town of Toparimica: and so the fift day we reached as high up as the Province of Arromaia the country of Morequito whom Berreo executed, and ankored to the west of an Island called Murrecotima, ten miles long and five broad: and that night the Cassique Aramiary, (to whose town we made our long and hungry voyag out of the river of Amana) passed by us.  
The next day we arrived at the port of Morequito, and anchored there, sending away one of our Pilots to seek the king of Aromaia, uncle to Morequito slain by Berreo as aforesaid. The next day following, before noon he came to us on foot from his house, which was 14. English miles, himself being 110. years old) and returned on foot the same day, & with him many of the borderers, with many women & children, that came to wonder at our nation, and to bring us down victual, which they did in great plenty, as venison, pork, hens, chickens, foul, fish, with divers sorts of excellent fruits, and roots, & great abundance of Pinas, the princes of fruits, that grow under the Sun, especially those of Guiana. They brought us also store of bread, and of their wine, & a sort of Paraquitoes, no bigger than wrens, and of all other sorts both small and great: one of them gave me a beast called by the Spaniards Armadlla, which they call Cassacam, which seemeth to be all barred over with small plates somewhat like to a Renocero, with a white horn growing in his hinder parts, as big as a great hunting horn, which they use to wind in steed of a trumpet. Monardus writeth that a little of the powder of that horn put into the ear, cureth deafness.  
After this old king had rested a while in a little tent, that I caused to be set up, I began by my interpreter to discourse with him of the death of Morequito his predecessor, and afterward of the Spaniards, and ere I went any farther I made him know the cause of my coming thither, whose servant I was, and that the Queen's pleasure was, I should undertake the voyage for their defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of the Spaniards, dilating at large, (as I had done before to those of Trinedado) her majesties greatness, her justice, her charity to all oppressed nations, with as many of the rest of her beauties and virtues, as either I could express, or they conceive, all which being with great admiration attentively herded, and marvelously admired, I began to found the old man as touching Guiana, and the state thereof, what sort of common wealth it was, how governed, of what strength and policy, how far it extended, and what nations were friends or enemies adjoining, and finally of the distance, and way to enter the same: he told me that himself and his people with all those down the river towards the sea, as far as Emeria, the Province of Carapana, were of Guiana, but that they called themselves, Orenoqueponi, and that all the nations between the river and those mountains in sight called Wacarima, were of the same cast and appellation: and that on the other side of those mountains of Wacarima there was a large plain (which after I discovered in my return) called the valley of Amariocapana, in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians. I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the further side of those mountains, beyond the valley of Amariocapana, he answered with a great sigh (as a man which had inward feeling of the loss of his country and liberty, especially for that his elder son was slain in a battle on that side of the mountains, whom he most entirely loved, that he remembered in his father's life time when he was very old, and himself a young man that there came down into that large valley of Guiana, a nation from so far off as the Sun slept, (for such were his own words,) with so great a multitude as they could not be numbered nor resisted, & that they wore large coats, and hats of crimson colour, which colour he expressed, by showing a piece of read wood, wherewith my tent was supported, and that they were called Oreiones, and Epuremei, those that had slain and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were leaves in the wood upon all the trees, and had now made themselves Lords of all, even to that mountain foot called Curaa, saving only of two nations, the one called Awarawaqueri, and the other Cassipagotos, and that in the last battle fought between the Epuremei, & the Iwarawaqueri, his elder son was choose to carry to the aid of the Iwarawaqueri, a great troop of the Orenoqueponi, and was there slain with all his people & friends, and that he had now remaining but one son: and farther told me that those Epuremei had built a great town called Macuregurai at the said mountain foot, at the beginning of the great plains of Guiana, which have no end: and that their houses have many rooms, one over the other, and that therein the great king of the Oreiones and Epuremei kept three thousand men to defend the borders against them, and withal daily to invade and slay them: but that of late years since the Christians offered to invade his territories, and those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded one with another, saving only the Iwarawaqueri, and those other nations upon the head of the river of Caroli, called Cassipagotos', which we afterwards discovered, each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemy.  
After he had answered thus far, he desired leave to departed, saying that he had far to go, that he was old, & weak, and was every day called for by death, which was also his own phrase: I desired him to rest with us that night, but I could not entreat him, but he told me that at my return from the country above, he would again come to us, and in the mean time provide for us the best he could, of all that his country yielded: the same night he returned to Orecotona his own town, so as he went that day 28. miles, the weather being very hot, the country being situate between 4. and 5. degrees of the Equinoctial. This Topiawari is held for the proudest, and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi and so he behaved himself towards me in all his answers at my return, as I marveled to find a man of that gravity and judgement, and of so good discourse, that had no help of learning nor breed.  
The next morning we also left the port, and failed westward up to the river, to view the famous river called Caroli, as well because it was marvelous of itself, as also for that I understood it led to the strongest nations of all the frontiers, that were enemies to the Epuremei, which are subjects to Inga, Emperor of Guiana, and Menoa, and that night we ankored at another Island called Caiama, of some five or six miles in length, and the next day arrived at the mouth of Caroli, when we were short of it as low or further down as the port of Morequito we herded the great roar and fall of the river, but when we came to enter with our barge and wherries thinking to have go up some forty miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos, we were not able with a barge of eight oars to row one stones cast in an hour, and yet the river is as broad as the Thames at Wolwich, and we tried both sides, and the middle, and every part of the river, so as we encamped upon the banks adjoining, and sent off our Orenequepone (which came with us from Morequito) to give knowledge to the nations upon the river of our being there, and that we desired to see the Lords of Camuria, which dwelled within the province upon that river making them know that we were enemies to the Spaniards, (for it was on this river side that Morequito) slay the Friar, and those nine Spaniards which came from Manoa, the City of Inga, and took from them 40000. pesoes of Gold (so as the next day there came down a Lord or Cassique called Wanuretona with many people with him, and brought all store of provisions to entertain us, as the rest had done. And as I had before made my coming known to Topiawari, so did I acquaint this Cassique therewith, and how I was sent by her Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and gathered also what I could of him touching the estate of Guiana, and I found that those also of Caroli were not only enemies to the Spaniards but most of all to the Epuremei, which abound in Gold, and by this Warunetona, I had knowledge that on the head of this river were three mighty nations, which were seated on a great lake, from whence this river descended, and were called Cessipagotos, Eparagotos, and Arawagotos, and that all those either against the Spaniards, or the Epuremei would join with us, & that if we entered the land over the mountains of Curaa, we should satisfy ourselves with gold and all other goodthinges: he told us farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri before spoken off, that held daily war with the Epuremei that inhabited Macuregnarai the first civil town of Guiana, of the subjects of Inga the Emperor.  
Upon this river one Captain George, that I took with Berreo told me there was a great silver mine, and that it was near the banks of the said river. But by this time as well Orenoque, Caroli, and all the rest of the rivers were risen four or five foot in height, so as it was not possible by the strength of any men, or with any boat whatsoever to row into the river against the stream. I therefore sent Captain Thine, Captain Greenuile, my nephew john Gylbert, my cozen Butshead Gorges, Captain Clarke, and some 30. shot more to coast the river by land, and to go to a town some twenty miles over the valley called Amnatapoi, and they found guide's there, to go farther towards the mountain foot to another great town, called Capurepana, belonging to a Cassique called Haharacea (that was a nephew to old Topiawari king of Arromaia our chiefest friend) because this town and province of Capurepnna adjoined to Macureguarai, which was a frontier town of the Empire: and the mean while myself with Captain Gifford, Captain Calfield, Edw. Hancocke, & some half a dozen shot marched over land to view the strange overfalls of the river of Carols which roared so far of, & also to see the plains, adjoining and the rest of the province of Canuri: I sent also captain Whiddon, W. Connocke & some eight shot with them, to see if they could find any mineral stone alongst the river side, When we run to the tops of the first hills of the plains adjoining to the river, we beheld that wonderful breach of waters, which ran down Caroli: and might from that mountain see the river how it ran in three parts, above twenty miles of, and there appeared some ten or twelve overfals in sight, every one as high over the other as a Church tower, which fallen with that fury, that the rebound of water made it seem, as if it had been all covered over with a great shower of rain: and in some places we taken it at the first for a smoke that had risen over some great town. For mine own part I was well persuaded from thence to have returned, being a very ill footman, but the rest were all so desirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters, as they drawn me on by little and little, till we came into the next valley where we might better discern the same. I never see a more beautiful country, nor more lively prospectes, hills so raised here and there over the valleys, the river winding into divers branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the ground of hard sand easy to march on, either for horse or foot, the dear crossing in every path, the birds towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, crane's & herons of white, crimson, and carnation perching in the rivers side, the air fresh with a gentle easterly wound, and every stone that we stooped to take up, promised either gold or silver by his complexion. Your L. shall see of many sorts, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered under the sun, and yet we had no means but with our daggers and fingers to tear them out here and there, the rocks being most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, and is like a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veins like a fathom or two deep in the rocks. But we wanted all things requisite save only our desires, and good will to have performed more if it had pleased God. To be short when both our companies returned, each of them brought also several sorts of stones that appeared very fair, but were such as they found lose on the ground, & were for the most part but cullored, and had not any gold fixed in them, yet such as had no judgement or experience kept all that glisteren, and would not be persuaded but it was rich because of the lustre, and brought of those, and of Marquesite with all, from Trinedado, and have delivered of those stones to be tried in many places, and have thereby bread an opinion that all the rest is of the same: yet some of these stones I showed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caracas who told me that it was El Madre deloro, and that the mine was farther in the ground. But it shall be found a weak policy in me, either to betray myself, or my Country with imaginations, neither am I so far in love with that lodging, watching, care, peril, diseases, ill favours, bad fare, and many other mischiefs that accompany these voyages, as to woe myself again into any of them, were I not assured that the sun covereth not so much riches in any part of the earth. Captain Whiddon, and our Chirurgeon Nich. Millechap brought me a kind of stones like sapphires, what they may prove I know not, I showed them to some of the Orenoqueponi, and they promised to bring me to a mountain, that had of them very large pieces growing Diamond wife: whether it be Crystal of the mountain, Bristol Diamond or sapphire I do not yet know, but I hope the best, sure I am that the place is as likely as those from whence all the rich stones are brought, and in the same height or very near. On the left hand of this river Caroli are seated those nations which are called Iwarawakeri before remembered, which are enemies to the Epuremei: and on the head of it adjoining to the great lake Cassipa, are situate those other nations which also resist Inga, and the Epuremei, called Cassepagotos', Eparegotos, and Arrawagotos. I farther understood that this lake of Cassipa is so large, as it is above one days journey for one of their Canoes to cross, which may be some 40, miles, and that therein fall divers rivers, and that great store of grains of Gold are found in the summer time when the lake falls by the banks, in those branches. There is also another goodly river beyond Caroli which is called Arui, which also runneth thorough the lake Cassipa, and falls into Orenoque father west, making all that land between Caroli & Arui an Island, which is likewise a most beautiful country. Next unto Arui there are two rivers Atoica and Caera, and on that branch which is called Caora, are a nation of people, whose heads appear not above their shoulders, which though it may be thought a mere fable, yet for mine own part I am resolved it is true, because every child in the provinces of Arromaia and Canuri affirm the same: they are called Ewaipanoma: they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, & that a long train of hair groweth backward between their shoulders. The son of Topiawari, which I brought with me into England told me that they are the most mighty men of all the land, and use bows, arrows, and clubs thrice as big as any of Guiana, or of the Orenoqueponi, and that one of the Iwarawakeri took a prisoner of them the year before our arrival there, and brought him into the borders of Arromaia his father's Country: And farther when I seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among them, but that they were as great a nation, and as common, as any other in all the provinces, and had of late years slain many hundred of his father's people, and of other nations their neighbours, but it was not my chance to hear of them till I was come away, and if I had but spoken one word of it while I was there, I might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt. Such a nation was written of by mandevile, whose reports was held for fables many years, and yet since the East Indies were discovered, we find his relations true of such things as heretofore were held incredible: whether it be true or no the matteriss not great, neither can there be any profit in the imagination, for mine own part I see them not, but I am resolved that so many people did not all combine, or forthinke to make the report.  
When I came to Cumana in the west Indies afterwards by chance I spoke with a spaniard dwelling not far from thence, a man of great travel, and after he known that I had been in Guiana, and so far directly west as Caroli, the first question he asked me whether I had seen any of the Ewaipanoma, which are those without heads: who being esteemed a most honest man of his word, and in all things else, told me that he had seen many of them: I may not name him because it may be for his disadvantage, but he is well known to Monsier Mucherons' son of London, and to Peter Mucheron merchant of the Flemish ship that was there in trade, who also herded what he avowed to be true of those people. The fourth river to the west of Caroli is Casnero which falls into Orenoque on this side of Amapaia, and that river is greater than Damibius, or any of Europe: it rises on the south of Guiana from the mountains which divide Guiana from Amazons, and I think it to be navigable many hundred miles: but we had no time, means, nor season of the year, to search those rivers for the causes afore said, the winter being come upon us, although the winter & summer as touching cold & heat differ not, neither do the trees eversencible loose their leaves, but have always fruit either ripe or green, & most of them both blossoms, leaves, ripe fruit, & green at one time: But their winter only consilieth of terrible rains, and overflowing of the rivers, with many great storms and gusts, thunder, and lightnings, of which we had our fill, ere we returned. On the North side, the first river that falls into Orenoque is Cariola, beyond it on the same side is the river of Limo, between these two is a great nation of Cannibals, and their chief town beareth the name of the river and is called Acamacari: at this town is a continual market of women for 3. or 4. hatchets a piece, they are brought by the Arwacas, and by them sold into the west Indies. To the west of Lime is the river Pao, beyond it Caturi, beyond that Voari and Capuri which falls out of the great river of Meta, by which Berreo descended from Nuevo reyno de granada. To the westward of Capuri is the province of Amapaia, where Berreo wintered, and had so many of his people poisoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the Anebas, Above Amapaica toward Nuevo reyno fall in, Meta, pato, and Cassanar: to the west of those towards the provinces of the Ashaguas & Catetios are the rivers of Beta, Dawney, and Vbarro, and towards the frontier of Peru are the provinces of Thomebamba. and Caximalta: adjoining to Quito in the North of Peru are the rivers of Guiacar and Goavar: and on the other side of the said mountains the river of Papamene which descendeth into Maragnon or amazons passing through the province of the Mutylones where Don Pedro de Osua who was slain by the traitor Agiri before rehearsed, built his Brigandines, when he sought Guiana by the way of Amazons. Between Dawney and Beta lieth a famous Island in Orenoque now called Baraquan (For above Meta it is not kowne by the name of Orenoque) which is called Athule, beyond which, ships of burden cannot pass by reason of a most forcible overfall, and Current of waters: but in the eddy all smaller vessels may be drawn even to Peru itself: But to speak of more of these rivers without the description were but tedious, and therefore I will leave the rest to the description. This river of Orenoque is navigable for ships little less than 1000 miles, & for lesser vessels near 2000 By it (as aforesaid) Peru, Nuevo reyno, & Popaian, may be invaded: it also leadeth to that great Empire of Inga, and to the provinces of Amapaia, and Anebas which abound in gold: his branches of Cosnero, Manta, Caora descend from the middle land and valley, which lieth between the easter province of Peru and Guiana; and it falls into the sea betwne Maragnon and Trinedado in two degrees and a half, all which your Honours shall better perceive in the general description of Guiana, Peru, Nuevo reyno, the kingdom of Popayan, and Roidas, with the province of Vensuello, to the bay of Vraba behind Cartagena, westward: and to Amazons southward. While we lay at anchor on the coast of Canuri, and had taken knowledge of all the nations upon the head and branches of this river, and had found out so many feveral people, which were enemies to the Epuremei, and the new Conquerors: I thought it time lost to linger any longer in that place, especially for that the fury of Orenoque began daily to threaten us with dangers in our return, for no half day passed, but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully, and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance: and withal, our men began to cry out for want of shift, for no man had place to bestow any other apparel then that which he ware on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the most part ten times in one day and we had now been well near a month, every day passing to the westward, farther & farther from our ships. We therefore turned towards the east, and spent the rest of the time in discovering the river towards the sea, which we had not viewed, and which was most material. The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli, and arrived again at the port of Morequito where we were before (for passing down the stream we went without labour, and against the wind, little less than 100 miles a day:) Assoon as I came to anchor I sent away one for old Topiawari, with whom I much desired to have further conference, & also to deal with him for some one of his country, to bring with us into England, as well to learn the language, as to confer withal by the way, (the time being now spent of any longer stay there) within three hours after my messenger came to him, he arrived also, and with him such a rabble of all sorts of people, and every one laden with somewhat, as if it had been a great marker or fair in England: and our hungry companies clustered thick and threefold among their baskets, every one laying hand on what he liked. After he had rested a while in my tent, I shut out all but ourselves, and my interpreter, and told him that I knew that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him, his country and nations: that the one had conquered Guiana already, and the other sought to regain the same from them both: And therefore I desired him to instruct me what he could, both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana, and to the civil towns and appareled people of Inga. He gave me an answer to this effect: first that he could not perceive that I meant to go onward towards the City of Mania, for neither the time of the year served, neither could he perceive any sufficient numbers for such an enterprise: and if I did I was sure with all my company to be buried there, for the Emperor was of that strength, as that many times so many men more were too few: besides he gave me this good counsel and advised me to hold it in mind (as for himself he knew, he could not live till my return) that I should not offer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of Guiana with out the help of all those nations which were also their enemies: for that it was impossible without those, either to be conducted, to be victualled, or to have aught carried with us, our people not being able to endure the march in so great heat, and travel, unless the borderers gave them help, to carry with them both their meat and furniture: For he remembered that in the plains of Macureguarai 300. Spaniard's were overthrown, who were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their friends, but meeting their enemies as they passed the frontier, were environed of all fides, & the people setting the long dry grass on fire, smothered them so as they had no breath to fight, nor could discern their enemies for the great smoke. He told me farther that sour days journey from his town was Macureguarai, and that those were the next, & nearest of the subjects of Inga, and of the Epuremsi, and the first town of apparelled and rich people, and that all those plates of Goldo which were scatterred among the borderers and carried to other nations far and near, came from the said Macureguarai, and were there made, but that those of the land within were far finer, and were fashioned after the Image of men, beasts, birds, and fish. I asked him weather he thought that those companies that I had there with me, were sufficient to take that town or not, he told me that he thought they were. I than asked him whether he would assist me with guides, and some companies of his people to join with us, he answered that he would go himself with all the borderers, if the rivers did remain fordable, upon this condition that I would leave with him till my return again fiftly soldiers, which he undertook to victual: I answered that I had not above fifty good men in all there, the rest were labourers and rowers, and that I had no provision to leave with them of powder, shot, apparel, or aught else, and that without those things necessary for their defence, they should be in danger of the Spaniards in my absence, who I known would use the same measure towards mine, that I offered them at Trinedado: And Although upon the motion Captain Calfeide, Captain Grenuile, my nephew john Gilbert and divers others were desirous to stay, yet I was resolved that they must needs have perishr, dfor Berreo expected daily a supply out of Spain, and looked also hourly for his son to come down from Nueve rain degranada, with many horse and soot, and had also in Valentia in the Carneas, 200. horse ready to march, and I could not have spared above forty, and had not any store at all of powder, lead, or march to have left with them, not any other provision cytherspade, pickeaxe, or aught else to have fortified withal. When I had given him reason that I could not at this time leave him such a company, he then desired me to forbear him, and his country for that time, for he assured me that I should be no sooner three days from the coast, but those Epuremei would invade him, and destroy all the remain of his people and friends, if he should any way either guide us, or assist us against them. He further alleged that the Spaniards sought does death, and as they had already murtheaed his Nephew Moriquito Lord of that province, so they had him 17, days in a chain before he was king of the Country, and led him like a dog from place to place, until he had paid 100 plates of Gold, and divers chains of splpen stones for his ransom: and now since he become owner of that province that they had many times laid wait to take him, and that they would be now more vehement when they should understand of his conference with the English, and because said he, they would the better displant me if they cannot lay hands on me, they have got a Nephew of mine called Eparacano whom they have christened Don ivan and his son Don pedro, whom they have also appareled and armed, by whom they seek to make a party against me, in mine own country: he also had taken to wife one Loviana of a strong family, which are borderers and neighbours, and myself being now old and in the hands of death, am not able to travel nor to shift, as when I was of younger years: he therefore prayed us to defer it till the next year, when he would undertake to draw in all the bordererst to serve us, and then also it would be more seasonable to travel, for at this time of the year, we should not be pable to haste any river, the waters were and would be so grown ere our return. He farther told me that I could not desire so much to invade Macureguari, & the rest of Guiana but that the borderers would be more vehement than I, for he yielded for a chief cause that in the wars with the Epuremei, they were spoiled of their women, and that their wives and daughters were taken from them, so as for their own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure for their labours, but only to recover women from the Epuremei: for he farther complained very sadly (as it had been a matter of great consequence) that whereas they were wont to have ten or twelve wives, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four, & that the Lords of the Epuremei had 50. or 100 And in truth they war more for women then either for gold or dominion. For the Lords of countries desire many children of their own bodies, to increase their races and kindreds, for in those consist their greatest trust and strength. divers of his followers afterwards desired me to make hast again, that they might sack the Epuremei, and I asked them of what? they answered, of their women for us, and their Gold for you: for the hope of many of those women they more desire the war, then either for Gold, or for the recovery of their ancient territories. For what between the subjects of Inga, & the Spaniards, those frontiers are grown thin of people, and also great numbers are fled to other nations farther of for fear of the spaniardes. After I received this answer of the old man, we fallen into consideration, whether it had been of better advice to have entered Macureguarai, and to have begun a war upon Inga at this time, yea or not, if the time of the year, and all things else had sorted. For mine own part (as we were not able to march it for the rivers, neither had any such strength as was requisite, and dared not abide the coming of the winter, or to tarric any longer from our ships) I thought it were evil counsel to have attempted it at that time, although the desire of gold will answer many objections: But it would have been in mine opinion an utter overthrow to the enterprise, if the same should be hereafter by her Majesty attempted: for then (whereas now they have herded we were enemies to the Spaniards & were sent by her Majesty to relieve them) they would as good cheap have joined with the Spaniards at our return, as to have yielded unto us, when they had proved that we came both for one errant, and that both sought but to sack and spoil them, but as yet our desire of gold, or our purpose of invasion is not known unto those of the empire: & it is likely that if her Majesty undertake the enterprise, they will rather submit themselves to herobedience then to the Spaniards, of whose cruelty both themselves and the borderers have already tasted: and therefore till I had known her majesties pleasure, I would rather have lost the sack of one or two towns (although they might have been very profitable) then to have defaced or endangered the future hope of so many million, and the great good, & rich trade which England may be possessed off thereby. I am assured now that they will all die even to the last man against the Spanyardes in hope of our succour and return: whereas otherwise if I had either laid hands on the borderers, or ransommed the Lords as Berreo did, or invaded the subjects of Inga, I know all had been lost for hereafter. After that I had resolved Topiawari Lord of Aromaia that I could not at this time leave with him the companies he desired, and that I was contented to forbear the enterprise against the Epuremei till the next year, he freely gave me his only son to take with me into England, and hoped, that though he himself had but a short time to live, and that by our means his son should be established after his death: and I left with him one Franncis Sparrow, a servant of captain Gifford, (who was desirous to tarry, and could describe a country with his pen) and a boy of mine called Hugh goodwin, to learn the language. I after asked the manner how the Epuremei wrought those plates of gold, and how they could melt it out of the stone; he told me that the most of the gold which they made in plates and images was not severed from the stone, but that on the lake of Manoa, & in a multitude of other rivers they gathered it in grains of perfect gold and in pieces as big as small stones, and that they put it to a part of copper, otherwise they could not work it, and that they used a great earthen pot with holes round about it, and when they had mingled the gold & copper together, they fastened canes to the holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the metal ran, and then they cast it into moulds of stone & clay, and so make those plates and Images. I have sent your Honours, of two sorts such as I could by chance recover, more to show the manner of them, then for the value: For I did not in any sort make my desire of gold known, because I had neither time, nor power to have a greater quantity. I gave among them many more pieces of Gold than I received of the new money of 20. shillings with her majesties picture to wear, with promise that they would become her servants thenceforth.  
I have also sent your Honour of the oar, whereof I know some is as rich as the earth yieldeth any, of which I know there is sufficient, if nothing else were to be hoped for. But besides that we were not able to tarry and search the hills; so we had neither pioneers, bars, sledges, nor wedges of Iron, to break the ground without which there is no working in mines: but we see all the hills with stones of the colour of Gold and silver, and we tried them to be no Marquesite, and therefore such as the Spanyardes call El Madre de oro, which is an undoubted assurance of the general abundance; and myself see the outside of many mines of the spar, which I know to be the same that all covet in this world, and of those, more than I will speak of.  
Having learned what I could in Canuri and Aremaia, and received a faithful promise of the principalest of those provinces to become servants to her Majesty, and to resist the Spanyardes, if they made any attempt in our absence, and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa, and those Iwarawaqueri, I then parted from old Topiawari, and received his son for a pledge between us, and left with him two of ours as aforesaid: To Francis sparrow I gave instructions to travel to Marcuregnarai, with such merchandises as I left with them, thereby to learn the place, and if it were possible to go on, to the great City of Manoa: which being done, we weighed anchor, and coasted the river on Guiana side, because we came up on the north side, by the lawns of the Saima and Wikiri.  
There came with us from Aremaia, a Cassique called Putijma, that commanded the province of Warapana, (which Putijma slew the nine Spanyardes upon Caroli before spoken of,) who desired us to rest at the port of his Country, promising to bring us to a mountain adjoining to his town that had stones of the colour of Gold, which he performed: And after we had rested there one night, I went myself in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company, over land towards the said mountain, marching by a rivers side called Mana, leaving on the right hand a town called Tuteritona, standing in the province of Tarracoa, of which Wartaaremagoto is principal. Beyond it lieth another town towards the south in the valley of Amariocapana, which beareth the name of the said valley, whose plains stretch themselves some 60. miles in leugth, east and west, as fair ground, and as beautiful fields, as any man hath ever seen, with divers copsies scattered here and there by the rivers fool, and all as full of dear, as any forest or park in England, and in cuelic lake and river the like abundance of fish and fowl, of which jeriparragosa is Lord  
From the diver of Mana, we crossed another river in the said beiwtiful valley called Oiana, and rested ourselves by a clear lake, which lay in the middle of the said Oiana, and one of our guides kindling us fire with two sticks, we stayed a while to dry our shirts, which with the heat hung very weet & heavy on our shoulders. Afterwards we sought the ford to pass over towards the montain called Iconuri, where Putijma foretold us of the mine. In this lake we see one of the great fish, as big as a wine pipe, which they call Manati, and is most excellent and wholesome meat. But after I perceived, that to pass the said river would require half a days march more, I was not able myself to endure it, and therefore I sent Captain Keymis with six shot to go on, and gave him order not to return to the port of Putijma, which is called Chiparepare, but to take leisure, and to march down the said valley, as far as a river called Cumaca, where I promised to meet him again, (Putijma himself promising also to be his guide,) and as they marched, they left the towns of Emparepana, and Capurepana, on the right hand, and marched from Putijmas house, down the said valley of Amariocapana, & we returning the same day to the rivers side, saw by the way many rocks, like unto Gold oar, and on the left hand, a round mountain which consisted of mineral stone.  
From hence we rowed down the stream, coasting the provice of Parino; As for the branches of rivers which I overpass in this discourse, those shallbe better expressed in the description, with the mountains of Aio, Ara & the rest, which are situate in the provinces of Parino anp Carricurrina. When we were come as far down as the land called Ariacoa, (where Orenoque divideth itself into three great branches, each of them being most goodly rivers, (I sent away Captain Henry Thin, and Captain Greenevile with the Galley, the nearest way, and took with me Captain Gifford, Captain Calfielde, Edward porter, and Captain Eynos with mine own barge, and the two wherries, and went down that branch of Orenoque, which is called Cararoopana, which leadeth towards Emeria the province of Carapana, and towards the east sea, as well to find out Captain Keymis, whom I had sent over land, as also to acquaint myself with Carapana, who is one of the greatest of all the Lords of the Orenoqueponi: and when he came to the river of Cumaca (to which Putijma promised to conduct Captain Keymis) I left Captain Eynos and Master Porter in the said river to expect his coming, and the rest of us rowed down the stream towards Emeria.  
In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly I lands, some of six miles long, some of ten, and some of Twenty, when it grew towards sun set, we entered a branch of a river that fallen into Orenoque called Winicapora: where I was informed of the mountain of Crystal, to which in truth for the length of the way, and the evil season of the year, I was not able to march, nor abide any longer upon the journey: we see it a far off and it appeared like a white Church tower of an exceeding height: There falls over it a mighty river which toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top of it, and falls to the ground with a terrible noise and clamour, as if 1000, great bells were knocked one against another. I think there is not in the world so strange an overfall, nor so wonderful to behold: Berreo told me that it hath Diamonds and other precious stones on it, and that they shined very far off: but what it hath I know not, neither dared he or any of his men ascend to the top of the said mountain, those people adjoining being his enemies (as they were) and the way to it so impassable.  
Upon this river of Winecapora we rested a while, and from thence marched into the Country to a town called after the name of the river, whereof the chief was one Timitwara, who also offered to conduct me to the top of the said mountain called Wacarima: But when we came in first to the house of the said Timitwara, being upon one of their feast days, we found them all as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from one to another without rest: we that were weary, and hot with marching, were glad of the plenty, though a small quantity satisfied us, their drink being very strong and heady, and so rested ourselves a while; after we had fed, we dre we ourselves back to our boats, upon the river, and there came to us all the Lords of the Country, with all such kind of victual as the place yielded, and with their delicate wine of Pinas, and with abundance of hens, and other provisions, and of those stones which we call Spleenestones. We understood by the chieferaines of Winicapora, that their Lord Carapana was departed from Emeria which was now in sight, and that he was fled to Cairamo, adjoining to the mountains of Guiana, over the valley called Amariocapana, being persuaded by those ten Spanyardes which lay at his house, that we would destroy him, and his country.  
But after these Cassiqui of Winicapora and Saporatona his followers perceived our purpose, and saw that we came as enemies to the Spanyardes only, and had not so much as harmed any of those nations, not though we found them to be of the Spanyardes own servants, they assured us that Carapana would be as ready to serve us, as any of the Lords of the provinces, which we had passed; and that he dared do no other till this day but entertain the Spanyardes, his country lying so directly in their way, and next of all other to any entrance that should be made in Guiana on that side.  
And they farther assured us, that it was not for fear of our coming that he was removed, but to be acquitted of the Spanyardes or any other that should come hereafter. For the province of Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot, which divideth the plains of Guiana, from the countries of the Orenoqueponi: by means whereof if any should come in our absence into his towns, he would slip over the mountains into the plains of Guiana among the Epuremei, where the Spanyardes dared not follow him without great force.  
But in mine opinion, or rather I assure myself, that Carapana (being a notable wise and subtle fellow, a man of one hundred years of age, and therefore of great experience) is removed, to look on, and if he find that we return strong, he will be ours, if not, he will excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was for fear of our coming.  
We therefore thought it bootless to row so far down the stream, or to seek any farther for this old fox: and therefore from the river of Waricapana (which lieth at the entrance of Emeria,) we turned again, and left to the Eastward those 4 rivers which fall from out the mountains of Emeria into Orenoque, which are waracapari, Coirama, Akaniri, and Iparoma: below those 4. are also these branches and mouths of Orenoque, which fall into the East sea, whereof the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the third Barima, the fourth Wana, the fift Morooca, the sixt Paroma, the last Wijnsi: beyond them, there fall out of the land between Orenoque and Amazons 14. rivers which I forbear to name, inhabited by the Arwacas and Cannibals.  
It is now time to return towards the North, and we found it a wearisome way back, from the borders of Emeria, to recover up again to the head of the river Carerupana, by which we descended, and where we parted from the galley, which I directed to take the next way to the port of Toparmaca, by which we entered first.  
All the night it was stormy and dark, and full of thunder and great showers, so as we were driven to keep close by the banks in our small boats, being all heartily afraid both of the billow, and terrible Current of the river. By the next morning we recovered the mouth of the river of Cumaca, where we left Captain Eynns and Edward Porter to attend the coming of Captain Keymis over land: but when we entered the same, they had herded no news of his arrival, which bred in us a great doubt what might be become of him: I rowed up a league or two farther into the river, shooting off pieces all the way, that he might know of our being there: And the next morning we herded them answer us also with a piece: we took them aboard us, and took our leave of putyma their guide, who of all others most lamented our departure, and offered to sand his son with us into England, if we could have staid till he had sent back to his town: but our hearts were cold to behold the great rage and increase of Orenoque, and therefore departed, and turned toward the west, till we had recovered the parting of the 3 branches aforesaid, that we might put down the stream after the Galley.  
The next day we landed on the Island of Assapana, (which divideth the river from that branch by which we sent down to Emeria) and there feasted ourselves with that beast which is called Armadilla presented unto us before at Winicapora, and the day following we recovered the galley at anchor at the port of Toparimaca, and the same evening departed with very fowl weather and terrible thunder, and showers, for the winter was come on very far: the best was, we went no less than 100 miles a day, down the river: but by the way we entered, it was impossible to return, for that the river of Amana, being in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, cannot be sailed back by any means, both the breeze and current of the sea were so forcible, and therefore we followed a branch of Orenoque called Capuri, which entered into the sea eastward of our ships, to the end we might bear with them before the wound, and it was not without need, for we had by that way as much to cross of the main sea, after we came to the rivers mouth as between, Gravelyn & Dover, in such boats as your Ho have herded.  
To speak of what passed homeward were tedious, either to describe or name any of the rivers, Islands, or villages of the Tiuitiuas which devil on trees, we will leave all those to the general map: And to be short, when we were arrived at the sea side then grew our greatest doubt, and the bitterest of all our journey forepast, for I protest before God, that we were in a most desperate estate: for the same night which we anchored in the mouth of the river of Capuri, where it falls into the sea, there arose a mighty storm, and the rivers mouth was at lest a league broad, so as we ran before night close under the land with our small boats, and brought the Galley as near as we could, but she had as much a do to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her: for mine own part I confess, I was very doubtful which way to take, either to go over in the pestered Galley, there being but six foot water over the sands, for two leagues together, & that also in the channel, & she drawn five: or to adventure in so great a billow, and in so doubtful weather, to cross the seas in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I taken Captain Gifford, Captain Calfeild, & my cozen Greenevile into my barge, and after it cleared up, about midnight we put ourselves to Gods keeping, and thrust out into the sea, leaving the Galley at anchor, who dared not adventure but by daylight: And so being all very sober, and melancholy, one faintly cheering another to show courage, it pleased God that the next day about nine of the clock, we descried the Island of Trinedado, and steering for the nearest part of it, we kept the shore till we came to Curiapan, where we found our ships a anchor, than which, there was never to us a more joyful sight.  
Now that it hath pleased God to sand us safe to our ships, it is time to leave Guiana to the Sun, whom they worship, and steer away towards the north: I will therefore in a few words finish the discovery thereof. Of the several nations which we found upon this discovery I will once again make repetition, and how they are affected. At our first entrance into Amana, which is one of the outlets of Orenoque, we left on the right hand of us in the bottom of the bay, lying directly against Trinedado, a nation of inhuman Cannibals, which in habit the rivers of Guanipa and Berbeese; in the same bay there is also a third river which is called Areo, which rises on Paria side towards Cumana, and that river is inhabited with the Wikiri, whose chief town upon the said river is Sayma; In this bay there are no more rivers, but these three before rehearsed, and the four branches of Amana, all which in the winter thrust so great abundance of water into the sea, as the same is taken up fresh, two or three leagues from the land. In the passages towards Guiana, (that is, in all those lands which the eight branches of Orenoque fashion into Islands,) there are but one sort of people called Tiuitiuas, but of two casts as they term them, the one called Ciawani, the other Waraweeti, and those war one with the other.  
On the hithermost part of Orenoque, as at Toparimaca, and Winicapora, those are of a nation Called Nepoios, and are of the followers of Carapana, Lord of Emeria. Between Winicapora and the port of Morequito which standeth in Aromaia, and all those in the valley of Amariocapana are called Orenoqueponi, and did obey Morequito, and are now followers of Topiawari. Upon the river of Caroli, are the Canuri, which are governed by a woman (who is inheritrix of that province) who came far off to see our nation, and asked me divers questions of her Majesty, being much delighted with the discourse of her majesties greatness, and wondering at such reports as we truly made of her highness many virtues. And upon the head of Caroli, and on the lake of Cassipa, are the three strong nations of the Cassipagotos. Right south into the land are the Capurepani, and Emparepani, and beyond those adjoining to Macureguarai, (the first City of Inga,) are the Iwarawakeri: all these are professed enemies to the Spanyardes, and to the rich Epuremei also. To the west of Carols are divers nations of Cannibals, and of those Ewaipanoma without heads. Directly west are the Amapatas and Anebas, which are also marvelous rich in gold. The rest towards Peru we will omit. On the north of Orenoque, between it and the west Indies are the Wikiri, Saymi, and the rest before spokeen of, all mortal enemies to the Spanyardes. On the south side of the main mouth of Orenoque, are the Arwacas: and beyond them the Cannibals and to the south of them the Amazons.  
To make mention of the several beasts, birds fish, fruits, flowers, gums, sweet woods, and of their several religions and customs, would for the first require as many volumes as those of Gesnerus, and for the rest another bundle of Decades. The religion of the Epuremei is the same which the Ingas, Emperors of Peru used, which may be read in Cieca, and other Spanish stories, how they believe the immortality of the Soul, worship the Sun, and bury with them alive their best beloved wives and treasure, as they likewise do in Pegu in the east Indies, and other places. The Orenoqueponi bury nor their wives with them, but their jewels, hoping to enjoy them again. The Arwacas dry the bones of their Lords, and their wives and friends drink them in powder. In the graves of the Perwians, the Spaniards found their greatest abundance of treasure: The like also is to be found among these people in every province. They have all many wives, and the Lords five five-fold to the common sort: their wives never eat with their husbands, nor among the men, but serve their husbands at meals, and afterwards feed by thamselues. Those that are past their younger years, make all their bread and drink, and work their cotton beds, and do all else of service and labour, for the men do nothing but hunt, fifh, play, and drink, when they are out of the wars.  
I will enter no further into discourse of their manners, laws and customs: and because I have not myself seen the cities of Inga, I cannot avow on my credit what I have hard, although it be very likely, that the Emperor Inga hath built and erected as magnificent palaces in Guiana, as his ancestors did in Peru, which were for their riches and rareness most marvelous & exceeding all in Europe, and I think of the world, China excepted, which also the Spaniards (which I had) assured me, to be of truth, as also the nations of the borderers, who being but Saluaios, to those of the lund, do cause much treasure to be buried with them for I was informed of one of the Cassiqui of the valley of Amariocapana which had buried with him a little before our arrival, a chair of Gold most curiously wrought, which was made either in Macuraguarai adjoining, or in Mancha: But if we should have grieved them in their religion at the first, before they had been taught better, and have digged up their graves, we had lost them all: and therefore I held my first resolution, that her majesty should either accept or refuse the enterprise, ere any thing should be done that might in any sort hinder the same. And if Peru had so many heaps of Gold, where of those Ingas were Princes, and that they delighted so much therein no doubt but this which now liveth and reigneth in Manoa, hath the same honour, and I am assured hath more abundance of Gold, within his territory, than all Peru, and the west Indies.  
For the rest, which myself have seen I will promise' these things that follow and know to be true. Those that are desirous to discover and to see many nations, may be satisfied within this river, which bringeth forth so many arms & branches leading to several countries, & provinces, above 2000 mile's east & west, and 800. mile's south and north, and of these, the most either rich in Gold, or in other merchandises. The common soldier shall here fight for gold, and pay himself in steed of pennies, with plates of half a foot broad, whereas he breaketh his bones in other wars for provant and penury. Those commanders and Chieftains, that shoot at honour, and abundance, shall found there more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned with golden Images, more sepulchres filled with treasure, then either Cortes found in Mexico, or Pazzaro in Peru: and the shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those so far extended beams of the Spanish nation. There is no country which yieldeth more pleasure to the Inhabitants, either for these common delights of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, and the rest, than Guiana doth. It hath so many plains, clear rivers, abundance of Pheasants, Partridges, Quails, Rails, Cranes, Herons, and all other fowl: Dear of all sorts, porks, Hares, Lions, Tigers, Leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts, either for chase, or food. It hath a kind of beast called Cama, or Anta, as big as an English beef, and in great plenty.  
To speak of the several sorts of every kind, I fear would be troublesome to the Reader, and therefore I will omit them, and conclude that both for health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or west. Moreover the country is so healthful, 2 s100. people and more, which lay (without shift most sluttishly, and were every day almost melted with heat in rowing & marching, and suddenly wet again with great showers, and did eat of all sorts of corrupt fruits, & mademeales of fresh fish without seasoning, of Tortugas, of Lagartas, & of all sorts good & bad, without either order or measure, and besides lodged in the open air every night) we lost not any one, nor had one ill disposed to my knowledge, nor found any Callentura, or other of those pestilent diseales which devil in all hot regions, and so near the Equinoctial line.  
Where there is store of gold, it is in effect needles to remember other commodities for trade: but it hath towards the south part of the river, great quantities of Brasil wood, and divers berries, that die a most perfect crimson and Carnation: And for painting, all France, Italy, or the east Indies yield none such: For the more the skin is washed, the fairer the colour appeareth, and with which, even those brown & tawny women spot themselves, and colour their cheeks. All places yield abundance of Cotten, of silk, of Balsamum, and of those kinds most excellent, and never known in Europe; of all sorts of Gums, of Indian pepper: and what else the countries may afford within the land we know not, neither had we time to abide the trial, and search. The soil besides is so excellent and so full of rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger, and all those other commodities, which the west Indies hath.  
The navigatiou is short, for it may be sailed with an ordinary wound in six weeks, and in the like time back again, and by the way neither lee shore, Enemies coast, rocks, nor sands, all which in the voyages to the west indies, and all other places, we are subject unto, as the channel of Bahama, coming from the West Indies, can not be passed in the Winter, and when it is at the best, it is a perilous and a fearful place. The rest of the Indies for calms, and diseases very troublesome, and the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder, lightning, and storms.  
This very year there were seventeen sail of Spanish ships lost in the channel of Bahama, and the great Philip like to have sunk at the Bermudas was put back to Saint ivan de puerto rico. And so it falls out in that Navigation every year for the most part, which in this voyage are not to be feared: for the time of the year to leave England, is best in july, and the Summer in Guiana is in October, November, December, januarie, February, and March, and then the ships may departed thence in April, and so return again into England in june, so as they shall never be subject to Winter weather, either coming, going, or staying there, which for my part, I take to be one of the greatest comforts and encouragements that can be thought on, having (as I have done) tasted in this voyage by the west Indies so many Calms, so much heat, such outrageous gusts, fowl weather, and contrary winds.  
To conclude, Guiana is a Country that hath yet her Maidenhead, never sacked, turned, nor wrought, the face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance, the graves have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken with fledges, not their Images pulled down out of their temples. It hath never been entered by any army of strength, and never conquered or possessed by any Christian Prince. It is besides so defensible, that if two forts be builded in one of the Provinces which I have seen, the flood setteth in so near the bank, where the channel also lieth, that no ship can pass up, but within a Pikes length of the Artillery, first of the one, and afterwards of the other: Which two Forts willbe a sufficient Guard both to the Empire of Inga, and to an hundred other several kingdoms, lying within the said River, even to the city of Quito in Peru.  
There is therefore great difference between the easiness of the conquest of Guiana, & the defence of it being conquered, and the West or East Indies: Guiana hath but one entrance by the sea (if it have that) for any vessels of burden, so as whosoever shall first possess it, it shall be found unaccessable for any Enemy, except he come in Wherries, Barges, or Canoes, or else in flat bottomed boats, and if he do offer to enter it in that manner, the woods are so thick 200 miles together upon the rivers of such entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a boat unhit from the bank. By land it is more impossible to approach, for it hath the strongest situation of any region under the Sun, and is so environed with impassable mountains on every side, as it is impossible to victual any company in the passage, which hath been well proved by the Spanish nation, who since the conquest of Peru have never left five years free from attempting this Empire, or discovering some way into it, and yet of 23 several gentlemen, knights, and noble men, there was never any that knew which way to lead an army by land, or to conduct ships by sea, any thing near the said country. Oreliano, of which the river of amazons taketh name was the first, and Don Anthonio de Berreo (whom we displanted) the last: and I doubt much, whether he himself or any of his, yet know the best way into the said Empire. It can therefore hardly be regained, if any strength be formerly set down, but in one or two places, and but two or three crumsters or galleys built, and furnished upon the river within: The west Indies hath many ports, watering places, and landings, and nearer than 300. miles to Guiana, no mancan harbour a ship, except he know one only place, which is not learned in haste, and which I will undertake there is not any one of my companies that knoweth, whosoever harkened most after it.  
Besides by keeping one good fort, or building one town of strength, the whole Empire is guarded, and whatsoever companies shallbe afterwards planted within the land, although in twenty several provinces, those shall be able all to reunite themselves upon any occasion either by the way of one river, or be able to march by land without either wood, bog, or mountain: whereas in the west Indies there are few towns, or provinces that can secure or relieve one the other, either by land or sea: By land the countries are either defart, mounteynous, or strong Enemies: By sea, if any man invade to the Eastward, those to the west cannot in many months turn against the breeze and easterwind, besides the Spanyardes are therein so dispersed, as they are no where strong, but in Nueva Hispania only: the sharp mountains, the thorns, & poisoned prickels, the sandy & deep ways in the valleys, the smothering heat and air, and want of water in other places, are their only and best defence, which (because those nations that invade them are not victualled or provided to stay, neither have any place to friend adjoining) do serve them in steed of good arms and great multitudes.  
The west Indies were first offered her majesties Grandfather by Columbus a stranger, in whomethere might be doubt of deceit, and besides it was then thought incredible that there were such and so many lands & regions never written of before. This Empire is made known to her Majesty by her own vassal, and by him that owes to her more duty than an ordinary subject, so that it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefits which I have received to abuse her highness, either with fables or imaginations. The country is already discovered, many nations wone to her majesties love & obedience, & those Spaniards which have latest and longest laboured about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged and disgraced, which among these nations were thought invincible. Her Majesty may in this enterprise employ all those soldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren, and all captains and Cheiftames that want employment, and the charge willbe only the first setting out in victualling and arming them: for after the first or second year I doubt not but to see in London a Contratation house of more receipt for Guiana, then there is now in civil for the West indies.  
And I am resolved that if there were but a final army a foot in Guiana, marching towards Manoa the chief City of Inga, he would yield to her Majesty by composition so many hundred thousand pounds yearly, as should both defend all enemies abroad, and defray all expenses at home, and that he would besides pay a garrison of 3000. or 4000 soldiers very royally to defend him against other nations: For he cannot but know, how his predecessors, yea how his own great uncles Guascar and Atibalipa sons to Guanacapa Emperor of Peru, were (while they contended for the Empire) beaten out by the Spanyardes, and that both of late years, and ever since she said conquest, the Spanyardes have sought the passages and entry of his country: and of their cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which respects no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with great gladness, if nor, he hath neither shot nor Iron weapon in all his Empire, and therefore may easily be conquered.  
And I farther remember that Berreo confessed to me and others (which I protest before the Majesty of God to be true) that there was found among prophecies in Peru (at such time as the Empire was reduced to the Spanish obedience) in their chiefest temples, amongst divers others which fore showed the loss of the said Empire, that from Inglatierra those Ingas should be again in time to come restored, and delivered from the servitude of the said Conquerors. And I hope as we with these few hands have displanted the first garrison, and driven them out of the said country, so her Majesty will give order for the rest, and either defend it, and hold it as tributary, or conquer and keep it as Empress of the fame. For whatsoever Prince shall possess it, shall be greatest, and if the king of Spain enjoy it, he will become unresistible. Her Majesty hereby shall confirm and strengthen the opinions of all nations, as touching her great and princely actons. And where the south border of Guiana reacheth to the Dominion and Empire of the Amazons, those women shall hereby hear the name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend her own territories and her neighbours, but also to invade and conquer so great empires and so far removed.  
To speak more at this time, I fear would be but troublesome: I trust in God, this being true, will suffice, and that he which is king of all kings and Lord of Lords, will put it into her heart which is Lady of Ladies to possess it, if not, I will judge those men worthy to be kings thereof, that by her grace and leave will undertake it of themselves.   

An Abstract taken out of certain Spanyardes Letters concerning Guiana and the Countries lying upon the great river Orenoque: with certain reports also touching the same.  

An advertisement to the Reader.  
Those letters out of which the abstractes following are taken, were surprised at sea as they were passing for Spain in the year 1594. by Captain George Popham: who the next year, and the same that Sir Walter Ralegh discovered Guiana, as he was in a voyage for the west Indies, learned also the reports annexed. All which, at his return, being two months after Sir Walter, as also so long after the writing of the former discourse, hearing also of his discovery: he made known and delivered to some of her majesties most honourable privy Council and others. The which seeing they confirm in some part the substance, I mean, the riches of that Country: it hath been thought fit that they should be thereunto adjoined. Wherein the Reader is to be advertised, that although the Spanyardes seem to glory much of their formal possession taken before Morequito the Lord of Aromaya, and others there abouts, which thoroughly understood them not at that time, whatsoever the Spanyardes otherwise pretend: Yet, according to the former discourse, and as also it is related by Cayworaco, the son of Topiawary now chief Lord of the said Aromaya, who was brought into England by Sir Walter Ralegh, and was present at the same possession and discovery of the Spayardes mentioned in these letters; it appeareth that after they were go out of their Country, the Indians then having farther consideration of the matter, and more than conjecture of their intent, having known and heard of their former cruelties upon their borderers and others of the Indians elsewhere: At their next coming, there being ten of them sent and employed for a farther discovery, they were provided to receive and entertain them in an other manner of sort than they had done before; that is to say, they slew them and buried them in the Country, so much sought. They gave them by that means a full and complete possession the which before they had but begun. And so they are minded to do, to as many Spanyardes as come after. Other possession they have had none since. Neither do the Indians mean as they protest, to give them any other. One other thing to be remembered is that in these letters the Spaniards seem to call Guiana and other Countries near it, bordering upon the river of Orenoque, by the name of Nuevo Dorado, because of the great plenty of Gold there, in most places to be found. Alluding also to the name of El Dorado which was given by Martin's to the great City of Manoa, as is in the former treatise specified. This is all I thought good to advertise. As for some other matters, I leave them to the consideration and judgement of the indifferent reader.  W: R  

Letters taken at Sea by Captain George Popham. 1594.  

alonso his Letter from the Gran Canaria to his brother being commander of S. Lucas, concerning El Dorado.  
There have been certain letters received here of late, of a land newly discovered called Nueuo Dorado, from the sons of certain Inhabitants of this City, who were in the discovery: they writ of wondered riches to be found in the said Dorado, and that gold there is in great abundauce, the course to fall with it is 50. leagues to the windward to the Marguarita.   

Allonsos' letter from thence to certain Merchants of S. Lucas concerning the Dorado.  
SIrs, we have no news worth the writing, saving of a discovery lately made by the spanyardes in a new land called Nueuo Dorado, and is two days sailing to the windward of the Marguarita there is gold in that abundance, as the like hath not been hard of. We have it for certain in letters Written from thence by some that were in the discovery, unto their parents here in this City. I purpose (God willing) to bestow ten or twelve days in search of the said Dorado, as I pass in voyag towards Carthagena, hoping there to make some good sale of our commodities. I have sent you therewith part of the information of the said discovery, that was sent to his Majesty.   

Part of the Copy that was sent to his Majesty of the discovery of Nuevo Dorado.  
In the river of Pato otherwise called Orenoque, in the principal part there of called Warismero, the 23. of April 1593. Domingo de vera Master of the Camp and General for Anth. de Berreo Governor and Captain general for our Lord the King, betwixt the rivers of Pato and Papamene alias Orenoque, and Marannon, and of the Island of Trinidado, in presence of me Rodrigo de Caranca register for the sea, commanded all the soldiers to be drawn together and put in order of battle, the Captains and soldiers, and Master of the Camp standing in the midst of them, said unto them: Sirs, Soldiers, and Captains, you understand long since that our General Antho de Berreo, with the travel of 11 years, and expense of more than 100000. pesoes of Gold, discovered the royal provinces of Guiana and Dorado: Of the which he took possession to govern the same, but through want of his people's health, and necessary munition, he issued out at the Island Maguarita, and from thence peopled the Trinedado. But now they have sent me to learn out and discover the ways most easily to enter, & to people the said provinces, and where the Camps and Armies may best enter the same. By reason whereof I intent so to do in the name of his Majesty, and the said governor Antho: de Berreo, and in token thereof I require you Fran. Carillo, that you aid me to advance this cross that lieth here on the ground, which they set on end towards the east, and the said Master of the Camp, the Captains and soldiers kneeled down and did due reverence unto the said cross, and thereupon the Master of the Camp took a bowl of water and drank it of, and took more and threw abroad on the ground: he also drawn out his sword and cut the grass of the ground, and the boughs of the trees saying, I take his possession in the name of the king Don Philip our master, and of his Governor Antho. de Berreo: and because some make question of this possession, to them I answer that in these our actions was present the Casique or principal Don Antho. otherwise called Morequito, whole land this was, who yielded consent to the said possession, was glad there of, and gave his obedience to our Lord the King, & in his name to the said governor Antho: de Berreo. And the said Master of the Camp kneeled down being in his liberty, and all the Captains and soldiers said that the possession was well taken, & that they would defend it with their lives, upon whosoever would say the contrary. And the said Master of the Camp having his sword drawn in his hand said unto me, register that art here present, give me an instrument or testimonial to confirm me in this possession, which I have taken of this land, for the governor Antho. de Berreo, and if it be needful I will take it a new. And I require you all that are present to witness the same, and do further declare that I will go on, taking the possession of all these lands wheresoever I shall enter. Signed thus.   

Domingo de vera and undernetah, Before me Rodrigo de Caranca, Register of the Army.  
And in prosecution of the said possession, and discovery of the way & provinces, the 27. of April of the said year, the Master of the Camp entered by little and little with all the Camp and men of war, more than two leagues into the Inland, and came to a town of a principal, and confering with him did let him understand by means of Antho: Bisante the Interpreter that his Majesty & Antho: de Berreo had sent him to take the said possession. And the said friar Francis Carillo by the Interpreter, delivered him certain things of our holy Catholic faith, to all which he answered, that they understood him well and would become Christians, and that with a very good will they should advance the cross, in what part or place of the town it pleased them, for he was for the governor Antho: de Berreo, who was his Master. Thereupon the said master of the Camp took a great cross, and set it on end toward the east, and requested the whole Camp to witness it and Domingo de vera firmed it thus.   

It is well and firmly done, and underneath, before me Rodrigo Caranca, Register of the Army.  
The first of May they prosecuted the said possession and discovery to the town of Carapana. From thence the said Master of the Camp passed to the town of Toroco whose principal is called Topiawary being five leagues farther within the land then the first nation, & well inhabited. And to this principal by mean of the interpreter they gave to understand that his Majesty and the said Corregidor commauded them to take the prossession of that land, & that they should yield their obedience to his Majesty, and to his Corregidor, and to the Master of the Camp in his name, and that in token thereof he would place a cross in the middle of his town. When run to the said Cassique answered they should advance it with a very good will, and that he remained in the obediene of our Lord the King, and of the said Governor Antho: de Berreo whose vassal he would be.  
The fourth of May we came to a province above five leagues thence of all sides inhabited with much people, the principal of this people came and met us in peaceable manner: and he is called Renato, he brought us to a very large house where he entertained us well, & gave us much Gold, & the interpreter as king him from whence that gold was, he answered from a province not passing a days journey off, where there are so many Indians as would shadow the sun, and so much gold as all yonder plain will not contain it. In which Country (when they enter into the Borachera) they take of the said Gold in dust and anoint themselves all over there with to make the braver show, and to the end the Gold may cover them, they anoint their bodies with stamped herbs of a glewenous substance: and they have war with those Indians. They promised us that if we would go unto them they would aid us, but they were such infinite number as no doubt they would, kill us. And being asked how they got the same Gold, they told us they went to a certain down or plain and pulled or digged up the grass by the root, which done, they took of the earth, putting it in great buckets which they carried to wash at the river, & that which came in powder they kept for their Boracheras & that which was in pieces, they wrought into Eagles.  
The eight of May we went from thence, and marched about five leagues: at the foot of a hill we found a principal called Arataco, with 3000 Indians, men & women all in peace and with much victual, as hens & venison in great abundance, and many sorts of wine. He entreated us to go to his house and to rest that night in his town being of 500 houses. The interpreter asked whence he had those hens, he said they were brought from a mountain not passing a quarter of a league thence, where were many Indians, yea so many as grass on the ground, and that these men had the points of their shoulders higher than the Crowns of their heads, and had so many hens as was wonderful, and if we would have any we should sand them jews haps for they would give for every one two hens, we took an Indian and gave him 500 haps, the hens were so many that he brought us, as were not to be numbered: We said we would go thither, they told us they were now in their Borrachera and would kill us, we asked the Indian, that brought the hens if it were true, he said it was most true. We asked him how they made their Borrachera, he said they had many Eagles of Gold hanging on their breasts & pearls in their ears, and that they danced being all covered with Gold. The Indian said unto us, if we would see them, we should give him some hatches, and he would bring us of those Eagles. The Master of the Camp gave him one hatchet (he would give him no more because they should not understand we went to seek gold) he brought us an Eagle which weighed 27 pounds of good Gold. The Master of the Camp took it, and showed to the soldiers, and then threw it from him, making show not to regard it. About midnight came an Indian and said unto him, give me a pickeaxe and I will tell thee what the Indians with the high shoulders mean to do, the Interpreter told the Master of the Camp who commanded one to be given him, he then told us those Indians were coming to kill us from our merchandise. Hereupon the master of the Camp caused his company to be set in order, and began to march. The 11. day of May, we went about 7 leagues from thence to a province, where we found a great company of Indians appareled, they told us that if we came to fight, they would fill up those plains with Indians to fight with us, but if we came in peace, we should enter and be well entertained of them, because they had a great desire to see Christians, and there they told us of all the riches that was. I do not here set it down, because there is no place for it, but it shall appear by the information that goes to his Majesty, for it should here be set down, four leaves of paper would not contain it.   

The letter of George Burien Britton, from the said Canaries unto his cozen a french man, dwelling in S. Lucas, concerning the Dorado.  
Sir, and my very good cozen, there came of late certain letters from a new discovered country not far from Trinedado, which they written, hath Gold in great abundance, the news seemeth to be very certain, because it passeth for good amongst the best of this City. Part of the information of the discovery that went to his Majesty, gocth enclosed in Alonso's letters, it is a thing worth the seeing.   

The report of Domingo Martin's of jamica, concerning the Dorado.  
He says that in 93 being at Carthagena there was a general report of a late discovery called Nueuo Dorado, and that a little before him coming thither, there came a Frigate from the said Dorado, bringing in it the portraiture of a Giant all of Gold, of weight 47 kintals, which the Indians there held for their Idol. But now admitting of Christianity and obedience to the King of Spain, sent their said Idol unto him in token they were become Christians, and held him for their King. The company coming in the said Frigott reported Gold to be there in most abundance, Diamonds of inestimable value, with great store of pearl.   

The report of a french man called Bountillier of Sherbrouke concerniug the Trinedado and the Dorado.  
He says that being at Trinedado in 91. he had of an Indian there a piece of Gold of a quarter of a pound in exchange of a knife, the said Indian told him he had it at the head of the river which cometh to Paracoa in the Trinedado, but said within the river of Orenoque, it was in great abundance. Also in 93 being taken by the Spanyardes; and brought prisoner into the Island of Madera (the place for his prison) there came in this mean time a bark of 40 tons from a new discovery, with two million of Gold, the company whereof reported Gold in that place to be in great abundances, & called it the Nueuo Dorado. This french man passed from Spain in the bark, and having a cabin near a gentleman, one of the discoverers that came from that place in the said bark, had divers times conference with him, and amongst other things of the great abundance of Gold in the said Dorado being as they said within the river of Orenoque.   

Reports of Certain Merchants of Rio de Hacha, concerning the Nueuo Dorado.  
They said (advancing the kings great treasure in the Indies) that Nueuo Reyno yielded very many Gold mines, & wondered rich, but latly was discovered a certain province so rich in Gold as the report thereof may seem incredible, it is there in such abundance, and is called the Nueuo Dorado: Anthonio de Berreo made the said discovery.   

The Report of a Spaniard, Captain with Berreo in the discovery of Nuevo Dorado.  
That the information sent to the K. was in every point truly said, that the river Orenoque hath seven mouths, or out let's into the sea, called Las Sciete bocas de drago, that the said river runneth far into the land, in many places very broad, and that Antho: de Berreo lay at Trinedado making head to go to conquer and people the said Dorado.