THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD  
At London Printed for WALTER BURRE  
1614    

THE MIND OF THE FRONT.  

FRom Death, and dark Oblivion (near the same)  
The Mistress of Man's life, grave HISTORY,  
Raising the World to good, or evil FAME,  
Doth vindicate it to ETERNITY.   

High PROVIDENCE would so: that nor the Good  
Might be defrauded, nor the Great secured,  
both might know their ways are understood,  
And the 〈◊〉, and punishment 〈◊〉.   

This makes, that lighted by the beamy hand  
Of TRUTH, which searcheth the most hidden springs,  
And guided by EXPERIENCE, whose strength Wand,  
Doth meet, whose Line doth sounded the depth of things;   

She cheerfully supporteth what she rears:  
Aissisted by no strengths, but are her own.  
Some note of which each varied Pillar bears,  
By which, as proper titles, she is known,   

Times Witness, Herald of Antiquity,  
The Light of Truth, and Life of Memory.    

THE PREFACE.  
HOw unfit, and how unworthy a choice I have made of myself, to undertake a work of this mixture; my own reason, though exceèding weak, hath sufficiently resolved me. For had it been begotten then with my first dawn of day, when the light of common knowledge began to open itself to my younger years: and before any wound received, either from Fortune or Time: I might yet well have doubted, that the darkness of Age and Death would have covered over both It and Me, long before the performance. For beginning with the Creation: I bave proceed a with the History of the World; and lastly purposed (some few sallies excepted) to confine my Discourse, within this our renowned Island of Great Britain. I confess that it had better sorted with my disability, the better part of whose times are run out in other travails; to have set together (as I could) the unjointed and scattered frame of our English affairs, than of the universal: in whom, had there been no other defect, (who am all defect) than the time of the day, it were enough; the day of a tempestuous life, drawn on to the very evening ere 〈◊〉 began. But those inmost, and soulepeircing wounds, which are ever aching while uncured: with the desire to satisfy those few friends, which I have tried by the fire of Adversity; the former enforcing, the latter persuading; have caused me to make my thoughts legible, and myself the subject of every opinion wise or weak.  
To the World I present them, to which I am nothing indebted: neither have others that were, (Fortune changing) sped much better in any age. For, Prosperity and Adversity have evermore tied and untied vulgar Affections. And as we see it in experience, That dogs do always bark at those they know not; and that it is their nature to accompany one another in those clamours: so it is with the inconsiderate multitude. Who, wanting that virtue which we call Honesty in all men, and that especial gift of GOD which we call Charity in Christian men; condemn, without 〈◊〉; and wound, without offence given: led thereunto by uncertain report only; 
Daemonolog. l. 3. c. 1.  which his Majesty truly acknowledgeth for the Author of all lies. Blame no man (saith Siracides) before thou have inquired the matter; understand 
Eccl. c. 11. v. 7.  first, and then reform righteously. Rumour, res sine teste, sine judice, maligna, fallax; Rumour is without witness; without judge, malicious and deceivable. This vanity of vulgar opinion it was, that gave St. Augustine Argument to affirm, That he feared the praise of 
〈◊〉 â 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & amari 3 malis 〈◊〉.  good men, & detested that of the evil. And herein no man hath given a beter rule, than this of Seneca; Conscientiae satisfaciamus: nihil in famam 
〈◊〉. de ira. 〈◊〉. 3. c. 22.  laboremus; sequatur velmala, dum bene merearis. Let us 〈◊〉 our own consciences, and not trouble ourselves withfame: be it never so ill, it is to be despised so we deserve well.  
For myself, if I have in any thiug served my Country, and prised it before my private: the general acceptation can yield me no other profit at this time than doth a fair sunshine day to a Seaman after shipwreck; & the contrary no other harm than an outrageous tempest after the Port attained. I know that I lost the love of many, for my fidelity towards Her, whom I must still honour in the dust; though further than the defence of her excellent person, I never persecuted any man. Of those that did it, and by what device they did it: He that is the Supreme judge of all the world, hath taken the account; so as for this kind of suffering, I must say with Seneca, Mala opinio, bene parta, delectat.  
As for other men; if there be any that have made themselves Fathers of that fame, which hath been begotten for them: I can neither envy at such their purchased glory, nor much lament my own mishap in that kind; but content myself to say with Virgil, Sic vos non vobis, in many particulars.  
To labour other satisfaction, were an effect of frenzy, not of hope: seeing it is not Truth, but Opinion, that can travel the World without a passport. For were it otherwise; and were there not as many internal forms of the mind, as there are external figures of men; there were then some possibility, to persuade by the mouth of one Advocate, even Equity alone.  
But such is the multiplying and extensive virtue of dead Earth, and of that breath-giving life which GOD hath cast up Slime and Dust: as that among those that were, of whom we read and hear, and among those that are, whom we see and converse with; every one hath 〈◊〉 a sever all picture of face, and every one a divers picture of mind; every one a form apart, every one a fancy and cogitation differing: there being nothing wherein Nature so much triumpheth, as in dissimilitude. From whence it cometh that there is found so great diversity of opinions; so strong a contrariety of inclinations; so many natural and unnatural; wise, foolish; manly, and childish affections; and passions in mortal Men. For it is not the visible fashion and shape of plants, and of reasonable Creatures, that makes the difference, of working in the one, and of condition in the other; but the form internal.  
And though it hath pleased GOD, to reserve the Art of reading men's thoughts to himself: yet, as the fruit tells the name of the Tree; so do the outward works of men (so far as their cogitations are acted) give us whereof to guess at the rest. Nay, it were not hard to express the one by the other, very near the life: did not craft in many, fear in the most, and the world's love in all, teach every capacity, according to the compass it bathe, to qualify & mask over their inward deformities for a time. Though it be also true, Nemo potest 〈◊〉 personam ferre fictam: cito in naturam suam residunt, quibus veritas non subest. No man can long continued masked in a counterfeit behaviour the things that are forced for pretences, having no ground of truth, cannot long dissemble their own natures. Neither can any man (saith Plutarch so change himself, but that his heart may be sometime seen at his tongues end.  
In this great discord and dissimilitude of reasonable Creatures, if we direct ourselves to the Multitude; Omnis honestae rei malus judex est vulgus. The common people are evil judges of honest things, and whose wisdom (saith Ecclesiastes) is to be despised; if to the better sort; every understanding hath a peculiar judgement, by which it both censureth other men, and valueth itself. And therefore unto me it will not seem strange, though I find these my wortbles papers torn with Rats: seeing the slothful Censurers of all ages have not spared to tax the Reverend Fathers of the Church, with Ambition; the severest men to themselves, with Hypocrisy; the greatest lovers of justice, with Popularity; and those 
Eccl. c. 11.  of the truest valour and fortitude, with vainglory. But of these natures which lie in wait to find fault, and to turn good into evil, seeing 
Nihil 〈◊〉, quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Solomon complained long since: and that the very age of the world renders it every day after other more malicious; I must leave the professors to their easy ways of reprehension, than which there is nothing of more facility.  
To me it belongs in the first part of this Preface, following the common and approved custom of those, who have left the memories of time past to after ages; to give, as near as I can, the same right to History which they have done Yet seeing therein I should but borrow other men's words; I will not trouble the Reader with the repetition. True it is that among many other benefits, for which it hath been honoured; in this one it triumphetb over all human knowledge, That it hath given us life in 〈◊〉 understanding, since the world itself had life and beginning, even to this day: yea it hath triuphed over time, which besides it nothing but eternity hath triumphed over: for it hath carried our knowledge over the vast and devouring space of so many thousands of years, and given so fair and piercing eyes to our mind; that we plainly behold living now (as if we had lived then) that great World, Magni Dei sapiens opus, the wise work (saith Hermes) of a great GOD, as it was then, when but new to itself. By it I say it is, 〈◊〉 we live in the very time when it was created: we behold how it was governed: how it was covered with waters, and again repeopled: How Kings and kingdoms 〈◊〉 florishid and fallen; and for what virtue and piety GOD made prosperous; and for what vice and deformity he made wretched, both the one and the other. And it is not the lest debt which we own unto History, that it hath made us acquainted with 〈◊〉 dead Ancestors; and, out of the depth and darkensse of the earth, delivered us their memory and fame. In a word, we may gather out of History a policy no less wise than eternal; by the comparison and application of other men's forepassed miseries, with our own like errors and ill deservings.  
But it is neither of Examples the most lively instructions, nor the words of the wisest men, nor the terror of future torments, that hath yet so wrought in our blind and stupefied minds; as to make us remember, That the infinite eye and wisdom of GOD doth pierce through all our pretences; as to make us remember, That the justice of GOD doth require noon other accuser, than our own consciences: which neither the false beauty of our apparent actions, nor all the formality, which (to pacify the opinions of men) we put on; can in any, or the lest kind, cover from his knowledge. And so much did that Heathen wisdom confess, no way as yet qualified by the knowledge of a true God. If any (saith Euripides) having in his life committed wickedness, think he can hide it from the everlasting gods, he thinks not well.  
To repeat GOD'S judgements in particular, upon those of all degrees, which have played with his mercies; would require a volume a part: for the Sea of examples hath no bottom The marks, set on private men, are with their bodies cast into the earth; and their fortunes, written only in the memories of those that lived with them: so as they who succeed, and have not seen the fall of others, do not fear their own faults. GOD'S judgements upon the greater and greatest, have been left to posterity; first, by those happy hands which the Holy Ghost hath guided; and secondly, by their virtue, who have gathered the acts and ends of men, mighty and remarkable in the world. Now to point far off, and to speak of the conversion of Angels into Devils, for Ambition: Or of the greatest and most glorious Kings, who have gnawn the grass of the earth with beasts, for pride and ingratitude towards GOD: Or of that wise working of Pharaoh, when he slew the Infants of Israel, ere they had recovered their Cradles: Or of the policy of jezabel, in covering the Murder of Naboth by a trial of the Elders, according to the Law: with many thousands of the like: what were it other, than to make an hopeless proof, that far-off examples would not be left to the same far-off respects, as heretofore? For who hath not observed, what labour, practice, peril, bloodshed, and cruelty, the Kings and Princes of the world have undergone, exercised, taken on them, and committed; to make themselves and their issues masters of the world. And yet hath Babylon, Persia, Egypt, Syria, Macedon, Carthage, Rome, and the rest, no fruit, flower, grass, nor leaf, springing upon the face of the earth, of those seeds: Not; their very roots and ruins do hardly remain. Omnia quaemanu hominum fact a sunt, vel manu hominum evertuntur, vel stando & duran, do deficiunt: All that the hand of man can make, is either overturnd by the hand of man, or at length by standing and continuing consumed. The reasons of whose ruins, are diversly given by those that ground their opinions on second causes. All Kingdoms and States have fallen (say the Politicians) by outward and foreign force, or by inward negligence and dissension, or by a third cause arising from both: Others observe, That the greatest have sunk down under their own weight; of which Livy bathe a touch: eo crevit, ut magnitudine laboret sua: Others, That the divine providence (which Cratippus objected to Pompey) 〈◊〉 set down the date and period of every estate, before their first foundation and erection. But hereof I will give myself a day over to resolve.  
For seeing the first books of the following story, have undertaken the discourse of the first Kings and Kingdoms: and that it is impossible for the 〈◊〉 life of a Preface, to travail after and overtake far of Antiquity, and to judge of it; I will, for the present, examine what profit hath been gathered by our own Kings, and their Neighbour Princes: who having beheld, both in divine and human letters, the success of inside litie, justice, and cruelty, have (notwithstanding) planted after the same pattern.  
True it is that the judgements of all men are not agreeable; nor (which is more strange) the affection of any one man stirred up alike with examples of like nature: But every one is touched most, with that which most nearly seemeth to touch his 〈◊〉 private; Or otherwise best suiteth with his apprehension. But the judgements of GOD are for ever unchangeable; neither is he wearied by the long process of time, and won to give his blessing in one age, to that which he hath cursed in another. Wherhfore those that are wise, or whose wisdom, if it be not great, 〈◊〉 is true and well grounded; will be able to discern the bitter fruits of irreligious policy, as well among those examples that are found in ages removed far from the present, as in those of latter times. And that it may no less appear by evident proof, than by asseveration, That ill doing hath always been attended with ill success; I will here, by way of 〈◊〉, run over some examples, which the work ensuing 〈◊〉 not reached.  
Among our Kings of the Norman race, we have no sooner passed over the violence of the Norman Conquest, than we encounter with a singular and most remarkable example of God's justice, upon the children of Henry the first. For that King, when both by force, craft and cruelty, he had dispossessed overreacht, and lastly made blind and destroyed his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy, to make his own sons Lords of this Land: GOD cast them all, Male and Female, Nephews and Nieces (Maud excepted) into the bottom of the Sea, with above a hundred and fifty others that attended them; whereof a great many were Noble, and of the King dearly beloved.  
To pass over the rest, till we come to Edward the Second; it is certain, that after the murder of that King, the issue of blood then made, though it had sometimes of stay and stopping, did again break out; and that so often and in such abundance, as all our Princes of the Masculine race (very few excepted) died of the same disease. And although the young years of Edward the Third, made his knowledge of that horrible fact no more than suspicious: yet in that he afterwards caused his own Uncle the Earl of Kent to die, for no other offence than the desire of his Brother's redemption, whom the Earl as then supposed to be living; the King making that to be treason in his Uncle, which was indeed treason in himself, had his uncles intelligence been true) this I say made it manifest, that he was not ignorant of what had past, nor greatly desirous to have had it otherwise; though he caused Mortimer to die for the same.  
This cruelty the secret and unsearchable judgement of GOD revenged, on the Grandchild of Edward the Third: and so it fell out, even to the last of that line, that in the second or third descent they were all buried under the ruins of those buildings, of which the Mortar had been tempered with innocent blood For Richard the second, who seen, both his Treasurers, his Chaucellor, and his Steward, with divers others of his Counsellors, some of them slaughtered by the people, others in his absence executed by his enemies; yet he always took himself for over wise, to be taught by examples. The Earls of Huntingdon and Kent, Montague and Spencer, who thought themselves as great Politicians in those days, as others have done in these: hoping to please the King, and to secure themselves, by the Murder of Gloucester; died soon after, with many other their adherents, by the like violent hands; and far more shamefully then did that Duke. And as for the King himself (who in regard of many deeds, unworthy of his Greatness, cannot be excused, as the disavowing himself by breach of Faith, Charters, Pardons, and Patents) He was in the prime of his youth deposed; and murdered by his cozen German and vassal, Henry of Lancaster; afterwards Henry the fourth.  
This King, whose Title was weak, and his obtaining the Crown traitorous: who broke faith with the Loraes' at his landing, protesting to intent only the recovery of his proper inheritance; broke faith with Richard himself; and broke Faith with all the Kingdom in Parliament, to whom he swore that the deposed King should live. After that he had enjoyed this Realm some few years, and in that time had been set upon on all sides by his Subjects, and never free from conspiracies and rebellions: he seen (if Souls immortal see and discern anythinges after the bodies death) his Grandchild Henry the sixt, and his Son the Prince, suddenly, and without mercy, 〈◊〉; the possession of the Crown (for which he had caused so much blood to be poured out) transferred 〈◊〉 his race; and by the Issues of his Enemies worn and enjoyed: Enemies, whom by his own practice he supposed, that he had left no less power less, than the succession of the Kingdom questionless; by entailing the same upon his own Issues by Parliament. And out of doubt, human reason could have judged no otherwise, but that these cautious provisions of the Father, seconded by the valour and signal victories of his son Henry the fift, bade buried the hopes of every Competitor, under the despair of all reconquest and recovery. I say, that human reason might so have judged: were not this passage of Gasaubon alsatrue; Dies, hora, monumentum evertendis dominationibus sufficit, quae adamantinis credebantur radicibus esse fundatae; A day, an hour, a moment, is enough to overturn the things, that seemed to have been founded and rooted in Adamant.  
Now for Henry the sixt, upon whom the great storm of his Grandfafathers grievous faults fell, as it formerly had done upon Richard the Grandchild of Edward: although he was generally esteemed for a gentle and innocent Prince; yet as he refused the daughter of Armaignac, of the House of Navarre, the greatest of the Princes of France, to whom he was affianced (by which match he might have defended his Inheritance in France) and married the Daughter of Anjou, (by which he lost all that he had in France) so as in condiscendiug to the unworthy death of his Uncle of Gloucester, the main acd strong 〈◊〉 of the house of Lancaster; He drew on himself and this kingdom the greatest joint loss & dishonour, that ever it sustained since the Norman Conquest. Of whom it may truly be said which a Counsellor of his own spoke of Henry that third of France, Q'uil estoit une fort gentle Prince; mais son reign est advenu en une 〈◊〉 mawois 〈◊〉. That he was a very gentle Prince; but his reign happened in a very unfortunate season.  
It is true that Buckingham and Suffolk were the practisers & contrivers of the Duke's death: Buckingham and Suffolk, because the Duke gave instructions to their authority, which otherwise under the Queen had been absolute; the Queen, in respect of her personal wound, spretaeque 〈◊〉 formae, because Gloucester dissuaded her marriage. But the fruit was answer able to the seed; the success to the Counsel. For after the cutting down of Gloucester, York grew up so fast, as he dared to dispute his right both by arguments and arms; in which quarrel, Suffolk and Bucking ham, with the greatest number of their adherents, were dissolved. And although for his breach of Oath by Sacrament, it pleased God to strike down York: yet his son the Earl of March, following the plain path which his Father had trodden out, despoiled Henry the Father, and Edward, the son, both of their lives and Kingdoms. And what was the end now of that politic Lady the Queen, other than this, That she lived to behold the wretched ends of all her partakers: that she lived to look on, while her Husband the King, and her only son the Prince, were hewn in sunder; while the Crown was set on his head that did it. She lived to see herself despoiled of her Estate, and of her movables: and lastly, her Father, by rendering up to the Crown of France the Earldom of Provence and other places, for the payment of fifty thousand crowns for her Ransom, to become a stark Beggar. And this was the end of that subtlety, which Siracides calleth fine but unrighteous: for other fruit hath it never 
〈◊〉 19  yielded 〈◊〉 the world was.  
And now it come to Edward the fourths turn (though after many difficulties) to triumph. For all the Plants of Lancaster were rooted up; One only Earl of Richmond excepted: whom also he had once bought of the Duke of Britain, but could not hold him. And yet was not this of Edward such a Plantation, as could any way promise' itself stability. For this Edward the King (to omit more than many of his other cruelties) beheld and allowed the slaughter, which Gloucester, Dorset, Hastings, and others, made of Edward the Prince in his own presence: of which tragical Actors, there was not one that escaped the judgement of GOD in the same kind. And He, which (besides the execution of his brother Clarence, for noon other offence than he himself had form in his own imagination) instructed Gloucester to kill Henry the fixed, his Predecessor; taught him also by the same Art to kill his own sons and Successors Edward and Richard. For those Kings which have sold the blood of others at a low rate; have but made the market for their own enemies, to buy of theirs at the same price.  
To Edward the fourth succeeded Richard the Third, the greatest Master in mischief of of all that forwent him: who although, for the necessity of his Tragedy, he had more parts to play, and more to perform in his own person, than all the rest; yet he so well fitted every affection that played with him, as if each of them had but acted his own interest. For he wrought so cunningly upon the affections of Hastings, and Buckingham, enemies to the Queen and to all her kindred, as he easily alured them to condescend, that Rivers and Grey, the King's Maternal Uncle and half brother, should (for the first) be severed from him: secondly, he wrought their consent to have them imprisoned, and lastly) for the avoiding of future inconvenience) to have their heads severed from their bodies. And having now brought those his chief instruments to exercise that common precept, which the Devil hath written on every post, 
〈◊〉 secleribus 〈◊〉 Sen: de 〈◊〉.  namely, To depress those whom they had grieved, and to destroy those whom they had depressed; He urged that argument so far and so forcibly; as nothing but the death of the young king himself, and of his brother, could fashion the conclusion. For he caused it to be hammered into Buckingham's head, That, whensoever the king or his brother, should have able years to exercise their power; they would take a most severe revenge of that cureless wrong, offered to their Uncle and Brother, Rivers and Grey.  
But this was not his manner of reasoning with Hastings, whose fidelity to his Master's Sons was without suspect: and yet the Devil, who never dissuades by impossibility, taught him to try him. And so he did. But when he found by Catesby, who sounded him, that he was not fordable; He first resolved to kill him 〈◊〉 in council: wherein having failed with his sword; He set the Hangman upon him, with a weapon of more weight. And because nothing else could move his appetite; He caused his head to be stricken off, before he eat his dinner. A greater judgement of GOD, than this upon Hastings, I have never observed in any story. For the self same day that the Earl Rivers, Grey, and others, were (without trial of Law, or offence given) by Hastings advice executed at Pomfret: I say Hastings himself in the same day, and (as I take it) in the same hour, in the same lawless manner, had his heaa stricken off in the Tower of London. But Buckingham lived a while longer; and with an eloquent oration persuaded the Londoners to elect Richard for their king. And having received the Earldom of Hereford for reward, besides the high hope of marrying his daughter to the King's only son; after many grievous vexations of mind, and unfortunate attempts, being in the end betrayed and delivered up by his trustiest servant; He had his head severed from his body at Salisbury, without the trouble of any of his Peers. And what success had Richard himself after all these mischiefs and murders, policies, and counter-policies to Christian religion: and after such time, as with a most merciless hand he had pressed out the breath of his Nephews and Natural Lords; other than the prosperity of so short a life, as it took end, ere himself could well look over and discern it? the great outcry of innocent blood, obtaining at GOD'S hands the effusion of his; who become a spectacle of shame and dishonour, both to his friends and enemies.  
This cruel King, Henry the seventh cut off; and was therein (no doubt) the immediate instrument of GOD'S justice. A politic Prince he was if ever there were any, who by the engine of his wisdom, beaten down and overturned as many strong oppositions both before and after he ware the crown as ever King of England did: I say by his wisdom, because as he ever left the rains of his affections in the hands of his profit, so he always weighed his undertakings by his abilities, leaving nothing more to hazard than so much as cannot be denied it in all humane actions. He had well observed the proceed of Joys the eleventh, whom he followed in all that was royal or royal like, but he was far more just, and begun not their processes whom he hated or feared by the execution, as Joys did.  
He could never endure any mediation in rewarding his servants, and therein exceeding wise, for what so ever himself gave, he himself received back the thanks and the love, knowing it well that the affections of men (purchased by nothing so reddely as by benefits) were trains that better become great Kings, than great subjects. On the contrary, in what soever he grieved his subjects, he wisely put it off on those, that he found fit ministers for such actions. How-so-ever, the taking off, of Stanles head, who set the Crown on his, and the death of the young Earl of Warwick, son to George D. of Clarence, shows, as the success also did, that he held somewhat of the errors of his Ancestors, for his possession in the first line ended in his grand children, as that of Edward the third and Henry the fourth bade done.  
Now for King Henry the eight: if all the pictures and Patterns of a merciless Prince were lost in the World, they might all again be painted to the life, out of the story of this King. For how many servants did he ad. vance in haste (but for what virtue no man could suspect) and with the change of his fancy ruined again; no man knowing for what offence? To how many others of more desert gave he abundant floweres from whence to gather honey, and in the end of Harvest burnt them in the Hive? How many wives did he cut off, and cast off, as his fancy and affection changed? How many Princes of the blood (whereof some of them for age could hardly crawl towards the block) with a world of others of all degrees (of whom our common Chronicles have kept the account) did he execute? yea, in his very deathbed, and when he was at the point to have given his account to GOD for the abundance of blood already spilled: He imprisoned the Duke of Nofolke the Father; and executed the Earl of Surrey the son; the one, whose deservings he knew not how to value, having never omitted any thing that concerned his own honour, and the King's service; the other, never having committed any thing worth of his lest displeasure: the one exceeding valiant and advised; the other, no less valiant than learned, and of excellent hope. But besides the sorrows which he heaped upon the Fatherless, and 〈◊〉 at home: and besides the vain enterprises abroad, wherein it is thought that he consumed more Treasure, than all our victorious Kings did in their sever all Conquests. what causeless and cruel wars did he make upon his own Nephew King james the fift? What Laws and Wills did he devise, to establish this Kingdom in his own issues? using his sharpest weapons to cut off, & cut down those branches, which sprang from the same root that himself did. And in the end (not withstanding these his so many irreligious provisions) it pleased GOD to take away all his 〈◊〉, without increase; though, for themselves in their sever all kinds, all Princes of eminent virtue. For these words of Samuel to Agag King of the Amalikites, have been verified upon many others: As thy sword hath made other women childless: so shall thy mother be childless among other women. And that blood, which the same King Henry affirmed, that the cold air of Scotland had frozen up in the North, GOD hath diffused by the sunshine of his grace: form whence His 〈◊〉 now living, and long to live, is descended. Of whom I may say it truly, That if all the malice of the world were infused into one eye: yet could it not discern in His life, even to this day, any 〈◊〉 of those soul spots, by which the Consciences of all the forenamed Princes (in effect) have been defiled; nor any drop of that innocent blood on the sword of his justice, with which the most that forwent him, have stained both their hands and fame. And for this Crown of England; it may truly be a vowed. That he hath received it even form the hand of GOD, and hath stayed the time of putting it on, howsoever he were provoked to hasten it: That He never took revenge of any man, that sought to put him beside it: That He refused the assistance of Her enemies, that wore it long, with as great glory as ever Princess did. That his Majesty entered not by a breach, nor by blood; but by the Ordinary gate, which his own right set open; and into which, by a general love and Obedience, He was received And howsoever His majesties praeceding title to this Kingdom, was preferred by many Princes (witness the Treaty at Gambray in the year, 1559) yet he never, pleased to dispute it, during the life of that renowned Lady his Praedecessor; not, notwithstanding the injury of not being declared Heir, in all the time of Her long reign.  
Neither aught we to forget, or neglect our thankfulness to GOD for the uniting of the Northern partsses of Britain to the South, to wit of Scotland to England, which though they were severed but by small brooks and banks, yet by reason of the long continued 〈◊〉, and the cruelties excrcised upon each other, in the affection of the Nations, they were infinitely severed. This I say is not the lest of God's blessings which His Majesty bathe brought with him unto this Land: Not, put all our petty grievances together, and heap them upto their height, thy will appear but as a Molehill compared with the Mountain of this concord. And if all the Historians since then; have acknowledged the uniting of the Red-Rose, and the White, for the greatest happiness, (Christian Religion excepted) that ever this Kingdom received from GOD, certainly the peace between the two Lions of gold and gules, and the making them one, doth by many degrees exceed the former; for by it, besides the sparing of our british blood, heretofore and during the difference so often & abundantly shed, the state of England is more assured, the Kingdom more enable to recover her ancient honour and rights, and by it made more invincible, than by all our former alliances, practices, policies and conquests. It is true that hereof we do not yet find the effect. But had the Duke of Parma in the year 1588., joined the army which he commanded, with that of Spain, and landed it on the south coast; and had his Majesty at the same time declared himself against us in the north: it is easy to divine what had become of the liberty of England, certainly we would then without murmur have brought this union a far greater praise than it hath since cost us.  
It is true, that there was never any Common weal or Kingdom in the world, wherein no man had cause to lament. King's live in the world and not above it. They are not infinite to examine every man's cause, or to relieve every man's wants. And yet in the latter, (though to his own prejudice) His Maiestey hath had more compassion of otherman's necessities, than 
〈◊〉 comment. in Sal. 1. K 4.  of his own Coffers. Of whom it may be said as of Solomon Dedit Deus Salomonilatitudinem Cordis: Which if other men do not understand with Pineda, to be meant by Liberality, but by Latitude of knowledge; yet may it be better spoken of His Majesty, than of any King that ever England had; who as well in Divine, as Human understanding, hath exceeded all that forwent him, by many degrees.  
I could say much more of the King's Maiestey, without flattery: did I not fear the imputation of presumption, and withal suspect, that it might befall these papers of my, (though the loss were little) as it did the Pictures of Queen Elizabeth, made by unskilful and common Painters; which by her own Commandment, were knocked in pieces and cast into the fire. For ill Artists, in setting out the beauty of the external: and weak writers, in describing the virtues of the internal; do often leave to posterity, of well form faces a deformed memory; and of the most perfect and Princely minaes, a most defective representation. It may suffice, and there needs no other discourse; if the honest Reader but compare the cruel and turbulent passages of our former Kings, and of other their Neighbour-Princes (of whom for that purpose I have inserted this brief discourse) with His majesties temperate, revengeless, and liberal disposition: I say, that if the honest Reader weigh them justly, and with an even hand: and withal but bestow every deformed child on his true Parent; He shall found, that there is no man that hath so just cause to complain, as the King himself hath.  
Now as we have told the success of the trumperies and cruelties of our own Kings, and other great personages: so we fiend, that GOD is every where the same GOD. And as it pleased him to punish the usurpation, and unnatural cruelty of Henry the first, and of our third Edward, in their Children for many generations: so dealt He with the sons of Joys Debonair, the son of Charles the great, or Charlemagne. For after such time as Debonair of France, had torn out the eyes of Bernard his Nephew, the son of Pipen, the eldest son of Charlemagne, and heir of the Empire, and then caused him to die in prison, as did our Henry to Robert his eldest brother: there followed nothing but murder; upon murders, poisoning, imprisonments, and civil war; till the whole race of that famous Emperor was extinguished.  
And though Debonair, after he had rid himself of his Nephew by a violent death; and of his Bastard Brothers by a civil death (having enclosed them with sure guard, all the days of their lives, within a Monastery) held himself secure from all opposition: Yet GOD raised up against him (which he suspected not) his own sons, to vex him, to invade him, to take him prisoner, and to depose him; his own sons, with whom (to satisfy their ambition) he had shared his estate, and given them Crowns to wear, and Kingdoms to govern, during his own life. Yea his eldest son Lothaire (for he had four, three by his first wife, and one by his second; to wit, Lothaire, Pipen, Joys, and Charles) made it the cause of his deposition, That he had used violence towards his Brothers and Kinsmen; and that he had suffered his Nephew (whom 
Step. Pasquiere recher. l. 5. c. 1.  he might have delivered) to be slain, eo quod, saith the Text, fratribus et propinquis violentiam intulerit, et nepotem suum, quem ipse liberare poterat, interfici permiserit. Because he used violence to his Brothers and Kinsmen, and suffered his Nephew to be slain whom he might have delivered.  
Yet did he that which few Kings do; namely, repent him of his cruelty. For among many other things, which he perform in the General Assembly of-the States, it follows. Post haec autem palam se errasse confessus, & imitatus Imp ratoris 〈◊〉 exemplum, paenitentiam 
Pasq 〈◊〉.  spontaneam suscepit, tam de his, quam quae in Bernardum 〈◊〉 nepotem gesserat. After this he did openly confess himself to have erred, and following the example of the Emperor Theodofius he underwent voluntary penance, as well for his other offences, as for that which he had done against 〈◊〉 his own Nephew.  
This he did: and it was praiseworthy. But the blood that is unjustly spilled, is not again gathered up from the ground by repentance. These Medicines, ministered to the dead, have but dead rewards.  
This King, as I have said, had four Sons. To Lot hair his eldest he gave the Kingdom of Italy; as Charlemagne, his Father, had done to Pepin the Father of Bernard, who was to succeed him in the Empire. To Pepin the second son he gave the Kingdom of Aquitaine: to Joys, the Kingdom of Bavier: and to Charles, whom he had by a second wife, called judith, the remainder of the Kingdom of France. But this second wife, being a Mother-in-law to the rest, persuaded Debonair to cast his son Pipen out of A 〈◊〉; thereby to greaten Charles: which, after the death of his son Pipen, he prosequted to effect, against his Grandchild bearing the same name. In the mean while, being invaded by his son Joys of Bavier, he dies for grief.  
Debonair dead: Joys of Bavier, and Charles afterwards called the bald, and their Nephew Pipen of A quitaine, join in league against the Emporour Lothaire their eldest Brother. They fight near an Auxerre the most bloody battle that ever was strooken in France: in which, the 〈◊〉 loss of Nobility, and men of war, gave courage to the Saracens to invade Italy; to the Huns, to fall upon Almain; and the Danes, to enter upon Normandy. Charles the Bald by treason seizeth upon his Nephew Pepin, kills him in a Cloister, Carloman rebels against his Father Charles the Bald, the Father burns out the eyes of his son Carloman; Bavire invades the Emperor Lothaire his Brother, Lothaire quits the Emperor, He is assailed and wounded to the heart by his own conscience, for his rebellion against his Father, and for his other cruelties, and dies in a Monastery. Charles the Bald the Uncle oppresseth his Nephews the sons of Lothaire, he usurpeth the Empire to the prejudice of Joys of Bavire his elder Brother, Baviers armies and his son Carloman are beaten, he dies of grief, and the Usurper Charles is poisoned by Zedechias a jew his Physician, his son Joys le Beque dies of the same drink Beque had Charles the simple, and two Bastards, Joys and Carloman, they rebel against their Brother, but the eldest breaks his Neck, the younger is slain by a wild Boar; the son of Baviere had the same ill destiny and broke his neck by a fall out of a Window in sporting with his companions Charles the gross becomes Lord of all that the sons of Debonair held in Germany, where with not contented, he invades Charles the simple, but being for saken of his Nobility, of his wife, and of his understanding, he dies a distracted beggar. Charles the simple is held in Wardship by Eudes Maior of the Palace, then by Robert the Brother of Eudes, and lastly being taken by the Earl of Vermandois, he is forced to die in the prison of Peron: Joys the son of Charles the simple breaks his Neck in Chase a Wolf, and of the two son of this Joys, the one dies of poysou, the other dies in the prison of Orleans, after whom Hugh Capet, of another race, and a stranger to the French, makes himself King. 〈◊〉:  
These miserable ends had the issues of Debonair: who after he had once appareled injustice with authority, his sons and successors took up the fashion; and wore that Garment so long without other provision, as when the same was torn from their shoulders, every man despised them as miserable and naked beggars. The wretched success they had, (saith a learned Frenchman) shows, què en ceste mort il y avoit plus du fait des hommes que de Dieu, ou de la iusticè: that in the death of that Prince, to wit of Bernard the son of Pepin, the true heir of Charlemagne, men had more meddling, than either GOD, or justice had.  
But to come nearer home; it is certain that Francis the first, One of the worthiest Kings (except for that fact) that ever the French men had, did never enjoy himself; after he had commended the destruction of the Protestant's of Mirandol and Cabrieres, to the Parliament of Provence, which poor people were thereupon burnt, and murdered; men, women, and children. It is true, that the said King Francis repent himself of the fact, and gave Charge to Henry his son, to do justice upon the Murderers; threatening his son with GOD Siudgmeuts, if he neglected it. But this unseasonable care of his, GOD was not pleased to accept for payment. For after Henry himself was slain in sport by Montgomery; we all may remember what become of his four sons, Francis Charles, Henry, and Hercules. Of which although three of them become Kings, and were married to beautiful and virtuous Ladies: Yet were they, one after another, cast out of the world, without stock or seed. And notwithstanding their subtlety, and breach offaith; with all their Massacres, upon those of the religion, and great effusion of blood; the Crown was set on his head, whom they all laboured to dissolve; the Protestant's remain more in number than ever they were; and hold to this day more strong cities than ever they bade.  
Let us now see if GOD be not the same GOD in Spain, as in England and France. Towards whom we will look no further back than to Don Pedro of Castille: in respect of which Prince, all the Tyrants of Sicily, our Richard the third, and the great evan Vasilowick of Moscovia, were but petty ones: this Castilian, of all Christian and Heathen Kings, having been the most merciless. For besides those of his own blood and Nobility which he caused to be slain in his own Court and Chamber, as Sancho Ruis the grert Master of Calatrava, Ruis Gonsales, Alphonso Telo, and Don john of 〈◊〉, whom he cut in pieces and cast into the streets, denying him Christian burial: I say besides these, and the slaughter of Gomes Manriques, Diego Peres, Alphonso Gomes, and the great commander of Castille; He made away the two Infants of Arragon his Cousin-germen, his brother Don Frederick, Don john de la Cerde, Albuquergues, Nugnes de Guzman, Cornel, Cabrera, Tenorio, mends de Toledo, Guttiere his great Treasurer, and all his Kindred; and a world of others. Neither did he spare his two youngest brothers, innocent Princes: whom after he had kept in close prison from their Cradles, till one of them had lived 〈◊〉 years, and the other, fourteen; he murdered them there. Nay he spared not his Mother, nor his wife the Lady Blanch of Bourbon. Lastly as he caused the Archbishop of Toledo, and the Deane, to be killed of purpose to enjoy their treasures: so did he put to death Mahomet 
〈◊〉. of Spain  Aben Alhamar King of Barbary, with seven and thirty of his 〈◊〉; that come unto him for secure, with a great sum of money, to levy (by his favour) some companies of soldiers to return withal. Yea, 〈◊〉 would needs assist the Hangman with 〈◊〉 own hand, in the execution of the old King; inso much as Pope Vrban declared him an enemy both to GOD and Man. But what was his end? Having been formerly beaten out of his Kingdom, and reestablished by the valour of the English Nation, led by the famous Duke of Lancaster: He was stabbed to death 〈◊〉 his younger Brother the Earl of Astramara, who dispossessed all his Children of their inheritance; which, but for the Father's injustice and cruelty, had never been in danger of any such thing.  
If we can parallel any man with this King, it must be Duke john of Burgoigne: who, after his traitorous murder of the Duke of Orleans, caused the Constable of Armagnac, the Chancellor of France, the Bishops of Constance, Bayeux, Eureux, Senlis, Saints, and other religious and reverend Churchmen, the Earl of 〈◊〉 Prè, Hector of Chartres, and (in effect) all the Officers of justice, of the Chamber of Accounts, Treasury, and Request, (with 〈◊〉 hundred others to accompany them) to be suddenly and violently slain. Hereby, while he hoped to govern, and to have mastered France: He was soon after strucken with an axe in the face, in the presence of the Dauphin; and, without any leisure to repent his 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Anno. 1418.  misdeeds, presently slain. These were the Lovers of other men's miseries: and misery found them out.  
Now for the Kings of Spain, which lived both with Henry the seventh, Henry the eight, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth; Ferdinand of Arragon was the first: and the first that laid the foundation of the present Austrian greatness. For this King did not content himself to hold Arragon by the usurpation of his Ancestor; and to fasten thereunto the Kingdom of Castille and Leon, which Isabel his wife held by strong hand, and his assistance, from her own Niece the Daughter of the last Henry: but most cruelly and craftily, without all colour or pretence of right, He also cast his own Niece out of the Kingdom of Navarre; and, contrary to faith, and the promise that he made to restore it, 〈◊〉 the best places, and so wasted the rest, as there was no means left for any army to invade it. This King I say, that betrayed also Ferdinand and Frederick Kings of Naples, Princes of his own blood, and by double alliance 〈◊〉 unto him; sold them to the French: and with the same Army, sent for their succour under Gonsaluo, cast them out; and shared their Kingdom with the French, whom afterwards he most shamefully betrayed.  
This 〈◊〉 and politic King, who sold Heaven and his own Honour, to make his son, the Prince of Spain, the greatest Monarch of the world: seen him die in the flower of his years; and his wife great with child, with her untimely birth, at once and together buried. His eldest daughter married unto Don Alphonso Prince of Portugal, beheld her first husband break his neck in her presence; and being with child by her second, died with it. A just judgement of GOD upon the race of john, father to Alphonso, now wholly extinguished: who had not only left many disconsolate Mothers in Portugal, by the 〈◊〉 of their children; but had formerly slain with his own 〈◊〉, the son and only comfort of his Aunt the Lady Beatrix, Duchess of Viseo. The second Daughter of Ferdinand, married to the Archduke Philip, turned fool; and died mad and deprived. His third daughter, bestowed on King Henry the eight, He seen cast off by the King: the mother of many 〈◊〉 in England; and the mother of a Daughter, that in her unhappy zeal shed a world of innocent blood; lost Calais to the French; and died heartbroken without increase. To conclude: all those Kingdoms of Ferdinand have masters of a new name; and, by a strange family are governed and possessed.  
Chatles the 〈◊〉, son to the Archduke Philip, in whose vain enterprises upon the French, upon the Almans, 〈◊〉 other Princes and States, so many multitudes of Christian soldiers, and renowned Captains, were consumed: who gave the while a most perilous entrance to the Turks, and suffered Rhodes, the Key of Christendom, to be taken; was in conclusion chased out of France, and in a sort out of Germany; and left to the French, 〈◊〉, Toll, and Verdon, places belonging to the Empire; stole away from 〈◊〉; and scaled the Alps by torchlight, pursued by Duke Maurice; having hoped to swallow up all those dominions, wherein he 〈◊〉 nothing save his own disgraces. And having, after the slaughter of so many Million of men, no one foot of ground in either: He crept into a 〈◊〉, and made himself a Pensioner of an hundred 
Nehter. Hist. l. 7. sol. 313:  thousand 〈◊〉 by the year to his son Philip; from whom he very slowly 〈◊〉 his mean and ordinary maintenance.  
His Son again King Philip the second, not satisfied to hold Holland and 〈◊〉, (wrested by his ancestors from jaqueline their lawful Princess) and to possess in peace many other Provinces of the Netherlandss: persuaded by that mischievous Cardinal of Granuile, and other Romish Tyrants; not only forgot the most remarkable services, done to his Father the Emperor by the Nobility of those countries; not only forgot the present, made him upon his entry, of forty millions of Florence, called the Novale aid; nor only forgot, that he had twice most solemnly sworn to the General States, to maintain and preserve their ancient 
Histo: of the Netherlandss.  rights, privileges, and customs, which they had enjoyed under their thirty and five Earls before him, Conditional Princes of those Provinces: but beginning first to constrain them, and enthrall them by the Spanish Inquisition, and then to impoverish them by many new devised and 〈◊〉 impositions; He lastly, by strong hand and main force, attempted to make himself not only an absolute Monarch over them, like unto the Kings and Sooner aignes of England and France; but Turke-like, to tread under his feet all their National and fundamental Laws, Privileges, and ancient Rights. To effect which, after he had easily obtained from the Pope a Dispensation of his former Oaths (which Dispensation was the true cause of all the war and bloodshed 〈◊〉 then) and after he had tried what he could perform, by dividing of their own Nobility, under the government of his base 〈◊〉, Margaret of Austria, and the Cardinal Granuile; He employed that most merciless Spaniad Don Ferdinand 〈◊〉 of Toledo, Duke of Alva, followed with a powerful army of strange Nations: by whom he first slaughtered that renowned Captain the Earl of Egmont, Prince of Gavare; and Philip Montmorency Earl of Horn: made away Montigue, and the Marquis of Bergues; and cut off in those 〈◊〉 years (that Alva governed) of Gentlemen and others, eighteen thousand and 〈◊〉 hundred, by the hands of the Hangman, besides all his other barbarous murders and massacres. By whose ministry when he could not yet brings his affairs to their wished ends, having it in his hope to work that by subtlety, which he had failed to perform byforce: He sent for governor his bastard brother Don john of Austria; a Prince of great hope, and very gracious to those people. But he, 〈◊〉 the same Papal advantage that his predecessors had done: made no scruple to take Oath upon the Holy Evangelists, to observe the treaty made with the General States; and to discharge the Low Countries of all Spaniards, and other strangers, therein garrisond. Towards whose Pay and Passport, the Netherlandss strained themselves to make payment of 〈◊〉 hundred thousand pounds. Which moneys received, He suddenly surprised the Citadels of Antwerp and Nemeures: not doubting (being unsuspected by the States) to have possessed himself of all the mastering places of those Provinces. For whatsoever he overtly pretended: He held in secret a contrary council with the Secretary Escovedo, Rhodus, Barlemont, and others, Ministers of the Spanish tyranny; formerly practised, and now again intended. But let us now see the effect and end of this perjury, and of all other the Duke's cruelties. First, for himself; after he had murdered so many of the Nobility; executed (as aforesaid) eighteen thousand 〈◊〉 hundred in 〈◊〉 years; and most cruelly slain Man, Women, and Child, in Mecklin, 〈◊〉, Naerden, and other places: and after he had consumed six and thirty millions of treasure in 〈◊〉 years: notwithstanding his Spanish vant, That he would suffocate the Hollanders in their own butter-barrells, and milke-tubbs: He departed the country no otherwise accompanied, than with the curse and detestation of the whole Nation; leaving his masters affairs in a tenfold worse estate, than he found them at his first arrival. For Don 〈◊〉, whose haughty conceit of himself over-came the greatest difficulties; though his judgement were over-weake to manage the lest: what wonders did his fearful breach of faith bring forth, other than the King his brother's 〈◊〉 and distrust; with the untimely death that seized him, even in the 〈◊〉 of his youth. And for Escovedo his sharp 〈◊〉 Secretary, who in his own imagination had conquered for his Master both England and the Netherlandss; being sent into Spain upon some new project, He was at the first arrival, and before any access to the King, by certain 〈◊〉 appointed by Anthony Peres (though by better warrant than his) rudely murdered in his own lodging. Lastly, if we consider the King of Spain's carriage, his counsel, and success in this 〈◊〉; there is nothing left to the memory of man more remarkable. For he hath paid above an hundred Million, and the lives of above four hundred thousand Christians, for the 〈◊〉 of all those countries; which, for beauty, gave place to noon; and for revenue, did equal his West Indies: for the loss of a nation, which most willingly obeyed him; and who at this day, after forty years war, are in 〈◊〉 of all his forces become free Estate, and far more rich and powerful, than they were, when he first 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and oppress them.  
O by what plots, by what for swear, betray, oppressions, imprisonments, tortures, poisonings, and under what reasons of State, and politic subtlety, have these forenamed Kings, both strangers, and of our own Nation, pulled the vengeance of GOD upon themselves, upon theirs, and upon their prudent ministers! and in the end have brought those things to pass for their enemies, and seen an effect so directly contrary to all their own counsels and cruelties; as the one could never 〈◊〉 hoped for themselves; and the other never have succeeded; if no such opposition had ever been made. GOD 〈◊〉 said it and performed it 〈◊〉: Perdam sapientiam sapientum, I will destroy the wisdom of the wise.  
But what of all this? and to what end do we lay before the eyes of the living, the fall and fortunes of the dead: seeing the world is the same that it hath been; & the children of the present time, will still obey their parents? It is in the present time, that all the wits of the world are exercised. To hold the times we have we hold all things lawful: and either we hope to hold them for ever; or at lest we hope, that there is nothing after them to be hoped for. For as we are content to forget our own experience, and to sergeant the ignorance of our own knowledge, in all things that concern ourselves; or persuade ourselves, that GOD hath given us letters patents to pursae all our irreligious affections, with a non obstante: so we neither look behind us what hath been, nor before us what shall be. It is true, that the quantity which we have, is of the body: we are by it joined to the earth: we are compounded of earth; and we inhabit it. The Heavens are high, far off and unsearchable: we have sense and feeling of corporal things; and of eternal grace, but by revelation. Not marvel then that our thoughts are also earthly: and it is less to be wondered at, that the words of worthless men cannot cleanse them; seeing their doctrine and instruction, whose understanding the Holy Ghost vouchsafed to inhabit, have not performed it. For as the Prophet Esai cried out long agone, Lord, who hath believed our reports? And out of doubt, as Esai complained then for himself and others: so are they less believed, every day after other. For although Religion, and the truth thereof, be in every man's mouth, yea in the discourse of every woman, who for the greatest number are but Idols of vanity: what is it other than an universal dissimulation? 
Paul to Titus Ch. 1. 〈◊〉. 10.  We profess that we know GOD: but by works we deny him. For Beatitude doth not consist in the knowledge of divine things, but in a divine life: for the Devils know them better than men. Beatitudo non est divinorum cognitio, sed vita divina. And certainly there is nothing more to be admired, and more to be lamented, than the private contention, the passionate dispute, the personal hatred, and the perpetual war, massacres, and murders, for Religion among Christians: the discourse whereof hath so occupied the World, as it hath well near driven the practice thereof out of the world. Who would not soon resolve, that took knowledge but of the religious disputations among men, and not of their lives which dispute, that there were no other thing in their desires, than the purchase of Heaven; and that the World itself were but used as it aught, and as an Inn or place, wherein to repose ourselves in passing on towards our celestial habitation? when on the contrary, besides the discourse and outward profession, the soul hath nothing but hypocrisy. We are all (in effect) become Comedians in religion: and while we act in gesture and voice, divine virtues, in all the course of our lives we renounce our People, and the parts we play. For Charity, justice, and Truth, have but their being in terms, like the Philosophers Materia prima.  
Neither is it that wisdom, which Solomon defineth to be the Schoolmistress of the knowledge of God, that hath valuation in the world: it is enough that we give it our good word; but the same which is altogether exercised in the service of the World, as the gathering of riches chief; by which we purchase and obtain honour, with the many respects which attended it.  
These indeed be the marks, which (when we have bend our consciences to the highest) we all shoot at. For the obtaining whereof it is true, that the care is our own; the care our own in this life, the peril our own in the 〈◊〉: and yet when we have gathered the greatest abundance, we ourselves enjoy no more thereof, than so much as belongs to one man. For the rest; He that had the greatest wisdom, and the greatest ability that ever man had, hath told us that this is the use: When goods increase 
〈◊〉. 5. 10.  (saith Solomon) they also increase that 〈◊〉 them; and what good cometh to the Owners, 〈◊〉 the beholding thereof with their eyes? As for those that devour the 〈◊〉, and follow us in fair weather: they again forsake us in the first tempest of misfortune, and steer away before the Sea and Wind; leaving us to the 〈◊〉 of our destinies. Of these, among a thousand examples, I will take but one out of Master Dannet, and use his own words. Whilst the Emperor Charles the fift, after the resignation of his Estates, stayed at Vlushing for wind, to carry him his last journey into Spain; He conferred on a time with Seldius, his brother Fordinands' Ambassador, till the deep of the night. And when Seldius should departed: the Emperor calling for some of his servants, and no body answering him (for those that attended upon him, were some go to their lodgings, and all the rest a sleep) the Emperor took up the candle himself, and went before Seldius to light him down the stairs; and so did, notwithstanding all the resistance that Seldius could make. And when He was come to the stairs foot, He said thus unto him: Seldius, remember this of Charles the Emperor, when he shall be dead and go, That Him, whom thou hast known in thy time environed with so many mighty Armies, and Guards of soldiers, thou hast also seen alone, abandoned, and forsaken, yea even of his own domestical servants, etc. I acknowledge this change of Fortune to proceed from the mighty hand of GOD; which I will by no means go about to withstand.  
But you will say that there are some things else, and of greater regard than the former. The first, is the reverend respect that is held of great men, and the Honour done unto them by all sorts of people. And it is true indeed: provided, that an inward love for their justice and piety, accompany the 〈◊〉 worship given to their places and power; without which what is the applause of the Multitude, but as the outcry of an Herd of Animals, who without the knowledge of any true cause, please themselves with the noise they make? For seeing it is a thing exceeding rare, to distinguish Virtue and Fortune: the most impious (if prosperous) have ever been applauded; the most virtuous (if unprosperous) have ever been despised. For as Fortune's man rides the Horse, so Fortune herself rides the Man. Who, when he is descended and on foot: the Man taken from his Beast, and Fortune from the Man; a base groom beats the one, and a bitter contempt spurns at the other, with equal liberty.  
The second, is the greatening of our posterity, and the contemplation of their glory whom we leave behind us. Certainly, of those which conceive that their souls departed take any comfort therein, it may truly be said of them, which Lactantius spoke of certain Heathen Philosophers, quod sapientes sunt in re stulta. For when our spirits immortal shall be once separate 
Lact. de 〈◊〉 sap 3. c. 19  from our mortal bodies, and disposed by GOD: 〈◊〉 remaineth in them no other joy of their posterity which succeed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth of pride in that stone, which sleepeth in the Wall of a King's Palace; nor any other sorrow for their poverty, than there doth of shame in that, which beareth up a Beggar's cottage. Nesciunt mortui, etiam sancti, quid agunt vivi, etiam 
S. Aug 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉.  eorum filij, quia animae mortuorum rebus viventium non intersunt. The dead though holy, know nothing of the living, not, not of their own children: for the souls of those departed, are not conversant with their affairs that remain. And if we doubt of Saint Augustine, we cannot of job; who tells us, That we know not if our sons 
job 1. 14. 21.  shall be honourable: neither shall we understand concerning them, whither they shallbe of low degree. Which Ecclesiastes also confirmeth: Man walketh in a shadow, and disquieteth himself in vain: he 
〈◊〉. 9 5. & 1. 2.  heapeth up riches, and cannot tell who shall gather them. The living (saith he) know that they shall die, but the dead know nothing at all: for who can show unto man, what shall be after him under the Sun? He therefore accounteth it among the rest of worldly vanities, to labour and travail in the world; not knowing after death, whither a fool or a wise man should enjoy the first-fruits thereof: which made me (saith he) endeavour even to abhor my own labour. And what can other men hope, whose blessed or sorrowful estates after death GOD hath reserved? man's knowledge lying but in his hope; seeing the Prophet Esai confesseth of the elect, That Abraham is ignorant of us, and Israel knows 
〈◊〉. 63. 16.  us not. But hereof we are assured, that the long and dark night of death: (of whose following day we shall never behold the dawn, till his return that hath triumphed over it) shall cover us over, till the world be no more. After which, and when we shall again receive Organs glorified and incorruptible, the seats of Angelical affections: in so great admiration shall the souls of the blessed be exercised, as they cannot admit the mixture of any second or less joy; nor any return of foregone and mortal affection towards friends, kindred, or children. Of whom whither we shall retain any particular knowledge, or in any sort distinguish them: no man can assure us; and the wisest men doubt. But on the contrary; If a divine life retain any of those faculties, which the soul exercised in a mortal body; we shall not at that time so divide the joys of Heaven, as to cast any part thereof on the memory of their felicities which remain in the World. Not; be their estates greater than ever the World gave, we shall by the difference known unto us) even detest their consideration. And whatsoever comfort shall remain of all forepast, the same will consist in the charity, which we exercised living: and in that Piety, Justice, and firm Faith, for which it pleased the infinite mercy of GOD to accept of us, and receive us. Shall we therefore value honour and riches at nothing? and neglect them, as unnecessary and vain? Certainly no. For that infinite wisdom of GOD, which hath distinguished his Angels by degrees: which hath given greater and less light and beauty, to Heavenly bodies: which hath made differences between beasts and birds: created the Eagle and the Fly, the Cedar and the Shrub: and among stones, given the fairest tincture to the Ruby, and the quickest light to the Diamond; hath also ordained Kings, Dukes or Leaders of the people, Magistrates, Judges, and other degrees among men. And as honour is left to posterity, for a mark and ensign of the virtue and understanding of their Ancestors: so, seeing Siracides preferreth Death before 
Sica. c. 40. 〈◊〉. 28  Beggary: and that titles, without proportionable estates, fall under the miserable succour of other men's pity; I account it foolishness to condemn such a care: Provided, that worldly goods be well gotten, and that we raise not our own buildings out of other men's ruins. For as Plato 
Pla. de leg. 1. 2. 6. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  doth first prefer the perfection of bodily health; secondly, the form and beauty; and thirdly, Divitias nulla fraud quaesitas: so Hieremie cries, Woe unto them that erect their houses by unrighteousness, and 
jer. 22. 13.  their chambers without equity: and Esai the same, Woe to those that spoil and were not spoiled. And it was out of the true wisdom of Solomon, that he commandeth us, not to drink the wine of violence; 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 18. 12.  not to lie in wait for blood; and not to swallow them up alive, 
〈◊〉. 23. 1. 3. 8. 9 〈◊〉. 9 8.  whose riches we covet: for such are the ways (saith he) of every one that is greedy of gain.  
And if we could afford ourselves but so much leisure as to consider, That he which hath most in the world, hath, in respect of the world, nothing in it: and that he which hath the longest time lent him to live in it, hath yet no proportion at all therein, setting it either by that which is past, when we were not, or by that time which is to come, in which we shall abide for ever: I say, if both, to with, our proportion in the world, and our time in the world, differ not much from that which is nothing; it is not out of any excellency of understanding, that we so much prize the one, which hath (in effect) no being: and so much neglect the other, which hath no ending: coveting those mortal things of the world, as if our souls were therein immortal, and neglecting those things which are immortal, as if ourselves after the world were but mortal.  
But let every man value his own wisdom, as he pleaseth. Let the Rich man think all fools, that cannot equal his abundance; the Revenger esteem all negligent, that have not trodden down their opposites; the Politician, all gross, that cannot merchandise their faith: Yet when we once come in sight of the Port of death, to which all winds drive us; and when by letting fall that fatal Anchor, which can never be weighed again, the Navigation of this life takes end: Than it is I say, that our 〈◊〉 cogitations (those sad and severe cogitations, formerly beaten from us by our Health and Felicity) return again, and pay us to the uttermost for all the pleasing passages of our lives past. It is then that we cry out to GOD, for mercy; then, when ourselves can no longer exercise cruelty towards others: and it is only then, that we are strucken through the soul with this terrible sentence, That GOD will not be mocked. For if 
Gala. 6. 7.  according to Saint Peter, The righteous scarcely be saved: and that 
Pet. 1. 4.  GOD spared not his Angels: where shall those appear, who, having served their appetites all their lives, presume to think, that the severe Commandments of the all-powerful GOD were given but in sport; and that the short breath, which we draw when death presseth us, if we can but fashion it to the sound of Mercy (without any kind of satisfaction or amendss) is sufficient? OH quam multi, saith areverend Father, Cum hac spe ad aeternos labores & bella descendunt: I confess that it is a great comfart to our friends, to have it said, that we ended well: for we all desire (as Balaam did) to die the death of the righteous. But what shall we call a disesteeming, an apposing, or (indeed) a mocking of GOD: if those men do not appose him, disesteem him, and mock him, that think it enough for GOD, to ask him forgiveness at leisure, with the remainder and last drawing of a malicious breath? For what do they otherwise, that die this kind of well-dying, but say unto GOD as follows? We beseech thee OH GOD, that all the falsehoods, for swear, and treacheries of our lives past, may be pleasing unto thee; that thou 〈◊〉 for our sakes (that have had no leisure to do any thing for thine) change thy nature (though impossible) and forget to be a just GOD; that thou wilt love injuries and oppressions, call ambition wisdom, and charity follisbnesse. For I shall prejudice my son (which I am resolved not to do) if I make restitution; and confess myself to have been unjust, (which I am too proud to do) if I deliver the oppressed. Certainly, these wise worldlings have either found 〈◊〉 a new GOD; or have made One: and in all likelihood such a Leaden One, as Lewis the eleventh ware in his Cap; which, when he had caused any that he feared, or hated, to be killed, he would take it from his head and kiss it: beseeching it to pardon him this one evil act more, and it should be the last, which, (as at other times) he did; when by the practice of a Cardinal and a falsified Sacrament, he caused the Earl of Armagnack to be stabbed to death; mockeries indeed fit to be used towards a Leaden, but not towards the everliving GOD. But of this composition are all the devout lovers of the World, that they fear all that is durelesse and ridiculous: they fear the plots and practices of their opposites, and their very whisperings: they fear the opinions of men which beaten but upon shadows: they flatter and forsake the prosperous and unprosperous, be they friends or Kings: yea they dive under water, like Ducks, at every pebble stone, that's but thrown towards them by a powerful hand: and on the contrary, they show an obstinate and Giantlike valour, against the terrible judgements of the all-powerful GOD: yea they show themselves Gods against GOD, and slaves towards men; towards men whose bodies and consciences are alike rotten.  
Now for the rest: If we truly examine the difference of both conditions; to wit, of the rich and mighty, whom we call fortunate; and of the poor and oppressed, whom we accounted wretched: we shall find the happiness of the one, and the miserable estate of the other, so tied by GOD to the very instant, and both so subject to interchange (witness the sudden downfall of the greatest Princes, and the speody uprising of the meanest persons) as the one hath nothing so certain, whereof to boast; nor the other so uncertain, whereof to bewail itself. For there is no man so assured of his honour, of his riches, health, or life; but that he may be deprived of either or all, the very next hour or day to come. Quid vesper vehat, incertum est, What the evening will bring with it, it is uncertain. And yet ye cannot tell (saith Faint james) what shalbe to morrow. 
jam. 4. 14.  To day he is set up; and to morrow he shall not be found: for he is turned into dust, and his purpose perisheth. And although the air which compasseth adversity, be very obscure: yet therein we better discern GOD, than in that shining light which environeth worldly glory; through which, for the clearness thereof, there is no vanity which escapeth our sight. And let adversity seem what it will; to happy men, ridiculous, who make themselves merry at other men's misfortunes; and to those under the cross, grievous: yet this is true, That for all that is past, to the very instant, the portions remaining are equal to either. For be it that we have lived many years, and (according to Solomon) in them all we have rejoiced; or be it that we have measured the same length of days, and therein have evermore sorrowed: yet looking back from our present being, we find both the one and the other, to with, the joy and the woe, sailed out of sight; and death, which doth pursue us and hold us in chase, from our infancy, hath gathered it. Quicquid aetatis retro est, mors tenet: Whatsoever of our age is past, death holds it. So as who-so-ever he be, to whom Fortune hath been a servant, and the Time a friend: let him but take the account of his memory (for we have no other keeper of our pleasures past) and truly examine what it hath reserved either of beauty and youth, or foregone delights; what it hath saved, that it might last, of his dearest affections, or of whatever else the amorous Springtime gave his thoughts of contentment, then unvaluable; and he shall find that all the art which his elder years have, can draw no other vapour out of these dissolutions, than heavy, secret, and sad sighs. He shall find nothing remaining, but those sorrows, which grow up after our fast-springing youth; overtake it, when it is at a stand; and overtop it utterly, when it begins to whither: in so much as looking back from the very instant time, and from our now being; the poor, diseased, and captive creature, hath as little sense of all his former miseries and pains; as he, that is most blessed in common opinion, hath of his forepassed pleasures and delights. For whatsoever is cast behind us, is just nothing: and what is to come, deceitful hope hath it. Omnia quae eventura sunt, in incerto jacent. Only those few black Swans I must except: who having had the grace to value worldly vanities at no more than their own price; do, by retaining the comfortable memory of a well acted life, behold death without dread, and the grave without fear; and embrace both, as necessary guides to endless glory.  
For myself, this is my consolation, and all that I can offer to others, that the sorrows of this life, are but of two sorts: whereof the one hath respect to GOD; the other, to the World. In the first we complain to GOD against ourselves, for our offences against him; and confess, Et tu justus es in omnibus quae venerunt super nos, And thou OH Lord art just in all that hath befallen us. In the second we complain to ourselves against GOD: as if he had done us wrong, either in not giving us worldly goods and honours, answering our appetites: or for taking them again from us having had them; forgetting that humble and just acknowledgement of job, The Lord hath given, and the Lord hath taken. To the first of which Saint Paul hath promised blessedness; to the second, death. And out of doubt he is either a fool or ungrateful to GOD, or both, that doth not acknowledge, how mean soever his estate be, that the same is yet far greater, than that which God oweth him: or doth 〈◊〉 acknowledge, how sharp soever his afflictions be, that the same are yet far less, than those which are due unto him. And if an Heathen wise man call the adversities of the world but tributa vivendi, the tributes of living: a wise Christian man aught to know them, and bear them, but as the tributes of offending. He aught to bear them manlike, and resolvedly; & not as those whining soldiers do, qui gementes sequuntur imperatorem,  
For seeing God, who is the Author of all our tragedies, hath written out for us, and appointed us all the parts we are to play: and hath not, in their distribution, been partial to the most mighty Princes of the world; That gave unto Darius the part of the greatest Emperor, and the part of the most miserable beggar, a beggar begging water of an Enemy, to quench the great drought of death; That appointed Bajazet to play the Gran signor of the Turks in the morning, and in the same day the Footstool of Tamerlane (both which parts Valerian had also played, being taken by Sapores) that made Bellisarius play the most victorious Captain, and lastly the part of a blind beggar; of which examples many thousands may be produced: why should other men, who are but as the lest worms, complain of wrongs? Certainly there is no other account to be made of this ridiculous world, than to resolve, That the change of fortune on the great Theatre, is but as the change of garments on the less. For when on the one and the other, every man wears but his own skin; the Players are all alike. Now if any man, out of weakness, prize the passages of this world otherwise (for saith Petrarch, Magni ingenij est revocare mentem a sensibus) it is by reason of that unhappy fantasy of ours, which forgeth in the brains of Man all the miseries (the corpor all excepted) whereunto he is subject: Therein it is, that Misfortune and Adversity work all that they work. For seeing Death, in the end of the Play, takes from all, whatsoever Fortune or Force takes from any one: it were a foolish madness in the shipwreck of worldly things, where all sinks but the Sorrow, to save it. That were, as Seneca saith, Fortunae succumbere, quod tristius est omni fato, to fall under Fortune, of all other the most miserable destiny.  
But it is now time to sounded a retreat; and to desire to be excused of this long pursuit: and withal, that the good intent, which hath moved me to draw the picture of time past (which we call History) in so large a table, may also be accepted in place of a better reason.  
The examples of divine providence, every where found (the first divine Histories being nothing else but a continuation of such examples) have persuaded me to fetch my beginning from the beginning of all things; to wit, Creation. For though these two glorious actions of the Almighty be so near, and (as it were) linked together, that the one necessarily implieth the other: Creation, inferring Providence: (for what father for saketh the child that he hath begotten?) and Providence presupposing Creation) Yet many of those that have seemed to excel in worldly wisdom, have go about to 〈◊〉 this coherence; the Epicure denying both Creation and Providence, but granting that the world had a Beginning; the Aristotelian granting Providence, but denying both the Creation and the Beginning.  
Now although this doctrine of Faith, touching the Creation in time (for by Faith we understand, that the world was made by the word of God) be too weighty a work for Aristotle's rotten ground to bear up, upon which he hath (notwithstanding) founded the Defences & Fortresses of all his Verbal Doctrine: Yet that the necessity of infinite power, and the world's beginning, and the impossibility of the contrary even in the judgement of Natural reason, wherein he believed, had not better informed him; it is greatly to be marveled at. And it is no less strange, that those men which are 〈◊〉 of knowledge (seeing Aristotle hath failed in this main point; and taught little other than terms in the rest) have so retrencht their minds from the following and overtaking of truth, and so absolutely subjecteth themselves to the law of those Philosophical principles; as all contrary kind of teaching, in the search of causes, they have condemned either for fantastical, or curious. But doth it follow, that the positions of Heathen Philosophers, are undoubted grounds and principles indeed, because so called? Or that ipsi dixerunt, doth make them to be such? certainly no. But this is true, That where natural reason hath built any thing so strong against itself, as the same reason can hardly assail it, much less batter it down: the same in every question of Nature, and finite power, may be approved for a fundamental law of human knowledge. For saith Charron in his book of wisdom, Tout proposition humane a autant d'authoritè quel'autre, 
Charrou de Sagesse.  sila raison n'on fait la difference; Every human proposition hath equal authority, if reason make not the difference, the rest being but the fables of principles. But hereof how shall the upright and unpartial judgement of man give a sentence, where opposition and examination are not admitted to give in evidence? And to this purpose it was well said of Lactantius, Sapientiam sibi adimunt, qui sine ullo judicio inventa 
Lact. de orig: Erroris. l. 2. c. 8.  maiorum probant, & ab alijs pecudum more ducuntur: They neglect their own wisdom, who without any judgement approve the invention of those that forwent them; and suffer themselves, after the manner of Beasts, to be led by them. By the advantage of which sloth and dullness, ignorance is now become so powerful a Tyrant: as it hath set true Philosophy, Physic, and Divinity, in a Pillory; and written over the first, Contra negantem Principia; over the second, Vertus specifica; and over the third, Ecclesia Romana.  
But for myself, I shall never be persuaded, that GOD hath shut up all light of Learning within the lantern of Aristotle's brains: or that it was ever said unto him, as unto Esdras, Accendam in cord tuo Lucernam intellectus: that GOD hath given invention but to the Heathen; and that they only have invaded Nature, and found the strength and bottom thereof; the same Nature having consumed all her store, and left nothing of price to after-ages. That these and these be the causes of these and these effects, Time hath taught us; and not reason: and so hath experience, without Art The Cheese-wife knoweth it as well as the Philosopher, that sour Rennet doth coagulate her milk into a curd. But if we ask a reason of this cause, why the sourness doth it? whereby it doth it? and the manner how? I think that there is nothing to be found in vulgar Philosophy, to satisfy this and many other like vulgar questions. But man to cover his ignorance in the lest things, who cannot give a true reason for the Grass under his feet, why it should be green rather than read, or of any other colour; that could never yet discover the way and reason of Natures working, in those which are far less noble creatures than himself; who is far more Noble than the Heavens themselves: Man 
Solomon 1. 9  (saith Solomon) that can hardly discern the things that are upon the Earth, and with great labour find out the things that are before us; that hath so short a time in the world, as he no sooner begins to learn, than to die; that hath in his memory but borrowed knowledge; in his understanding, nothing truly; that is ignorant of the Essence of his own soul, and which the wisest of the Naturalists (if Aristotle be he) could never so much as define; but by the Action and effect, telling us what it works (which all men know as well as he) but not what it is, which neither he, nor any else, doth know, but GOD that created it; (for though I were perfect, yet I know not my soul, saith job.) Man I say, that is but an Idiot in the next cause of his own life, and in the cause of all the actions of his life: will (notwithstanding) examine the Art of GOD in creating the World; of GOD, who (saith job) is so excellent as we know 
job 26.  him not; and examine the beginning of the work, which had end before Mankind had a beginning of being. He will disable GOD'S power to make a world, without matter to make it of. He will rather give the moths of the Air for a cause; cast the work on necessity or chance; bestow the honour thereof on Nature; make two powers, the one to be the Author of the Matter, the other of the Form; and lastly, for want of a workman, have it Eternal: which latter opinion Aristotle, to make himself the Author of a new Doctrine, brought into the World: and his Sectatours have maintained it; parati ac coniurati, quos sequuntur, Philosophorum animis invictis opiniones tueri. For Hermes, who lived at once with, or soon after, Moses, Zoroaster, Musaeus, Orpheus, Linus, Anaximenes, 
Lact. 5.  Anaxagoras, Empedocles, Melissus, Pherecydes, Thales, Cleanthes, Pythagoras, Plato, and many others (whose opinions are exquisitely gathered by Steuchius Eugubinus) found in the necessity of invincible reason, One eternal and infinite Being, to be the Parent of the universal. Horum omnium sententia quamuis sit incerta, eodemtamen spectat, ut Providentiam unam esse consentiant: sive enim Natura, sive Aether, sive Ratio, sive mens, sive fatalis necessitas, sive divina Lex; idem esse quod a nobis dicitur Deus: All these men's opinions (saith Lactantius) though uncertain, come to this; That they agreed upon one Providence; whither the same be Nature, or light, or Reason, or understanding, or destiny, or divine ordinance; that it is the same which we call GOD. Certainly, as all the Rivers in the world, though they have diversrisings, and divers run; though they some times hide themselves for a while under ground, and seem to be lost in Sealike Lakes; do at last find, and fall into the great Ocean: so after all the searches that humane capacity hath; and after all Philosophical contemplation and curiosity; in the necessity of this infinite power, all the reason of man ends and dissolves itself.  
As for others; and first touching those, which conceive the matter of the World to have been eternal, and that God did not created the World ex nihilo, but ex materiâ praeexistente: the Supposition is so weak, as is hardly worth the answering. For (saith Eusebius) Mihi videntur qui hoc dicunt, 
Euseh: de prep. evang. l. 7. c. 8.  fortunam quoque Deo annectere, They seem unto me, which affirm this, to give part of the work to God, and part to Fortune: insomuch as if God had not found this first matter by chance; He had neither been Author, nor Father, nor Creator, nor Lord of the Universal. For were the Matter or Chaos, eternal: it then follows, That either this supposed Matter did fit itself to God; or God, accommodate himself to the matter. For the first; it is impossible, that things without sense could proportion themselves to the Workman's will. For the second; it were horrible to conceive of God, That as an Artificer he applied himself, according to the proportion of Matter which he lighted upon.  
But let it be supposed, That this matter had been made by any Power, not Omnipotent, and infinitely wise: I would gladly learn how it come to pass, that the same was proportionable to his intention, that was Omnipotent and infinitely wise; and no more, nor no less, than served to receive the form of the Universal. For, had it wanted any thing of what was sufficient; then must it be granted, That God created out of nothing so much of new matter, as served to finish the work of the World: Or had there been more of this matter, than sufficed; then God did dissolve and annihilate whatsoever remained and was superfluous. And this must every reasonable soul confess, That it is the same work of God alone, to created any thing out of nothing, And by the same art and power, and by noon other, can those things, or any part of that eternal matter, be again changed into Nothing; by which those things, that once were nothing, obtained a beginning of being.  
Again, to say that this matter was the cause of itself; this, of all other, were the greatest idiotism. For, if it were the cause of itself at any time; then there was also a time when itself was not: at which time of not being, it is easy enough to conceive, that it could neither produce itself, nor anything else. For to be, and not to be, at once, is impossible. Nihil autêm seipsum praecedit, neque seipsum componit corpus. There is nothing that doth precede itself, neither do bodies compound themselves.  
For the rest; Those that feign this matter to be eternal, must of necessity confess, that Infinite cannot be separate from Eternity. And then had infinite matter left no place for infinite form, but that the first matter was finite, the form which it received proves it. For conclusion of this part; who-so-ever will make choice, rather to believe in eternal deformity, or in eternal dead matter, than in eternal light and eternal life: let eternal death be his reward. For it is a madness of that kind, as wanteth terms to express it. For what reason of man (whom the curse of presumption hath not stupefied) hath doubted, That infinite power (of which we can comprehend but a kind of shadow, quia comprehensio est intra terminos, qui infinito repugnant) hath any thing wanting in itself, either for matter or form; yea for as many worlds (if such had been GOD'S will) as the Sea hath sands? For where the power is without limitation; the work hath no other limitation, than the workman's william. Yea Reason itself finds it more easy for infinite power, to deliver from itself a finite world, without the help of matter prepared; than for a finite man, a fool and dust, to change the for me of matter made to his hands. They are Dionysius his words, Deus in una existentia omnia praehabet: and again, Esse omnium est ipsa Divinitas, omne quod vides, & quod non vides; to wit, causaliter, or in better terms, non tanquam forma, sed tanquam causa universalis. Neither hath the world universal closed up all of GOD: For the most parts of his works (saith 〈◊〉) are 
Cap. 16. v. 211  hid. Neither can the depth of his wisdom be opened, by the glorious work of the world: which never brought to knowledge all it can; for then were his infinite power bounded, and made finite. And here of it comes; That we seldom entitle GOD the all-shewing, or the all-willing; but the almighty, that is, infinitely able.  
But now for those, who from that ground, That out of nothing nothing is made, infer the World's eternity; and yet not so salvage therein, as those are, which give an eternal being to dead matter: It is true, if the word (nothing) be taken in the affirmative; and the making, imposed upon Natural Agents and finite power; That out of nothing, nothing is made. But seeing their great Doctor Aristotle himself confesseth, quod omnes antiqui decreverunt quasi quoddam rerum principium, ipsumque infinitum, That all the ancient decree a kind of beginning, and the same to be infinite: and a little after, more largely and plainly, Principium eius est nullum, sed ipsum omnium cernitur esle principium, 
Steuc. Eug. l. 3. c. 9 ex Arist: Phys. 3. 20.  ac omnia complecti ac regere: it is strange that this Philosopher, with his followers, should rather make choice out of falsehood, to conclude falsely; than out of truth, to resolve truly. For if we compare the world Universal, and all the unmeasurable Orbs of Heaven, and those marvelous bodies of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, with ipsum infinitum: it may truly be said of them all, which himself affirmeth of his imaginary Materia prima, That they are neither quid, quale, nor quantum; and therefore to bring finite (which hath no proportion with infinite) out of infinite (qui destruit omnem proportionem) is no wonder in GOD'S power. And therefore Anaximander, Melissus, and Empedocles, call the world universal, but particulam Vniversitatis and infinitatis, a parcel of that which is the universality and the infinity itself; and Plato, but a shadow of GOD. But the other, to prove the world's eternity, urgeth this Maxim, That, A sufficient and effectual cause being granted, an answerable effect thereof is also granted: inferring, that GOD being for ever a sufficient and effectual cause of the world, the effect of the cause should also have been for ever; to wit, the world universal. But what a strange mockery is this in so great a Master, to confess a sufficient and effectual cause of the world, (to wit, an almighty GOD) in his Antecedent; and the same GOD to be a GOD restrained in his conclusion; to make GOD free in power, and bound in will; able to effect, unable to determine; able to make all things, and yet unable to make choice of the time when? For this were impiously to resolve of GOD, as of natural necessity; which hath neither choice, nor will, nor understanding; which cannot but work matter being present; as fire, to burn things combustible.  
Again he thus disputeth, That every Agent which can work, and doth not work: if it afterwards work, it is either thereto moved by itself, or by somewhat else; and so it passeth from power to Act. But GOD (saith he) is immovable, and is neither moved by himself, nor by any other; but being always the same, doth always work: Whence he concludeth, if the world were caused by GOD, that he was for ever the cause thereof; and therefore eternal. The answer to this is very 〈◊〉, For that GOD'S performing in due time that, which he ever determined at length to perform, doth not argue any alteration or change, but rather constancy in him. For the same action of his will, which made the world for ever, did also withhold the effect to the time ordained. To this answer, in itself sufficient, others add further, that the pattern or Image of the World may be said to be eternal: which the Platonics call, spiritualem mundum; and do in this sort distinguish the Idea and Creation in time. Spiritualis ille mundus, mundi huius exemplar, primumque Dei opus, vita 
Mor. Ficin. de immort. 〈◊〉. l. 18. c. 1.  aequali est Architecto; fuit semper cum illo, erit que semper. Mundus autem corporalis, quod secundum opus est Dei, decedit iam ab opifice ex part una, quia non fuit semper; retinet alteram, quia sit semper futurus. That representative, or the intentional world (say they) the sampler of this visible world, the first work of GOD, was equally ancient with the Architect; for it was for ever with him, and ever shalbe. This material world, the second work or creature of GOD, doth differ from the worker in this, That it was not from 〈◊〉, and in this it doth agreed, that it shall be for ever to come. The first point, That it was not for ever, all Christians confess: The other they understand no otherwise, than that after the consummation of this World, there shall be a new Heaven and a new Earth; without any new creation of matter. But of these things we need not here stand to argue: though such opinions be not unworthy the propounding; in this 〈◊〉 ation, of an eternal and unchangeable cause, producing a changeable and temporal effect. Touching which point Proclus the Platonist disputeth, That the compounded essence of the World (and because compounded, therefore dissipable) is continued, and knit to the Divine Being, by an individual and inseparable power, flowing from divine unity; and that the World's natural appetite of GOD showeth, that the same proceedeth from a goodness and understanding divine; and that this virtue, by which the World is continued and knit together, must be infinite, that it may infinitely and everlastingly continued and preserve the same. Which infinite Virtue, the finite World (saith he) is not capable of, but receiveth it from the divine infinite, according to the temporal Nature it hath, successively every moment by little and little; even as the whole Material World is not altogether: but the abolished parts are departed by small degrees, and the parts yet to come, do by the same small degrees succeed; as the shadow of a tree in a River, seemeth to have continued the same a long time in the water, but it is perpetually renewed, in the continual ebbing and flowing thereof.  
But to return to them, which denying that ever the World had any beginning, withal deny that ever it shall have any end; and to this purpose affirm, That it was never heard, never read, never seen, not not by any reason perceived, that the Heavens have ever suffered corruption; or that they appear any way the Elder by continuance; or in any sort otherwise than they were; which 〈◊〉 they been subject to final corruption, some change would have been discerned in so long a time: To this it is answered, That the 〈◊〉 change as yet perceived, doth rather prove their newness, and that they have not continued so long; than that they will continued for ever as they are. And if coniectur all arguments may receive answer by conjectures: it then seemeth that some alteration may be found. For either Aristotle, Pliny, Strabo, Beda, Aquinas, and others, were grossly 
〈◊〉. Met. 2. Plin. l. 2 c. 8. Strab. l. 3.  mistaken: or else those parts of the world, lying within the burnt Zone, were not in elder times habitable, by reason of the suns heat; neither 
Beda de 〈◊〉 tem. 11. c. 32.  were the Seas, under the Equinoctial, navigable. But we know by 
Thom. 1. p. q. 102. art. 2.  experience, that those Regions, so 〈◊〉, are filled with people, and exceeding temperate; and the Sea, over which we Navigate, passable enough. We read also many Histories of deluges: and how that in the time of 〈◊〉, divers places in the world were burnt up, by the suns violent heat.  
But in a Word, this observation is exceeding feeble. For we know it for certain, That stonewalls, of matter moldring and friable, have stood two, or three thousand years: that many things have been digged up out of the earth, of that depth, as supposed to have been buried by the general flood; without any alteration either of substance or figure, yea it is believed, and it is very probable, that the gold which is daily found in Mynes, and Rocks, under ground, was created together with the Earth.  
And if bodies elementary, and compounded, the eldest times have not invaded and corrupted: what great alteration should we look for in 〈◊〉 and quintessentiall bodies? And yet we have reason to think, that the Sun, by whose help all Creatures are generate, doth not in these latter Ages assist Nature, as heretofore. We have neither Giants, such as the eldest world had: nor mighty men, such as the elder world had; but all things in general are reputed of less virtue, which from the Heavens receive virtue. Whence, if the nature of a Preface would permit a larger discourse, we might 〈◊〉 fetch store of proof; as that this world shall at length have end, as that once it had beginning.  
And I see no good answer that can be made to this objection: If the World were eternal; why not all things in the World Eternal? If there were no first, no cause, no Father, no Creator, no incomprehensible wisdom, but that every Nature had been alike eternal; and Man more rational than every other Nature: Why had not the eternal reason of Man, provided for his eternal being in the World? For if all were equal: why not equal conditions to all? why should heavenly bodies live for ever; and the bodies of Men 〈◊〉 and die?  
Again, who was it that appointed the Earth to keep the centre, and gave Order that it should hung in the Air: that the Sun should travail between the Tropics, and never exceed those bounds, nor 〈◊〉 to perform that Progress once in every year: the Moon to live by borrowed light: the first Stars (according to common opinion) to be fastened like Nails in a Cart wheel; and the Planets to wander at their pleasure? Or if noon of these had power over other: was it out of Charity and Love, that the Sun by his perpetual travail within those two Circles, hath visited, given light unto, and relieved all parts of the Earth, and the Creatures therein, by turns and times? Out of doubt, if the Sun have of his own accord kept this course in all eternity: He may justly be called eternal Charity, and everlasting love. The same may be said of all the Stars: 〈◊〉 being all of them most large and clear fountains of virtue and operation, may also be called eternal virtues: the Earth may be called eternal patience; the Moon, an eternal borrower and beggar; and Man of all other the most miserable, eternally mortal. And what were this, but to believe again in the old Play of the gods? Yea in more gods by Million, than ever Hefiodus dreamt of. But in steed of this mad folly, we see it well enough with our feeble and mortal eyes: and the eyes of our reason discern it better; That the Sun, Moon, Stars, and the Earth, are limited, bounded, and constrained: 〈◊〉 they have not constrained, nor could. Omne determinatum causam habet aliquam efficientem, quae illud determinaverit, Every thing bounded hath some efficient cause, by which it is bounded.  
Now for Nature; As by the ambiguity of this name, the school of Aristotle hath both commended many errors unto us, and sought also thereby to obscure the glory of the high Moderator of all things, shining in the Creation, and in the governing of the World: so if the best definition be taken out of the second of Aristotle's physics, or primo de Caelo, or out of the fifth of his Metaphysics; I say that the best is but nominal, and serving only to difference the beginning of Natural motion, from Artificial: which yet the Academics open better, when they call it A Seminary strength, infused into matter by the Soul of the World: 〈◊〉 give the first place to Providence, the second to Fate, and but the third to Nature. Providentia (by which they understand GOD) dux & caput; Fatum, medium ex providentia prodiens; Natura postremum. But be it what he will, or be it any of these (GOD excepted) or participating of all: yet that it hath choice or understanding (both which are necessarily in the cause of all things) no man hath avowed. For this is unanswerable of Lactantius, Is autem facit aliquid, qui aut voluntatem faciendi habet, aut scientiam; He only can be said to be the doer of a thing, that hath either will or knowledge in the doing it.  
But the will and science of Nature, are in these words truly expressed by Ficinus: Potest ubique Natura, vel per diversa media, vel ex diversis 
Ficin: in Plat.  materijs, diversa facere: sublata vero mediorum materiarumque diversitate, vel unicum vel similimum operatur, neque potest quando adest materia non operari; It is the power of Nature by diversity of means, or out of diversity of matter, to produce divers things: but taking away the diversity of means, and the diversity of matter, it then works but one or the like work; neither can it but work, matter being present. Now if Nature made choice of 〈◊〉 of matter, to work all these variable works of Heaven and Earth, it had then both understanding and will; it had counsel to begin; reason to dispose; virtue and knowledge to finish; and power to govern: without which, all things had been but one and the same: all of the matter 〈◊〉 Heaven; or all of the matter of Earth. And if we grant Nature this will, and this understanding, this counsel, reason, and power: Cur Natura potius quam Deus nominetur? Why should we then call such a cause rather Nature, than God? 
Lact. de ira Dei. 〈◊〉. 1. c. 10.  God, of whom all men have notion, and give the first and highest place to Divine power: Omnes homines notionem deorum habent, omnesque 
Arist. l. 1. de 〈◊〉. c. 3. T. 22.  summum locum divino cuidam numini assignant. And this I say in short; that it is a true effect of true reason in man (were there no authority more binding than reason) to acknowledge and adore the first and most sublime power. Vera Philosophia, est ascensus ab his quae fluunt, & oriuntur, & occidunt, ad ea quae vere sunt, & semper eadem: True Philosophy, is an ascending from the things which flow, and rise, and fall, to the things that are for ever the same.  
For the rest, I do also accounted it not the meanest, but an impiety monstrous, to confounded God and Nature: be it but in terms. For it is God, that only disposeth of all things according to his own will; and maketh of one Earth, Vessels of honour and dishonour. It is Nature that can dispose of nothing, but according to the will of the matter wherein it worketh. It is God, that commandeth all: It is Nature that is obedient to all. It is God that doth good unto all, knowing and loving the good he doth: It is Nature, that secondarily doth also good, but it neither knoweth nor loveth the good it doth. It is God, that hath all things in himself: Nature, nothing in itself. It is God, which is the Father, and hath begotten all things: It is Nature, which is begotten by all things; in which it liveth and laboureth; for by itself it existeth not. For shall we say, that it is out of affection to the earth, that heavy things fall towards it? Shall we call it Reason, which doth conduct every River into the salt Sea? Shall we term it knowledge in fire, that makes it to consume combustible matter? If it be Affection, Reason, and Knowledge in these: by the same Affection, Reason, and Knowledge it is, that Nature worketh. And therefore seeing all things work as they do, (call it by form, by Nature, or by what you please) yet because they work by an impulsion, which they cannot resist; or by a faculty, infused by the sepremest power: we are neither to wonder at, nor to worship, the faculty that worketh, nor the Creature wherein it worketh. But herein lies the wonder: and to him is the worship due, who hath created such a Nature in things, and such a faculty, as neither knowing itself, the matter wherein it worketh, nor the virtue and power which it hath; doth yet work all things to their last and uttermost perfection. And therefore every reasonable man, taking to himself for a ground that which is granted by all Antiquity, and by all men truly learned that ever the world had; to wit; That there is a power infinite, and eternal (which also necessity doth prove unto us, without the help of Faith; and Reason, without the force of Authority) all things do as easily follow which have been delivered by 〈◊〉 letters, as the waters of a running River do successively pursue each other from the first fountains.  
This much I say it is, that Reason itself hath taught us: and this is the beginning of knowledge. Sapientia praecedit, Religio sequitur: quia 
Lact. l. 4. c. 4. de 〈◊〉 Sapientia.  prius est Deum scire, consequens colere; Sapience goes before, Religion follows: because it is first to know God, and then to worship 〈◊〉. This Sapience Plato calleth, absoluti boni scientiam, The science of the absolute good: and another, scientiam rerum primarum, sempiternarum, perpetuarum. 
〈◊〉 de defin . For Faith (saith I sidore) is not extorted by violence; but by reason and examples persuaded: fides nequaquam vi extorquetur; sed ratione & exemplis sua detur. I confess it, That to inquire further, as of the essence of God, of his power, of his Art, and by what mean He created the world: Or of his secret judgement, and the causes; is not an effect of Reason: Sed cum ratione insaniunt, but they grow mad with reason, that inquire after it: For as it is no shame nor dishonour (saith a French Author) de fair arrest au but qu'on nasceu surpasser, For a man to rest himself there, where he finds it impossible to pass on further: so whatsoever is beyond, and out of the reach of true reason, It acknowledgeth it to be so; as understanding itself not to be infinite, but according to the Name and Nature it hath, 
Quod est 〈◊〉 & non secundum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non continetur 〈◊〉 scientia. Arist. poster.  to be a Teacher, that best knows the end of his own Art For seeing both Reason and Necessity teach us (Reason, which is pars divini spiritus in corpus humanum mersi) that the world was made by a power infinite; and yet how it was made, it cannot teach us: and seeing the same Reason and Necessity make us know, that the same infinite power is every where in the world; and yet how every where, it cannot inform us: our belief hereof is not weakened, but greatly strengthened, by our ignorance; because it is the same Reason that tells us, That such a Nature cannot be said to be God, that can be in all conceived by man.  
I have been already overlong, to make any large discourse either of the parts of the following Story, or in my own excuse: especially in the excuse of this or that passage; seeing the whole is exceeding weak and defective. Among the grossest, the unsuitable division of the books, I could not know how to excuse, had I not been directed to enlarge the building after the foundation was laid, and the first part finished. All men know that there is no great Art in the dividing evenly of those things, which are subject to number and measure. For the rest, it suits well enough with a great many Books of this age, which speak too much, and yet say little; Ipsi nobis furto subducimur, We are stolen away from ourselves, setting a high price on all that is our own. But hereof, though a late good Writer, make complaint, yet shall it not lay hold on me, because I believe as he doth; that who so thinks himself the wisest man, is but a poor and miserable ignorant. Those that are the best men of war, against all the vanities and fooleries of the World, do always keep the strongest guards against themselves, 〈◊〉 defend them from themselves, from self love, self estimation, and self opinion.  
Generally concerning the order of the work, I have only taken counsel from the Argument. For of the Assyrians, which after the downfall of Babel take up the first part, and were the first great Kings of the World, there come little to the view of posterity: some few enterprises, greater in fame than faith, of Ninus and Semiramis excepted.  
It was the story of the Hebrews, of all before the Olympiads, that overcame the consuming disease of time; and 〈◊〉 itself, from the very cradle and beginning to this day: and yet not so entire, but that the large discourses thereof (to which in many Scriptures we are referred) are no where found. The Fragments of other Stories, with the actions of those Kings and Princes which shot up here and there in the same time, I am driven to relate by way of digression: of which we may say with Virgil.  Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto; They appear here and there floating in the great gulf of time. 
To the same first Ages do belong the report of many Inventions therein found, and from them derived to us; though most of the Authors Names, have perished in so long a Navigation. For those Ages had their Laws; they had diversity of Government; they had Kingly rule; Nobility, Policy in war; Navigation; and all, or the most of needful Trades. To speak therefore of these (seeing in a general History we should have left a great deal of Nakedness, by their omission) it cannot properly be called a digression. True it is that I have also made many others: which if they shall be laid to my charge, I must cast the fault into the great heap of human error. For seeing we digress in all the ways of our lives: yea, seeing the life of man is nothing else but digression; I may the better be excused, in writing their lives and actions. I am not altogether ignorant in the Laws of History, and of the Kinds.  
The same hath been taught by many; but by no man better, and with greater brevity, than by that excellent learned Gentleman Sir Francis Bacon. Christian Laws are also taught us by the Prophets and Apostles; and every day preached unto us. But we still make large digressions: yea the teachers themselves do not (in all) keep the path which they point out to others.  
For the rest; after such time as the Persians' had wrested 〈◊〉 Empire from the Chaldaeans, and had raised a great Monarchy, producing Actions of more importance than were elsewhere to be found: it was agreeable to the Order of Story, to attended this Empire; whilst it so flourished, that the affairs of the nations adjoining had reference thereunto. The like observance was to be used towards the fortunes of Greece, when they again began to get ground upon the Persians', as also towards the affairs of Rome, when the Romans grew more mighty than the Greeks'.  
As for the Medes, the Macedonians, the Sicilians, the Carthaginians, and other Nations, who resisted the beginnings of the former Empires, and afterwards become but parts of their composition and enlargement: it seemed best to remember what was known of them from their sever all beginnings, in such times and places, as they in their flourishing estates opposed those Monarchies; which in the end swallowed them up. And herein I have followed the best Geographers: who seldom give names to those small brooks, whereof many, joined together, make great Rivers; till such time as they become united, and run in a main stream to the Ocean Sea. If the Phrase be weak, and the Style not everywhere like itself: the first, shows their legitimation and true Parent; the second will excuse itself upon the Variety of Matter. For Virgil, who wrote his Eclogues, gracili avena, used stronger pipes, when he sounded the wars of Aeneas. It may also be laid to my charge that I use divers Hebrew words in my first book, and elsewhere: in which language others may think, and I myself acknowledge it, that I am altogether ignorant: but it is true, that some of them I find in Montanus; others in lattaine Carecter in S. Senensis, and of the rest I have borrowed the interpretation of some of my learned friends. But say I had been beholding to neither, yet were it not to be wondered at, having had a eleven years leisure, to attain the knowledge of that, or of any other tongue; howsoever, I know that it will be said by many, That I might have been more pleasing to the Reader, if I had written the Story of my own times; having been permitted to draw water as near the Wellhead as another. To this I answer, that who-so-ever in writing a modern History, shall follow truth too near the heels, it may happily strike out his teeth. There is no Mistress or Guide, that hath led her followers and servants into greater miseries. He that goes after her too far off, loseth her sight, and loseth himself: and he that walks after her at a middle distance; I know not whither I should call that kind of course Temper or Baseness. It is true, that I never travailed after men's opinions, when I might have made the best use of them: and I have now too few days remaining, to imitate those, that either out of extreme ambition, or extreme cowardice, or both, do yet, (when death hath them on his shoulders) flatter the world, between the bed and the grave. It is enough for me (being in that state I am) to writ of the eldest times: wherein also why may it not be said, that in speaking of the past, I point at the present, and tax the vices of those that are yet living, in their persons that are long since dead; and have it laid to my charge? But this I cannot help, though innocent. And certainly if there be any, that finding themselves spotted like the Tigers of old time, shall find fault with me for painting them over a new; they shall therein accuse themselves justly, and me falsely.  
For I protest before the Majesty of GOD, That I malice no man under the Sun. Impossible I know it is to please all: seeing few or noon are so pleased with themselves, or so assured of themselves, by reason of their subjection to their private passions; but that they seem divers persons in one and the same day. Seneca hath said it, and so do I: unus mihi pro populo erat: and to the same effect Epicurus, Hoc ego non multis sed 〈◊〉; or (as it hath since lamentably fallen out) I may borrow the resolution of an ancient Philosopher, Satis est unus, Satis est nullus. For it was for the service of that inestimable Prince Henry, the successive hope, and one of the greatest of the Christian World, that I undertook this Worke. It pleased him to peruse some part thereof, and to pardon what was amiss. It is now left to the world without a Master: from which all that is presented, hath received both blows and thanks. Eadem probamus, eadem reprehendimus: hic exitus est omnis judicij, in quo lis secundum plures datur. But these discourses are idle. I know that as the charitable will judge charitably: so against those, qui gloriantur in malitia, my present adversity hath disarmed me. I am on the ground already; and therefore have not far to fall: and for rising again, as in the Natural privation there is no recession to habit; so it is seldom seen in the privation politic. I do therefore forbear to style my Readers Gentle, Courteous, and Friendly, thereby to beg their good opinions, or to promise' a second and third volume (which I also intent) if the first receive grace and good acceptance. For that which is already done, may be thought enough; and too much: and it is certain, let us claw the Reader with never so many courteous phrases; yet shall we evermore be thought fools, that writ foolishly. For conclusion; all the hope I have lies in this, That I have already found more ungentle and uncourteous Readers of my Love towards them, and well-deserving of them, than ever I shall do again. For had it been otherwise, I should hardly have had this leisure, to have made myself a fool in print.   


THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS, PARAGRAPHES, AND SECTIONS, OF THE FIRST BOOK OF THE FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD.  

CHAPTER I Of the Creation, and Preservation of the World.  
§. I THat the invisible God is seen in his Creatures.  
§. II That the wisest of the Heathen, whose authority is not to be despised, have acknowledged the World to have been created by God.  
§. III Of the meaning of In principio, Gen. 1. 1.  
§. FOUR Of the meaning of the words [Heaven and Earth,] Gen. 1. 1.  
§. V That the substance of the Waters, as mixed in the body of the Earth, is by Moses understood in the Word [Earth:] and that the Earth, by the Attributes of unformed and Voided, is described as the Chaos of the ancient Heathen.  
§. VI How it is to be understood, that the Spirit of God moved upon the waters: and that this is not to be searched curiously.  
§. VII. Of the Light created, as the material substance of the Sun: and of the nature of it, and difficulty of knowledge of it: and of the excellency and use of it: and of motion, and heat annexed unto it.  
§. VIII. Of the Firmament, and of the Waters above the Firmament: and whither there be any Cristaline Heaven, or any Primum Mobile.  
§. IX.. A conclusion, repeating the sum of the works in the Creation, which are reduced to three heads: The creation of matter; The forming of it; The finishing of it.  
§. X. That Nature is no Principium per se; nor Form, the giver of being: and of our ignorance, how second causes should have any proportion with their effects.  
§. XI. Of Fate; and that the Stars have great influence: and that their operations may diversly be prevented or furthered.  
§. XII. Of Prescience.  
§. XIII. Of Providence.  
§. XIIII. Of Predestination.  
§. XU Of Fortune: and of the reason of some things that seem to be by Fortune, and against Reason and Providence.   

CHAP. II Of Man's estate in his first Creation; and of God's rest.  
§. I OF the Image of God according to which Man was first created.  
§. II Of the intellectual mind of Man, in which there is much of the Image of God: and that this Image is much deformed by sin.  
§. III Of our base and frail bodies: and that the care thereof should yield to the immortal Soul.  
§. FOUR Of the Spirit of life which God breathed into Man in his Creation.  
§. V That Man is (as it were) a little World: with a digression touching our mortality.  
§. VI Of the free power, which Man had in his first Creation to dispose of himself.  
§. VII. Of God's ceasing to created any more: and of the cause thereof, because the universal created was exceeding good.   

CHAP. III Of the place of Paradise.  
§. I THat the seat of Paradise is greatly mistaken: and that it is no marvel that men should err.  
§. II A recital of strange opinions touching Paradise.  
§. III That there was a true local Paradise, Eastward, in the Country of Eden.  
§. FOUR Why it should be needful to entreat diligently of the place of Paradise.  
§. V That the Flood hath not utterly defaced the marks of Paradise, nor caused Hills in the Earth.  
§. VI That Paradise was not the whole Earth, as some have thought, making the Ocean to be the fountain of those four Rivers.  
§. VII. Of their opinion which make Paradise as high as the Moon: and of others which make it higher than the middle Region of the Air.  
§. VIII. Of their opinion that seat Paradise under the Equinoctial: and of the pleasant habitation under those Climates.  
§. IX.. Of the change of the names of places: and that besides that Eden in Coelesyria, there is a Country in Babylon, once of this name, as is proved out of Easie 37. and Ezech. 27.  
§. X. Of divers other testimonies of the Land of Eden: and that this is the Eden of Paradise.  
§. XI. Of the difficulty in the Text, which seemeth to make the four Rivers to rise from one stream.  
§. XII. Of the strange fertility and happiness of the Babylonian soil, as it is certain that Eden was such.  
§. XIII. Of the River Pison, and the Land of Havilah.  
§. XIIII. Of the River Gehon, and the Land of Cush: and of the ill translating of Aethiopia for Cush. 2. Chron. 21. 16.  
§. XU A conclusion, by way of repetition of some things spoken of before.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the two chief Trees in the Garden of Paradise.  
§. I THat the Tree of Life was a material Tree: and in what sense it is to be taken, that Man by his eating the forbidden fruit, is made subject to death.  
§. II Of Becanus his opinion, that the Tree of Knowledge was Ficus Indica.  
§. III Of Becanus his not unwitty allegorizing of the story of his Ficus Indica.  
§. FOUR Of the name of the Tree of Knowledge of good and evil: with some other notes touching the story of Adam's sin.   

CHAP. V. Of divers memorable things between the fall of Adam, and the Flood of Noah.  
§. I OF the cause, and the revenge of Cain's sin: and of his going out from God.  
§. II Of Cain's dwelling in the Land of Nod: and of his City Enoch.  
§. III Of Moses his omitting sundry things concerning Cain's Generation.  
§. FOUR Of the diversities in the Ages of the Patriarches, when they begat their children.  
§. V Of the long lives of the Patriarches: and some of late memory.  
§. VI Of the Patriarches delivering their knowledge by Tradition: and that Enoch writ before the Flood.  
§. VII. Of the men of renown before the Flood.  
§. VIII. That the Giants, by Moses so called, were indeed men of huge bodies: as also divers in later times.   

CHAP. VI Of Jdolatrous corruptions, quickly rising, and hardly at length vanishing in the World: and of the Relics of Truth touching these ancient times, obscurely appearing in Fables and old Legends.  
§. I THat in old corruptions we may found some signs of more ancient truth.  
§. II That the corruptions themselves were very ancient: as in the Family of Noah, and in the old Egyptians.  
§. III That in process of time these lesser errors drew on greater, as appeareth in the gross Superstitions of the Egyptians.  
§. FOUR That from the Relics of ancient Records among the Egyptians and others, the first Idols and Fables were invented: and that the first jupiter was Cain; Vulcan, Tubalcain, etc.  
§. V Of the three chiefest jupiters'; and the strange story of the third.  
§. VI Of Cham, and other wicked ones, whereof some got, some affected the name of Gods.  
§. VII. That the wiser of the ancient Heathen had far better opinions of God.  
§. VIII. That Heathenism and judaisme, after many wounds, were at length about the same time under julian miraculously confounded.  
§. IX.. Of the last refuges of the Devil to maintain his Kingdom.   

CHAP. VII. Of Noah's Flood.  
§. I OF God's forewarning: and some human testimonies: and some doubting touching the truth of Noah's Flood.  
§. II Of the flood in the time of Ogyges: and that this was not Noah's Flood.  
§. III Of Deucalion's flood: and that this was not Noah's Flood: nor the umbri in Italy a remnant of any unives shall flood.  
§. FOUR Of some other Records testifying the universal flood: and of two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Egypt: and of some elsewhere.  
§. V That the Flood of Noah was supernatural, though some say it might have been foreseen by the Stars.  
§. VI That there was no need of any new Creation of matter to make the universal Flood: and what are Cataractae Coeli, Gen. 7. v. 11.  
§. VII. Of some remainder of the memory of Noah among the Heathen.  
§. VIII. Of sundry particulars touching the Ark: as the place where it was made; the matter; fashion; and name.  
§. IX.. That the Ark was of sufficient capacity.  
§. X. That the Ark 〈◊〉 upon part of the Hill Taurus (or Caucasus) between the East Indieses and Scythia. 

†. I A Preterition of some questions less material: with a note of the use of this question, to found out the Metropolis of nations.  
†. II A proposal of the common opinion, that the Ark rested upon some of the Hills of Armenia.  
†. III The first Argument against the common opinio. They that come to build Babel, would have come sooner, had they come from so near a place as Armenia.  
†. FOUR The second Argument; That the Eastern people were more ancient in populositie, and in all human glory.  
†. V The third Argument; From the wonderful resistance which Semiramis found in the 〈◊〉- Indieses.  
†. VI The fourth Argument; From divers considerations in the person of Noah.  
†. VII. Of the senseless opinion of Annius the Commenter upon Berosus, that the Ark rested upon Montes Caspij in Armenia; and yet upon Gordiaei, which are three hundred miles distant also in Armenia, and yet in Scythia.  
†. VIII. The fift Argument; The Vine must grow naturally near the place where the Ark rested.  
†. IX.. Answer to an objection out of the words of the Text, The Lord scattered them from thence upon the face of the whole Earth.  
†. X. An answer to the objection from the name of Ararat, taken for Armenia: and the height of the Hills there.  
†. XI. Of Caucasus, and divers far higher Hills than the Armenian.  
†. XII. Of divers incongruities, if in this Story we should take Ararat for Armenia.  
†. XIII. Of the contrary situation of Armenia to the place noted in the Text: and that it is no marvel, that the same ledge of Hills running from Armenia to India, should keep the same name all a long, and even in India, be called Ararat.  
†. XIIII. Of the 〈◊〉 Vinc naturally growing on the Southside of the Mountains Caucasi, and toward the East Indieses: and of other 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.  
†. XU The conclusion, with a brief repeating of divers 〈◊〉 points.     

CHAP. VIII. Of the first planting of Nations after the Flood: and of the Sons of Noah; Sem, Ham, and japhet, by whom the Earth was repeopled.  
§. I WHether Shem and Ham were elder than japher.  
§. II Of 〈◊〉 things that in all reason are to be presumed, touching the first planting of the World; as that all Histories must yield to Moses: that the World was not planted all at once, nor without great direction: and that the known great Lords of the first Ages, were of the issue of Ham.  
§. III Of the Isles of the Gentiles in japhets' portion: of Berosus his too 〈◊〉 seating Gomer the son of japher in Italy; and another of japhets' sons Tubal in 〈◊〉: and of the Antiquity of 〈◊〉 Navigation.  
§. FOUR Of Gog and Magog, Tubal, and Mesech, 〈◊〉 first about Asia the less; out of Ezechiel, Chap. 38. 39  
§. V Against the fabulous Berosus his Fiction, That the Italian janus was Noah.  
§. VI That Gomer also and his Son Togorma, of the posterity of japhet, were first seated about Asia the less: and that from thence they spread Westward into Europe; and Northward into Sarmatia.  
§. VII. Of javan the fourth son of japhet; and of Mesch, of Aram, & Meshech of japhet.  
§. VIII. Of Ascanez and Riphath, the two elder sons of Gomer.  
§. IX.. Of the some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 javan: and of the double signification of Tharsis, cyther for a proper name, or for the Sea.  
§. X. That the seat of Chush, the 〈◊〉 son of Ham, was in Arabia, not in Aethiopia: and of strange Fables, and ill translations of Scripture, grounded upon the mistaking of this point. 

†. I OF josephus his Tale of an Aethiopesse; wife to Moses, 〈◊〉 on the 〈◊〉 of the seat of Chush.  
†. II A dispute against the Tale of josephus.  
†. III Chush ill expounded for Aethiopia. 〈◊〉. 29. 10.  
†. FOUR Another place of Ezechiel, chap. 30. v. 9 in like manner mistaken.  
†. V A place, 〈◊〉 18. v. 1. in like manner corrupted by taking Chush for Aethiopia.  
†. VI That upon the like mistaking, both Terhaka in the Story of Senacherib, and Zera in the Story of Asa, are 〈◊〉 made Aethiopians.  
†. VII. A farther exposition of the 〈◊〉. Easie 18. 1.    
§. XI. Of the Plantation and Antiquitics of Egypt. 

†. I THat Mizraim the chief Planter of Egypt, and the rest of the sons of Ham, were seated in order, one by another.  
†. II Of the time, about which the name of Egypt began to be known: and of the Egyptians Lunary years, which made their Antiquities seem the more fabulous.  
†. III Of certain vain assertions of the Antiquity of the Egyptians.  
†. FOUR Against Pererius; That it is not unlikely, but that Egypt was peopled within two hundred years after the Creation; at lest that both it, and the most parts of the World, were peopled before the Flood.  
†. V Of some other reasons against the opinion of Pererius.  
†. VI Of the words of Moses, Genes. 10. v. ult. whereupon Pererius grounded his opinion.  
†. VII. A conclusion, resolving of that which is most likely, touching the Egyptian Antiquities: with some 〈◊〉 of Phut, another son of Ham, which peopled Lybia.    
§. XII. Of the eleven sons of Canaan, the fourth senne of Ham. 

†. I OF the bounds of the Land of Canaan; with the names of his 〈◊〉 sons.  
†. II Of the portions of Zidon and Heth.  
†. III Of the jebusites, and Amorites.  
†. FOUR Of the Gergesites, Hevites, & Harkites.  
†. V Of Sini and Aruadi.  
†. VI Of Zemari.  
†. VII. Of Hamathi.    
§. XIII. Of the sons of Chush, excepting Nimrod, of whom hereafter. 

†. I THat the most of the sons of Chush were seated in Arabia the happy: and of the Sabaeans that rob job: and of the Queen that come to Solomon.  
†. II josephus his opinion of Dedan, one of the issue of Chush, to have been seated in the West Aethiopia, disproved out of Ezechiel and Hieremie.    
§. XIIII. Of the issue of Mizraim: and of the place of Hieremie, chap. 9 v. 7.  
§. XU Of the issue of Sem. 

†. I OF Elam, Assur, Arphaxad, and Lud.  
†. II Of Aram, and his sons.  
†. III Of the division of the Earth in the time of Phaleg, one of the sons of Heber, of the issue of Sem.  
†. FOUR Of the sons of joctan, the other son of Heber.  
†. V Of Ophir, one of joctans sons, and of Peru: and of that Voyage of Solomon.  
†. VI Of Havilah the son of joctan, who also passed into the East Indieses: and of Mesha, & Sepher, named in the bordering of the Families of joctan: with a conclusion of this discourse touching the Plantation of the World.     

CHAP. IX.. Of the beginning and establishing of Government.  
§. I OF the proceeding from the first Government under the eldest of Families to Regal, and from Regal absolute to Regal tempered with Laws.  
§. II Of the three commendable sorts of Government, with their opposites: and of the degrees of human society.  
§. III Of the good Government of the first Kings.  
§. FOUR Of the beginning of Nobility: and of the vain vaunt thereof without virtue.   

CHAP. X. Of Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus: and of memorable things about those times.  
§. I THat Nimrod was the first after the Flood that reigned like Sovereign Lord: and that his beginning seemeth to have been of just authority.  
§. II That Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus, were three distinct persons.  
§. III That Nimrod, not Assur, built Ninive: and that it is probable out of Easie 23. 13. that Assur 〈◊〉 Vr of the Chaldees.  
§. FOUR Of the acts of Nimrod and Belus, as far as now they are known.  
§. V That we are not to marvel how so many kingdoms could be erected about these times: and of Vexoris of Egypt; and 〈◊〉 of Scythia.  
§. VI Of the Name of Belus, and other Names affine unto it.  
§. VII. Of the worshipping of Images, begun from Belus in Babel.  
§. VIII. Of the Wars of Ninus: and lastly, of his War against Zoroafter.   

CHAP. XI. Of Zoroaster, supposed to have been the chief Author of Magic Arts; and of divers kinds of Magic.  
§. I THat Zoroaster was not Cham, nor the first Inventer of Astrology, or of Magic: and that there were divers great Magicians of this name.  
§. II Of the Name of Magia: and that it was anciently far divers from Conjuring and 〈◊〉.  
§. III That the good knowledge in the ancient Magic is not to be condemned; though the Devil here, as in other kinds, hath sought to 〈◊〉 evil things 〈◊〉 the name and colour of good things.  
§. FOUR That Daniel's 〈◊〉 Nabuchodonosors' condemning of the Magicians, doth not 〈◊〉 all their practices.  
§. V The abuse of things, which may be found in all kinds, is not to condemn the right use of them.  
§. VI Of the divers kinds of unlawful Magic.  
§. VII. Of divers ways by which the Devil seemeth to work his wonders.  
§. VIII. That noon was ever raised from the dead by the power of the Devil: and that it was not the true Samuel which appeared to Saul.   

CHAP. XII. Of the memorable buildings of Ninus: and of his wife Semiramis: and of other her acts.  
§. I OF the magnificent building of Ninive by Ninus: and of Babylon by Semiramis.  
§. II Of the end of Ninus: and beginning of Semiramis reign.  
§. III Of Semiramis Parentage, and education: and Metamorphosis of her Mother.  
§. FOUR Of her Expedition into India, and death after discomfiture: with a 〈◊〉 of the improbability of her vices.  
§. V Of the Temple of Belus, built by Semiramis: and of the Pyramids of Egypt.    

The Contents of the Chapters, Paragraphes, and Sections, in the second Book of the first Part of the History of the WORLD.  

CHAPTER I Of the Time of the birth of Abraham: and of the use of this question, for the ordering of the story of the Assyrian Empire.  
§. I OF some of the successors of Semiramis: with a brief transition to the question, about the Time of the birth of Abra ham.  
§. II A proposal of reasons or arguments, that are brought to prove Abraham was borne in the year 292. after the Flood, and not in the year 352.  
§. III The answer to one of the objections proposed, showing that Abraham made but one journey out of Mcsopotamia into Canaan; and it, after his Father's death.  
§. FOUR The answer to another of the objections proposed, showing that it was not unlikely, that Terah should beget Abraham in his hundred and thirtieth year.  
§. V The answer to two more of the objections, showing that 〈◊〉 may have certainty of Abraham's age from the Scripture, though we make not Abraham the 〈◊〉 son: and that there was great cause, why in the story of Abraham his two brethren should be respected.  
§. VI That the naming of Abraham first of the three 〈◊〉, Gen. 〈◊〉. v. 26 doth not prove that 〈◊〉 was the eldest: together with divers reasons, proving that Abraham was not the eldest son of 〈◊〉.  
§. VII. A conclusion of this dispute, noting the Authors on both sides: with an 〈◊〉, that they which shorten the times, make all ancient 〈◊〉 the more unprobable.  
§. VIII. A computation of the times of the Assyrians and others, grounded upon the times noted in the story of Abraham.  
§. IX.. That Amraphel, one of the four Kings whom Abraham 〈◊〉, Gen. 14. may probably be thought to have been Ninias the son of Ninus.  
§. X. Of Arioch, another of the four Kings: and that Ellas, whereof he is said to 〈◊〉 been King, lies between Coelesyria, and Arabia Petraea.  
§. XI. Of Tidal, another of the four Kings.  
§. XII. That Chedorlaomer, the chief of the four Kings, was not of Assyria, but of Persia: and that the Assyrian Empire at this time was much impaired.  
§. XIII. That it is not unprobable, that the four Kings had no Dominion in the Countries named, but that they had elsewhere with their Colonies planted themselves, and so retained the names of the Countries whence they come: which if it be so, we need not to say that Amraphel was Ninias, nor trouble ourselves with many other difficulties.   

CHAP. II Of the Kings of Egypt from the first peopling of it after the Flood, to the time of the delivery of the 〈◊〉 from thence.  
§. I A Brief of the Names and Times of the first Kings of Egypt: with a note of the causes of difficulty in resolving of the truth in these points.  
§. II That by the account of the Egyptian Dynasties, & otherwise, it appears that Cham's reign in Egypt began in the year after the Flood 191.  
§. III That these Dynasties were not divers families of Kings, but rather successions of Regents; oft-times many under one King.  
§. FOUR Of Cham, and his son Mizraim, or Osiris.  
§. V Of the time when Osiris reign ended: and that jacob come into Egypt in the time of Orus, the son of Osiris.  
§. VI Of Typhon, Hercules Aegyptius, Orus, and the two Sesostris, 〈◊〉 reigning after Mizraim: and of divers errors about the former Sesostris.  
§. VII. Of Busiris, the first Oppressor of the Israelites: and of his successor Queen Thermutis, that took up Moses out of the Water.  
§. VIII. Of the two brethren of 〈◊〉 Thermutis: and what King it was, under whom Moses was borne: and who it was that perished in the Read Sea.   

CHAP. III Of the delivery of Israel out of Egypt.  
§. I OF the time of Moses birth: and how long the Israelites were oppressed in Egypt.  
§. II Of divers Cities and Places in Egypt, mentioned in this story or elsewhere in the Scripture.  
§. III Of the cruelty against the Israelites young children in Egypt: and of Moses his preservation and education.  
§. FOUR Of Moses his flying out of Egypt; and the opinions of certain ancient Historians, of his War in Aethiopia; and of his marriage there: Philo his judgement of his Pastoral life: and that of Pererius of the Books of Genesis, and job.  
§. V Of 〈◊〉 pursuit of the Israelites: and of their passage towards the Read Sea, so far as Succoth.  
§. VI Of the solary and Lunary years: and how they are reconciled: with the form of the Hebrew year, and their manner of interealation.  
§. VII. Of the passage of Israel from Succoth towards the Read Sea: and of the divers ways leading out of Egypt.  
§. VIII. Of their passage over the Read Sea: and of the Read Sea itself.  
§. IX.. That the passage through the Read Sea 〈◊〉 miraculous; and not at a low Ebb.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the journeying of the Israelites from the Read Sea, to the place where the Law was given them: with a discourse of Laws.  
§. I A Transition, by way of recapitulation of some things touching Chronologie: with a continuance of the story, until the 〈◊〉 met with the Israelites.  
§. II Of the Amalekites, Madianites, and Kenites, upon occasion of the battle with the 〈◊〉, and Jethro's coming, who being a Kenite, was Priest of Madian.  
§. III Of the time when the Law was given: with divers commendations of the 〈◊〉 of Laws.  
§. FOUR Of the name and meaning of the words, Law, and Right.  
§. V Of the definition of Laws, and of the Law eternal.  
§. VI Of the Law of Nature.  
§. VII. Of the written Law of God.  
§. VIII. Of the unwritten Law of God, given to the Patriarches by Tradition.  
§. IX.. Of the Moral, judicial, and Ceremonial Law: with a Note prefixed, How the Scripture speaketh not always in one sense, when it nameth the Law of Moses.  
§. X. A proposal of nine other points to be considered; with a touch of the five first.  
§. XI. Of the sixt point, to wit, of the difference and agreement of the Old and New Testament.  
§. XII. Of the rest of the points proposed.  
§. XIII. Of the several Commandments of the Decalogue: and that the difficulty is not in respect of the Commandments, but by our default.  
§. XIIII. If there were not any Religion, nor judgement to come, yet the Decalogue were most necessary to be observed.  
§. XU Of human Law, written and unwritten.  
§. XVI. That only the Prince is exempt from 〈◊〉 Laws, and in what sort.   

CHAP. V. The story of the Israelites, from the receiving of the Law, to the death of Moses.  
§. I OF the numbering and disposing of the Host of Israel, for their marches through the Wilderness; with a Note of the reverence given to the worship of God, in this ordering of their Troops.  
§. II The Offerings of the 〈◊〉 Princes: The Passeover of the second year: The departing of 〈◊〉.  
§. III The Voyage from Horeb to Kades: the mutinies by the way: and the cause of their turning back to the Read Sea.  
§. FOUR Of their unwillingness to return: with the punishment thereof: and of divers accidents in the return.  
§. V Of Moses arrival at Zin Kades: and the accidents while they abode there.  
§. VI Of their compassing 〈◊〉, and travailing to Arnon the border of Moab.  
§. VII. Of the Book of the battles of the Lord, mentioned in this Story, and of other Books mentioned in Scripture, which are lost.  
§. VIII. Of Moses his sparing the issue of Lot: and of the Giants in those parts: and of Sehon and Og.  
§. IX.. Of the troubles about the Madianites, and of Moses his death.  
§. X. Observations out of the story of Moses, How God disposeth both the smallest occasions, and the greatest resistances, to the effecting of his purpose.   

CHAP. VI Of the Nations with whom the Israelites had dealing after their coming out of Egypt: and of the men of renown in other Nations, about the times of Moses and josua: with the sum of the History of josua.  
§. I HOw the Nations, with whom the Israelites were to have war, were divers ways (as it were) prepared to be their Enemies.  
§. II Of the Kings of the Canaanites and Madianites, mentioned in the ancient wars of the Israelites.  
§. III Of the Amalekites and Ismaelites.  
§. FOUR Of the instauration of civility in Europe about these times; and of Prometheus and Atlas.  
§. V Of Deucalion and Phaeton.  
§. VI Of Hermes Trismegistus.  
§. VII. Of jannes and jambres, and some other that lined about those times.  
§. VIII. A Brief of the History of josua: and of the space between him and Othoniel: and of the remainders of the Canaanites: with a Note of some Contemporaries to josua: and of the breach of Faith.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Tribes of Israel that were planted in the borders of Phoenicea: with sundry Stories depending upon those places.  
§. I THe 〈◊〉 to the description of the whole Land of Canaan; with an exposition of the name of Syria.  
§. II Of the bounds of the Land of Canaan; and of the promises touching this Land.  
§. III The Tribe of Asher. 

†. I THe bounds of the Tribe of Asher.  
†. II Of Zidon.  
†. III Of Sarepta: with a brief history of tire in the same Coast.  
†. FOUR Of Ptolomais or Acon.  
†. V Of the Castle of Saint George.  
†. VI Of Acziba, Sandalium, and others.  
†. VII. Of Thoron, Giscala, and some other places.  
†. VIII. Of the Rivers and Mountains of Asser.    
§. FOUR The Tribe of Nephtalim. 

†. I OF the bounds of Nephtalim: and of Heliopolis, and Abila.  
†. II Of Hazor.  
†. III Of Caesarea Philippi.    
§. FOUR Of Capernaum, and the Cities of Decapolis. 

†. V Of Hamath.  
†. VI Of Reblatha, and Rama, and divers other Towns.    
§. V The Tribe of Zabulon.  
§. VI The Tribe of Isachar.  
§. VII. The half of the Tribe of Manasse. 

†. I OF the bounds of this half Tribe: and of Scythopolis, Salem, Thersa, and others.  
†. II Of Caesarea Palaestinae, and some other Towns.     

CHAP. VIII. Of the Kingdom of Phoenicia.  
§. I THe bounds and Chief Cities, and Founders, and Name of this Kingdom: and of the invention of Letters ascribed to them.  
§. II Of the Kings of tire.  
§. III Of Bozius his conceit, that the Edumaeans, inhabiting along the Read Sea, were the Progenitors of the Tyrians; and that the Tyrians from them received and brought into Phoenicia the knowledge of the true God.   

CHAP. IX.. Of the Tribe of Ephraim: and of the Kings of the Ten Tribes, whose head was Ephraim.  
§. I OF the memorable places in the Tribe of Ephraim.  
§. II Of the Kings of the Ten Tribes, from 〈◊〉 to Achab.  
§. III Of Achab, and his Successors: with the Captivity of the Ten Tribes.   

CHAP. X. Of the memorable places of Dan, Simeon, juda, Reuben, Gad, and the other half of Manasse.  
§. I OF Dan: where of joppe, Gath, Accaron, Azotus, and other Towns.  
§. II The Tribe of Simeon.  
§. III The Tribe of juda.  
§. FOUR The Tribe of Reuben, and his borderers. 

†. I THe seats and bounds of Midian, Moab, and Ammon; part whereof the Reubenites wan from Sehon King of Hesbon.  
†. II Of the memorable places of the Reubenites.  
†. III Of divers places bordering Reuben, 〈◊〉 to Midian, Moab, or Edom.  
†. FOUR Of the Dead Sea.  
†. V Of the Kings of Moab; much of whose Country within Arnon, Reuben possessed.    
§. V Of the memorable places of the Gadites, and the bordering places of Ammon.  
§. VI Of the Ammonites; part of whose Territories the Gadites wan from Og, the King of Basan.  
§. VII. Of the other 〈◊〉 of Manasse.   

CHAP. XI. The History of the Syrians, the chief borderers of the Israelites, that dwelled on the East of jordan.  
§. I OF the City of Damascus, and the divers fortunes thereof.  
§ II Of the first Kings of Damascus, and of the growing up of their power.  
§. III Of the latter Kings, and decay and overthrow of their power.  
§. FOUR Of other lesser Kingdoms of the Syrians, which being brought under the Assyrians, never recovered themselves again.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Tribe of Benjamin, and of jerusalem.  
§. I OF divers memorable places in the Tribe of Benjamin, where, of Hiericho, Gilgal, Mitspa, Bethel, Rama, Gobah, and Gibha.  
§. II Of divers memorable things concerning Jerusalem.  
§. III Of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.  
§. FOUR Of the vain and malicious reports of Heathen Writers, touching the ancient jews.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the memorable things that happened in the World, from the death of josua to the War of Troy: which was about the time of jephtha.  
§. I OF the interregnum after Iosua's death: and of Othoniel.  
§. II Of the memorable things of this Age in other Nations: and of the difficulty in the computation of Times.  
§. III Of Ehud's time; and of Proserpina, Orithya, Tereus, Tantalus, Tityus, Admetus, and others that 〈◊〉 about these times.  
§. FOUR Of Deborah, and her Contemporaries.  
§. V Of Gideon, and of Daedalus, Sphinx, Minos, and others that lived in this Age.  
§. VI Of the Expedition of the Argonauts.  
§. VII. Of Abimelech, 〈◊〉, and jair: and of the Lapythae, and of 〈◊〉, Hippolytus, etc. and of the War of Thebes which was in this Age.  
§. VIII. Of jephta: and how the three hundred years which he speaketh of, judges 11. vers. 28. are to 〈◊〉 reconciled with the places, Act. 13. 20. 1. Reg. 6. 1. together with some other things touching Chronologie about these times.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of the War of Troy.  
§. I OF the Genealogy of the Kings of Troy: with a Note, touching the ancient Poets, how they have observed Historical truth.  
§. II Of the Rape of Helen: and of the strength of both sides for the War.  
§. III Of the Grecians journey and Embassage to Troy: and of Helena's being detained in Egypt: and of the sacrificing of Iphigenia.  
§. FOUR Of the Acts of the Grecians at the siege.  
§. V Of the taking of Troy: the wooden Horse: the Book of Dares and Dyctis: the Colonies of the Relics of Troy.  
§. VI Of the distresses and dispersions of the Greeks', returning from Troy.   

CHAP. XU Of Samson, Eli, and Samuel.  
§. I OF Samson.  
§. II Of Eli: and of the Ark taken: and of Dagons' fall: and the sending back of the Ark.  
§. III Of Samuel; and of his Government.   

CHAP. XVI. Of Saul.  
§. I OF the deliberation to change the Government into a Kingdom.  
§ II Of the election of Saul.  
§. III Of the establishing of Saul by his first Victories.  
§. FOUR Of Saul's disobedience in his proceed in the Wars with the Philistines and Amalekites, which caused his final rejection.  
§. V Of the occurrents between the rejection of Saul and his death.  
§. VI Of such as lived with Samuel and Saul; of Helen and Hercules, and of their issues, upon occasion of the Doors, with the Heraclidae, entering Peloponesus about this time.  
§. VII. Of Homer and Hesiod; and many changes in the World that happened about this Age.   

CHAP. XVII. Of David.  
§. I OF David's estate in the time of Saul.  
§. II Of the beginning of David's Reign: and the War made by Abner for Isboseth.  
§. III Of the death of Abner slain by joab: and of Isboseth, by Rechab and Baanah.  
§. FOUR Of the flourishing time of David's Kingdom: the taking of jerusalem; with two overthrows given to the Philistines: and the conduction of the Ark to the City of David.  
§. V The overthrow of the Philistines and Moabites.  
§. VI The War which David made upon the Syrians.  
§. VII. Of David's troubles in his Reign: and of his forces.  
§. VIII. Of the last acts of David: Adoniah's Faction: the revenge upon joab and Shimei.  
§. IX.. Of the Treasures of David and Solomon.  
§. X. Of the Philistines, whom David absolutely mastered: and of sundry other Contemporaries with David.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of Solomon.  
§. I OF the establishing of Solomon: of birthright: and of the cause of Adoniah's death: and of Salomon's wisdom.  
§. II Of Salomon's buildings and glory.  
§. III Of Salomon's sending to Ophir: and of some seeming contradictions about Salomon's riches: and of Pineda's conceit of two strange passages about afric.  
§. FOUR Of the fall of Solomon; and how long he lived.  
§. V Of Salomon's Writings.  
§. VI Of the Contemporaries of Solomon.   

CHAP. XIX. Of Salomon's Successors until the end of jehosaphat.  
§. I OF Rehoboam his beginnings: the defection of the ten Tribes: of jeroboams Idolatry.  
§. II Of Rehoboam his impiety, for which he was punished by Sesac: of his end and contemporaries.  
§. III Of the great battle between jeroboam and Abia: with a Corolary of the Examples of God's judgements.  
§. FOUR Of Asa, and his Contemporaries.  
§. V Of the great alteration falling out in the ten Tribes during the Reign of Asa.  
§. VI A conjecture of the causes, hindering the reunion of Israel with juda, which might have been effected by these troubles.  
§. VII. Of jehosaphat and his Contemporaries.   

CHAP. XX. Of jehoram, the son of jehosaphat; and Ahazia.  
§. I THat jehoram was made King sundry times.  
§. II Probable conjectures of the motives inducing the old King jehosaphat to change his purpose often, in making his son jehoram King.  
§. III The doings of jehoram when he reigned alone: and the rebellion of Edom and Libna.  
§. FOUR Of the miseries falling upon jehoram: and of his death.  
§. V Of the reign of Ahazia: and his business with the King of Israel.  
§. VI How Ahazia perished with the house of Ahab: and how that Family was destroyed by jehu.   

CHAP. XXI. Of Athalia and whose son he was that succeeded unto her.  
§. I OF Athalia her usurping the Kingdom: and what pretences she might forge.  
§. II How jehu spent his time in Israel, so that he could not molest Athalia.  
§. III Of Athalia's Government.  
§. FOUR Of the preservation of joas.  
§. V Whose son joas was.  
†. I WHether joas may be thought likely to have been the son of Ahazia.  
†. II That joas did not descend from Nathan.  
†. III That joas may probably be thought to have been the son of jehoram.  
†. FOUR Upon what reasons Athalia might seek to destroy joas, if he were her own Grandchild.  
§. VI A digression, wherein is maintained the liberty of using conjecture in Histories.  
§. VII. The conspiracy against Athalia.  
§. VIII. The death of Athalia; with a comparison of her and jezabel.   

CHAP. XXII. Of joas and Amasia: with their Contemporaries; where somewhat of the building of Carthage.  
§. I OF joas his doings whilst jehoiada the Priest lived.  
§. II The death of jehoiada, and Apostasy of joas.  
§. III The causes and times of the Syrians invading juda in the days of joas.  
§. FOUR How Zacharia was murdered by joas.  
§. V How joas was shamefully beaten by the Aramites: and of his death.  
§. VI Of the Princes living in the time of joas: Of the time, when Carthage was built: and of Dido.  
§. VII. The beginning of Amazia his Reign. Of joas King of Israel, and Elisha the Prophet.  
§. VIII. Of Amazia his War against Edom: his Apostasy: and overthrow by joas.  
§. IX.. A discourse of the reasons bindering joas from uniting juda to the Crown of Israel, when he had won Jerusalem, and held Amazia Prisoner. The end of joas his Reign.  
§. X. The end of Amazia his Reign and life.  
§. XI. Of the interregnum, or Vacancy, that was in the Kingdom of juda after the death of Amazia.  
§. XII. Of Prince's contemporarie with Amazia: and more particularly of Sardanapalus.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of Vzzia.  
§. I THe prosperity of Vzzia, and of jeroboam the second, who reigned with him in Israel: Of the Anarchy that was in the ten Tribes after the death of jeroboam: Of Zacharia, Sallum, 〈◊〉, and Pekahia.  
§. II The end of Vzzia, his reign and life.  
§. III Of the Prophets which lived in the time of Vzzia: and of Princes then ruling in Egypt, and in some other Countries.  
§. FOUR Of the Assyrian Kings descending from Phul: and whither Phul and Belosus were one person, or Heads of sundry Families, that reigned apart in Ninive and Babylon.  
§. V Of the Olympiads, and the time when they began.  
§. VI Of jotham, and his Contemporaries.  
§. VII. Of Achaz, and his Contemporaries.   

CHAP. XXIIII. Of the Antiquities of Italy; and foundation of Rome in the time of Ahas.  
§. I OF the old Inhabitants: and of the name of 〈◊〉.  
§. II Of the Aborigineses, and other Inhabitants of Latium: and of thereason of the names of Latini and Latium.  
§. III Of the ancient Kings of the Latins until Aeneas 〈◊〉 coming.  
§. FOUR Of Aeneas; and of the Kings and Governors of Alba.  
§. V Of the beginning of Rome: and of Romulus birth and death.   

CHAP. XXV. Of Ezekia, and his Contemporaries.  
§. I OF the beginning of Ezekias: and of the agreeting of Ptolemies Nabonassar, Nabopolassar, and 〈◊〉, with the History of the Bible.  
§. II Of the danger and deliverance of judaea from 〈◊〉.  
§. III Of Ezekias his sickness & recovery: and of the Babylonian King that 〈◊〉 him  
§. FOUR The Kings that were in Media during the reign of Ezekia: Of the difference found between sundry Authors in rehearsing the Median Kings: Other Contemporaries of Ezekia: Of Candaules, Gyges, and the Kings descended from Hercules.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Kings that reigned in Egypt, between the deliverance of Israel from thence, and the reign of Ezekia in juda, when Egypt and juda made a League against the Assyrians.  
§. I THat many names of Egyptian Kings found in History, are like to have belonged only to Viceroy's: An example, proving this, out of William of tire his Historic of the holy War.  
§. II Of Acherres; whither he were Vchoreus, that was the eighth from Osymandyas: Of Osymandyas, and his Tomb.  
§. III Of Cherres, Armeus, Ramesses, and Amenophis: Of Myris, and the Lake that bears his name.  
§. FOUR Of the Kings that reigned in the dynasty of the Larthes'.  
§. V Of Egyptian Kings, whose names are found scattering in sundry Authors, their times being not recorded: The Kings of Egypt, according to Cedrenus: Of Vaphres and Sesac.  
§. VI Of Chemmis, Cheops, Cephrenes, and other Kings recited by Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus, which reigned between the times of Rehoboam and Ezekia.  
§. VII. Of Sethon, who reigned with Ezekia, and sided with him against Sennacherib.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of Manasse and his Contemporaries.  
§. I THe wickedness of Manasses: His Imprisonment, Repentance, and Death.  
§. II Of troubles in Egypt following the death of Sethon: The reign of Psammiticus.  
§. III What reference these Egyptian matters might have to the imprisonment and enlargement of Manasses. In what part of his reign Manasses was taken prisoner.  
§. FOUR Of the first and second Messenian wars which were in the reigns of Ezekia, and Manasses, Kings of juda.  
§. V Of the Kings that were in Lydia and Media: Whither Deioces were that King Arphaxad mentioned in the History of judith.  
§. VI Of other Princes and actions that were in those times.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the times from the death of Manasses to the destruction of jerusalem.  
§. I OF Ammon and josias.  
§. II Of Pharaoh Neco, that fought with josias: Of Ichoahaz, and 〈◊〉, Kings of juda.  
§. III Of the Kings of Babylon and Media: How it come to pass that the Kings of Babel could not give attendance on their business in Syria: which caused them to loose that Province.  
§. FOUR The great Expedition of the Scythians, who ruled in Asia eight and twenty years. 

†. I THe time of this Expedition.  
†. II What Nations they were that broke into Asia; with the cause of their journey.  
†. III Of the Cimmerians Warrein Lydia.  
†. FOUR The War of the Scythians in the higher Asia.    
§. V Of Princes living in divers Countries in these Ages.  
§. VI The oppression of judaea, and destruction of jerusalem by the Chaldaeans.    

The Contents of the Chapters, Paragraphes, and Sections, in the third Book of the first Part of the History of the WORLD.  

CHAPTER I Of the time passing between the destruction of jerusalem, and the fall of the Assyrian Empire.  
§. I OF the connexion of sacred and profane History.  
§. II A brief rehearsal of two opinions, touching the beginning of the Captivity: with an answer to the cavils of Porphyry, inveighing against S. Matthew and Daniel, upon whom the later of these opinions is 〈◊〉.  
§. III That the 70. years of 〈◊〉 are to be numbered from the destruction of jerusalem; not from the migration of 〈◊〉.  
§. FOUR Sundry opinions of the Kings which reigned in Babylon during the 70. years.  
§. V A more particular examination of one opinion touching the number, persons, and reigns of the Babylonian Kings.  
§. VI What may be held as probable of the People and Times of Nabuchodonosor 〈◊〉 Successors.  
§. VII. Of the victories which Nabuchodonosor obtained, between the destruction of jerusalem and conquest of Egypt.  
§. VIII. That Egypt was conquered, and the King, therein reigning, slain by Nabuchodonosor, contrary to the opinion of most Authors: who following Herodotus and Diodorus, relate it otherwise.  
§. IX.. How Egypt was subdued and held by Nabuchadnezzar.  
§. X. Of the sundry accounts drawn from sundry acts of Nabuchadnezzar: and of the destruction of Ninive by him; the time of which action is uncertain.  
§. XI. Of the later time of Nabuchadnezzar; his buildings, madness, and death.  
§. XII. Of Euilmerodach.  
§. XIII. A private conjecture of the Author; serving to make good those things which are cited out of Berosus, concerning the Successors of Euilmerodach, without wrong to the truth; the quality, and death of Balthasar.   

CHAP. II Of the original and first greatness of the Persians'.  
§. I THat the Medes were chief Actors in the 〈◊〉 of the Babylonian Empire.  
§. II By what means the Empire was translated from the Medes to the Persians'.  
§. III Xenophons' relation of the War, which the Medes and Persians' made with joint forces upon the Assyrians, and others.  
§. FOUR The estate of the Medes and Persians' in times foregoing this great War.   

CHAP. III Of Cyrus.  
§. I OF Cyrus his name and first actions.  
§. II Of Croesus the King of Lydia, who made War upon Cyrus.  
§. III Croesus his expedition against Cyrus.  
§. FOUR The conquest of Lydia by Cyrus.  
§. V How Cyrus won Babylon.  
§. VI The end of Cyrus.  
§. VII. of Cyrus his decree for building the Temple of God in jerusalem.  
§. VIII. Of Cyrus his issue: and whither Atossa was his Daughter, or (as some think) were the same with Queen Hester.   

CHAP. FOUR The estate of things from the death of Cyrus to the reign of Darius.  
§. I OF the number and names of the Persian Kings.  
§. II Of Cambyses; and the conquering of Egypt by him.  
§. III The rest of Cambyses his Acts  
§. FOUR Of the interregnum between Cambyses and Darius.   

CHAP. V. Of Darius the Son of Hystaspes.  
§. I OF Darius his Lineage.  
§. II Of Darius his Government; and suppressing the rebellion of Babylon.  
§. III Of Darius his favour to the jews in building the Temple.  
§. FOUR Of Darius his Scythian war.  
§. V Some actions of the Persians' in Europe, after the Scythian war.  
§. VI The first occasion of the War which Darius made upon Greece; with a rehearsal of the Government in Athens, whence the quarrel grew.  
§. VII. Of the Ionian Rebellion, which was the principal cause of the wars ensuing between Greece and Persia.  
§. VIII. The War which Darius made upon Greece; with the battle of Marathon; and Darius his death.   

CHAP. VI Of Xerxes.  
§. I THe preparation of Xerxes against Greece.  
§. II Xerxes Army entertained by Pythius: his cutting off Mount Athos from the Continent: his bridge of Boats over the Hellespont: and the discourse between him and Artabanus upon the view of his Army.  
§. III Of the fights at Thermopylae and Artemisium.  
§. FOUR The attempt of Xerxes upon Apollo's Temple: and his taking of Athens.  
§. V How Themistocles the Athenian drew the Greeks' to fight at Salamis.  
§. VI How the Persians' consulted about giving battle: and how Themistocles by policy held the Greeks' to their resolution; with the victory at Salamis thereupon ensuing.  
§. VII. Of things following after the battle of Salamis: and of the flight of Xerxes.  
§. VIII. The negotiations between Mardonius and the Athenians; as also between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians; after the flight of Xerxes.  
§. IX.. The great battle of Plataeae.  
§. X. The battle of Mycale: with a strange accident that fell out in the beginning of it: and examples of the like.  
§. XI. Of the barbarous quality of Xerxes: with a transition from the Persian affairs to matters of Greece, which from this time grew more 〈◊〉 of regard.   

CHAP. VII. Of things that passed in Greece from the end of the Persian war, to the beginning of the Peloponnesian.  
§. I HOw Athens was rebuilt and fortified.  
§. II The beginning of the Athenian greatness, and 〈◊〉 wars made by that State upon the Persian.  
§. III The death of Xerxes by the treason of Artabanus.  
§. FOUR The banishment of Themistocles: his flight to Artaxerxes newly reigning in 〈◊〉; and his death.  
§. V How the Athenians, breaking the peace which to their great honour they had made with the Persian, were shamefully beaten in Egypt.  
§. VI Of other Wars made by the Athenians (for the most part) with good success, about the same time.  
§. VII. Of Artaxerxes Longimanus, that he was Ahashuerosh, the husband of Queen Hester.  
§. VIII. Of the troubles in Greece, foregoing the Peloponnesian War.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Peloponnesian War.  
§. I Upon what terms the two principal Cities of Greece, Athens and Sparta, stood at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War.  
§. II How Sparta and Athens entered into War.  
§. III The beginning of the Peloponnesian War.  
§. FOUR Of the great loss which the Spartans' received at Pylus.  
§. V How the Lacedæmonians hardly, and to their great disadvantage, obtained a peace, that was not well kept.  
§. VI Of the negotiations and practices held between many States of Greece, by occasion of the peace that was concluded.  
§. VII. How the peace between Athens and Sparta was ill kept, though not openly broken.  
§. VIII. The Athenians sending two fleets to sack Syracuse, are put to flight & utterly discomfited  
§. IX.. Of the troubles whereinto the State of Athens fell, after the great loss of the Fleet, and Army in Sicilia.  
§. X. How Alcibiades wan many important Victories for the Athenians; was recalled from exile; made their General; and again deposed.  
§. XI. The battle at Arginusae; and condemnation of the victorious Athenian Captains by the people.  
§. 〈◊〉 The battle at Aegos-Potamos, 〈◊〉 the whole State of Athens was ruined; with the end of the Peloponnesian War.   

CHAP. IX.. Of the matters concurring with the Peloponnesian War, or shortly following it.  
§. I HOw the affairs of Persia stood in these times.  
§. II How the thirty Tyrants got their Dominion in Athens.  
§. III The conspiracy against the thirty Tyrants; and their deposition.   

CHAP. X. Of the Expedition of Cyrus the younger.  
§. I THe grounds of Cyrus his attempt against his Brother.  
§. II The preparations of Cyrus; and his first entry into the War.  
§. III How Cyrus took his journey into the higher Asia, and come up close to his brother.  
§. FOUR The battle between Cyrus and Artaxerxes.  
§. V The hard estate of the Greeks' after the fight; and how Artaxerxes in vain 〈◊〉 to have made them yield unto him.  
§. VI How the Greeks' began to 〈◊〉 homewards.  
§. VII. How Tissaphernes under colour of peace, betrayed all the Captains of the Greeks'.  
§. VIII. How Xenophon 〈◊〉 the Greeks', and in despite of Tissaphernes went off safely.  
§. IX.. The difficulties which the Greek Army found, in passing through the Land of the Carduchi.  
§. X. How Teribazus Governor of Armenia, seeking to entrap the Greeks' with terms of feigned peace, was disappointed, and shamefully beaten.  
§. XI. The passage of the Army to 〈◊〉 through the Countries bordering upon the River of Phasis, and other obscure Nations.  
§. XII. How the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Trabizonde to provide a Fleet, wherewith to return home by 〈◊〉. How it come into the Territory of Sinope, and there prosecuted the same purpose to effect.  
§. XIII. Of dissension which arose in the Army; and how it was embarked.  
§. XIIII. Another great dissension, and distraction of the Army. How the Mutineers were beaten by the Barbarians, and rescued by Xenophon.  
§. XU Of divers 〈◊〉 of service done by Xenophon; and how the Army returned into Greece. The occasions of the War between the Laccdaemonians and the Persian.   

CHAP. XI. Of the affairs of Greece, whilst they were managed by the Lacedæmonians.  
§. I HOw the Lacedæmonians took courage by example of Xenophons' Army, to make War upon Artaxerxes.  
§. II The prosperous beginnings of the War in Asia.  
§. III How the Lacedæmonians took revenge upon the Eleans for old displeasure. The discontents of the Corinthians and Thebans, conceived against the State of Sparta.  
§. FOUR The passage of Agesilaus into Asia: his War with Tissaphernes. How Tissaphernes was put to death; and the War diverted into another Province, through persuasion and gifts of Tithraustes his successor. How careless the Persian Lieutenants were of the King's good.  
§. V The War, and Treaty, between Agesilaus and Pharnabazus.  
§. VI The great commotions raised in Greece, by the Thebans and others, that were hired with Gold from the Perfian.  
§. VII. How Agesilaus was called out of Asia, to help his Country. A Victory of the Spartans'. Conon the Athenian, assisted by Pharnabazus, overcomes the Lacedaemonian Fleet; recovers the mastery of the Seas: and rebuilds the walls of 〈◊〉.  
§. VIII. Of sundry small victories, gotten on each part. The Lacedæmonians loose all in Asia. The Athenians recover some part of their old Dominion.  
§. IX.. The base conditions offered unto the Persian by the Lacedæmonians. Of sundry fights, and other passages in the War. The peace of 〈◊〉.  
§. X. The War which the Lacedæmonians made upon Olynthus. They take Thebes by Treason, and Olynthus by Pamine.  
§. XI. How the Thebans recovered their liberty, driving out the Lacedaemonian Garrison.   

CHAP. XII. Of the flourishing estate of Thebes, from the Battle of Leuctra, to the Battle of Mantinaea.  
§. I HOw Thebes and Athens joined together against Sparta. How the Athenians made peace for themselves, and others: out of which the Thebans were excluded. The battle of Leuctra and beginning of the Theban 〈◊〉.  
§. II How the Athenians took 〈◊〉 them to maintain the peace of Greece. New troubles hence arising. Epaminondas 〈◊〉 and wasteth the 〈◊〉 of Lacedaemon.  
§. III The composition between Athens and Sparta, for command in War against the Thebans; who again 〈◊〉 and spoil Peloponnefus. The unfortunate presumption of the Arcadians.  
§. FOUR The great growth of the Theban Estate. Embassages of the Greeks' to the Persian; with the reasons why he most favoured the Thebans. Troubles in the Persian Empire. The fruitless issue of the Embassages.  
§. V How all Greece was divided, between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, on the one side, and Thebans on the other. Of the great tumults rising in Arcadia.  
§. VI A terrible 〈◊〉 of Peloponnesus, by Epaminondas.  
§. VII. The great battle of Mantinaea. The 〈◊〉 death of Epaminondas; with his commendation.  
§. VIII. Of the peace concluded in Greece after the battle of Mantinaea. The Voyage of Agesilaus into Egypt. His death, and qualities; with an examination of the comparison; made between him 〈◊〉 Pompey the Roman.    

The Contents of the Chapters, Paragraphes, and Sections, in the fourth Book of the first Part of the History of the WORLD.  

CHAPTER I Of Philip, the Father of Alexander the Great, King of Macedon.  
§. I WHat Kings reigned in Macedon before Philip.  
III §. II The beginning of Philip's Reign; and how he delivered Macedon from the troubles, wherein he found it entangled.  
§. III The good success which Philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enterprises.  
§. VIIII. Of the Phocian War: which first drew Philip into Greece. V  
§. V Of the Olynthian War. The ambitious practices of Philip.  
§. VI How Philip ended the Phocian War.  
§. VII. How Philip with ill success attempted upon Perinthus, Bizantinm, and the Scythians.  
§. VIII. How Philip, overthrowing the Greeks' in the battle of Cheronaea, was chosen 〈◊〉 General of Greece. The death of Philip.  
§. IX.. What good foundations of Alexander's greatness were laid by Philip Of his laudable qualities, and issue.   

CHAP. II Of Alexander the Great.  
§. I A Brief rehearsal of Alexander's 〈◊〉, before he 〈◊〉 Asia.  
§. II How Alexander, 〈◊〉 into Asia, fought with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the river of Granicus.  
§. III Adigression, concerning the defence of hard passages. Of things following the battle of Granick.  
§. FOUR Of the unwarlike Army levied by Darius against Alexander. The unadvised courses which Darius took in this Expedition. He is vanquished at Issus, where his Mother, wife, and children, are made Prisoners. Of some things following the battle of Issus.  
§. V How Alexander besieged and wan the City of tire.  
§. VI How Darius offered conditions of peace to Alexander. Alexander wins Gaza, and deals gracionsly with the jews.  
§. VII. Alexander wins Egypt: and makes a journey to the Temple of Hammon.  
§. VIII. How Alexander marching against Darius, was opposed very unskilfully by the Enemy.  
§. IX.. The new provisions of Darius. Accidents foregoing the battle of Arbela.  
§. X. The battle of Arbela: and that it could not be so strongly fought, as report hath made it.  
§. XI. Of things following the battle of Arbela. The yielding of Babylon and Susa.  
§. XII. How Alexander come to Persepolis, and burnt it.  
§. XIII. The Treason of Bessus against Darius. Darius' his death.  
§. XIIII. How Alexander pursued Bessus, and took into his grace Darius his Captains.  
§. XU Of Thalestris Queen of the Amazons; where, by way of digression, it is showed, that such Amazons have been, and are.  
§. XVI. How Alexander fell into the Persians' luxury: and how he further pursued Bessus.  
§. XVII. A Conspiracy against Alexander. The death of Philotas and Parmenio.  
§. XVIII. How Alexander subdued the Bactrians, Sogdians, and other people. How Bessus was delivered into his hands. How 〈◊〉 fought with the Scythians.  
§. XIX. How Alexander slew his own friends.  
§. XX. Of Alexander's journey into India. The battle between him and Porus.  
§. XXI. How Alexander finished his Expedition, and returned out of India.  
§. XXII. Of Alexander's riot, cruelty, and death.  
§. XXIII. Of Alexander's person, and qualities.   

CHAP. III The Reign of Aridaeus.  
§. I OF the question about succession to Alexander.  
§. II The election of Aridaeus; with the troubles thereabouts arising: the first division of the Empire.  
§. III The beginning of the Lamian War.  
§. FOUR How Perdiccas employed his Army.  
§. V The process of the Lamian War.  
§. VI Of the Peace granted to Athens by Antipater. Of Demosthenes his death.  
§. VII. How Craterus and Antipater were drawn from their Aetolian Wars into Asia. The grounds of the first Civil War between the Macedonian Lords.  
§. VIII. Perdiccas' his Voyage into Egypt; and his dèath.  
§. IX.. Victories of Eumenes in 〈◊〉 Asia.  
§. X. Quarrels between Eurydice the Queen, and Python the Protector. Python resigns 〈◊〉 Office; into which 〈◊〉 is chosen.  
§. XI. Antigonus, Lieutenant of Asia, wins a battle of Eumenes, and siegeth him in Nora. He vanquisheth other followers of Perdiccas.  
§. XII. 〈◊〉 wins Syria and Phoenicia. The death of Antipater.  
§. XIII. Of Polysperchon, who succeeded unto Antipater in the Protectorship. The insurrection of Cassander against him.  
§. XIIII. The unworthy courses, held by Polysperchon, for the keeping down of Cassander.  
§. XU Of the great commotions raised in Athens by Polysperchons' decree. The death of Photion.  
§. XVI. Of Polysperchon his vain Expedition against Cassander.  
§. XVII. Antigonus seeks to make himself an absolute Lord: and thereupon treats with Eumenes, who disappointeth him. Phrygia and Lydia won be Antigonus.  
§. XVIII. Antigonus pursues Eumenes. Eumenes having authority from the Court, 〈◊〉 great War against 〈◊〉 in defence of the Royal house.  
§. XIX. How the Princes of Macedon stood affected mutually. Olympias takes Aridaeus and Eurydice, whom she 〈◊〉 puts to death.  
§. XX. How Cassander was revenged upon Olympias. 

†. I THe great Expedition of Cassander. Olympias shuts herself into Pydna, where Cassander besiegeth her. Aeacides, King of Epirus, coming to secure Olympias, is forsaken, and banished by his own Subjects.  
†. II Acontinuation of Olympias her Story. Polysperchon defeated. Extreme famine in Pydna. Olympias yields to Cassander.  
†. III The death of Olympias: and her condition.  
†. FOUR Cassander celebrates the funeral of Aridaeus and Eurydice; and seeks to make himself King of Macedon.     

CHAP. FOUR Of the great Lordship which Antigonus got in Asia.  
§. I THe journey of Eumenes into Persia. His wise dealing with those that joined with him.  
§. II How Antigonus, coming to set upon Eumenes, was driven off with loss.  
§. III Of Eumenes his cunning. A battle between him and Antigonus.  
§. FOUR Of divers stratagems practised by Antigonus, and Eumenes; one against the other.  
§. V The conspiracy of Peucestes and others, against Eumenes his life.  
§. VI The last Battle between Antigonus and Eumenes.  
§. VII. How Eumenes was betrayed to Antigonus, and slain.  
§. VIII. How Antigonus slew Python, and occupied Media. How he removed Governors of Provinces, and made himself Lord of Persia; carrying away Peucestes.  
§. IX.. How Seleucus was chasedout of Babylon, by Antigonus. The great riches of Antigonus.   

CHAP. V. Of the great Civil War between Alexander's Captains: and how they assumed the name and state of Kings.  
§. I THe combination of Ptolemie Cassander, and others, against Antigonus. Their demands, and his answer.  
§. II The preparations and beginnings of the Wars.  
§. III How each part sought to win the assistance of Greece. Antigonus his declaration against Cassander. Alexander, the son of Polysperchon, revolteth from Antigonus, who had set him up.  
§. FOUR The Aetolians rise against Cassander, in favour of Antigonus, and are beaten. A Fleet, and land-army of Antigonus, utterly defeated by Ptolemy's Lieutenant. In what terms the War stood at this time. Antigonus draws nearer to Greece.  
§. V How Lysimachus and Cassander vanquished some Enemies, raised against them by Antigonus. The good success of Antigonus in Asia and Greece: with the rebellion of many Cities agaiust Cassander.  
§. VI Victories of Ptolemie by Sea. A great battle at Gaza, which Ptolemie and Seleucus wan, against Demetrius the son of Antigonus.  
§. VII. How Seleucus recovered Babylon, and made himself Lord of many Countries in the higher Asia. The Aera of the Kingdom of the Greeks'; which began with this Dominion of Seleucus.  
§. VIII. How Ptolemie lost all that he had won in Syria. What the causes were of the quiet obedience, performed unto the Macedonians, by those that had been subject unto the Persian Empire. Of divers petty enterprises, taken in hand by Antigonus and Demetrius, with ill success.  
§. IX.. A general peace, made and broken. How all the house of Alexander was destroyed.  
§. X. How Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, gave liberty to Athens; expelling the Garrisons of Cassander out of those parts. The immoderate honours decreed by the Athenians to Antigonus and Demetrius.  
§. XI. The great victory of Demetrius against Ptolemie in Cyprus. How Antigonus and Demetrius took upon them the style of Kings; wherein others followed their example.   

CHAP. VI Of the Wars between the Kings of Egypt, Asia, Macedon, Thrace, and others, until all Alexander's Princes were consumed.  
§. I THe expedition of Antigonus against Egypt, with ill success.  
§. II How the City of Rhodes was besieged by Demetrius.  
§. III How Demetrius prevailed in Greece. Cassander desires peace of Antigonus, and cannot obtain it. Great preparations of War against Antigonus.  
§. FOUR How Antigonus was slain in a great battle at Ipsus, near unto Ephesus; wherein his whole estate was lost.  
§. V How Demetrius, forsaken by the Athenians after his overthrow, was reconciled to Seleucus and Ptolemie: beginning a new fortune, and shortly entering into new quarrels.  
§. VI How Dometrius wan the City of Athens; and prevailed in Greece, but lost in Asia. Of troubles in Macedon, following the death of Cassander.  
§. VII. Of Pyrrhus, and his doings in Macedon. The death of Cassander's children. Demetrius gets the Kingdom of Macedon, 〈◊〉 in war against the Greeks'; loseth reputation in his war against Pyrrhus, and in his civil government; and prepares to win Asia. How all conspire against Demetrius. Pyrrhus and Lysimachus invade him: his Army yields to Pyrrhus; who shares the Kingdom of Macedon with Lylimachus.  
§. VIII. How Demetrius, gathering forces, enterprised many things with ill success, in Greece and Asia. How he was driven upon Seleucus, and compelled to yield himself. His imprisonment and death.  
§. IX.. The death of Ptolemie, of Lysimachus, and of Seleucus, that was the last of Alexander's Captains: with other occurrences.   

CHAP. VII. The growth of Rome: and settling of the Eastern Kingdoms.  
§. I HOw the Romans enlarged their Dominion in Italy, from the death of Tullus Hostilius, unto such time as they were assailed by Pyrrhus.  
§. II How Pyrrhus warred upon the Romans, and vanquished them in two battles.  
§. III The great troubles in Macedon and Sicil. How Pyrrhus, being invited into Sicily, forsook Italy; wan the most of the Isle; and lost it in short space. Pyrrhus returns into 〈◊〉; where he is beaten by the Romans, and so goes back to his own Kingdom.  
§. FOUR How Antigonus, the son of Demetrius delivered Macedon from the Gauls. How Pyrrhus won the Kingdom of Macedon from Antigonus.  
§. V How Pyrrhus assailed Sparta without success. His enterprise upon Argos; and his death.    

The Contents of the Chapters, Paragraphes, and Sections, in the fift Book of the first Part of the History of the WORLD.  

CHAPTER I Of the first Punic War.  
§. I A Discussion of that Problem of LIVY; Whither the Romans could have resisted the great ALEXANDER. That neither the Macedonian, nor the Roman Soldier, was of equal valour 〈◊〉 the English.  
§. II The estate of Carthage, before it entered into war with Rome.  
§. III The beginning of the first Punic War. That it was unjustly under-taken by the Romans.  
§. FOUR Of the Island of Sicil. 

†. I THe quality of the Island: and the first inhabitants thereof.  
†. II The plantation of the Greeks' in Sicil.  
†. III Of the government and affairs of Sicily, before Dionysius his tyranny.  
†. FOUR Of Dionysius the Tyrant; and others, following him, in Syracuse.    
§. V 〈◊〉 of the Roman war in Sicil. How Hieron, King of Syracuse, forsook the Carthaginians; and made his peace with Rome.  
§. VI How the Romans besiege, and win Agrigentum. Their beginning to maintain a fleet. Their first loss, and first victory by Sea. Of Sea-fight in general.  
§. VII. divers enterfeats of war, between the Romans and Carthaginians, with variable success. The Romans prepare to invade Africa: and obtain a great victory at Sea.  
§. VIII. The Romans prevail in Africa. Atilius the Consul propoundeth intolerable conditions of peace to the Carthaginians. He is utterly beaten, and made prisoner.  
§. IX.. How the affairs of Carthage prospered after the victory against Atilius, How the, Romans, having lost their fleet by tempest, resolve to forsake the Seas. The great advantages of a good fleet in war, between Nations divided by the Sea.  
§. X. How the Romans attempt again to get the mastery of the Seas. The victory of Caecilius the Roman Consul at 〈◊〉. The siege of Lilyboeum. How a Rhodian Galley entered Lilyboeum at pleasure, in despite of the Roman fleet. That it is a matter of great difficulty, to stop the passage of good ships. The Romans, by reason of grievous losses received, under Claudius and junius their Consuls, abandon the Seas again.  
§. XI. The City of Eryx is surprised by the Romans, and recovered by Amilcar; who 〈◊〉 holds war with them five years. The Romans having emptied their common treasury, build a new fleet, at the charges of private men. The great victory at Sea, of Luctatius the Consul; whereby the Carthaginians are forced to crave peace. The conditions of the peace between Rome and Carthage.   

CHAP. II Of divers actions passing between the first and second Punic Wars.  
§. I OF the cruel war, begun between the Carthaginians, and their own Mercenaries.  
§. II divers observations upon this war with the Mercenaries. 

†. I OF Tyranny: and how Tyrants are driven to use help of Mercenaries.  
†. II That the tyranny of a City over her subjects, is 〈◊〉 than the Tyranny of one man: and that a tyrannical City must likewise use mercenary Soldiers.  
†. III The dangers, growing from the use of mercenary Soldiers, and foreign 〈◊〉.  
†. FOUR That the moderate Government of the Romans, gave them assurance to use the service of their own subjects in the wars. That in man's nature there is an affection breeding tyranny, which 〈◊〉 the use and benefit of the like moderation.    
§. III How the war against the Mercenaries was diversly managed by Hanno and Amilcar, with variable success. The bloody counsels of the Mercenaries; and their final destruction.  
§. FOUR How the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians, that were in Sardinia, rebelled: and were afterwards driven out by the Islanders. The faithless dealing of the Romans with the Carthaginians, in taking from them Sardinia, contrary to the peace.  
§. V How the affairs of Carthage went, between the African Rebellion, and the second Punic War.  
§. VI The estate of Greece from the death of Pyrrhus, to the reign of Philip the son of Demerrius in Macedon.  
§. VII. How the Illyrians infested the coast of Greece; and how they were subdued by the Romans.  
§. VIII. Of the war between the Romans and Gauls, somewhat before the coming of Hannibal into Italy.   

CHAP. III Of the second Punic War.  
§. I THe wars of Hannibal in Spain. Quarrels between the Romans and Carthaginians. Hannibal besiegeth and taketh Saguntum; whilst the Romans are busied with the Illyrians. War proclaimed between Rome and Carthage.  
§. II Hannibal takes order for the defence of Spain and Africa, His journey into Italy.  
§. III How the Romans in vain solicited the Spaniards and Gauls to take their part. The rebellion of the Cisalpine Gauls against the Romans.  
§. FOUR Scipio the Roman Consul overcome by Hannibal, at Ticinum. Both of the Roman Consuls beaten by Hannibal, in a great battle at Trebia.  
§. V The departure of Hannibal from the Cisalpine Gauls into Hetruria. Flaminius the Roman Consul slain; and his Army deftroyed by the Carthaginians, at the Lake of Thrasymen.  
§. VI How Q Fabius, the Roman Dictator, sought to consume the force of Hannibal, by lingering war. Minutius, the Master of the Horse, honoured and advanced by the People, for bold and successful attempting, adventures rashly upon Hannibal: and is like to perish with his Army; but rescued by Fabius.  
§. VII. The Roman People, desirous to finish the war quickly, choose a rash and unworthy Consul. Great forces levied against Hannibal. Hannibal taketh the Romans provifions in the Castle of Cannae. The new Consuls set forth against Hannibal.  
§. VIII. Dissension between the two Roman Consuls. Whither it be likely, that Hannibal was upon point of flying out of Italy, when the Romans pressed him to fight. The great battle at Cannae.  
§. IX.. Of things following the battle at Cannae.  
§. X. Of the great supply that was decreed at Carthage, to be sent to Hannibal in Italy. How by the malice of Hanno, and sloth or parsimony of the Carthaginians, the supply was too long deferred. That the riches of the Carthaginians grew faster, than of the Romans. Of Fabius and other old Roman Historians, how partial they were in their writings.  
§. XI. Strange reports of the Roman victories in Spain, before Asdrubal the son of Amilcar followed thence his brother Hannibal into Italy.  
§. XII. The great troubles that Hannibal 〈◊〉 in all quarters, to the City of Rome. 〈◊〉 the Roman General, with his whole Army, is slain by the Gauls. Philip King of Macedon enters into a League with Hannibal, against the Romans. The Romans, joining with the Aetolians, make war upon Philip in Greece: & afterwards conclude a peace with him; the better to inlend their business against the Carthaginians.  
§. XIII. How the Romans began to recover their strength by degrees. The noble affection of the Romans, in relieving the public 〈◊〉 of their Commonweal.  
§. XIIII. The Romans win some Towns back from Hannibal. Hannibal wins Tarentum. The siege of Capua. Two victories of Hannibal. The journey of Hannibal to the gates of Rome. Capua taken by the Romans.  
§. XU How the Carthaginiaus, making a party in Sardinia and Sicily, held war against the Romans in those islands; and were overcome.  
§. XVI. How the war passed between the Romans and Hannibal in Italy, from the taking of Capua to the great victory at Metaurus.  
§. XVII. How P. Cornelius Scipio the Roman, made entire conquest of Spain. 

†. I HOw the Carthaginians were driven by Scipio, from the Continent into the Isle of Gades.  
†. II Funeral games held by Scipio. A 〈◊〉 between two Spanish Princes. A digression concerning Duels.  
†. III The last acts of Scipio in Spain. 〈◊〉 return to Rome: where he is chosen Consul.    
§. XVIII. Scipio obtains leave to make war in Africa. His preparations. Of Masanissa, who joined with Scipio. The victories against Asdrubal and Syphax.  
§. XIX. The Carthaginians desire truce: and break it.  
§. XX. In what sort. Hannibal spent the time after the battle of Metaurus. The doings of Mago in Italy. Hannibal and Mago called out of Italy. How the Romans 〈◊〉 diversly affected by Hannibal's departure.  
§. XXI. Hannibal in Africa prepares to fight with Scipio; treats with him about peace in vain; loseth a battle at Nadagara; and persuades the Carthaginians to sue for peace. Of the peace granted from Rome to Carthage.   

CHAP. FOUR Of Philip the Father of Perseus, King of Macedon; his first Acts and War with the Romans, by whom he was subdued.  
§. I HOw the Romans grew acquainted in the East Countries, and desirous of war there. The beginning of many Princes, with great Wars, at one time. The Aetolians overrun Peloponnesus. Philip and his Associates make war against the Aetolians. Alteration of the State in Sparta. The Aetolians invade Greece and Macedon; and are invaded at home by Philip.  
§. II How Philip was misseaduised by ill Counsellors: who afterwards wrought treason against him; and were justly 〈◊〉. He invadeth the Aetolians a second time: and forceth them to sue for peace; which is granted unto them.  
§. III Philip, at the persuasion of Demetrius Pharius, enters into League with Hannibal against the Romans. The tenor of the League between Hannibal and Philip.  
§. FOUR How Philip yielded to his natural vices, being therein soothed by Demetrius Pharius. His desire to tyrannize upon the free States his Associates: with the troubles into which he thereby fell, whilst he bore a part in the second Punic War. He poisoneth Aratus: and grows hateful to the Achaeans.  
§. V Of Philopoemen General of the Achaeans: and Machanidas Tyrant of Lacedaemon. A battle between them, wherein Machanidas is slain.  
§. VI. Philip having peace with Rome, and with all Greece, Prepares against Asia. Of the Kings of Pergamus, Cappadocia, Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bythinia; and their Lineages. Of the Galatians.  
§. VII. The Town of Cios taken by Philip, at the instance of Prusias King of Bythinia, and cruelly destroyed. By this and like actions, Philip groves hateful to many of the Greeks': and is warred upon by Attalus King of Pergamus, and by the Rhodians.  
§. VIII. The Romans, after their Carthaginian war, seek matter of quarrel against Philip. The Athenians, upon slight cause, proclaim war against Philip; moved thereto by Attalus whom they flatter. Philip wins divers Towns: and makes peremptory answer to the Roman Ambassador. The furious resolution of the Abydeni.  
§. IX.. The Romans decree war against Philip, and sand one of their Consuls into Greece, as it were in defence of the Athenians their Confederates. How poor the Athenians were at this time, both in quality and estate.  
§. X. The Town of Chalcis in Euboea, taken and sacked by the Romans and their Associates, that lay in Garrison at Athens. Philip attempteth to take Athens by surprise: wasteth the Country about; and makes a journey into Peloponnesus. Of Nabis, the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, and his Wife. Philip offers to make war against Nabis for the Achaeans. He returneth home through Attica, which he spoileth again; and provides against his Enemies. Some exploits of the Romans. divers Princes join with them. Great labouring to draw the Aetolians into the war.  
§. XI. The meeting of Philip with the Romans, and skirmishing with them on his borders, The Aetolians invade his Dominions: and are beaten home. Some doings of Attalus and the Roman fleet.  
§. XII. vilius the Roman Consul Wastes a year to no effect. War of the Gauls in Italy. An Embassy of the Romans to Carthage, Masanissa and Vermina. The Macedonian prepares for defence of his Kingdom: and T. Quintius Flaminius is sent against him.  
§. XIII. The Romans begin to make war by negotiation. T. Quintius wins a passage against Philip. Thessaly wasted by Philip, the Romans, and Aetolians. The Achaeans forsaking the Macedonian, take part with the Romans. A treaty of peace that was vain. Philip delivers Argos to Nabis the Tyrant; who presently enters into League with the Romans.  
§. XIIII. The battle at 〈◊〉, wherein Philip was vanquished by T. Quintius.  
§. XU. T. Quintius falls out with the Aetolians, and grants truce unto Philip, with conditions, upon which the peace is ratified. Liberty proclaimed unto the Greeks'. The Romans quarrel with 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. V. The Wars of the Romans with Antiochus the Great, and his Adherents.  
§. I WHat Kings, of the races of Selcucus and Ptolemie, reigned in Asia and Egypt before Antiochus the Great.  
§. II The beginning of the great Antiochus his reign. Of Ptolemie Euergetes and Philopator, Kings of Egypt. War between Antiochus and Philopator. The rebellion of Molo; and Expedition of Antiochus against him. The recontinuance of Antiochus his Egyptian war: with the passages between the two Kings: the victory of Ptolemie; and peace concluded. Of Achaeus and his rebellion; his greatness, and his fall. Antiochus his Expedition against the Parthians, Bactrians; and Indian's. Somewhat of the Kings reigning in India, after the death of the Great Alexander.  
§. III The lewdreigne of Ptolemie Philopator in Egypt: with the tragical end of his Favourites, when he was dead. Antiochus prepares to war on the young child Ptolemie Epiphanes, the son of Philopator. His irresolution, in preparing for 〈◊〉 wars at once. His voyage toward the Hellefpont. He seeks to hold amity with the Romans, who make friendly show to him; 〈◊〉 nevertheless to have war with him. His doings about the Hellespont; which the Romans made the first ground of their quarrel to him.  
§. FOUR The Romans hold friendly correspondence with Antiochus, during their war with Philip: after with they quarrel with him. The doings of 〈◊〉 at Carthage: whence he is chased by his Enemies, and by the Romans. His flight unto the 〈◊〉 Antiochus. The Aetolians murmur against the Romans in Greece. The war of the Romans and Achaeans; with Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedaemon. The departure of the Romans out of Greece. T. Quintius his triumph. Peace denied to Antiochus by the Romans.  
§. V Of the long wars which the Romans had with the Gauls, Ligurians, & Spaniards. Of M. Porcius Cato. Injuries done by Masanissa to the Carthaginians; that sue to the Romans for 〈◊〉 in vain.  
§. VI The Aetolians labour to provoke Antiochus, Philip, and Nabis, to war upon the Romans; by whom they hold themselves wronged and disgraced. Nabis besiegeth Gyttheum, and wasteth some part of Achaea. The exact skill of Philopoemen in advantage of ground: whereby he utterly vanquisheth Nabis. Antiochus being denied peace by the Romans, joins with the Aetolians, The Aetolians surprise Demetrias; and, by kill Nabis their Confederate, seize upon Sparta. But they are driven out by the Citizens: who at Philopoemen his persuasions annex themselves to the Achaeans.  
§. VII. Antiochus, persuaded by Thoas the Aetolian, comes over into Greece, ill attended. Sundry passages between him, the Aetolians, Chalcidians, and others. He wins Chalcis, & thereby the whole Isle of Euboea. The vanity of the King's Ambassadors, and the Aetolians: with the civil answer of Titus to their discourse, before the Achaeans. 〈◊〉 it concerned the Greeks to have desired 〈◊〉, between the Romans and Antiochus: as the best assurance of their own liberty. Of many petty Estates that fell to the King. Of Aminander: and an idle vanity, by which King Philip was lost. Hannibal gives good counsel in vain. Some Towns won in Thessaly. The King retires to Chalcis: where he marrieth a young 〈◊〉, and revels away the rest of the Winter. Upon the coming of the Roman Consul, all forsake Antiochus. He with two thousand 〈◊〉 keeps the Straitss of Thermopylae. 〈◊〉 is beaten, and flies into Asia: leaving all in Greece unto the Victors.  
§. VIII. Lucius Scipio, having with him Publius the African his elder brother, for his 〈◊〉, is sent into Greece. He 〈◊〉 long Truce to the Aetolians, that so he might at leisure pass into Asia. Much 〈◊〉 some business by Sea: and divers fights. An 〈◊〉 upon Eumenes his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the siege of Pergamus, 〈◊〉 by an 〈◊〉 of the Achaeans. L. Scipio the Consul comes into Asia: where Antiochus most 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 desireth peace, and is denied it. The 〈◊〉 of Magnesia: wherein Antiochus, being 〈◊〉, yieldeth to the Romans good pleasure. The conditions of the peace. In what sort the Romans used their 〈◊〉. L. Cornelius Scipio after a most sump vous Triumph over Antiochus is surnamed The Asiatic, as his brother was 〈◊〉 The African.  
§. IX.. The Aetolians, and the Gallo-greekes, vanquished by the Roman Consuls Fuluius and Manlius. Manlius hardly obtains a Triumph: being charged (among other objections) with 〈◊〉 to have passed the bounds appointed as fatal to the Romans by Sibyl. Of Sibyls Prophecies: the books of Hermes: and that 〈◊〉 SIMONI DEO SANCTO. The ingratitude of Rome to the two Scipio's; and that beginning of faction among the Roman 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. VI The second Macedonian War.  
§. I THe condition wherein those Princes and Estates remained, which were Associates of the Romans, when the War with Antiochus was finished. The Romans quarrel with Philip. They deal insolently with the Achaeans. The Macedonian, being unready for war, obtains peace at Rome by his son Demetrius; of whom thenceforth he becomes jealous.  
§. II The death of Philopoemen, Hannibal, and Scipio. That the military profession is of all other the most unhappy: 〈◊〉 some examples, which may seem to prove the contrary.  
§. III Philip making provision for war against the Romans, deals hardly with many of his own subjects. His negotiation with the 〈◊〉. His cruelty. He suspecteth his son 〈◊〉. Demetrius' 〈◊〉 by his brother 〈◊〉; and shortly after slain, by his father's appointment. Philip repenteth him of his sons death, whom he findeth to have been innocent: and intending to revenge it on Perseus, he dieth.  
§. FOUR How the Bastarnae fell upon Dardania. The behaviour of Perseus in the beginning of his reign. Some wars of the Romans: and how they suffered Masanissa, cruelly to oppress the Carthaginians. They quarrel with Perseus. They allow not their Confederates to make war without their leave obtained. The treason of Callicrates; whereby all Greece become more obnoxious to Rome, than in sormer times. Further quarrels to Perseus. He seeks friendship of the Achaeans, and is withstood by Callicrates. The Romans discover their intent of warring upon him.  
§. V How Eumenes King of Pergamus was 〈◊〉, with Pharnaces, the Rhodians and others. His hatred to the Macedonian: whom he accuseth to the Roman Senate. The Senate honours him greatly, and contemns his Enemies the Rhodians; with the causes thereof. The unusual stoutness of the Macedonian Ambassadors. Perseus' his attempt upon Eumenes. The brotherly love between Eumenes and Attalus. Perseus' his device to poison some of the Roman Senators: whereupon they decree war against him, and sand him defiance. Other things concerning the justice of this war.  
§. VI The Romans solicit the Greeks' to join with them in the war against Perseus. How the Greeks' stood affected in that war. The timorousness of Perseus. Martius a Roman Ambassador deludes him with hope of peace. His forces. He takes the field; and wins part of Thessaly. The forces of Licinius the Roman Consul: and what assistants the Romans had in this war. Of Tempe in Thessaly; and what advantages the Macedonian had or might have had, but lost by his fear. Perseus braves the Romans, fights with them, knows not how to use his victory, sues for peace, and is denied it by the vanquished. Perseus' having the worse in a skirmish, forsakes all the Country lying without Tempe. The Boeotians rebel against the Romans, and are rigorously punished. The Roman Commanders unfortunate in the war against Perseus. They vex the Greeks' their friends; for whose ease the Senate makes provision; having heard their complaints. The flattering Alabanders.  
§. VII. Q Martius the Roman Consul, with extreme disficultie & danger, enters into Tempe. The cowardice of Perseus in abandoning Tempe. The Town of Dium quitted by Martius, repaired and fortified by the King. The Romans attempt many places, with ill success. Their affairs in hard estate. Martius a cunning and a bad man. Polybius sent Ambassador to Martius from the 〈◊〉. Polybius his honest wisdom beneficial to the Achaeans. King Eumenes grows averse from the Romans. Perseus negotiates with Antiochus and Eumenes. His false dealing with Gentius King of Illyria, whom he draws into the Roman war. He sends Ambassadors to the Rhodians, who vainly take upon them to be Arbitrators between Him and the Romans. Perseus loseth a mighty succour of the Bastarnae, by his wretched parsimony.  
§. VIII. Of L. Aemylius Paulus, the Consul. His 〈◊〉 He forceth Perseus to discampe. He will not hazard battle with any disadvantage. Of an Eclipse of the Moon. Aemylius his superstition. The battle of Pydna. Perseus' his flight. He forsakes his Kingdom: which 〈◊〉 yields to Aemylius. Perseus at Samothrace. He yields himself to the Roman Admiral; and is sent prisoner to Aemylius.  
§. IX.. Gentius King of the Illyrians, taken by the Romans.  
§. X. How the Romans behaved themselves in Greece and Macedon, after their victory over Perseus.  
§. XI. The war of Antiochus upon Egypt, brought to end by the Roman Ambassadors.  
§. XII. How the Romans were dreadful to all Kings. Their demeanour towards Eumenes, Prusias, Masanissa, and Cotys. The end of Perseus and his children. The instability of Kingly Estates. The Triumphs of Paulus, Anicius, and Octavius: With the Conclusion of the work.     

THE FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD: ENTREATING OF THE Beginning, and first ages of the same, from the Creation, unto ABRAHAM.  

THE FIRST BOOK.  

CHAP. I Of the Creation, and Preservation of the World.  

§. I. That the invisible God is seen in his Creatures.  
GOD, whom the wisest men acknowledge to be a Power uneffable, and Virtue infinite, a Light by abundant claritic invisible, an Understanding, which itself can only comprehend, an Essence eternal and spiritual, of absolute pureness and simplicity, was, and is pleased to make himself known by the work of the World: in the wonderful magnitude whereof, (all which he embraceth, filleth, and sustaineth) we behold the Image of that glory, which cannot be measured, and withal that one, and yet universal Nature, which cannot be defined. In the glorious Lights of Heaven; we perceive a shadow of his divine Countenance; in his merciful provision for all that live, his manifold goodness: and lastly, in creating and making existent the world universal, by the absolute art of his own word, his Power and almightiness, which Power, Light, Virtue, Wisdom, and Goodness, being all but attributes of one simple Essence, and one God, we in all admire, and in part discern per speculum creaturarum, that is, in the disposition order, and variety of celestial and terrestrial bodies: terrestrial, in their strange and manifold diversities; celestial, in their beauty and magnitude; which in their continual & contrary motions, are neither repugnant, intermixed, nor confounded. By these potent effects, we approach to the knowledge of the omnipotent cause, and by these motions, their Almighty Mover. 
Hugo super Eccles. Hom. 8. Greg. in Mor. Herm. ad sil. Tat. l. 5. unus verò ingenitus, & non apparens & immanifestus, omnia autem manifestans, per omnia apparet, & in omnibus. Apparentia solùm generatorum est, nihil apparitio quàm generatio. john. 5. 3.   
In these more than wonderful works, God (saith Hugo) speaketh unto man, and it is true, that these be those discourses of God, whose effects, all that live, witness in themselves; the sensible, in their sensible natures; the reasonable, in their reasonable souls: for according to S. Gregory, Omnis homo eo ipso quòd rationalis conditus est, ex ipsa ratione, illum qui se condidit, Deum esse colligere debet: Every man, in that he is reasonable, out of the same reason may know, that he which made him, is God. This God all men behold (saith job) which is according to the Fathers, Dominationem illius conspicere in creaturis, to discern him in his providence by his creatures. That God hath been otherwise seen, to wit, with corporal eyes, exceedeth the small proportion of my understanding, grounded on these places of S. john, and S. Paul, Ye have not heard his voice at any time, neither have ye seen his shape. And again, Whom never man seen, nor can see.  
And this I am sure agreeth with the nature of God's simplicity, of which S. Augustine, 
1. Tim. 6. 16. Origen. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 22. 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉. in john, Hom. 14. Greg. Naz. l. 2. Theolog. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 Esaiam. Aug. l. 2. de Trin. c. 12. & 13. Greg. Magn. l. 18. mor. Euar. Epist. 1. Decret. Alovin. l. 2. de Trin. c. 16. D. 〈◊〉. c. 4. Cael. Hierar. Thom. p. 2. q. 12. art. 11. & alibi.  Ipsa enim natura, vel substantia, vel quolibet alio nomine appellandum est, idipsum quod Deus est, corporaliter videri non potest, That nature, or that substance, or by whatsoever name that is to be called which is God, whatsoever that be, the same cannot be corporally perceived. And of this opinion were Origen, Cyrill, Chrusostom, Gregory Nazianzenus, Hierome, Augustine, Gregory the Great, evaristus, Alcuinus, 〈◊〉 Areopagita, Aquinas, and all others of authority. But by his own word, and by this visible world, is God perceived of men, which is also the understood language of the Almighty, vouchsafed to all his Creatures, whose hieroglyphical Characters, are the unnumbered Stars, the Sun & Moon, written on these large volumes of the Firmament: written also on the Earth and the Seas, by the letters of all those living Creatures, and plants, which inhabit and reside therein. Therefore said that learned Cusanus, Mundus universus nihil aliud est, quàm Deus explicatus, The world universal, is nothing else but God expressed. And the invisible things of God (saith S. Paul) are seen by creation of the world, being considered in his Creatures. 
Deus, qui natura 〈◊〉 est, ut 〈◊〉 visibilibus posset sciri, opus secit, quod Opificem sui visibiliter manifestavet, ut per certum incertum sciretur, & ille Deus omnium esse crederetur. Amb. in epist. ad Rom. c. 1.  Of all which, there was no other cause preceding, than his own will, no other matter than his own power, no other workman than his own word, no other consideration, than his own infinite goodness. The example & pattern of these his Creatures, as he beheld the same in all eternity in the abundance of his own love, so was it at length in the most wise order, by his unchanged will moved, by his high wisdom disposed, and by his almighty power perfected, and made visible. And therefore (saith Mirandula) we aught to love God, Ex fide, & ex effectibus, (that is) both persuaded by his word, and by the effects of the world's creation: Neque enim qui causa caret, ex causa & origine sciri, cognoscique potest, sed velex rerum, quae factae sunt, quaeque fiunt & gubernantur observatione & collatione, vel exipsius Dei verbo: For he of whom 
Cusan. de gen. dialog.  there is no higher cause, cannot be known by any knowledge of cause or beginning, 
Rom. 1. 20. A. Mont. Nat. Hist. fol. 7.  (saith Montanus) but either by the observing and conferring of things, which he hath, or doth created and govern, or else by the word of God himself.   

§. II That the wisest of the Heathen, whose authority is not to be despised, have acknowledged the world to have been created by GOD.  
THis work and creation of the world, did most of the ancient & learned Philosophers acknowledge, though by divers terms, and in a different manner expressed, I mean all those who are entitled by S. Augustine, Summi 
Herm. in Poemandro, & in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Philosophi, Philosophers of highest judgement and understanding. Mercurius Trismegistus calleth God, Principium universorum, The original of the universal: to whom he giveth also the attributes of Man's, natura, actus, necessitas, finis, & renovatio. And wherein he truly, with S. Paul, casteth upon God all power; confessing also, that the world was made by God's almighty word, and not by hands: verbo, non manibus fabricatus est mundus. ZOROASTER (whom Heraclitus followed in opinion) took the word Fire, to express God by (as in Deuteronomy, 
Deut. 4. 24.  and in S. Paul it is used) Omnia ex uno igne genita sunt; All things (saith be) are 
Hebr. 12. 19  caused, or produced out of one fire.  
So did Orpheus plainly teach, that the world had beginning in time, from the will of the most High God; whose remarkable words are thus converted: Cùm abscondisset 
Orph. de sum. jove.  omnia JUPITER summus, 〈◊〉 in lumen gratum emisit, ex sacro cord operans cogitata & mirabilia: Of which I conceive this sense; When great JUPITER had hidden all things in himself; working out of the love of his sacred heart, he sent thence, or brought forth into grateful light, the admirable works which he had forethought.  
Pindarus the Poet, and one of the wisest, acknowledged also one God, the most High, to be the Father and Creator of all things; unus Deus Pater Creator summus. Plato calleth God the cause and original, the nature and reason of the 〈◊〉; totius rerum natura, causa, & origo Deus. But hereof more at large hereafter. 
Vid. cap. 6.   
Now, although the curiosity of some men have found it superfluous, to remember the opinions of Philosophers, in matters of Divinity: (it being true, that the Scripture hath not want of any foreign testimony) yet as the Fathers, with others excellently learned, are my examples herein; so S. Paul himself did not despise, but thought it lawful, & profitable, to remember whatsoever he found agreeable to the word of God, among the Heathen, that he might thereby take from them all escape, by way of ignorance, God rendering vengeance to them that know him not: as in his Epistle to Titus, he citeth Epimenides against the Cretians, and to the Corinthians, Menander, and in the seventeenth of the Acts, Aratus etc. for Truth (saith S. Ambrose) by whomsoever uttered, is of the holy Ghost; Veritas à quocunque dicatur, à Spirita sancto est: and lastly, let those kind of men learn this rule; Quae sacris 〈◊〉, prophana non sunt; Nothing is profane that serveth to the use of holy things.   

§. III Of the meaning of In Principio Genes. 1. 1.  
THis visible World of which Moses writeth, God created in the beginning, or first of all: in which (saith Tertullian) things began to be. This word beginning (in which the Hebrews seek some hidden mystery, and which in the jews Targum is converted by the word Sapientia) cannot be referred to succession of time nor to order, as some men have conceived, both which are subsequent: but only to creation then. For before that beginning, there was neither primary matter to be informed, nor form to inform, nor any being, but the eternal. Nature was not, nor the next parent of time begotten, time properly and naturally taken; for if God had but disposed of matter already in being, then as the word beginning could not be referred to all things, so must it follow, that the institution of matter proceeded from a greater power, then that of God. And by what name shall we then call such a one (saith Lactantius) as exceedeth God in potency: for it is an act of more excellency to make, than tun dispose of things made? whereupon it may be concluded, that matter could not be before this beginning: except we feign a double creation, or allow of two powers, and both infinite, the impossibility whereof scorneth defence. Nam impossibile plura 
Cusan. demonte lib. 3.  esse infinita: quoniam alterum esset in altero finitum; There cannot be more infinites than one; for one of them would limit the other.   

§. FOUR Of the meaning of the words Heaven and Earth, Genesis 2. 1.  
THe universal matter of the world (which Moses comprehendeth under the names of Heaven and Earth) is by divers diversly understood: for there are that conceive, that by those words, was meant the first matter, as the Peripatetikes understand it, to which, S. Augustine and 〈◊〉 seem to adhere. 〈◊〉 mundum (saith S. Augustine) de materia informi, quam fecisti de nulla re, penè nullam rem: (that is) Thou hast made the world of a matter without form; which matter thou madest of nothing, and being made, it was little other than nothing.  
But this potential and imaginary materia prima, cannot exist without form. Peter Lombard; the Schoolmen, Beda, Lyranus, Comestor, Tostatus and others, affirm, that it pleased God first of all to created the Empyrean Heaven: which at the succeeding instant (saith Beda and 〈◊〉) he filled with Angels. This Empyrean Heaven 
〈◊〉. Hex. Strabo super Genes. Eug. Cos. & de nat. incorp.  Steuchius Eugubinus calleth Divine clarity, and uncreated: an error, for which he is sharply charged by Pererius, though (as I conceive) he rather failed in the subsequent, when he made it to be a place, and the seat of Angels, & just Souls, then in the former affirmation: for of the first, That God liveth in eternal light, it is written; My 
Psal. 104. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 lux facta, sed sapientia Dei, non creata, sed nata.  soul, praise thou the Lord, that covereth himself with light: and in the Revelation; 〈◊〉 the City hath no need of Sun, neither of the Moon to shine in it: for the glory of God didlight it. And herein also john Mercer upon Genesis differeth not in opinion from Eugubinus: for as by Heaven created in the beginning, was not meant the invisible or 
Apoc. 21. 23. Mercer. in Gen. cap. 7. vers. 7.  supercelestial, so in his judgement, because it was in all eternity, the glorious seat of God himself, it was not necessary to be created; Quem mundum supercoelestem meo indicio creari (saith MERCER) non erat necesse.  
But as Moses forbore to speak of Angels, and of things invisible, and incorporate, for the weakness of their capacities, whom he then cared to inform of those things, which were more manifest, (to wit) that God did not only by a strong hand deliver them from the bondage of Egypt, according to his promise made to their forefathers: but also that he created, and was the sole cause of this aspectable, and perceivable Universal; so on the other side I dare not think, that any supercelestial Heaven, or whatsoever else (not himself) was increate and eternal: and as for the place of God before the world created, the finite wisdom of mortal men hath no perception of it, neither can it limit the seat of infinite power, no more than infinite power itself can be limited: for his place is in himself, whom no magnitude else can contain: How great is the House of God (saith BARUCH) how largè is the place of his possessions! it is 
Bar. 3. 24. 25.  great, and hath no end, it is high and unmeasurable.  
But leaving multiplicity of opinion, it is more 〈◊〉 and allowed, that by the words, Heaven and Earth, was meant the solid matter 〈◊〉 substance, aswell of all the 
Cusan. in compend. fol. 224. Operis.  Heavens, and Orbs supernal, as of the Globe of the Earth and Waters, which covered it over, (to wit) that very matter of all things, materia, Chaos, possibilitas, 〈◊〉 posse fieri. Which matter (saith Calvin) was so called, quòdtotius mundi semen fuerit; 
Calvin, in 〈◊〉.  Because it was the seed of the Universal: an opinion of ancient Philosophers long before.   

§. V That the substance of the waters, as mixed in the body of the earth, is by MOSES understood in the word Earth: and that the Earth, by the attributes of unformed and void, is described as the 〈◊〉 of the anctent Heathen.  
MOSES first nameth Heaven and Earth (putting waters but in the third place) as comprehending waters in the word Earth, but afterwards he nameth them apart, when God by his Spirit began to distinguish the confused Mass, and (as Basil saith) praeparare naturam aquae ad foecunditatem 〈◊〉; to prepare the nature of water to a vital fruitfulness.  
For under the word Heaven, was the matter of all heavenly bodies, and natures expressed: and by the name of Earth and Waters, all was meant, whatsoever is under the Moon, and subject to alteration. Corrupt seeds bring forth corrupt plants; to which the pure heavens are not subject, though subject to perishing. They shall perish 
Psal. 102. 26. Esai 11.  (saith David) and the heavens shall vanish away like smoke, saith Easie. Neither were the waters the matter of Earth: for it is written, Let the waters under the heavens 
Gen. 1. v. 9  be gathered into one place, and let the dry land appear: which proveth that the dry land was mixed and covered with the waters, and not yet distinguished; but no way, that the waters were the matter or seed of the Earth, much less of the 〈◊〉. Initio tu Domine terram fundasti, Thou, OH Lord, in the beginning hast founded the Earth: and again, The Earth was covered with the Deep (meaning with waters) as with a garment, 
Psal. 104. 6.  saith David. And if by natural arguments it may be proved, that water by condensation may become earth, the same reason teacheth us also, that earth rarefied may become water: water, air: air, fire; and so on the contrary, 〈◊〉 ignis substantiam 
Zeno.  per aerem in aquam convertit, God turneth the substance of fire, by air, into water. For the Heavens and the Earth remained in the same state, in which they were created, as touching their substance, though there was afterwards added multiplicity of perfection, in respect of beauty and ornament. Coelum 〈◊〉 & terra in statu 〈◊〉 
Gul. Paris. 600.  remanserunt, quantum ad substantiam, licèt multiplex perfectio decoris & ornatus eis postmodùm 〈◊〉. And the word which the Hebrews call Maim, is not to be understood according to the Latin translation simply, and as specifical water; but the same more properly signifieth liquor. For (according to Montanus) Est autem 
A 〈◊〉. denat.  Maim liquor geminus, & hoc nomen propter verborum penuriam, Latina lingua plurali numero aquas fecit. For Maim (saith he) is a double liquor, (that is, of divers natures) and this name or word the Latins wanting a voice to express it, call it in the Plural, Aquas, Waters.  
This Mass, or indigested matter, or Chaos created in the beginning, was without form, that is, without the proper form, which it afterwards acquired, when the Spirit of God had separated the Earth, and digested it from the waters: And the earth 
Gen. 〈◊〉.  was void: that is, not producing any creatures, or adorned with any plants, first-fruits, or flowers. But after the Spirit of God had moved upon the waters, and wrought this indigested 
12.  matter into that form, which it now retaineth, then did the earth bud forth the herb, which seedeth seed, and the fruitful tree according to his kind, and God seen that it was good; which attribute was not given to the Earth, while it was confused, nor to the Heavens, before they had motion, and adornment. God seen that it was good; that is, made perfect: for perfection is that, to which nothing is wanting. Et perfecti Dei perfecta sunt opera, The works of the perfect God, are perfect.  
From this lump of imperfect matter had the ancient Poets their invention of Demogorgon: HESIODUS and ANAXAGORAS the knowledge of that Chaos, of which 〈◊〉:  

Ante mare, & terras, & (quod tegit omnia) coelum, 
ovid. Metam. lib. 1.   
unus erat toto naturae vultus in orb,  
Quem dixere Chaos, rudis indigestaque moles.   

Before the Sea and Land was made, and Heaven, that all doth hide,  
In all the world one only face of nature did abide:  
Which Chaos height, a huge rude heap.    

§. VI How it is to be understood that the Spirit of God moved upon the waters, and that this is not to be searched curiously.  
AFter the creation of Heaven and Earth, then void and without form, the Spirit of God moved upon the waters. The Seventy Interpreters use the word super-ferebatur, moved upon or over: incubabat, or 〈◊〉 (saith Hierome) out of Basil; and Basil out of a Syrian Doctor; 〈◊〉 
Basil. Hexam.  non meam tibi, sed viri cuiusdam Sylli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Basil) which words incubare or 〈◊〉 importing warmth, hatching, or quickening, have a special likeness. Verbum translatum est ab avibus pullitiei 〈◊〉 incubantibus, 〈◊〉 spirituali, 
〈◊〉.  & planè inenarrabili, non 〈◊〉 corporali modo; The word is taken of birds hatching their young, not corporally, but in a spiritual and unexpressible manner.  
Some of the Hebrews convert it to this effect, Spiritus Dei 〈◊〉, The Spirit of God did flutter: the Chaldaean Paraphrast in this sense, ventus à 〈◊〉 Dei sufflabat, or as other understand the Chaldaean, flabat, pellebat, removebat: the wind from the face of God did blow under, drive, or remove, or did blow upon, according to the 147. Psalm. He caused his wind to blow, and the waters increase: but there was yet no wind nor exhalation: 
Psal. 147. 18. Ar. Mont. ut. sup. Eugub. in Cos. fol. 13.  Arias Montanus in these words, Et spiritus 〈◊〉 Merachefet, idest, efficacitèr motitans, 〈◊〉, ac agitans super facies gemini liquoris; The Spirit of God effectually and often moving, keeping warm, and cherishing, quickening and stirring upon the face of this double liquor. For he maketh four originals, whereof three are agents, 
Ar. Mont. de natura, pag. 149.  and the last passive and material, to wit, causa, which is the divine goodness: 〈◊〉, which is, fiat, sive erit, let it be, or it shallbe. Quae vox verbo Dei prima prolata fuit: which voice (saith he) was the first that was uttered by the word of God. The third Spiritus Elohim, the Spirit of God, idest, vis quaedam divina, agilis ac praesens per omnia pertingens, omnia complens, that is, a certain divine power, or strength every where, 〈◊〉 and extending, and stretching through all, filling and finishing all things. The fourth he calleth Maim, idest, materies adomnem rem conficiendam habilis; matter apt to become every thing. For myself I am resolved (Cùm Deus sit superrationale omni ratione, Seeing God is in all reason above reason) that although the effects which follow his wonderful ways of working, may in a measure be perceived by man's 〈◊〉, yet the manner and first operation of his divine power cannot be conceived by any mind, or spirit, compassed with a mortal body. Animalis 〈◊〉 quae Dei sunt 〈◊〉 percipit: For my thoughts (saith the Lord in Easie) are not your thoughts, neither are your 
Easie. 55. 8.  ways my ways. And as the world hath not known God himself: so are his ways (according to S. Paul) past finding out. Orighteous Father, the world hath not known thee, saith CHRIST. And therefore, whither that motion, vitality and operation, 〈◊〉 by incubation, or how else, the manner is only known to God, 〈◊〉 in omnibus sit rebus vel per essentiam, vel per potentiam, intellect us nofter non capit; For bow God (saith 
Aug. Tract. 20. in 〈◊〉. 17. 25.  S. Augustine, speaking of his Ubiquity) is in all things, either by essence, presence, or power, our understanding cannot comprehend. Nihil inter Deum 〈◊〉 distaret, si consilia, & dispositiones illius maiestatis aeternae, cogitatio assequeretur humana: There 
Lact. in Praefat.  would be no difference between God and Man, if man's understanding could conceive the counsels and disposing of that eternal Majesty; and therefore to be over-curious in searching how the all-powerful Word of God wrought in the creation of the World or his all-piercing and operative Spirit distinguishing, gave form to the matter of the Universal, is a labour and search like unto his, who not contented with a known and safe ford, will presume to pass over the greatest River in all parts, where he is ignorant of their depths: for so doth the one loose his life, and the other his understanding. We behold the Sun, and enjoy his light, as long as we look towards it, but tenderly, and circumspectly: we warm ourselves safely, while we stand near the fire; but if we seek to outface the one, to enter into the other, we forth with become blind or burnt.  
But to eschew curiosity: this is true, that the English word (moved) is most proper and significant: for of motion proceedeth all production, and all whatsoever is effected. And this omnipotent Spirit of God, which may indeed be truly called, Principium motus, and with Mirandula, vis causae efficientis, The force of the 〈◊〉 cause, Saint Augustine sometimes taketh for the holy Ghost; sometime for a wind or breath, Sub nomine Spiritus, under the name of a Spirit, which is sometimes so taken: or for virtualis 〈◊〉, for a created virtuality: Tertullian and Theodoret call it also a breath or wind: Mercurius nameth it, Spiritum 〈◊〉 intelligibilem, a pure or thin intelligible spirit: ANAXAGORAS, mentem: TOSTATUS, 〈◊〉 & mentem Dei, The will and mind of God; which mens, Plato in Timaeo, maketh animam mundi, The soul of the world: and in his sixt Book de Republica, he calleth it the law of Heaven; in his Epistles, the leader of things to come, and the presence of things past. But as Cyprian wrote of the Incarnation of CHRIST our Saviour, Mens deficit, vox silet, & non 〈◊〉, sedetiam Angelorum: My mind faileth, my voice is silent, and not my only, but 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of Angels: so may all men else say in the understanding, and utterance of the ways and works of the Creation; for to him (saith Nazianzenus) there is 
Nazian. lib. 2. Theol.  not one substance by which he is, and another, by which he can, Sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est, quicquid eius est, & quicquidest, Whatsoever attribute of him there is, and whatsoever he is, it is the very same substance that himself is.  
But the Spirit of God which moved upon the waters, cannot be taken for a breath or wind nor for any other creature, separate from the infinite active power of God, which then 〈◊〉 and distinguished, and which how sustaineth, and giveth continuance to the Universal. For the Spirit of the Lord filleth all the world; and the 
Wisd cap. 1. Vers. 7.  same is it which maintaineth all things, saith SALOMON. If thou sand forth thy Spirit, (saith DAVID) they are created: And GREGORY, Deus suo praesentiali esse, 〈◊〉 omnibus rebus esse, ita quòd, size rebus subtraheret, sicut de 〈◊〉 factae sunt omnia, sic in 〈◊〉 defluerent universa; God giveth being to all things, by being present with all things, so as if he should withdraw himself from them, then, as of nothing the world was made, it would again fall away and vanish into nothing. And this working of God's Spirit in all things, Virgil hath expressed excellently:  

Principio coelum acterr as, camposque liquentes, 
Virg. Aeneid. lib. 8. 724.   
Lucentemque globum Lunae, Titaniaque astra,  
Spiritus intus alit: totamque infusa per artus,  
Mens agitat molem, & magno se corpore miscet.   

The Heaven, the Earth, and all the liquid Main,  
The moons bright Globe, and Stars Titanian,  
A Spirit within maintains: and their whole Mass,  
A Mind, which through each part infused doth pass,  
Fashions, and works, and wholly doth transpierce  
All this great Body of the Universe.   
And this was the same Spirit, which moved in the Universal, and thereby both distinguished and adorned it. His Spirit 〈◊〉 garnished the 〈◊〉, saith job. So 
job c. 26. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  than the Spirit of God moved upon the waters, and created in them their spirituality, and natural motion; motion brought forth heat; and heat rarifaction, and subtility of parts. By this Spirit, (which gave heat and motion, and thereby, operation to every nature, while it moved upon the waters, which were in one indigested lump, 
Gen. 1. 5.  and Chaos, disposed to all forms alike) was begotten air: an element superior, as lighter than the waters, through whose vast, open, subtle, diaphanicke, or transparent body, the light afterwards created might easily transpierce: light, for the excellency thereof, being the first creature which God called good, whose creation immediately followed. This Spirit Chrusostom calleth a vital Operation, aquis à 〈◊〉 insitam, ex qua aquae non solùm motionem, sed & vim procreandi animalia habuerint. He calleth it, A vital Operation given by God unto the waters, whereby the water, had not only motion, but also power to procreate or bring forth living creatures.   

§. VII. Of the light created, as the material substance of the Sun: and of the nature of it, and difficulty of knowledge of it: and of the excellency and use of it: and of motion, and heat annexed unto it.  
THese waters were afterwards congregated, and called the Sea: and this light afterwards (in the fourth day) gathered and united, and called the Sun, the Organ, and instrument of created light. For this first and dispersed light did not (as I conceive) distinguish the night from the day, but with a reference to the suns creation, and the uniting of the dispersed light therein. This is proved by these words, Let there belights in the firmament, to separate the day from the night: which lights in the firmament of heaven were 
Gen. 1. 14.  also made for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and for years, implying a motion instantly to follow, by which days and years are distinguished; after which succeeded Time, or together with which, that Time (which was the measure of motion) began. For that space of the first three days which preceded the Sun's creation, or formal perfection, when as yet there was not any motion to be measured, and the day named in the fift verse, was but such a space, as afterwards by the suns motion made a civil or natural day. And as Waters were the matter of air, of the firmament, and of the lower and upper waters, and of the Seas, and creatures therein: Earth, the matter of Beasts, Plants, Minerals, and Man's body: so may light (for expression sake) be called the Chaos, or material substance of the Sun, and other lights of heaven: Howbeit, neither the Sun, nor any thing sensible, is that light it 
Lux dicitur, quae se, & omnia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cusan. in Compend. cap. 7. & 〈◊〉. lib. 5.  self, quae causa est lucidorum, which is the cause that things are lightsome (though it make itself and all things else visible) but a body most illightened, which illuminateth the Moon, by whom the neighbouring Region (which the Greeks' call Aether, the place of the supposed Element of fire) is affected and qualified, and by it all bodies living in this our air. For this light Auicenna calleth 〈◊〉 & fomentum omnium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & impressionum: The conductor, and preserver or nourisher of all Celestial 〈◊〉 and impressions, nothing descending of heavenly influences, but by the medium, or means of light. Aristotle calleth light, a quality, inherent, or cleaving to a Diaphanous body, Lumen est qualit as inherens Diaphano: but this may be better avouched of the heat, which it transporteth and bringeth with it, or conducteth: which heat (say the Platonics) abeunte lumine residet in subiecto, the light being departed, 
Ficin. lib. de Lumine. cap. 11.  doth reside in the subject, as warmth in the air, though the same be deprived of light. This light Plotinus and all the Academics make incorporal, and so doth MONTANUS, Cui nec duritia resistit, nec spatium: Which neither hardness 〈◊〉, nor space leaveth.  
Aristotle findeth corporalitie in the beams of light; but it is but by way of repetition of other men's opinions, saith Picolomineus. Democritus, Leucippus, and Epicurus, 
〈◊〉. definit.  give materiality to light itself, but improperly: for it passeth at an instant from the Heaven to the Earth, nor is it resisted by any hardness, because it pierceth through the solid body of glass, or other Crystalline matter; and whereas it is withstood by unclean, and unpure earthy substances, less hard, and more 〈◊〉 to invade then the former, the same is, Quòd obstaculum natur â terreum atque sordidum, non 〈◊〉 candidam 
〈◊〉,  luminis puritatem: Because an obstacle, by nature earthy and soul, doth not 〈◊〉 the pure clearness of light: alluding to that most divine light, which only shineth on those minds, which are purged from all worldlv dross, and human 〈◊〉.  
But of this created light, there is no agreement in opinion; neither do I marvel at it, for it cannot be found either in the Fathers, Philosophers, or Schoolmen, or other ancient or later Writers, that any of them understood either it or themselves therein: all men (to cast off ignorance) have disputed hereof, but there is no man that hath been taught thereby. Thomas Aquinas (not inferior to any in wit) as he hath showed little strength of argument in re uting the opinions of Beda, Hugo, Lombard, Lyranus, and others: so is his own judgement herein, as weak as any man's; and most of the Schoolmen were rather curious in the nature of terms, and more subtle in distinguishing upon the parts of doctrine already laid down, than discoverers of any thing hidden, either in Philosophy or Divinity: of whom it may be truly said, Nihil sapientiae 〈◊〉 acumine 〈◊〉: Nothing is more odious to 〈◊〉 w 〈◊〉, then too acute sharpness. Neither hath the length of time, and the search of many learned men, (which the same time hath brought forth and devoured) resolved us, whither this light be substantial, corporal, or incorporal: Corporal they say it cannot be, because then it could neither pierce the Air, nor those hard, solid, and Diaphanous bodies, which it doth, and yet every day we see the Air enlightened: incorporal it cannot be, because it is sensible: sensible it is, because it sometime affecteth the sight of the eye with offence, and therefore by most of the Fathers so esteemed: others say, (as Patricius) that it cannot be matter, because no form so excellent as itself to inform it: neither can it be any accident, which is not separable without the destruction of the subject: for light being taken from the Sun, the Sun is no more the 
Lucida 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sun in existence. Secondly, if light were proceeding from matter and form, then either, or both must be one of these, Lucide or bright, dark or opaque, Diaphanous or transparent; but darkness cannot be parent of light; and things Diaphanous (being neither light, nor darkness, but capable of either) cannot be the cause of either, and therefore must the matter, or form, 〈◊〉 both, be Lucide and shining. Lucide and shining obtain their so being of the light; and therefore, if we derive this being of light from a former, then would the progress go on infinitely, and against nature; and therefore he concludeth, that light in the Sun hath his being primarily, and immediately of itself, and is therefore the suns form and the form of all Lucide and shining bodies: but what is taught hereby, let others judge.  
But in my understanding lumen, (which may be Englished by the word Shine) is 
Scal. subt. ex. 71.  an intentional Species of that, which may be Englished by Light and so, this shining which proceedeth from the Sun, or other lights of Heaven, or from any other light, is an image, or intentional Species thereof; and an intentional 〈◊〉 may be understood by the example of a read, or green colour, occasioned by the shining of the Sun through read or green glass: for than we perceive the same colour cast upon any thing opposite; which redness or other colour, we call the intentional Species of the colour in that glass. And again, as this light, touching his simple nature, is no way yet understood: so it is disputed, whither this light first created, be the same, which the Sun inholdeth and casteth forth, or whither it had continuance any longer, then till the suns creation.  
But by the most wise and unchanged order, which God observed in the work of 
Genes. 1.  the world, I gather, that the light, in the first day created, was the substance of the Sun: for Moses repeateth twice the main parts of the universal; first, as they were 
Vers. 12.  created in matter; secondly, as they were adorned with form: first, naming the 
9  Heavens, the Earth, the Waters, all confused, and afterward, the Waters congregated, the Earth made dry land, and the Heavens distinguished from both, and beautified. And therefore the Earth, as it was earth, before it was uncovered, and before it was called Arida, or dry land; and the Waters were waters, before they were congregated, and called the Sea, though neither of them perfect, or enriched with their virtual forms: so the Sun, although it had not his formal perfection, his circle, beauty, and bounded magnitude till the fourth day, yet was the substance thereof in the first day (under the name of Light) created; and this Light formerly dispersed, was in the same fourth day united, and set in the Firmament of Heaven: for to Light created in the first day, God gave no proper place or fixation; and therefore the effects named by Anticipation, (which was to separate day from night) were precisely performed, after this Light was congregated, and had obtained life and motion. Neither did the wisdom of God find cause why it should move (by which motion, days and nights are distinguished) till then: because there was not yet any Creature produced, to which, by moving, the Sun might give light, 〈◊〉, and operation.  
But after the Earth (distinguished from waters) began to bud forth the bud of the herb, etc. God caused the Sun to move, and (by interchange of time) to visit every part of the inferior world; by his heat to stir up the fire of generation, and to give activity to the seeds of all natures: For as a King, which commandeth 
〈◊〉. dum Rex aliquis etc. Procop. in Gen. 1.  some goodly building to be erected, doth accommodate the same to that use and end, to which it was ordained; so it pleased God (saith Procopius) to command the Light to be; which by his all-powerful word he approved, and approving it, disposed thereof, to the use and comfort of his future Creatures.  
But in that it pleased God to ask of JOB, By what way is the light parted, and where 
job 38. 24.  is the way where light 〈◊〉? we thereby know that the nature thereof falleth not 
9  under man's understanding; and therefore let it suffice, that by God's grace we enjoy the effects thereof. For this light is of the treasure of God (saith ESDRAS.) And those 
〈◊〉. l. 2. c. 6. 40.  which inhabit the Heavens, do only know the essence thereof. Nihil ignotum in coelo, nihil notum in terra: Nothing unknown in Heaven, nothing perfectly known on earth. Res ver ae sunt in mundo invisibili, in mundo visibili umbr ae rerum: Things themselves are 
〈◊〉.  in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the world visible, but their shadows; Surely, if this light be not spiritual, yet it approacheth nearest unto spirituality; and if it have any corporality, then of all other the most subtle and pure; for howsoever, it is of all things seen, the most beautiful, and of the swiftest motion, of all other the most necessary and beneficial. For it ministereth to men, and other creatures, all celestial influences; it dissipateth those sad thoughts and sorrows, which the darkness both begetteth and maintaineth; it discovereth unto us the glorious works of God, and carrieth up with an Angelical swiftness, our eyes unto Heaven, that by the sight thereof, our minds being informed of his visible marvels, may continually travail to surmount these perceived Heavens, and to find out their omnipotent cause and Creator. Cognitio non quiescit in rebus 〈◊〉; Our knowledge doth not quiet itself in things 
Ficin.  created. Et ipsa lux facit, ut caetera mundi membra dignasint laudibus, cùm suam bonitatem & decorem omnibus communicet; It is the light, (saith S. AMBROSE) that maketh the other part of the world so worthy of praise, seeing that itself communicateth its goodness and beauty unto all: of which Ovid out of Orpheus:  

Ille ego sum, quilongum metior annum, 
ovid. Met. l. 1.   
Omnia qui video, per quem videt omnia mundus,  
〈◊〉 oculus.   

The world discerns itself, while I the world behold,  
By me the longest years, and other times are told,  
I the world's eye.   
Lastly, if we may behold in any creature, any one spark of that eternal fire, or any farre-off-dawning of God's glorious brightness, the same in the beauty, motion, and virtue of this light may be perceived. Therefore was God called lux ipsa, and the light, by Hermes named lux sancta, and Christ our Saviour said to be that Light, 
job. 1. 9 & 14.  which lighteneth every man that cometh into the world. Yet in respect of God's incomprehensible 
46.  sublimity, and purity, this is also true, that God is neither a mind, nor a Spirit of the nature of other Spirits; nor a light, such as can be discerned. Deus profectò non mens est, at verò ut sit mens causa est, nec spiritus, sed causa qua spiritus extat; nec lumen, sed causa qua lumen existit. God (saith HERMES in POEMANDRO) certainly is not a mind, but the cause that the mind hath his being; nor spirit, but the cause by which every spirit is; nor light, but the cause by which the light exisieth.  
So than the Mass and Chaos being first created, voided, dark, and imformed, was by the operative Spirit of God, pierced and quickened, and the Waters having now received Spirit & motion, resolved their thinner parts into Air, which God illightened: 
Gen. 1. 〈◊〉.  the Earth also by being contiguat, and mixed with waters (participating the same divine virtue) brought forth the bud of the herb that seedeth seed, etc. and for a mean and organ, by which this operative virtue might be continued, God appointed the light to be 〈◊〉, and gave it also motion and heat, which heat caused a continuance of those several species, which the Earth (being made fruitful by the Spirit) produced, and with motion begat the time and times succeeding.   

§. VIII. Of the Firmament, and of the waters above the Firmament: and whither there be any crystalline Heaven, or any Primum mobile.  
AFter that the Spirit of God had moved upon the waters, and light was created, God said, Let there be a Firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it separate the waters from the waters: that is, those waters which by rarifaction and evaporation were ascended, and those of the Earth and Sea.  
But these waters separate above this extension, which the Latin Translation calleth firmamentum, for expansum (for so 〈◊〉, Pagninus, and junius turn it) are not the crystalline Heavens, created in the imaginations of men; which opinion Basilius Magnus calleth a childish supposition, making in the same place many learned arguments against this fancy. For the waters above the Firmament, are the waters in the Air above us, where the same is more solid and condense, which God separated from the neither waters by a Firmament, that is, by an extended distance and vast space: the words Raquia, which Montanus writeth Rakiagh, and Shamaijm, being indifferently taken for the Heaven & for Air, and more properly for the Air & ather, then for the Heavens, as the best Haebricians understand them, quo suprema actenuia 
Mont. nat. 〈◊〉 fol. 152.  ab infimis crassis diducta, interfectaque distarent, for that whereby the supreme and thin bodies were placed in distance, being severed and cut off from low and gross matters: and the waters above the Firmament, expressed in the word Maijm, are in that tongue taken properly for the waters above the Air, or in the uppermost Region of the same.  
And that the word Heaven is used for the Air, the Scriptures everywhere witness, as in the blessings of joseph, and in the 104. Psalm. 
* Psal. 104. 12.  By these springs shall the 
Gen. 49. 25.  fowl of the Heaven devil; and 
a Gen. 19 24. Cap. 27. 28.  upon Sodom and 〈◊〉 it reigned brimstone and fire out of the Heaven; and in Isaac's blessing to JACOB, God give thee therefore of the dew of Heaven; and in 〈◊〉 the 11. But the land wither you go to possess it, is a land, 
Deut. 11. 11.  that drinketh water of the rain of Heaven; and in JOB, Who hath engendered the frosts of 
job. 38. 29.  Heaven; and in S. MATTHEW, Behold the Fowls of Heaven, for they sow not. 
〈◊〉. 6. 26.  So as in all the Scriptures of the old Testament throughout, is the word Heaven very often used for air, and taken also hyperbolically for any great height, as, Let us 
Gen. 11. 4.  build us a Tower, whose top may reach to Heaven, etc. And in this very place Basil avoucheth, that this appellation of Heaven for the Firmament, is but by way of similitude: his own words be these; Et vocavit Deus firmamentum calum. 〈◊〉 appellatio alij quidem propriè accommodatur, huic autem nunc ad similitudinem; And God called the firmament Heaven: This appellation (saith Basil) is properly applied to another (that is, to the Starry Heaven) but to this, (that is, to the Firmament dividing the waters) it is imposed by similitude: and if there were no other proof, that by the Firmament was meant the Air, and not the Heaven, the words of MOSES in the eighth Verse, conferred with the same word Firmament in the twentieth Verse, makes it manifest: for in the eighth Verse it is written, that God called the Firmament, which divided waters from waters, Heaven; and in the 20. Verse he calleth the Firmament of Heaven, Air, in these words: And let the soul 〈◊〉 upon the earth in the open firmament of Heaven: and what use there should be of this icy, or crystalline, or watery Heaven, I conceive not, except it be to moderate and temper the heat, which the Primum mobile would otherwise gather and increase: though in very truth, in stead of this help, it would add an unmeasurable greatness of circle, whereby the swiftness of that first Movable would exceed all possibility of belief. 〈◊〉 tenetur adimpossibilia; but no man aught to be held to impossibilities; and faith itself (which surmounteth the height of all human reason) hath for a forcible Conductor, the Word of Truth, which also may be called lumen omnis 〈◊〉 & intellectus; the light of all reason and understanding. Now that this supposed first Movable, turneth itself so many hundred thousand miles in an instant (seeing the Scriptures teach it not) let those that can believe men's imaginations, apprehended it, for I can not: but of these many Heavens, let the Reader that desireth satisfaction, search Orontius, and of this watery Heaven, Basilius Magnus in his Hexam. fol. 40. 41. etc. and Matth. Beroaldus, his second Book, and sixt Chapter. For myself, I am persuaded, that the waters, called, The waters above the Heavens, are but the clouds and waters engendered in the uppermost Air.   

§. IX.. A conclusion repeating the sum of the works in the Creation, which are reduced to three heads: The creation of matter, The forming of it, The finishing of it.  
TO conclude, it may be gathered out of the first Chapter of Genesis, that this was the order of the most wise GOD in the beginning, and when there was no other nature, or being, but God's incomprehensible eternity. First, he created the matter of all things: and in the first three days he distinguished & gave to every nature his proper form; the form of lenity to that which ascended, to that which descended, the form of gravity: for he separated light from darkness, divided waters from waters, and gathered the waters under the Firmament into one place. In the last three days, God adorned, beautified, and replenished the world: he set in the Firmament of Heaven, the Sun, Moon, and Stars; filled the Earth with Beasts, the Air with Fowl, and the Sea with Fish, giving to all that have life, a power 〈◊〉, thereby to continued their Species and kinds; to Creatures vegetative and growing, their seeds in themselves; for he created all things, that they might have their being: and the generations 
〈◊〉. Sal. c. 1. 14.  of the world are preserved.   

§. X. That Nature is no Principium per se; nor form the giver of being: and of our ignorance, how second causes should have any proportion with their effects.  
AND for this working power, which we call Nature, the beginning of motion and rest, according to Aristotle, the same is nothing else, but the strength and faculty, which God hath infused into every creature, having no other selfe-abilitie, than a Clock, after it is wound up by a man's hand, hath. These therefore that attribute unto this 〈◊〉, any first or sole power, have therein no other understanding, than such a one hath, who looking into the Stern of a Ship, and finding it guided by the Helm and Rudder, doth ascribe some absolute virtue to the piece of wood, without all consideration of the hand, that guides it, or of the judgement, which also directeth and commandeth that hand; forgetting in this and in all else, that by the virtue of the first act, all Agents work whatsoever they work: Virtute primi actus agunt agentia omnia quicquid agunt: for as the mind of man seethe by the Organ of the eye, heareth by the ears, and maketh choice by the will: and therefore we attribute sight to the eye, and hearing to the ears, etc. and yet it is the mind only, that giveth ability, life, and motion to all these his instruments and Organs; so God worketh by Angels, by the Sun, by the Stars, by Nature, or infused properties, and by men, as by several organs, several effects; all second causes whatsoever being but instruments, conduits, and pipes, which carry and disperse what they have received from the head and fountain of the Universal. For as it is God's infinite power, and every-where-presence (compassing, embracing, and piercing all things) that giveth to the Sun power to draw up vapours, to vapours to be made clouds, clouds to contain rain, and rain to fall: so all second and instrumental causes, together with Nature itself, without that operative faculty which God gave them, would become altogether silent, vertuelesse, and dead: of which excellently ORPHEUS; Per te virescunt 
Natura enim remota providentia & potestate divina, prorsus nibil est. Lact. de fals. Sapientia, l. 3. cap. 28.  omnia, All things by thee spring forth in youthful green. I enforce not these things, thereby to annihilate those variable virtues, which God hath given to his creatures, animate and inanimate, to heavenly and earthly bodies, etc. for all his works in their virtues praise him: but of the manner how God worketh in them, or they in or with each other, which the Heathen Philosophers, and those that follow them, have taken on them to teach: I say, there is not any one among them, nor any one among us, that could ever yet conceive it, or express it, ever enrich his own understanding with any certain truth, or ever edify others (not foolish by self-flattery) therein. For (saith Lactantius, speaking of the wisdom of the Philosophers) si facultas inveniendae veritatis huic studio subiaceret, aliquandò esset innenta; cùm verò tot temporibus, tot ingenijs in eius inquisitione contritis, non sit comprehensa, apparet nullam ibiesse sapientiam; If in this study (saith he) were means to found out the truth, it had ere this been found out: but seeing it is not yet comprehended, after that so much time, 
Cyprian. de ment, lib. 3.  and so many wits have been worn out in the inquiry of it, it appeareth, that there is no wisdom there to be had. Nam si de unare praecisa scientia haberetur, omnium rerum scientia necessariò haberetur: If the precise knowledge of any one thing were to be had, it should necessarily follow, that the knowledge of all things were to be had. And as the Philosophers were ignorant in Nature, and the ways of her working: so were they more curious, then knowing, in their first matter and Physical form. For if their first matter had any being, it were not then the first matter: for, as it is the first matter, it hath only a power of being, which it altogether leaveth, when it doth subsist. And seeing it is neither a substance pefect, nor a substance inchoate, or in the way of perfection, how any other substance should thence take concrescence, it hath not been 〈◊〉 neither are these forms (saith a learned Author) anything, si ex ea exprimantur potentia, quae nihil est. Again, how this first matter should be subiectum formarum, and passive, which is understood to precede the form, it is hard to conceive: for to make form which is the cause, to be subsequent to the thing caused (to wit, to the first matter) is contrary to all reason, divine and human: only it may be said, that originally there is no other difference between matter & form, then between heat and fire, of which the one cannot subsist without the other, but in a kind of rational consideration. Leaving therefore these Riddles to their Lovers, who by certain scholastical distinctions wrist and 〈◊〉 the truth of all things, and by which Aristotle hath laboured to prove a false eternity of the World, I think it far safer to affirm with Saint AUGUSTINE, That all species and kinds are from God, from whom, whatsoever is natural proceedeth, of what kind or estimation soever, from whence are the seeds of all forms, and the forms of all seeds and their motions; A quo est omnis species, à quo est quicquid naturaliter est, cuiuscunque generis est, 〈◊〉 aestimationis est, à quo sunt semina formarum, formae seminum, motus seminum atg formarum. And thus much Auerrois is forced to confess. For all forms (saith he) are in primo motore; which is also the opinion of Aristotle in the twelfth of his Metaph. and of Albertus upon 
12. Metaph.  Dionysius.   

§. XI. Of Fate; and that the Stars have great influence: and that their operations may diversly be prevented or furthered.  
AND, as of Nature, such is the dispute and contention concerning Fate or Destiny, of which the opinions of those learned men that have written thereof, may be safely received, had they not thereunto annexed and fastened an inevitable necessity, and made it more general, and universally powerful than it is, by giving it Dominion over the mind of man, and over his will; of which Ovid and Juvenal.  

Ratio fatum vincere nulla valet. 
〈◊〉. sat. 7. 〈◊〉   
servis regna dabunt, captivis Fata triumphos.   

Against Fate no counsel can prevail.  
Kingdoms to Slaves, by Destiny,  
To Captives triumphs given be.   
An error of the Chaldaeans, and after them of the Stoics, the Pharisees, Priscillianists, 
Basil. Esa. 4. Aug. de haeres. 70. c. 35.  the Bardisanists, and others, as Basil, Augustine, and Thomas have observed: but, that Fate is an obedience of second causes to the first, was well conceived of Hermes, and Apuleius the Platonist. Plotinus out of the Astronomers calleth it a disposition 
Tho. count Gent. 3. cap. 83.  from the acts of celestial Orbs, unchangeably working in inferior bodies, 
Ficin. in 12. de leg.  the same being also true enough, in respect of all those things, which a rational mind 
Cic. de fat.  doth not order nor direct. Ptolemy, Seneca, Democritus, Epicurus, Chrysippus, Empedocles, and the Stoics, some of them more largely, others more strictly, ascribe to Fate a binding and inevitable necessity; and that it is the same which is spoken and determined by God (quod de unoquog nostrûm fatus est Deus) and the definite lot of all living. And certainly it cannot be doubted, but the Stars are instruments of far greater use, then to give an obscure light, and for men to gaze on after Sunset: it being manifest, that the diversity of seasons, the Winters, and Summers, more hot and cold, are not so uncertained by the Sun and Moon alone, who always keep one and the same course, but that the Stars have also their working therein.  
And if we cannot deny, but that God hath given virtues to Springs, and Fountains, to cold earth, to plants and stones, Minerals, and to the excremental parts of the basest living creatures, why should we rob the beautiful Stars of their working powers? for seeing they are many in number and of eminent beauty and magnitude, we may not think, that in the treasury of his wisdom who is infinite, there can be wanting (even for every Star) a peculiar virtue and operation; as every herb, plant, fruit, and flower, adorning the face of the Earth hath the like. For as these were not created to beautify the earth alone, and to cover and shadow her dusty face, but otherwise for the use of man and beast, to feed them and cure them: so were not those uncountable glorious bodies set in the Firmament, to no other end, then to adorn it, but for instruments and organs of his divine providence, so far as it hath pleased his just will to determine. 〈◊〉 upon this place of Genesis, Let there 
Gen. 1. 15.  belight in the Firmament, etc. affirmeth that the Stars are not causes (meaning perchance binding causes) but are as open Books, wherein are contained and set down all things whatsoever to come; but not to be read by the eyes of human wisdom: which latter part I believe well, and this saying of Syracides withal: That there are 
Eccl. 43. c. 〈◊〉.  hidyet greater things than these be, and we have seen but a few of his works. And though, for the capacity of men, we know somewhat, yet in the true and uttermost virtues of herbs and plants, which ourselves sow and set, and which grow under our feet, we are in effect ignorant; much more in the powers and working of celestial bodies: for hardly (saith SALOMON) can we discern the things that are upon the 
Wisd. 9 16.  earth, and with great labour found we out those things that are before us: who can then investigate the things that are in Heaven? Multum est de rebus coelestibus aliquid cognoscere: 
Aristotle.  It is much to know a little of heavenly things. But in this question of Fate, the middle course is to be followed, that as with the Heathen we do not bind God to his creatures, in this supposed necessity of destiny, so on the contrary we do not rob those beautiful creatures of their powers and offices. For had any of these second causes despoiled God of his prerogative, or had God himself constrained the mind and will of man to impious acts by any celestial enforcements, then sure the impious excuse of some were justifiable; of whom Saint AUGUSTINE: Impiâ perversitate in malis 
Aug. 20. super 〈◊〉 lit.  fact is rectissimè reprehenden dis ingerunt accusandum 〈◊〉 auctorum syderum, quam commissorem scelerum. Where we reprehend them of evil deeds, they again with wicked perverseness urge, that rather the Author and Creator of the Stars, than the doer of the 〈◊〉 is to be accused.  
But that the Stars and other celestial bodies incline the will by mediation of the sensitive appetite, which is also stirred by the constitution and complexion, it cannot be doubted. Corpora coelestia (saith DAMASCENE) 〈◊〉 in nobis habitus, complexiones, 
5.  & dispositiones, The heavenly bodies (saith he) make in us habits, complexions, and dispositions: for the body (though Galen enforce it further) hath undoubtedly a 
Gal. l. mor. an seq. temp.  kind of drawing after it the affections of the mind, especially bodies strong in humour, and minds weak in virtues: for those of choleric complexion are subject to anger, and the furious effects thereof; by which they suffer themselves to be transported, where the mind hath not reason to remember, that passions aught to be her Vassals, not her Masters. And that they wholly direct the reasonless mind I am resolved: For all those which were created mortal, as birds beasts, and the like, are left to their natural appetites, over all which, celestial bodies (as instruments and Executioners of God's providence) have absolute dominion. What we should judge of men, who little differ from beasts, I cannot tell: for as he that contendeth against those enforcements, may easily master or resist them: so whosoever shall neglect the remedies by virtue and piety prepared, putteth himself altogether under the power of his sensual appetite; Vincitur fatum si resistas, vincit si contempseris: Fate will be overcome, 
Quint.  if thou resist it, if thou neglect, it conquereth.  
But that either the Stars or the Sun have any power over the minds of men immediately, it is absurd to think, other then as aforesaid, as the same by the bodies temper may be effected. Lumen solis ad generationem sensibilum corporum confert, & 
Aug. de civit, Dei, lib. 5.  ad vitam ipsam movet, & nutrit, & auget, & perficit: The light of the Sun (saith Faint AUGUSTINE) helpeth the generation of sensible bodies, moveth them to life, and nourisheth, augmenteth, and perfecteth them: yet still as a Minister, not as a Master: Bonus quidem 
Hex. lib. 4. determ. 3.  est Sol, in ministerio, non imperio; The Sun is good to serve, not to sway (saith S. Ambrose.) And Salnt AUGUSTINE: Deus regit inferiora corpora per superiora; God ruleth the bodies below by those above, but he avoucheth not, that superior bodies have rule over men's minds, which are incorporeal.  
But howsoever we are by the Stars inclined at our birth, yet there are many things both in Nature and Art, that encounter the same, and weaken their operation: and Aristotle himself confesseth, that the Heavens do not always work their effects in inferior bodies, no more than the signs of rain and wind do always come to pass. And it is divers times seen, that paternal virtue and vice hath his counter-working to these inclinations. Est in Iwencis patrum virtus; In the young offspring 
Hor. lib: 4. Od. 4. 30.  the Father's virtue is, and so the contrary, patrum vitia: and herein also there is often found an interchange; the Sons of virtuous men, by an ill constellation become inclinable to vice, and of vicious men, to virtue.  Egregia est soboles, scelerato nata parent. A worthy son is borne of a wicked father. 
But there is nothing (after God's reserved power) that so much setteth this art of influence out of square and rule, as education doth: for there are noon in the world so wickedly inclined, but that a religious instruction and bringing up may fashion anew, and reform them; nor any so well disposed, whom (the reins being let lose) the continual fellowship and familiarity, and the examples of dissolute men may not corrupt and deform. Vessels will ever retain a savour of their first liquor: it being equally difficult either to cleanse the mind once corrupted, or to extinguish the sweet savour of virtue first received, when the mind was yet tender, open, and easily seasoned; but where a favourable constellation (allowing that the Stars incline the will) and a virtuous education do happily arrive, or the contrary in both, thereby it is that men are found so exceeding virtuous or vicious, Heaven and Earth (as it were) running together, and agreeing in one: for as the seeds of virtue may by the art and husbandry of Christian counsel produce better and more beautiful fruit, than the strength of selfe-nature and kind could have yielded them; so the plants apt to grow wild, and to change themselves into weeds, by being set in a soil suitable, and like themselves, are made more unsavoury and filled with poison. It was therefore truly affirmed, Sapiens adiwabit 〈◊〉 astrorum, 〈◊〉 agricola terrae naturam; A wise man assisteth the work of the Stars, as the Husbandman helpeth the nature of the soil. And Ptolemy himself confesseth thus much, Sapiens, & omina sapientis medici dominabuntur astris, A wiseman, and the ominous art of a wise Physician shall prevail against the Stars. Lastly, we aught all to know, that GOD created the Stars, as he did the rest of the Universal, whose influences may be called his reserved and unwritten Laws. But let us consider how they bind: even as the Laws of men do; for although the Kings and Princes of the world have by their Laws decreed, that a Thief and a murderer shall suffer death; and though their Ordinances are daily by judges and Magistrates (the Stars of Kings) executed accordingly, yet these Laws do not deprive Kings of their natural or religious compassion, or bind them without prerogative, to such a severe execution, as that there should be nothing left of liberty to judgement, power, or conscience: the Law in his own nature being no other than a deaf Tyrant. But seeing that it is otherwise, and that Princes (who aught to imitate God in all they can) do sometimes for causes to themselves known, and by mediation, pardon offences both against others and themselves, it were then impious to take that power and liberty from God himself, which his Substitutes enjoy; God being mercy, goodness, and charity itself. Otherwise that example of Prayer by our Saviour taught; And let us not be led unto 
Mat. 6. 13.  temptation, but deliver us from evil, had been no other but an expense of words and time; but that God (which only knoweth the operation of his own creatures truly) hath assured us, that there is no inclination or temptation so forcible, which our humble Prayers and desires may not make frustrate, and break asunder: for were it (as the Stoics conceive) that Fate or Destiny, though depending upon eternal power, yet being once ordered and disposed, had such a connexion and immutable dependency, that God himself should in a kind have shut up himself therein: How miserable then were the condition of men (saith Faint AUGUSTINE) left altogether without hope!  
And if this strength of the 〈◊〉 were so transferred, as that God had quitted unto them all dominion over his creatures; be he Pagan or Christian that so believeth, the only true God of the one, and the imaginary gods of the other would thereby be despoiled of all worship, reverence, or respect.  
And ceatainely, GOD which hath promised us the reward of well-doing, which Christ himself claimed at the hands of the Father, (I have finished the 〈◊〉 which 
〈◊〉. 18. 4.  thou gavest me to do.) And the same God, who hath threatened unto us the sorrow and torment of offences, could not contrary to his merciful nature be so unjust, as to bind us inevitably to the Destinies, or influences of the Stars, or subject our souls to any imposed necessity. But it was well said of Plotinus, that the Stars were significant, but not efficient, giving them yet something 〈◊〉 than their due: and therefore as I do not consent with those, who would make those glorious creatures of God vertuelesse: so I think that we derogate from his eternal and absolute power and providence, to ascribe to them the same dominion over our immortal souls, which they have over all bodily substances, and perishable natures: for the souls of men, loving and fearing God, receive influence from that divine light itself, whereof the suns clarity, and that of the Stars is by Plato called but a shadow. Lumen est 
Plat. pol. 〈◊〉.  umbra Dei, & Deus est lumen luminis; Light is the shadow of God's brightness, who is the 
Ficin. in 〈◊〉. 7. pol.  light of light: But to end this question, because this Destiny, together with Providence, Prescience, and Predestination are often confounded, I think it not impertinent to touch the difference in a word or two, for every man hath not observed it, though all learned men have.   

§. XII. Of Prescience.  
PRescience, or foreknowledge (which the Greeks' call Prognosis, the Latins 〈◊〉, or praescientia) considered in order and nature (if we may speak of God after the manner of men) goeth before Providence: for God foreknew all things, before he had created them, or before they had being to be cared for; and Prescience is no other than an infallible foreknowledge. For whatsoever ourselves foreknow, except the same be to succeed accordingly, it cannot be true that we foreknow it. But this Prescience of God (as it is Prescience only) is not the cause of any thing futurely succeeding: neither doth God's foreknowledge impose any necessity, or bind. For in that we foreknow that the Sun will rise, and set; that all men borne in the world shall die again; that after Winter, the Spring shall come; after the Spring Summer and Harvest, and that according to the several seeds that we sow, we shall reap several sorts of grain, yet is not our foreknowledge the cause of this, or any of these: neither doth the knowledge in us bind or constrain the Sun to rise and set, or men to die; for the causes (as men persuade themselves) are otherwise manifest and known to all. The eye of man (saith BOEYIUS) beholdeth those things subject to sense, as they are; the eye seethe that such a beast is a borese, it seethe men, trees, and houses, etc. but our seeing of them (as they are) is not the cause of their so being, for such they be in their own natures. And again out of the same Author; Divina providentia rebus generand 
〈◊〉 de consol.  is non imponit 〈◊〉, quià si omnia evenirent ex necessitate, praemia bonorum, & poena malorum periret; Divine providence (saith he) imposeth no necessity upon things that are to exist, for if all come to pass of necessity, there should neither be reward of good, nor punishment of evil.   

§. XIII. Of Providence:  
NOw Providence (which the Greeks' call Pronoia) is an intellectual knowledge, both foreseeing, caring for, and ordering all things, and doth not only behold all past, all present, and all to come, but is the cause of their so being, which Prescience (simply taken) is not: and therefore Providence by the Philosophers (saith Faint Augustine) is divided into Memory, Knowledge, and Care: Memory of the past, Knowledge of the present, and Care of the future; and we ourselves accounted such a man for provident, as, remembering things past, and observing things present, can by judgement, and comparing the one with the other, provide for the future, and times succeeding. That such a thing there is as Providence, the Scriptures everywhere teach us, Moses in many places, the Prophets in their Predictions: Christ himself and his Apostles assure us hereof; and, besides the Scriptures, Hermes, Orpheus, Euripides, Pythagoras, Plato, Plotinus, and (in effect) all 〈◊〉 men acknowledge the Providence of God: yea, the Turks themselves are so 〈◊〉 therein, as they refuse not to accompany and visit each other, in the most 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nor shun any peril whatsoever, though death therein do manifestly 〈◊〉 itself.  
The places of Scripture proving 〈◊〉, are so many, both in general and particular, as I shall need to repeat 〈◊〉 a few of them in this place. Sing unto God (saith DAVID) which covereth the Heavens with clouds, and prepareth rain for the earth, 
Psal. 147. 〈◊〉.  and maketh the grass to grow upon the Mountains, which giveth to beasts their food, and 
9  feedeth the young Raven that cries: all these wait upon thee, that thou mayest give them 
Psal. 104. 27.  food in due season. And thou shalt drink of the River Cheereth (saith God to ELIAH) 
〈◊〉. 15.  and I have commanded the Ravens to feed thee there. Behold, the Fowls of the Air, they 
1. Reg. 17. 4.  sow not, nor reap, and yet your heavenly Father feedeth them: again, are not two Sparrows 
Mat. 6. 26.  sold for a farthing? and one of them shall not fall on the ground without your Father: yea 
Luke 12. 6. 7.  all the hairs of your head are 〈◊〉: And Saint PETER, Cast all your care on him, for 
1. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 7.  he careth for you; And his judgements are written (saith DAVID.) 
Psal. 36. 6.   
God therefore, who is everywhere present, who filleth the Heavens and the Earth, 
〈◊〉. 23. 24.  whose eyes are upon the righteous, and his countenance against them that do evil, was therefore by Orpheus called, oculus infinitus, an infinite eye, beholding all things, and cannot therefore be esteemed as an idle looker on, as if he had transferred his power to any other: for it is contrary to his own Word: Gloriam meam alterinondabo: I 
〈◊〉. 42. 8.  will not give my glory to another. No man commandeth in the King's presence, but by the King's direction; but God is everywhere present, and King of Kings. The example of God's universal Providence is seen in his creatures. The Father provideth for his children: beasts and birds and all livings for their young ones. If Providence be found in second Fathers, much more in the first and Universal: and if there be a natural loving care in men, and beasts, much more in God, who hath form this nature, and whose Divine love was the beginning, and is the bond of the Universal: Amor divinus rerum omnium est principium, & vinculum univer si (saith PLATO.) Amor Dei est nodus perpetuus, 〈◊〉, partiumque cius immobile sustentaculum, ac universae machinae fundamentum; The love of God is the perpetual knot, and link or chain of the world, and the immovable pillar of every part thereof, and the Basis and foundation of the universal. God therefore who could only be the cause of all, can only 
〈◊〉. ep. 1. c. 4. v. 〈◊〉 God is love.  provide for all, and sustain all; so as to absolute power; to everywhere presence; to perfect goodness; to pure and divine love; this attribute and transcendent 〈◊〉 of Providence is only proper and belonging.   

§. XIIII. Of Predestination.  
NOw for Predestination; we can difference it no otherwise, from Providence and Prescience, then in this, that Prescience only foreseeth: Providence foreseeth and careth for, and hath respect to all creatures, even from the brightest Angels of heaven, to the unworthiest worms 
Rom. 〈◊〉. & 9  of the earth, and Predestination (as it is used specially by Divines) is only of men, and yet not of all to men belonging, but of their salvation properly, in the common use of Divines, or perdition, as some have used it. Yet Peter Lombard, 
Lomb. l. 1. dist. 39 Thom. part. 1. dist. 23. Bern. in Probl. de p. d.  Thomas, 〈◊〉 Theologus, and others, take the word Predestination more strictly, and for a preparation to felicity: divers of the Fathers take it more largely sometimes: among whom S. Augustine speaking of two Cities, and two Societies, useth these words, Quarum est una, quae praedestinata est in aeternum regnare cum Deo, altera aeternum 
Aug. l. 15. c. 1. de Civit. Dei.  supplicium subire cum Diabolo; Whereof one is it, which is predestinated to reign for ever with God, but the other is to undergo ever lasting torment with the Devil: for according to NONIUS MARCELLUS, destinare est praeparare; and of the same opinion 
Cal. in cap. 9 〈◊〉 Rom. v. 11. Bez. in magn. annot. in cap. 9 ad Rom.  are many Protestant writers, as Calvin, Beza, Buchanus, Danaeus, and such like: and as for the manifold questions hereof arising, I leave them to the Divines; and why it hath pleased God to created some vessels of honour, and some of dishonour, I will answer with Gregory, who saith, Qui in fact is Dei rationem non videt, infirmitatem 
Danaeus, l. 3. de Salut.  suam considerans, cur non videat, rationem videt; He that seethe no reason in the actions of 
Greg. Magn. job 9  God, by consideration of his own infirmity perceiveth the reason of his blindness. And again 
Aug. ad Polin. ep. 59  with S. AUGUSTINE, Occulta esse causa potest, iniusta esse non potest; Hidden the cause of his Predestination may be, unjust it cannot be.   

§. XU Of Fortune: and of the reason of some things that seem to be by fortune, and against Reason and Providence.  
LAstly, seeing Destiny or Necessity is subsequent to God's providence, and seeing that the Stars have no other dominion, then is before spoken, and that Nature is nothing, but as Plato calleth it, Dei artem, vel artificiosum Dei Organum; The art, or artificial Organ of God: and CUSANUS, Divini praecepti instrumentum; The instrument of the divine precept: we may then with better reason reject that kind of Idolatry, or God of fools, called Fortune or Chance: a Goddess, the most reverenced, and the most reviled of all other, but not ancient; for Homer maketh her the Daughter of Oceanus, as Pausanias witnesseth in his Messeniacks. The Greeks' call her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying a relative being, or betiding, so as before Homer's time this great Lady was scarce heard of; and Hesiodus, who hath taught the birth and beginning of all these counterfeit gods, hath not a word of Fortune: yet afterward she grew so great and omnipotent, as from 
Sen. ep. 91.  Kings and Kingdoms, to Beggars and Cottages, she ordered all things, resisting the wisdom of the wisest, by making the Possessor thereof miserable: valuing the folly of the most foolish by making their success prosperous, insomuch as the actions of men were said to be but the sports of Fortune, and the variable accidents happening in men's lives, but her pastimes: of which PALLADIUS, Vita hominum ludus fortunae 
Aur 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉 Sen. ep. 74 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 & often changes of his Fortune, is said to have used to cry out upon Fortune, applying to her a Verse of Aeschylus, Tu me extulisti, eadem me is (sentio) perditum.  est; The life of man is the play of Fortune: and because it often falleth out, that enterprises guided by ill counsels have equal success to those by the best judgement conducted, therefore had Fortune the same external figure with Sapience: whereof Athenaeus:  

Longissimè à Sapientia Fors dissidet,  
Sed multa perficit tamen simillima.   

From Wisdom Fortune differs far,  
And yet in works most like they are.   
But I will forbear to be curious in that, which (as it is commonly understood) is nothing else but a power imaginary, to which the success of human actions and endeavours were for their variety ascribed; for when a manifest cause could not be given, then was it attributed to Fortune, as if there were no cause of those things, of which most men are ignorant, contrary to this true ground of PLATO: Nihilest ortum sub Sole, cuius causa legitima non praecesserit; Nothing ever come to pass under the Sun, of which there was not a just preceding cause. But Aquinas hath herein answered in one distinction, whatsoever may be objected; for many things there are (saith he) which happen, besides the intention of the Inferior, but not besides the intention of the Superior; Praeter intentionem inferioris, sed non praeter intentionem superioris, (to 
Te facimus Fortune a Deam, 〈◊〉, locamus.  wit) the ordinance of God; and therefore (saith MELANCHTON) Quod Poetae fortunam, nos Deum appellamus; Whom the Poets call Fortune, we know to be God, and that this is true, the Scripture in many places teacheth us, as in the law of Murder. He 
Sat. 10. 366.  
Exod. 21. 12, 13.  that smiteth a man, and he die, shall die the death, and if a man hath not laid wait, but God hath offered him into his hands, than I will appoint thee a place wither he shall 〈◊〉. Now, where the Scripture hath these words, God hath offered him into his hands, we say, if 
Vers. 5.  he hurt him by Chance: and in Deuteronomy the nineteenth, where the slipping of an Axe from the helve, whereby another is slain, was the work of God himself, we in our phrase attribute this accident to Chance or Fortune: and in the Proverbs the sixteenth, The lot is cast into the lap, but the whole disposition thereof is of the Lord: so 
Vers. 33.  as that which seemeth most casual and subject to Fortune, is yet disposed by the ordinance of God, as all things else; and hereof the wiser sort, and the best learned of the Philosophers were not ignorant, as Cicero witnesseth for them, gathering the opinion of Aristotle and his Sectators, with those of Plato, and the Academics to this effect, That the same power which they called aximam mundi; The soul of the world, was no other than that incomprehensible wisdom, which we express by the name of God, governing every being aswell in heaven as in earth; to which wisdom and power they sometime gave the title of Necessity or Fate, because it bindeth by incuitable 
Cic. ac. quaest. l. 1.  ordinance: sometime, the style of Fortune, because of many effects there appear unto us no certain 〈◊〉. To this effect speaketh S. Augustine in his questions upon Genesis the first Book: the same hath Seneca in his fourth of Benefits; which was also the doctrine of the Stoics, of which Sect he was: For whatsoever (saith he) 
Senec. l. 4. c. 7.  thou callest God, be it Nature, Fate, or Fortune, all are but one and the same, differenced by divers terms, according as he useth, and exerciseth his power diversly.  
But it may be objected, that if Fortune and Chance were not sometimes the causes of good and evil in men, but an idle voice, whereby we express success, how comes it then, that so many worthy and wise men depend upon so many unworthy and emptie-headed fools; that riches and honour are given to external men, and without kernel: and so many learned, virtuous, and valiant men wear out their lives in poor and dejected estates. In a word there is no other inferior, or apparent cause, beside the partiality of man's affection, but the fashioning and not fashioning of ourselves according to the nature of the time wherein we live, for whosoever is most able, and best sufficient to discern, and hath withal an honest and open heart and loving truth, if Princes, or those that govern, endure no other discourse than their own flatteries, than I say such an one, whose virtue and courage forbiddeth him to be base and a dissembler, shall evermore hung under the wheel, which kind of deserving well and receiving ill, we always falsely charge Fortune withal. For whosoever shall tell any great Man or Magistrate, that he is not just, the General of an Army, that he is not valiant, and great Ladies that they are not fair, shall never be made a Counsellor, a Captain, or a Courtier. Neither is it sufficient to be wise with a wise Prince, valiant with a valiant, and just with him that is just, for such a one hath no estate in his prosperity; but he must also change with the successor, if he be of contrary qualities, sail with the tide of the time, and altar form and condition, as the Estate or the Estates Master changeth: Otherwise how were it possible, that the most base men, and separate from all imitable qualities, could so often attain to honour and riches, but by such an observant slavish course? These men having nothing else to value themselves by, but a counterfeit kind of wondering at other men, and by making them believe that all their vices are virtues, and all their dusty actions crystalline, have yet in all ages prospered equally with the most virtuous, if not exceeded them. For according to MENANDER, Omnis insipiens arrogantia & plausibus capitur; Every fool is won with his own pride, and others flattering applause: so as whosoever will live altogether out of himself, and study other men's humours, and observe them, shall never be unfortunate; and on the contrary, that man which prizeth truth and virtue (except the season wherein he liveth be of all these, and of all sorts of goodness fruitful) shall never prospero by the possession or profession thereof. It is also a token of a worldly wise man, not to war or contend in vain against the nature of times wherein he liveth: for such a one is often the author of his own misery, but best it were to follow the advice, which the Pope gave the Bishops of that age, out of Ovid, while the Arian Heresy raged:  
Dùm furor in cursu est, currenti 〈◊〉 furori. 
ovid. rem. am. lib. 1.   

While fury gallops on the way,  
Let no man furies gallop stay.   
And if Cicero (than whom that world begat not a man of more reputed judgement) had followed the counsel of his brother QVINTUS, Potuisset (saith PETRARCH) in lectulo suo mori, potuisset integro cadavere sepeliri; He might then have died the death of nature, and been with an untorne and undissevered body buried; for as Petrarch in the same place noteth: Quid stultius quàm desperantem (praesertim de effectu) litibus perpetuis implicari; What more foolish than for him that despairs, especially of the effect, to be entangled with endless contentions? Whosoever therefore will set before him MACHIAVEL'S two marks to shoot at (to wit) riches, and glory, must set on and take off a back of iron to a weak wooden Bow, that it may fit both the strong and the feeble: for as he, that first devised to add sails to rowing vessels, did either so proportion them, as being fastened aloft, and towards the head of his Mast, he might abide all winds and storms, or else he sometime or other perished by his own invention: so that man which prizeth virtue for itself, & cannot endure to hoist and strike his sails, as the divers natures of calms & storms require, must cut his sails, and his cloth, of mean length and breadth, and content himself with a slow and sure navigation, (to wit) a mean and free estate. But of this dispute of Fortune, and the rest, or of whatsoever Lords or Gods, imaginary powers, or causes, the wit (or rather foolishness) of man hath found out: let us resolve with S. Paul, who hath taught us, that there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we in him, and 
1. Cor. c. 8. v. 6.  one Lord, jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by him; there are diversities of operations, 
Cap. 12. vers. 6.  but God is the same which worketh all in all.    

CHAP. II Of man's estate in his first Creation, and of God's rest.  

§. I. Of the Image of God, according to which man was first created.  
THE creation of all other creatures being finished, the heavens adorned, and the earth replenished, GOD said, Let us make man in our own Image, according to 
Gen. 1. 26.  our likeness.  
Man is the last and most admirable of God's works to us known, ingens miraculum homo, Man is the greatest 
Trism. Ascl. 2. & de volunt. Dei. Plat. leg. l. 1.  wonder (saith PLATO out of MERCURIUS:) Naturae ardentissimae artificium, The artificial work of the most ardent or fire-like nature (as saith Zoroaster) though the same be meant, not for any excellency external, but in respect of his internal form, both in the nature, qualities, and other attributes thereof: in nature, because it hath an essence immortal, and spiritual; in qualities, because the same was by God created holy and righteous in truth; in other attributes, because Man was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the world, and of the creatures therein.  

Sanctius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 capacius altae 
Sanctum, quia pars potior immortalis, animal, quia in mortali.   
Deerat adhuc: & quod 〈◊〉 in caetera posset,  
Natus homo est.   

Moore holy than the rest, and understanding more 
In locum ovid. Met. l. 1. 76.   
A living creature wants, to rule all made before,  
So man began to be.   
Of this Image and similitude of God, there is much dispute among the Fathers, Schoolmen, and late Writers: Some of the Fathers conceive, that man was made after the Image of God, in respect chief of Empire & Dominion, as S. Chrusostom, Ambrose, and some others: which Saint Ambrose denieth to the woman in these words, ut 〈◊〉 Deus unus, ab eo fire et homo unus, & quomodò ex Deo uno omnia, ità ex uno homine omne genus esset super faciem totius terrae: unus igitur unum fecit, qui unitatis eius haberei imaginem; That as God is one, one man might be made by him, and that in what manner all things are of one God, likewise of one man the whole kind should be upon the face of the whole earth: Therefore he being one made one, that should have the Image of his unity. But whereas it is gathered out of the following words of the same Verse, that man was after the image of God in respect of rule and power, it is written Dominamini in the plural number, and let them rule over the fish in the Sea, etc. and therefore cannot the woman be excluded. Others conceive, that man is said to be after the image of God in respect of his immortal soul only, because as God is invisible, so the soul of man is invisible, as God is immortal and incorporal, so is the soul of man immortal and incorporal; and as there is but one God which governeth the world, so but one soul which governeth the body of man; and as God is wholly in every part of the world, so is the soul of man wholly in every part of the body: Anima est tota in toto, & totain qualibet part; The soul is wholly in the whole body, and wholly in every part thereof, according to Aristotle; though Chalcidius, and other learned men deny that doctrine; which that it is otherwise then potentially true, all the Aristotelians in the world shall never prove. These and the like arguments do the 〈◊〉 make (saith Tostatus) and these resemblances, between the infinite God, and the finite Man.  
The Schoolmen resemble the Mind or Soul of Man to God, in this respect especially; because that as in the Mind there are three distinct powers, or faculties, (to wit) Memory, Understanding, and Will, and yet all these, being of real differences, are but one mind: so in God there are three distinct persons, the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, and yet but one God. They also make the Image and Similitude divers; and again, they distinguish between imaginem Dei, and ad imaginem Dei, and spin into small threads, with subtle distinctions, many times the plainness, and sincerity of the Scriptures: their wits being like that strong water, that eateth through and dissolveth the purest gold. Victorinus also maketh the image of God to be substantial, but not the similitude: sed in substantia nomen qualitatis declaratiwm; A word-declaring quality in the substance. Out of which words, and that which follows, it is inferred, that as the image and similitude do greatly differ: so the sinful soul doth not therefore leave to be the image of God; but it hath not his similitude, except it be holy and righteous. S. Augustine also against Adimantus the Manichee affirmeth, that by sin, the perfection of this image is lost in man, and in his Retractations maintaineth the same opinion, and also affirmeth that the Similitude is more largely taken, than the Image.  
But howsoever the Schoolmen and others distinguish, or whatsoever the Fathers conceive, sure I am that S. Paul maketh the same sense of the image, which Victorinus doth of the similitude, who saith: As we have borne the image of the eartbly, 
1. Cor. 15. 49.  so shall we bear the image of the heavenly; and it cannot be gathered out of the Scriptures, that the words image and similitude were used but in one sense, and in this place the better to express each other; whatsoever Lombard hath said to the contrary. For God knows, what a multitude of meanings the wit of man imagineth to himself in the Scriptures, which neither Moses, the Prophets, or Apostles, ever conceived. Now as S. Paul useth the word (image) for both: so S. james useth the word (similitude) for both in these words: Therewith bless we God even the Father, and 
jam. 3. 9  therewith curse we Men, which are made after the similitude of God: Howsoever therefore S. Augustine seemeth, out of a kind of elegancy in writing, to make some difference, as where he writeth, Confitemur imaginem 〈◊〉 aeternitate, similitudinem in moribus 
ut supra.  inveniri; We confess that this image is found in eternity, but his similitude in manners, that is, in the spiritual dispositions and qualities of the mind, yet thus he elsewhere speaketh plainly: Quasi verò possit esse imago aliqua in qua similitudo non sit: si 
Aug. ut sup.  exim omninò similis non est, procùldubio nèc imago est; As if (saith he) there could be any image, where the similitude is not: not, out of doubt, where there is no likeness, there is no image. The very words of the Text make this most manifest, as, Let us make man in our image, according to our likeness: which is, Let us make man in our image, that he may be like us; and in the next Verse following, God himself maketh it plain, for there he useth the word (image) only, as thus: God created the man in his image, in the image of God created he him. And to take away all dispute or ambiguity, in the first Verse of the fift Chapter, the word (similitude) is used again by itself, as, In the day that God created ADAM, in the likeness of God made he him. And this similitude S. Paul Colos. the third, calleth the image. Put on (saith he) the new man, which 
〈◊〉. 10.  is renewed in knowledge after the image of him, that created him. And in Siracides it is written, He made them according to his image. Now if we may believe S. Paul before Peter Lombard and other Schoolmen, than it is as manifest as words can make it, that the image and similitude is but the same, for S. Paul useth both the words directly in one sense. For they turned the glory of the incorruptible God, to the similitude of the 
Rom. 1. 23.  image of a corruptible man.  
Zanchius laboureth to prove, that man was form after the image of God, both in body and mind: Nulla pars in homine quae non fuerit 〈◊〉 imaginis particeps, No 
Zanch de op. Dei l. 3. c. 1.  part in a man (saith he) which was not participating God's image: for God said, Let us make man according to our own image. But the soul alone is not man, but the Hypostasis or whole man compounded of body and soul. The body of man (saith he) is the Image of the world, and called therefore Microcosmus; but the Idea and exemplar of the world was first in God, so that man, according to his body must needs be the image of God. Against which opinion of this learned man, his own objection seemeth to me sufficient, where he allegeth, that it may be said, that Moses spoke by the figure Synecdoche, as when a man is called a mortal man, yet is not the whole man mortal, but the body only: so when God said, Let us make man after our image, he meant the soul of man, and not the body of earth and dust: Maledictus qui deitatem ad hominis lineamenta refert (saith S. AUGUSTINE,) Cursed is he that referreth the Deity of God to the lineaments of man's body. Deus enim non est humanae formae particeps, neque 
In Gen.  corpus humanum divinae (saith PHILO,) God is not partaker of human form, nor human body of the form divine: The Hebrew word for image is Tselem, which signifieth a shadow or obscure resemblance: In imagine pertransit home; Man passeth away in a shadow: Let us then know and consider, that God, who is eternal and infinite, hath not any bodily shape or composition, for it is both against his Nature & his Word; an error of the Anthropomorphitae, against the very essence and Majesty of God.  
Surely Cicero, who was but a Heathen, had yet a more divine understanding then these gross Heretics: Ad similitudinem Dei propius accedebat humana virtus, quàm figura; The virtue which is in man (saith he) come nearer the similitude of God, than the figure. For God is a spiritual substance, invisible, and most simple; God is a just God: God is Merciful: God is Charity itself, and (in a word) Goodness itself, and noon else simply good. And thus much it hath pleased God himself to teach us, and to make us know of himself. What then can be the shadow of such a substance, the image of such a nature, or wherein can man be said to resemble his unexcogitable power and perfectness? certainly, not in dominion alone: for the Devil is said to 
Eph 6. 12. 10. 18. 36.  be the Prince of this world, and the Kingdom of Christ was not thereof, who was the true and perfect image of his Father; neither, because man hath an immortal soul, and therein the faculties of Memory, Understanding, and Will, for the Devils are also immortal, and participate those faculties, being called Daemons, because 
Plat. in 〈◊〉.  scientes of Knowledge and subtlety; neither because we are reasonable creatures, by which we are distinguished from beasts: for who have rebelled against God? who have made Gods of the vilest beasts, of Serpents, of Cats, of Owls, yea, even of shameful parts, of lusts and pleasures, but reasonable men? Yet do I not condemn the opinion of S. Chrusostom and Ambrose, as touching dominion, but that, in respect 
Osorius de Iust. lib. 〈◊〉.  thereof, man was in some sort after the image of God, if we take Dominion, such as it aught to be, that is, accompanied with justice and Piety: for God did not only make man a Ruler and Governor over the Fish of the Sea, the Fowls of Heaven (or of the air) and over the Beasts of the Field; but God gave unto man a dominion over men, be appointed Kings to govern them, and judges, to judge them in equity. Neither do I exclude Reason, as it is the ability of Understanding. For I do not conceive, that Irenaeus did therefore call man, the image of God, because he was anim all rationale only; but that he understood it better, with SIBYLLA: Imago mea est 〈◊〉, rectam rationem habens: Man, that is endued with right reason, is said to resemble God, (that is) by right reason to know and confess God his Creator, and the same God to serve, love, and obey: and therefore said Saint Augustine (who herein come nearer the Truth) Fecit Deus hominem ad imaginem & similitudinem suam in ment God made man, in respect of the intellect, after his own Image and similitude; and REYNERIUS; Homo, quòd habet mentem, factus est ad imaginem Dei, Man was made after the 
Reyn. de ment.  Image of God, in mind, or in that he had a mind.   

§. II Of the intellectual mind of man, in which there is much of the Image of God: and that this Image is much deformed by sin.  
BUT Mens is not taken here for animaphysica, according to Aristotle, which is forma, vel natura hominis: The form or nature of man; but this faculty or gift of God, called Mens, is taken for prima vis animi, the principal strength of the mind, or soul, cuius actus est perpetua veritatis contemplatio; whose act, exercise, or office, is the perpetual contemplation of truth; and therefore it is also called intellectus divinus, intellectus contemplative, & 
〈◊〉.  anima contemplativa, A divine understanding, and an intellect or mind contemplative. Est autem mens nostra (saith CUSANUS) vis comprehendendi, & totum virtuale ex-omnibus 
De 〈◊〉. Idiota. l. 3.  comprehendendi virtutibus compositum: Our intellectual mind (saith he) is a power of comprehending, even the whole, that is in this kind powerful, compounded of all the powers of comprehension: unto which Mercurius attributeth so much (if his meaning accompany his words) that he esteemeth it to be the very essence of God (which was also the error of the Manichees and others) and no otherwise separate from God (saith he) than the light from the Sun: for this Man's or understanding (saith MERCURIUS) est 〈◊〉 in hominibus: Is God in men, or rather (and which I take to be his meaning) 
Sen. Ep. 65. f. & 31. f.  is the image of God in man. For as the Sun is not of the same essence or nature with the divine light, but a body illightened, and an illumination created; so is this Mens or understanding in men, not of the essence of God's infinite understanding, but a power and faculty of our souls the purest; or the lumen animae rationalis, by the true and eternal light illightened. And this Man's others call animam animae, The soul of the soul, or with S. Augustine, the eye of the soul, or receptacle of Sapience and divine knowledge, quae amorem sapientiae tanquàm ducem scquitur, Which follows after the love of sapience as her guide (saith Philo) between which and reason, between which and the mind, called anima, between which and that power which the Latins call animus, there is this difference. Reason is that faculty by which we judge and discourse; Anima, by which we live. Hereof it is said, Anima corpus animat, id est, vivificat; anima, or the soul is that which doth animate the body, that is, giveth it life: for death is the separation of body and soul; and the same strength (saith Philo) which God the great Director hath in the World, the same hath this Anima, or mind, or soul in man. Animus, is that, by which we will and make election; and to this Basil agreeth, which calleth this Man's, or divine understanding, perspicacem animae partem, the perceiving part of the mind, or the light by which the Soul discerneth: dormientium mens, non anima, sopitur, & in furiosis mens extinguitur, anima manet, In men that sleep it is this (mens) or understanding, and not the mind or soul, which resteth, during which time it is but habitual in wise men, and in mad men this (mens) is extinguished, and not the Soul: for mad men do live, though distracted.  
Therefore this word being often used for the Soul giving life, is attributed abusively to mad men, when we say that they are of a distracted mind, in stead of a broken understanding, which word (mind) we use also for opinion, as, I am of this mind, or that mind: and sometimes for men's conditions or virtues, as, he is of an honest mind, or, a man of a just mind: sometimes for affection, as I do this for my minds sake; and Aristotle sometimes useth this word (Mens) for the fantasy, which is the strength of the imagination: sometimes for the knowledge of principles, which we have without discourse: oftentimes for Spirits, Angels and Intelligences: but as it is used in the proper signification, including both the understanding agent & possible, it is described to be a pure, simple, substantial act, not depending upon matter, but having relation to that, which is intelligible, as to his first object: or more at large thus; a part or particle of the Soul, whereby it doth understand, not depending upon matter, nor needing any organ, free from passion coming from without, and apt to be dissevered, as, eternal from that which is mortal. Hereof excellently MERCURIUS: Anima est imago mentis, mens imago Dei. Deus menti praeest, 〈◊〉 animae, anima corpori; The Soul (meaning that which giveth life) is the Image of this understanding, or Mens, and this (Mens) or understanding is the Image of God. God is Precedent or Ruler over this understanding, this understanding over the Soul, and this Soul over the body. This division and distinction out of the Platonikes and Peripatetikes, I 
Lib. 9 cap. 5  leave to the Reader to judge of. That, Mens humana hath no need of any organ, Marsilius Ficinus in his ninth Book of the Souls immortality laboureth to prove. 
〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. Dei. 〈◊〉. 3. lib. 1. cap. 2.  Zanchius doth not differ from Ficinus in words, for (saith he) ad facultatem intelligentem exercendam non eget Mens organo, tanquàm medio, per quod intelligat, quanquàm eget obiecto in quod intueatur, & ex quo intellectionem concipiat: hoc autem obiectum sunt phantasmata, seùrerum à sensibus perceptarum simulachra ad phantasiam prolata, To exercise the faculty of understanding, the mind of man (saith he) needeth no instrument, as a mean, by which it may understand: but it needeth an object, whereon to look, and whence to conceive the act of understanding. This object are the phantasms, or the resemblances of things received from the sense, and carried to the fantasy: But in effect his conclusion seemeth to carry a contrary sense, when he maketh the Fantasy, in representing the object to the understanding, to be a corporal Organum; neither can it be understood to be an Organum of any thing; but of the understanding. And he addeth that the resemblance of things in man's imagination, are to his understanding and mind, as colours are to the sight: whence it so follows, that the imagination or fantasy itself is to the faculty of understanding, as the eye is to the faculty of seeing, and as this is an Organum: so that. Of this question, How the Mind in all her actions maketh use of the body, and hath communion with the body, I refer the Reader to a most 
Pag. 185. & sequent.  grave and learned Discourse in the last Reply of Master Doctor Bilson, late Bishop of Winchester, unto Henry jacob. Howsoever the Truth be determined, we mnst conclude, that it is neither in respect of reason alone, by which we discourse, nor in respect of the mind itself, by which we live, nor in respect of our souls simply, by which we are immortal, that we are made after the Image of God. But most safely may we resemble ourselves to God, in ment, and in respect of that pure faculty which is never separate from the contemplation and love of God. Yet this is not all. For Saint Bernard maketh a true difference between the nature and faculties of the 
Ad imaginem Dei 〈◊〉 illum, id est, sapientiae, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 compotem, qui 〈◊〉 intuitus Creatorem 〈◊〉 suum, atque imitari, proque ingenij, proque 〈◊〉, sibi 〈◊〉 ratione 〈◊〉. Exana.  Mind or Soul, and between the infusion of qualities, endowments and gifts of grace, wherewith it is adorned and enriched, which, being added to the nature, essence, and faculties, maketh it altogether to be after the Image of God, whose words are these: Non proptereà imago Dei est, quia sui meminit Mens, seque intelligit & diligit (which was also the opinion of Saint AUGUSTINE) sed quia potest meminisse, intelligereac diligere eum à quo facta est, (that is) The mind (or Mens) was not therefore the Image of God, because it remembreth, understandeth, and loveth itself, but because it can remember, understand, and love God, who created it. And, that this Image may be deformed and made unprofitable, hear BASIL: Homo ad imaginem & similitudinem Dei factus est, peccatum verò imaginis 〈◊〉 pulchritudinem deformavit: & inutilem reddidit, dum animam corruptis concupiscentiae affectibus immersit: Man was made after the Image and similitude of GOD, but Sin hath deformed the beauty of this Image, and made it unprofitable by drawing our minds into corrupt concupiscence.  
It is not therefore (as aforesaid) by reason of Immortality, nor in Reason, nor in Dominion, nor in any one of these by itself, nor in all these joined, by any of which, or by all which we resemble, or may be called the shadow of God, though by reason and understanding, with the other faculties of the Soul, we are made capable of this print; but chief, in respect of the habit of Original righteousness, most perfectly infused by God into the mind and Soul of man in his first Creation. For it is not by nature, nor by her liberality, that we were printed with the 〈◊〉 of God's Image (though Reason may be said to be of her gift, which joined to the soul is a part of the Essential constitution of our proper Species) but from the bountiful grace of the Lord of all goodness, who breathed life into Earth, and contrived within the Trunk of Dust and Clay, the inimitable ability of his own justice, Piety, and Righteousness.  
So long therefore (for that resemblance which Dominion hath) do those that are powerful retain the Image of God, as according to his Commandments they exercise the Office or Magistracy to which they are called, and sincerely walk in the ways of God, which in the Scriptures is called, walking with God; and all other men 
Gen. 5. 22.  so long retain this Image, as they fear, love, and serve God truly, (that is) for the love of God alone, and do not bruise and deface his Seal by the weight of manifold and voluntary offences, and obstinate sins. For the unjust mind cannot be after the Image of God, seeing God is justice itself; The blood-thirsty hath it not; for God is Charity, and mercy itself: Falsehood, cunning practice, and ambition, are properties of Satan; and therefore cannot devil in one soul, together with GOD; and to be short, there is no likelihood between pure light and black darkness, 
2. Cor. 6. 〈◊〉.  between beauty and deformity, or between righteousness and reprobation. And though Nature, according to common understanding, have made us capable by the power of reason, and apt enough to receive this Image of God's goodness, which the sensual souls of beasts cannot perceive; yet were that aptitude natural more inclinable to follow and embrace the false and durelesse pleasures of this Stage-play World, then to become the shadow of God by walking after him, had not the exceeding workmanship of God's wisdom, and the liberality of his mercy, form eyes to our souls, as to our bodies, which, piercing through the impurity of our flesh, behold the Highest Heavens, and thence bring Knowledge and Object to the Mind and Soul, to contemplate the ever-during glory, and termelesseioy, prepared for those, which retain the Image and similitude of their Creator, preserving undefiled and unrent the garment of the new man, which, after the Image of GOD, is created in Righteousness, and true Holiness, as saith Faint Paul Now, whereas it is 
2. Cor. 3. 9 S. Ambrose.  thought by some of the Fathers, as by Saint Augustine, with whom Saint Ambrose joineth, that, by sin, the perfection of the Image is lost, and not the Image itself; both opinions by this distinction may be well reconciled (to wit) that the Image of God, in man, may be taken two ways; for either it is considered, according to natural gifts, and consisteth therein: namely to have a reasonable and understanding nature, etc. and in this sense, the Image of God is more lost by sin, than the very reasonable or understanding nature, etc. is lost: (or sin doth not abolish and take away these natural gifts) or, the Image of God is considered, according to supernatural gifts, namely, of Divine grace, and heavenly glory, which is indeed the perfection and accomplishment of the natural Image; and this manner of similitude and Image of God, is wholly blotted out and destroyed by sin.   

§. III Of our base and frail bodies: and that the care thereof should yield to the immortal Soul.  
THE external man God form out of the dust of the Earth, or according to the signification of the word, Adam of Adamath, of read Earth, or, ex limo terrae, out of the slime of the Earth, or a mixed matter of Earth and Water. Non ex qualibet humo, sed ex ghaphar adamath (idest) ex 
Arias Mont. de 〈◊〉. f. 156.  pinguissima & mollissima: Not that God made an Image or Statue of Clay, but out of Clay, Earth or dust God form and made flesh, blood, and bone, with all parts of man.  
That Man was form of Earth and Dust, did Abraham acknowledge, when in humble fear he called unto God, to save Sodom: Let not my Lord now be angry, if I 
Gen. 18. 27.  speak, I, that am but dust and ashes: Andin these houses of Clay, whose foundation is in 
job. 4. v. 27.  the dust, do our souls inhabit, according to job, and though our own eyes do everywhere behold the sudden and resistless assaults of Death, and Nature assureth us by never-failing experience, and Reason by infallible demonstration, that our times upon the Earth have neither certainty nor durability, that our Bodies are but the Anduiles of pain and diseases, and our Minds the Hives of unnumbered cares, sorrows, and passions: and that (when we are most glorified) we are but those painted posts, against which Envy and Fortune direct their Darts; yet such is the true unhappiness of our condition, and the dark ignorance, which covereth the eyes of our understanding, that we only prise, pamper, and exalt this Vassal and Slave of Death, and forget altogether (or only remember at our castaway leisure) the imprisoned immortal Soul, which can neither die with the Reprobate, nor perish with the mortal parts of virtuous men: seeing God's justice in the one, and his goodness in the other is exercised for evermore, as the everliving subjects of his reward and punishment. But when is it that we examine this great account? never while we have one vanity left us to spend: we pled for Titles, till our breath fail us; dig for Richeses, while our strength enableth us; exercise malice, while we can revenge; and then, when Time hath beaten from us both youth, pleasure, and health, and that nature itself hateth the house of old age, we remember with job, that we must go the 
job. 10. 21. 17. 13.  way from whence we shall not return, and that our bed is made ready for us in the dark; And then I say, looking over-late into the bottom of our conscience (which Pleasure and Ambition had locked up from us all our lives, we behold therein the fearful Images of our actions past, and withal, this terrible inscription: That God will bring every 
Eccl. 12. 14.  work into judgement, that man hath done under the Sun.  
But what examples have ever moved us? what persuasions reformeds us? or what threatenings made us afraid? we behold other men's Tragedies played before us, we hear what is promised and threatened: but the world's bright glory hath put out the eyes of our minds; and these betraying lights, (with which we only see) do neither look up towards termelesse joys, nor down towards endless sorrows, till we neither know, nor can look for any thing else, at the world's hands. Of which excellently Marius Victor.  

Nil hostes, nil dira fames, nil denique morbi  
Egerunt, fuimus, qui nunc 〈◊〉, ijsque periclis  
Tentati, nihilo meliores reddimur unquam,  
Sub vitijs nullo culparum fine manentes.   

Diseases, famine, enemies, in us no change have wrought,  
What erst we were, we are; still in the same snare caught:  
Not time can our corrupted manners mend,  
In Vice we devil, in Sin that hath no end.   
But let us not flatter our immortal souls herein: for to neglect God all our lives, and know that we neglect him, to offend God voluntarily, and know that we offend him, casting our hopes on the Peace, which we trust to make at parting, is no other than a rebellious presumption, and (that which is the worst of all) even a contemptuous laughing to scorn, and deriding of God, his Laws and Precepts. Frustrà sperant, qui sic de misericordia Dei sibi blandiuntur; They hope in vain, saith BERNARD, 
Bern. in Ps. Qui habitat.  which in this sort flatter themselves with God's mercy.   

§. FOUR Of the Spirit of life, which God breathed into man, in his Creation.  
IN this frame and carcase God breathed the breath of life; and the man was a living soul: (that is) God gave to a Body of earth and of corruptible matter, a Soul spiritual and incorruptible; not that GOD had any such bodily instruments as men use, but God breathed the Spirit of life and immortality into man, as he breatheth his grace daily into such as love and fear him. The Spirit of God (saith ELIHV in JOB) hath made 
job. 33. 4.  me, and the breath of the Almighty hath given me life: In qua sententia (saith RABANUS) vitanda est paupertas sensus carnalis, nè forte putemus Deum, vel manibus corporeis de limo formasse corpus hominis, vel faucibus aut labijs suis inspirâsse in faciem formati, ut vivere possit, & spiraculum vitae habere: Nam & Propheta cùm ait, Manus tuae fecerunt me, etc. Tropica hac locutione magis quàm propria, (idest) juxta consuetudinem, qua solent homives operari, locutus est: In which sentence (saith he) the beggarliness of carnal sense is to be avoided, jest perhaps we should think, either that God with bodily hands made man's body of slime, or breathed with jaws or lips upon his face (bèing form) that he might live, and have the spirit of life: for the Prophet also when he saith; Thy hands have made me, spoke this Tropically, rather than properly (that is) according to the custom which men use in working. Quantum est periculi hijs, qui Scripture as sensu corporeo legunt? In what danger are they that read the Scriptures in a carnal sense? By this breath was infused into man both life and soul; and therefore this (Soul) the Philosophers call Animam, quae 〈◊〉 corpus, & animat, Which doth animate, & give life to the body. The inspiration of the Almighty giveth under standing, saith job; and this spirit, which God breathed into man, which is the reasonable soul of man, returneth again to God that gave it, as the body returneth unto the Earth, out of which it was taken, according to Ecclesiastes: And dust shall return to the Earth, out of which it was taken, and the spirit shall return to God that gave 
Eccles. 12. 7.  it. Neither is this word (spirit) usually otherwise taken in the Scriptures, then for the soul; as when Stephen cried unto God: Domine, suscipe spiritum meum; Lord jesus, 
Acts 7. 59  receive my spirit: and in Saint JOHN, And jesus bowed his head, and gave up the Ghost, 
joh. 19 30.  or spirit, (which was) that his life and soul left his body dead. And that the immortal soul of man differeth from the souls of beasts, the manner of the creation maketh it manifest: for it is written, Let the waters bring forth in abundance every creeping 
Gen. 1. 20.  thing, and let the Earth bring forth the living thing, according to his kind, the beast of the 
24.  Earth, etc. But of Man it is written, Let us make man in our own Image, etc. and further, 
26.  that the Lord breathed in his face the breath of life. Wherhfore, as from the Water 
Gen. 2. 7.  and Earth were those creatures brought forth, and thence received life: so shall they again be dissolved into the same first matter, whence they were taken: but the life of breath everlasting, which God breathed into man, shall according to Ecclesiastes, 
Eccl. 12. 7.  return again to God that gave it,   

§. V That man is (as it were) a little World: with a digression touching our mortality.  
MAN, thus compounded and form by God, was an abstract or model, or brief Story of the Universal: in whom God concluded the Creation, and work of the World, and whom he made the last and most excellent of his Creatures, being internally endued with a divine understanding, by which he might contemplate and serve his Creator, after whose Image he was form, and endued with the powers and faculties of reason and other abilities, that thereby also he might govern and rule the World, and all other God's creatures therein. And whereas GOD created three sorts of living natures, (to wit) Angelical, Rational, and Brutal; giving to Angels an intellectual, and to Beasts a sensual nature, he vouchsafed unto Man, both the intellectual of Angels, the sensitive of Beasts, and the proper rational belonging unto man; and therefore (saith GREGORY NAZIANZENE:) Homo est utriusque naturae vinculum, Man is the bond and chain which tieth together both natures: and because in the little frame of 
Arist. Phys. lib. 8. cap. 2. 1. 17. f.  man's body there is a representation of the Universal, and (by allusion) a kind of participation of all the parts thereof, therefore was man called Microcosmos, or the little 
Greg. Nazianz. Epist.  World. Deus igitur hominem factum, velut alterum quendam mundum, in brevi magnum, atque exiguo totum, interris statuit, God therefore placed in the Earth the man whom Bee had 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crea. ura, & 〈◊〉 & terra.  made, as it were another World, the great and large World in the small and little World: for out of the Earth and Dust was form the flesh of Man, and therefore heavy and 
Aug. l. qu. 83. 4. 67. retr. l. 1. c. 2.  lumpish; the bones of his body we may compare to the hard Rocks and Stones, and therefore strong and durable; of which Ovid:  

Inde genus durum sumus, experiensque laborum, 
Ovid Met. l. 1.   
Et documenta damus, qua simus origine nati:   

From thence our kind hard-hearted is, enduring pain and care,  
Approving, that our bodies of a stony nature are.   
His blood, which disperseth itself by the branches of veins through all the body, may be resembled to those waters, which are carried by brooks and rivers over all the Earth; his breath to the Air, his natural heat to the enclosed warmth, which the Earth hath in itself, which stirred up by the heat of the Sun, assisteth Nature in the speedier procreation of those varieties, which the Earth bringeth forth; Our radical moisture, Oil, or Balsamum (whereon the natural heat feedeth and is maintained) is resembled to the fat and fertility of the Earth; the hairs of man's body, which adorns or overshadows it, to the grass, which covereth the upper face and skin of the Earth; our generative power, to Nature, which produceth all things; our determinations, to the light, wandering and unstable clouds, carried every where with uncertain winds; our eyes, to the light of the Sun and Moon, and the beauty of our youth, to the flowers of the Spring, which, either in a very short time, or with the Sun's heat dry up, and whither away, or the fierce puffs of wind blow them from the stalks; the thoughts of our mind, to the motion of Angels; and our pure understanding (formerly called Mens, and that which always looketh upwards) to those intellectual natures, which are always present with God; and lastly, our immortal souls while they are righteous) are by God himself beautified with the title of his own Image and similitude: And although, in respect of God, there is no man just, or good, or righteous: for in Angelis deprehensa est stultitia, Behold, he found folly in his Angels, 
job. 4. 18.  (saith job) yet with such a kind of difference, as there is between the substance, and the shadow, there may be found a goodness in man: which God being pleased to accept, hath therefore called man, the Image and similitude of his own righteousness. In this also is the little World of man compared, and made more like the Universal (man being the measure of all things; Homo est mensura omnium rerum, saith Aristotle 
Arist. 10. Metaph. c. 1. f.  and Pythagoras) that the four Complexions resemble the four Elements, and the seven Ages of man the seven Planets: Whereof our Infancy is compared to the Moon, in which we seem only to live and grow, as Plants; the second Age 〈◊〉 Mercury, wherein we are taught and instructed; our third Age to Venus, the days of 〈◊〉, desire, and vanity; the fourth to the Sun, the strong, flourishing, and beautiful age of man's life; the fifth to Mars, in which we seek honour and victory, and in which our thoughts travail to ambitious ends; the sixth Age is ascribed to jupiter, in which we begin to take account of our times, judge of our selves, and grow to the perfection of our understanding; the last and seventh to Saturn, wherein our days are sad and overcast, and in which we find by dear and lamentable experience, and by the loss which can never be repaired, that of all our vain passions and affections past, the sorrow only abideth: Our attendants are sicknesses, and variable infirmities; and by how much the more we are accompanied with plenty, by so much the more greedily is our end desired, whom when Time hath made unsociable to others, we become a burden to ourselves: being of no other use, then to hold the riches we have, from our Successors. In this time it is, when (as aforesaid) we, for the most part, and never before, prepare for our eternal habitation, which we pass on unto, with many sighs, groans, and sad thoughts, and in the end, by the workmanship of death, finish the sorrowful business of a wretched life, towards which we always travail both sleeping and waking: neither have those beloved companions of honour and riches any power at all, to hold us any one day, by the promises of glorious entertainments; but by what crooked path soever we walk, the same leadeth on directly to the house of death: whose doors lie open at all hours, and to all persons. For this tide of man's life, after it once turneth and declineth, ever runneth with a perpetual Ebb and falling Stream, but never floweth again: our Leaf once fallen, springeth no more, neither doth the Sun or the Summer adorn us again, with the garments of new Leaves and Flowers.  

Redditur arboribus florins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Ergo non homini, quod fuit ante, redit.   
To which I give this sense,  

The plants and trees made poor and old  
By Winter envious,  
The Springtime bounteous  
Covers again, from shame and cold:  
But never Man repaired again  
His youth and beauty lost,  
Though art, and care, and cost,  
Do promise Natures help in vain.   
And of which  

CATULLUS, EPIGRAM. 53.  
Soles occidere & redire possunt:  
Nobis cùm semel occidit brevis lux,  
Nox est 〈◊〉 una dormienda.   

The Sun may set and rise:  
But we contrariwise  
Sleep after our short light  
One everlasting night.   
For if there were any baiting place, or rest, in the course or race of man's life, then, according to the doctrine of the Academics, the same might also perpetually 〈◊〉 maintained; but as there is a continuance of motion in natural living things, and as the sap and juice, wherein the life of Plants is preserved, doth evermore ascend or descend: so is it with the life of man, which is always either increasing towards ripeness and perfection, or declining and decreasing towards rottenness and dissolution.   

§. VI Of the free power, which man had in his first creation, to dispose of himself.  
THese be the miseries which our first Parents brought on all mankind, unto whom God in his creation gave a free and unconstrayned will, and on whom he bestowed the liberal choice of all things, with one only prohibition, to try his gratitude and obedience. God set before him, a mortal and immortal Life, a Nature celestial and terrene, and (indeed) God gave man to himself, to be his own guide, his own workman, and his own painter, that he might frame or describe unto himself what he pleased, and make election of his own form. God made man in the beginning (saith SIRACIDES) 
Eccles. 15. 14.  and left him in the hands of his own counsel. Such was the liberality of God, and man's felicity: whereas beasts, and all other creatures reasonless brought with them into the world (saith Lucilius) and that even when they first fell from the bodies of their Dams, the nature, which they could not change; and the supernal Spirits or Angels were from the beginning, or soon after, of that condition, in which they remain in perpetual eternity. But (as aforesaid) God gave unto man all kind of seeds and grafts of life (to wit) the vegetative life of Plants, the sensual of Beasts, the rational of Man, and the intellectual of Angels, whereof which 〈◊〉 he took pleasure to plant and cultive, the same should futurely grow in him, and bring forth fruit, agreeable to his own choice and plantation. This freedom of the firstman Adam, and our first Father, was enigmatically described by Asclepius Atheniensis (saith Mirandula) in the person and fable of Proteus, who was said, as often as he pleased, to change his shape. To the same end were all those celebrated Metamorphoses among the Pythagorians, and ancient Poets, wherein it was feigned, that men were transformed into divers shapes of beasts, thereby to show the change of men's conditions, from Reason to brutality, from Virtue to Vice, from Meekness to Cruelty, and from justice to Oppression. For by the lively image of other creatures did those Ancients represent the variable passions, and affections of mortal men; as by Serpents, were signified Deceivers; by Lions, Oppressors, and cruel men; by Swine, Men given over to lust and sensuality; by Wolves, ravening and greedy Men; which also S. Matthew resembleth to false prophets, Which come to you in 
Matth. 7. 15.  sheeps clothing, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves, by the images of stones and stocks, foolish and ignorant men, by Vipers, ungrateful men: of which S. JOHN 
Matth. 3. 7.  BAPTIST, OH ye generation of Vipers, etc.   

§. VII. Of God's ceasing to created any more: and of the cause thereof, because the Universal created was exceeding good.  
IN this work of Man, God finished the creation; not that God laboured as a man, and therefore rested: for God commanded, and it was finished, Cui voluisse est fecisse; With whom, to will is to make, saith Beda. Neither did God so rest, that he left the world made, and the creatures therein to themselves: for my Father worketh to this day (saith Christ) and I work; but 
john 5. 17.  God rested (that is) he created no new species or kinds of creatures, but (as aforesaid) gave unto man a power generative, and so to the rest of living creatures, and to Plants and Flowers their seeds in themselves; and commanded man to multiply 
Gen. 1. 28. 22. 24.  and fill the earth; and the Earth and Sea to bring forth creatures according to their several kinds: all which being finished, God seen that his works were good; not that he foreknew not, and comprehended not the beginning and end before they were; for God made every Plant of the field before it was in the Earth, but he gave to all things which he had created the name of good, thereby to teach men, that from so good a God there was nothing made, but that which was perfect good, and from whose simple purity and from so excellent a cause, there could proceed no impureor imperfect effect. For man having a free will and liberal choice, purchased by disobedience his own death and mortality, and for the cruelty of man's heart, was the earth afterward cursed, and all creatures of the first age destroyed: but the righteous man Noah, and his family, with those creatures which the Ark contained, reserved by God to replenish the earth.    

CHAP. III Of the place of Paradise.  

§. I. That the seat of Paradise is greatly mistaken: and that it is no marvel that men should err.  
CONCERNING the first habitation of man we read, that the Lord God planted a Garden, Eastward, in Eden, and there he put the man whom he made, GEN. 2. 6. Of this seat and place of Paradise, all ages have held dispute; and the opinions and judgements have been in effect, as divers, among those that have written upon this part of Genesis, as upon any one place therein, seeming most obscure: some there are, that have conceived the being of the terrestrial Paradise, without all regard of the world's Geography, and without any respect of East and West, or any consideration of the place where Moses wrote, and from whence he directed (by the quarters of the heavens) the way how to find out and judge, in what Region of the world this garden was by God planted, wherein he was exceeding respective and precise. Others, by being themselves ignorant in the Hebrew, followed the first interpretation, or trusting to their own judgements, understood one place for another; and one error is so fruitful, as it begetteth a thousand Children, if the licentiousness thereof be not timely restrained. And thirdly, those Writers which gave themselves to follow and imitate others, were in all things so observant Sectators of those Masters, whom they admired and believed in, as they thought it safer to condemn their own understanding, then to examine theirs. For (saith Vadianus in his Epistle of Paradise) Magnos errores (magnorum virorum auctoritate persuasi) transmittimus; We pass over many gross errors, by the authority of great men led and persuaded. And it is true, that many of the Fathers were far wide from the understanding of this place. I speak it not, that I myself dare presume to censure them, for I reverence both their learning and their piety, and yet not bound to follow them any further, than they are guided by truth: for they were men; Et humanum est errare. And to the end that no man should be proud of himself, God hath distributed unto men such a proportion of knowledge, as the wisest may behold in themselves their own weakness: Nulli unquam dedit omnid Deus; God never gave the knowledge of all things to any 
2. Cor. 12. 〈◊〉.  one. S. Paul confessed that he knew not, whither he were taken up into the third heaven in the flesh, or out of the flesh; and Christ himself acknowledgeth thus much, 
Matt. 24. 36.  that neither Men, nor Angels knew of the latter day; and therefore, seeing knowledge is infinite, it is God (according to S. Jude) who is only wise. Sapientia ubt 〈◊〉? 
Jude Ep. v. 27.  
Job 28. 12.  (saith JOB) but where is wisdom found? and where is the place of understanding? 
13.  man knoweth not the price thereof, for it is not found in the Land of the living. And 
4. 18.  therefore seeing God found folly in his Angels, men's judgements (which inhabit in houses of clay) cannot be without their mistake: and so the Fathers, and other learned men excusable in particulars, especially in those whereupon our salvation dependeth not.   

§. II A recital of strange opinions, touching Paradise.  
NOw as touching Paradise, first it is to be inquired, whither there were a Paradise, or no? or whither Moses description were altogether mystical, and allegorical? as Origen, Philo, Fran. Georgius, with others have affirmed, and that under the names of those four Rivers, Pison, Gehon, Hidekel, and Perath. The tree of life, and the tree of Knowledge, there were delivered unto us other mysteries and significations; as, that by the four Rivers were meant the four Cardinal virtues, justice, Temperance, Fortitude, and Prudence, 
〈◊〉. sem. 2. l. 1. 143.  or (by other) Oil, Wine, Milk, and Honey. This Allegorical understanding of Paradise by Origen divulged, was again by Franciscus Georgius received (saith Sixtus Senensis) whose frivolous imaginations Sixtus himself doth fully and learnedly answer, in the 34. Annotation of his fift Book, fol. 338. the last Edition.  
S. Ambrose also leaned wholly to the Allegorical construction, and set Paradise in 
Amb. de Parad.  the third heaven, and in the virtues of the mind, & in nostro principali, which is, as I conceive it in ment, or in our souls: to the particulars whereof he alludeth in this sort. By the place or garden of Paradise, was meant the soul or mind; by Adam, Mens, or Understanding; by Eve, the Sense; by the Serpent, Delectation; by the Tree of good and evil, Sapience; and by the rest of the Trees, the virtues of the mind, or in the mind planted, or from thence springing. Notwithstanding all which, upon the first of the Corinthians, cap. 6. he in direct words alloweth both of a celestial and terrestrial Paradise; the one, into which S. Paul was rapt; the other, into which Adam was put by God. Aug. Chrysamensis was of opinion, that a Paradise had been, but that there was not now any mark thereof on the earth: the same being not only defaced, but withal the places now not so much as existing. To which Luther seemeth to adhere.  
The Manichees also understood, that by Paradise was meant the whole Earth; to which opinion Vadianus inclineth, as I conceive his words in two several places. First, upon this: Fill the earth, GEN. 10. Of which he giveth this judgement. Hoc ipso etiam quod dixit, Replete terram, dominamini universis animantibus, subijcite terram, 〈◊〉 docet, totam terram extantem, & omnigenis (ut tum er at) fructibus consitam, sedem & hortum illud AD ae, & posteritatis futurae fuisse; These words (saith he) in which God said, Bring forth fruit and multiply, and fill the earth, and subdue it, and rule over every creature, do clearly show, that the Universal earth set or filled with all sorts of first-fruits (as then it was) was the garden and seat of ADAM, and of his future posterity. And afterward he acknowledgeth the place, out of the Acts the 17. Apostolus ex uno sanguine 
Vers. 26.  omne genus humanum adeò factum docet, ut habitarent super universam facicm terrae: tota igitur terra Paradisus ille er at; The Apostle (saith he) teacheth, that God hath made of one blood all mankind, to devil over all the face of the earth: and theresore all the earth (saith he) was that Paradise. Which conjectures I will answer in order. Goropius Becanus differeth not much from this opinion, but yet he acknowledgeth that Adam was first planted by God in one certain place, and peculiar Garden; which place Goropius findeth near the River of Acesine, in the confines of India.  
Tertullian, Bonaventure, and Durandus, make Paradise under the 〈◊〉, and 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Postellus, quite contrary, under the North pole: the Chaldaeans also for the most 〈◊〉 and all their Sectators, followed the opinion of Origen, or rather Origen theirs, 〈◊〉 would either make Paradise a figure, or Sacrament only, or else would have it 〈◊〉 out of this sensible world or raised into some high and remote Region of the Air. Strabus, and Rabanus, were both sick of this vanity, with Origen, and Philo: so was our venerable Beda, and Pet. Comestor, and Moses Barcephas the Syrian, translated by 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Masius. But as Hopkins says of Philo judaeus, that he wondered, Quo malo genio afflatus; By what evil Angel he was blown up into this error: so can I not but greatly marvel at these learned men, who so grossly and blindly wandered; seeing Moses, and after him the Prophets, do so plainly describe this place, by the Region, in which it was planted, by the Kingdoms and Provinces bordering it, by the Rivers which watered it, and by the points of the Compass upon which it lay, in respect of judaea, or Canaan.  
Noviomagus also, upon Beda, De naturarerum, believeth that all the Earth was taken for Paradise, and not any one place. For the whole Earth (saith he) hath the same beauty adscribed to Paradise. He addeth, that the Ocean was that Fountain, from whence the four Rivers, Pison, Gehon, Tigris, and Euphrates, had their beginning: for he could not think it possible, that these Rivers of Ganges, Nilus, Tigris, and Euphrates, (whereof the one ran through India, the other through Egypt, and the other two through Mesopotamia and Armenia) could rise out of one Fountain, were it not out of the Fountain of the Ocean.   

§. III That there was a true local Paradise Eastward, in the Country of Eden.  
TO the first therefore, that such a place there was upon the earth, the words of Moses make it manifest, where it is written, And the Lord God 
Gen. cap. 2.  planted a garden Eastward in Eden, and there he put the man whom he had made. And howsoever the vulgar translation, called Hieromes' translation, hath converted this place thus, Plantaver at Dominus Deus Paradisum voluptatis à principio; The Lord God planted a Paradise of pleasure from the beginning; putting the word (pleasure) for Eden, and (from the beginning) for Eastward: It is manifest, that in this place Eden is the proper name of a Region. For what sense hath this translation (saith our Hopkins, in his Treatise of Paradise) that he planted a garden in pleasure, or that a River went out of pleasure to water the garden? But the seventy Interpreters call it Paradisum Edenis, the Paradise of Eden, and so doth the Chaldaean Paraphrast truly take it for the proper name of a place, and for a Noun appellative; which Region in respect of the fertility of the soil, of the many beautiful Rivers, and goodly Woods, & that the trees (as in the Indieses) do always keep their leaves, was called Eden, which signifieth in the Hebrew, pleasantness or delicacy, as the Spaniards call the Country, opposite to the Isle of Cuba, Florida: and this is the mistaking, which may end the dispute, as touching the double sense of the word, that as Florida was a Country, so called for the flourishing beauty thereof, so was Eden a Region called pleasure, or delicacy, for the pleasure, or delicacy: and as Florida signifieth flourishing: so Eden signifieth pleasure, and yet both are the proper names of Countries; for Eden being the proper name of a Region (called Pleasure in the Hebrew) and Paradise being the choice seat of all that Region, Paradise was truly the Garden of Eden, and truly the Garden of Pleasure.  
Now, for Eastward, to translate it, from the beginning, it is also contrary to the translation of the Seventy; to the ancient Greek Fathers, as Basil, Chrusostom, Theodoret, Gregory; and to the Rabbins, as Ramban, Rabbi Solomon, R. Abraham, and Chimchi; and of the Latins, Severinus, Damascenus, etc. who plainly take Eden for the proper name of a Region, and set the word (Eastward) for ab initio: for Damascens own words are these, Paradisus est locus Dei manibus in Eden ad Orientem mirabiliter consitus; Paradise is a place, marvelously planted by the hands of God, in Eden, toward the East.  
And after all these Fathers, Guilhelmus Parisiensis, a great learned man, and Sixtus Senensis, of later times, do both understand these words of Eden, and of the East, contrary to the vulgar translation; Parisiensis, as indifferent to both, and Sixtus Senensis, directly against the vulgar: of which these are their own words: After this I will begin to speak of Paradise terrestrial, which God planted from the beginning, or Eastward, etc. Posthaec incipiam loqui de Paradiso terrestri, quem plant âsse Deum ab initio vel ad Orientem, etc. And then 〈◊〉; MOSES enim 〈◊〉 prodit, Paradisum à Deo consitum in regione terrae Orientalis, quae dicitur Heden: Heden autem esse proprium nomcn apparet ex quarto capite Gen. ubi legimus CHAMLET habitâsse ad Orientalem plagam Heden; For MOSES (saith he) doth show most clearly, that Paradise was planted of God in a Region of the East Country, which is called Heden: but that Heden is a proper name, it appeareth by the fourth Chapter of Genesis, where we read, that CHAMLET dwelled on the 
Vers. 16.  East border of Heden. PERERIUS endeavoureth to qualify this translation: for this particle (saith he) ab initio, is referred to all the time of the creation, and not to the 
john 8. 44.  very first day; alleging this place of Christ, that although the Devil was said to be a manslayer from the beginning, yet that was meant but after the sixth day. But surely, as I think (referring myself to better judgement) the Devil was from the instant of his fall a manslayer in disposition, though he had not whereon to practise till man's creation. And for conclusion, S. Hierome (if that be his translation) adviseth himself better in the end of the third Chapter of Genesis, converting the word 
Gen. 3. 24.  (Eden) by (ante) and not (à principio) as, God did set a Cherubin before the Garden of Eden; Collocavit Deus ante Paradisum 〈◊〉 is Cherubin; and Pererius himself acknowledgeth, that this is the true sense of this place, precisely taken, according to the Hebrew. Posuit à part Orientali horti Heden, Cherubin; He set on the eastside of the Garden of Heden, Cherubin. BECANUS affirmeth, that the Hebrew word (Be) signifieth (with) aswell as (in) and so the Text beareth this sense; That God planted a Garden with pleasure (that is to say) full of pleasure. But Becanus follows this construction, only to the end, to find Paradise upon the River of Acesine: for there he hath heard of the Indian Figtree in great abundance, which he supposeth to be the tree of knowledge of good, and evil, and would therefore draw Paradise to the Figtree: which conceit of his I will answer hereafter.  
Now, because Paradise was seated by Moses toward the East, thence come the custom of praying toward the East, and not by imitation of the Chaldaeans: and therefore all our Churches are built East and West, as to the point where the Sun riseth in March, which is directly over Paradise (saith Damascenus:) affirming, that we always pray towards the East, as looking towards Paradise, whence we were cast out; and yet the Temple of Solomon had their Priests and Sacrifices, which turned themselves in their service and divine ceremonies, always toward the West, thereby to avoid the superstition of the Egyptians and Chaldaeans.  
But because East and West are but in respect of places; (for although Paradise were East from 〈◊〉, yet it was West from Persiae) and the serving of God is every where in the world, the matter is not great which way we turn our faces, so our hearts stand right, other than this, that we who devil West from Paradise, and pray turning ourselves towards the East, may remember thereby to beseech God, that as by Adam's fall we have lost the Paradise on Earth: so by Christ's death and passion we may be made partakers of the Paradise celestial, and the Kingdom of Heaven. To conclude, I conceive, that there was no other mystery in adding the word (East) to Eden by Moses, then to show, that the Region of Eden, in which Paradise was, lay Eastward from judaea and Canaan: for the Scriptures always called the people of those Nations, the Sons of the East, which inhabited Arabia, Mesopotamia, 〈◊〉, and Persia: of which Ovid:  

Eurus ad Auroram, Nabataeaque regna recessit,  
Persidaque & radijsiuga subdita matutinis.   

The East wind with Aurora hath abiding  
Among th' Arabian, and the Persian Hills,  
Whom Phoebus first salutes at his uprising.   
And if it be objected, that Hieremie the Prophet threatening the destruction of Jerusalem, doth often make mention of Northern Nations, it is to be noted, that the North is there named, in respect of those Nations that followed Nabuchodonosor, and of whom the greatest part of his Army was compounded; not that 〈◊〉 itself stood North from Jerusalem, though inclining from the East toward the North.  
Now to the difference of this Translation, Peter Comestor giveth best satisfaction: for he useth the word, From the beginning, that is, from the first part of the World, (à principio) id est (saith he) à prima orbis part, and afterward he affirmeth, that (à principio, and ad Orientem) have the same signification; From the beginning and Eastward is all one, à principio idem est quod ad Orientem.  
But to return to the proof of this place, and that this Story of Mankind was not Allegorical, it follows in the Text of the second Chapter and ninth Verse in these words: For out of the ground made the Lord God to grow every Tree pleasant to the sight, and good for meat, etc. so as first it appeared that God created Adam elsewhere, as in the World at large, and then, put him into the Garden: and the end why, is expressed: that he might dress it and keep it; Paradise being a Garden or Orchard filled with 
Verse 18.  Plants, and Trees, of the most excellent kinds, pleasant to behold, and (withal) good for meat: which proveth that Paradise was a terrestrial Garden, garnished with Fruits, delighting both the eye and taste. And to make it more plain, and to take away all opinion of Allegorical construction, he affirmeth that it was watered and beautified with a River; expressing also the Region, out of which this River sprang, 
Verse 10.  which he calleth Heden; and that Heden is also a Country near unto Charan in Mesopotamia, 
Ezech. c. 27. 23.  Ezechiel witnesseth.  
But to all these Cabalists, which draw the Truth and Story of the Scriptures into Allegories, Epiphanius answereth in these words: Si Paradisus non est sensibilis, non est etiam fons, sinon est fons, non est flumen, sinon est flumen, non sunt quatuor principia, non Pison, non Gehon, non Tigris, nec 〈◊〉, non est ficus, non folia, non comedit EVA de arbore, non est ADAM, non sunt homines, sed veritas iam fabula est, & omnia ad Allegorias revocantur: If Paradise be not sensible, than there was no fountain, and then no River, if no River, than no such sour heads or branches, and then not any such River as Pison, or Gehon, Tigris, or Euphrates, no such Figtree, or fruit, or leaves, EVE then did not eat of the fruit, neither was there any ADAM, or any man, the truth was but a Fable, and all things esteemed are called back into Allegories. Words to the same effect hath Saint Hierome upon DANIEL: Contice scant eorum deliramenta, qui umbr as & imagines in veritate sequentes, ipsam conantur evertere veritatem, ut Paradisum & flumina, & arbores patent Allegoriae Legibus se debere subruere, Let the dotages of them be silent, who following shadows and Images in the Truth, endeavour to subvert the Truth itself, and think that they aught to bring Paradise, and the Rivers and the Trees under the rules of Allegory.  
Furthermore, by the continuation and order of the Story is the place made more manifest. For God gave Adam free liberty to eat of every Tree of the Garden, (the Tree of knowledge excepted) which Trees Moses in the ninth verse saith that they were good to eat; meaning the fruit which they bore. Besides, God left all beasts to Adam to be named, which he had formerly made; and these beasts were neither in the third Heaven, nor near the Circle of the Moon, nor beasts in imagination: for if all these things were Enygmaticall or Mystical, the same might also be said of the creation of all things. And Ezechiel speaking of the glory of the Assyrian Kings useth this speech: All the Trees of Eden, which were in the Garden of God, envied him, which 
Ezech. 31. 9  proveth both Eden, and Paradise therein seated to be terrestrial: for the Prophets made no imaginary comparisons. But Moses wrote plainly, and in a simple style, fit for the capacities of ignorant men, and he was more large and precise in the description of Paradise, then in any other place of Scripture; of purpose to take away all scruple from the incredulity of future ages, whom he knew (out of the gift of Prophecy) to be apt to fabulous inventions, and that if he had not described both the Region and the Rivers, and how it stood from Canaan, many of the unbeleeing Israelites, and others after them, would have misconstrued this Story of Mankind. And is it likely, there would have been so often mention made of Paradise in the Scriptures, if the same had been an Utopia? For we found that the Valley, wherein Sodom and Gomorrha stood, (sometimes called Pentapolis, of the five principal Cities therein) was before the destruction (which their unnatural sin purchased) compared to the Paradise 
Gen. 13. 10.  of the Lord, and like to the Land of Egypt toward Zoar; In like manner was Israel resembled to the Paradise of God, before the Babylonians wasted it: which proveth plainly, that Paradise itself exceeded in beauty and fertility, and that these places had but a resemblance thereof: being compared to a seat and soil of far exceeding excellency.  
Besides, whence had Homer his invention of Alcinous Gardens, as justin Martyr noteth, but out of Moses his description of Paradise? Gen. 2. and whence are their praises of the Elysian fields, but out of the Story of Paradise? to which also appertain those Verses of the Golden Age in Ovid:  

Ver erat aeternum, placidique tepentibus aur is 
ovid. 〈◊〉. l. 1   
Mulcebant Zephyri natos sine semine flores.   

The joyful Spring did ever last,  
And Zephyrus did breed  
Without the help of seed  
Sweet flowers by his gentle blast.   
And it is manifest, that Orphus, Linus, Pyndarus, Hesiodus, and Homer, and after him, Ovid, one out of another, and all these together with Pythagor as and Plato, and their Sectatours, did greatly enrich their inventions, by venting the stolen Treasures of Divine Letters, altered by profane additions, and disguised by poetical conversions, as if they had been conceived out of their own speculations and contemplations.  
But besides all these testimonies, if we found what Region Heden or Eden was; if we prove the River that ran out of it, and that the same afterwards was divided into four branches; together with the Kingdoms of Havila and Cush, and that all these are Eastward from Canaan, or the Deserts of the Amorites, where Moses wrote, I then conceive, that there is no man that will doubt, but that such a place there was. And yet I do not exclude the Allegorical sense of the Scripture; for aswell in this there were many figures of Christ, as in all the old Testament throughout: the Story being directly true notwithstanding. And to this purpose (saith Faint Augustine) Tres sunt de Paradiso generales sententiae: 〈◊〉 est eorum, qui tantummodò corporaliter Paradisum intelligi volunt: alia eorum, qui spiritualiter tantùm (id est) Ecclesiam: tertia eorum, qui utroque modo Paradisum accipiunt, (that is) There are three opinions of Paradise: the one of those men, which will have it altogether corporal: a second of those which conceive it altogether spiritual, and to be a figure of the Church: the third of those, which take it in both senses; which third opinion Saint Augustine approveth, and of which Suidas giveth 
Aug. de Civit.  this allowable judgement: Quemadmodum homo sensibilis, & intelligibilis simul 
Dei. l. 13. c. 21. Suidas in verbo Paradisus.  conditus erat: sic & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nemus, sensibile simul & intelligibile, & duplici specie est praeditum, (that is) As man was created at one time both sensible and intelligible: so was this holy Grove or Garden to be taken both ways, and endued with a double form.   

§. FOUR Why it should be needful to entreat diligently of the place of Paradise.  
BUT it may be objected, that it is needless, and a kind of curiosity to inquire so diligently after this place of Paradise, and that the knowledge thereof is of little or no use. To which I answer, that there is nothing written in the Scriptures, but for our instruction; and if the truth of the Story be necessary, then by the place proved, the same is also made more apparent. For if we should conceive that Paradise were not on the Earth, but lifted up as high as the Moon; or that it were beyond all the Ocean, and in no part of the known World, from whence Adam was said to wade through the Sea, and thence to have come into judaea, (out of doubt) there would be few men in the World, that would give any credit unto it. For what could seem more ridiculous than the report of such a place? and beside, what maketh this fear of Paradise so much disputed and doubted of, but the conceit that Pishon should be Ganges, which watereth the East India, and 〈◊〉, Nilus, which enricheth Egypt, and these two Rivers so far distant, as (except all the World were Paradise) these streams can no way be comprised therein?  
Secondly, if the birth and works, and death of our Saviour, were said to have been in some such Country, of which no man ever 〈◊〉 tell, and that his Miracles had been performed in the Air, or no place certainly known: I assure myself, that the Christian Religion would have taken but a slender root in the minds of men; for times and places are approved witnesses of worldly actions.  
Thirdly, if we should rely, or give place to the judgements of some Writers upon this place of Genesis (though otherwise for their doctrine in general, they are worthy of honour and reverence) I say that there is no fable among the Grecians or Egyptians more ridiculous: for who would believe that there were a piece of the World so set by itself and separated, as to hung in the 〈◊〉 under the Circle of the Moon? or who so doltish to conceive, that from thence the four Rivers of Ganges, Nilus, Euphrates, and Tigris, should fall down, and run under all the Ocean, and rise up again in this our habitable World, and in those places where they are now found? Which jest any man think, that I enforce or strain to the worst, these are Peter Comestors own words. Est autem locus amoenissimus, longo terrae & maris tractu à nostra habitabili Zona secretus, adeò elevatus, ut usque ad Lunarem globum atting at, etc. (that is) It is a most pleasant place, severed from our habitable Zone by a long tract of Land and Sea, elevated so, that it reacheth to the Globe of the Moon.  
And Moses Barcephas upon this place writeth in this manner: Deinde hoc quoque responsum 
Bore. converted by Masius.  volumus, Paradisum muliò sublimiore positum esse regione, atque haec nostra extet terra, coque fieri, ut illinc per praecipitium delabantur flwij tanto cum impetis, quantum verbis exprimere non possis; eoque impetu impulsi praessique sub Oceani vada rapiuntur, underursus prosiliant ebulliantque in hoc à nobis culto orb: which have this sense: Furthermore (saith he) we give this for an answer, that Paradise is set in a Region far raised above this part which we inhabit; whereby it comes to pass, that from thence these Rivers fall down with such a headlong violence, as words cannot express; and with that force so impulsed and priest, they are carried under the deep Ocean, and do again arise and boil up in this our habitable World: and to this he addeth the opinion of Ephram, which is this. Ephram dicit Paradisum ambire terram, atque ultra Oceanum it a positum esse, ut totum terrarum orbem ab omni circumdet regione, non aliter atque Lunae orbis Lunam cingit, (which is) That Paradise doth compass or embrace the whole Earth, and is so set beyond the Ocean Sea, as it environeth the whole Orb of the Earth on every side, as the Orb of the Moon doth embrace the Moon. To the end therefore that these ridiculous expositions and opinions do not bring question unto Truth itself, or make the same subject to doubts or disputes, it is necessary to discover the true place of Paradise, which God in his wisdom appointed in the very Navel of this our World, and (as Melanchton says) in part terr 〈◊〉 meliore, in the best part thereof, that from thence, as from a Centre; the Universal might be filled with people and planted; and by knowing this place, we shall the better judge of the beginning of Nations, and of the World's inhabitation: for near unto this did the Sons of Noah also disperse themselves after the Flood, into all other remote Regions and Countries. And if it be a generous desire in men, to know from whence their own forefathers have come, and out of what Regions and Nations, it cannot be displeasing to understaud the place of our first ancestor, from whence all the streams and branches of Mankind have followed and been deduced. If then it do appear by the former, that such a place there was as Paradise, and that the knowledge of this place cannot be unprofitable, it follows in order to examine the several opinions before remembered, by the Truth itself; and to see how they agreed with the sense of the Scripture, and with common reason, and afterward to prove directly, and to delineate the Region in which God first planted this delightful Garden.   

§. V That the Flood hath not utterly 'defaced the marks of Paradise, nor caused Hills in the Earth.  
AND first, whereas it is supposed by Aug. Chysamensis, that the Flood hath altered, deformed, or rather annihilated this place, in such sort, as no man can found any mark or memory thereof: (of which opinion there were others also, ascribing to the Flood the cause of those high Mountains, which are found on all the Earth over, with many other strange effects) for my own opinion, I think neither the one nor the other to be true. For although I cannot deny, but that the face of Paradise was after the Flood withered, and grown old, in respect of the first beauty: (for both the ages of men, and the nature of all things Time hath changed) yet if there had been no sign of any such place, or if the soil and seat had not remained, then would not Moses, who wrote of Paradise about 850. years after the Flood, have described it so particularly, and the Prophets long after Moses would not have made so often mention thereof. And though the very Garden itself were not then to be found, but that the Flood, and other accidents of time made it one common field and pasture with the Land of Eden, yet the place is still the same, and the Rivers still remain the same Rivers. By two of which (never doubted of) to with, Tigris, and Euphrates, we are sure to found in what longitude Paradise lay; and learning out one of these Rivers, which afterward doth divide itself into four branches, we are sure that the partition is at the very border of the Garden itself. For it is written, that out of Eden went a River to water 
Gen. 〈◊〉. 10.  the Garden, and from thence it was divided and become into four heads: Now whither the word in the Latin Translation (lnde) from thence, be referred to Eden it self, or to Paradise, yet the division and branching of those Rivers must be in the North or South side of the very Garden (if the Rivers run as they doc, North and South) and therefore these Rivers yet remaining, and Eden manifestly known, there could be no such defacing by the Flood, as is supposed. Furthermore, as there is no likelihood, that the place could be so altered as future ages know it not, so is there no probability, that either these Rivers were turned out of their courses, or new Rivers created by the Flood which were not, or that the Flood (as aforesaid) by a violent motion, when it began to decrease, was the cause of high Hills, or deep Valleys. For what descent of waters could there be in a Spherical and round body, wherein there is nor high nor low? seeing that all violent force of waters is either by the strength of wind, by descent from a higher to a lower, or by the ebb or flood of the Sea. But that there was any wind (whereby the Seas are most enraged) it appeareth not, rather the contrary is probable: for it is written, Therefore God made a 
Gen. 8. 1.  wind to pass upon the Earth, and the waters ceased. So as it appeareth not, that, until the waters sank, there was any wind at all, but that God afterward, out of his goodness, caused the wind to blow, to dry up the abundant slime and mud of the Earth, and make the Land more firm, and to cleanse the Air of thick vapours and unwholesome mists; and this we know by experience, that all downright rains do evermore dissever the violence of outrageous winds, and beaten down, and level the swelling and mountainous billow of the Sea: for any cbbes and floods there could be noon, when the waters were equal and of one height over all the face of the Earth, and when there were no Indraughts, Bays, or Gulfs to receive a Flood, or any descent, or violent falling of waters in the round form of the Earth and waters, as aforesaid: and therefore it seemeth most agreeable to reason, that the waters rather stood in a quiet calm, then that they moved with any raging or over-bearing violence. And for a more direct proof that the Flood made no such destroying alteration, joseph. avoweth that one of those pillars erected by Seth, the third from Adam, was to be seen in his days, which Pillars were set up above 1426. years before the flood, counting Seth to be an hundred years old at the erection of them, and joseph. himself, to have lived some 40. or 50. years after Christ: of whom although there be no cause to believe all that he wrote, yet that, which he avouched of his own time, cannot (without great derogation) be called in question. And therefore it may be possible, that some foundation or ruin thereof might then be seen. Now that such Pillars were raised by Seth, all Antiquity hath avowed. It is also written in Berosus (to whom although I give little credit, yet I cannot condemn him in all) that the City of Enoch built by Cain, about the Mountains of Libanus, was not defaced by length of time: yea the ruins thereof Annius (who commented upon that invented Fragment) saith, were to be seen in his days, who lived in the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabel of Castille; and if these his words be not true, then was he exceeding impudent. For, speaking of this City of Enoch, he concludeth in this sort: Cuius maxima & ingentis molis fundamenta visuntur, & vocatur ab incolis regionis, Civitas Cain, ut nostri mercatores, & peregrini referunt; The foundation of which huge Mass is now to be seen, and the place is called by the people of that Region, the City of Cain, as both our strangers and Merchant's report. It is also avowed by Pomponius Mela, (to whom I give more credit in these things) that the City of joppa was built before the Flood, over which Cepha was King: whose name with his Brother Phineus, together with the grounds and principles of their Religion, was found graven upon certain Altars of stone; and it is not unpossible, that the ruins of this other City, called Enoch by Annius, might be seen, though founded in the first Age: but it could not be of the first City of the World, built by Cain, the place, rather than the time, 
Gen. 4. 17.  denying it.  
And to prove directly, that the flood was not the cause of Mountains, but that there were Mountains from the Creation, it is written, that the waters of the flood overflowed by fifteen Cubits the highest Mountains. And Masius Damascenus speaking of the Flood, writeth in this manner. Et supra Minyadam excelsus mons in Armenia (qui Baris appellatur) in quo confugientes multos sermo est dilwij tempore liberatos, And upon Minyada there is an high Mountain, in Armenia (called Baris) unto which (as it is said) that many fled in the time of the Deluge, and that they saved themselves thereon. Now although it is contrary to God's Word, that any more were saved then eight persons (which Masius doth not avouch, but by report) yet it is a testimony, that such Mountains were before the Flood, which were afterwards, and ever since, known by the same names; and on which Mountains it is generally received that the Ark rested: but untruly, as I shall prove hereafter. And again it appeareth, that the Mount Zion (though by another name) was known before the Flood: on which the Thalmudists report, that many Giants saved themselves also; but (as Annius saith) without all authority, either Divine or Human.  
Lastly, it appeareth that the Flood did not so turn upside-down the face of the Earth, as thereby it was made past knowledge, after the waters were decreased, by this that, when NOAH sent out the Dove the second time, she returned with an Olive leaf in 
Gen 8. 11.  her mouth, which she had plucked, and which (until the Trees were discovered) she found not: for otherwise she might have found them floating on the water; a manifest proof, that the Trees were not torn up by the roots, nor swam upon the waters, for it is written: folium Olivae, raptum or decerptum, a leaf plucked, (which is) to take from a Tree, or to tear off. By this it is apparent, (there being nothing written to the contrary) that the Flood made no such alteration, as was supposed, but that the place of Paradise might be seen to succeeding Ages, especially unto Moses, by whom it pleased God to teach the truth of the World's Creation, and unto the Prophets which succedeed him: both which I take for my warrant, and to guide me in this Discovery.   

§. VI That Paradise was not the whole Earth, as some have thought: making the Ocean to be the fountain of those four Rivers.  
THIS conceit of Aug. Chysamensis being answered, who only giveth his opinion for reason, I will in a few words examine that of the manichees, of Novioniagus, Vadianus, Goropius Becanus, and all those that understood, that by Paradise was meant the whole Earth. But in this I shall not trouble the Reader with many words, because by those places of Scripture formerly remembered, this Universality will appear altogether improper. 
Gen. 1. 28.  The places which Vadianus allegeth, Bring forth fruit and multiply, fill the Earth and subdue it, rule over every Creature, etc. with this of the Acts, and hath made of one 
Acts 17. 26.  blood all Mankind, to devil on all the face of the Earth, do no way prove such a generality: for the World was made for man, of which he was Lord and Governor, and all things therein were ordained of God for his use: Now although all men were of one and the same fountain of blood originally; and Adam's posterity inhabited in process of time over all the face of the Earth; yet it disproveth in nothing the particular Garden, assigned to Adam, to dress and cultive, in which he lived in so blessed an estate before his transgression. For if there had been no other choice, but that Adam had been left to the Universal; Moses would not then have said, Eastward in Eden, seeing 
Gen. 2. 8.  the World hath nor East nor West, but respectively. And to what end had the Angel of God been set to keep the eastside, and entrance into Paradise after Adam's 
3. 24.  expulsion, if the Universal had been Paradise? for then must Adam have been chased also out of the World. For if All the Earth were Paradise, that place can receive no better construction than this, That Adam was driven out of the World into the World, and out of Paradise into Paradise, except we should believe with Metrodorus, that there were infinite Worlds. Which to 〈◊〉; he thinks all one, as to affirm, That in so large a field, as the universal, there should grow but one thistle. NOVIOMAGUS upon Beda, seemeth to be led by this, that it was unpossible for those three Rivers, Ganges, Nilus, and Euphrates (which water three portions of the World so far distant) to rise out of one Fountain, except the Ocean be taken for the Well, and the World for the Garden.  
And it is true, that those four Rivers, being so understood, there could be no conjecture more probable; but it shall plainly appear, that Pison was falsely taken for Ganges, and Gehon falsely for Nilus, although Ganges be a River by Havilah in India, and Nilus run through Aethiopia. The Seventy writ Chus for Aethiopia, and thereby the errors of the Manichees, and the mistake of Noviomagus, Goropius, and Vadianus, with others, are made manifest. Yet was their conjecture far more probable, then that of Ephram, Cyrillus, and Athanasius: That Paradise was seated far beyond the Ocean Sea, and that Adam waded through it, and at last come toward the Country, in which he was created, and was buried at Mount calvary, in Jerusalem. And certainly, though all those of the first Age were of great stature, and so continued many years after the flood, yet Adam's shinbones must have contained a thousand fathom, and much more, if he had forded the Ocean; but this opinion is so ridiculous, as it needs no argument to disprove it.   

§. VII. Of their opinion, which make Paradise as high as the Moon: and of others, which make it higher than the middle Region of the air.  
THirdly, whereas Beda saith, and as the Schoolmen affirm, Paradise to be a place, altogether removed from the knowledge of men (locus à cognitione hominum remotissimus) and Barcephas conceived, that Paradise was far in the East, but mounted above the Ocean, and all the Earth, and near the Orb of the Moon (which opinion, though the Schoolmen charge Beda withal, yet Pererius lays it off from Beda upon Strabus, and his Master Rabanus:) and whereas Rupertus in his Geography of Paradise, doth not much differ from the rest, but finds it seated next or nearest heaven; It may seem, that all these borrowed this doctrine out of Plato, and Plato out of Socrates; but neither of them (as I conceive) well understood: who (undoubtedly) took this place for heaven itself, into which the souls of the blessed were carried after death.  
True it is, that these Philosophers durst not for fear of the Areopagites (in this 
Diog. 〈◊〉. in Sco.  and many other divine apprehensions) set down what they believed in plain terms, especially Plato: though Socrates in the end suffered death, for acknowledging one only powerful God; and therefore did the Devil himself do him that right, as by an Oracle, to pronounce him the wisest man. justine Martyr affirmeth, 
justin. Mart. adm. add Gent. Aug.  that Plato had read the Scriptures; and S. Augustine gave this judgement of him, as his opinion, that (few things changed) he might be counted a Christian. And it seemeth to me, that both Tertullian and Eusebius conceive, that Socrates, by that place aforesaid, meant the celestial Paradise, and not this of Eden. Solinus, I grant, reporteth, that there is a place exceeding delightful and healthful, upon the top of Mount Atho (called 〈◊〉) which being above all clouds of rain, or other inconvenience, the people (by reason of their many years) are called Macrobioi (that is) Long-lived. A further argument is used, for proof of the height of this place, because therein was Enoch preserved from the violence of the flood: approved by Isidore, and Peter Lombard; in which place also Tertullian conceived, that the blessed souls were preserved till the last judgement; which Irenaeus, and justine Martyr also believed. But this opinion was of all Catholic Divines reproved, and in the Florentine Council damned; of which S. Augustine more modestly gave this judgement. Sicut certum est ENOCH & ELIAM nunc vivere: ita ubi nunc sunt, an in Paradiso an alibi, incertum est; (that is) As it is certain that ENOCH and ELIAS do now live: so where they now live, in Paradise or elsewhere, it is uncertain. But Barcephas gives a third cause, though of all other the weakest. For (saith he) it was necessary that Paradise should be set at such a distance and height, because the four Rivers (had they not fallen so precipitate) could not have had sufficient force to have thrust themselves under the great Ocean, and afterwards have forced their passage through the earth, and have risen again in the far distant Regions of India, Egypt, and Armenia.  
These strange fancies and dreams have been answered by divers learned men long since, and lately by Hopkins and Pererius writing upon this subject; of whose arguments I will repeat these few: for to use long discourse against those things, which are both against Scripture and Reason, might rightly be judged a vanity in the Answerer, not much inferior to that of the Inventer.  
It is first therefore alleged, that such a place cannot be commodious to live in: for being set so near the Moon, it had been too near the Sun, and other heavenly bodies. Secondly, because it must have been too joinct a Neighbour to the Element of fire. Thirdly, because the air in that Region is so violently moved, and carried about with such swiftness, as nothing in that place can consist or have abiding. Fourthly, because the place between the Earth and the Moon (according to Ptolemie and Alfraganus) is seventeen times the Diameter of the Earth, which makes by a gross account about one hundred and twenty thousand miles. Hereupon it must follow, that Paradise, being raised to this height, must have the compass of the whole earth for a Basis & foundation. But had it been so raised, it could hardly be hidden from the knowledge, or eyes of men: seeing it would deprive us of the suns light, all the forepart of the day, being seated in the East, as they suppose. Now, to fortify the former opinions, Tostatus addeth this, that those people which devil near those falls of waters, are deaf from their infancy, like those which devil near the Catadupae, or over-falls of Nilus. But this I hold as feigned. For I have seen 
Cicero Somn. Scip.  in the Indieses, far greater water-falls, than those of Nilus, and yet the people dwelling near them, are not deaf at all. Tostatus (the better to strengthen himself) citeth Basil and Ambrose together: to which PERERIUS, Sed ego hac apud BASILIUM & AMBROSIUM in eorum scriptis, quae nunc extant, nusquam me legere memini; But I do not remember (saith he) that I ever read those things, either in BASIL or AMBROSE.  
But for the bodies of Enoch and Elias, God hath disposed of them according to his wisdom. Their taking up might be into the celestial Paradise, for aught we know. For although flesh and blood, subject to corruption, cannot inherit the Kingdom of heaven, and the seed must rot in the ground before it grow, yet we shall not all die (saith S. PAUL) but all shall be changed: which change, in Enoch and Elias, was easy 
1. Cor. 15. 36. 51.  
1. Pet. 3. 20.  to him that is Almighty. But for the rest, the Scriptures are manifest, that by the flood all perished on the earth, saving eight persons, and therefore in the terrestrial Paradise they could not be.  
For Tostatus his own opinion, who soared not altogether so high as the rest, but believed that Paradise was raised above the middle Region of the air, and twenty cubits above all Mountains, that the flood did not therefore reach it: (which Scotus and other later Schoolmen also believed; for, say they, there were no sinners in Paradise, and therefore no cause to overwhelm it:) this is also contrary to the express letter of the Scripture: which directly, and without admitting of any distinction teacheth us, that the waters over-flowed all the mountains under heaven. And were it 
Gen. 7. 19  otherwise, then might we aswell give credit to Masius Damascenus, and the Thalmudists, who affirm, that there were of the Giants that saved themselves on the Mountain Baris, and on Zion. But to help this, Scotus, being (as the rest of the Schoolmen are) full of distinctions, saith; That the waters stood at Paradise, as they did in the Read Sea, and at jordan; and as the flood was not natural, so was Paradise saved 
Exod. 14. 21.  by miracle. And Thomas Aquinas qualifieth this high conceit with this supposition, That it was not believed, that Paradise was so seated, as Beda and others seem to affirm in words, but by Hyperbole and comparatively, for the delicacy and beauty so resembled. But this I dare avow of all those Schoolmen, that though they were exceeding witty, yet they better teach all their Followers to shifted, then to resolve, by their distinctions. Wherhfore not to stay long in answering this opinion of Tostatus, I confess that it is written, that the Mountains of Olympus, Atho, and Atlas, overreach and surmount all winds and clouds, and that (notwithstanding) there is found on the heads of the Hills both springs and first-fruits; and the Pagan Priests, sacrificing on these Mountain tops, do not found the ashes (remaining of their sacrifices) blown thence, nor thence washed off by rains, when they return: yet experience hath resolved us, that these reports are fabulous, and Pliny himself (who was not sparing in the report of wonders) avoweth the contrary. But were it granted, yet the height of these Mountains is far under the supposed place of Paradise; and on these self Hills the air is so thin (saith S. Augustine, whom herein I mistrust) that it is not sufficient to bear up the body of a bird, having therein no feeling of her wings, or any sensible resistance of air to mount herself by.   

§. VIII. Of their opinion that seaete Paradise under the Equinoctial: and of the pleasant habitation under those Climates.  
THose which come nearer unto reason, find Paradise under the Equinoctial line, as Tertullian, Bonaventure, and Durandus: judging, that there-under might be found most pleasure, and the greatest fertility of soil: but against it Thomas Aquinas objecteth the distemperate heat, which he supposeth to be in all places so directly under the Sun; but this is (non causa pro causa) for although Paradise could not be under the line, because Eden is far from it, in which Paradise was; and because there is no part of Euphrates, Tigris, or Ganges under it, (Ganges being one of the four Rivers, as they suppose) yet this conceit of distemper, (being but an old opinion) is found to be very untrue, though for the conjecture not to be condemned, considering the age when those Fathers wrote, grounded chief on this: that whereas it appeared, that every Country, as it lay by degrees nearer the Tropic, and so toward the Equinoctial, did so much the more exceed in heat; It was therefore a reasonable conjecture, that those Countries which were situated directly under it, were of a distemper uninhabitable: but it seemeth that Tertullian conceived better, and so did 〈◊〉, for they both thought them habitable enough; and though (perchance) in those days it might be thought a fantastical opinion (as all are which go against the vulgar) yet we now find, that if there be any place upon the earth of that nature, beauty, and delight, that Paradise had, the same must be found within that supposed uninhabitable burnt Zone, or within the Tropics, and nearest to the line itself. For hereof experience hath informed Reason, and Time hath made those things apparent, which were hidden and could not by any contemplation be discovered. Indeed it hath so pleased God to provide for all living creatures, wherewith he hath filled the world, that such inconveniences which we contemplate afar off, are found by trial and the witness of men's travails, to be so qualified, as there is no portion of the earth made in vain, or as a fruitless lump to fashion out the rest. For, God himself (saith ISAIAH) that form 
Isaiah 45. 18.  the earth and made it, he that prepared it, he created it not in vain, he form it to be inhabited. Now we find that these hottest Regions of the world, seated under the Equinoctial line, or near it, are so refreshed with a daily gale of Easternely wind (which the Spaniards call the Breeze, that doth evermore blow strongest in the hear of the day, as the downright beams of the Sun cannot so much master it, that there is any inconvenience or distemperate heat found thereby. Secondly, the nights are so cold, fresh, and equal, by reason of the entire interposition of the earth, as (for those places which myself have seen, near the Line and under it) I know no other part of the world of better, or equal temper: Only there are some tracts, which by accident of high Mountains are barred from this air and fresh wind, and some few sandy parts without trees, which are not therefore so well inhabited as the rest; and such difference of soils we find also in all other parts of the World. But (for the greatest part) those Regions have so many goodly Rivers, Fountains and little Brookes, abundance of high Cedars, and other stately trees casting shade, so many sorts of delicate first-fruits, ever bearing, and at all times beautified with blossom and fruit, both green and ripe, as it may of all other parts be best compared to the Paradise of Eden: the boughs and branches are never unclothed and left naked, their sap creepeth not under ground into the root, fearing the injury of the frost: neither doth Pomona at any times despise her withered husband Vertumnus, in his winter quarters and old age. Therefore are these Countries called Terrae vitiosae; Vicious Countries: for Nature being liberal to all without labour, necessity imposing no industry or travel, idleness bringeth forth no other first-fruits then vain thoughts, and licentious pleasures. So that to conclude this part, Tertullian and those of his opinion were not deceived in the nature of the place: but Aquinas, who misliked this opinion, and followed a worse. And (to say the truth) all the Schoolmen were gross in this particular.   

§. IX.. Of the change of the names of places: and that besides that Eden in Coelesyria, there is a Country in Babylon, once of this name, as is proved out of ESA. 37. and EZECH. 27.  
THese opinions answered, and the Region of Eden not found in any of those imaginary worlds, nor under Torrida Zona; it follows that now we discover and find out the seat thereof, for in it was Paradise by God planted. The difficulty of which search resteth chief in this, That as all Nations have often changed names with their Masters; so are most of these places, by Moses remembered, forgotten by those names of all Historians and Geographers, as well ancient as modern.  
Besides, we find that the Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes and Persians' (Cyrus only and few other excepted) sought to extinguish the Hebrews. The Grecians hated both their Nation and their Religion; and the Romans despised once to remember them in any of their stories. And as those three Monarchies succeeded each other: so did they transform the names of all those principal Places & Cities in the East: and after them, the Turk hath sought (what he could) to extinguish in all things, the ancient memory of those people; which he hath subjecteth and enthralled.  
Now besides those notable marks, Euphrates & Tigris, the better to found the way, which leadeth to the Country of Eden, we are to take for guides these two considerations (to wit) That it lay Eastward from Canaan & judaeae; and that it was of all other the most beautiful and fertile. First then in respect of situation, the next Country to judaea Eastward was Arabia Petraea; but in this Region was Moses himself when he wrote: and the next unto it Eastward also was Arabia the Desert, both which in respect of the infertilitie could not be Eden, neither have any of the Arabians any such Rivers, as are expressed to run out of it: So as it follows of necessity, that Eden must be Eastward, and beyond both Arabia Petraea, and Deserta. But because Eden is by Moses named by itself, and by the fertility, and the Rivers only described, we must seek it in other Scriptures, and where it is by the additions of the neighbour Nations better described. In the Prophet Isaiah I find it coupled and accompanied 
Isai. 37. v. 12.  with other adjacent Countries, in these words, spoken in the person of Senacherib by RABSAKEH: Have the gods of the Nations delivered them, which my Fathers have destroyed, as GOSAN, and HARAN, and RESEPH, and the children of EDEN, which were at Telassar? and in Ezechiel, where he prophesieth against the Tyrians: They of 
Cap. 27. vers. 23.  Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the Merchants of Sheba, Asbur, and Chilmad, were thy Merchants, etc.  
But to avoid confusion, we must understand that there were two Eden's, one of which the Prophet Amos remembreth, where he divideth Syria into three Provinces, whereof, the first he maketh Syria Damascene, or Decapolitan: the second part is 
Cap. 1. vers. 1.  that Valley called Auenis, otherwise Conuallis, or the Tract of Chamath, where Assyria is joined to Arabia the Desert, and where Ptolemie placeth the City of Aueria: and the third is known by the name of Domus Edenis, or Coelesyria, otherwise Vallis 
Strabo.  〈◊〉, or the hollow Valley, because the Mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus, take all the length of it on both sides, and border it: for Coele in Greeke is Cava in Latin. But this is not that Eden, which we seek: neither doth this Province lie East from Canaan, but North, and so joineth unto it, as it could not be unknown to the Hebrews. Yet, because there is a little City therein called Paradise, the jews believed this Coelesyria to be the same which Moses describeth. For the same cause doth Hopkins in his Treatise of Paradise reprehend Beroaldus, in that he confoundeth this Eden, with the other Eden of Paradise: though to give Beroaldus his right, I conceive that he led the way to Hopkins, and to all other later Writers, saving, That he failed in distinguishing these two Regions, both called Eden: and that he altogether misunderstood two of the four Rivers (to wit) Pison and Gehon, as shall appear hereafter. Now to find out Eden, which (as Moses teacheth us) lay Eastward from the Deserts, where he wrote, after he had passed the Read Sea; we must consider where those other Countries are found, which the Prophet Isaiah and Ezechiel joineth with it. For (saith ESAIAH) Gosan, Haran, and Reseph, and the children of Eden, which were at Telàssar. Also Ezechiel joineth Haran with Eden, who, together with 
Ezecb. 27. v. 23.  those of Sheba, Ashur, and Chilmad, were the Merchants that traded with the City of tire, which was then (saith EZECHIEL) the Mart of the people for many Isles. And it hath ever been the custom, that the Persians' conveyed their merchandise to Babylon, and to those Cities upon Euphrates, and Tigris, and from thence transported them into Syria, now Soria, and to the Port of the Mediterrane Sea: as in ancient times to the City of tire, afterward to Tripoli, and now to Aleppo, from whence they embark them at the Port of Alexandretta, in the Bay of Issicus, now Laiazzo. Ezechiel in the description of the magnificence of tire, and of the exceeding trade that it had with all the Nations of the East, as the only Mart-towne of that part of the world, reciteth both the people, with whom they had commerce, and also what commodities every Country yielded: and having counted the several People and Countries, he addeth the particular trade, which each of them exercised: They were 
Vers. 24.  thy Merchants (saith the Prophet) in all sorts of things, in raiments of blue silk, and of broidered works, fine linen, coral and pearl: and afterwards speaking of the Merchants of Sheba and Raamah, and what kinds they traded, he hath these words: The Merchants of Sheba and Raamah were thy Merchants, they occupied in thy Fairs, with the chief of all Spices, and with all precious stones and gold. Now these be indeed the riches which Persia and Arabia Foelix yield: and because Sheba and Raama are those parts of Arabia, which border the Sea, called the Persian Gulf, therefore did those Nations both vent such Spice, sweet Gums, and Pearls, as their own Countries yielded, and (withal) having trade with their Neighbours of India, had from them also all sorts of spices, and plenty of gold. The better to convey these commodities to that great Mart of tire, the Shebans or Arabians entered by the mouth of Tigris, and from the City of Terredon (built or enlarged by Nabuchodonozor, now called Balsara) thence sent up all these rich merchandises by boat to Babylon, from whence by the body of Euphrates, as far as it bended Westward, and afterward by a branch thereof, which reacheth within three days journey of Aleppo, and then over Land they passed to tire, as they did afterward to Tripoli (formerly Hieropolis) and thence to Alexandretta, as aforesaid. Now the Merchants of Canneh, which Ezechiel joineth with Eden, inhabited far up the River, and received this trade from Arabia & India, besides those proper commodities which themselves had, and which they received out of Persia, which bordered them. S. Hierome understandeth by Canneh, Selencia, which is seated upon Euphrates, where it breaketh into four heads, and which took that name from Seleucus, who made thereof a magnificent City. Hierosolymitanus thinks it to be Ctesiphon, but Ctesiphon is seated down low upon Tigris, and Canneh cannot be on that side, I mean on the eastside of Tigris, for then were it out of the Valley of Shinar. Plinic placeth the Schenite upon Euphrates, where the same beginneth 
Plin. l. 6. c. 26.  to be foordable, which is toward the border of Syria, after it leaveth to be the bound of Arabia the Defart, & where the River of Euphrates reflecteth from the Desert of Palmirena: for these people of Canneh (afterward Schenitae) inhabited both borders of Euphrates, ftretching themselves from their own City of Canneh in Shinar Westward along the banks of Euphrates, as far as the City of Thapsacus, where Ptolemie appointed the Fords of Euphrates: which also agreeth with the description of the Schenitae by Strabo, whose words are these: Mercatoribus ex Syria Seleuciam 
Strabo l. 16.  & Babyloniam euntibus iter est per Schenitas; The Merchants which travail from Syria to Seleucia and Babylon, take their way by the Schenitas. Therefore those which take Canneh for Charran, do much mistake it. For Charran, to which Abraham come from Vr 
Gen. 11. 31.  in Chaldaea (called by God) standeth also in Mesopotamia, not upon Euphrates itself, but upon the River of Chaboras, which falleth into Euphrates: and the Merchants of Charran are distinctly named with those of Canneh in Ezechiel (as) they of Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, the Merchants of Sheba, Ashur, and Chilmad were thy Merchants. Wherhfore Charran which is sometime called Charre, and Haran, and Aran, is but the same Charran of Mesopotamia; and when it is written Aran, than it is taken for the Region of Mesopotamia: or Aran 〈◊〉, the Greek word (Mesopotamia) importing, a Country between Rivers: for Mesos in Greek, is Medius in Latin, and Potamos, 〈◊〉; and when it is written Haran or Aran, it is then taken for the City itself, to which Abraham come from Vr (as aforesaid.) For Strabo in the description of Arabia, giveth that Tract of Land from the borders of Coelesyria, to the edge of Mesopotamia, to the Schenitae, who also inhabited on both sides of Euphrates, and were in after-ages accounted of these Arabians which inhabit Batanea, and the North part of the Deserts, stretching themselves toward the unhabited Solitude of Palmirena, which lieth between Syria, and Arabia the Desert So as these of Canneh lay in the very highway from Babylon to tire, and were Neighbours (indifferent) to Charran and to Eden: and therefore they are by the Prophet Ezechiel coupled together, They of Haran, and Canneh, and Eden, etc. But S. Hierome made a good interpretation of Canneh, or Chalne, by Seleucia: for Seleucia was anciently called Chalanne (witness Appian;) and so Rabanus Maurus calleth it in his Commentaries upon Genesis; the name by time and mixture of languages being changed from Chalne or Canneh, to Chalanne: of which name there are two other Cities, standing in Triangle with Seleucia, and almost the next unto it, (as) Thelbe-canne, and man can, the one a little to the West of Seleucia, and the other opposite unto it, where these Rivers of Tigris and Euphrates are ready to join. Therefore, which of these the ancient Can was, (being all three within the bound of the Valley Shinar) it is uncertain: but it is a note aswell of the importance of the place, as of the certain 〈◊〉 thereof, that so many other Cities did retain a part of the name in so many ages after. Neither is it unlikely, that these additions of 〈◊〉 and man to the word can, were but to make difference between the East and the West, or the greater and the less Can, or between can the old, and the new: which additions to distinguish Cities by, are ordinary in all the Regions of the world.  
Now of the other City joined with Eden, as Haran or Charran, S. Hierome on the judges speaketh thereof in these words: Cumque reverterentur, pervenerunt ad 
jud. 1.  Charran, quae est in medio itinere contra Niniven, undecimo die; When they returned, they come to Charran, (which is the midway against Ninive) the eleventh day.  
This City is by the Martyr Stephen named Charran (speaking to the high Priest:) Ye Men, Brethrens, and Fathers, hearken: The God of glory appeared to our Father ABRAHAM, 
Act. 7. 1.  while he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelled in Charran. But the seat of this City is not doubted of: for it is not only remembered in many Scriptures, but, withal, exceeding famous for the death and overthrow of Crassus the Roman, who for his unsatiable greediness was called Gurges avaritiae; The 〈◊〉 of avarice. Whereof Lucan:  
Assyrias Latio maculavit sanguine Carras, 
Lucan, l. 1. 105.   
With Roman blood th'Assyrian Car he defiled.  
But this City can or Chalne is made manifest by Moses himself, where it is written of NIMROD: And the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel, and 〈◊〉, and 
Gen. 10. 10.  Acad, and Chalne, in the Land of Sinaar, or Shinar: where Moses showeth the first composition position of the Babylonian Empire, and what Cities and People were subject unto Nimrod, all which lay in the said Valley of Shinar or near it; and this Valley of Shinar is that Tract, afterwards called Babylonia and Chaldaea, into which also Eden stretcheth itself. Chaldaea, Babylonia, Sinaar, idem sunt (saith COMESTOR.) Three names of one Country: which Region of Babylonia took name of the 〈◊〉 Babel; and the Tower, of the confusion of tongues. And that Shinar was Babylonia, it is proved in the eleventh Chapter of Genesis, in these words: And as they went from the 
Vers. 2.  East, they found a Plain in the Land of Shinar, and there they abode: in which Plain Babyton was built (as aforesaid.)  
Now Shinar being Babylonia, and Canneh, in the first beginning of Nimrod's greatness, and before he had subdued any strange, or far-off Nations, being 〈◊〉 part 〈◊〉 his Dominion, and also named by Moses to be in Shinar, it proveth, that Canneh joineth to Babylonia; which also Ezechiel coupleth with Eden, and (further) affirmeth, that those of Eden were also the Merchants, which traded with the Tyrians: and Easie in the threats of Senacherib against Jerusalem (with other Nations that Senacherib vaunted that his Fathers had destroyed) nameth the children of Eden which were at Telassar. But before I conclude where Eden itself lieth, it is necessary to describe those other Countries, which Ezechiel joineth therewith in the places before remembered, as, those of Sheba and Raamah. It is written in Genesis the tenth: Moreover 
Vers. 7.  the sons of HAM were CUSH, etc. And the sons of CUSH were SEBA, and HAVILAH, and SABTAH. & RAAMAH, etc. And the sons of RAAMAH were SHEBA, etc. and anon after, CUSH begat NIMROD: so as Sheba was the grand child of Cush, and Nimrod the son of Cush, whose elder brother was Sebah: though some there are that conceive to the contrary, that Nimrod was the elderin valour and understanding, though not in time and precedence of birth; who inhabited that part of Shinar, where Babel was built, afterwards Babylonia. His brother Raamah or Regma took that part adjoining to Shinar, toward the Sea side and Persian Gulf (called afterward Raama and Sheba, by the Father and his Sons, which possessed it.) For (saith EZECHIEL) the Merchants of 〈◊〉 and Sheba were thy Merchants, they occupied in thy Fair's with the chief of all spices, and all precious stones, and gold. So as Sheba was that Tract of Country, which parteth Arabia Deserta from Arabia Foelix, and which joineth to the Sea where Tigris and Euphrates fall out, and tender themselves to the Ocean. This part, and the confining Country Strabo calleth Catabaria, where the best Myrrh and Frankincense 
Strabo, l. 16.  is gathered; which people have an interchange or trade with Elana, lying on the East side of the Persian Gulf. By this it appeareth who were the Shebeans, spoken of by Ezechiel, and said to have been the Merchants of tire, for gold, spices, and precious stones: of which they had not only plenty of their own, but were also furnished from that part of India (called Elana, according to Strabo) for exchange of their Aromatics, and other proper commodities. For as Strabo reporteth out of ERATOSTHENES: In Persicae 〈◊〉 initto Insula est, in qua multi & pretiosi uniones gignantur: in alijs vero, clari & 〈◊〉 lapilli. ERATOSTHENES (saith STRRBO) affirmeth, that in the beginning of the Persian Gulf, there is an Island, in which there are many precious pearlès bred: and in other, very clear and shining stones. Now, the difference between Sheba, the son of Raamah, and Seba, the son of Cush, is in this, That Seba is written with the Hebrew (Samech;) and Sheba with (Schin:) but whatsoever the difference may be in the Hebrew Orthography, their Countries and habitations are divers. For Sheba is that part which bordereth the Persian Sea; and Saba (whence the Queen of Saba) neighboured the read Sea; and so that place of the 72. Psalm, expounded, Reges Arabum & Saba, hath in the Hebrew this sense: Reges Shebae & Sabae.  
The Shebans, Ezechiel nameth together with the Edenites, because they inhabited upon the Outlet of the same river, upon which the Edenites were seated: and so those of Sheba, towards the Sea-coast, and upon it, past up the Country, by Tigris and Euphrates, being joined in one main stream, and so through the Region of Eden, which Tigris boundeth, thereby the better to convey their merchandise toward tire. And as the Cities of Charran, and Canneh, border Eden on the West and Northwest: so doth Sheba on the South, and Chilmad on the northeast. Chilmad being a Region of the higher Media, as appeareth in the Chaldaean Paraphrast, which Country by the Geographers is called Coromitena, (L) placed by exchange for (R:) which change the Hebrews also often use.  
Thus much of those Countries which border Eden, and who altogether traded with the Tyrians: of which, the chief were the Edenites, inhabiting Telassar: for these Senacharib vaunted, that his Fathers had destroyed; and this place of Telassar lay most convenient, both to receive the Trade from Sheba and Arabia, and also to convey it over into Syria, and to Tyrus. Now to make these things the more plain, we must remember, that before the death of Senacharib, many parts of the Babylonian Empire fell from his obedience, and after his death these Monarchies were utterly disjoined.  
For it appeareth both in Esai the 37. and in the second of Kings, by the threats of Rabsache, the while the Army of Assyria lay before Jerusalem, that the Cities of Gosan, Haran, Reseph, and the Edenites at Telassar, had resisted the Assyrians, though by them (in a sort) mastered and recovered. Have the gods of the Nations delivered 
Esa. 37. v. 12.  them, whom my Fathers have destroyed, as Gosan, and Haran, Reseph, and the children of Eden, which were at Telassar? But it appeared manifestly after Senacharibs' death, that these Nations formerly contending, were then freed from the others subjection: for Esar-Haddon held Assyria, and Merodach Baladan, Babylonia. And after that the Army of Senacharib, commanded by Rabsache, which lay before Jerusalem (Ezechias 
2. King's 19 35.  then reigning) while Senacharib was in Egypt, was by the Angel of God destroyed: the King of Babel sent to Ezechias, both to congratulate the recovery of his health, 
20. 12.  
Esa. 39 1.  and his victory obtained over the Assyrians. After which overthrow, Senacharib 
Esa. 37. 38.  himself was slain by his own sons in the Temple of his Idols, Esar-Haddon succeeding him in Assyria. To the Babylonian Ambassadors sent by Merodach, Ezechias 
Esa. 39 1.  showed all his treasures, aswell proper as consecrated, which invited the Kings of Babylon afterward to undertake their conquest and subversion. So as, the suspicion of 〈◊〉 increasing between Babylon and Assyria, the Edenités which inhabited the borders of Shinar towards the North, and towards Assyria, were employed to bear off the incursions of the Assyrians; and their Garrison-place was at Telassar: and the very word (Telassar) saith junius, signifying as much, as a Bulwark against the Assyrians. This place Hierosolymitanus takes for Resem, others for Seleucia: but this Telassar is the same, which Am. Marcellinus in the History of julian (whom he followed in the enterprise of Persia) calleth Thilutha in stead of Telassar, who describeth the exceeding strength thereof in his 24. Book: It is seated in an Island of Eupbrates upon a steep and unassaultable Rock, in so much as the Emperor julian durst not attempt it; and therefore it was a convenient place for a Garrison against the Assyrians, being also a passage out of Mesopotamia into Babylonia, and in which the Edenites of the Country adjoining were lodged to defend the same. This place Ptolemy calleth 
〈◊〉. Tab. 4.  Teridata, having Reseph (which he calleth Resepha) on the left hand, and Canneh, (which he calleth Thelbe-canne) on the right hand, not far from whence is also found the City of Mann-canne upon Tigris, and all these seated together, as Easie and Ezechiel have sorted them. But the understanding of these places is the more difficult, because Assyria (which the Chaldaeans call Atturia) and Mesopotamia, were so often confounded: the one taken for the other by interchange of Dominion. Assyria & Mesopotamia in Babyloniae nomen transier unt (saith NIGER,) Assyria and Mesopotamia 
Cosmog. 〈◊〉.  took the name of Babylonia. Lastly, it appeareth by those adjacent Regions by the Prophets named, in what part of the world Eden is seated, as, by Charran or Haran in Mesopotamia: also by Canneh and Reseph, according to the opinion of Vatablus, who in these words translateth this place: Plantaver at autem JEHOVAH Deus hortum in Eden, ab Oriente, The Lord God planted a garden in Eden, Eastward: that is (saith he in his Annotations.) jusser at nasci arbores in Eden, Regione Orientali, in finibus Arabiae & Mesopotamiaes, He commanded trees to grow in Eden, an Eastern Region in the borders of Arabia and Mesopotamia.   

§. X. Of divers other testimonies of the land of Eden; and that this is the Eden of Paradise.  
ANd for a more particular pointing out of this Eden, it seems by the two Epistles of the Nestorian Christians, that inhabit Mesopotamia, which Epistles in the year 1552. they sent to the Pope about the confirming of their Patriarch, and Andraeas Masius hath published them, translated out of Syriac into Latin. By these Epistles (I say) it seems we may have some farther light for the proof of that, which we have said about the Region of Eden in those parts. For in them both there is mention of the Island of Eden in the River Tigris, or at lest, Tigris in both these Epistles is called the River of Eden. This Island, as Masius in his Preface to these Epistles saith, is commonly called Gozoria (as it were, the Island, by an eminency) It hath (saith he) ten miles in circuit, and was sometimes walled round about, which name of the Island Eden may (doubtless) remain to this day; though in the rest of the Region so called this name be swallowed up, with the fame of those flourishing Kingdoms of Mesopotamia, Assyria, Babylonia, and Chaldaea. This Island of Eden hath up the River, and not far beyond it, the City of Hasan-Cepha, otherwise Fortis Petra: below it, it hath Mosal or Mosel, from which (as in that which follows it shall appear out of Masius) it is not above twelve miles distant. Neither is it to trouble us, that Mosal or Mosel by Marius Niger is remembered among the Cities higher up Tigris, in these words. juxta autem 
ut 〈◊〉  Tigrim, Civitates sunt Dorbeta prope Taurum montem, quae nunc Mosel dicitur; magna sanè, etc. (that is) By Tigris are these Cities, Dorbeta near unto mount Taurus (which is now called Mosel) which is a great one, etc. This opinion of Niger, displacing Mosel, and making it to be Dorbeta (I say) needs not here to trouble us: seeing for this matter, the testimony of Masius informed by the Christians that dwelled there (the Seat of whose Patriarch it is) aught to be of credit, avowing that this Mosal (or Mozal) is in the confines of Mesopotamia and Assyria, seated upon Tigris, and in the neighbourhood of Ninive; and that it is the famous Seleucia Parthorum. The Nestorian Christians in their former Epistle, call it Attur in these words: Ex omnibus Civitatibus & pagis quae sunt circum Civitatem Mozal (hoc est) Attur in vicinia Ninives; Of all the Cities and towns which are about the City of Mozal (that is) Attur in the neighbourhood of Ninive. As also Niger acknowledgeth Ctesiphon, a City thereabouts to be called Assur (which is the same as Attur, after the Dialect of those Nations, which change Should into T.) Neither is it much that he should mistake Ctesiphon (which is not far off Seleucia) for Seleucia, to be Assur. By this than we may come somewhat near the end of our purpose. For the 〈◊〉 of Eden, which lieth in the breast of Tigris, is but twelve miles from Mosal, and that ancient City, which Ptolemy and Tacitus call Ninus, and the Scriptures Nineve, Philostratus, and Simeon Sethi, Mosula, and john Lean Mosal, others Moss, (though it be not the same with Mosal) is set but a little higher upon the same river of Tigris, near Mosal: so that we are like to find this Isle of Eden hereabout. For the same Andraeas Masius, which placeth it above Mosal, makes it to be below Hasan chepha, which is upon the same river of Tigris.  
The only difficulty is this, that some perhaps may think, that the words of the Nestorians in both their Epistles, speak not of any Isle in Tigris, called the Isle of Eden, but of an Isle in Tigris, a river of Eden. But this sense of their words in my opinion seemeth the more unprobable. And yet if this were the meaning here, we have a testimony from the learned of those parts, that not only Euphrates, but also Tigris was a river of Eden, and that the name of Eden in those parts is not yet quite worn out, though the Region hath been subject to the same change, that all other kingdoms of the world have been, and hath by conquest, and corruption of other languages, received new and differing names. For the South part of Eden, which stretcheth over Euphrates, was after the flood called Shinar, and then of the tower of Babel, Babylonia; and the North part of Eden is that Tract of Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Armenia, which embraceth both the banks of Tigris, between Mount Taurus, and 〈◊〉. And of this Region of Eden. that ancient AETHICUS maketh mention, (not that latter AETHICUS, disciple of CALLINICUS, otherwise by PLUTARCH and ATHENAEUS called ISTRI, who lived in Egypt in the reign of PHILADEIPHUS, but another of a far higher and remotetime) the same being made Latin out of Greek by S. JEROME. And though by corruption of the ancient copy it be written in AETHICUS, Adonis for Edenis; yet Adonis being a river of Phoenicia, cannot be understood to be the Region named by AETHICUS. For AETHICUS makes it a Country, and not a river, and joineth it with Mesopotamia and Aethiopia, calling the land of CHUS Aethiopia, after the Vulgar, and Septuagint. And lastly, the River which watereth the Regions (saith AETHICUS) falleth into the Gulf of Persia: which River he calleth Armodius, for Tigris; Tigris being but a name imposed for the swiftness thereof. And out of Armenia both Tigris and Euphrates have their original: for out of Eden come a river, or rivers, to water the Garden, both which Rivers (to wit) Tigris and Euphrates, come out of Armenia, and both of them traverse Mesopotamia, Regions first of all known by the name of Eden for their beauty and fertility. And it is very probable, that Eden contained also some part of Armenia, and the excellent fertility thereof in divers places, is not unworthy the name of Eden. For in some part thereof (saith STRABO) the leaves are always green, and therefore therein a perpetual Spring. Also STEPHANUS de urbibus mentioneth the City of Adana upon Euphrates: and the name of Eden was in use in Amos time, though he speak not of Eden in the East, but of Eden in Coelesyria. But to the end I may not burden the Readers patience with too long a discourse, it may suffice to know, that Euphrates and Tigris (once joined together, and afterward separate) are two of those four heads, into which these Rivers which are said to water the Garden of Paradise, were divided: whose courses being known, Eden, (out of which they are said to come) cannot be unknown. Now that Hiddekel and Perath were Tigris and Euphrates, it is agreed by all: for the Seventy and all others convert Perath by Euphrates: & Hiddekel Tigrim omnes exponunt: and all men understand Hiddekel by Tigris (saith VATABLE.) And because that which I have said of the Isle of Eden, shall not be subject to the censure of selfe-inuention, I have heere-under set down the words out of the two general Epistles of the Nestorians, as Masius (ad verbum) hath converted them into Latin. The occasion of those Letters and Supplications to the Pope were, that the Nestorian Christians which inhabit Mesopotamia, Assyria, Persia, and Babylonia, and have to this day (at lest in Queen Mary's time they had) fifteen Churches in one City, called 〈◊〉 Parthorum, or Mosel upon the River of Tigris, having no sufficient authority to choose themselves a Patriarch (which cannot be done without four or three Metropolitan Bishops at lest) sent to the Bishop of Rome in the year of Christ 1552. (as aforesaid) a Petition to obtain allowance unto such an election as themselves had made: having three hundred year before that upon the like defect, sent one Marius thither to be confirmed; and in this negotiation they made known to the Bishop of Rome the state of the Christian Church in those parts: for upon the death of their Patriarch (who of a covetous desire to enrich himself had forborn to institute Metropolitan Bishops, when the places fell voided) they all assembled themselves together to consult of the Church-government. And because all the Patriarches for 100 years had been of one house and family to the prejudice of the Church, and that there yet remained one Bishop of the same Stock and Kindred, who aspired to the same dignity, which his Predecessors had held, the rest of the Professors refused to allow him. Upon which occasion, and for the choice of a Governor more sufficient, the Teachers in all the Churches assembled themselves. The words of the general Epistle to the Pope are these, about the middle of the said Epistle: Verùm nos non acceptavimus neque proclamavimus ipsum, sed subitò convenimus ex omnibus locis Orientalibus, & ex omnibus Civitatibus & Pagis quae sunt circum Civitatem Mosel (hoc est) 〈◊〉, in victnia Ninives, ex Babylonia, ex Charrha, ex Arbella, ex Insula quae est in medio Tigris, fluminis Eden, ex Tauris Persiae, ex Nisibi, etc. which is: But we did neither accept of this man, neither pronounced him: but suddenly we assembled our 〈◊〉 of all parts of the East, and out of all the Cities and Villages which are about Mosel (or Attur) neighbouring Ninive, and out of Babylon, Carrha, Arbella, and out of the Island which lieth in the middle of Tigris, a River of Eden, or rather, out of the Isle of Eden, which lieth in the River Tigris. And in a second Epistle at the same time sent, they use these words: Neque supersunt apud nos Metropolitae, quorum est ordinare Catholicum, sed soli pauct Episcopi, Episcopus Arbelae, Episcopus Salmasti, Episcopus Adurbeigan; en è vestigio convenimus in 〈◊〉, quae est intra Tigrim flumen, Eden, fecimusque compactum inter nos, etc. (which is) Neither are there remaining among us any Metropolitan Bishops to whom it belongs to ordain a Patriarch, but only a few Bishops, as the Bishop of Arbela, the Bishop of Salmastus, and the Bishop of Adurbeigan: but lo, we assembled speedily in the Island Eden, which is in Tigris and agreed between ourselves, etc.  
Now this Island of Eden Masius describeth with other places; which being well conceived, the Nestorian Epistles, and the state of the Church may be in those parts (saith he) the better understood. And after he hath distinguished the four sorts of Christians in those parts of the World, and in the South part of Africa, which he calleth Nestorians, jacobites, Maronitae, and Cophti, he goeth on in these words: Mox, 〈◊〉 morte, concurrisse aiebant tumultuario in illam quam modo dixi Tigris Insulam, quae duodecim circiter passuum millibus supra Mosal posita, decem ferè millia passuum suo ambitu continet, muris undique cincta, & à paucis alijs quàm Christianis hominibus habitata: which is, Now hearing of the death of the Patriarch, (as those that come to Rome reported) they ran tumultuously together into that Island of Tigris or Eden before spoken of, which Island is situated about 12. miles above Mosel, containing very near ten miles in compass, and every where 〈◊〉 with a wall, inhabited by a few other men than Christians. And afterward he maketh a recapitulation of the Christian Churches; among the rest he addeth the Isle of Eden by the name of Geserta, Insula Tigris: sive Geserta. Furthermore, describing the City of Hosan-cepha, or Fortis Petra, he placeth it supra praedictam Tigris Insulam rupi asperae impositam; Above the foresaid Island of Tigris, being seated on a steeperocke. Of this Island of Geserta, Andrew Thevet maketh mention in his tenth book of his general Cosmography in these words: Geserta ou Gesire est 〈◊〉 milieu de la riviere du Tiger, & pense que c'est une terre des plus fertiles de toutel'Asie; Geserta or Gesire is in the middle of Tigris, the soul the most fertile of all Asia.  
By this we see that the ancient name of Eden liveth, and of that Eden, which lieth Eastward from Arabia Petraea, and the Desert where Moses wrote, and that Eden which bordereth Charran according to Ezechiel, and that Eden which is seated according to the assertion of the said Prophet, and joined with those Nations of Reseph, Canneh, and Charran, and the rest which traded with the Tyrians, and is found at this day in the parting of the two Regions of Assyria and Babylonia, where the Edenites in Thelassar were garrisond to resist the Assyrians, whose displantation Senacherib vaunted of (as above written) and lastly, the same Eden, which embraceth Tigris, and looketh on Euphrates, two of the known Rivers of those four, which are by all men ascribed to Paradise.   

§. XI. Of the difficulty in the Text, which seemeth to make the four Rivers to rise from one stream.  
But it may be objected, that it is written in the Text, That a River went out of Eden, and not Rivers, in the Plural, which scruple Matthew Beroaldus hath thus answered in his Chronologie: The Latin Translation (saith he) hath these words: Et flwius egrediebatur de loco voluptatis ad irrigandum Paradisum, qui inde dividebatur in quatuor capita: Quae verba melius consentient cum rei narratione, & eiusdem explicatione, si ita reddantur. Et flwius erat egrediens ex Edene, (hoc est) 〈◊〉 procedebant ex Edene regione ad rigandam pomarium, & inde dividebatur, & 〈◊〉 in quatuor capita: which is, And a River went out of the place of pleasure to water Paradise, and thence was divided into four heads: which words (saith Beroaldus) do better agreed with the narration and explication of the place, if they be thus translated: And a River was going forth of Eden (that is) Rivers went forth, and ran out of the Region of Eden to water the Orchard, and from thence it was divided, and they become four heads. The Tigurine differs from the Vulgar or Latin, for it converts it thus: Et flwius egrediebatur de delicijs; And a River went out of pleasure, in stead of Eden; and the Latin addeth the word locus, or place, Et 〈◊〉 egrediebatur de loco voluptatis; And a River went out of the place of pleasure: and so the word (place) may rightly be referred to Eden, which was (of all other) a Region most delightful and fertile; and so also the word (inde) and thence was divided, hath reference to the Country of Eden, and not to the Garden itself.  
And for the word (River) for Rivers, it is usual among the Hebrews: for it is written: Let the earth bud forth the bud of the herb, that seedeth seed, the fruitful tree, 
Gen. 1. 11.  etc. Here the Hebrew useth the Singular for the Plural, Herb and Tree, for Herbs 
3. 2.  and Trees; and again, we eat of the fruit of the tree, in stead of (trees:) And thirdly, The man and his wife hid themselves from the presence of God; In medio ligni Paradisi; In 
8.  the middle of the tree of the Garden, for (trees.) And of this opinion is David Kimhi, and Vatablus, who upon this place of Genesis say, that the Hebrews do often put the Singular for the Plural, as illud, for unumquodque illorum, and he giveth an instance in this question itself, as, A River (for Rivers) went out of Eden.  
And this answer out of divers of the learned, may, not without good reason, be given to the objection, That Moses speaketh but of one River, from which the heads should divide themselves. Howbeit I deny not, but with as good (and perhaps better) reason, we may expound the four heads, to be four notable passages into famous Countries. And so we may take the word (River) Verse the tenth for one River (to wit) Euphrates, as this name comprehendeth all the branches thereof. For this River, after he is past the place, where we suppose Paradise to have been, divides itself, and ere long yieldeth four notable passages into several Countries, though not all the way down stream, (for this is no where in the Text) where it is noted, that following the River downward, there is conveyance into the Countries named in the Text, though part of the way to one of the Countries (to wit, to Assyria) were up Tigris.  
To this end the Text speaking of Hiddekel, as it riseth from the River of Eden, doth not say it compasseth or washeth the whole Region of Assyria, (as it had used this phrase of Pison and Gehon) but that it runneth toward Assyria. The first branch Pison, is Nahar-malcha, (by interpretation) Basilius, or flumen regium, which runneth into Tigris under Apamia, whence ariseth the name of Pasi-tigris, (as it were) Piso-tigris. This leadeth to the Land of Havila or Susiana. The second branch Gehon, is that which in Historians is Nabarsares, or Narragas, for Nahar-ragas: both which names signify flumen derivatum (a River derived) also 〈◊〉, quasi Ranosus, by reason of the froggie Fens which it maketh: this Gehon leadeth to the first seat of Chus, about the borders of Chaldaea and Arabia, and it is lost at length in the Lakes of Chaldaea. The third branch, Hiddekel, may be expounded the upper stream of Pison, or Basilius, which runneth into Hiddekel properly so called (that is, into Tigris) above Seleucia, where it showeth a passage up Tigris into 〈◊〉: where, because at length it is called Hiddekel, or Tigris, having before no known proper name, the Text in this place calleth it Hiddekel from the beginning. The fourth Perath or Euphrates, so called per excellentiam, being the body of the River Euphrates, which runneth through Babylon and Otris. But, be it a River or Rivers, that come out of Eden, seeing that Tigris and Euphrates are noted in the Text, there can be no doubt, but that Paradise was not far from these Rivers: for that Perath in Moses is Euphrates, there can be no question; and (indeed) as plain it is that Hiddekel is Tigris. For Hiddekel goeth (saith Moses) Eastwards towards Assur, as we find. that Tigris is the River of Assyria propriè dicta, whose chief City was Ninive, as in Genesis the tenth it is written: That out of that Land (to wit) Babylonia, Nimrod went into Assur, and builded Ninive, which was the chief City of Assyria.  
And as for the kind of speech here used in the Text, speaking of four heads; though the heads of Rivers be (properly) their Fountains, yet here are they to be understood, to be spoken of the beginning of their division from the first stream. Caput aquae (saith VLPIANUS) illud est, unde aqua 〈◊〉; siex font nascatur fons; si ex 〈◊〉, velex lacu prima initia, etc. If the beginning of the water be out of a Fountain, then is the Fountain taken for the head: if out of a Lake, than the Lake; and if from a main River any branch be separate and divided, than where that branch doth first bound itself with new banks, there is that part of the River, where the branch forsaketh the main stream, called the head of the River.   

§. XII. Of the strange fertility and happiness of the Babylonian soil, as it is certain that Eden was such.  
IT may also be demanded, whither this Region of Eden, by us described, be of such fertility and beauty, as Eden the seat of Paradise was: which if it be denied, then must we also consider, that there was no part of the earth, that retained that fertility and pleasure, that it had before the curse: neither can we ascribe the same fruitfulness to any part of the earth, nor the same virtue to any plant thereon growing, that they had before the flood; and therefore this Region of Eden may be now no such flourishing Country, as it was when it was first created in his perfection. Yet this I find written of it: First in Herodotus, who was an eye-witness, and speaketh of the very 
Herod. Clia. l. 1.  place itself, for the Isle of Eden is but twelve miles or thereabouts from Ninive, and so from Mosal. Ex Euphrate exiens in Tigrim, alterum flumen, juxta quod Vrbs Ninus sita erat, 〈◊〉 regio, omnium quas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, optima est, etc. Where Euphrates runneth out into Tigris, not far from the place where Ninus is seated, This Region, of all that we have seen, is most excellent; and he addeth afterward: Cereris autem fructu procreando 〈◊〉 ferax est, utnunquàm non ferè ducentareddit, etc. (that is) It is so fruitful in bringing forth Corn, that it yieldeth two hundred fold: The leaves of Wheat and Barley being almost four fingers broad: As for the height of Millet and Sesame, they are even in length like unto trees, which although I know to be true, yet I for bear to speak hereof, well knowing, that those things which are reported of this fruitfulness, will seem very incredible to those, which never were in the Country of Babylon. They have commonly in all the Country Palmtrees growing of their own accord, the most of them bearing fruit, out of which they make both meats, and wine, and honey, ordering them as the Figtrees. Thus far Herodotus.  
To this Palm tree so much admired in the East India, Strabo and Niger add a fourth excellency, which is, that it yieldeth bread; Ex quibus panem, & mel, & vinum, & acetum conficiunt; Of which these people make bread, wine, honey, and vinegar. But Antonius the Eremite findeth a 〈◊〉 commodity, not inferior to any of those four, which is, that from this selfsame Tree there is drawn a kind of fine flax, of which people make their garments, and with which in East India they prepare the cordage for their ships; and that this is true, Athanasius in the life of Antonius the Eremite, confesseth, saying: That he received a garment made thereof from the Eremite himself, which he brought with him out of this Region. So therefore those Trees, which the East Indies so highly esteem and so much admire (as indeed the Earth yieldeth no plant comparable to this) those Trees (I say) are in this upper Babylon, or Region of Eden, as common as any Trees of the field. Sunt etiam (saith STRABO) passim per omnem regionem Palmae sua spontenascentes; There are of Palms over all the whole Region, growing of their own accord. Of this place Quintus Curtius maketh this report: Euntibus a 〈◊〉 Arabiae odorum fertilitate nobilis, regio campestris interest 〈◊〉 Tigrim & Euphratem, iacens tam ubere & pingui solo, ut à pastu repelli pecora dicantur, ne satiet as perimat; (that is) As you travail on the least hand of Arabia (famous for plenty of sweet odours) there lieth a Champain Country placed between Tigris and Euphrates, and so fruitful and fat a soil, that they are said to drive their cattle from the pasture, jest they should perish by satiety. Bis in anno segetes Babylonij secant; The Babylonians cut their Corn twice a year (saith Niger.) And as Countries generally are more fruitful to the Southward, then in the Northern parts: so we may judge the excellency of this by that report which Strabo maketh of the South part of Armenia, which is the North border of Eden, or a part thereof; his words be these in the Latin: Tota enim haec regio frugibus & arboribus abundat mansuetis, itemque semper virentibus; This Region aboundeth with pleasant first-fruits, and trees, always green: which witnesseth a perpetual Spring, not found elsewhere but in the Indieses only, by reason of the suns neighbourhood, the life and stirrer up of nature in a perpetual activity. In brief, so great is the fertility of the ground, that the people are constrained twice to mow down their Cornefields, and a third time to eat them up with sheep: which husbandry the 〈◊〉 wanting in the Valley of Mexico, for the first forty years, could not make our kind of Wheat bear seed, but it grew up as high as the trees, and was fruitless. Besides, those fields are altogether without weeds (saith Pliny) who addeth this singularity 
Plin. Net. hist. l. 18. c. 17.  to that soil, That the second year the very stubble (or rather falling down of the seeds again) yieldeth them a harvest of Corn without any further labour: his words are these: Vbertatis tantae sunt, ut sequentianno 〈◊〉 restibilis fiat seges.   

§. XIII. Of the River Pison, and the land of Havilah.  
AFter the discovery of Eden, and the testimonies of the fertility thereof, it resteth to prove that Pison and Gehon are branches of Tigris, and Euphrates. For that the knowledge and certainty of these two Rivers should trouble so many wise men, it is strange to me, seeing necessity itself (Tigris and Euphrates being known) findeth them out: for Euphrates or Tigris, or both be that river or rivers of Eden, which water Paradise, which river or rivers Moses witnesseth afterward, divided into four heads, whereof the one is called Pison, the other Gehon, etc. Can there be a stranger fancy in the world, then when we find both these (namely) Tigris and Euphrates in Assyria and Mesopotamia, to seek the other two in India and Egypt, making the one Ganges, and the other Nilus? Two Rivers as far distant, as any of fame known or discovered in the world: the Scriptures making it so plain, that these Rivers were divided into four branches, and with the Scriptures, Nature, Reason and Experience bearing witness. There is no error, which hath not some slippery and bad foundation, or some appearance of probability, resembling truth, which when men (who study to be singular) find out, (straining reason according to their fancies) they then publish to the world matter of contention and jangling: not doubting but in the variable deformity of men's minds, to found some partakers or sectatours, the better by their help to nurse and cherish such weak babes, as their own inventions have begotten.  
But this mistaking (and first for the river of Pison) seemeth to have grown out of the not-distinguishing of that Region in India, called Havilah, from Havilah, which adjoineth to Babylonia, afterward known by the name of Susiana. For Havilah upon Tigris took name from Havilah the son of Cush; and 〈◊〉 in India, from Havilah the son of 〈◊〉, the one remembered by Moses in the description of Paradise, 
Gen. 10. 〈◊〉.  the other where Moses setteth down the generations of Noah, and his sons after the flood. For the sons of Cush were Seba, Havilah, Sabtah, and Raamah, and the sons of joctan were Ophir, and Havilah, etc. of which latter (to wit) of Ophir and 
10. 29.  Havilah the sons of joctan, that Island of Ophir, (whence Solomon had gold) and Havilah adjoining had their names. Now because Ganges is a great and a famous River of the East India, and Havilah a Country of the same, and is situated upon Ganges, hence it come that Ganges was taken for Pison, which River is said by Moses to 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. 11.  the land of Havilah. Or perhaps it was supposed that those four Rivers, named by Moses, must of necessity be four of the greatest in the world; whence (supposing that Ganges was the next great and famous river after Tigris & Euphrates) they chose out this River to make one of the four. And yet certainly there is another River, whom in these respects they should rather have chosen than Ganges; for the River Indus on this side India, for beauty, for nearness, & for ability, giveth no way place to Ganges, but exceedeth it in all. And how can any reasonable man conceive, that Ganges can be one of the four heads, seeing Indus cometh between it and Tigris? and between Tigris and Indus is all that large Empire of Persia, consisting of many Kingdoms. And 〈◊〉, farther toward the East, and beyond Indus, are all those ample Dominions of Indiaintra Gangem, which lie between those two proud Rivers of Indus and Ganges, now called the Kingdom of Mogor. So as if Indus be not accounted for any of the four, because it is removed from Tigris by all the breadth of Persia, then how much less Ganges, which falleth into the Ocean, little less than forty degrees to the Eastward of Indus? Surely whosoever readeth the Story of Alexander, shall find, that there is no river in Asia, that can exceed Indus. For Hydaspis was of that breadth and depth, as Alexander thereon in great Galleys transported himself, and the greatest part of his army, and in sailing down that branch of Indus, found it so large and deep, and by reason thereof so great a billow, as it endangered his whole Fleet, which was ready to be swallowed up therein: Hydaspis (as aforesaid) being but one of many branches of Indus, comparable to it, and as great as it, having besides this, the Rivers of Coas, of 〈◊〉, Acesine, Adris, (otherwise Hirotis, Hispalis, and Zaradrus, all which make but one Indus, and by it are swallowed up with all their children and companions, which being all incorporate and made one stream, it crosseth athwart Asia, and then at Cambaia visiteth the Ocean Sea.  
But because Pison, which compasseth Havilah, as also Gehon, which watereth Cush, 
Gen. 2. 15.  must somewhere be joined with the rest in one body, or at lest be found to proceed out of the same Country of Eden, out of which the other two heads do proceed, out of doubt they cannot either the one or the other, be Ganges, or Nilus: for Nilus riseth in the uttermost of the South, and runneth Northward into the Mediterran Sea; and the River Ganges riseth out of the mountain Imaus, or (as others will have it) Caucasus, which divides the Northern Scythia from India, and runneth from North to South into the Indian Ocean. And as for Perath and Hiddekel (that is, Euphrates and Tigris) the one of them is begotten in Armenia, near Georgiana or Iberia, the other not far off in the same Armenia, by the 〈◊〉 mountains, so as Ganges, who only travaileth in her own India, and Nilus through Aethiopia and Egypt, never seen the land of Eden, or joined themselves in one Channel, either with themselves, or with either of the other; and therefore could not at any time from thence be separated, or divided into four heads or branches, according to Moses.  
Therefore the River Pison, which enricheth Havilah, is the same which by joining itself with Tigris, was therefore called Pisi-tigris, or Piso-tigris, of Pison and Tigris, which River watereth that Havilah, which Havilah the son of Cush gave 
Gen. 2. v. 12.  name unto, and not Havilah of India, so called of Havilah the son of joctan, who inhabited with his brother Ophir in the East. And this Havilah of the Cushites hath also Gold, Bdellium, and the Onyx stone. This Bdellium is a tree, of the bigness, of an Olive, whereof Arabia hath great plenty, which yieldeth a certain gum, sweet to smell to, but bitter in taste, called also Bdellium. The Hebrews take the Loadstone for Bdellium. Beroaldus affirmeth, that Bdela in Hebrew signifieth Pearl: so doth Eugubinus; and Hierome calls it Oleaster: be it what it will, a tree bearing gum, or Pearl: Havilah, or Susiana hath plenty of both. Now this Country of 〈◊〉 or Havilah stretcheth itself toward the North, as far as the Altars of Hercules, and from thence embraceth all that Tract of land Southward, as far as the Persian Gulf, on the East side thereof: from which East side had the Shebans (which traded with the City of tire, according to Ezekiel) their great plenty of gold, which Strabo also witnesseth, as was showed before. 
Steuch.   
The Greeks' had a conceit, that Pison was Danubius: the Rabbins take it for 
〈◊〉. de Par.  〈◊〉. Abenezra (saith Hopkins) out of Rabbi Saadia translateth Pison into Nilus: But Nilus findeth the same impossibility that Ganges doth: and Danubius hath the Sea of Hellespont and all Asia the less, between it and Tigris. Now Pison, which runneth through Havilah or Susiana, doth to this day retain some sign of this name; for where it and Tigris embrace each other under the City of Apamia, there do they agreed of a joint and compounded name, and are called Piso-tigris. And it is strange unto me, that from so great antiquity there should be found remaining any resembling sound of the first name: for Babylon itself, which dwelleth so near these rivers, is by some writers known by the name of Bandas, as, by Postellus, by 
Post. Cosmog. Thevet. Cosmog.  Castaldus, of Baldach: by Barius, of Bagdad; and of Boughedor, by Andrew Thevet; and yet all those that have lately seen it, call it Bagdet. To this river of Pison, Ptolemy 
Asiae tab. 4.  indeed with many others give the name of Basilius, or Regius, and Gehon they term Mahar-sares and 〈◊〉, and Baarsares. So is Euphrates, near the Spring and fountain, by Strabo and Pliny called Pixirates: by junius, 〈◊〉, out of the Hebrew, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. c. 24.  (that is) The profusion, or coming forth of Euphrates: where it breaketh through the mountain Taurus, it takes the name of Omyra. Plutarch calls it Medus and Zaranda: the Hebrews Parath, (saith Ar. Montanus:) Pagninus, Perath: josephus, Phorah; Eusibius, Zozimus: Ammianus, Chalymicus: Gistilanus, and Colinutius term it Cobar: which Ezechiel calleth Chebar; but this is but a branch of Euphrates. The Assyrians know it by the name of Armalchar, or Nahor Malcha: but now commonly it is called Frat.  
The same confusion of names bath Tigris, as Diglito, and Diglath, Seilax, and Sollax: of the Hebrews it was called Hiddikel: now of the inhabitants Tegil.  
But Mercer upon Genesis conceiveth rightly of these rivers: for Euphrates and Tigris (saith he) stream into four branches, two of which keep their ancient names, and the other two are called Pison and Gehon. The reason, why these two rivers joined in one (below Apamia) loose their names, and are called Pisi-tigris, and the memory of Euphrates extinguished, is, because the best part of Euphrates running through the channel of Gehon, sinketh into the Lakes of Chaldaea, not far from Vr, the City of Abraham, and fall not entirely into the Persian Sea, as Tigris accompanied with Pison doth.  
This error that Pison was Ganges, was first broached by josephus, (whose fields, though they be fertile, yet are they exceeding full of weeds) and other men (who take his authority to be sufficient in matter of description, whereupon depended no other important consequence) were not curious in the examination thereof. For Epiphantus, Augustine, and Hierome, take this for currant; whereof it followed, that as Pison was transported into the East India, to found out Havilah: so was Gehon drawn into Africa, to compass Aethiopta. But if Havilah, whereof Muses speaketh in the description of Paradise, be found to be a Region, adjoining to Babylon on the one side, and Cush (which is falsely interpreted Aethiopia) fastened to it on the other side, we shall not need then to work wonders (that is) to impose upon men the transportation of rivers, from one end of the world to the other, which (among other uses) were made to transport men. Now it was in the valley of Shinar, where Cush the son of Ham first sat down with his sons Shebah, Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah, Nimrod, etc. and of Havilah, the son of Cush, did that Region take name, which Pison compasseth; and the land (called Cush) which Gehon watereth, took name of Cush himself. For as the sons of joctan, Ophir and Havilah, seated themselves as near together as they could in India, so did the sons of Cush in Shinar or Babylonia, where Nimrod built Babel: for Havilah or Chavilah was first Chusea of Cush; then Chusa, Susa, and 〈◊〉.  
From this Havilah unto the Deserts of Sur, did the Israelites and Amalechites possess all the interjacent Countries: for Saul smote the Amalechites from Havilah to 
1. Sam. 15. 7.  Sur: which Sur, the Chaldaean Paraphrast converteth Hagra, and Hagra bordereth the read Sea; but this was not meant from Sur upon the read Sea, to Havilah in the East India, for Saul was no such travailer or Conqueror, and therefore Havilah must be found nearer home, where the sons of Ishmael inhabited, and which Country Saul wasted: for Amalek and the Amalechites possessed that neck of Country, between the Persian Sea, and the read Sea; Havilah being the extreme of the one towards the East, and Sur of the other, towards Egypt and the West, leaving that great body of Arabia foelix towards the South, and they spread themselves with the Midianites and Edumaeans, from the East part, or back side of the Holy Land, to the banks of Euphrates, comprising the best parts of Arabia Petraea, and Deserta.   

§. XIIII. Of the River Gehon and the Land of Cush: and of the ill translating of the Aethiopia for Cush, 2. CHRON. 21. 16.  
NOw, as Havilah in the East India drew Pison so far out of his way thither, so I say did Cush (being by the Seventy translated Aethiopia) force Gehon into Africa. For Cush being taken for Aethiopia by the Greeks', whom the Latins followed, Gehon consequently was esteemed for Nilus. 
See more of this point, c. 7. § 10.  But Aethiopians are, as much, as black or burnt faces, whose proper Country is called Thebaides, lying to the Southward of all Egypt. And although there be many other Regions of Aethiopians, and far South in Africa, yet those of Thebaides are those so often remembered in the Egyptian stories, and out of which Nation they had many times their Kings of Egypt: all which 〈◊〉 are very near, or else directly under the Equinoctial line, which is very far from that land inhabited by the Chusites; who are neither black of colour, nor in any sort neighbouring Torrida Zona. But this Translation of the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 doth qualify in this manner: There are (saith he) two 〈◊〉, the East, and the West: and this division he findeth in Strabo, out of Homer. Now because there is no colour to make Chush Aethiopia in Africa, Pererius will make Chush and the Land of the Chusites (which is Arabia Petraea, and a part of 〈◊〉 the Happy, with the Region of Madian) to be the East Aethiopia.  
Now if it be granted, that Cush and the Land of the Chusites, be that Tract from Sur to Havilah, according to the Scriptures: Habitavit ISHMAEL ab Havilah unto Sur, 
Gen 25. 18.  quae respicit Aegyptum oeuntibus Assyrios; ISHMAEL dwelled from Havilah unto Sur, that is towards Egypt, as thou goest toward Assyria; The same sufficeth to prove that Gehon cannot be Nilus, but a River which watereth Cush, and not Aethiopia. But this place of Scripture, Habitavit ISHMAEL, etc. hath this sense: Ishmael dwelled from 〈◊〉, which is the way of Assyria, or the Country bordering Assyria; and Sur, which lieth toward Egypt, which is as much to say, as, The issues of Ishmael (whereof there 
Vers. 16.  were twelve Princes) whom God had promised to make a great people, inhabited all those Regions between the border of Egypt and Assyria. And that they were (according to the word of God) so increased and multiplied, it well appeared, when Zearah the Chusite, which others call Tharantha, brought an Army of ten hundred 
2. Chron. 14. 9  thousand against Asa King of juda. Which Army come not out of Aethiopia beyond Egypt; for that had been a strange progress for such a multitude, as ten hundred thousand, having so mighty a King as the King of Egypt, between 〈◊〉 and Aethiopia. But these were the Chusites, Amalechites, Madianites, 〈◊〉, and Arabians. For it is written, that after Asa (strengthened by God) had defeated this world of an Army, he in following his victory took some of the Cities of King Zearah round about, as Gerar. Now that Gerar is a City of the Aethiopians, it cannot be suspected: for these be the words of the Scripture disproving it: And ABRAHAM 
Gen. 10. v. 11.  departed thence toward the South Country, and dwelled between Cadesh and Sur, and sojourned in Gerar: Now Sur is that part, upon which Moses and the Israelites first set 
Exod. 17. 8.  their feet after they passed the Read Sea, where the Amalechites in Rephidim set on them, supposing that they had been weary, and unable to resist. Again, in the story of Isaac it is written: Wherhfore ISAAC went to ABIMELECH, and the 〈◊〉 unto 
Gen. 26. 1.  Gerar: and I am sure Abimelech and the Philistines were no Aethiopians. And lastly, Moses himself, where he describeth the bounds of Canaan, hath these words: Than 
10. 19  the border of the Canaanites was from Sydon, as thou comest to Gerar: for Sydon was the Frontier of Canaan towards the North, and Gerar by Gazah towards the South. But indeed, howsoever Pererius doth with an honest excuse salve his Translation of Chus for Aethiopia, yet it appeareth plainly, that the Septuagint and josephus did altogether misunderstand this place. And first, for Homer's East and West Aethiopia, they are both found elsewhere. For Pliny in his fift Book and eighth Chapter, citeth Homer for an Author, of these two Aethiopia's. But the East Aethiopia is that which compasseth Nilus to the South of Egypt, and is the South border thereof; now a part of the Empire of the 〈◊〉, under Prester john; And the West Aethiopia is that, which joineth itself with the River Niger, which we call Senega and Gambra: for thereabouts are these Aethiopians called Perorsi, Daratites, with divers other names, which Pliny numbereth. But all these are in Africa, and beyond the Deserts 
Plin. l. 5. c. 8.  thereof, saith Pliny out of Homer, Agrippa, and juba; which Regions indeed (I mean that of Niger, and that of Prester john, and the Troglodytes) lie due East and West. But as for Cush and the Region of the Ismaelites, etc. they are extended directly North from that Aethiopia, which is beyond Egypt. Now, that josephus was exceeding gross herein, it appeareth by that fiction, which he hath of Moses when he served Pharaoh, in the wars against the Aethiopians: for in that (to make Chus, Aethiopia) he transporteth Madian by miracle over the Read Sea, and beyond all Egypt, and setteth it in Aethiopia, as shall be showed more at large in the Chapter of the World's Plantation. Again, that Gehon was improperly translated 〈◊〉, Pererius confesseth, and layeth it rather to the corruption of the Greek Copy, than otherwise. And whereas the Septuagint have converted this place of the Prophet HIEREMIE; And what hast thou now to do in the way of Egypt, to drink the water of Nilus? 
C. 2. v. 18.  Quidtibi vis in via Aegypti, ut bibas aquam Gehon? to this saith PERERIUS, profectò Hebraicè ibi non est vox Gehon, sed Sichor, quae significat nigrum & turbidum; Truly (saith PERERIUS) the word Gehon in this place, is not found in the Hebrew, but Sichor, which signifieth black and troubled water.  
Furthermore, this is a manifest and unanswerable argument, that Chus was ill taken 
Exod. 2. 21. 3. 1.  for Aethiopia. Moses married the Daughter of jethro, Prince and Priest of Madian, whom both the Greek and Latin call a Madianite, and not Aethiopissam, as (with 〈◊〉.) 
Num. 12. 1.  The Geneva converts it, though it help it a little with a marginal note. Now it is without dispute, that Zipporah was of the Country of Madian, which is that part of Arabia Petraea, bordering the Read Sea; for it is written in the second of Exodus, that MOSES fled from PHARAOH into the Land of Madian, and sat down by a 
V 15  Well, etc. and again, in the third of Exodus; when MOSES kept the sheep of JETHRO 
V 1.  his father in law, Priest of Madian, etc. Indeed, these four nations are 〈◊〉 where mixed in the Scriptures, because they devil confusedly togther (to wit) the Madianites, the Ismaelites, the Amalekites, and the Chusites, which were all in one general word, Arabians, and in the Scriptures sometimes called by one of those names, and sometimes by another, as in Gen. 37. v. 25. 27. & 28. that joseph was sold to the Ismaelites; and in the same Chapter, v. 36. it is written, that the Madianites sold joseph to 〈◊〉, Pharao's Steward. The Genevians, in a marginal note (to avoid this confounding of the Nations) say, that Moses wrote according to their opinion, who took the Madianites and Ismaelites to be all one. But Moses wrote not after any man's opinion, he wrote the truth, and these were all Arabians, and so in this very place it appeareth by their merchandise, which they brought with them, when they bought joseph: for their Camels were laden with Spicery and Balm, and Myrrh, which are the Trades of 
Gen. 37. 25.  Arabia foelix: from whence chief, and from the East India, all the World is served with Myrrh and Frankincense; and their Spices they received from the East side of the Arabian Gulf, as aforesaid. And in the 39 Chapter it is said: That Putiphar 
V 1.  bought joseph of the Ismaelites, which the Chaldaean Paraphrast in the same place calleth Arabians. Now, to make this the more manifest, it is written in the sixt of 〈◊〉, That when Israel had sown, then come up the Madianites, and the Amalekites, and 
V 3.  they of the East, and come upon them: they of the East, were Arabians of the Desert; so as where before in the buying of joseph, the Madianites and the Ismaelites were confused, here the Madianites and Amalekites are made one Nation. For in the prosecution of the Story of Gedeon, the Madianites only are named, as comprehending 
C. 7.  both Nations; and in the eight Chapter, v. 24. these Nations are all called Ismaelites, and neither Madianites nor Amalekites. As when Gedeon desired, that every man would give him the golden ear-rings, which they had taken after the victory against Zebah and Zalmunna, Kings of Arabia, amounting to 1700. shickles of gold, it is written: For they had golden ear-rings, because they were Ismaelites. And these Ismaelites 
C. 8. v. 24.  were a great and valiant Nation, and ever in action of war. Manus eius contr 〈◊〉, 
Gen. 16. 12.  & manus omnium contra eum; His hand (saith God of ISHMAEL) shall be against all men, and every man's hand against him. Of these Ismaelites come the Mahometan Arabians, though some Writers think Mahomet to be of the Schenitae. And these Ismaelites, which inhabit chief in Cedar, and the Deserts of Sur and Pharan (saith josephus) use poison upon their Arrows, as the Indian's do. Towards the Southeast are the Madianites, and Chusites: and beyond them, towards the Deserts of Arabia, the Amalekites; and all are one Nation, and all Arabians.  
Lastly, the ill translation of Aethiopia for Chus, is among other places, made most apparent, in the second of Chronicles, in these words: So the Lord stirred up against 
Chro. 2. c. 21. 16.  JEHORAM, the spirit of the Philistines, and the Arabians, which confine the Aethiopians; so Hierome reads it: the Geneva translation hath it, which were besides the 〈◊〉 Now, how far it is off between the Philistines, and the Negroes, or the 〈◊〉 every man that looketh in a Map may judge. For the Philistines and Arabians do mix and join with the Land of the Chusites, and are distant from Aethiopia about two and thirty, or three and thirty degrees, and therefore not their next Neighbours; but all Egypt, and the Deserts of Sur and Pharan, are between them. So as this place of the second of Chronicles, should have been translated in these words: So the Lord stirred up against JEHORAM, the spirits of the Philistines, and the Arabians, which confine and border upon the Chusites, who indeed are their next Neighbours. 
* Steuch. Eugub. in Gen. c. 2.  Nulla superest dubitatio quin Aethiopia in Sacris literis sit Arabiae propinqua; There remaineth no doubt (saith STEUCHIUS) but Aethiopia in the Scriptures, is taken for that Country, which joineth to Arabia.  
Now may we think is it probable, or possible, that Moses could be ignorant of Nilus? Not, he knew it, no living man so well, and therefore would never have named Gehon, for Nilus, or Nilus for Gehon. Surely, if Moses had meant Nilus, when he named Gehon, he would have called the River (into which he was cast upon Reeds, and preserved by God, working compassion in the Daughter of Pharaoh) a River of Egypt, 
Exod. 2.  wherein he was borne and bred, and wrought so many Miracles. Besides, the River of Nilus is often named in the Scriptures, but never by the name of Gehon. And if Moses had told the Israelites, that Nilus had been a River of Paradise, they might justly have thought, that he had derided them: for they had lived there all days of their lives, and found no such Paradise at all, nor any memory, or speech thereof; except we shall believe the Paradise of Hesperides, where (saith Pliny) there was nothing 
Plin. l. 5. c. 1.  found in his time, but wild Olives in stead of golden Apples. But Nilus is twice called Sichor, once in Easie, and once in the Prophet Hieremie; and yet in those places it 
C. 23. v. 3.  is not said to be a River of Aethiopia, but of Egypt. For in a word, the Israelites had never 
C. 2. v. 18.  any communion or affairs with the Aethiopians, nor any intelligence, or trade, beyond Egypt, to the South; but the Enemies which they had on the South, and East-parts, were these Nations of the Chusites, Philistines, Ismaelites, Amalekites, and Madianites: who being often governed by many little Kings, or Reguli, were distinguished in names, according to the Fathers and Heads of those Nations; but in one general name were all Arabians. On the northside of Canaan, they were afflicted with the Coelesyrians, with the Magogians, Tubalines, and others their adherents; and thirdly within themselves, the Nations, which remained of the ancient 〈◊〉, held the strongest Cities upon the Sea-coast (as) tire, Sidon, Acon, Gaza, and many others: yea, Jerusalem itself was withheld from Israel (from the days of Moses, even unto the time of David) by the jebusites.  
That which now remaineth of most difficulty is, that it doth not appear, that any part of Gehon watereth that part of Arabia the stony, which the Chusites inhabited in the times of the Kings of Israel: and in this Desert it was that Matt. Beroaldus lost himself in seeking out Paradise: for he was driven (to my understanding) to created two Rivers, and call them Gehon, and Pison; to the end that the one might water Chus, and the other Havilah, for I find noon such in rerum natura, as he hath described: by which Rivers he also includeth within Paradise, even Arabiathe Desert.  
And as he well proved that Pison was not Ganges, nor Gehon, Nilus: so where to found them elsewhere it seemeth he knew not. Certainly this River of Gehon, which he maketh to fall into the Mediterran at Gaza, and whose Springs he findeth far East in Arabia, is but imaginary: for the Current by Gaza is but a small stream, rising between it and the Read Sea, whose head from Gaza itself is little more than twenty English miles, as shall appear hereafter. But questionless, hence it comes that many were mistaken. They all considered of the habitations of the Chusites, as they were planted when the state of Israel stood, and when it flourished, being then their near Neighbours, and never looked back to the first seats and plantation of CHUS. For after the Flood, CHUS and his children never rested, till they found the Valley of Shinar, in which, and near which himself with his sons first inhabited. HAVILAH took the Riverside of Tigris chief on the East, which after his own name he called HAVILAH, (now Susiana:) Raamah, and Sheba farther down the River, in the entrance of Arabia foelix. NIMROD seated himself in the best of the Valley, where he built Babel, whereof that Region had afterwards the name of Babylonia. CHUS himself and his brother MIZRAIM first kept upon Gehon, which falleth into the Lakes of Chaldaea, and in process of time, and as their people increased, they drew themselves more Westerly towards the Read or Arabian Sea: from whence MIZRAIM passed over into Egypt, in which Tract the Chusites remained for many years after. Now because there could be no such River found in Arabia the stony, which they might entitle Gehon, they translated Chus Aethiopia, and 〈◊〉, Nilus. And if we do examine this mistaking by example, we shall the better perceive it as it was. For let us suppose, that BRUTE, or whosoever else that first peopled this Island, had arrived upon the River of Thames, and calling the Island after his name BRITANNIA, it might be said that Thames or Thames was a river, that watered Britannia: and when afterwards in process of time, the same BRUTE had also discovered and conquered Scotland, which he also entitled by the same name of Britannia, after-ages might conclude that Scotland was no part thereof, because the river of Thames is not found therein. Or let us suppose that EUROPA, the daughter of the King of tire in Phoenicia, gave the name to Europe, according to Herodotus, and that 
〈◊〉. l. 1. & 4.  the first discoverers thereof arrived in the mouth of some river in Thrace, which then watered as much of Europe, as he first discovered, shall we in like sort resolve, that France, Spain, and Italy, etc. are no parts of Europe, because that River is not found in them, or any of them? In like manner was it said by Moses in his description of Gehon, that it watered the whole land of Chus; but not the whole land which the Chusites should or might in future time conquer, people, and inhabit, seeing in after-ages they become Lords of many Nations, and they might (perchance) have been Masters in time, (as the Saracens which come of them were) of a great part of the world. For (though the Babylonian Empire, which took beginning in NIMROD the son of CHUS, consisted at the first but of four Cities, (to wit) Babel, Erech, Acad, and Chalne, yet we find, that his Successors within a few years after commanded all the whole world in effect: and the fame of Babel consumed the memory of Chusea. For of this Tower of Confusion did all that land take the name of Babylonia: and the greatness of that Empire founded by NIMROD a younger son, obscured the name and nation of his father CUSH in those parts, until they crept farther off, and in places not yet entitled, and farther from the Babylonian Empire, where the Chusites retained their names, which also they fastened to the Soil and Territory by themselves afterwards inhabited and held. And we may not think, that CHUS or any of his could in haste creep through those desert Regions, which the length of 130. years after the flood had (as it were) fortified with thickets, and permitted every bush and briar, reed and tree to join themselves (as it were) into one main body and Forest. For if we look with judgement and reason into the world's plantation, we shall find, that every family seated themselves as near together as possible they could; and though necessity enforced them, after they grew full of people, to spread themselves, and creep out of Shinar or Babylonia, yet did they it with this advice, as that they might at all times resort, and secure one another by river, the fields being then (without all doubt) impassable. So NIMROD, who out of wit and strength usurped dominion over the rest, sat down in the very confluence of all those rivers, which watered Paradise: for thither it was to which the greatest troops of NOAH'S children repaired; and from the same place whence Mankind had his beginning, from thence had they again their increase. The first Father of men ADAM, had therein his former habitation. The second Father of Mankind NOAH, began from thence his dispersion.  
Now as NIMROD the youngest, yet strongest, made his choice of Babel (as aforesaid) which both Tigris and Euphrates cleansed and enriched; so did HAVILAH place himself upon Piso-tigris: RAAMAH and his son SHEBA farther down upon the same River, on the Sea-coast of Arabia: CHUS himself upon Gehon, the fairest branch of Euphrates. And when they began to spread themselves farther off, yet they always fastened themselves to the rivers sides: for Ninive, Charran, Reseph, Canneh, Vr in Chaldaea, and the other first-peopled Cities were all founded upon these Navigable Rivers, or their branches, by which the one might give succour and assistance to the other, as is already often remembered.   

§. XU A conclusion by way of repetition of something spoken of before.  
BUT now to conclude this dispute, it appeareth to me by the testimonies of the Scriptures, that Paradise was a place created by God, and a part of this our Earth and habitable World, seated in the lower part of the Region of Eden, afterward called Aram flwiorum, or Mesopotamia, which taketh into it also a portion of Shinar and Armenia: this Region standing in the most excellent temper of all other, (to wit) 35. degrees from the Equinoctial, and 55. from the North-pole: in which Climate the most excellent Wines, Fruits, Oil, Grain of all sorts are to this day found in abundance. And there is nothing that better proveth the excellency of this said soil and temper, than the abundant growing of the Palmtrees, without the care and labour of man. For wherein soever the Earth, Nature, and the Sun can most vaunt, that they have excelled, yet shall this Plant be the greatest wonder of all their works: this Tree alone giveth unto man whatsoever his life beggeth at Nature's hand. And though it may be said, that these Trees are found both in the East and West Indies, which Countries are also blessed with a perpetual Spring and Summer, yet, lay down by those pleasures and benefits the fearful and dangerous Thunders and Lightnings, the horrible and frequent Earthquakes, the dangerous diseases, the multitude of venomous beasts and worms, with other inconveniences, and then there will be found no comparison between the one and the other.  
The sum of all this is, That whereas the eyes of men in this Scripture have been dim-sighted (some of them finding Paradise beyond our known World: some, above the middle Region of the Air: some, elevated near the Moon: others, as far South as the Line, or as far North, as the Pole, etc.) I hope that the Reader will be sufficiently satisfied, that these were but like Castles in the Air, and in men's fancies, vainly imagined. For it was Eastward in Eden (saith Moses) Eastward, in respect of judaea, that God planted this Garden, which Eden we found in the Prophets where it was, and whereof the name (in some part) remaineth to this day. A River went out of Eden to water this Garden, and from thence divided itself into four branches; and we found that both Tigris and Euphrates swimming through Eden, do join in one, and afterward taking ways apart, do water Chus and Havilah, according to Moses: the true seats of Chus and his Sons then being in the Valley of Shinar, in which Nimrod built Babel. That Pison was Ganges, the Scripture, Reason, and experience teach the contrary: for that which was never joined, cannot be divided, Ganges, which inhabiteth India, cannot be a branch of the Rivers of Eden; That Gehon was Nilus, the same distance maketh the same impossibility, and this River is a greater stranger to Tigris and Euphrates, than Ganges is: for although there are between Tigris and Ganges above four thousand miles, yet they both rise in the same quarter of the World; but Nilus is begotten in the Mountains of the Moon, almost as far off as the Cape of good hope, and falleth into the Mediterran Sea: and 〈◊〉 distilleth out of the Mountains of Armenia, and falleth into the Gulf of Persia: the one riseth in the South, and travaileth North: the other riseth in the North, and runneth South, threescore and three Degrees the one from the other. In this lease following, I have added a chorographical description of this terrestrial Paradise, that the Reader may thereby the better conceive the preceding Discourse; and this is the reward I look for, that my labours may but receive an allowance suspended, until such time, as this description of my be reproved by a better.    

CHAP. FOUR Of the two chief Trees in the Garden of Paradise.  

§. I. That the Tree of Life was a material Tree: and in what sense it is to be taken, that man by his eating the forbidden fruit, is made subject to death.  
FOR eating the forbidden fruit of the Trre of Knowledge was Adam driven out of Paradise, in exilium vita temporalis, into the banishment of temporal life, saith Beda. That these Trees of Life and Knowledge were material Trees (though Figures of the Law and of the Gospel) it is not doubted by the most religious and learned Writers: although the wits of men, which are so volatile, as nothing can fix them, and so slippery, as nothing can fasten them, have in this also delivered to the World an imaginary doctrine.  
The Tree of Life (say the Hebrews) hath a plural construction, and is to be understood, Lignum vitarum, The Tree of lives, because the fruit thereof had a property, to preserve both the growing, sensitive, and rational life of man; and not only (but for Adam's transgression) had prolonged his own days, but also given a durefull continuance to all posterity; and that, so long, as a 
〈◊〉. sept. 2. l. 1. 174.  body compounded of Elements could last.  
And although it is hard to think, that flesh and blood could be immortal, but that it must once perish and rot, by the unchanged Law of God imposed on his creatures, Man (notwithstanding) should have enjoyed thereby a long, healthful, and ungrieved life: after which (according to the opinion of most Divines) he should have been translated, as Enoch was. And as before the Flood, the days of men had the long measure of eight hundred or nine hundred years; and soon after the flood, of two hundred years and upwards, even to five hundred: so if Adam had not disobeyed God's first and easy Commandment, the lives of men on Earth might have continued double, triple, or quadruple to any of the longest times of the first age, as many learned men have conceived. Chrusostom, Rupertus, Tostatus, and others were of belief, that (but for Adam's fall and transgression) Adam and his posterity had been immortal. But such is the infinite wisdom of God, as he foresaw that the Earth could not have contained Mankind; or else, that Million of souls must have been ungenerated, and have had no being, if the first number, wherewith the Earth was replenished, had abode thereon for ever: and therefore that of Chrusostom must be understood of immortality of bodies, which should have been translated and glorified.  
But of what kind or Species this Tree of Life was, no man hath taken on him to teach: in which respect many have conceived, that the same was not material, but a mere Allegory, taking their strength out of Solomon, where Wisdom is compared to the Tree of Life, and from other places, where also Christ is called the Tree of Life, and out of the Apocalypsis, I will give to him that over cometh, to eat of the Tree 
〈◊〉. 2. 7.  of Life, which is in the Paradise of God. But to this place Saint Augustine's answer may suffice, (which is) That the one doth not exclude the other, but that, as there was a terrestrial Paradise, so there was a celestial. For although Agar and Sara were Figures of the Old, and New Testament, yet to think that they were not Women, and the Maid and Wife of Abraham, were mere foolishness. And so in this place the sense of the Scripture is manifest. For God brought out of the earth every tree fair to sight, and sweet to taste; the tree also of Life in the midst of the garden: which showeth, that among the trees, which the Earth by God's commandment produced, the tree of Life was one, and that the fruit thereof was also to be eaten. The report of this Tree was also brought to the ancient Poets: for as from the indigested matter or Chaos, Hesiodus, Homer, Ovid, and others, steal the invention of the created world; so from the Garden of Paradise, they took the Platform of the Orchard of Alcinous, and another of the Hesperides: and from the tree of Life, their Nectar and Ambrosia; for Nectar, according to 〈◊〉, signifieth making young, and Ambrösia, immortality; and therefore said to be the meat and drink of the gods.   

§. II Of BECANUS his opinion, that the Tree of Knowledge was Ficus Indica.  
NOw for the Tree of Knowledge of good and evil, some men have presumed farther, especially Goropius Becanus, who giveth himself the honour to have found out the kind of this Tree, which noon of the Writers of former times could ever guess at, whereat Goropius much marveleth. But as he had an inventive brain, so there never lived any man, that believed better thereof, and of himself. Surely, howsoever his opinion may be valued, yet he usurpeth the praise due to others, at lest if the invention be at that price at which he setteth it. For Moses Bar-cephas fastened on this conjecture above six hundred years before Becanus was borne: and Bar-cephas himself referreth the invention to an antiquity more remote, citing for his Author Philoxenus Maburgensis, and others, whose very words Goropius useth, both concerning the Tree, and the reasons wherewith he would induce other men to that belief. For Moses Bar-cephas in his Treatise of Paradise (the first Part and fol. 49.) saith, That the Tree of Knowledge was Ficus Indica; The Indian Figtree, of which the greatest plenty (saith Becanus) are found upon the banks of Acesine, one of the Rivers which falleth into Inaus, where Alexander built his Fleet of Galleys in, or near the Kingdom of Porus.  
This Tree beareth a fruit of the bigness of a great pease, or (as Pliny reporteth) 
Plin. l. 11. c. 5.  somewhat bigger, and that it is a tree, se semper serens; Always planting itself; that it spreadeth itself so far abroad, as that a troop of horsemen may hide themselves under it. Strabo saith, that it hath branches bending downwards, and leaves no less 
Lib. 1. cap. 2.  than a shield. Aristobulus affirmeth, that fifty horsemen may shadow themselves under one of these trees. Onesicritus raiseth this number to four hundred. This tree (saith Theophrastus) exceedeth all other in bigness, which also Pliny and Onesicritus confirm: to the trunk of which, these Authors give such a magnitude, as I shame to repeat. But it may be, they all speak by an ill-understood report. For this Indian Figtree is not so rare a plant, as Becanus conceiveth, who because he found it no where else, would needs draw the garden of Paradise to the Tree, and set it by the River Acesine. But many parts of the world have them, and I myself have seen twenty thousand of them in one Valley, not far from Paria in America. They grow in moist grounds, and in this manner: After they are first shot up some twenty or thirty foot in length (some more, some less, according to the soil) they spread a very large top, having no bough nor twig in the trunk or stem: for from the utmost end of the head branches there issueth out a 〈◊〉 juice, which hangeth downward like a cord or sinew, and within a few Months reacheth the ground; which it no sooner toucheth but it taketh root, and then being filled both from the top boughs, and from his own proper root, this cord maketh itself a Tree exceeding hastily. From the utmost boughs of these young Trees there fall again the like cords, which in one year and less (in that World of a perpetual spring) become also trees of the bigness of the neither part of a lance, and as strait, as art or nature can make any thing, casting such a shade, and making such a kind of grove, as no other Tree in the world can do. Now one of these trees considered with all his young ones, may (indeed) shroud four hundred or four thousand horsemen, if they please; for they cover whole Valleys of ground where these trees grow near the Sea-bank, as they do by thousands in the inner part of Trinidado. The cords which fall down over the banks into the Sea, shooting always downward to find root under water, are in those Seas of the Indieses, where Oysters breed, entangled in their beds, so as by pulling up one of these cords out of the Sea, I have seen five hundred Oysters hanging in a heap thereon; whereof the report come, that Oysters grew on trees in India. But that they bear any such huge leaves, or any such delicate fruit, I could never find, and yet I have travailed a dozen miles together under them: but to return to Goropius Becanus. This tree (saith he) was good for meat and pleasing to the sight, as the tree of Knowledge of good and evil is described to be.  
Secondly, this tree having so huge a trunk (as the former Author's report, and Becanus believeth) it was in this tree that Adam and Eve hid themselves from the presence of God, for no other tree (saith he) could contain them. But first it is certain, that this Tree hath no extraordinary magnitude, as touching the trunk or stem, for among ten thousand of them it is hard to find any one bigger than the rest, and these are all but of a mean size. Secondly, the words of Moses translated in medio ligni, are by all the interpreters understood in the plural number (that is) in the midst of the trees. But his third argument (or rather the argument of Moses Bar-cephas, word for word) is, That when Adam and Eve found themselves naked, 
Gen. 3. 7.  they made them breeches of Fig-leaves; which proveth (indeed) that either the tree itself was a Figtree, or that a Figtree grew near it: because Adam being possessed with shame, did not run up and down the garden to seek out leaves to cover him, but found them in the place itself; and these leaves of all other were most commodious by reason of their largeness, which Pliny avoweth in these words; Latitudo foliorum peltaes effigiem Amazoniae habet; The breadth of the leaves hath the shape 
Pl. l. 12. c. 5.  of an Amazonian shield: which also Theophra confirmeth; the form of which Targets Virgil toucheth:  Ducit Amazonidum lunatis agmina peltis 
Virg. AEn. l. 1. 494.  PENTHESILAEA furens. The Amazons with Crescent-formed shield PENTHESILAEA leads into the field. 
Here Becanus desireth to be believed, or rather threateneth us all that read him, to give credit to this his borrowed discovery, using this confident (or rather choleric) speech. Quis erit tam impudenter obstinatus, si haec à nobis de ficu hac ex antiquis scriptoribus cum MOSIS narratione comparet, ut audeat dicere aliam arborem inveniri posse, quae cum illa magis quadret? Who will be so impudently obstinate, if he compare these things which we have reported of this Figtree, and out of ancient Writers delivered, with the narration of MOSES, as to dare to avow, that any other tree can be found, which doth more properly answer, or agreed therewith? But for myself, because I neither found this tree, sorting in body, in largeness of leaves, nor in fruit to this report, I rather incline to the opinion of Philo: That the Earth never brought forth any of these trees, neither before nor after; but I leave every man to his own belief, for the matter is of no great weight as touching his kind: only thereby, and by the easy Commandment by God given to Adam, to forbear to 〈◊〉 thereon, it 〈◊〉 God to make trial of his obedience: Prohibita, non propter aliud, quàm ad commendandum pur ae ac 
August. de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉. 13. c. 20.  simplicis Obedientiae bonum; Being forbidden, not for any other respect, than thereby to commend the goodness of pure and simple Obedience.   

§ III Of BECANUS his not unwittie allegorizing of the Story of his Ficus Indica.  
But in this I must do Becanus right, that he hath very wittily allegorized this Tree, allowing his supposition of the Tree itself to be true. The effects whereof, because his discourses are exceeding ample, I have gathered in these few words. As this Tree (saith he) so did Man grow strait and upright towards God, until such time as he had transgressed and broken the Commandment of his Creator; and then like unto the boughs of this tree, he began to bend downward, and stooped toward the earth, which all the rest of Adam's posterity after him have done, rooting themselves therein and fastening themselves to this corrupt world. The exceeding umbragiousnesse of this tree, he compareth to the dark and shadowed life of man, through which the Sun of justice being not able to pierce, we have all remained in the shadow of death, till it pleased CHRIST to climb the tree of the Cross for our enlightening & redemption. The little fruit which it beareth, and which is hard to find among so many large leaves, may be compared (saith he) to the little virtue, and unperceived knowledge among so large vanities, which obscure and shadow it over. And as this fruit is exceeding sweet, and delicate to the taste and palate: so are the delights and pleasures of the world most pleasing, while they dure. But as all those things which are most mellifluous, are soon changed into choler and bitterness: so are our vanities and pleasures converted into the bitterest sorrows and repentances. That the leaves are so exceeding large, the fruit (for such leaves) exceeding little, in this, by comparison we behold (saith he) the many cares and great labours of worldly men their solicitude, their outward shows, & public ostentation, their apparent pride and large vanities; and if we seek for the fruit, which aught to be their virtuous and pious actions, we find it of the bigness of the smallest pease; glory, to all the world apparent; goodness, to all the world invisible. And furthermore, as the leaves, body, and boughs of this Tree, by so much exceed all other Plants, as the greatest men of power and worldly ability surpass the meanest: so is the little fruit of such men, and such trees, rather fitting and becoming the unworthyest Shrub, and humblest Briar, or the poorest and basest Man, than such a flourishing stateliness, and magnitude. Lastly, whereas Adam, after he had disobeyed God, and beheld his own nakedness and shame, sought for leaves to cover himself withal, this may serve to put us in mind of his and our sins, as often as we put on our garments, to cover and adorn our rotten and mortal bodies: to pamper and maintain which, we use so many uncharitable and cruel practices in this world.   

§. FOUR Of the name of the tree of Knowledge of good and evil: with some other notes touching the story of ADAMS sin.  
NOw, as touching the sense of this tree of Knowledge of good and evil, and what operation the fruit thereof had, and as touching the property of the Tree itself, Moses Bar-cephas an ancient Syrian Doctor (translated by Masius) giveth this judgement: That the fruit of this tree had no such virtue or quality, as that by the tasting thereof, there was any such knowledge created in Adam, as if he had been ignorant before; but as junius also noteth: Arbor scientiae boni & mali (id est) experientiae boni & mali ab eventu; The Tree of knowledge of good and evil (that is) the experience of good and evil by the event. For thus much we may conceive, that Adam being made (according to the Hebrew phrase) by the workmanship of God's own hand, in greater perfection than ever any man was produced by generation, being (as it were) the created plant, out of whose seed all men living have grown up; and having received immortality from the breath or spirit of God, he could not (for these respects) be ignorant, that the disobeying of God's commandment was the fearfullest evil, and the observation of his Precepts the happiest good. But as men in perfect health do (notwithstanding) conceive, that sickness is grievous, and yet in no such degree of torment, as by the suffering and experience in themselves they afterwards witness: so was it with Adam, who could not be ignorant of the punishments, due to neglect and disobedience; and yet felt by the proof thereof in himself another terror than he had forethought, or could imagine. For looking into the glass of his own guilty soul, he beheld therein the horror of God's judgements, so as he then knew, he feelingly knew, and had trial of the late good, which could not be prized, and of the new purchased evil, which could not be expressed. He then seen himself naked both in body and mind; that is, deprived of God's grace and former felicity: and therefore was this tree called the tree of Knowledge, & not because the fruit thereof had any such operation, by any self quality or effect: for the same phrase is used in many places of the Scriptures, and names are given to Signs and Sacraments, as to acts performed, and things done. In such sort as this tree was called the tree of Knowledge, by cause of the event (as is aforesaid) so was the Well of contention therefore 
Num. 20. 13.  called Esek, and the Well of hatred Sitnath, because the Herdsmen of Isaac and Gerar 
Gen. 26. 20. 21.  contended for them; and the heap of stones, called the heap of witness, between jacob and Laban, not that the stones bore witness, but for a memory of the 
Cap. 31. 48.  covenant. So jacob called the house of God Bethel: and Hagar, the Well in the Desert, 
Cap. 28. 19  
Cap. 16. 14.  Viventis, & videntis.  
But Adam being both betrayed and mastered by his affections, ambitious of a farther knowledge than he had perceived in himself, and looking but slightly (as all his issues do) into the miseries and sorrows incident, and greatly affecting the supposed glory which he might obtain by tasting the fruit forbidden, he was transported and blown forward by the gentle wind of pleasing persuasions unawares; his progression being strengthened by the subtle arguments of Satan, who laboured to poison mankind in the very root, which he moistened with the liquor of the same ambition, by which himself perished for ever.  
But what means did the Devil find out, or what instruments did his own subtlety 
Bart. sem. 2. l. 2.  present him, as fittest and aptest to work this mischief by? even the unquiet vanity of the woman; so as by Adam's hearkening to the voice of his wife, contrary to the express commandment of the living God, Mankind by that her incantation become the subject of labour, sorrow, and death: the woman being given to man for a comforter and Companion, but not for a Counsellor. But because thou hast obeyed 
Gen. 3. 17.  the voice of thy wife, etc. (said God himself) Cursed is the earth for thy sake, in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all thy life. It is also to be noted, by whom the woman was tempted; even by the most ugly and unworthy of all beasts, into whom the Devil entered and persuaded.  
Secondly, what was the motive of her disobedience? even a desire to know what was most unfitting her knowledge, an affection which hath ever since remained in all the posterity of her Sex. Thirdly, what was it that moved the man to yield to her persuasions? even the same cause which hath moved all men since to the like consent, namely, an unwillingness to grieve her and make her sad, jest she should pine and be overcome with sorrow. But if Adam in the state of perfection, and Solomon the son of David, God's chosen servant, and himself a man endued with the greatest wisdom, did both of them disobey their Creator, by the persuasion and for the love they bore to a Woman, it is not so wonderful as lamentable, that other men in succeeding ages have been alured to so many inconvenient and wicked practices, by the persuasions of their wives, or other beloved Darlings, who cover over and shadow many malicious purposes with a counterfeit passion of dissimulate sorrow and unquietness.    

CHAP. V. Of divers memorable things between the fall of ADAM, and the flood of NOAH.  

§. I. Of the cause and the revenge of CAIN'S sin: and of his going out from God.  
THE same Pride and Ambition which began in Angels, and afterward possessed Adam, Cain also inherited: for Cain (envious of the acceptation of his Brother's prayer and sacrifice) slew him, making himself the first manslayer, and his brother the first Martyr: the revenge of which unnatural murder, although it pleased God to mitigate, when Cain cried out that his punishment was greater than he could bear: For the same offence chief (wherewith the sons of Adam, as it were, urged and provoked God) he destroyed all mankind, but Noah and his family: for it is written. The earth also was corrupt before God: of which in the same place Moses giveth a reason, 
Gen. 6. v. 11. 13.  for saith he, The earth was filled with cruelty: and anon after, God himself made the cause known unto Noah, saying; An end of all flesh is come before me, for the earth is filled with cruelty through them, and behold, I will destroy them with the earth, or from the earth. Neither was this cruelty meant to have been in taking away the lives of men only, but in all sorts of Injustice and Oppression. After this murder of ABEL, CAIN went out from the presence of the Lord, and dwelled in the Land of NOD, 
Gen. 4. v. 16.  towards the East side of Eden: in which words, The going out of Cain from the presence of the Lord, is not to be understood after the literal sense; God being wholly in all parts of the world: Totus in coelo est, totus in terra, non alternis temporibus, sed 
Aug. de Civitat. Dei, l. 12. c. 19  Vtrumque simul; God (saith S. AUGUSTINE) is wholly in heaven, and wholly in earth, not by interchanged times, but all at once; and that this is true, David witnesseth: If I 
Psal. 139. 8.  be in beaven (saith DAVID) thou art there; if in hell, thou art there also: but what is meant thereby? Exijt à facie Dei (saith CHRYSOSTOME) CAIN went out from 
Chrysost. in Gen. Homil. 2.  the presence of the Lord (that is) he was left of God, disfavoured and bereaved of his protection.   

§. II Of CAIN'S dwelling in the Land of NOD: and of his City Enoch.  
THis word Nod or Naid, S. Hierome and many others understand to signify 
〈◊〉. rad.  wandering, or incertayne habitation: vexation or agitation, saith 
Hebi.  〈◊〉; but the Seventy convert it otherwise, and take Nod for the proper name of a Country, and so doth josephus. But it seemeth to 
joseph. l. 1. c. 3.  me, that Cain was rather a Vagabond or Wanderer in his cogitations, than any thing else, and that his thoughts and conscience had no quiet or rest, in regard of the murder committed, justly fearing (by his own words) the like violence: And whosoever findeth me (saith CAIN) shall slay me. Now that Nod or Naid was a 
Gen. 4. 14.  Region wherein Cain inhabited, appeareth by the word (dwelled) for dwelling signifieth an abiding: and we call those people Wanderers and Vagabonds that have no dwelling place. And to make this dwelling and abiding more manifest, Moses teacheth 
Gen. 4. 16.  in what part of the earth this his habitation was, which he affirmeth towards the East side of Eden. Secondly, it is said by Moses, that after Cain departed from the presence or favour of God, he built a City, and called it by the name of his first 
17.  borne, Enoch; which showeth that he feared to wander, and rather sought to fortify himself against revenge. Cyrillus saith, that Cain and Abel were figures of Christ, and of the jews; and that as Cain, after that he had slain Abel unjustly, had thenceforth no certain abiding in the world: so the jews, after they had crucified the Son of God, become Runnegates: and it is true, that the jews had never since any certain Estate, Commonweal, or Prince of their own upon the earth. Now this Land of Nod, junius taketh to be in Arabia Deserta, a Region of Nomades; but Arabia the Desert is not Eastward, or on the East part of Eden, neither are these Nomades any particular People or Nation. For all these, in what part of the world soever, which in old time lived by pastorage, and fed (as we call it in Ireland) upon white meat, without tilling of the ground, are called by the Greeks', Nomades, and by the Latins, Pastores vagi, as the Northern Tartarians, the Getulians, and Numidians in Africa, the ancient Britons, and the Northern Irish: yea, such were the inhabitants of Italy itself, till such time as Italus (who gave them that name) taught them the husbandry of tillage, used at this day. But the Region Eastward from Eden is that part of Assyria, called by Ptolemie, Calena, which also might be derived of Carena, the Country of Cain. And that Cain inhabited in those parts, it may be gathered by the first possession of his Father Adam; for thus it is written, GEN. 3. Therefore the Lord 
Vers. 23.  God sent him forth from the garden of Eden to till the earth whence he was taken: and in the Verse following: Thus he cast out man, etc. and at the East side of the garden of Eden he 
24.  set the Cherubins: which showeth that the entry into Paradise was from the East, by which entrance Adam was cast out, and therefore inhabiting on that side of Paradise which was Eastward, according to the Text. Cain also in the same Region sought his dwelling place. Now, if the word Noddle or Naid do signify profugus, that is, a fugitive, we can give no longer time to this uncertain habitation of Cain, then till he built the City of Enoch, the first of the world, which he enclosed either for his own defence, or (as josephus writeth) to oppress others thereby. So as for my own opinion, I am resolved with the Septuagint, that Nod was the proper name of a Region; and for the word (vagabond) which Cain useth of himself, it seemeth by the perclose of the same Verse, that (vagabond) is therein understood for such an one as travaileth in fear of revengement: for whosoever findeth me (saith CAIN) shall slay me; or else (vagabond) is taken for a man without protection, and cast out from the favour of God.  
And because these Henochians, so called of the City Henoch, were the first society and civil assembly of all other, it is likely that the fame of these people (either for cruelty, strength, or other actions) lived in the memory of Noah and his sons; so that after the Flood (as there were of all sorts of natures, some virtuously, some impiously disposed, and every active mind setting before it whom to follow or imitate) those people, which delighted in cruelty and oppression took on them their names whose natures they most liked and allowed; of whom these Henochians were not the lest. Perchance the place itself where Henoch stood before the Flood, and whereof the Monuments might remain (as the pillars or the foundation of jappe did) gave occasion to the Planters of that place to call themselves by the same names: for of those Henochians there were many Nations in the borders of Pontus, and Colchis in Iberia, Segdiana, and Bactria, and of the same name many Mountains, as those which are otherwise called Coraxici. And seeing that it is hard to found out the truth of 
Quotidièaliquid in boc magno orb mutatur, nova urbium 〈◊〉 iaciuntur, nova Gentium nomina (extinctis nominibus prioribus) oriuntur, 〈◊〉 ad Albinum.  these things, which the most aged Time hath covered over or defaced, we may (according to the counsel of Plato) exceedingly rejoice, and therewith satisfy ourselves, if of so great and almost worn-out antiquity, if of the eldest peoples names and Nations there remain any printor footsteps to posterity.  
In 
* Plin. l. 6. c. 9 11. & 16.  〈◊〉, P. Mela, Strabo, Valerius Flaccus, Lucan, Stephanus, we find those Henochei described, though diversly written, as in Pliny, sometimes Heniochij, in Mela Eniochi, in Flaccus Heniochi, in Lucan Enochij, all which inhabit upon the Sea Euxinus, but yet noon of these are on the East side of Eden, or (according to Moses words) Eastward from Eden. For Moses, in all places where he describeth any Region, was so exceeding precise, as sometime he useth the word East or South without borrowing 
Mel. l. 1. c. ult.  
Strabo lib. 11.  or addition, at other times with a borrowing, as Eastward or Southward, or towards 
Val. Flacc. l. 6.  the East or South. In the place of Genesis the eleventh he writeth the word 
Lucan. l. 3. v. 37.  (East) simply and directly. And as they went from the East, they sounded a Plain in the 
V 2.  Land of Shinar, but in this of Cain he addeth the word (towards) as, in the Land of Nod towards the East side of Eden; which may be taken, as inclining some one point or two either to the North or to the South of the East.  
But as we may conjecture that these Nations took name of Henoch, the City of Cain, or of the Region wherein it stood, when the same was repeopled after the Flood: so it is probable that these Henochij of Colchis, and other parts adjoining were not the first of that name, after the sons of Noah began to fill the World again: because, had this Henoch the City of Cain stood in any of these parts, it had then been seated North, and not East or Eastward from Eden. But as Pliny findeth their habitation towards Pontus, so afterwards he goeth on Eastward, till he track them or trace them out to their original. For he calleth these of Colchis (now Mengrelia) 
Plin. l. 6. c. 4. 5.  Sanni 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; beyond which an hundred and fifty mile Eastward 
Ptol. tab. Asiae. 3.  he findeth another Nation of them about Iberia and Albania; and beyond these again he discovereth a third Nation, from whence all the rest took beginning, which inhabited on the West side of the Mountains of Paro-panisus, between them and the great River of Oxus, which bordereth Bactria on the North side; and these Henochij are due East from the Region of Eden, and Eastward from the very Garden itself.  
And although we cannot be assured, that these Henochij took name from the memory of the City of Enoch directly, yet because they inhabited due East from Paradise, and afterwards spread themselves Westward (as all Noah's sons did that come into Shinar) the conjecture is far more probable, then that of Annius the Friar, who sets Henoch in Phoenicia, quite contrary to Moses word: Phoenicia from all parts of Eden being directly West.  
And besides these several Nations of the Henochij, Stephanus findeth a Region called 
Steph. de Vrb.  Henochia, and the same also in the East, with divers Mountains about Bactria and Sogdiana of the same name. Only the Grecians (according to their fabulous inventions of all things else) out of the word (Heniochi) which signifieth Carts or Coachmen, 
Nat. Comes calleth them Rhecas.  make these Nations to have sprung from the wagoners of Castor and Pole-axe (to wit) AMPHITES and Telchius, who attended them in the enterprise of jason into 〈◊〉 And though I do not deny, but that jason with other Greeks' ranged the 
〈◊〉. Com. l. 8. c. 9  Coasts of Asia the less in an open Boat or kind of small Galley, 
* In the second Book of this first Part, Cap. 13. §. 5.  of whom I shall 
Strab. l. 11.  speak in his own time: yet no man doubteth but that the tale of the Golden Fleece was for the most part Poetical; and withal that in such an open Boat, which could hardly carry their own Rowers, being four and fifty, there was no place, and less use of Coach-horses or wagoners.   

§. III Of MOSES his omitting sundry things concerning CAIN'S Generation.  
BUT of the remembrance and testimonies of the name of the City of Henoch in profane Story, thus much may suffice; Now it follows to answer some few objections against certain particulars in the fourth and fifth Chapter of Genesis: against which for the first it is demanded, how it was possible for Cain (having no other assistance than his son Henoch) to perform such a work as the building of a City, seeing there is thereto required so many hands, and so great a mass of all sorts of Materials? To which it is answered, that we are first to consider, That of Cain (because he was the Parent of an impious race) MOSES useth no ample declaration; and so it best agreeth with his divine reason, seeing that he containeth the whole Story of the first race, which wasted by the lest account, 1656. years, in five short Chapters. Yet thus much may every man borrow of his own weakest reason, That seeing it pleased God to bestow on the first generations of men's lives so long a measure, as 800. and 900. years, that in such a space Cain had not want of leisure and means to build many such Cities as Henoch, be the capacity answering to what other of the World soever: for in what age of Cain's life he built it, the Scriptures are silent: as of whose times, and the times of his issues Moses had the lest care. And as it was said of Cain, that he built a City: so was it said of Noah, that his three sons peopled all the World; but in both, the process of time required to be understood: which advice seeing Moses useth where the space less requireth it, as knowing that he writ the Scriptures to reasonable men, we may easily understand, that such was his meaning also in all reports of like nature. For in making but a difference between the birth of Abel, and oblation of Cain, he spoke it in this sort, Fuit autem post dies multos or à fine dierum (that is) in process of time, it come to pass that CAIN brought an Oblation. And therefore it is in like sort to be understood of Cain, that many years foregone, and when his people were increased, he built the City of Enoch or Henoch.  
And where it is written, as of Cain, that he built Enoch, so of Solomon, that he built the Temple of Jerusalem; yet it is well known of Solomon, that he employed in 
2. King 6.  that work, 150000. Labourers: for this phrase or speech is common with ourselves to say, The King invaded; when he caused an invasion to be made: and he built, when he commanded such a building. And therefore seeing we found, that Moses had no regard to the ages, to the birth, or to the death of any of Cain's issues, it is not to be marveled at, why he also passeth over in a word the building of Enoch, without addition of any circumstance: for of Cain, Moses writeth in this manner: CAIN 
Gen. 4. 17.  also knew his wife, who conceived and bore HENOCH, and he built a City, and called the name of the City after the name of his son HENOCH. And to HENOCH was borne 
18.  IRAD, and IRAD begat MEHVIAEL, and MEHVIAEL begat METHUSAEL, and METHUSAEL LAMECH.  
Now of Seth, Moses writeth far otherwise, and in this manner. And SETH 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. 6. v. 5.  105. years, and begat ENOCH, and SETH lived after he begat ENOCH 807. years, and begat Sons and Daughters: so as all the days of SETH were 912. years, and he died: as for the years and times of the wicked, they were not numbered in libro viventium, saith CYRIL. But in SETH was the Church of GOD established, from whom Christ descended, as touching his manhood: and therefore this way and work Moses walked in, and finished it with care, passing over the Reprobate Generation (as aforesaid. Of the Line of Adam by Cain, Moses remembreth but eight Generations, reckoning Adam for one, and of the Line of Adam by Seth ten, counting Adam also therein, as follows:  

❧ 1. ADAM.  2. Cain. 2. Seth. 3. Henoch. 3. Enosh. 4. Irad. 4. Cainan. 5. Mahuiael. 5. Mahaleel. 6. Mathusael. 6. jarad. 7. Lamech, who by Ada had 7. Henoch. 8. jubal and Tubal, and by Silla Tubalcain, and Noëma. 8. Mathusalem. 9 Lamech, and  10. Noah.   
These be the Generations of Adam by Cain, which the Scriptures mention: but josephus giveth unto Lamech threescore and seventeen Sons and Daughters, by his two wives Ada, and Silla: and to these three sons of Lamech, Moses ascribeth the invention of Pastorage, of Music, and the working in Metal; for it seemeth that jubal first gathered together, and made familiar those beasts which formerly were untamed, and brought them into Herds and Droves: Tubal invented Music, 
Gen. 4. 20. 21. 22  and Tubalcain the working in Brass and Iron: the one being addicted to Husbandry, the other was Mechanical, the third given to idleness and pleasure. In whom began these three meaner degrees of Shepherds, Handy-crafts-men, and Musicians. And in the issues of Seth began the Services of God, Divinity, Prophecy, and Astronomy: the children of the one beheld the Heavens, the other the Earth.   

§. FOUR Of the diversities in the Ages of the Patriarches when they begat their children.  
A Second scruple hath been made, How it come to pass that the Patriarches begat their children at so divers Ages, as Cainan or Cenan at seventy years, Mahaleel and Enoch at threescore and five years, whereas lared begat not any of his until he was 162. years old: Mathusalem begat at 187. Lamech at 182. and Noah at 500 years. Now this difference hath been the more enforced, because it cannot be conjectured, that either Iared, Mathusalem, or Lamech abstained from marriage out of the Religion of abstinence, seeing that Enoch, who was translated by God for his singular sanctities, begat children before he was threescore and ten years old.  
The apparent difference hereof ariseth in this, that Moses did not number the generations before the Flood precisely, according to the first begotten and eldest sons of the Patriarches, but he drew down the Line of Noah from Seth, and afterward from Noah to Abraham, by their true Ancestors, were they elder or younger as he found them: for it is likely that Henoch was not the eldest of jarad, nor Lamech the first borne of Mathusalem, nor Noah of Lamech; neither is there any thing known to the contrary, but that Noah might have had many sons before Shem, Ham, and japhet, though these three were only named, and surviving, and which by God were reserved to be the Fathers of Mankind after the Flood; and therefore when we found Mahaleel to be begotten by Kenan at threescore and ten years who was the first son of Kenan, and then reck on that Mathusalem begat Lamech in the 187. year of his life, the difference seemeth strange, where Lamech is taken for the eldest. But Moses rejecteth all the other sons of Mathusalem but Lamech only, because he was the Father of Noah as aforesaid. Of this Saint Augustine hath somewhat else in his 20. and 21. Chapters, De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
But as Moses counted the Generations of the first age, and so to Abraham, and the children of the promise after him, so doth S. Matthew recite the Genealogy of Christ, not by the eldest sons, but from those whom God had chosen and blessed, without respect of the first-born, who have hereby the prerogative in Estates, worldly and transitory only; and therefore the Evangelist nameth Isaac, and not Ishmael, though 
Mat. 1. 2.  Ishmael were first in time: so doth he take jacob the younger, and not Esau the elder; neither is Chrisnt derived from any of the three eldest Patriarches, Reuben, Simeon, or Levi, but from juda a fourth brother, and so from David a younger son of jessai; and lastly we found, that the Kingdom itself of juda was not given to the Heir in 
1. King's 2.  nature, but to the Heir of grace, namely Solomon.   

§. V Of the long lives of the Patriarches: and some of late memory.  
THE third Objection is, that the great difference of years between those of the first Age, whereof some of them had well-near seen a thousand years, makes it disputable, whither the account of times were of the same measure as in after-ages, seeing, that soon after the Flood, men lived not a third part of that time, and in succeeding ages and to this day not the tenth.  
They that have hereon resolved that those years were but Lunary years, (to 
Solin. Poli Hist. cop. 3.  wit) of a month or thereabouts, or Egyptian years, are easily confuted. For whereas 
〈◊〉. Satur.  Seth begat Enosh in the year of his life 105. if those years be tanken but for 
l. b. 〈◊〉. cap. 〈◊〉.  Months, then had Seth lived but eight years and one month when he begat Enosh: 
Plin. 〈◊〉. 7. c. 98.  and if the time of Enosh have the same allowance, when he begat Kenan, then could Enosh at that time have been but six years and forty eight weeks old; and so it may be gathered of the rest; excepting only Adam, who was created perfect in his kind, as were the Trees in their kind, bearing fruit and seed. But this were too ridiculous to imagine. For to give an ability of Generation at 6. 7. or 8. years, agreeth with the short lives of the Pigmies, and not with the constitutions of our first Fathers, who being descended from Adam, the workmanship of God's hands, and begotten and borne in the strong youth of the World, had length of days and ability of body agreeable. Again, if we allow this idle conceit of the Lunary years, then there would follow this extremity, that those which lived longest, and upwards of nine hundred years, had by that account but the time of fourscore and ten and odd years, which were not only less by far then the Patriarches lived after the Flood, but short of many men's lives in this decrepit age of the World, wherein many exceed fourscore, and some hundred years. Further (if need be) to disprove this reckoning, whereas it is written, Gen. 25. That Abraham died in a good Age, an old man, and of great years: all which (if the former account were of Lunary years) makes but seventoene and an half of our years.  
And if we seek for a cause of this long life in Nature, then is it reasonable, that the first man, created in highest perfection, should also beget children of equal strength or little differing: for of the first and purest seed there must of necessity spring up the fairest and fruitfullest Plants. Secondly, the Earth itself was then much less corrupt, which yielded her increase, and brought forth fruit and food for man, without any such mixture of harmful quality, as since that time the Curse of God for the cruelty of man's heart brought on it and Mankind: Neither had the Waters of the Flood infused such an impurity, as thereby the natural and powerful operation of all Plants, Herbs, and Fruits upon the Earth received a qualification and harmful change. And as all things under the Sun have one time of strength, and another of weakness, a youth and beauty, and then age and deformity: so Time itself (under the deathful shade of whose wings all things decay and whither) hath wasted and worn out that lively virtue of Nature in Man, and Beasts, and Plants; yea the Heavens themselves being of a most pure and cleansed matter, shall wax old as a garment; and then much more the power generative in inferior Creatures, who 
Psal. 102. v. 25.  by the ordinance of God receive operative virtue from the superior.  
But besides the old age of the World, how far doth our education and simplicity of living differ from that old time? the tender bringing up of children, first fed and nourished with the milk of a strange Dug; an unnatural curiosity having taught all women (but the beggar) to found out Nurses, which necessity only aught to commend unto them: The hasty marriages in tender years, wherein, Nature being but yet green and growing, we rend from her and replant her branches, while herself hath not yet any root sufficient to maintain her own top; and such halferipe seeds (for the most part) in their growing up whither in the bud, and wax old even in their infancy. But above all things the exceeding luxuriousness of this gluttonous Age, wherein we press Nature with over-waightie burdens, and finding her strength defective, we take the work out of her hands, and commit it to the artificial help of strong Waters, hot Spices, and provoking Sauces; of which Lucan hath these elegant Verses:  

——— OH prodiga rerum 
Pharsal. l. 〈◊〉   
Luxuries, nunquam parvo contenta paratu:  
Et quaesitorum terra pelagoque ciborum  
Ambitiosa fames, & lautae gloria mensae,  
Discite quàm 〈◊〉 liceat producere vitam:  
Et quantum Natura petat.  
Non auro myrrhâque bibunt: sed gurgite puro  
Vitaredit: satis est populis 〈◊〉 Ceresque.   

OH wasteful Riot, never well content  
With low-prized fare; hunger ambitious  
Of Cates by Land and Sea far fetched and sent:  
Vain glory of a Table sumptuous,  
Learn with how little life may be preserved.  
In Gold and Myrrh they need not to carouse,  
But with the Brooke the people's thirst is served:  
Who fed with Bread and Water are not starved.   
The Egyptians affirm, that the longest time of man's life is a hundred years, because 
Pier. Hierog. l. 2.  the heart in a perfect body waxeth and groweth to strength fifty years, and afterwards by the same degree decayeth and withereth. Epigenes findeth in his Philosophy, that the life of man may reach to the period of an hundred and twenty years, and Berosus to a hundred and seventeen years. These opinions Pliny repeateth and reproveth, producing many Examples to the contrary. In the last taxation, number and review of the eighth Region of Italy, there were found in the Roll (saith Pliny) 
Plin. l. 7. c. 29.  four and fifty persons of an hundred years of age: seven and fifty of an hundred and ten: two, of an hundred and five and twenty: four, of an hundred and thirty: as many that were hundred and five and thirty, or hundred and seven and thirty years old: and last of all three men of an hundred and forty: and this search was made in the times of Vespasian the Father and the Son.  
The simple diet and temperate life of the Essaeaus gave them long account of many 
joseph. antiq. l. 13 cap. 8.  years: so did it to the Secretaries of Egyptian Ceremonies, to the Persians' Magicians and Indian Brahmins. The Greeks affirm out of Homer, that Nestor lived 
Plin. l. 7. c. 48.  three Ages, and Tiresias six, Sibylla three hundred years, Endymion of the less Asia little less: Also Masantssa of Numidia lived very long, and Dando of Illyria. Among the Kings of Arcadia many lived three hundred years (saith Ephorus.) Hellanicus affirmeth of the Epeians, that some of them live full two hundred year: and so doth Diodorus Siculus of the Egyptians; and that these reports are not fabulous; josephus bringeth many witnesses with himself, as Marethon, Berosus, Mochus, Estius, Hieronymus Aegyptius, Hecataeus, Ephorus, and others. And Anthony Fume an Historian of good reputation reporteth, that in the year 1570. there was an Indian presented to Solyman, General of the Turks Army, who had outlived three hundred years. I myself knew the old Countess of Desmond of Inchiquin in Munster, who lived in the year 1589. and many years since, who was married in Edward the Fourths time, and held her jointure from all the Earls of Desmond since then; and that this is true, all the Noblemen and Gentlemen of Munster can witness. Strozzius Cigogna, out of Torquemada Maffaeus, and the like Authors, telleth of some that have not only far exceeded the term prescribed by Epigenes; but been repaired from the withered estate of decrepit age to fresh youth. But for length of life, if we note but the difference between the ability of men in those days wherein Galen the Physician lived, it may easily prove unto us what reeds we are in respect of those Cedars of the first age. For Galen did ordinarily let blood six pound weight, whereas we (for the most part) stop at six Ounces. But to conclude this part, there are three things (not counting Constellations) which are the natural causes of a long and healthful life; (to wit) strong Parents, a pure and thin Air, and temperate use of diet, pleasure, and rest: for those which are built of rotten timber, or mouldering stone, cannot stand long upright; on Air we feed always and in every instant, and on meats but at times: and yet the heavy load of abundance, wherewith we oppress and overcharge Nature, maketh her to sink unawares in the midway; and therefore with a good constitution, a pure Air, and a temperate use of those things which Nature wanteth, are the only friends and companions of a long life.   

§. VI Of the Patriarches delivering their knowledge by Tradition: and that ENOCH writ before the Flood.  
A Fourth scruple hath been made, How the certain knowledge of the Creation come to Moses, seeing there was no Story thereof written, and if any such had been, yet it is conceived, that all memory of Antiquity perished in the Universal Flood.  
But if we consider the curiosity and policy of elder ages, we shall found, that knowledge was the greatest treasure that men sought for, and which they also covered and hid from the vulgar sort, as jewels of inestimable price, fearing the irreverent construction of the ignorant and irreligious: so as whatsoever was attained unto concerning God, and his working in nature, the same was not left to public dispute, but delivered over by heart and tradition from wise men to a posterity equally zealous; Ex animo in animum sine 〈◊〉, medio intercedente verbo: From mind to mind without 
Dion. Arcop.  Letters, by way of tradition or word of mouth. And it was thought by Esdras Origen, and Hilaerius, (as Mirandula conceiveth) that Moses did not only upon the Mount 
Fol. 18.  receive the Law from God, but withal, secretiorem & veram leg is enarrationem; a more secret and true explanation of the Law; which (saith he, out of the same Authors,) he delivered by mouth to josuah, and 〈◊〉 to the Elders: For to teach these mysteries, which he called secretiora, to the rude multitude, were no other quàm dare sanctum canibus, & inter Porcos spargere Margaritas, then to give holy things to Dogs, and to cast Pearls before Swine. In succeeding times this understanding and wisdom began to be written in 〈◊〉, and Characters, and Letters bearing the form of beasts, birds, and other creatures; and to be taught only to such as served in their Temples, and to their Kings and Priests. Of the first the Cabala of the jews was an imitation: the invention of the other is ascribed to Zoroaster, Mercurius, Cadmus, and others; but falsely.  
This 〈◊〉 importeth a Law, received by tradition and unwritten. Cabala in Hebrew 
Cabala est stientia Theologiae non 〈◊〉, P. M. 82.  is receptio in Latin, and a 〈◊〉 in English. And this custom was also held by the 〈◊〉 & Bards of our ancient Britons, and of later times by the Irish Chroniclers called Rymers. If then such as would seem wisest in the use of reason, will not 
Mirand. 110. fol  acknowledge, that the story of the Creation or beginning of all things was written by inspiration, the holy Ghost guiding the hand of Moses; yet it is manifest, that the knowledge thereof might by tradition (then used) be delivered unto him by a more certain presumption, than any or all the testimonies which profane antiquity had preserved and left to their successors: which their wise men (as they term them) did lay up and defend from the injury of the time and other hazards. For, leaving to remember that Adam instructed Seth, and Seth his children and successors, which cannot be doubted of, it is manifest, that Methusalem lived together with Adam himself two hundred 〈◊〉 and three years, and Noah with Methusalem no less than five hundred years: and before Noah died, Abraham was fifty and eight years old; from whence this knowledge by an easy and ordinary way might come to Israel, and so to Moses.  
But besides this tradition, it is questionless, that the use of letters was found out in the very infancy of the world, proved by those prophecies written on pillars of stone and brick by Enoch: of which josephus affirmeth, that one of them remained 
jos l. 1.  even in his time (meaning belike some ruin or foundation thereof) which pillars by others are ascribed to Seth. But of these prophecies of Enoch Saint Jude testifieth; 
jud. Ep. v. 14.  and some part of his Books (which contained the course of the Stars, their names and motions) were afterward found in Arabia foelix, in the Dominion of the Queen of Saba (saith Origen) of which Tertullian affirmeth that he had seen 
Origen. Homil. 1 in Num.  and read some whole pages. It is not therefore strange, that Moses come to the knowledge of the Creation, and story of the first Age, seeing he might receive it both by tradition and letters, had not the spirit of God instructed and inspired him as it did: which also his many and strange miracles (performed before he wrote the Scriptures) make more manifest.  
Now for the Books of Enoch, howsoever some men make question of them, sure I am that Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Beda, Procopius, Gazeus, (with others) cite 
Orig. Homil. 2 & in Num. & Comment. in evang, 〈◊〉.  them in their writings: although Medina, for an argument to prove them unwritten traditions, allegeth that Pope Gelasius among other the Apocryphal Scriptures (which he rejecteth) named not these of Enoch; but that whatsoever was remembered 
Gelas. dist. 15.  out of them, the same was delivered by Tradition from the jews. But I rather think with Pererius, that such a Book there was, and that the same was corrupted after the death of the Apostles, and many things added thereunto by Heretics, who took occasion upon the antiquity thereof, and out of that place of Michael contending with the Devil about the body of Moses, to frame and add thereunto many inventions of their own. One of the greatest arguments against these Books, is, that neither Philo, nor josephus (the most diligent searchers of Antiquity) make mention thereof. But against it I will set this opinion of Saint AUGUSTINE, Scripsisse quidem nonnulla divina ENOCH illum septimum ab ADAM negare non possumus: That ENOCH the seventh from ADAM did writ divers divine things we cannot deny. Now his writings which come afterwards to light, were suspected because of the antiquity, and of fables of Giants, supposed to be begotten of Angels, and others; and by so much the more, because no such Book was found amongst those Canonical Scriptures, kept by the diligence of the Hebrew Priests in Armario judaico (saith Tertullian) who yet affirmeth that this Book might be preserved by 
Tertul. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  Noah. Surely, that Enoch wrote the prophecies remembered by Jude, no man can deny; how they were delivered to posterity I know not, whither by the jews Cae-balae, or by what other means, the same is but man's conjecture. And (certainly) by the knowledge ascribed to Noah of the motions of the Heavens, and of the Natures and conjunctions of the Stars; and afterwards to some of his sons, to Zoroaster, 
Hebr. 11. 5.  and then to Abraham, it is very probable that Noah had seen and might preserve this book. For it is not likely, that so exquisite knowledge therein (as these men had) was suddenly invented and found out, but left by Seth to Enoch, and by Enoch to Noah, as hath been said before. And therefore if letters and arts were known from the time of Seth to Enoch, and that Noah lived with Methusalem, who lived with Adam, and Abraham lived with Noah, it is not strange (I say) to conceive how Moses come to the knowledge of the first Age, be it by letters, or by 〈◊〉 and Tradition, had the undoubted word of God need of any other proof than selfe-authoritie.   

§. VII. Of the men of renownie before the flood.  
NOw let us consider the relation of Moses, who nameth seven descents of Cain's children, and of Adam by Seth ten: Seth being given by God in stead of Abel; and of Seth was Enosh begotten, in whose time men began to profess Religion, and to offer sacrifice in public. For although Adam instructed his children in the knowledge of God their Creator, as appeared by the sacrifice offered by Cain and Abel; yet it seemeth that after the birth of Enosh men began publicly to call on the name of the Lord, that is, they served and praised God by Communion and in public manner, or calling upon the name of the Lord, and thereby were the sons of God or the godly distinguished from the wicked. From the birth of Enosh the son of Seth, to the time of Henoch the son of Iared, there is nothing remembered by Moses, but their own births, the births of their sons, the length of their lives, and deaths. But of Henoch it is written, That he walked with God, and he was no more seen: for God took him away. 
Gen. 5. 24.  By that, that he walked with God, was meant, that he was a just and upright man, and that he feared, loved, and obeyed God. For the same phrase Moses useth of Noah. NOAH was a just and upright man in his time, and NOAH walked with God. The Seventy 
6. 9  convert it, ENOCH placuit Deo; HENOCH pleased God. And although Aben-Ezra and others understand this place, (tulit eum Deus:) scilicet, mortuus est; God took him away (that is) he died, which (indeed) agreeth both with the phrase of the Scripture, and with our manner of speech to this day, to say, God took him away, when he died; yet the difference which Moses maketh between the piety of Henoch and the rest of the Patriarches, and by omitting the word (death) which he useth to all else, makes it manifest, that Henoch was not dissolved as the rest. For to all the rest of the Patriarches, Moses useth these words, And he died; but of Henoch he spoke otherwise, saying only, he was missing, or he was not seen. Et non inveniebatur (saith the Epistle to the Hebrews) quia Deus eum transtulit; And he was not found, for the Lord took him away. In the same place it is expressly added, that he seen not death.  
But whither this taking away of Enoch were not with the same kind of changing, which S. Paul promiseth, when he saith, that when the end shall come, we shall not all die, 
1. Cor. 15. 51.  but all shall be changed, I leave it to the learned Divines.  
After Henoch, Moses passeth over to Methusalem and Lamech, remembering (as of the rest) the times of their birth and death: saving that Lamech prophesied of his son Noah, saying, This same shall comfort us concerning our work, and sorrow of our 
Gen. 5. 29.  hands, as touching the earth which the Lord hath cursed. Of Noah, Moses writeth more amply, then of any of the rest of Adam's children by Seth, being the last of the ten generations of the first Age, whom God (with his family) preserved, because he was 
Gen. c. 6. 9  an upright man in his time, and feared God.  
But of the war, peace, government, and policy of these strong and mighty men, so able both in body and wit, there is no memory 〈◊〉: whose stories if they had been preserved, and what else was then performed in that newness of the world, there could nothing of more delight have been left to posterity. For the exceeding long lives of men (who to their strength of body and natural wits had the experience added of 800. and 900. years) how much of necessity must the same add of wisdom and undertakings? Likely it is that their works excelled all whatsoever can be told of aftertimes, especially in respect of this old age of the world, when we no sooner begin to know, but we begin to die; according to HIPPOCRATES: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 longa, tempus praeceps; (which is) Life is 〈◊〉, Art is long, and Time is 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  headlong. And that those people of the first age performed many things worthy admiration, it may be gathered out of these words of MOSES: These were mighty men, 
〈◊〉. 5. 4  which in old time were men of renown. But these men of renown (whom the Scripture afterwards calleth Giants, both for strength of body and 〈◊〉 of mind) trusted so much to their own abilities, as they forgot altogether the piety of Seth, and the ways wherein Henoch walked: for all the imaginations of their hearts were evil, only 
Vers. 5.  evil, and continually evil. And this wickedness was not only found in the issues of Cain, but it was then 〈◊〉 sall, when the children and sons of God (or of the godly) were corrupted and misted by their idolatrous Wives, the Daughters of Cain, or of those other men, loving themselves and the world only.  
That these sons of God were Angels, which being taken with the beauty of women, 
Gen. 〈◊〉. v. 〈◊〉.  accompanied them and begat Giants, some of the Fathers supposed, namely, Lactantius and Eusebius, misled by 〈◊〉: of whom I cannot doubt, but that they afterward changed their former opinions. And of this mistaking many Writers have taken great advantage, and have troubled themselves with large answers and very needless: the question being uncapable of dispute, especially since S. Chrusostom and S. Augustine have answered it largely long ago. For, that good and godly men were honoured with the title of God's children, it doth every where appear in the Scripture; and on the contrary, to think that Angels, who (as Christ witnesseth) behold the face of God, (that is) always attended his Commandments, should after a separation from the rest which fell with Lucifer, for sake the glorious presence of their Creator, and become Incubi, or Succubuses, contrary both to Nature and Grace, were more than madness to imagine.   

§. VIII. That the Giants by MOSES so called, were indeed men of huge bodies: as also divers in later times.  
OF these Giants which Moses calleth mighty men, Goropius Becanus an Antuerpian (who thought his own wit more Gigantical than the bodies of Nimrod or Hercules) hath written a large discourse, entitled Gigantomachia, and strained his brains to prove, that there were never any such men: his reasons (whosoever desires to loose time) he may find them in the Treatises beforenamed. It is true that Cyrillus reproves the Grecian Poets for their monstrous fictions: who affirm shamelessly, That the Giants have in elder times not only cast up Mountains upon Mountains, but removed Islands out of the Sea, with like fooleries. And for that invention of casting up Hills, and making war with the Gods, no doubt but that the same was borrowed out of the story of Nimrod, as before remembered; and even out of this Scripture, That the Sons of God seen the Daughters of Men, of whom the first Giants were begotten, was that conceit taken of Orpheus and Hesiodus, That Giants were the sons of the Heaven and the Earth; meaning by the Heavens the sons of God, and by the Earth the Daughters of men: which verses of Orpheus are by john Cassam (who hath written a witty discourse of this subject) thus changed into Latin:  

Nomine coelestes illos dixêre Gigantes  
Orti quòd terrâ fuerint & sanguine coeli.   

From the Earth, and from thy blood, o heaven, they come,  
Whom thereupon the Gods did Giants name.   
But what will not Opiniators and selfe-beleeving men dispute of, and make doubt of, if they cannot conceive that there were in the first Age such kind of men; and of which there have been in all times since? Seeing the Scriptures avow the one manifestly, and common experience the other?  
And for that superlative straining of words, and the meaning of them, that the name of Giants was given to Oppressors and Tyrants, and not to strength of body and eminent stature: such men might with better reason call them Oppressors, because they were Giants, and therefore had ability to oppress, then say, That they were called Giants only, because Oppressors. For first, Moses himself calleth them mighty men; which showeth a strength surpassing others: and afterwards, men of renown, (that is) of great undertaking and adventurous action. And if the same stature of body, and ability had not been found among divers Nations after the general flood, then might this place of Moses have more willingly hearkened to a dispute, and yielded to interpretation.  
But besides all these famous Giants found in profane Histories (which I will reserve to accompany the Giants of Albion, in the story of Brittany) the Scriptures do clearly and without all allegorical construction avow, That, besides Nimrod, there were found of these Giants in the time of Abraham, of Moses, of josua, and of 
Gen. 14. 5.  David; namely, the Rephaims in Asteroth; the Zuzaei or Zanzummims in Ham, and the 
Num. 15. 34.  Emims, which dwelled anciently in the Land of Moab: whom Moses (for stature) compareth 
Deut. 2. v. 21. 20  with the Anakims, which dwelled in Hebron; for they also were taken for Giants as the Anakims: Likewise, where Moses speaketh of the Land of Ammon, he useth these words: That also was taken for a land of Giants, for Giants dwelled therein afore-times: 
Vers. 21.  and, whom the Ammonites call Zamzummims: a people that was great, and many, and tall as the Anakims. And these Giants called Rephaims in Asteroth and Karnaim, and the Zuzaei or Zanzummims, Chedorlaomer King of Elam overthrew, assisted by other Kings his associates. Also the Prophet Amos found among the Ammonites men of 
Amos c. 1.  Giantlike stature, whom he compareth to the Cedar, and whose strength to the Okes; and the Prophet BARUCH, These were the Giants famous from the beginning, that were 
Bar. 3. v. 26.  of so great stature, and so expert in war. Particularly it is written of Og, King of 
Dear. 3. v. 11.  Basan, that his bed of iron was nine cubits long, and four cubits broad: for only Og King of Basan remained of the remnants of the Giants, who commanded the Kingdom of Basan, four hundred years after the Expedition of Chedorlaomer. Moreover, those Discoverers and Searchers of the Land of promise (sent by Moset from Cadesbarre in Paran) made report at their return of the great stature of those people in general, and especially of the sons of Anak, in these words: All the 
Num. 13. v. 34.  people which we seen in it are men of great stature: for there we seen Giants, the sons of ANAK, which come of the Giants, so that we seemed in our sights like Grasshoppers, and so we were in their sight, (that is) the Searchers found in their own judgements a marvelous difference between the Anakims and themselves: insomuch that the Israelites were so stricken with fear, as they rather sought and desired to return again into Egypt, and were more willing to endure their former slavery, then to fall by the 
Cap. 14. 4.  strokes of those fearful Nations. Furthermore, the Scriptures put us out of doubt, 
1. Sam. 17. 4.  that Goliath the 〈◊〉 of Gath, was a Giant of six cubits and a span long: the Armour which he wore weighed five thousand shickles of brass: the shaft of his spear was like a weavers beam, and his spear head weighed six hundred shickles of iron. Also in Samuel there is mention of another Goliath, surnamed Getheus, because 
2. Sam. 21. v. 19  he was of Gath: and of three other Giants; of which the first was slain by jehonathan, 
1. Cbron. 20. 21.  David's 〈◊〉, who had twelve fingers, and as many toes: a man of great stature, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were by six, even four and twenty.  
Also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 surpassing strength, no man doubteth, who tore a Lion 
〈◊〉. 14. 6.  as it 〈◊〉 been a Kid, and after 〈◊〉 thirty of the Philistines, and (after that) a 
14. 19  thousand more of them with a jaw-bone of an Ass: And lastly, he took the gates 
16. 3.  of 〈◊〉, and the two Posts, and lifted them away with the bars, and put them upon his shoulders, and carried them to the top of the Mountain before Ebron. If then it be approved by every judgement, that both Nature and the Heavens wax old, and that the great age of Time hath (with itself) enfeebled and almost worn out the virtue of all things, than I say, That as in all other kinds the Earth (before that 〈◊〉 had increased the curse and corruption) brought forth her young ones more strong and beautiful, than it did in after-ages: so also those Giants, those mighty men, and men of renown as far exceeded the proportion, nature, and strength of those Giants, remembered by Moses of his own time, and after him their successors, as the ordinary proportion of all men in general, soon after the flood and in times far off, exceeded the bulks and bodies of men which are now borne in the withered quarter and Winter of the world: If therefore Giants were common in the third and fourth age, much more in the first flourishing youth and newness of the world.  
But the wickedness (especially in 〈◊〉 and oppression) of these men was such, as God therefore by the flood gave end to all flesh, but to the just Noah and his family. And God repent him that he had made man, which S. Augustine thus expoundeth: 
Gen. 6. 6.  Neque enim sicut hominem, ita Deum facti sui poenitet, cuius est de omnibus omninò 
De civit 〈◊〉 l. 15. c. 〈◊〉.  rebus tam fixa sententia, quàm certa praescientia. Sed si non utatur 〈◊〉 a talibus verbis, non se quodammodo familiarius insinuabit omni generi hominum, quibus vult esse consultum: ut & perterreat superbientes, & excitet negligentes, & exerceat quaerentes, & alat intelligentes; God (saith he) doth not repent him of any thing which he hath done: (as men use to do) but if the Scripture did not use those words or the like, it should not (in a sort) insinuate itself familiarly to all sorts of men, for whom it would provide: that it might terrify the proud, stir up the negligent, exercise the searchers of truth, and nourish those that understand.    

CHAP. VI Of idolatrous corruptions, quickly rising, and hardly at length vanishing in the world: and of the Relics of Truth touching these ancient times, obscurely appearing in Fables and old Legends.  

§. I. That in old corruptions we may find some signs of more ancient truth.  
HERE before we proceed any further, the occasion offereth itself for us to consider, how the Greeks' and other more ancient Nations, by fabulous inventions, and by breaking into parts the Story of the Creation, and by delivering it over in a mystical sense, wrapping it up mixed with other their own trumpery, have sought to obscure the truth thereof; and have hoped, that after-ages, being thereby brought into many doubts, might receive those intermixed discourses of God and Nature, for the inventions of Poets and Philosophers, and not as any thing borrowed or stolen out of the books of God. But as a skilful and learned Chemist can aswell by separation of visible elements draw helpful medicines out of poison, as poison out of the most healthful herbs and plants (all things having in themselves both life and death) so, contrary to the purposes and hopes of the Heathen, may those which seek after God and Truth find out everywhere, and in all the ancient Poets and Philosophers, the Story of the first Age, with all the works and marvels thereof, amply and lively expressed.   

§. II That the corruptions themselves were very ancient: as in the family of NOAH, and in the old Egyptians.  
But this defection and falling away from God, which was first found in Angels, and afterwards in Men (the one having erred but once, the other ever) as concerning mankind it took such effect, that thereby (the liberal grace of God being withdrawn) all the posterity of our first Parents were afterwards borne and bred in a world, suffering a perpetual Eclipse of spiritual light. Hence it was that it produced plants of such imperfection and harmful quality, as the waters of the general flood could not so wash out or depure, but that the same defection hath had continuance in the very generation and nature of mankind. Yea, even among the few sons of Noah, there were found strong effects of the former poison. For as the children of Sem did inherit the virtues of Seth, Enoch, and Noah; so the sons of Cham did possess the vices of the sons of Cain, and of those wicked Giants of the first Age. Whence the Cbaldeans began soon after the flood to ascribe divine power and honour to the Creature, which was only due to the Creator. First, they worshipped the Sun, and then the fire. So the Egyptians and Phoenicians did not only learn to leave the true God, but created twelve several gods, and divine powers, whom they worshipped; and unto whom they built Altars and Temples. For Herodotus saith, Duodecim Deorum 
Herod. in Euterpe.  nomina primos Aegyptios in usu habuisse, atque Graecos ab illis cepisse mutuatos, eosque prius aras, & imagines, & templa Dijs sibi erexisse; The Egyptians (saith he) first devised the names of the twelve Gods, which the Greeks' received from them, who first erected unto themselves Altars, Images, and Temples for the Gods.   

§. III That in process of time these lesser errors drew on greater: as appeareth in the gross Superstitions of the Egyptians.  
BUT as men once fallen away from undoubted truth, do then after wander for evermore in vices unknown, and daily travail towards their eternal perdition: so did these gross and blind Idolaters every Age after other descend lower and lower, and shrink and slide downwards from the knowledge of one true and very GOD; and did not thereby err in worshipping mortal men only, but they gave divine reverence, and had the same respect to Beasts, Birds, Fish, Fowls, Winds, Earth, Water, Air, Fire, to the Morning, to the Evening, to Plants, Trees and Roots, to Passions and and Affections of the Mind, to Paleness, Sickness, Sorrows, yet to the most unworthy and basest of all these. Which barbarous blasphemy, Rhodius Anaxandrides 
Nat. Com. l. 1. c. 7  derideth in this manner.  

Bovem colis, ego This macto bovem.  
Tumaximum Anguillam Deum putas: 〈◊〉  
Obsoniorum credidi suavissimum.  
Carnes suillas tu caves, at gaudeo  
Hijs maximè: canem colis, quem verbero  
Edentem ubi deprehendo fortè obsonium.   

I sacrifice to God the Beef, which you adore.  
I broil the Egyptian Eels, which you (as God) implore:  
You fear to eat the flesh of Swine, I found it sweet.  
You worship Dogs, to beaten them I think meet,  
When they my store devour.   

And in this manner IWENAL.  
Porrum aut cape nefas violare aut frangere morsu: 
Sat. 15. 2. 9   
O sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in hortis  
Numina!   

The Egyptians think it sin to root up, or to bite  
Their Leeks or Onions, which they serve with holy rite:  
OH happy Nations, which of their own sowing  
Have store of gods in every Garden growing!    

§. FOUR That from the relics of ancient Records among the A gyptians and others the first Idols and Fables were invented: and that the first JUPITER was CAIN, WLCAN, TUBALCAIN, etc.  
BUT in so great a confusion of vanities, were among the Heathens themselves there is no agreement or certainty, it were hard to find out from what example the beginnings of these inventions were borrowed, or after what ancient pattern they erected their building, were it not certain, that the Egyptians had knowledge of the first Age, and of whatsoever was done therein, partly from some inscriptions upon stone or metal remaining after the Flood, and partly from Mizraim the son of Cham, who had learned the same of Cham, and Cham of his Father Noah. For all that the Egyptians writ of their ancient Kings, and date of times cannot be feigned. And though other Nations after them had by imitation their jupiters' also, their Saturn's, Vulcan's, and Mercuries with the rest, which S. Augustine out of Varro, Eusebius out of many profane 
Aug. l 19 c. 22.  Historians; Cicere, Diodorus Siculus, Arnobius, and many more have observed, 
De Civit. Dei.  to wit, the 〈◊〉, Phrygians, Cretians, Greeks', and other Nations; yet was Cain 
Euseh. l. 1. 〈◊〉. evang. c. 7. & li. 2. c. 23.  the son of Adam (as some very learned men conceive) called and reputed for the first and ancient 〈◊〉; and Adam for the first Saturn: for jupiter was said to have 
Cic. l. 3. de nat. Dcorum.  invented the founding of Cities; and the first City of the World was built by Cain, 
Arnob. 4. contra Gent.  which he called Enoch, of whom were the Henochij before remembered. And so much may be gathered out of Plato in Protagoras, which also Higinus in his 275. Chapter confirmeth. For besides that, many Cities were founded by divers men; Tamen primam latissimam à primo & antiquissimo jovae 〈◊〉: yet the first and largest was built by the first and most ancient JUPITER, seated in the East parts, or in India, according to that of MOSES: And 〈◊〉 dwelled towards the East side of Eden, etc. where also the 
Gen. 4. 16.  Henochij were found after the Flood. And therefore was jupiter by the Athenians called Polieus, a Founder of Cities, and Herceios, an Encloser or strengthener of Cities; (say Phornutus and Pausanias) and that to jupiter Herceios there were in very many 
Phorn. l. denatura Deorum. Pansan. l. 4. 5. & 10. 〈◊〉.  places Altars & Temples erected. And that there were Cities built before the Flood, Plato also witnesseth, as may be gathered in this his affirming, that soon after Mankind began to increase, they built many Cities; which as his meaning he delivereth in plain terms, in his third Book of Laws: for he saith, that Cities were built an exceeding space of time before the destruction by the great Flood.  
This first jupiter of the Ethnics was then the same Cain, the son of Adam, who marrying his own Sister (as also jupiter is said to have done) inhabited the East, where Stephanus de urbibus placeth the City Henochia. And besides this City of Henoch, Philo 〈◊〉 conceiveth that Cain built six others, as Maich, Iared, Tehe, 〈◊〉, Selet and Gebat: but where Philo had this I know not. Now as Cain was the first 
Gen. 4. 20. 21. 22  jupiter, and from whom also the Ethnics had the invention of Sacrifice: so were jubal, Tubal and Tubalcain (Inventors of Pastorage, Smiths-craft, and Music) the same, which were called by the ancient profane Writers, Mercurius, Vulcan and Apollo; 
〈◊〉. l. 4. c. 27.  and as there is a likelihood of name between Tubalcain and Valcan: so doth Augustine expound the name of Noema or Naamath, the Sister of Tubalcain, to signify Venusta, or beautiful Voluptas, or pleasure; as the wife of Vulcan is said to be Venus, the Lady of pleasure and beauty. And as Adam was the ancient and first Saturn, Cain the eldest jupiter, Eva, Rhea, and Noema or Naamah the first Venus: so did the Fable of the dividing 〈◊〉 the World between the three Brethrens the Sons of Saturn arise, from the true Story of the dividing of the Earth between the three Brethrens the Sons of Noah: so also was the Fiction of those Golden Apples kept by a Dragon taken from the Serpent, which tempted Evah: so was Paradise itself transported out of Asia into Africa, and made the Garden of the Hesperides: the prophecies, that Christ should break the Serpent's head, and conquer the power of Hell, occasioned the Fables of Hercules kill the Serpent of Hesperides, and descending into Hell, and captivating Cerberus: so out of the taking up of Henoch by God, was borrowed the conversion of their Heroes (the Inventors of Religion, and such Arts as the life of man had profit by) into Stars and Heavenly Signs, and (withal) that leaving of the World, and ascension of 〈◊〉; of which Ovid:  Vltima 〈◊〉 terras Astraea reliquit; 
ovid. Met. l. 1.  Astraea last of heavenly Wights the Earth did leave. 
For although thereby the Ethnics would understand justice itself to have failed, 
Nat. Com. l. 2. c. 2  as it is a virtue abstract, and may be considered without a person; yet as it is usual among the ancient Potes to describe Virtues and Vices by the persons of Men and Women, as Desire by Cupid, Valour by Mars, Beauty or Lust by Venus, so do they also the persons of Men by like Virtues and Vices, and therefore by justice and 〈◊〉, Enoch: the justice and piety of Enoch being in the same manner expressed, as 
V 1.  that of Noah was by Moses, for Noah was said to be a just man; And NOAH walked 
Gen. 7.  with God. And of Enoch it is written, that he walked with God, and he was no more seen: 
Gen. 5. 22. 24.  for God took him away.  
From this Story also of the first Age, and from that part where Moses remembreth the Giants begotten by the Sons of good men upon the Daughters of the wicked (whom Moses calleth mighty men, and men of renown) did they steal those wondrous great acts of their ancient Kings, and powerful Giants; and again their war undertaken against the gods, from the building of the Tower of Babel by the Giant Nimord, as S. Augustine termeth him. Which war of their Giants 
L. de Civit. Dei.  Cornelius Severus thus describeth:  

Tentauêre (nef as) olim detrudere mundo  
Cider a, captivique JOVIS transferre Gigantes  
Imperium, & victo leges imponere coelo.   

The Giants did advance their wicked hand  
Against the Stars, to thrust them headlong down,  
And robbing JOVE of his Imperial Crown, On conquered Heavens to lay their proud command.   
Whereby was meant that Nimrod purposed to raise the building of Babel to that height, as God neither by drawing waters from the deep, not by any conjunction of the Stars, should bury them under the moisture of a second Flood, but that by this building (if they had been herein victorious) they would have given the Law to Heaven itself. Also the making of Leagues, Peace and Covenants among Heathen Nations and Kings, confirmed by Sacrifice, where of Virgil both in the eight and twelfth of his Aeneides hath a touch, was as it seemeth borrowed from Moses, Exod. 24. Who when he read the Book of the Covenant, sprinkled the people with blood.  
We found also many remembrances of Seth, the paternal ancestor of Henoch and 
joseph. l. 1. contra Appian.  Noah: for Amenophis, the same King of Egypt, which reigned at such time as Moses carried thence the children of Israel, (as of late some learned men mistaking his time supposed) called his Son and Successor Setho, of Seth, and of the same Seth (as many men of good judgement have granted) were the Princes of Thrace called Seuthes, whereof there were many very famous. But herein was the memory of 
Plut. in Iside.  Seth most manifestly preserved, that the Egyptians worshipped Seth, as their most ancient parent, and of the first tradition: in honour of whom they called a principal Province Setheitica. We also find in Bythinia the City of Sethia, and others of 
Strab. l. 17.  the same name elsewhere. And sure from the Egyptians did the 〈◊〉 borrow this kind of theology, though they scorned to acknowledge any antiquity preceding their own; and that they might not seem to learn elsewhere, they gave the same names to their own Idols which the Egyptians did to theirs.   

§. V Of the three chiefest JUPITER'S; and the strange Story of the third.  
BUT of all those Armies of jupiters' remembered by the Ancients, Cicero maketh but three, because those were of most fame: which other Writers have also done, who sought out, and laboured in their originals.  
The first was jupiter, the son of Aether and Dies, so called, because the one had reference to his celestial conditions (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as shining or pure fire) the other discovered his natural virtues, which days and times make more perfect, and are the witnesses of men's actions.  
The second was said to be the son of Coelum or Heaven, for the same former respect; and this jupiter was an Arcadian, and King of Athens.  
The third of whom all the 〈◊〉 Fables were devised, was of Crect (now Candie) the son of Saturn and Ops. The name derived from the Latin is taken of 〈◊〉 Pater, from the Greek Word Zeus, it signifieth life, but somewhat strained. Boccas in his Genealogy of the gods conceiveth, that his name was borrowed from jupiter the Planet; but whither that Star had such a name, before the same was given to men, I know not. jupiter is hot and moist, temperate, modest, honest, adventurous, liberal, merciful, loving, and faithful, (that is) giving these inclinations. And therefore those ancient Kings beautified with these conditions, might be called there after jupiter; but howsoever they were, or were not with those virtues enriched, yet, by imitation, all kings in the eldest times assumed those Titles and Surnames: great Princes affecting as high Titles of honour and reputation in the World, (howsoever deserved) as the worthiest, that ever were, acquired by their well deferuing. Ioues omnes Reges vocârunt antiqui, The Ancients called all King's JUPITER'S, as TZETZES in his Varia historia confirmeth: Regesolim joves vocârunt omnes: In old times all Nations called their Kings JUPITER'S. But where this last and most remembered JUPITER was borne it is uncertain. Some there are that make him of Crect: others, that he was but sent thither by his Mother Ops or Opis, to be fostered and 
Nat. Com. l. 1. c. 7  hidden from the fury of Titan his Uncle: because it was conditioned between Saturn and Titan, that Saturn being a younger brother, and reigning (for his own life) by Titan's permission, he should put to death all his male children, jest the Titans might be interrupted by any of them in their succession; which agreement because Saturn performed in his first borne, it is feigned that Saturn devoured his own children. Hereof Lycophron, thus turned into Latin:  

Haud fit pinguior,  
Crudis sepulchrum quòd sit ipse 〈◊〉.   

Saturn to be the fatter is not known,  
By being the grave and burial of his own.   
This composition between Titan and Saturn, Sibylla also witnesseth in these;  

Conceptis verbis; TITAN jurare 〈◊〉  
SATURNUM, de senatum ne nutriat ullum,  
Quo possint regnare senis post fata Nepotes.   

Things thus agreed: Titan made Saturn swear  
No Son to nourish; which by reigning might  
Usurp the right of Titan's lawful Heir.   
But Opis the mother of jupiter, being delivered at once both of jupiter and juno, conveyed jupiter (first called Lysanias) into Crete, as she did afterwards his two brothers, Neptune and Pluto: where he was brought up in Gnossus, the chief City of that Island, by Cresta the King, or by the Curetes, a people and Nation thereof. 
Euseb. in Temp.   
Other challenge him to be of Thebes, and a Theban: others call him an Arcadian: others make him of Messena. The like contention is found among the Greeks' touching his education and first fostering. Some affirm, that he was fed by Hony-bees: in recompense whereof he changed their black coats and skins into yellow; a reward well fitting such a God: others, that he was nourished by Bears: others, by Goats: and of all these the idle Greeks' have many pretty Tales But in the end when Titan had knowledge, that Saturn had broken his faith, he set on him, and took him and his wife Prisoners, whom jupiter again rescued and delivered.  
But lastly, the Father and the Son equally ambitious, the one doubted the other. Saturn being the less powerful fled into Italy, and left his Kingdoms in Greece to his son. And although this Prince at the first purchased great honour, and for his many virtues the name of jupiter was given him; yet, after he was once settled and become potent, he gave himself over wholly to palliardize and adultery, without all respect of honour, Law, or Religion. And it is reported by such, as do ascribe the actions of many to one jupiter, that not therewith satisfied, he was afterwards known to offend in the sin of Sodom with Ganimedes and others; and did not only begin with incest, marrying his own sister juno, but he ravished, betrayed, stole away, and took by strong hand all the beautiful women borne in his time, within the limits of his own Kingdoms, or bordering them. Among whom these hereafter written were of greatest fame, Niobe, Laodemia, and 〈◊〉 the wife of Amphitryon, by whom he had Pelasgus, Sarpedon, Argus, and Hercules: by Taygete he had Taygetus; of whom the Mountain Taygetus took name, with another son called Saon, of whom Savona: by Antiope he had Amphion and Zetus: by Leda Castor and Pollux, Helen and Clytaemnestra: by Danaë Perseus: by jordana Deucalion: by Charm (the daughter of Eubulus) Britomartis, by Protogenia he had Athlius the Father of Endymion; and by Io (the Daughter of Inachus) Epaphus, the Founder of Memphis in Egypt: which Epaphus married Libya, of whom that Country took name, for so the Greeks' afterward called Africa. He ravished Aegina the Daughter of Aesopus, and carried her into the Island Oenopia or Oenotria, afterward called Aegina, on whom he begat Aeacus: by Torrhebia he had Archesilaus' and Carbius: by Ora Colaxes: he had also Dardanus by Electra, who built Dardanium, afterward Ilum and Troy. He begat the Brothers Talici, on Thalia, and on Garamantis Hiarhas. He had beside these (if they belie not their chief God) Phileus and Pilumnus, inventors of Baker's Craft; and I know not how many more; but I know well that he could not be Father to all these, who were borne in Ages so far differing. And of these his several ravishments, betray, stealing away of men's Wives, Daughters and Sons, buying of Virgins, and the like, come in all those ancient Fables of his transformations into showers of Gold, Eagles, Bulls, Birds, and Beasts; and of him, and by him (in effect) all that rabble of 〈◊〉 Forgeries. And yet did not the Greeks' and Romans fear to entitle this Monster, Optimus Maximas, though 〈◊〉 in his second Book de 〈◊〉 Deorum affirm, that he deserved nothing less, and in his Oration pro domo sua, reproacheth Clodius for his Incest, by the name of jupiter. His burial was in Crete (saith Lucian) Cretenses non solùm natum apud se & sepultum 
Luc. in 〈◊〉.  JOVEM testantur, sedetiam sepulchrum eius ostendunt; The Cretians or Candians do not only 〈◊〉 that JUPITER was borne and buried among them, but they show his grave and sepulchre: which Epiphanius also confirmeth, for in his time there remained the Monuments of his Tomb in the Mountain jasius. This Callimachus in his Hymns also witnesseth, but as offended thereat, saith thus;  

The Cretians ever Liars were, they care not what they say:  
For they a Tomb have built for thee, OH King, that liv'st always.   
Diodorus Siculus tells by way of report from the Libyan Fables, confirmed (as he 
Diod. l. 2. c. 5.  saith) by some Greek Writers, that the original of these gods was from the Western parts of Africa. For there among the Atlantidae reigned one Uranus (which signifieth Heaven) called so for his great skill in Astrology, and for his knowledge, and benefits to the people, honoured by them as a God after his death. He had by many Wives 45. Sons; but by his principal Wife Titea, he had 17. Sons and two Daughters, all which were called after their Mother's name the Titanes. Of Titea, likewise it is said, that she for her goodness was canonised as a Goddess, being dead, and called the Earth, as her Husband was styled Heaven. But of all the children of Titea, her Daughter Basilea (which name sounding as Queen in English, she is by the Latin Translator of Diodorus called Regina) excelling the rest as far in virtue as in years, was by general consent of her Brethrens, and of the people, appointed to rule as Queen after her Father's death, being as yet a Virgin. She took to Husband her Brother Hyperion, to whom she bore a Son and a Daughter, called Sun and Moon. The beauty and towardliness of these children moved her Brethrens to envy, and bred in them a fear of being excluded from the Succession: wherefore they took the Boy and drowned him in the River Eridanus, now called Poe. The loss of this child caused his Sister to break her own neck; and the loss of both her Children made the Mother to play many mad pranks, dancing with Cymbals, after a wild fashion, in sight of all the people, before whom she is said to have vanished away. E'er she died, her Son (as the Fable hath it) signified unto her in a Dream, that he and his Sister by the providence of God should become immortal, that also the Sun and Moon should be called by their names, and that their death should be revenged upon the Murderers. According to which it is said, that the people did so call those two Planets, and withal held herself as a Goddess, and termed her the great Mother, which name they had formerly given to her, for her motherly care in cherishing her Brethrens whilst they were young. Hyperion and his Race being extinguished, the other Sons of Uranus divided the Kingdom. Of these Atlas and Saturn were chief. Atlas reigned over the Countries lying about the Mountains, which afterward bore his name; a just and wise Prince, deeply skilful in Astrology, and for invention of the Sphere, said to have supported Heaven. He had many Sons; but the principal of them called Hesperus, being of his Father's qualities and studies, was said to have been carried away by the Wind, from the top of an high Hill in the midst of his Contemplations, and his name in honour of him, imposed by the people upon the Morning Star. The seven Daughters of Atlas were also said to have been excellent Ladies, who accompanying such as come to be deified, or registered among the Worthies, brought forth Children, answerable in quality to those that begat them. Of these it is held, that the seven Stars called Pleyades took name. Saturn the Brother of Atlas reigned in Sicilia, part of Africa and Italy. jupiter another of the Sons of Uranus, reigned in Crete; who had ten Sons which he called Curetes; he called that Island after his wives name Idea; in which Isle he died, and was buried. But this jupiter must not have been that great one, but Uncle to the Great jupiter, if these Fables of the Libyans were true. Saturn (as these Libyans tell the Tale) was a great Tyrant, and fortified strong places, the better to keep his people in subjection. His Sister Rhea was married to Hammon, who reigned in some part of Africa. Hammon loving others as well as his Wife, or better, got a Daughter, called Minerva, near to the River Triton, who thereupon was called Tritonia. He also begat on Amalthea a Son called Bacchus, whom he caused secretly for fear of his life to be brought up at Nysa, an Island in the River Triton, under the tuition of his Daughter Minerva, and certain Nymphs. To Amalthea he gave in reward a goodly Country, that lay on the Sea-coast, bending in form of a horn, whence grew the Tale of Amalthea's plentiful Horn, famous among the Poets. When Rhea heard these news, she fled from her Husband to her Brother Saturn, who not only entertained her as a Sister, but took her to wife, and at her instigation made war upon Hammon, vanquished him by assistance of the Titanes, and made him flee into Crete. The Curetes, jupiters' children before mentioned, held the Island at that time; which was new named Crete by Hammon, after the name of Creta the King's Daughter, whom he took to wife, and had with her (women as may seem being very gracious in those times) the Kingdom. Bacchus was grown a proper young man, had found out the making of wine, the art of planting trees, and many things else commodious for mankind, before the flight of his Mother in law. Now therefore hearing report of all that had happened, and that Saturn was coming against him with the Titanes; he levied an Army, to which the Amazons living not far from Nysa, added great forces, in love of Minerva, who was entered into their profession. So Bacchus leading the men, and Minerva the women, they set forward against Saturn, met him, overthrew him, and taking many of the Titanes prisoners, returned to Nysa; where pardoning the prisoners, that promised to become his true followers, he prepared for a second Expedition. In the second Expedition he behaved himself so well, that he won the love of all the people by whom he passed; insomuch that partly for good affection to him, partly in hatred of Saturn's rigorous government, he was greatly strengthened, and the Enemy as much enfeebled by daily revolts. Coming to the City of Hammon, he won a battle of Saturn, before the very walls. After which Saturn with his wife Rhea fled by night, setting the Town on fire to despite Bacchus. But they were caught in their flight, pardoned by Bacchus, and kindly entreated. Saturn had a young son by Rhea, called jupiter. This child Bacchus took with him in a great Expedition that he made into the East countries; and coming into Egypt, he left this jupiter, being then a Boy, Governor of the Country; but appointed unto him as an Overseer, one Olympus, of whom jupiter grew to be called Olympius. Whilst Bacchus travailed through all Nations, as far as into India, doing good in all places, and teaching many things profitable to the life of man; the Titanes had found out his Father Hammon in Crete, and began to war upon him. But Bacchus returned out of India, with whom jupiter from Egypt, and his sister Minerva, together with the rest that afterwards were held as gods, joining all their forces, went into Crete, overthrew the Titanes, chased them, took, and slew them, and freed the world of them all. After all this, when Hammon and Bacchus were dead, they were deified; and the great jupiter the son of Saturn succeeding them, reigned Lord alone over all the world, having noon of the Titanes left alive, nor any other to disturb him. Between this tale of the Libyan Gods, and the Egyptian fables of Osiris, there is a rude resemblance, that may 'cause them both to be taken for the crooked Images of some one true history. For the expeditions of Osiris, and of Bacchus; the wars of the Giants in the one story, of the Titanes in the other; the Kingdom of Egypt given by Hercules Lybicus to Orus, by Bacchus to jupiter, the Rattles of Isis, and the Cymbals of Basilea, with many petty circumstances, nearly enough resemble each other, howsoever not alike fitted to the right persons, Sanchoniato (as Eusebius cites him) would have all these to be Phaenicians, 
Euseb. l. 1. c. 7.  and is earnest in saying, That it is a true story, and no Allegory. Yet he makes it seem the more allegorical, by giving to Uranus or Heaven for Daughters, Fate and Beauty, and the like, with addition of much fabulous matter, omitted by Diodorus, though Diodorus have enough. To the Genealogy he adds Elius or the Sun, as Father of Uranus, and among the children of Uranus, japetus, Baetilus, and Dagon (whom Diodorus doth not mention by their names) giving withal to Uranus the proper name of 〈◊〉 or Indigena, and of Illus to Saturn, but omitting jupiter of Crete. The Pedigree of them is this:   

§. VI Of CHAMLET, and other wicked ones, whereof some got, some affected the name of Gods.  
OF jupiter Belus, the son of Saturnus Babylonicus, otherwise Nimrod, it seemeth that Cicero had not heard, (at lest by that name) who was more ancient than any of the former three by him remembered: for long after these times were the Greeks' but Saluages, if they seek no farther off for their Gods.  
But the Egyptians, even after the flood, began (somewhat before this Chaldaean jupiter) to entitle Cham, the parent of their own Mizraim, jupiter Chammon, or Hammon. For the Etymology of this word (Hammon) which the Greeks' deduce 
〈◊〉 de Oracul.  ab arenis; from the sands, is ridiculous (saith Peucer;) neither yet is his own much better, who brings it from Hammath, which signifieth heat: because the said Temple of jupiter Hammon was seated in Libya, where the air is exceeding hot and scorching. And as for the antiquity of the latter jupiter (among the Greeks' and Romans the most renowned) it is certain that he was borne not long before the war of Troy, as by many of his sons is made manifest; namely, Castor, 〈◊〉, Hercules, Sarpedon, and others, which lived in that age of Priumus, under whom, and with whom Troy was destroyed.  
Now seeing that mortal men, and the most wicked, were esteemed immortal among the Heathen; it was not to be wondered at, that Alexander Macedon, Tiberius, Nero, Caligula, and others, sought to be numbered among them, who were as deformed monsters as the rest: For by what reason could the same Deity be denied unto Laurentia and Flora, which was given to Venus? seeing they were as notorious and famous Harlots as she was.   

§. VII. That the wiser of the ancient Heathen had far better opinions of God.  
But that ever Pythagoras, or Plato, or Orpheus, with many other ancient and excellently learned, believed in any of these fooleries, it cannot be suspected, though some of them (over-busily) have mixed their own inventions with the Scriptures: for, in punishment for their fictions, did Pythagoras hung both Homer and Hesiodus in hell, where he feigned that they were perpetually stung and pinched with Serpents. Yet it cannot be doubted, but that Homer had read over all the books of Moses, as by places stolen thence, almost word for word, may appear; of which justine Martyr remembreth many in that Treatise converted by Mirandula. As for Plato, though he dissembled in somethings, for fear of the Inquisition of the Areopagites, yet S. Augustine hath already answered for him (as before remembered) Et mirificè ijs delectatus est, quae de uno Deo tradita fuerant; And he was greatly delighted in the doctrine of one God, faith justine Martyr. Now howsoever Lactantius pleased to reprehend Plato, because (saith he) Plato sought knowledge from the Egyptians, and the Chaldaeans, neglecting the jews, and the books of Moses: Eusebius, Cyrillus, and Origen, find 
Euseb. Praep. evang. lib. 11. Cyril. count julian.  reason to believe the contrary, thinking that from thence he took the grounds of all by him written of God, or savouring of Divinity: and the same opinion had S. Ambrose of Pythagoras. 
Origen. count 〈◊〉.   
But whither it were out of the same vanity, which possessed all those learned Philosophers 
Ambr. ad Iren. Ep. 6. lib. 1.  and Poets, that Plato also published (not under the right Authors names) those things which he had read in the Scriptures; or fearing the severity of the Areopagites, 
Ariopaguses, or domus seu mons Martis, Mars his hill: a house wherein capital matters were tried: so called at first: because Mars therein first pleaded his cause for the murder of Hulirrothos.  and the example of his Master Socrates, by them put to death by poison, I cannot judge. justine Martyr (as it seemeth) ascribeth it wholly to Plato's fear, whose words among many other of the same effect, are these: PLATO MOSIS mentionem facere, obid, quod unum solumque Deum docuerat, sibi apud Athenienses tutum non putavit, veritus Areopagum; PLATO fearing the Areopagites thought it not safe for him among the Athenians to make mention of MOSES, that he taught that there is but one God. But for that Divinity which he hath written in TIMAEO; id ipsum de Deo disseruit quod & MOSES; He discoursed and taught the same of God (saith JUSTINE MARTYR) which MOSES did. For where it pleased God by his Angel to answer MOSES, Ego sum existens (which is) I am; and, existens misit me ad vos; I am hath sent me unto 
Pausan, in Attic. Nat. Com. l. 2. c. 7 Iust. Mart. 〈◊〉. Gent. fol. 8. 14. ut sup. Exod. 3. 14.  you, herein did Plato (saith justine Martyr) no otherwise differ then that Moses used the word (qui) and Plato the word quod: MOSES enim qui existit (inquit) PLATO quod existit; For MOSES saith, He who is; PLATO, That which is. Now of God's incomprehensible nature, and of the difficulty either to conceive, or express the same, he giveth this testimony: Genitorem Vniversitatis tam difficile est invenire, quàm inventum 
In Timaeo.  impossibile dign profari; It is as hard to find out the Creator of the Universal, as it is impossible, if he were found, to speak of him worthily. And what can be more agreeable to the Majesty of God's nature, than this property by Plato acknowledged? Deus 
De Legib. 1. 10.  bonus, & quidem, Deus causa bonorum: malorum autem omnium non causa; God is absolutely good, and so (assuredly) the cause of all that is good: but of any thing that is evil he is no cause at all: and again, Charitas Dei fuit causa faction is mundi, & origin is omnium rerum; The love of God was the cause of the worlds creating, and the original of all things. APULEIUS the Platonist: Summus Deus infinitus est, non solum loci exclusione, sed etiam naturae dignitate: Et nihil est Deo similius & gratius, quàm vir animo perfecto bonus; The most high God is also an infinite God, not only by exclusion of place, but by the dignity of nature: neither is there any thing more like or more acceptable to God then a man of a perfect heart. THALES affirmed, that God comprehended all things, and that God was of 
Laertius.  all things the most ancient: Quianunquam esse coepit; Because he never had any beginning. ZENO, that God beheld even the thoughts of men. Athenodorus, that therefore all men aught to be careful in the actions of their life, because God was everywhere present, and beheld all done. But what can be more agreeable to Moses story of the Creation, than this opinion and description of the World's beginning in Euripides, Scholar of Anaxagoras?  

Coelum terraque unius formae fuit:  
Sed cum fuissent abiuncta amplexu mutuo,  
Emersit omnis in lucem res progenita,  
Arbores, aves, ferae, quasque affert mare,  
Genusque mortalium.   

Heaven and Earth one form did bear:  
But when disjoined once they were 
 From mutual embraces,   

All things to light appeared then,  
Of trees, birds, beasts, fishes, and men 
 The still-remayning races.   
And as in Pythagoras, in Socrates, and in Plato: so we find the same excellent understanding in Orpheus, who everywhere expressed the infinite and sole power of one God, though he use the name of JUPITER, thereby to avoid the envy and danger of the time; but that he could attribute those things to the sons of men, and mortal creatures, which he doth to this JUPITER, there is no man who hath ever heard of God, that can imagine.  
Nomina Deorum (saith MIRANDULA) quos ORPHEUS canit, non decipientium daemonum, à quibus malum & non bonum provenit; sed naturalium virtutum divinarumque sunt nomina; The names of those Gods whom ORPHEUS doth sing, are not of deceiving Devils, from whom evil comes, and not goodness; but they are the names of natural and divine virtues. Yea, that he yet reacheth higher, and speaketh of God himself, this his instruction to Musaeus, and the Hymn following teach us: Respiciens verò ad divinum hunc sermonem ei diligenter animum advert, intendens cordis rationis capax conceptaculum: rectam autem ascendeviam, & solum aspice mundi Regem. unus est ex se genitus, 
Autogenes.  ex 〈◊〉 omnianata sunt: Ipse vero in illis versatur, nec quisquam cum intueri potest mortalium, sed ipse nihilominus omnes intuetur.  

Than marking this my sacred speech, but truly lend  
Thy heart, that's reasons sphere, and the right way ascend,  
And see the world's sole King. First, he is simply one  
Begotten of himself, from whom is borne alone  
All else; in which he's still, nor could it ere befall  
A mortal eye to see him once, yet he sees all.   
And again the same Author,  

JUPITER omnipotens, & primus, & ultimus idem;  
JUPITER est caput & medium: JOVIS omnia munus.  
JUPITER est fundamen humi & stellantis Olympi.  
JUPITER & mas est, & foemina nescia mortis.  
Spiritus est cunctis, validi vis JUPITER ignis.  
Et Pelagi radix, SOL, LUNA, est JUPITER ipse  
Rex, & origo simul rerum est, & terminus idem.  
Nam priùs occuluit, magno post numine, sacrum  
Cor reserans bonus in dulcem dedit omnia lucem.   

The first of all is GOD, and the same last is he.  
GOD is the head and midst, yea from him all things be.  
GOD is the Base of earth, and of the starred sky.  
He is the male and female too, shall never die.  
The spirit of all is GOD, the SUN, the MOON, and what is higher.  
The King, th'original of all, of all the end.  
For close in holy breast he all did comprehend,  
Whence all to blessed light, his wondrous power did sand.   
Now besides these former testimonies, that all the learned men of ancient times were not so stupid and ignorant, as the Egyptians, Grecians, and other Nations by them infected 〈◊〉 I will only repeat two or three other opinions, and leave the Reader to those large and learned Collections of justine Martyr, Clemens, Lactantius, Eusebius, Eugubinus, Peucer, Plessis, Danaeus, and others. For Cleanthes the Stoic, being demanded of what nature God was, described him by these attributes and properties: Bonus, justus, sanctus, seipsum possidens, utilis, speciosus, optimus, severus, liber, semper commodus, tutus, gloriosus, charitas, etc. Good, just, holy, possessing himself, profitable, beautiful, best, severe, free, always doing good, safe without fear, glorious, and selfe-charitie. EPICHARMUS affirmed, that God who beheld all things, and pierced every nature, was only and everywhere powerful: agreeing with DEMOCRITUS: Rex omnium ipse solus; He is the only King of Kings: and with Pindarus the Poet, Deus unus, Pater, creator summus, atque optimus artifex, qui progressus singuiis diversos secundum merit a praebet; One God, the Father, the most high Creator, and best artificer, who giveth to every thing divers proceed according to their deserts. This God (saith ANTISTHENES) cannot be resembled to any thing, and therefore not elsewhere known; Nisi in patria illa perenni, 〈◊〉 imaginem nullam habes: Save only in that everlasting Country, whose image thou hast noon at all. Hereof also XENOPHANES COLOPHONIUS: unus Deusinter Deos & homines maximus, nec corpore, nec ment mortalibus similis; There is one God among gods and men most powerful, neither corporally, nor mentally like unto mortals: and XENOPHON, Deus qui omnia quatit, & omnia quicscere facit, magnus potensque, quod omnibus patet: 〈◊〉 autem forma sit, nemini, nisi ipsi soli, qui luce sua omnia perlüstrat; God who shaketh all things, and setteth all things at rest, is great and mighty, as is manifest to all: but of what form he is, it is manifest to noon, save only to himself, who illuminateth all things with his own light. Finally, Plato saith: Totius rerum naturae causa, & ratio, & origo Deus, summus animi genitor, aeternus animantium sospitator, assiduus mundi sui opifex, sine propagatione genitor, neque loco, neque tempore ullo comprensus, coque paucis cogitabilis, nemini effabilus; God is the cause, ground, and original of the whole nature of things, the most high Father of the soul, the eternal preserver of living creatures, the continual framer of his world, a begetter without any propagation, comprehended neither in any place, nor time; therefore few can conceive him in thought, noon can express what he is. Therefore was it said by S. JEROME, Si enim cunctos Philosophorum revoluas libros, 
Hieron. in Com. in Dan. In princip.  necesse est ut in eis reperias aliquam partem vasorum Dei, ut apud PLATONEM, fabricatorem mundi, Deum: apud ZENONEM Stoicorum Principem, inferos & immortales animas, etc. If thou consider all the books of the Philosophers, thou canst not but find in them some part of the Vessels of God, as in PLATO, God the Creator of the world: In ZENO Prince of the Stoics, Hell and immortal souls, etc. And this is certain, that if we look into the wisdom of all Ages, we shall find that there never was man of solid understanding or excellent judgement: never any man whose mind the art of education hath not bended; whose eyes a foolish superstition hath not afterward blinded; whose apprehensions are sober, and by a pensive inspection advised; but that he hath found by an unresistible necessity, one true God, and everlasting being, all for ever causing, and all for ever sustaining; which no man among the Heathen hath with more reverence acknowledged, or more learnedly expressed, than that Egyptian Hermes, howsoever it failed afterward in his posterity: all being at length by devilish policy of the Egyptian Priests purposely obscured; who invented new gods, and those innumerable, best sorting (as the Devil persuaded them) with vulgar capacities, and fittest to keep in awe and order their common people.   

§. VIII. That Heathenism and judaisme, after many wounds, were at length about the same time under JULIAN miraculously confounded.  
But all these are again vanished: for the inventions of mortal men are no less mortal than themselves. The Fire, which the Chaldaeans worshipped for a God, is crept into every man's 〈◊〉, which the lack of fuel starueth, water quencheth, and want of air suffocateth: jupiter is no more vexed with juno's jealousies; Death hath persuaded him to chastity, and her to patience; and that Time which hath devoured itself, hath also eaten up both the Bodies and Images of him and his: yea, their stately Temples of stone and durefull Marble. The houses and sumptuous buildings erected to Baal, can no where be found upon the earth; nor any monument of that glorious Temple consecrated to Diana. There are noon now in Phoenicia, that lament the death of Adonis; nor any in Libya, Creta, Thessalia, or elsewhere, that can ask counsel or help from jupiter. The great god Pan hath broken his Pipes, Apollo's Priests are become speechless; and the Trade of riddles in Oracles, with the Devils telling men's fortunes therein, is taken up by counterfeit Egyptians, and cozening Astrologers.  
But it was long ere the Devil gave way to these his overthrows and dishonours: for after the Temple of Apollo at Delphos (one of his chief Mansions) was many times rob, burnt, and destroyed; yet by his diligence the same was often enriched, repaired, and re-edified again, till by the hand of God himself it received the last and utter subversion. For it was first rob of all the Idols and Ornaments therein by the Euboean Pirates: Secondly, by the Phlegians utterly sacked: Thirdly, by Pyrrhus the son of Achilles: Fourthly, by the Army of Xerxes: Fiftly, by the Captains of the Phocenses: Sixtly, by Nero, who carried thence five hundred brazen Images: all which were new made, and therein again set up at the common charge. But whatsoever was gathered between the time of Nero and Constantine, the Christian Army made spoil of, defacing as much as the time permitted them; notwithstanding all this it was again gloriously rebuilt, and so remained till such time as julian the Apostata sent thither to know the success of his Parthian enterprise, at which time it was utterly burnt and consumed with fire from Heaven; and the image of Apollo himself, and all the rest of the Idols therein melted down and lost in the earth.  
The like success had the jews in the same julians' time, when by his permission they assembled themselves to rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem: for while they were busied to lay the foundations, their buildings were overthrown by an Earthquake, and many thousands of the jews were overwhelmed with the ruins, and others slain, and scattered by Tempest and Thunder: though Am. Marcellinus report it more 
Am. Mar. l. 23, cap. 1.  favourably for the jews, ascribing this to the nature of that Element. For, saith he, Allypius and the Ruler of the Province of judaea, being by julian busied in the re-edifying of this Temple, flaming Balls of fire issuing near the foundation, and often consuming the Workmen, made the enterprise frustrate.   

§. IX.. Of the last refuges of the Devil to maintain his Kingdom.  
NOw the Devil, because he cannot play upon the open Stage of this World (as in those days) and being still as industrious as ever, finds it more for his advantage to creep into the minds of men; and inhabiting in the Temples of their hearts, works them to a more effectual adoration of himself then ever. For whereas he first taught them to sacrifice to Monsters, to dead stones cut into faces of Beasts, Birds, and other mixed Natures; he now sets before them the high and shining Idol of glory, the All-commanding Image of bright Gold. He tells them that Truth is the Goddess of dangers and opressions: that chastity is the enemy of Nature; and lastly, that as all virtue (in general) is without taste: so pleasure satisfieth and delighteth every sense: for true wisdom (saith he) is exercised in nothing else, then in the obtaining of power to oppress, and ofriches to maintain plentifully our worldly delights. And if this Arch-politician find in his pupils any remorse, any fear or feeling of God's future judgement, he persuades them that God hath so great need of men's souls, that he will accept them at any time, and upon any conditions: interrupting by his vigilant endeavours all offer of timefull return towards God, by laying those great blocks of rugged poverty, and despised contempt in the narrow passage leading to his divine presence. But as the mind of man hath two Ports, the one always frequented by the entrance of manifold vanities; the other desolate and overgrown with grass, by which enter our charitable thoughts and divine contemplations: so hath that of death a double and twofold opening: worldly misery passing by the one, worldly prosperity by the other: at the entrance of the one we found our sufferings and patience to attended us: (all which have go before us to prepare our joys) at the other our cruelties, covetousness, licentiousness, injustice, and oppressions (the Harbingers of most fearful and terribe sorrow) staying for us. And as the Devil our most industrious enemy was ever most diligent: so is he now more laborious than ever: the long day of Mankind drawing fast towards an evening, and the World's Tragedy and time near at an end.    

CHAP. VII. Of NOAH'S Flood.  

§. I. Of God's forewarning: and some human testimonies: and some doubting touching the truth of NOAH'S Flood.  
OF this destruction it pleased God to give warning unto 
joseph. l. 1. c. 4.  Noah: who (saith josephus) fearing to perish among the rest, Secedens cum suis in aliam regionem migravit: He departed with his children, and travailed into another Region. And of these Giants from whom Noah withdrew himself, Berosus writeth in this manner; That they exceeded in all sorts of inhuman and unnatural wickedness, and that they were contemptores & 〈◊〉 & Deorum, contemners of religion and of the Gods: among which mighty men (saith Berosus) unus erat qui Deorum venerantior, & prudentior cunctis, etc. 〈◊〉 nomen erat NOAH, There was one more wise and 〈◊〉 the Gods then the rest, whose name was NOAH: who with his three sons Sem, japhetus and Cham, and with their Wives, and the Wife of Noah, (namely Titea the great, Pandora, Noela, and Noegla) preserved themselves in the Ark. This Ark God commanded Noah to prepare: And God said unto NOAH, Make thee an Ark of Pine-trees: thou shalt make Cabins in 
Gen. 6. 14. V 13.  the Ark, and shalt pitch it within, and without with Pitch. For God made Noah to know that an end of all flesh was at hand, and that the graves of the rebellious and cruel Generations were already fashioned in the Clouds, which soon after should swallow up and cover all living creatures, which breathed in the Air: Noah and his Family excepted.  
But this universal grave of waters, and general Deluge hath not been received by all: for divine testimonies do not persuade all natural men to those things, to which their own reason cannot reach: Dum obuoluta in obscuro verit as latet: Whilst 
Lact. in Praef. de falsa relic  the truth lieth wrapped up in obscurity. Many there are who have disputed against the universality of this overflowing, and have judged that this Flood of Noah fell but on some particular places and Kingdoms: moved so to think, because in elder ages there have been many other Floods (as they suppose) of that nature. Hereof Nicholaus 〈◊〉 writeth in this manner, as his words are cited by JOSEPHUS: Est super Minyadam excelsus mons in Armenia, qui Baris appellatur, in quo multos confugientes 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 l. 1 c. 4. 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. l. 9 cap. 4.  sermoest dilwij tempore liberatos, & quendam simul in 〈◊〉 devectum in huius vertice haesisse, 〈◊〉 relliquias multo tempore conseruatas, qui fortasse is 〈◊〉, de quo etiam MOSES 〈◊〉 Legislator scribit: thus far this Author. There is (saith he) above Minyada (or the Country of 〈◊〉) an exceeding high Mountain in Armenia, called Baris: on which it is reported, that many having fled thither, were saved in the time of the Deluge: and that one was carried in an Ark, and rested upon the top of the Mountain, whereon there remained a long time after certain pieces thereof; and this might be the same, of which MOSES the Lawgiver of the jews maketh mention. And of this opinion were the Thalmudists (saith Annius) that many Giants saved themselves upon Mount 〈◊〉.  
But Berosus (who after Moses was one of the most ancient, howsoever he have been since deformed and corrupted) doth in the substance of all agreed with Moses as touching the general Flood, taking from thence the beginning of his History in these words: Ante aquarum 〈◊〉 famosam, qua universus perijt Orbis, etc. Before that famous destruction of Waters, by which the World Universal perished: witnessing withal, that Noah with his Wife Titea, and his three Sons with their Wives (in all eight persons) were only saved.   

§. II Of the Flood in the time of 〈◊〉: and that this was not NOAH'S Flood.  
BUT from the vanity of the Greeks', the Corrupters of all truth, (saith Lactantius) who without all ground of certainty vaunt their Antiquity, come the error first of all: who therein flattering themselves also, sought to persuade the World, that there was no Flood preceded the Flood of Ogyges, King of the Thebans in 〈◊〉, or rather of Attica; and therefore saith Rhodoginus; OGYGUM id appellant Poëtae, tanquàm pervetus dixeris, 
〈◊〉. l. 15. c. 33.  ab OGYGE vetustissimo: The Poets gave the name of OGYGIA to things exceeding ancient, as of OGYGES the most ancient.  
But let Ogyges be as ancient as those men can make him, yet it is manifest, that he lived but in jacobs' time (though Eusebius makes him later, and in Moses time) and 
Euseb. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 10. c. 3. Ca 22.  was borne 67. years after him. There is also an opinion, that Ogyges was Cadmus (and then was he far later) as Rhodoginus in the ninth Book of his Antiquities remembreth: Sunt tamen qui in Aegyptoregnâsse autument 〈◊〉: unde sit CADMUS qui in Graeciam profectus Thebas condidit, à 'bove iugulato sic nuncupatas; quontam Syrorum lingua bos dicitur Thebes. There are (saith he) who think that this OGYGES did reign in Egypt, whereby he should be CADMUS, who travailing into Greece built Thebes, so named of a Beef slain: because in the Syrian Language, a Beef is called Thebes.  
But this Flood of Ogyges fell in the year of the World 3440. according to Eusebius, who followed the account of the Septuagint: and the Flood of Noah in the year 2242. after the same account; and so there come 1200. years between these Floods, wanting but two, though herein Eusebius was much mistaken, and corrected this opinion in his Chronologie. Now although the very year and time of this overflowing in 〈◊〉, or rather Attica, be not precisely set down, but that there is a great difference among Writers, yet whosoever makes it most ancient, finds above 500 years difference between that and the general Flood.  
For Paulus Orosius affirms, that this tempest fell upon the Athenians, but 1040. 
Lib. 1. c. 7.  years before Rome built. Bucholzerus saith it was 1043. elder than Rome; which was founded (according to the same Bucholzerus) in the World's year 3219. though after the account which I follow (and whereof I will give my reasons in the Story of Abraham) it was built in the World's year 3280. Now the general Flood preceded the building of Rome (saith Bucholzerus) 1563. years: and the Flood of Ogyges (as before) 1043. Hence it follows by easy calculation, that (if he place Ogyges in his true age) the difference between these two Floods must be 520. years, to which we (allowing 60. more) found 580. And that this of Ogyges was not the same of Noah (except we call Noah, Ogyges priscus, as some do) it appears by this, that 
〈◊〉. Annianus.  the Flood of Ogyges then King of Attica or Ogygia, did not extend itself any further than the banks of Archi-pelago, or the 〈◊〉 Sea. For whereas Mela, Pliny, and 
Mela. lib. 3. Plin. lib. 5. 〈◊〉. cap. 47.  Solinus witness, that the City of joppe in judaea was founded before the Flood; and that (notwithstanding the weight of Waters) there remained on certain Altars 
joppe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orb toto, 〈◊〉 ante inundationem terrarum 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. ibid.  of stone the Title of the King, and of his Brother PHINEUS, with many of the grounds of their Religion: sure, it is no where found among profane Historians nor in the Scriptures, that ever the Flood of Ogyges spread itself over any part of Syria, much less over all the Earth. But that it drowned both the Regions of Attica about Athens, and that of Achaia in Peloponnesus, it is very probable. For it seemeth that at that time it was, when Helice and Bura were swallowed up (Cities seated on the North part of Peloponnesus) of which Ovid:  

Si quaeras Helicoen, & Buran, Achaidos' urbes, 
ovid. Metam. lib. 15. 303.   
invenies sub aquis.   

Bura and Helice on Achaean ground  
Are sought in vain, but under Sea are found.   
Of this Flood of Ogyges was invented the Fable of Apollo and Diana. For Latona 
Nat. Com. l. 1. c. 6  the Daughter of Coeus, the Son of Titan, being beloved and forced by JUPITER, and by him gotten with child, JUNO thereat enraged, permitted her (as they say) no part of the Earth to be delivered on; and withal caused the monstrous Serpent Python to follow and affright her, wheresoever she travailed, till at length arriving at the Isle of Ortygia she was there received: in which she was delivered, first of Diana, and then of APOLLO, being Twins; whereof BARLAAM makes this exposition: That at such time as the Deluge (which happened in Ogyges his Reign) ceased, out of the abundant moisture of the Earth (heat by putrefaction being thereto mixed) there were exhaled such thick mists and fogs, that in Attica, and along the Coasts of the Aegaean Sea, neither the beams of the Sun by day, nor of the Moon by night could pierce the Air, or be perceived by the inhabitants: so as when at length (the Earth being dried, and these vapours dissipated) the Air began to be clear, and the people of Ortygia espied the light of the Moon somewhat before day, and in the same morning the Sun also appeared: fabulously (because DIANA represented 
Plin. l. 4. c. 11.  the Moon, and APOLLO the Sun) they were reported to be borne in the Isle of Ortygia, thereof afterwards called Delos: which signifieth manifestation.  
And surely it is not improbable, that the Flood of Ogyges, being so great, as Histories have reported it, was accompanied with much alteration of the Air sensibly discerned in those parts, and some unusual face of the Skies. Varro in his Books, De gente populi Romani (as he is cited by Saint AUGUSTINE) reporteth out of CASTOR, 
Aug de Civit. 〈◊〉, l. 21. cap. 8.  that so great a Miracle happened in the Star of Venus, as never was seen before, nor in aftertimes: For the colour, the greatness, the figure, and the course of it, were changed. This fell out as ADRASTUS CYZICENUS, and Dion Neapolites, famous Mathematicians affirmed in the time of Ogyges.  
Now concerning the course of that or any other Planet, I do not remember, that I have any where read, of so good Astrologers flourishing among the Greeks', or else where in those days as were likely to make any calculation of the revolutions of the Planets so exact, that it should need no reformation. Of the colour and magnitude. I see no reason why the difference found in the Star of Venus should be held miraculous; considering that lesser mists and fogs, than those which covered Greece with so long darkness, do familiarly present our senses with as great alterations in the Sun and Moon. That the figure should vary, questionless it was very strange: Yet I cannot hold it any prodigy: for it stands well with good reason, that the side of Venus which the Sun beholds, being enlightened by him, the opposite half should remain shadowed; whereby that Planet would, unto our eyes, descrying only that part whereon the light falleth, appear to be horned, as the Moon doth seem; if distance (as in other things) did not hinder the apprehension of our 〈◊〉.  
GALILAEUS, a worthy Ginger now living, who by the help of perspective Glasses hath found in the Stars many things unknown to the Ancients, affirmeth so much to have been discovered in Venus by his late observations. Whither some watery disposition of the Air might present as much to them that lived with Ogyges, as Galilaeus hath seen through his Instrument; I cannot tell: sure I am, that the discovery of a truth formerly unknown, doth rather convince man of ignorance, than nature of error. One thing herein is worthy to be noted, that this great, but particular Flood of Ogyges, was (as appeareth by this of Saint AUGUSTINE) accompanied with such unusual (and therefore the more dreadful, though natural) signs testifying the concurrence of causes with effects in that inundation; whereas the Flood of Noah which was general and altogether miraculous, may seem to have had no other token, or foreshowing, than the long preaching of Noah himself, which was not regarded: for they were eating and drinking, when the Flood come suddenly, 
Luke 17. v. 27.  and took them all away.   

§. III Of DEUCALION'S Flood: and that this was not NOAH'S Flood: nor the umbri in Italy a remnant of any universal Flood.  
A Second Flood of great fame, and of which the time is more certain, was that of Deucalion in Thessalia, of which Saint Augustine out of Varro: His temporibus (ut VARRO scribit) regnant Atheniensibus CRANAO, successore CECROPIS (ut autem nostri, EUSEBIUS & HIERONYMUS) adhuc 〈◊〉 CECROPE permanente, dilwium fuit, quod appellatum est DEUCALIONIS: (that is) In these times (as VARRO reporteth) CRANAUS the successor of CECROPS governing the Athenians, or (as our EUSEBIUS and JEROME say) CECROPS yet living, that Flood (called DEUCALION'S) happened.  
And in the beginning of the eleventh Chapter of the same eighteenth Book, he useth these words: Eduxit ergo MOSES ex Aegypto populum Dei novissimo tempore CECROPIS Atheniensium Regis, cum apud Assyrios 〈◊〉 ASCATADES, apud Sicyonios MARATHUS, apud Argivos TRIOPAS: MOSES led the People of God out Egypt about the latter times of CECROPS King of the Athenians, ASCATADES reigning over the Assyrians, over the Sicyonians MARATHUS, and over the Argives TRIOPAS: so as leaving the curiosity of a few years, more or less, it appeareth, that this Flood of Deucalion was either at the egression of the children of Israel out of Egypt, or near it: and then after Noah 753. years, according to Functius, who makes Cecrops to live in the year of the World 2409. or if we follow MERCATOR, then 739. years after Noah, and in the year of the World 2395. But if Deucalion were borne in the age of the World 2356. according to Codoman; then giving unto Deucalion forty years of age when this Flood happened, it falleth within one year of Mercator's account. But Deucalion by all approved Historians is said to have been 82. years old at that time. Now Clemens Alexandrinus dates the time of this Flood of Deucalion, and the conflagration and burning in phoëtons time, by the Reign of Crotopus King of the Argives; but Crotopus lived King of the Argives six years after Israel departed Egypt, which makes twenty years difference, according to Functius, who will have this Flood and burning to have fallen fourteen years before Moses left Egypt: for he gave of the World's years to the Flood and burning the year 2440. and to Moses his egression the year 2454. And yet Cedrenus thinks that Moses was 
Cedron. l. 1. f. 34.  more ancient, and lived with Inachus; but that cannot be true: for then had the Flood of Deucalion, and the burning of 〈◊〉, preceded the Flood of Ogyges, which is denied by all: for that of 〈◊〉 (called Deucalion's) followed that of Attica (called Ogygia) at lest 250. years or thereabouts. Eusebius in his Chronologie makes it 230. and so doth P. Orosius: Eusebius about the 50. year of Moses life, and Cyrillus about the 67. and both after Noah's Flood 770. years: for these be Clemens 〈◊〉 his words: Fuit autem in Graecia tempore quidem PHORONEI, qui fuit 
Clem. Alex. 1. 〈◊〉. ex Ctes.  post INACHUM, inundatio quae fuit tempore OGYGIS, There happened in Greece in the time of PHORONEUS, who lived after INACHUS, the Flood of OGYGES. Now if the Flood of OGYGES in Attica were 1020. or 1016. years before the first Olympiad, according to Eusebius and Orosius; (as before) then is it manifest, that taking 763. out of this number of 1020. it falls out that Ogyges Flood happened before the Hebrews left Egypt 250. years, or 260. years, according to the difference between the opinions of Eusebius and Orosius. And for myself (who rather follow those Chronologers, 
Euseb. in Chron.  which give 60. years more to Abraham after the Flood, than the rest) I reckon the times which come between these Floods in this sort. The general Flood was in the year of the World 1656. jacob was borne in the year of the World 2169 so as from the beginning of the Flood to JACOB'S birth. there were consumed 513. years. Ogyges Flood happened 100 years after JACOB was borne; and therefore after the general Flood 613. years. Now Deucalion was borne in the year of the World 2356. and had lived 〈◊〉 years, when his Kingdom of Thessaly was overwhelmed; (which added to 2356. make 2438.) his Flood was after Noah's Flood ended 782. years. And hereto Annius his Xenophon agreeth, who makes 700. years between the general Flood and Deucalion's birth; to which add 82. years of his Age (as before) and then the Flood of Thessaly followed the general 782. years. The words of that Xenophon are these: Ab inundatione terrarum adortum DEUCALIONIS, secundo anno Sphaeri, septingenti supputantur anni, qui natus anno duos & octoginta Thessaliam vidit inundatam, From the drowning of the World to the birth of DEUCALION, in the second year of Sphaerus, are numbered 700. years, and when DEUCALION was 82. years old, he seen Thessalia drowned. This Flood happened in the Winter time about Parnassus: witness Aristotle in the first of his Meteors. And Varro (whom Saint 
c. 14.  Augustine so often citeth for his excellent learning, especially in Antiquities) findeth this Flood of Deucalion to have happened in the time of Cranaus, who succeeded Cecrops: Orosius thinks it somewhat later, Amphitryon reigning in Athens, the third from Cecrops. Only this of Deucalion was very great, and reached not only over Thessaly itself, and the Regions adjoining Westward; but it covered the greatest part of Italy: and either the same, or some other particular Flood then happening oppressed Egypt, saith Eusebius. And therefore did the Greeks' either think it, or sane it to be universal; and Deucalion, than King, saving himself and some others on the Mountain of Thessaly (of all other the highest, saith Solinus) was by reason 
Solin l. 14.  thereof (as Strabo witnesseth) said to be the preserver of Mankind. That this Flood 
Strab 〈◊〉. 9  covered a great part of Italy, Pliny and Solinus make it probable: who affirm that 
Plin. l. 3. c. 14. Sol. c. 7. Plin. ibid.  the people then inhabiting Italy were therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: quia ab imbribus dilwij superfuissent; and therefore also were they esteemed the most ancient Nation, as Strabo confirmeth in his first Book, and Trezenius in his second: which umbri these Authors make the Parents of the Sabines, and the Sabines to be the Parents of the Samnites, Piceni, Lucani, Brutij, and all others inhabiting anciently the banks of the Mediterrane Sea. But that these Vmbri were not the Inhabiters of Italy before the Flood of Noah, and so took name by saving themselves upon the Apennine Mountains, the Scriptures teach us: showing who, and who only then were preserved, which is sufficient. Report hath adventured further, telling us that the first people 
Athenaeus dipnosoph. l. 15. out of Draco 〈◊〉 saith that 〈◊〉 was the wife and sister of janus. Lact. l. 1. c. 13.  which after the general Flood inhabited Italy, were the Camesenes; (so named from Camese, whom CATO in originibus, another of Annius his Authors names for a consort of janus) which people lived altogether a savage life; till such time as Saturn arriving on those Coasts, devised Laws to govern them by: the memory of whose acts in that Region Diodor and Thallus among the Greeks', Nepos Cassius and Varro among the Latins have preserved; and of whom Virgil:  

Primus ab aethereo venit SATURNUS Olympo, 
〈◊〉. l. 8. 319.   
Arma JOVIS fugiens, & regnis exul ademptis,  
Is genus indocile, ac disper sum montibus altis  
Composuit, legesque dedit; Latiumque vocari  
Maluit.   

SATURN descending from the heavens high,  
Fearing the Arms of JUPITER his son,  
His Kingdom lost, and banished thence doth fly.  
Rude people on the Mountain tops he won  
To live together, and by laws: which done  
He chose to call it Latium.   
And afterward in the Verses following he speaketh of the Ausones, and after them of the Sicanis: Nations, which again sought to displant the ancient Inhabiters:  Tum manus Ausonia, & gentes venere Sicani, 
Virg. l. 8. Aen.  Than come th'Ausonian bands, and the Sicanian tribes. 
Of these Sicanis (which left Spain and sat down in Italy) Thucydides and Pliny give 
Thucyd. l. 6. Plin. l. 3. c. 5.  testimony: who were again expelled by the Ligij, saith Thucydides. After all these plantations and replantations come the umbri, descended of the Gauls (saith Annius) 
Annius ex Samuele Thalmudista.  not of those Gauls of France, but of those of Scythia, who commanded a great part of Italy, even all Hetruria and Campania, as Herodotus, Pliny, and Dionysius have assured 
Herod. l. 1.  us; and therefore this flood of Deucalion was long after that of Noah. For all 
Plin. l. 3. c. 5.  those Nations were planted in Italy, and dispossessed of Italy again, before the umbri 
Dion. l. 1. & 2.  were ever heard of, or had being. So that Kingdom was first called Camasene, than Latium or Saturnia, than Ausonia, than 〈◊〉; before the umbri (in whose time Deucalion's flood happened) possessed the same, about 306. years before the war of Troy: Lycaon then governing Arcadia; who being the Father of two and twenty Sons, the youngest called Ocnotrius invaded Italy, who gave it the name of Oenotria. 
Pausan. Arcad. lib. 8.  This name it held until Italus of the same Nation changed it into Italy, after his own name, about 250. years before the fall of Troy. After these come the Pelasgi, 
Arist. pol. 7. c. 10.  of whom Pliny in his third Book and fift Chapter; and Strabo in his fift; Thucydides in his sixth speaks at large: and after them the Lydi under Tyrrhenus their 
Herod. l. 2.  Captain, that gave name to the Tyrrheni; who casting thence the umbri, took 
Plin. l. 3. c. 4.  from them three hundred Castles, and built therein twelve Cities; to which (after they had possessed and passed over the Apennine Mountains) they added divers others, whereof Telsina (afterward Bononia) was one.  
Now that there was not anciently such a Nation, as these umbri, in those parts, I do not affirm: having respect to the testimonies before repeated. And Stephanus thinks, that the name was derived from the Greek word Ombros; but that these umbri of Italy were descended of the Nation of Scythians (called Galli) it shall be showed hereafter.   

§ FOUR Of some other records testifying the universal flood: and of two ancient deluges in Egypt: and of some elsewhere.  
SAint AUGUSTINE out of Varro affirmeth, that the Greeks' and Latins made not any mention of the universal flood, because they had nothing of antiquity foregoing that of Ogyges; and therefore (according to Rhodoginus before remembered) were all things among the Greeks' (which antiquity had worn out of knowledge) called Ogygia, which we in English commonly call (worm-eaten) or of defaced date. But as all the parts of the earth were successively planted and peopled; and as all Nations had their proper times, and not their beginning at once and at the instant: so did every family which afterward become a great People, with whom the knowledge of divine letters was not received, find no parent of more antiquity, than such as they had themselves, nor allow of any before their own; and as the Grecians, so did others vaunt themselves to be Indigenae, and growing out of the earth, or invent some other profane or ridiculous beginning. But the Chaldaeans had certain knowledge of Noah's flood, as Berosus witnesseth; and Nicolaus Damascenus maketh particular mention thereof (as is aforesaid) though he also affirm by hearsay, that some Giants saved themselves upon the Mountains Baris in Armenia, but speaketh not thereof as from any authority approved: using the word sermoest; That such a speech there was. And Eusebius remembreth a place out of the ancient Historian Abydenus: 
〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 9 c. 4.  who writeth that Sissithrus, to preserve himself from a flood foretold him by Saturnus, fled to the hills of Armenia by ship, ad Armenian navigio confugiebat: who the third day (after the waters were fallen) sent forth birds, that finding no land to rest on, returned again; which he also did a second time, but at the third return the birds feet were covered with mud and slime. To this effect are Eusebius words out of Abydenus, which may seem a true description (though in other terms) of Noah's flood.  
Cyrillus also affirmeth, that Alex. Polyhistor maketh mention of this general flood. And Plato in Timaeo produceth an Egyptian Priest, who recounted to Solon out of the holy Books of Egypt, the story of the flood universal, which (saith he) happened long before the Grecian inundations. Friar Annius his Xenophon remembreth a third flood, which also Diodorus Siculus confirmeth, somewhat more ancient than 
Diod l. 1.  that of Ogyges in Attica. For he named the general flood for the first, which happened (saith he) under the old OGYGES, Sub prisco Ogyge, which was Noah; he calleth the second Niliaca: Hercules and Prometheus then living, 44. years before that of Attica, in the 34. year of Belochus King of the Assyrians, though I do not believe him as touching the time. But this flood covered a great part of the neither Egypt, especially all that Region subject to Prometheus; and hereof come the fable of the Vulture on Prometheus his liver, afterward slain by Hercules of Egypt: which fiction 
Nat. Com. l. 4. 〈◊〉  Diod. Siculus delivereth in these words: Flwium propter cursus velocitatem, profunditatemque aquarum Aquilam tunc appellatum, HERCULEM cum consilij magnitudine, tum virtute, volunt è vestigio compressisse, & aquarum impetum ad priorem cursum convertisse: unde & Graeci quidam Poetae rem gestam in fabulam vertentes, HERCULEM tradunt Aquilam PROMETHEI 〈◊〉 depascentem occidisse; This flood (meaning of Nilus) for the swiftness of his course, as also for the depth, was in those days called the Eagle: but HERCULES by his great judgement and virtue did again compress and straighten this River, so far extended and overspread, turning it into the old channels: Whence certain Greek 〈◊〉 (converting this labour and work of HERCULES into a fable) devised that HERCULES slew the Eagle, which fed on PROMETHEUS liver; meaning that he delivered Prometheus of that sorrow and torment, which for the loss of his People and Country (by the waters destroyed and covered over) he suffered.  
A fourth flood chanced about Pharus in Egypt, where Alexander Macedon built Alexandria, as Annius conceiveth out of his Xenophon, who in this brief sort writeth of all these inundations: Inundationes plures fuere: prima novimestr is inundatio 
〈◊〉. de aequia. Comm. per Annium, 〈◊〉. 37.  terrarum sub prisco OGYGE: secunda Niliaca, etc. There were many inundations (saith this same Xenophon) the first which was universal of nine Months, and this happened under the first OGYGES: the second was Niliaca, and of one months continuance in the time of Hercules and Prometheus Egyptians: a third of two Months under Ogyges Atticus: the fourth of three Months in Thessalia under Deucoelion: and a fift of the like continuance (called Pharonica) under Proteus of Egypt, about the time of Helen's rape. Diodorus in his fift Book and eleventh Chapter, taking the Samothraces for his Authors, remembreth a flood in Asia the less and elsewhere, of no less destruction than any of the other particular inundations, saying, that the same happened before that of Deucalion: the Sea of Pontus and Hellespont breaking in over the land.  
But there have been many floods in divers times, and ages, not inferior to any of these two last remembered, 〈◊〉 and Pharonica in Egypt: as in the year of our Redemption 590. when in October of the same year, Gregory then being Bishop of Rome, there happened a marvelous overflowing in Italy, and especially in the Venetian Territory, and in Lyguria, accompanied with a most fearful storm of thunder and lightning: after which followed the great plague at Rome, by reason of the many dead Serpents cast up and left upon the Land, after the waters decreased and returned. And in the year 1446. there perished 10000 people, by the breaking in 
Munster.  of the Sea at Dordroch in Holland: of which kind I take that flood to be of Achaia or Attica. Before that and in the year 1238. Trithemius speaketh of an earthquake 
〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 motus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tota 〈◊〉 submersa 〈◊〉 & perierunt 〈◊〉 100000.  which swallowed many thousands: and after that of a flood in Friesland, in which there perished 100000. persons. Strozius Sigog. in his Magia omnifaria, telleth of an inundation in Italy, in the time of Pope Damasus, in which also many Cities of Sicily were swallowed: another in the Papacy of Alexander the sixth: also in the year 1515. Maximilian being Emperor. He also remembreth a perilous overflowing in Polonia, about Cracovia, by which many people perished. Likewise Viginier a French Historian speaketh of a great flood in the South part of 〈◊〉, which fell in the year of our Lord 1557, with so dreadful a tempest, as all the people attended therein the very end of the world, and judgement day; saying, That by the violent descent of the waters from the Mountains, about Nismes there were removed divers old heaps and mountures of ground, and many other places torn up and rend: by which accident there was found both coin of silver and gold, divers pieces of plate, and vessels of other metal, supposed to be hidden at such time as the Goths invaded that Province, in the year 1156.   

§. V That the flood of NOAH was supernatural, though some say it might have been foreseen by the Stars.  
NOw howsoever all these floods and many other, which have covered at several times several Regions, not only in these parts of the world, but in America also, (as I have learned of some ancient Soothsayers among them) may be ascribed to natural causes and accidents; yet that universal flood (in the time of Noah) was powered over the whole face of the earth by a power above nature, and by the especial commandment of God himself, who at that time gave strength of influence to the Stars, and abundance to the Fountains of the deep: whereby the irruption of waters was made more forcible, than any ability of nature could effect, or any second causes by whatsoever union could perform, without receiving from the Fountain of all power, strength, and faculties supernatural. Henricus Mechlimensis, a Scholar of Albertus Magnus, in his Commentaries upon the great conjunctions of Albu Masar observeth, that before the flood of Noah, the like conjunction of jupiter and Saturn, happened in the last degree of Cancer, against that constellation since called the Ship of Argos; by which the flood of Noah might be foretold, because Cancer is both a watery sign, and the house of the Moon, which is the Lady of the Sea, and of moisture, according to the rules of Astronomy, and common experience. And this opinion Petrus de Aliaco upon Genesis confirmeth, affirming that although 
Also de Concordia Theolog. & Astrolog.  Noah did well know this flood by divine reuclation, yet (this conjunction being notorious) he could not be ignorant of the second causes thereof: for those were not only signs, but also working causes, by strength received from the first cause, which 
Gen. 7. 11.  is God himself: and further that by 
* The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifieth any place of stoppage, against which the force of the water being naturally carried downwards, dasheth and breaketh; of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or frango. Hence, because windows do not only open but also shut, the word hath been expounded (Windows) for bars or flood-gates.  Catarractae coeli (Englished the windows of heaven) Moses meant this great and watery conjunction; the word (Catarractae) signifying flowing down or coming down. Now (saith P. de Aliaco) it pleased God to ordain by the course of the Heavens such a constellation, by which all men might behold therein their destruction towards, and thereby forsake those wicked ways wherein they walked, and call unto God for mercy.  
Of this judgement was Gul. Parisiensis, who understood that the words Catarractae coeli, or windows of heaven, were to be taken for the former conjunction, or for these watery signs, Cancer, Pisces, Pleiades, Hyadeses, and Orion, and of the Planets, Mars, Venus, and the Moon: which are the forcible causes of the greatest inundations. His own words are these: 〈◊〉 intelligo Prophetam Hebraeorum catarract as coelivocâsse, nisi partes illas coeli, quae generativae sunt plwiarum & inundationum aquarum, quales sunt signa aquatica, ut Cancer, etc. as aforesaid. As yet (saith he) I perceive not what the Prophet of the Hebrews meaneth by those words (Catarractae coeli, or windows of Heaven) unless he thereby understand those celestial powers, by whose influences are engendered the rain, and inundations of waters, such as are the watery signs of Cancer, etc.  
But in a word, as it might please God, that in the course of his unsearchable wisdom this conjunction should at such time be: so did he (as aforesaid) add vigour and faculty, and gave to every operation increase of virtues, violent eruptions to Springs and Fountains, commanding them to cast out the whole treasure and heap of their waters; taking retention from the clouds, and condensing air into water by the ministery of his Angels, or howsoever else best pleased his All-powerfulness.   

§. VI That there was no need of any new Creation of matter to make the universal flood: and what are Catarractae Coeli, GEN. 7. VERS. 11.  
NOw if it be objected, that God doth not created any thing of new; (for God resteth the seventh day: (that is) he did not then after created any new species) which granted, it may seem that then all the earth and air had not waters sufficient to cover the habitable world fifteen cubits above the highest Mountains. Of this proposition, whither God hath so restrained himself or no, I will not dispute; but for the consequent (which is) that the world had want of water to over-cover the highest mountains, I take that conceit to be unlearned and foolish; for it is written, that the fountains of the great deep were broken up (that is) the waters forsook the very bowels of the earth; and all whatsoever was dispersed therein pierced and broke through the face thereof. Than let us consider, that the Earth had above one and twenty thousand miles: the Diameter of the Earth according to that circle seven thousand mile, and then from the Superficies to the Centre some three thousand five hundred miles: Take then the highest Mountain of the world, Caucasus, Taurus, Olympus, or Atlas, the Mountains of Armenia or Scythia, or that (of all other the highest) in Tenuerif, and I do not find, that he that looketh highest stretcheth above thirty miles upright. It is not then impossible, answering reason with reason, that all those waters mixed within the earth three thousand five hundred miles deep, should not well help to cover the space of thirty miles in height, this thirty miles upright being found in the depths of the earth one hundred and sixteen times: for the Fountains of the great Deep were broken up, and the waters drawn out of the bowels of the earth. Secondly, if we consider what proportion the earth beareth to the extension of the air over and above it, we shall found the difference exceeding great. If then it pleased God to condense but so much of this air as everywhere compasseth and embraceth the earth, which condensation is a conversion of air into water, a change familiar in those elements, it will not seem strange to men of judgement, yea but of ordinary understanding, that the Earth (God so pleasing) was covered over with waters without any new Creation.  
Lastly, for the opinions of 〈◊〉 Parisiensis, and Aliacensis, to which I may add Berosus and others, That such a conjunction there was, foreshowing that destruction by waters which followed; and that by the word Catarractae coeli, or Windows of heaven, was meant this conjunction; there needs no other answer than that observation of Ludovicus Vives, who affirmeth that by the gravest Astrologian it was observed, that in the year 1524 there should happen the like conjunction, as at 〈◊〉 flood, than which (saith he) there was never a more fair, dry, and seasonable year: the like destruction was prophesied of the year 1588. But Picus Earl of Mirandula proveth that there could not be any such conjunction at that time.  
To conclude, I find no other mystery in the word Catarractae coeli, then that the clouds were meant thereby: Moses using the word Windows of Heaven (if that be the sense of the word) to express the violence of the reinss, and pouring down of waters. For whosoever hath seen those fall of water, which sometimes happen in the Indieses, which are called the Spouts (where clouds do not break into drops, but fall with a resistless violence in one body) may properly use that manner of speech which Moses did; That the windows or flood-gates of heaven opened: (which is) That waters fell, contrary to custom, and that order which we call natural. God then loosened the power retentive in the uppermost air, and the waters fell in abundance: Behold (saith JOB) he which holdeth the waters, and they dry 
job c. 12. v. 15.  up, or better in Latin, Et omnia siccantur; And all things are dried up; but when he sendeth them out, they destroy the earth: and in the 26. Chapter: He bindeth the waters in the clouds; but these bonds God loosed at that time of the general flood, and called up the waters which slept in the great deep: and these joining together covered the earth, till they had performed the work of his will: which done, he then commanded 
Gen. 8. 1.  them to return into their dark and vast Caves, and the rest (by a wind) 〈◊〉 again into air, formerly condensed into drops.   

§. VII. Of some remainder of the memory of NOAH among the Heathen.  
NOAH commanded by God, before the fall of those waters, entered the Ark which he had built, with his own Wife, and his Sons, and his sons wives, taking with them of every Creature, which took life by generation, seven of the clean, and of the unclean, two. Noah, according to Philo, signifieth quietness: after others, and according to the prophecy of his Father Lamech, cessation; to whom aftertimes gave many names answering his antiquity, zeal, virtue, and other qualities: as, The first Ogyges, because in the time of the Graecian Ogyges there was also a great flood of Achaia: Saturn they called him, because he was the Father of Nations: Others gave him the name of Prometheus, who was said to steal away jupiters' fire; fire in that place being taken and understood for the knowledge of God and heavenly things. Others think that he was so called for his excellent wisdom and foresight. He had also the name of janus, (id est) vinosus, because jain signifieth wine in the Hebrew. And so Tertullian finds him written in libris ritualibus; In the books of ceremonies, preceding both Saturn, Uranus, and jove: which three enjoyed an elder time than all the other ancientest feigned gods. And this name jain is taken from the Hebrew and Syrian, and not from the Latin: for it was in use before there was any Latin Nation, or any Kingdom by that name known. Of the antiquity of janus, Fabius Pictor giveth this testimony: JANI aetate nulla erat Monarchia, quia mortalibus pectoribus nondum haeserat ulla regnandi cupiditas, etc. Vinum & far primus populas docuit JANUS ad sacrificia: primus enim ar as & Pomoeria & sacra docuit; In the time of JANUS (saith he) there was no Monarchy: for the desire of rule had not then folded itself about the hearts of men. JANUS first taught the people to sacrifice Wine and Meal: he first set up Altars, instituted Gardens and solitary Groves, wherein they used to pray; with other holy rites and ceremonies. A greater testimony than this there cannot be found among the Heathen, which in all agreeth so well with the Scriptures. For first, whilst Noah flourished, there was not any King or Monarch: Nimrod being the first that took on him sovereign authority. Secondly, Noah after the flood was the first that planted the Vine, and become a Husbandman; and therefore offered the first 
Gen. 9 20.  first-fruits of both (to wit) Wine and Meal. Thirdly, he was the first that raised an Altar, and offered sacrifice to God, a thanksgiving for his merciful goodness towards 
Gen. 8. 20.  him. Noah was also signified in the name of Bifrons (which was given to janus) because he beheld the times both before and after the flood, Quia praeterita noverit, 
〈◊〉. count Gent. lib. 6.  & futura prospexerit, saith ARNOBIUS; Because he knew what was past, and provided for what was to come. He was also in the person of janus shadowed by the name of Chaos, and semen orbis; The seed of the world; because as out of that confused heap was drawn all the kinds of Beasts and Plants: so from Noah come all mankind: whereof Ovid in the person of janus:  

Me Chaos antiqui (nam sum res prisca) vocabant, 
ovid. de 〈◊〉. lib. 1.   
Aspice quàm longi temporis acta cano.   

The ancient called me Chaos: my great years  
By those old times, of which I sing, appears.   
He was also entitled Coelum and Sol, Heaven and the Sun, for his excellent knowledge in Astronomy: Vertumnus, Bacchus, and Liber Pater; not that latter, which Diod. Siculus, and Alex. Aphrodiseus so call, because he was the restorer of the Greeks' to their former liberty, but in respect of the flood. For the Greeks' called Liber 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his Nurses Hyades, of rain, because 〈◊〉 entered the Ark, when the Sun joined with the Stars Hyadeses, a constellation in the brow or neck of Taurus, and ever after a monument of Noah's flood. He was also by others surnamed Triton, a Marine God, the Son of Neptune: because he lived in safety on the waters. So was he known by the name of DIONYSUS, quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mentem pungens; Bitebraine, 
Nat. Com. lib. 5. cap. 13.  or wit-stinger, though Diodorus conceive otherwise, and derive that name à patre & loco; Of his Father, and the place of his birth (to wit) of jove, and Nisa a Town of Arabia foelix, saith Suidas out of Orpheus. He had also the byname of 
Coelius.  Taurus, or Taurophagus; because he first yoked Oxen and tilled the ground, according to that of MOSES: And NOAH become an husbandman. Now howsoever the Grecians 
Gen. 9 20.  vaunt of their Theban Bacchus (otherwise Dionysus) it is certain that the name was borrowed, and the invention stolen from Noah. But this name of Bacchus, more anciently Boacus, was taken (saith Gul. Stuckius, and out of him Danaeus) from Noachus, 
Stuck. in libris convivalibus, & Danaeus de prima mundi aetate.  (N) being changed into (B); and it is the more probable, because it cannot be doubted but that Noah was the first planter of the Vine after the flood: and of Noah (the first and ancient Bacchus) were all those fables devised, of which Diodorus complaineth in his fourth Book, and fifth Chapter. This first Bacchus (to wit) Noah, was surnamed Nysius, of the Mountain Nysa in India, where the Graecian Bacchus never come, whatsoever themselves feign of his enterprises; and these Mountains of Nysa join with those of Paropanisus, and those other Eastern Mountains, on which the Ark of Noah rested after the flood.  
Furthermore, to the end that the memory of this second parent of mankind might the better be preserved, there were founded by his issues many great Cities which bore his name; with many rivers and mountains: which oftentimes forgot that it was done in his regard, because the many names given him brought the same confusion to places as to himself. Notwithstanding all which, we found the City of 
〈◊〉. l. 6. Steph. de Vrb. Herod. l. 4. Strabo. l. 7.  Noah upon the banks of the read Sea and elsewhere: the River of Noas' in Thrace, which Strabo calleth Noarus; Ptolemy 〈◊〉; dividing Illyria from Panonia. Thus much for the name.   

§. VIII. Of sundry particulars touching the Ark: as the place where it was made, the matter, fashion and name.  
NOw in what part of the world Noah built the Ark, it doth not appear in the Scriptures, neither do I find any approved Author that hath written thereof: only Goropius Becanus in his Indo-Scythia conceiveth, that Noah built his Ark near the mountains of Caucasus, because on those hills are found the goodliest Cedars: for when Alex. Macedon made the war among a people, called Nysaei, inhabiting the other side of Caucasus, he found all their burials and sepulchres wrought over with Cedar. To this place (saith Becanus) Noah repaired, both to separate himself from the reprobate Giants, who rebelled against God and Nature, as also because he would not be interrupted in the building of the Ark; to which also he addeth the conveniency ofrivers, to transport the Timber which he used, without troubling any other carriages.  
Only this we are sure of, that the Ark was built in some part of the Eastern world; and to my understanding, not far from the place where it rested after the flood. For Noah did not use any mast or sail (as in other ships) and therefore did the Ark no otherwise move then the 〈◊〉 or body of a ship doth in a calm Sea. Also because it is not probable, that during these continual and downright rains there were any winds at all, therefore was the Ark little moved from the place where it was fashioned and set together. For it is written: God made a wind to pass 
Gene. 8. 1.  upon the earth, and the waters 〈◊〉, and therefore it may be gathered, that during the fall of the waters, there was not any storm or forcible wind at all, which could drive the Ark any great distance from the place where it was first by the waters lifted up. This is also the more probable, if that ancient opinion be true, as it is very likely, that the Ark had fundum planum, a flat bottom, and not raised in form of a ship with a sharpness forward, to cut the waves for the better speed.  
This kind of Vessel the Hebrews call Thebet, and the Greeks' Larnax, for so they termed Deucalion's ship: and some say, that the hill Parnassus, to which in eight days he arrived, was first called Larnassus, and by the change of (L) into (P) Parnassus; 
Steph. de Vrb. fol. 227.  but Pausanias thinks that it took name of a Son of the Nymph Cleodorae, called Parnassus, the inventor of Auguration.  
Peucerus finds the word (Parnassus) to have no affinity with the Greek, but 
De Oracul. fol. 94.  thinks it derived from the Hebrew word Nahas, which signifieth Auguration and Divination: or from Har or Parai, as in his Chapter of Oracles in the leaf before cited.  
josephus calls the Ark Machina, by the general name of a huge Frame: and Epiphanius 
〈◊〉. in Anchor.  out of the Hebrew Aron; but herein lieth the difference between Aron and Thevet, That Aron signifieth properly the Ark of the Sanctuary, but Thebet such a Vessel, as swimmeth, and beareth itself upon the waters.  
Lastly, this Ark of Noah differed from the fashion of a ship in this, that it had a cover and roof, with a crest in the midst thereof, and the sides declining like the roof of an house; to the end, both to cast off the waters, and that thereunder Noah himself and his children might shelter, and separate themselves from the noisomeness 
〈◊〉. 6. 4.  of the many beasts, which filled the other rooms and parts of the Ark.  
Of what wood the Ark was built it is uncertain. The Hebrew word Gopher once and in this place only used is diversly understood; and though the matter be of little importance, yet this difference there is, That the Geneva Translation calls it Pinetree, the Robbine Cedar, the Seventy, square timber, the Latin smooth timber. Others will have it Cypress trees, as dedicated to the dead, because Cypress is worn at funerals. But out of doubt, if the word Gopher signify any special kind of timber, Noah obeyed the voice of God therein; if not, he was not then curious as touching the kind or nature of the wood, having the promise of God, and his grace and mercy for his defence. For with Noah God promised to establish his covenant. 
V 18. Plin. l. 16. c. 40.  Pliny affirmeth that in Egypt it was the use to build ships of Cedar, which the worms eat not; and he avoweth that he seen in Utica, in the Temple of Apollo Cedar beams, laid in the time of the foundation of the City, and that they were still sounded in his time, which was about 1188. years after: proving thereby, that this kind of wood was not subject to putrefying or moulding in a very long time. But in that it is easy to cut, light to carry, and of a sweet savour, lasting also better than any other wood, and because near the place where the Ark rested, there are found great store of these Cedar trees, as also in all the mountains of the East, besides those of Libanus, it is probable enough that the Ark might be of that wood: which hath besides the other commodities the greatest length of Timber, and therefore fittest to build ships withal. Pererius conceiveth that the Ark had divers sorts of timber, and that the bottom had of one sort, the deck and partition of another; all which may be true or false, if Gopher may be taken for timber in general. True it is, that Cedar will serve for all parts of a ship, aswell for the body, as for masts and yards. But Noah had most respect to the direction received from God: to the length, breadth, and height, and to the partitions of the Ark; and to pitch it, and to divide it into Cabins, thereby to sever the clean beasts from the unclean, and to preserve their several sorts of food; and that it might be capable of all kind of living creatures, according to the numbers by God appointed. All which when Noah had gathered together, he cast his confidence wholly on God, who by his Angels steered this ship without a rudder, and directed it without the help of a Compass or the North star. The pitch which Noah used, is by some supposed to have been a kind of Bitumen, whereof there is great quantity about the Valley of Sodom and 
〈◊〉.  Gomorra, now the dead Sea or Asphaltes': and in the Region of Babylon, and in the West India, and herein it exceedeth other pitch, that it melts not with the Sun, but by the fire only, after the manner of hard wax.   

§. IX.. That the Ark was of sufficient capacity.  
THe Ark according to God's commandment had of length three hundred cubits, fifty of breadth, and thirty deep or high: by which proportion it had six parts of length to one of breadth, and ten times in length to one of depth; of which S. AUGUSTINE: 〈◊〉 
De Ciultat. Dei. l. 15. c. 26.  figura est peregrinant is in hoc seculo Civitatis Dei, (hoc est) Ecclesiae, quaefit salva per lignum, in quo 〈◊〉 Mediator Dei & hominum, homo Christus jesus: nam & mensura ipsa longitudinis, altitudinis, latitudinisque eius significat corpus humanum, in cuius veritate ad homines praenunciatus est venturus, & venit, etc. Without doubt (saith he) it is a figure of the City of God, travailing in this world as a stranger (that is) of the Church, saved by the tree whereupon the Mediator between God and Man, the man jesus Christ did hung: for even the very measure of the length, height, and breadth, answereth the shape of man's body, in the truth whereof the coming of Christ was foretold and performed.  
By what kind of cubit the Ark was measured, it hath been a disputed question among the Fathers, and others; and the differences are in effect these: The first kind of cubit (called the Common) containeth one foot and a half, measured from the sharp of the elbow to the point of the middle finger. The second (the palm cubit) which taketh one handful more than the common. The third is called Regius Cubitus, or the Persian Cubit, which exceedeth the common cubit three inches. The fourth is the sacred cubit, which containeth the common or vulgar cubit double, wanting but a quarter or fourth part. Lastly, there is a fift cubit, called Geometrical, which containeth six common cubits. But of all these sorts, which were commonly measured by the vulgar cubit, the alteration and diminution of men's statures hath made the difference. For as there is now a less proportion of bodies: so is the common cubit, from the sharp of the elbow to the point of the middle finger, of less length than it was in elder times.  
S. Augustine considering the many sorts of beasts and birds which the Ark held, with their food and water, was sometimes of opinion, that the Ark had proportion after the Geometrical cubit, which containeth almost six of the Common. For measuring the Ark by the vulgar cubit, it did not exceed the capacity of that vessel 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 lib. 4.  built by Hiero of Syracuse, or the ship of Ptolemy Philo-pater. But S. Augustine (who 
Plutar. in vita Demetry.  at the first was led by Origen) changed his judgement as touching the Geometrical cubit; and found upon better consideration, that there needed not so huge a body to preserve all sorts of creatures by God appointed to be reserved. For it was not needful to take any kinds of fishes into the Ark, because they were kept living (saith S. Augustine) in their own element. Nòn fuit necesse conseruare in Arca quae possent in aquis vinere; nòn solùm mersa sicut pisces, verùm super-natantia, sicut multae alites. It was not needful to conserve those creatures in the Ark, which could live in the waters; and not only fishes which can liveunder water, but also those fowls which sit and swim on them: and again, Terra, nòn aqua, maledicta, quià Adam nòn huius, sed illius fructum vetitum comedit. 
Aug. de Civit. Dei lib. 5. ca 27.  It was the earth, and not the waters, which God cursed: for of the forbidden fruit of the earth and not of the Sea, did Adam eat; so as S. Augustine gathereth hereupon, (as aforesaid) that so huge a Frame needed not.  
And if we look with the eyes of judgement hereunto, we shall find nothing monstrous therein; although the imaginations of men, who (for the most part) have more of mischief and of ignorance, then of any reverend reason, find many impossibilities in this work of God. But it is manifest, and undoubtedly true, that many of the Species, which now sceme differing and of several kinds, were not then in 〈◊〉 natura. For those beasts which are of mixed natures; either they were not in that age, or else it was not needful to preserve them: seeing they might be generated again by others, as the Mules, the Hyaena's and the like: the one begotten by Asses and Mares, the other by Foxes and Wolves. And whereas by discovering of strange lands, wherein there are found divers beasts and birds differing in colour or stature from those of these Northern parts, it may be supposed by a superficial consideration, that all those which wear read and pied skins, or feathers, are differing from those that are less painted, and were plain russet or black: they are much mistaken that so think. And for my own opinion I find no difference, but only in magnitude, between the Cat of Europe, and the Ounce of India; and even those dogs which are become wild in 〈◊〉, with which the Spaniards used to devour the naked Indian's, are now changed to Wolves, and begin to destroy the breed of their Cattles, and do also oftentimes tear asunder their own Children. The common Crow and Rook of India is full of read feathers in the 
Accost. hist. India.  drowned and low Islands of Caribana; and the Blackbird and Thrush hath his feathers mixed with black and carnation: in the North parts of Virginia. The dogfish of England is the Shark of the South Ocean: For if colour or magnitude made a difference of Species, then were the Negroes, which we call the blacke-mores, non animalia rationalia, not men, but some kind of strange beasts: and so the Giants of the South America should be of another kind, than the people of this part of the World. We also see it daily that the natures of fruits are changed by transplantation, some to better, some to worse, especially with the change of Climate. Crabs may be made good fruit by often grafting, and the best Melons will change in a year or two to common Cowcummers by being set in a barren soil: Therefore taking the kinds precisely of all creatures, as they were by God created, or out of the earth by his ordinance produced: The Ark, after the measure of the common Cubit was sufficiently capacious to contain of all, according to the number by God appointed: For if we add but half a foot of measure to the Common Cubit, which had a foot and a half of Giantly stature (and less allowance we cannot give to the difference between them and us) then did the Ark contain 600. foot in length, and 100 foot in breadth, and 60. foot deep.  
But first of all to make it manifest, that the Geometrical Cubit is not used in the Scripture, the stature of the Giants therein named may suffice. For if the bed of Og 
Deut. 3. 11.  King of Basan had been nine Geometrical Cubits long, it had taken 54. Cubits of 
1. Sam. 17. 4.  the common, which make 80. foot: and Goliath, who had the length of 6. Cubits and a handful, which makes nine foot and a handful, (a proportion credible) if these Cubits had been Geometrical, then had been 54. foot in height and upwards, which were monstrous and most incredible: for (according to this proportion) had the head of Goliath been nine foot long, and far weightier and bigger than all David's body, who carried it away.  
Again, if the Geometrical Cubit had been used for a measure in the Scripture as many Commenters have observed, then had the Altar (appointed to contain five Cubits of length, five of breadth, and three of height) have reached the length of 27. foot upright, and so must their Priests have ascended by steps or ladders to have performed their sacrifices thereon, which was contrary to God's Commandment given in these words: Thou shalt not go up with steps unto my altar, that thy shame 
Exod. 20. 26.  be not discovered thereon; and therefore was the Altar but three Common Cubits high which make four foot, that their Priests standing thereby might execute their office: Wherhfore I may conclude, that the Cubit mentioned in the Scriptures was not the Geometrical, but the ordinary Cubit of one foot and a half, according to the measure of Giantly stature; which measure (doubtless) might give much the more capacity to the Ark, although it be also probable, that as the men were, so were the horses whereon they road, and all other creatures of a correspondent size. And yet (as I take it) though by this means there were not any whit the more room in the Ark, it were not hard to conceive, how all the distinct Species of Animals, whose lives cannot be preserved in the waters, might according to their present quantities be contained in a vessel of those dimensions which the Ark had; allowing to the Cubit one foot and a half of our now usual measure: whence it follows of necessity, that those large bodies which were in the days of Noah might have room sufficient in the Ark, which was measured by a Cubit of length proportionable.  
How the appointed number of creatures to be saved, (that is) seven of the clean, two of the unclean (with necessary food) might have place in the Ark, Butaeo hath very learnedly declared: the brief sum of whose discourse to that purpose is this. The length of the Ark was three hundred cubits, which multiplied by the breadth, namely fistie cubits, and the product by the height of thirty cubits, showeth the whole concavity to have been 450000. Now whereas the posts, walls, and other partitions of lodgings may seem to have taken up a great part of the hollow: the height of the roof which (the perpendicular being one cubit) contained 7500. cubicall cubes, was a sufficient recompense: If therefore in a ship of such greatness we seek room for 89. distinct Species of beasts, or (jest any should be omitted) for 100 several kinds, we shall easily find place both for them, and for the birds, which in bigness are no way answerable to them, and for meat to sustain them all. For there are three sorts of beasts, whose bodies are of a quantity best known; the Beef, the Sheep; and the Wolf: to which the rest may be reduced, by saying, (according to Aristotle) that one Elephant is answerable to four beeves, one Lion to two Wolves, and so of the rest. Of beasts, some feed on vegetables, others on flesh. There are one and thirty kinds of the greater sort, feeding on vegetables: of which number, only three are clean, according to the law of Moses, whereof seven of a kind entered into the Ark, namely three couples for breed, and one odd one for sacrifice: the other eight and twenty kinds were taken by two of each kind, so that in all there were in the Ark one and twenty great beasts clean, and six and fifty unclean, estimable for largeness as ninety one beeves; yet for a supplement (jest perhaps any Species be omitted) let them be valued, as 120. beeves. Of the lesser sort feeding on vegetables were in the Ark six and twenty kinds, estimable with good allowance for supply, as fourscore Sheep. Of those which devour flesh were two and thirty kinds, answerable to threescore and four Wolves. All these 280. beasts might be kept in one story or room of the Ark in their several Cabbines; their meat in a second: the Birds and their provision in a third, with place to spare for Noah and his family, and all their necessaries.   

§. X. That the Ark rested upon part of the hill Taurus (or Caucasus) between the East Indies, and Scythia.  

†. I A preterition of some questions less material: with a note of the use of this question, to find out the Metropolis of Nations.  
WHat time Noah took to build the Ark, I leave to others to dispute, but he received the Commandment from God 100 years before the waters cell: and had therefore choice of time and leisure sufficient. As for the number of decks and partitions, which Origen divides into four, S. Augustine into three, I will not trouble the Reader with the controversy: or whither those creatures which sometimes rest on the land, other times in the waters, as the Crocodiles (now called Alegartos) the Sea-cowes or Seahorses, were kept in the Ark, or no, I think it a needless curiosity; and yet to this saith Pererius, and others before him, that a fishpoole might be made aswell within the Ark, as in Hiero his ship of Scyracuse. Lastly, to consider or labour to disprove the foolery of the Hebrews, who suppose that the Ark was lightened by a Carbuncle, or had windows of Crystal to receive in light, and keep out water, were but to revive the buried vanities of former times. But that which I seek most to satisfy myself and others in, is in what part of the world the Ark rested after the flood: because the true understanding of some of these places (as the seat of the terrestrial Paradise, and the resting of the Ark) do only and truly teach the world's Plantation, and the beginning of Nations, before and after the flood; and all story, as well general as particular, thereby may be the better understood.   

†. II Aproposall of the common opinion, that the Ark rested upon some of the hills of Armenia.  
ANd first, for the true place where the Ark rested after the flood, and from what part of the world the children of Noah travailed to their first settlement and plantation, I am resolved (without any presumption) that therein the most writers were utterly mistaken. And I am not led so to think out of my humour or newness of opinion, or singularity; but do herein ground myself on the original and first truth, which is the word of God, and after that upon reason, and the most probable circumstances thereon depending. For whereas it is written, that the Ark stayed 
Gene. 8. 4.  upon one of the mountains of Ararat, which the Chaldaean Paraphrast hath converted Kardu, meaning the hills Gordaei or Gordiaei in Armenia the greater: (as the words Gordaei and Kardu, seem to be one and the same) of which opinion also the most of our Interpreters are; I find neither Scripture nor reason which teacheth any such thing: (to wit) that it rested on that part of Ararat, which is in the greater Armenis. 
〈◊〉 7. §. 1.  Nicolaus 〈◊〉 calls this mountain of Ararat, Baris, being the same which the Chaldaean nameth Kardu, to which mountain the Friar Annius (citing this place out of josephus) makes him find another adjoining, called Ocila, and to say that the Ark (of which Moses the Lawgiver of the Hebrews wrote) did first take ground on this 〈◊〉. But I do not find any such mountain in being, as this Ocila; neither is there any mention of it in the place of josephus. Strabo remembreth a Promontory in Arabia foelix, of that name, and Pliny finds a Mart-towne so called in the same, which 〈◊〉 calls Ocilis, Pinetus Acyla, and Niger Zidon. But this Ocila of Damascenus, or rather of Annius, seemeth to be one and a part of the Armenian mountains. Berosus calleth those mountains of Armenia Cordiaei, and Curtius Cordaei: Ptolemy Gordaei and Gordiaei: of which the Country next adjoining is by this Nicolaus Damascenus called Ninyada, perhaps (as Becanus conjectures) for Milyada or rather Minni: which 
Hierem. 51. 27.  word is used for Armenia Minor. And the very word of Armenia seems to be compounded 
Naet. hist. l. 5. c. 12  of this word Minni, and Aram: as if we should say Minni of Syria; for that Armenia also was a part of Syria, Pliny witnesseth. Epiphanius placeth the Cardyes about these mountains, whom others call Gordieni or Gordeni. The mountains are seated apart from all other to the North of that Ledge of mountains called Taurus, or Niphates in the plains of Armenia the great, near the Lake Thospitis: whence the River of Tigris floweth in 75. degrees of longitude, and 41. and 42. degrees of latitude. One of the mountains Gordiaei (that which surmounteth the rest) Epiphanius calls Lubar, which in the Armenian signifieth a place of descent: but this out of josephus; 
joseph. de Antiq. l. 1. c. 4.  which name (saith junius) was of the event, because of Noah's coming down with his children. But this also I take to be a supposed event; seeing any hill, from whence on every side we must descend, may thus be called: as junius corrects the place in josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Kubaris.) That the place is thus to be read, he conjectureth, because josep. l. 1. c. 4. says, the place is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it were the descent or coming down) and Epiphan. l. 1. count Haeres. calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which word in the Armenian and Egyptian tongue signifieth descent, of Lubar, which is to descend; whence also Lubra is a Synagogue, because it was commonly built on some high place: whereof also the Latin Delubrum may seem to be derived; and Act. 6. 9 they that belonged to the Synagogue of the Egyptians are called Libertini, for Lubratenu. Yet this opinion hath been embraced from age to age: receiving a habit of strength by time, and allowance without any farther examination; although the name of Lubar might otherwise rightly be given, especially to that mountain, by reason that the passage was more fair, up and down unto it, then to any of the rest adjoining.   

†. III The first argument against the common opinion. They that come to build Babel, would have come sooner, had they come from so near a place as Armenia.  
But there are many arguments to persuade me, that the Ark of Noah did not rest itself in any part of Armenia, and that the mountains Ararat was not Baris, nor any one of the Gordiaean mountains.  
For first, it is agreed by all which follow 〈◊〉, that it was in the 130. year, or 
Beros. l. 1.  in the year 131. after the flood, when 〈◊〉 come into the valley of Shinar, which Valley was afterward called Babylonia, Chush, and Chaldaea. If then the Ark had first found land in Armenia, it is very unprobable, that the children of Noah which come into that valley could have spent so many years in so short a passage: seeing the Region of Mesopotamia was only interjacent, which might by 〈◊〉 journeys have been passed over in twenty days; and to hasten and help which passage the navigable river of Tigris offered itself, which is every where transpassable by boats of great burden: so as where the Desert on the one side resisted their expedition, the river on the contrary side served to advance it; the river rising out of the same river of mountains, or at the foot of them, where the Ark of Noah was first supposed to settle itself; Than, if the Nations which followed Nimrod still doubted the surprise of a second flood (according to the opinions of the ancient Hebrews) it soundeth ill to the ear of reason, that they would have spent many years in that low and overflown Valley of Mesopotamia, so called of the many Rivers which imbroyder or compass it: for the effects witnessed their affections, and the works, which they undertook, their unbelief; being no sooner arrived in Shinar, but they began to provide themselves of a defence (by erecting Babel) against any future or feared inundation. Now at Babel it was that Nimrod began his Kingdom, the first known City of the world founded after the flood, about 131. years, or (as others suppose) ten years later: though (for myself) I rather think, that they undertook that work in two respects; first, to make themselves famous, To get us a name (saith the 
Gene. 10. 10. Beros. l. 1.  Text:) Secondly, thereby to usurp dominion over the rest.   

†. FOUR The second argument, That the Eastern people were most ancient in populositie, and in all human glory.  
FOr a second Argument: The civility, magnificence and multitude of people (wherein the East parts of the world first abounded) hath more weight than any thing which hath been, or can be said for Armenia, and for Noah's taking land there. And that this is true, the use of Printing and Artillery (among many other things which the East had) may easily persuade us, that those sun-rising Nations were the most ancient. The certainty of this report, that the East Indian's (time out of mind) have had Guns and Ordnance of battery, confirmed by the Portugals and others, makes us now to understand, That the place of Philostratus in vita Apollonij Tianaei. l. 2. c. 14. is no fable, though expressed in fabulous words: when he saith, that the wise men, which devil between Hyphasis and Ganges, use not themselves to go forth into battle: but that they drive away their enemies with thunder and lightning sent from jupiter. By which means there it is said, that Hercules Aegyptius and Bacchus, joining their forces were defeated there; and that this Hercules there cast away his golden shield. For the invention of letters was ignorantly ascribed to Cadmus, because he brought them first into Greece: of which the people (then rude and savage) had reason to give him the honour, from whom they received the benefit. But it is true, that letters are no less ancient than Seth or Henoch were: for they are said to have written on pillars of stone (as before remembered) long before the flood. But from the Eastern world it was that john Cuthenberg a German, brought the device of Printing: by whom Conradus being instructed, brought the practice thereof to Rome: and after that Nicholaus Gerson a Frenchman, bettered both the letters and invention. And notwithstanding that this mystery was then supposed to be but newly borne, the Chinäos had letters long before either the Egyptians or Phoenicians; and also the Art of Printing, when as the Greeks' had neither any civil knowledge, or any letters among them.  
And that this is true, both the Portugals and Spaniards have witnessed, who about an hundred years since discovered those Kingdoms, and do now enjoy their rich trades therein: for the Chinaos account all other Nations but Saluages, in respect of themselves.  
And to add strength to this argument, the conquest and story of Alex. Macedon may justly be called to witness, who found more Cities and sumptuosity in that little Kingdom of Porus, which lay side by side to the East India, then in all his other travails and undertakings. For in Alexander's time learning and greatness had not travailed so far to the West as Rome: Alexander esteeming of Italy but as a barbarous Country, and of Rome as of a Village. But it was Babylon that stood in his eye, and the 〈◊〉 of the East pierced his 〈◊〉. And if we look as far as the Sunrising, and hear Paulus Venetus what he reporteth of the uttermost Angle and Island thereof, we shall find that those Nations have sent out, and not received, lent knowledge, and not borrowed it from the West. For the farther East (to this day) the more civil, the farther West the more salvage. And of the Isle of japan (now Zipingari) Venetus maketh this report: Incolae religioni, literis, & sapientiae sunt addictissimi, & veritatis indagatores acerrimi; nihil illis frequentius oratione, quam (more nostro) sacris in delubris exercent: unum cognoscunt Principem, unum Deum adorant, The Islanders are exceedingly addicted to religion, letters, and Philosophy, and most diligent searchers out of truth: there is nothing among them more frequent than prayer, which they use in their Churches, after the manner of Christians. They acknowledge one King, and worship one God. The antiquity, magnificence, civility, riches, sumptuous buildings, and policy in government, is reported to be such by those who have been employed into those parts, as it seemeth to exceed (in those formerly named, and divers other particulars) all other Kingdoms of the world.   

†. V The third argument, From the wonderful resistance which SEMIRAMIS found in the East Indies.  
But for a third argument, and also of a triple strength to the rest, I lay the invasion of Semiramis before the indifferent and advised Reader: who may consider in what age she lived, and how soon after the world's new birth she gathered her Army (as Diodorus Siculus out of 〈◊〉 reporteth) of more than three Million to invade India, to which he adjoined also 500000. Horse, and 100000. Wagons: whereof if we believe but a third part, it shall suffice to prove that India was the first planted and peopled Country after the flood. Now as touching the time wherein she lived: All Historians consent, that she was the wife of Ninus; and the most approved Writers agreed, that Ninus was the Son of Belus, and Belus of Nimrod, that Nimrod was the Son of Cush, Cush of Cham, and Cham of Noah. And at such time as Nimrod come to Shinar, he was then a great Nation, as by the building of the City and Tower of Babel may appear; and being then so multiplied and increased, the two descents cast between Nimrod and Semiramis, brought forth in that time those multitudes, whereof her Army was composed. Let us then see with whom she encountered in that war with this her powerful Army: even with a multitude, rather exceeding, then equalling her own, conducted by Staurobates King of India beyond Indus; of whose multitudes this is the witness of Diod. Siculus. STAUROBATES, avit is maioribus quàm quae erant SEMIRAMIDIS copijs. STAUROBATES gathering together greater troops than those of SEMIRAMIS. If then these numbers of Indian's had been increased but by a Colony sent out from Shinar, (and that also after Babel was built, which no doubt took some time in the performance) this increase in the East, and this Army of Staurobates must have been made of stone, or somewhat else by miracle. For as the numbers which Semiramis gathered might easily grow up in that time, from so great a Troop as Nimrod brought with him into Babylonia (as shall be demonstrated hereafter in the Story of Israel) so could not any such time, by any multiplication natural, produce so many bodies of men, as were in the Indian Army victorious over Semiramis, if the Colonies sent thither had been so late as Babel overturned, and the confusion of Languages. For if we allow 65. years time after the Flood, before Nimrod was borne: of which, 30. years to Cush ere he begat Seba, after whom he had Havilah, Sabtah, Raamah, and Sabtecha: 
Gen. 10. 〈◊〉.  and then 30. years to Raamah, ere he begat Sheba and Dedan, both which were borne before Nimrod: and five years to his five elder brothers, which make 65. and then twice 30. years for two Generations more, as for Nimrod, Sheba and Dedan with others, to beget their sons; and that a third Generation might grow up, which makes in all 125. years, there will then remain six years to have been spent in travailing from the East, ere they arrived in Shinar in the year after the Flood 131. And so the followers of Nimrod might be of sufficient multitude. But as for those which make him to have arrived at Shinaar in the year 101.: and the confusion to have been at Pelegs birth, these men do all by miracle: they beget whole Nations without the help of time, and build Nimrod's Tower in the Air; and not on those low and marish grounds (which require sounded foundations) in the Plains of Shinaar. For except that huge Tower were built in a day, there could be no confusion in that year 101. or at Pelegs birth. And therefore it is far more probable, that Nimrod usurped Regal authority in the 131. year after the Flood, (according to Berosus) and that the work of Babel lasted forty years (according to GLYCAS) Hominibus in ea perficienda totis 40. and is incassum laborantibus: Men labouring 
〈◊〉. in Gen. & de Turris 〈◊〉 ctione. sol. 173.  in vain 40. years to finish it. By which accounted it falls out, that it was 170. years after the Flood, ere a Colony was sent into East India; which granted (the one being the main body, and the other but a Troop taken thence) it can hardly be believed, that Staurobates could have exceeded Semiramis in numbers: who being then Empress of all that part of the world, gathered the most of Nations into one body.   

†. VI The fourth Argument from divers considerations in the person of NOAH.  
FOurthly, it is no way probable, that Noah, who knew the world before the flood, and had lived therein the long time of 600. years, was all that space 130. years after the flood, without any certain habitation: Not, it will fall out, and better agreed with reason, that Nimrod was but the conductor of those people, by Noah destined and appointed to fill and inhabit that middle part of the earth and the Western world; (which travails Noah put over to young and able bodies) and that Noah himself then covered with many years, planted himself in the same place which God had assigned him: which was where he first come down out of the Ark from the waters: For it is written, that after Noah come down out of the Ark he planted a Vineyard, and become a Husbandman: whose business was to dress and manure the earth; and not to range over so many parts of the world, as from Armenia into Arabia foelix, where he should (if the tradition be sounded) have left certain Colonies: thence into Africa towards Triton; then into Spain, where they say he settled other companies, & built Cities after the names of Noela and Noegla his son's wives: from thence into Italy, where they say he found his son Cham the Saturn of Egypt, who had corrupted the people and subjects of Gomer in his absence: with whom Noah (as they make the story) had patience for three years; but then finding no amendment, they say he banished him out of Italy. These be but the fancies of Berosus Annianus, a plain imitation of the Grecian fables. For let every reasonable man conceive, what it was to travail far in such a forest as the World was, when after so great a rotting of the earth by the flood, the same lay waste and overgrown for 130. or 140. years, and wherein there could hardly be found either path or passage through which men were able to creep for woods, bushes and briars that in those years were grown up.  
And there are so many reasons, proving that Noah never come into the valley of Shinaar, as we need not suspect his passage into Italy or Spain: For Noah, who was Father of all those Nations, a man reverenced both for his authority, knowledge, experience and piety, would never have permitted his children and issues to have undertaken that unbelieving presumptuous work of Babel. Rather by his presence and prevalent persuasions he would have bound their hands from so vain labours, and by the authority which he received even from God himself, he would have held them in that awful subjection, as whatsoever they had vainly conceived or feared, yet they durst not have disobeyed the personal commandment of him, who in the beginning had a kind of Regal authority over his children and people. Certainly, Noah knew right well, that the former destruction of mankind was by themselves purchased through cruelty and disobedience; and that to distrust God, and to raise up building against his Almighty power, was as much as in them lay, a provocation of God to lay on them the same, if not a more sharp affliction. Wherhfore, there is no probability, that ever he come so far West as Babylonia; but rather, that he sent those numbers which come into Shinaar (being the greatest troop, because they had the greatest part of the world to plant) under Nimrod, or those upon whom he usurped. Nauclerus and Coelestinus take the testimony of Methodius Bishop of tire for currant, that there were three Leaders of the people after their increase (to wit) Nimrod, Suphene, and joctan: of which Nimrod commanded the issues of Cham, joctan of Sem, and Suphene of japhet. This opinion I cannot judge of, although I will not doubt, but that so great a work as the world's plantation, could not be effected without order and conduction.  
Of the Sons of Sem: joctan, Havilah, and Ophir, are especially noted to have dwelled in the East India. The rest of Sem's issues had also the Regions of Persia and the other adjoining to Indus, and held also a part of Chaldaea for a time: for Abraham inhabited Vr, till he was thence called by God; and whither they were of the Sons of joctan, or of all the rest a certain number (Cham and his issue only excepted) that Noah kept with himself, it cannot be known. Of which plantation I shall speak at large in the Chapter following.  
Now another reason which moves me to believe, that Noah stayed in the East far away from all those that come into Shinar, is, that Moses doth not in any word make mention of Noah in all the story of the Hebrews, or among any of those Nations which contended with them. And Noah, being the Father of all mankind, and the chosen servant of God, was too principal a person, to be either forgotten or neglected, had he not (in respect of his age and wearisome experience of the world) withdrawn himself, and rested apart with his best beloved, giving himself to the service and contemplation of God and heavenly things, after he had directed his children to their destined portions. For he landed in a warm and fertile soil, where he planted his Vineyard, and dressed the earth; after which, and his thanks giving to God by sacrifice, he is not remembered in the Scriptures, because he was so far away from those Nations of which Moses wrote: which were the Hebrews chief, and their enemies and borderers.   

†. VII. Of the senseless opinion of ANNIUS the Commentor upon BEROSUS: who finds divers places where the Ark rested; as the Caspian and 〈◊〉 hills which are three hundred miles asunder; and also some place of Scythia.  
IT remaineth now that we examine the Arguments and authorities of Friar Annius, who in his Commentaries upon Berosus and others, laboureth marvelously to prove, that the Ark of Noah rested upon the Armenian mountains called Caspij; which mountains separate Armenia from the upper Media, and do equally belong to both. And because all his Authors speak of the mountains 〈◊〉, he hath no other shift to unite these opinions, but by uniting those farre-distant mountains together. To effect which, he hath found no other invention, then to charge those men with error, which have carefully overseen, printed, and published Ptolemy's 
Ptol. tab. Asiae. 3.  Geography, in which they are altogether dissevered. For that last edition of Mercator's, sets these hills five degrees (which makes three hundred English miles) asunder. And certainly, if we look into those more ancient copies of Villanovanus and others, we shall find nothing in them to help Annius withal: for in those the mountains Caspij stand seven degrees to the East of the Gordiaei, which make 420. miles. And for those Authors by whose authority Annius strengtheneth himself, Diodorus whom he so much follows, giveth this judgement upon them in the like dispute. Aberrârunt 〈◊〉 omnes, non negligentiâ, sed regnorum situs ignorantia, They have all erred 
〈◊〉. 3.  (saith he) not through negligence, but through ignorance of the situation of Kingdoms. But for an induction, to prove that the Ark of Noah stood on the mountains of Armenia, he beginneth with the antiquity of the Scythians: and to prove the same he citeth Marcus Portius Cato, who avoweth that 250. years before Ninus, the earth 
〈◊〉 de orig. pars 〈◊〉.  was overflown with waters, & in Scythia Sagarenatum mortale genus, and that in Scythia Saga the stock of mortal men was renewed. The same Author also teacheth that the umbri before remembered (who were so called, because saved from Deucalion's flood) were the Sons of the Galli, a Nation of the Scythians. Ex hijs venisse JANUM cum DYRIM & Gallis progenitoribus Vmbrorum, From these Scythians, he saith, that JANUS come with DYRIM and with the Galli the progenitors of the umbri; And again, Equidem principatus originis semper Scythis tribuitur, Certainly, the Prime antiquity of offspring is always given to the Scythians. And herein truly I agreed with Annius, that those Regions called Scythiae, and now Tartary, and by some Writers Sarmatia Asiatica, were among the first peopled: and they held the greatest part of Asia under tribute till Ninus time. Also Pliny calleth the umbri which long since inhabited 
Plin. l. 3. c. 〈◊〉.  Italy, Gens antiquissima, a most ancient Nation, who descended of these Scythians. Now that which Annius laboureth, is to prove that these ancient Scythians (meaning the Nephews of Noah) did first inhabit that Region of the mountains, on which the Ark rested; and confessing that this great ship was grounded in Armenia, he feigneth a nation of Scythians called Araxea, taking name of the mountain Ararat, near the River of Araxes. And because his Author Cato helpeth him in part (to wit, That in Scythia mankind was restored after the great flood, 250. years before Ninus) and in part utterly destroyeth his conceit of Armenia, by adding the word Saga, as in Scythia Saga renatum mortale genus, in Scythia Saga mankind was restored he therefore in the Prooeme of his Commentary upon Berosus, leaveth out the addition of Saga altogether 
Beros. l. 1.  in the repetition of Cato his words, and writes homines in Scythia saluatos. For Scythia Saga or Sacae, is undoubtedly under the mountains of Paropanisus, on 
Pto. Asiae. tab. 7.  which, or near which it is most probable that the Ark first took ground; and from those East parts (according to Moses) come all those companies which erected the 
Gene. 11. 2.  Tower of Babel in Shinaar or Babylonia.  
But now the best authority which Annius hath, is out of Diodorus: where he hath read, that the Scythians were originally Armenians, taking name 〈◊〉 Scytha Rege eorum, from Scytha their King. But (in a word) we may see his vanity, or rather (indeed) his falsehood in citing this place. For Diodorus a most approved and diligent Author beginneth in that place with these words: Fabulantur Scythae, The Scythians fable: and his Interpreter in the table of that work giveth this title to that very Chapter. Scytharum origo & successus, fabula, The original and success of the Scythians, a fable. And (indeed) there needs no great disproof hereof, since Ptolemy doth directly delineate Scythia Saga, or 〈◊〉, and sets them in 130. degrees of longitude: and the Persians' (saith Herodotus) call all the Scythians, Sacae, which Pliny confirmeth: 
L. 6, c. 17.  for in respect that these Sacae (saith Pliny) are the next Scythians to the Persians', therefore they give all the rest that name. Now that any Nation in Armenia can neighbour the Persians', there is no man believeth. But this supposed Scythia Araxea in Armenia lieth in 78. degrees of longitude (that is) 42. degrees distant from the Sacae; and the Country about Araxes, Ptolemy calleth Colthene and Soducene and Sacapene, without any mention of Scythia at all: and yet all those which are or were reputed Scythians, either within Imatus or without, to the number of 100 several Nations are by Ptolemy precisely set down. 
Tab. Asia. 7. & 8   
But to come to those later Authors, whereof some have written, others have seen a great part of those northeast Regions, and searched their antiquities with great diligence: First, Marius Niger boundeth Scythia within Imaus, in this manner: (for Scythia without these mountains is also beyond our purpose.) Scythia intra Imaum montem ca est, quae 〈◊〉 vocabulo Gassaria hoc tempore dicitur: ab Occasu Sarmatia Asiatica: ab Oriente Imao monte: à Septentrione terra incognita: à Meridiae Saccis, Sogdianis, Margianis, usque ostia 〈◊〉 in Hyrcanum mare exeuntis; & part ipsius maris hinc usque ad Rhafluminis ostia terminatur: Scythia within the mountain Imaus is that part of the world, which in their ownc speech is at this time called Gassaria; and the same is bounded on the West side by Sarmatia Asiatica, (or of Asia) on the East by the Imaan mountains: on the North by unknown lands: on the South by the Saccae (which are the Sacae) the Sogdianis, and the Margiani, to the mouth of Oxus, falling into the Hyrcan Sea, and by a part of the same Sea as far as the mouth of Rha. 
〈◊〉 now Wolga.   
Now if Niger sets all Sarmatia Asiatica, to the West of Scythia, than Sarmatia (que 
Com. 2. Asiae. sol. 472.  magna sanè regio est, & quae innumer as nationes complectitur, Which is a great Region, comprehending innumerable Nations, (saith Niger) much of it being between Scythis and Armenia, doth sufficiently warrant us, that Armenia can be no part of Scythia; and to make it more plain, he dissevereth Sarmatia itself from any part of Armenia, 
〈◊〉 meridiem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pars septentrionalis ponte 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in 〈◊〉 Coracis flwij: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à part dextra 〈◊〉, Iberis, Albanisq, in 〈◊〉 Hyrcani 〈◊〉 provenit. 〈◊〉. hist. l. 30.  by the Regions of Colchis, Iberia, Albania, which he leaveth on the right hand of Sarmatia, and yet makes Sarmatia but the West bound of Scythia.  
And for Paulus Venetus, he hath not a word of Armenia among the Tartarian, or 〈◊〉 Nations; neither doth his fellow Friar john Plancarpio (cited by Vincentius in his description of Scythia) make any mention of Armenia; neither doth Haytonus an Armenian borne, of the blood of those Kings, (though afterward a Monk) ever acknowledge himself for a Tartarian, or of the Scythian races descended: though he writ that story at large, gathered by Nicholaus Salcuni, and (by the commandment of Pope Clement the fifth) in the year 1307 published.  
Neither doth Mathias a Michou (a Canon of Craconia in Polonia) a Sarmatian borne, and that travailed a great part of Sarmatia Asiatica, find Armenia any way within the compass of Tartary, Scythia, or Sarmatia; and yet no man (whose travails are extant) hath observed so much of those Regions as he hath done: proving and disproving many things, heretofore subject to dispute. And among others he burieth that ancient and received opinion, That out of the mountains Riphaei, and Hyperborei in Scythia, spring the Rivers of Tanais or Don, Volga or Edel; proving by unanswerable experience, that there are no such mountains in rerum natura; and (indeed) the heads and fountains of those famous Rivers, are now by the trade of Muscovia known to every Merchant, and that they arise out of Lakes, low, woody, and marish grounds. The River of Tanois or Don, ariseth to the South of the City Tulla, some twenty English miles, out of a Lake called Iwanowesero in the great wood Okenitzkilies or jepiphanolies. Volga, which Ptolemy calls Rha, and the Tartars call Edel, riseth out of a Lake called Fronow, in the great Wood Vodkonzki: from which Lake the two other famous Rivers flow of Borysthenes (now Neyper) and 〈◊〉 or Dividna. 
Sig. 〈◊〉 . And this learned Polonian doth in this sort bound the European Sarmatia. In Sarmatia of Europe are the Regions of Russians, Lithuanians, Muscovians, and those adjoining, bounded on the West by the River of Vissa, the name perchance misprinted 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Vissa for 〈◊〉, a River which parts Germany and Sarmatia: and for the East border he nameth Tanais or Don. Sarmatia Asiatica he cutteth from Europe by the same River of Tanais, and the Caspian Sea, to withhold it from stretching farther East: this Asian Sarmatia being part of that Scythia which Ptolemy calleth Scythia intra Imaum montem: Scythia within the mountain Imaus. And the same Mathias Michon farther affirmeth, that the Scythians (which Friar Annius would make Armenians) come not into Sarmatia Asiatica itself above three hundred and a few odd years before his own time: these be his words: Constat came esse gentem novam, & 〈◊〉 à partibus Orientis, (mutatis sedibus) paulò plus abhinc trecentis annis Asiae Sarmatiam ingressam: It is manifest (saith he, speaking of the Scythian Nation) that this is a late planted Nation, come from the Coasts of the East: from whence they entered into Asia, and got new seats a little more than three hundred years since: For (indeed) before that time the Goths or Pouloci inhabited Sarmatia Asiaticae. And this Mathias lived in the year 1511. and this his Discourse of Sarmatia was printed at Augusta in the year 1506. as Bucholzerus in his Chronologie witnesseth. Now these Scythians (saith he) come from the East, for in the East it was that the Ark of Noah rested; and the Scythae Sacae were those people which lived at the North foot of those Mountains of Taurus or Ararat, where they encounter or begin to mix themselves with the great Imaus. And were there no other testimony than the general description of the Earth now extant, and the witness of Ptolemy, it is plain, that between all parts of Armenia and Scythia, there are not only those three Regions of Colchis, Iberia, and Albania, but the Caspian Sea: on the East shore of which Sea, but not on the West, or on that part which any way toucheth Armenia, there are (indeed) a Nation of Scythians (called Ariacae) between jaxartus and jactus; but what are these Scythians to any Ariacae, or Scythia Araxea which ANNIUS placeth in 〈◊〉, more than the Scythians of Europe?   

†. VIII. The fift argument, The Vine must grow naturally near the place where the Ark rested.  
TO this if we add the consideration of this part of the Text, That NOAH planted 
Gen. 9 20.  a Vineyard, we shall find that the fruit of the Vine or Raysin did not grow naturally in that part of Armenia, where this resting of the Ark was supposed: for if the Vine was a stranger in Italy and France, and brought from other Countries thither, it is not probable that it grew naturally in Armenia, being a far colder Country. For Tyrrhenus first brought Vines into France, and Saturnus into Latium: 
Servius Aeneid. Eutropius.  yea at such time as Brennus and the Gauls invaded Italy, there were few or no Vines in France. For (saith Plutarch in the life of Camillus) the Gauls remained between the Pyrenae: and the Alps, near unto the Senones, where they continued a long time, until they drunk Wine, which was first brought them out of Italy; and after they tasted thereof they hasted to inhabit that Country, which brought forth such pleasant fruit: so as it appeared, that the Plant of the Vine was not natural in France, but from Italy brought thither; as by Saturn from elsewhere into Italy.  
Now it is manifest that Noah travailed not far to seek out the Vine. For the Plantation thereof is remembered, before there was any counsel how to dispose of the World among his children: and the first thing he did was to till the ground, and to plant a Vineyard, after his Sacrifice and Thanksgiving to God; and wheresoever the Ark rested, there did the Vine grow naturally. From whence it doth no where appear that he travailed far: for the Scriptures teach us, that he was a Husbandman, and not a Wanderer.   

†. IX.. Answer to an objection out of the words of the Text: The Lord scattered them from thence upon the face of the whole earth.  
AND that all the children of Noah come together into Shinar, it doth not appear, saving that it may be inferred out of these words (from thence) because it is written: So the Lord scattered them from thence upon all the earth; which hath no other sense, but that the Lord scattered them (to wit) those that built this Tower: for those were from thence dispersed into all the Regions of the North and South, and to the Westward. And by these words of Sibylla (as they are converted) it seemeth that all come not together into Shinaar, for they have this limitation: Quidam 〈◊〉 turrem adificarunt altissimam, quasi per eam coelum essent ascensuri: Certain of them built a most high Tower, as if they meant thereby to have scaled the Heavens.   

†. X. An answer to the objection from the name of Ararat, taken for Armenia: and the height of the Hills there.  
BUT before I conclude this part, it is necessary to see and consider, what part of Scripture, and what reason may be found out to make it true or probable, that the Ark of Noah was forsaken by the waters on the Mountains of Armenia. For the Text hath only these words: The Ark rested on (or upon) the Mountains of 
Gen. 8. 14.  Ararat or Armenia, saith the marginal note of the Geneva, the Chaldaean Paraphrast calls 〈◊〉 Kardu; of which the highest hath the name of Lubar, saith Epiphanius. Now this 
Epiph. l. 1. centra 〈◊〉.  Ararat (which the Septuagint do not convert at all, but keep the same word) is taken to be a Mountain of Armenia, because Armenia itself had anciently that name: so as first out of the name, and secondly out of the height (which they suppose exceeded all other) is the opinion taken, That the Ark first sat 〈◊〉.  
But these suppositions have no foundation: for neither is Ararat of Armenia alone, neither is any part, or any of those Mountains of equal stature to many other Mountains of the World; and yet it doth not follow, that the Ark found the highest Mountain of all other to rest on: for the Plains were also uncovered, before Noah come out of the Ark. Now if there were any agreement among Writers of this Ararat, and that they did not differ altogether therein, we might give more credit to the conceit. For in the Books of the Sibyls it is written, that the Mountains of Ararat are in Phrygia, upon which it was supposed that the Ark stayed after the Flood. And the better to particularise the place and seat of these Mountains, and to prove them in Phrygia, and not Armenia, they are placed where the City of Coelenes was afterward built. Likewise in the same description she maketh mention of Marsyas, a River which runneth through part of Phrygia, and afterward joineth itself with the River Moeander, which is far from the 〈◊〉 Mountains in Armenia. We may also found a great mistaking in JOSEPHUS, (though out of BEROSUS, who is in effect the Father of this opinion) that JOSEPHUS sets Ararat between ARMENIA and PARTHIA toward ADIABENE, and affirmeth withal, that in the Pronince of Charon by others Kairos and Arnos, so called by reason that the waters have from thence no descent, nor issue out, the people vaunt that they had in those days reserved some pieces of Noah's Ark. But Parthia toucheth no where upon Armenia, for Armenia bordereth Adiabene, a Province of Assyria: so that all Media and a part of Assyria is between Parthia and Armenia. Now whereas the discovery of the Mountains Cordiaei was first borrowed out of Berosus by josephus; yet the Text which josephus citeth out of Berosus, differs far from the words of that Berosus, which wandereth up and down in these days, set out by Annius. For 〈◊〉 cited by josephus, hath these words: Fertur & 〈◊〉 huius pars in Armenia, apud montem Cordiaeorum superesse, & quosdam bitumen inde abrasum 〈◊〉 reportare, quo vice amuleti loci huius homines uti solent: (which is) It is 〈◊〉 also that a part of this ship is yet remaining in Armenia upon the Cordiaean Mountains; and that divers do scrape from it the Bitumen or Pitch, and carrying it with them, they use it in stead of an amulet. But Annius his Edition of the Fragment of Berosus useth these words: Nam elevata ab aquis in Gordiaei montis vertice quievit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicitur aliqua pars esse, & homines ex illa Bitumen tollere quo maximè utuntur ad expiationem: For the whole Ark being lifted up by the waters, rested on the top of the Gordiaean Mountains, of which it is reported that some parts remain, and that men do carry thence of the Bitumen to purge by Sacrifice therewith: so as in these two Texts (besides the difference of words) the name is diversly written. The ancient Berosus writes Cordiaei with a (C.) and the Fragment Gordiaei with a (G.) the one that the Bitumen is used for a preservative against Poison or Enchantment; the other in Sacrifice; And if it be said that they agreed in the general, yet it is reported by neither from any certain knowledge, nor from any approved Author: for one of them useth the word (〈◊〉) the other (dicitur) the one, that so it is reported, the other, that so it is said; and both but by hearsay, and therefore of no anothoritie nor credit. For common bruit is so infamous an Historian, as wise men neither report after it, nor give credit to any thing they receive from it.  
Furthermore, these Mountains which Ptolemy calls 〈◊〉, are not those Mountains which himself giveth to Armenia, but he calleth the Mountains of Armenia Moschici. These be his own words: Montes Armeniae nominantur ij, qui Moschici appellantur, 
Pto. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  qui protenduntur usque ad superiacentem partem Ponti Cappadocum; & mons qui Paryardes dicitur: The Mountains of Armenia are they which are called Moschici, which stretch along to the higher part of Pontus of the Cappadocians: also the Hill which is called Paryardes; which Mountains Pliny calleth Pariedri, and both which lie to the 
Plin. l. 6. c. 9  North of Gordiaei or Baris, in 43. and 44. and a half; and the Gordiaean Mountains in 39 and a half: from the Northermost of which did the Georgians take their names, who were first Gordians and then Georgians, who amid all the strength of the greatest Infidels of Persia and Turkey, do still remain Christians. Concerning the other suppositions, that the Mountains of Gordiaei, otherwise Baris Kardu or Lubar, (which Ptolemy calleth Togordiaion) are the highest of the World, the same is absolutely false.   

†. XI. Of 〈◊〉, and divers far higher Hills than the Armenian.  
FOR the best Cosmographers with other, that have seen the Mountanes of Armenia, found them far inferior, and under-set to divers other Mountains even in that part of the World, and elsewhere: as the Mountain Athos between Macedon and Thrace, which Ptolemy calls Olympus, now called Lacas, (saith Castaldus) is far surmounting any Mountain that ever hath been seen in Armenia: for it casteth shade three hundred furlongs, which is seven and thirty miles and upwards: of 
Plut. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  which Plutarch: Athos adumbrat latera Lemniae 〈◊〉: Athos shadoweth the Cow of Lemnos. Also the Mount of Olympus in Thessaly, is said to be of that height, as neither the Winds, Clouds, or Rain overtop it. Again, the Mountain of Antandrus in Mysia, not far from Ida, whence the River Scamandrus floweth, which runneth through Troy, is also of a far more admiration than any in Armenia, and may be seen from Constantinople. There are also in Mauritania near the Sea, the famous Mountains of Atlas, of which HERODOTUS: Extat in hoc mari Mons, cui nomen Atlas, ita sublimis esse dicitur, ut adillius verticem oculi mortalium pervenire non possint: Upon this Coast there is a Mountain called Atlas, whose height is said to be such, as the eye of no mortallman can discern the top thereof. And if we may believe Aristotle, then are all 
〈◊〉. Met. cor. l. 1. c. 13.  these inferior to Caucasus, which he maketh the most notorious both for breadth and height: Caucasus Mons omnium maximus, qui aestiwm ad ortum sunt, acumine atque latitudine, cuius iuga à Sole radiantur usque ad conticinium ab ortu: & iterum ab occasu; Caucasus (saith ARISTOTLE) is the greatest Mountain both for breadth and height of all those in the northeast, whose tops are lightened by the Sunbeams, usque ad conticinium (which is saith Macrobius) between the first crowing after midnight and the break of day: Others affirm, that the top of this Mountain holds the Sunbeams when it is dark in the Valley; but I cannot believe either: for the highest Mountain of the World known is that of 〈◊〉 in the Canaria: which although it hath nothing to the Westward of it for 1000 League's together but the Ocean Sea, yet doth it not enjoy the suns company at any such late hours. Besides, these Mountains which Aristotle calleth Caucasi, are those which separate 〈◊〉 from Iberia; though (indeed) Caucasus doth divide both Colchis, Iberia, and Albania from Sarmatia: for he acknowledgeth that the River of Phasis riseth in the same Mountain, which himself calleth Caucasus, and that Phasis springeth from those Hills which sunder Colchis from Iberia, falling afterward into Euxinus: which River (it is manifest) yieldeth itself to the Sea, two degrees to the North of Trapezus (now Trabesunda) howsoever Mercator bring it from Peryardes.   

†. XII. Of divers incongruities, if in this Story we should take Ararat for Armenia.  
SO as it doth first appear, that there is no certainty what Mountain Ararat was: for the Books of the Sibyls set it in Phrygia: and Berosus in Armenia: and as for Berosus authority, those men have great want of proofs that borrow from thence.  
Secondly, that Baris was the highest Hill, and therefore most likely that the Ark grounded thereon, the assertion and supposition have equal credit: for there are many Hills which exceed all those of Armenia; and if they did not, yet it doth not follow (as is before written) that the Ark should 〈◊〉 on the highest.  
Thirdly, it cannot be proved that there is any such Hill in Armenia, or in 〈◊〉 natura, as Baris: for Baris (saith Hierome) signifieth high Towers: and so may all high Hills be called indifferently; and therefore we may better give the name of Baris to the Hills of Caucasus (out of which Indus 〈◊〉) then to any Hills of Armenia. For those of Caucasus in the East, are undoubtedly the highest of Asia.  
Fourthly, the Authors themselves do not agreed in what Region the Mountains Gordiaei stand: for Ptolemy distinguisheth the Mountains of Armenia from the Gordiaean, and calleth those of Armenia Moschici and Paryardes, as aforesaid. Now Paryardes is seated near the middle of Armenia, out of which on the Westside riseth Euphrates, and out of the eastside Araxis: and the Mountains Moschici are those Hills which disjoin Colchis, Iberia, and Albania (now the Country of the Georgians) from Armenia.   

†. XIII. Of the contrary situation of Armenia to the place noted in the Text: and that it is no 〈◊〉 that the same ledge of Hills running from Armenia to India, should keep the same name all along: and even in India be called Ararat.  
LAstly, we must blow up this Mountain Ararat itself, or else we must dig it down, and carry it out of Armenia; or found it elsewhere, and in a warmer Country, and (withal) set it East from 〈◊〉: or else we shall wound the Truth itself with the weapons of our own vain imaginations.  
Therefore to make the mistaking open to every eye, we must understand, that Ararat (named by Moses) is not any one Hill, so called, no more than any one Hill among those Mountains which divide Italy from France is called the Alps: or any 〈◊〉 among those which part France from Spain is the Pyrenian; but as these being continuations of many Hills keep one name in divers Countries: so all that long ledge of Mountains, which Pliny calleth by one name Taurus, and Ptolemy both 
Pliny in his description of Lycia. l. 5. c. 27.  Taurus, Niphates, Coatras, Coronus, Sariphi, until they encounter and cross the Mountains of the great Imaus, are of one general name, and are called the Mountains of Ararat or Armenia, because from thence or thereabouts they seem to arise. So all these Mountains of Hyrcania, Armenia, Coraxis, Caspij Moschici, Amazonici, Heniochi, Scythici, (thus diversly called by Pliny and others) Ptolemy calls by one name Caucasus, lying between the Seas Caspium and Euxinus: as all those Mountains which cut asunder America, even from the new Kingdom of Granado, to the strength of Magellan, are by one name called Andes. And as these Mountains of Ararat run East and West: so do those marvelous Mountains of Imaus stretch themselves North and South; and being of like extent well-near, are called by the name of Imaus, even as Pliny calleth these former hills Taurus, and Moses the hills of Ararat. The reason of several names given by Ptolemy was, thereby the better to distinguish the great Regions and Kingdoms, which these great mountains bound and dissever; as Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, Media, Susiana, Persia, Parthia, Caramania, Aria, Margiana, Bactria, Sogdiana, and Paropanisus: having all these Kingdoms either on the North or South side of them. For all the mountains of Asia (both the less and the greater) have three general names, (to wit) Taurus, Imaus, and Caucasus: and they receive other titles, as they sever and divide particular places and regions. For these mountains which sunder Cilicia from the rest of Asia the less on the North side, are called Taurus; and those mountains which part it from Comagena (a Province of Syria) are called Amanus: the mountains called Taurus running East and West, as Imaus doth North and South. Through Taurus the River of Euphrates forceth her passage, leaving the name of Amanus to the mountains on her West bank; and on her East side the mountains are sometimes known by the name of Taurus, (as in Ptolemy's three tables of Asia) and sometimes Niphates: (as in the fourth) retaining that uncertain appellation so long as they bound Armenia from Mesopotamia: and after the River of Tigris cutteth them asunder, they then take the name of Niphates altogether, until they separate Assyria and Media; but than they call themselves Coatras, though between the upper and neither Media, they do not appear, but altogether discontinue. For at Mazada in Media they are not found, but run through the Eastern Media by pieces: in the middle of which Region they call themselves Orontes, and towards the East part Coronus; out of the Southern part whereof the River of Bagradus riseth, which divideth the ancient Persia from Caramania: and then continuing their course Eastward by the name of Coronus, they give to the Parthians and 〈◊〉 their proper Countries. This done, they change themselves into the mountains of Sariphi, out of which riseth the River Margus, afterward yielding herself to Oxus: (now Abia) and drawing now near their ways end, they first make themselves the South border of Bactria, and are then honoured with the Title of Paropanisus; and lastly of Caucasi, even where the famous River of Indus with his principal companions Hydaspis and Zaraedrus spring forth, and take beginning. And here do these Mountains build themselves exceeding high, to equal the strong Hills called Imaus of Scythia, which encounter each other in 35. 36. and 37. degrees of Latitude, and in 140. of Longitude: of the which the West parts are now called Delanguer, and the rest Nagracot; and these Mountains in this place only, are properly called Caucasi (saith Ptolemy) that is, between Paroponisus and Imaus: and 
Ptol. tab. Asia.  improperly, between the two Seas of Caspium and Pontus.   

†. XIIII. Of the best Vine naturally growing on the South side of the Mountains Caucasi and toward the East Indieses: and of other excellencies of the Soil.  
NOw in this part of the World it is, where the Mountain and River 〈◊〉, and the Mountain Nyseus (so called of Bacchus Niseus' or Noa) are found: and on these highest Mountains of that part of the World did Goropius Becanus conceive that the Ark of Noah grounded after the Flood: of all his conjectures the most probable, and by best reason approved. In his Indoscythia he hath many good Arguments, though mixed with other fantastical opinions of this subject. And as the same Becanus also noteth; that as in this part of the World are found the best Vines: so it is as true, that in the same Line, and in 34. 35. and 36. degrees of Septentrional Latitude are the most delicate Wines of the World, namely, in judaea, Candia, and other parts of Greece: and likewise in this Region of Margiana, and under these Mountains, Strabo affirmeth, that the most excellent Vines of the World are found; the clusters of Grapes containing two Cubits of length: and it is the more probable, because this place agreeth in Climate with that part of Palestina, where the Searchers of the Land by Moses direction found bunches of equal bigness at Escol. 
Num. 13. 24.   
The fruitfulness of this place (to wit) on the South bottom of these Hills, Curtius witnesseth. For in Margiana near the Mountain of Meros did Alexander feast himself and his Army ten days together, finding therein the most delicate Wine of all other.   

†. XU The conclusion, with a brief repeating of divers chief points.  
AND therefore to conclude this opinion of Ararat, it is true, that those Mountains do also traverse Armenia: yea, and Armenia itself sometime is known by the name of Ararat. But as Pliny giveth to this ledge of high Hills, even from 
L. 5. 〈◊〉. 27.  Cilicia to Paroponisus and Caucasus, the name of Taurus: and as the Hills of France and Germany are called the Alps: and all between France and Spain the Pyrenes: and in America the continuation of Hills for 3000. miles together, the Andes: so was Ararat the general name which Moses gave them; the diversity of appellations no other wise growing, then by their dividing and bordering divers Regions and divers Countries. For in the like case do we call the Sea, which entereth by Gibraltar, the Mediterran and inland Sea; and yet where it washeth the Coasts of Carthage, and over against it, it is called Tyrrhenum: between Italy and Greece, jonium: from Venice to Durazzo, Adriaticum: between Athens and Asia, Aegeum: between Sestus and Abydus, Hellespont: and afterward Pontus, Propontis, and Bosphorus. And as in these, so is the Ocean to the northeast part of Scotland called 〈◊〉: and on this side, the Britain Sea: to the East, the German and Baltic, and then the Frozen.  
For a final end of this question we must appeal to that judge which cannot err, even to the word of Truth, which in this place is to be taken and followed according to the plain sense: seeing it can admit neither distinction, nor other construction than the words bear literally, because they are used to the very same plain purpose of a description, and the making of a true and precise difference of places. Surely, where the sense is plain (and being so understood, it bringeth with it no subsequent inconvenience or contrariety) we aught to be wary, how we fancy to our selves any new or strange exposition; and (withal) to resolve ourselves, that every word (as aforesaid) hath his weight in God's Book. And therefore we must respect and reverence the testimonies of the Scriptures throughout, in such sort as S. Augustine hath taught us touching the Gospel of CHRIST JESUS (which is) Nequis aliter accipiat quod narrantibus 〈◊〉 Christi) in 〈◊〉 legerit, quam si ipsam manum Des, 〈◊〉 in proprio corpore 〈◊〉, conspexerit; That no man otherwise take or understand that which he readeth in the Gospel (the Disciples of Christ having written it) then if he had seen the very hand of the Lord, which he bore in his own body, setting it down.  
The words then of Moses which end this dispute, are these: And as they went 
Gen. c. 11. v. 2.  from the 〈◊〉, they found a Plain in the land of Shinaar, and there they abode: which proveth without controversy, that Nimrod and all with him come from the East into 〈◊〉; and therefore the Ark of Noah rested and took land to the Eastward thereof. For we must remember, that in all places wheresoever Moses maketh a difference of Countries, he always precisely nameth toward what quarters of the world the same were seated: as where he teacheth the plantation of joctan, he nameth Sephar, a Mount in the East: where he remembreth 〈◊〉 departure from the presence of God, he addeth: And CAIN dwelled in the land of Nod towards the eastside 
Gen. 10. 30.  of Eden: And when he describeth the Tents and Habitations of Abraham after 
Gen. 4. 16.  he departed from Sechem, he used these words: Afterwards removing thence unto 
Gen. 12. 8.  a Mountain Eastward from Bethel, he pitched his Tents: having Bethel on the Westside, and Hai on the East: and afterward in the ninth Verse of the same Chapter it is written: And ABRAHAM went forth journeying towards the South: also when Ezechiel 
〈◊〉. 38. 6.  prophesied of Gog and Magog, he showeth that these Nations of Togorma were of the North quarters: and of the Queen of Saba it is written, that she come from the 
Matth. 12. 42.  South to visit SALOMON: And the Magis (or wisemen) come out of the East to 〈◊〉 presents 
Matth. 2. v. 1,  unto Christ. And that all Regions, and these travails were precisely set down upon the points of the Compass and quarters of the World, it is most manifest: for Eden was due East from judaea, 〈◊〉 South from Jerusalem: the way from Bethel to Egypt directly South; and the Coelesyrians, the Tubalines and Magogians inhabited the Regions directly North from Palestina, and so of the rest. But Armenia answereth not to this description of Shinaar by Moses. For to come out of Armenia, and to arrive in that Valley of Babylonia, is not a journeying from the East, nor so near unto the East as the North: for Armenia is to the West of the North itself; and we must not say of Moses (whose hands the holy Ghost directed) that he erred toto coelo, and that he knew not East from West. For the body of Armenia standeth in forty three degrees Septentrional, and the North part thereof in forty five; and those Gordiaean Mountains, whereon it was supposed that the Ark rested, stand in forty one. But Babylonia, and the Valley of Shinaar are situated in thirty five, and for the Longitude (which maketh the difference between East and West) the Gordiaean Mountains stand in 75. degrees, and the Valley of 〈◊〉 in 79. and 80. And therefore Armenia lieth from Shinaar Northwest, ninety five degrees from the East; and if Armenia had been but North, yet it had differed from the East one whole quarter of the Compass. But Gregory and Hierome warn us, In scripturis ne minima differentia omitti debet: nam singuli sermones, syllabae, apices, & puncta in divina Scriptura a plena sunt sensibus; In the Scriptures the lest difference may not be omitted: for every speech, syllable, note, or accent, and point in divine Scriptures are replenished with their meanings. And therefore seeing Moses teacheth us that the children of Noah come from the East, we may not believe Writers (of little authority) who also speak by hearsay and by report, ut fertur, & ut dicitur, as Berosus and Nicolaus Damascenus, determining herein without any examination of the Text, at all-aduenture. But this is infallibly true, that Shinaar lieth West from the place where the Ark of Noah rested after the flood; and therefore it first found ground in the East, from whence come the first knowledge of all things. The East parts were first civil, which had Noah himself for an Instructor: and directly East from Shinaar in the same degree of 35. are the greatest grapes and the best Wine. The great Armies also, which overtopped in number those Million of Semiramis, prove that those parts were first planted: And whereas the other opinion hath neither Scripture nor Reason sufficient: for myself I build on his words who in plain terms hath told us, that the Sons of Noah come out of the East into Shinaar, and there they abode. And therefore did the Ark rest on those Eastern Mountains, called by one general name Taurus, and by Moses the Mountains of Ararat, and not on those Mountains of the Northwest, as Berosus first feigned, whom most part of the Writers have followed therein. It was, I say, in the plentiful warm East where Noah rested, where he planted the Vine, where he tilled the ground and lived thereon. Placuit vero NOACHO agriculturae studium, in qua tractanda ipse omnium peritissimus esse dicitar: ob eamque rem sua ipsius lingua ISH-ADAMATH (hoc est) telluris vir appellatur 〈◊〉 est; The study of Husbandry pleased NOAH (saith the excellent learned man ARIAS MONTANUS) in the knowledge and order of which it is said, that NOAH excelled all men: and therefore was he called in his own language a man exercised in the earth. Which also showeth that he was no Wanderer: and that he troubled not himself with the contentions, beginning again in the world, and among men, but stayed in his destined places, and in that part of the world, where he was first delivered out of the prison of the Ark, whereinto God had committed him, to preserve him and mankind.     

CHAP. VIII. Of the first planting of Nations after the flood; and of the Sons of NOAH, SEM, HAM, and JAPHET, by whom the earth was repeopled.  

§. I. Whither SHEM and HAM were elder than JAPHET.  
OF these Sons of Noah, which was the eldest, there is a question made. S. Augustine esteemed Shem for 
August, de Civit. Dei, l. 16. c. 3.  the eldest, Ham for the second, and japhet for the youngest: and herein the opinions of Writers are divers. But this we find everywhere in the Scriptures, and especially in Moses, that there was never any respect given to the eldest in years, but in virtue, as by the examples of Henoch, Abraham, jacob, and David, is made manifest. In a few words, this is the ground of the controversy; The Latin translation, and so the Geneva, hath converted this Scripture of Genesis the 10. v. 21. in these words: Unto SHEM also the Father of all the Sons of HEBER, and elder brother of JAPHET, were children borne. But junius agreeing with the Septuagint, placeth the same words in this manner: To SHEM also the Father of all the Sons of HEBER, and brother of JAPHET, the eldest son were children borne: So the transposition of the word (elder) made this difference. For if the word (elder) had followed after japhet, as it is in the vulgar translation placed before it, then had it been as plain for japhet, as it is by these translations for Shem. Now (the matter being otherwise indifferent) seeing God's blessings are not tied to first and last in 〈◊〉, but to the eldest in piety, yet the arguments are stronger for japhet then for Shem. And where the Scriptures are plainly understood without any danger or inconvenience, it seemeth strange why any man of judgement should make valuation of conjectural arguments, or men's opinions. For it appeareth that Noah in the five hundredth year of his life, begat the first of his three Sons, Shem, Ham, and japhet: and in the six hundredth year (to wit) the hundredth year following, come the general flood; two years after which Shem begat Arphaxad, which was in the year 
Gen. 11. 10.  602. of Noah's life, and in the year of Shem's life one hundred: so as Shem was but 100 years old, two years after the flood: and Noah begat his first borne being 500 years old; and therefore, were Shem the elder, he had then been a hundred years old at the flood, and in the six hundredth year of Noah's life, and not two years after. Which seeing the Scripture before remembered hath denied him, and that it is also written: Than NOAH awoke from his wine, and knew what his younger son had 
Gen. 11. v. 24.  done unto him (to wit) HAM; of necessity the first place doth belong to japhet. This younger son so converted by the vulgar and Geneva, junius turns it filius minimus; His youngest son; but S. Chrusostom takes it otherwise, and finds Cham to be the middle or second brother, and japhet the youngest son of all: which Cham for his disobedience and the contempt of his Father (whose nakedness he derided) was disinherited, and lost the preeminency of his birth, as Esau and Reuben did. Pererius 
In Gen.  conceiveth that Ham was called the younger in respect of Shem the eldest, but avoweth withal, that the Hebrew hath not that precise difference of younger and youngest, because it wanteth the comparative degree. It is true that Shem himself was always named in the first place yet whereas in the first Verse of the tenth Chapter of Genesis, Shem is accounted before japhet: in the second Verse Moses leaveth to begin with the issue by Shem, and reciteth the children of japhet first. So the first place was given to Shem for his election and benediction, and for this weighty respect, that the Hebrew Nation, Abraham, the Prophets, David, and Christ our Saviour were descended of him. And therefore, whither we shall follow the Vulgar Pagninus, and the Geneva, who agreed in this conversion, SHEM frater JAPHET maior; or with the Septuagint, junius, and Tremelius, SHEM fratri JAPHET maioris; or with Pererius, SHEM frater JAPHET ille magnus: inferring that Shem was the great and famous brother of japhet, let the Reader judge. But for aught that I have seen to the contrary, it appeareth to me that japhet was the eldest. For where Pererius qualifieth the strength of the former Argument, That Shem's age at the time of the flood did not agreed with his eldership (with a supposition that the Scriptures took no account of smaller numbers) I do not find in the Scriptures any such neglect at all: for it is written, that SHEM was an hundred years old, and begat ARPHAXAD 
Gen. 11. v. 10.  two years after the flood; and again in the 12. Verse: So SHELA lived after he begat EBAR, four hundred and three years, etc. so as the number of two years, of three years, of five years, and afterward of two years were always precisely accounted.   

§. II Of divers things that in all reason are to be presumed, touching the first planting of the World, as that all Histories must yield to MOSES: that the world was not planted all at once, nor without great direction: and that the known great Lords of the first ages were of the issue of HAM.  
But let us go unto the World's plantation after the flood, which being rightly understood, we shall find that many Nations have supposed or feigned themselves those Ancestors and Fathers, which never seen or approached the bounds of their Countries, and of whom they are by no way or branch descended. For it is plain in the Scriptures how the sons and issues of Noah were distributed, and what Regions were first planted by them, from whence by degrees the rest of the world was also peopled. And if any profane Author may receive allowance herein, the same must be with this caution, That they take their beginning where the Scriptures end. For so far as the story of Nations is therein handled, we must know that both the truth and antiquity of the books of God find no companions equal, either in age or authority. All record, memory, and testimony of antiquity whatsoever, which hath come to the knowledge of men, the same hath been borrowed thence, and therefore later than it, as all careful observers of time have noted: among which thus writeth Eusebius in the Prooeme of his Chronologie: MOSES is found more ancient than all those whom the Grecians make most ancient, as HOMER, HESIOD, and the Trojan war; and far before HERCULES, MUSAEUS, LINUS, CHIRON, ORPHEUS, CASTOR, POLLUX, AESCULAPIUS, BACCHUS, MERCURIUS, and APOLLO, and the rest of the gods of the Nations, their Ceremonies, or holy Rites, or Prophets: and before all the deeds of JUPITER, whom the Greeks' have seated in the top and highest Turret of their Divinity.  
For of the three jupiters' remembered by Cicero, the ancientest was the son of 
Cicero de Nat. Deorum, l. 3.  Aether, whose three sons begotten on Proserpina, were borne at Athens, of which Cecrops was the first King: and in the end of Cecrops time did Moses bring the children of Israel out of Egypt: Eduxit MOSES populum Deiex Aegypto novissimo tempore CECROPIS Atheniensis Regis; MOSES brought the children of Israel out of Egypt, in the last days of CECROPS King of the Athenians, saith S. Augustine: and yet 
De Civit. Dei, l. 18. c. 11.  was not Cecrops the Founder of the City itself, but Theseus long after him. But because the truth hereof is diversly proved, and by many learned Authors, I will not cut asunder the purpose in hand, by alleging many authorities in a needless question, but leave it to the proper place.  

The Sons of JAPHET were,  
Gomer,   

The Sons of GOMER were,  
Magog,  
Madai,  
javan,  
Tubal,   

Askenaz,  
Riphath,  
Togorma.   

The Sons of JAVAN were,  
Meshach, and  
Tiras.  
Elisha,  
Tarshis,  
Kittim, and  
Dodanim.   
First, we are to consider that the world after the flood was not planted by imagination, neither had the children of Noah wings, to fly from Shinaar to the uttermost border of Europe, Africa, and Asia in haste, but that these children were directed by a wise Father, who knew those parts of the world before the flood, to which he disposed his children 〈◊〉 it, and sent them not as Discoverers, or at all-aduenture, but assigned and allotted to every Son and their issues, their proper parts. And not to hearken to fabulous Authors, who have no other end then to flatter Princes (as Virgil did Augustus in the fiction of Aeneas) or else to glorify their own Nations; Let us build herein upon the Scriptures themselves, and after them upon Reason and Nature. First, therefore we must call to mind and consider, what manner of face the earth every where had in the 130. year after the great inundation, and by comparing those fruitfullest Valleys with our own barren and cold ground, inform ourselves thereby, what wonderful Deserts, what inpassable fastness of woods, reeds, 〈◊〉, and rotten grass, what Lakes and standing Pools, and what Marshes, Fens and Bogs, all the face of the earth (excepting the Mountains) was pestered withal. For if in this our Climate (where the dead and destroying winter depresseth all vegetative and growing Nature, for one half of the year in effect) yet in twenty or thirty years these our grounds would all overgrow and be covered (according to the nature thereof) either with Woods or with other offensive Thickets and Bushments: much more did all sorts of Plants, Reeds, and Trees, prospero in the most fruitful Valleys, and in the Climate of a long and warm Summer, and having withal the start of 130. years, to raise themselves without controlment.  
This being considered, it will appear, that all these people which come into Shinaar, and over whom Nimrod either by order or strength took the Dominion, did after the confusion of Languages, and at such time as they grew to be a mighty People, disperse themselves into the Regions adjoining to the said Valley of Shinaar, which contained the best part of Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Chaldaea; and from the borders thereof in time they were propagated: some of them towards the South, others towards the West and North. And although there were allotted to Shem many Regions, both East and West from Shinaar, with the Dominion of Palestina, which the Canaanites first possessed; yet could he not enjoy the lot of his inheritance on the sudden, but by time and degrees. For we find, that Abraham the true successor of Shem dwelled in Chaldaea at Vr; and from thence (called by God) he rested at Charran in Mesopotamia: from whence after the death of There he travailed to Sichem in Palestina: and yet there had passed between Shem and Abraham (reckoning neither of themselves) seven descents, before Abraham moved out of Chaldaea: where, and in Babylonia, all those people by Nimrod commanded, inhabited for many years, and whence Nimrod went out into Assyria, and founded Ninive. Indeed the great Masters of Nations (as far as we can know) were, in that Age of the issues of Ham; the blessing of God given by Noah to Shem and japhet taking less effect, until divers years were consumed; and until the time arrived, which by the wisdom of God was appointed. For of Chus, Mizraim, and Canaan, come the People and Princes, which held the great Kingdoms of Babylonia, Syria, and Egypt, for many descents together.   

§. III Of the Isles of the Gentiles in JAPHETS' portion: of BEROSUS his too speedy seating GOMER the son of JAPHET in Italy; and another of JAPHETS' sons TUBAL in Spain: and of the antiquity of Longinque Navigation.  
TO begin therefore (where Moses beginneth) with the sons of japheth, among whom the Isles of the Gentiles were divided: which division, as well to japhets' sons as to the rest which come into Shinaar, was (if the division were made at Phaleg's birth) in the year of the World 1757. or 1758. and (by that account) in the year after the flood one hundred and one, of which question elsewhere.  
The habitations proper to the sons of japhet were the Isles of the Gentiles, which include all Europe with all the islands adjoining, and compassing it about: Europe being also taken for an Island, both in respect that the Sea Hellespont and Aegeum, Bosphorus and Euxinus cut it off from the great Continent of Asia, as also because Europe itself is (in effect) surrounded with water, saving that it is fastened to Asia by the North, for it hath those Seas before named to the East, the Mediterran to the South and Southwest, the Ocean to the West, and British, German, and Baltic Sea, with that of Glaciale to the North northeast, and Northwest. Besides, it hath about it all the Cycladeses or Isles lying between Greece and the lesser Asia, and the Isles of Rhodes, Cyprus, Crect or Candia, Sicilia, Corsica, Sardinia, Malta, the Isles of Brittany and Zealand, with their yong-ones adjacent.  
This partition and portion of japheth, with the part which he held in Asia, and the North, which was also very great, answereth to that blessing of God by Noah. Dilatet Deus JAPHETH; Let God spread abroad (or increase the posterity of) japheth, 
Gen. 9 v. 27.  and let him devil in the Tents of SHEM. For though junius here useth the word (〈◊〉) and not dilatet: and the Genevapersuadeat; yet the Septuagint have dilatet or amplificet; and such was the blessing given to our Fathers, which God promised to Abraham and his seed for ever. And the dwelling in the Tents or Tabernacles of Shem was a blessing by God to the posterity of japheth: noting not only an enlargement of Territories; but that thereby they should be made participant of God's Church. But to come to japhets' sons, of whom Gomer is the eldest. This Gomer (if we may believe Berosus and Annius, whose authority the greatest number of all our late Writers have followed) did in the tenth year of Nimrod's reign departed from Babylonia, and planted Italy: which also Functius confirmeth in these words: Anno decimo 
Funct. Chronol.  NIMRODI, etc. In the tenth year of NIMRODS' reign, GOMERUS GALLUS planted a Colony in that land afterward called Italy: and in the twelfth year of the same NIMRODS reign TUBAL seated himself in Asturia in Spain (now called Biscay) which was in the 140. and in the 142. years after the flood, according to BEROSUS. But this opinion is very ridiculous. For before the confusion of tongues the children of Noah did not separate themselves, at lest so many of them as come with Nimrod into Shinaar. Let us therefore consider with reason, what time the building such a City and Tower required, where there was no prepared matter, nor any ready means to perform such a work as Nimrod had erected (and as Functius himself out of his Author Berosus witnesseth) ad altitudinem & magnitudinem montium; To the height and magnitude of the Mountains. Sure that both this City and Tower were almost builded the Scriptures witness: But the Lord come down to see the City 
Gen. c. 11.  and Tower, which the Sons of men builded. Let us then but allot a time sufficient for the making of Brick to such a Work, of the greatest height (and therefore of circuit and foundation answerable) that ever was. For where the universal Flood covered the highest Mountains fifteen Cubits; Let us build us a City and a Tower (saith NIMROD) whose top may reach unto the Heaven: meaning, that they would raise their Work above fifteen Cubits higher than the highest Mountain, otherwise they could not assure themselves from the fear of a second inundation: a great part whereof was finished before it fell, and before they left the Worke. They also began this building upon a ground, the most oppressed with waters of all the World: as by the great ruin which these waters forcibly over-bearing and overflowing, made in the time of the succeeding Emperors, is made manifest, approved also by the Prophet Hieremie, speaking of Babylon in these words: Thou that dwellest upon many waters. It cannot be doubted but that there needed a substantial foundation, for so high a raised building on a marish ground: and to which, Glycas upon Genesis giveth forty years. For it seemeth, that the Tower was near finished when God overthrew it: it being afterward written, So the Lord scattered them from thence upon all the earth, and they left to build the City. Out of which place it may be gathered (because the Tower is not then named) that they very near had performed the Work of their supposed defence, which was the Tower: and that afterward they went on with the City adjoining, wherein they inhabited. It is also to be noted, that till such time as this confusion seized them (whereupon the Tower was thrown down) these Nations did not disperse themselves: for from thence the Lord scattered 
Gen. 11.  them upon all the Earth, (that was) when they perceived not one another's speech. Now to think that this Work in the newness of the World (wanting all instruments and materials) could be performed in ten years; and that Tubal and Gomer in the same year could creep through 3000. miles of Desert, with Women, Children, and cattle: let those light Believers, that neither tie themselves to the Scripture, nor to reason, approve it, for I do not. And if the Ark of Noah was 100 years in building, or but near such a time, (and then) when the World had stood 1556. years, it were more than foolishness and madness itself, to think that such a Work as this could be performed in ten; when the World (from the Flood to the arrival at Babel, and beginning of this building there) had but 131. years, and whereof they had spent some part in travailing from the East. Again, if all Asia set to their helping hands in the building of the Temple of Diana, and yet they consumed 
〈◊〉.  in that Work 400. years (or be it but half that time) and in such an Age as when the World flourished in all sorts of Artificers, and with abundant plenty of materials and carriages: This Work of the Tower of Babel could hardly (with all the former wants supposed) be erected in those few years remembered. And for conclusion, let all men of judgement weigh with themselves how impossible it was for a Nation or Family of men, with their Wives and Children, and cattle, to travail 3000. miles through Woods, Bogs, and Deserts, without any Guide or Conductor; and we shall found it rather a Work of 100 years then of 100 days. For in the West Indies of which the Spaniards have the experience, in those places where they found neither path nor Guide, they have not entered the Country ten miles in ten years. And if Nimrod's people spent many years by the account before remembered in passing from the East-India or the higher part thereof, which standeth in 115. Degrees of Longitude, until they come into Shinaar which lieth in 79. Degrees (the distance between those places containing 36. Degrees, which make 720. Leagues, which is 2160. miles) and did all the way keep the Mountains and hard ground; then the difference between Babylon and Biscay is much more: for the body of Biscay lieth in ten Degrees, and Babylon or Shinaar, (as aforesaid) in 79. so the length of way from Shinaar to Asturia or Biscay is 69. Degrees, which make 1380. Leagues, or of miles 4140. And therefore if Nimrod took divers years to found Shinaar, which was but 2160. miles: or (supposing that the Ark rested in Armenia) little above 400. miles: there is no cause to the contrary, but to allow as many years to Gomer and Tubal to travail 3000. miles to Countries less known unto them by far; then the Land of Shinaar was to Nimrod. For Paradise was known to Noah before the Flood: and so was the Region of Eden by Moses afterward remembered; but what he understood of most part of the World else it is unknown. And therefore did Annius ill advise himself to plant Gomer in Italy, and Tubal in Spain, in the tenth and twelfth of Nimrod's Reign: Shall the earth be brought forth in one day, or shall 
〈◊〉. 1. 66. 〈◊〉. 8.  a Nation be borne at one? But it may be objected, That the Sons of japheth might come by Sea, and so save this great travail through Deserts by Land. But we never read of any Navigation in those days, nor long after. Surely he that knoweth what it is to embark so great a people as we may justly suppose those conductor carried with them, will not easily believe, that there were any Vessels in those days to transport Armies, and (withal) their cattle, by whose Milk they lived and fed their Children: for Milk and Fruit were the banqueting dishes of our Forefathers. And in the eldest times, even the Kings and Fathers of Nations valued themselves by the Herds and numbers of their cattle: who had flocks of Sheep, and great Droves and Herds of their own, and their own Shepherds and Herdsmen. Now if Tubal had passed by Sea from any part of Palaestina, Syria, or Cilicia, he might have made good choice within the Straitss, and not have overgone Granado, Valentia, and other Provinces in that Tract: past the Straitss of Gibraltar, disdained all Andalusia and Portugal, with all those goodly Ports and Countries; and have sought out the iron, woody, and barren Country of the World (called Biscay) by a long and dangerous Navigation. But before the journey of the Argonautae there were scarce any Vessels that durst cross the Seas in that part of the World: and yet that which jason had (if the Tale be true) was but a Galley, and a poor one (God knows) and perchance such as they use this day in Ireland: which although it carried but four and fifty Passengers, yet was it far greater than any of the former times: Erat enim antea paruarum 
Diod. Sicul. l. 4. 6. 4. fol. 115.  navicularum usus: For in former times they used very small Vessels. I deny not but that the Tyrians gave themselves of old to far-off Navigations, whence Tibullus ascribed the invention of Ships unto them:  Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyros, 
Tibull. Eleg. 7. 〈◊〉. l. 〈◊〉.  Tyrus knew first how Ships might use the wind. 
And for those boats called longaenaves or Galleys, Pliny saith that Aegesias ascribeth 
Diod. Sicul. l. 1. 〈◊〉. 7. c. 56.  the device to Paralus: and Philostephanus to jason: Ctesias to Samyras; and Saphanus to Semiramis: Archimachus to Aegeon: to which invention the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are said to have added certain numbers of Oars: and then Aminocles the Corinthian to have 
〈◊〉.  increased them: the Carthaginians afterwards to have brought them to four Banks: the Quinque Remi first to have been used by Nesichthon the Salaminian, with which Vessels in those parts of the World, the Romans served themselves in the Punic War. But these be perhaps but the partialities of Writers, or their ignorance. For there are that as constantly cast the devising of these Galleys on Sesostris, though Semiramis used them in the passage of her Army over Indus in Abraham's time. So it is said, that 〈◊〉 was the first that brought a Ship into Greece: and yet the Samothracians 
〈◊〉. l. 7. c. 56. 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉.  challenge the invention; and yet Tertullian (on the contrary) gives it to Minerva: others to Neptune: 〈◊〉 to the Corinthians. And so ignorant were the people 
evang. c. 1. Tert. de Coron. 〈◊〉.  of those Ages, as the Egyptians used to coast the Shores of the Read Sea upon raffes, devised by King Erythrus: and in the time of the Romans, the Britons had a kind of Boat (with which they crossed the Seas) made of small twigs, and covered over with Leather: of which kind I have seen at the 〈◊〉 in Ireland, and elsewhere. Naves ex corio circumsutae in Oceano Britannico (saith Textor:) of which Lucan the Poet:  

Primùm cana salix, 〈◊〉 vimine, paruam  
Texitur in puppim, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Vectoris patiens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Sic Venetus 〈◊〉 Pado, fusoque Britannus  
Navigat Oceano.   

The moistened Osyer of the hoary Willow  
Is woven first into a little Boat:  
Than clothed in bullocks Hide, upon the billow  
Of a proud River, lightly doth it float  
Under the Waterman:  
So on the Lakes of overswelling Poe  
Sails the Venetian: and the Britain so  
On th' out-spred Ocean.   
And although it cannot be denied, when Noah by God's inspiration was instructed in so many particulars concerning the Ark, that then many things concerning Navigation were first revealed; yet it appears that there was much difference between the Ark of Noah, and such Ships as were for any long Navigation. Yea ancient Stories show, that it was long after these times, ere any durst presume upon any long Voyages to Sea: at lest with multitudes of Women, and Children, and cattle: as also common reason can tell us, that even now when this Art is come to her perfection, such Voyages are very troublesome and dangerous. So as it doth appear, that there was not in that Age of Nimrod any Ship, or use of Ships fit for any long Navigation. For if Gomer and Tubal had passed themselves and their people by Sea; the exercise of Navigation would not have been dead for so many hundred years after. Leaving therefore the fabulous to their Fables, and all men else to their fancies, who have cast Nations into Countries far off, I know not how, I will follow herein the Relation of Moses and the Prophets: to which Truth there is joined both Nature, Reason, Policy, and necessity: and to the rest, neither probability, nor possibility.   

§. FOUR Of GOG and MAGOG, TUBAL, and MESECH, seated first about 〈◊〉, out of EZECHIEL CAP. 38. 39  
NOw although many learned and reverend men have form (I know not whereby led) a Plantation of the World, which also hath been and is received: yet I hope I may be excused, if I differ altogether from them in many particulars. Certainly, that great learned man of this latter Age, Arias Montanus was also in some things much mistaken: and for josephus, as he hath many good things, and is a Guide to many errors withal, so was he in this Plantation of the World very gross and fabulous, whereby both Eusebius, Hierosolymitanus, Epiphanius, and others, that have taken his testimonies for currant, have been by him far misted. But the better to conceive what Regions of the World Gomer the first son of japhet possessed, as also Tubal, it is needful to begin with Magog: because the Scriptures take most knowledge of Gog and Magog, which two names have troubled many Commentators, saith Matth. Beroaldus, who hath laboured herein with great diligence, and whom (of all that ever I read) I found most judicious in the examination of this plantation. He takes authority from the Prophet Ezechiel chief, who in the 38: and 39: Chapter directeth us, what Nations the Gomerians, Tubalines, and Togormians were, together with the Magogians: of which Gog was Prince or chief Conductor in their attempts against Israel. For besides the portions of Europe, and the northeast parts of the greater Asia, which japheths' issues possessed, all Asia the less was peopled by them. And that those of the issue of japheth (whom Ezechiel speaks of) were seated hereabout, it may best appear, if we consider the circumstances of the place, and the dependency upon the former prophecy in the 37. Chapter. For in that 37. Chapter, Ezechiel prophesieth 
c. 37. v. 19  of the uniting of the two Kingdoms of Israel and juda, after their delivery from captivity.  
By which prophecy of Ezechiel, it appeareth, that God purposed to gather together his people, to give life to dead bones, and to rule them by one Prince. For to that purpose it is written; And DAVID my servant shallbee King over them, and they shall have one shepherd, (that is) they shall be united as they were in David's time. Hereupon in the 38. Chapter Ezechiel prophesieth against those Nations, which should seek to impeach this Union, and disturb the people of Israel, whom God purposed to receive to grace, and promised to restore. And so in the same Chapter are those Nations coupled together, which infested the Israelites after their return, and sought to subject them: all which were the subjects or Allies of Gog, Prince of the Magogians, or Coelesyrians, next bordering Palaestina, or the holy Land, followed also by the rest of the Nations of Asia the less, which lay North from judaea. The words of Ezechiel are these: Son of man, set thy face against GOG, and against 
c. 58. v. 2.  the land of MAGOG, the chief Princes of MESECH (or MOSOCH and TUBAL: and afterward; Behold, I come against the chief Prince of MESHECH and TUBAL: and in the sixth Verse; GOMER and all his bands, and the house of TOGORMA of the North quarters. Herein Ezechiel having first delivered the purpose of his Prophecy, teacheth what Nations they were, that should in vain assail Israel. Hejoineth them together under their Prince Gog, and showeth that their habitations were on the North quarters of juda, and how seated and joined together. Gog signifieth in the Hebrew (saith Faint Hierome) tectum or covering of a house: and Pintus upon Ezechiel affirmeth, that by Gog is meant Antichrist: for (saith he) Antichrist us erit Diabolitegumentum sub specie humana: That Antichrist shall be the covering of the Devil under human form. He addeth that Magog is as much to say as Gog: the letter 
In 〈◊〉.  (M) being an Hebrew Preposition, and importeth as much as of or from: so he taketh Magog for those people which follow Antichrist. So far Pintus; at lest in this not amiss, that he expoundeth Magog not for any one person, but for a Nation, with which agreeth this observation of Beroaldus. Magog (saith he) in Hebrew is written Ham-Magog, which showeth Magog to be a Region or Nation: for the letter (He) which is used but for an Emphasis (which the Hebrews call Heliaiedia) is never added to proper names of men, but often to place. So as Gog was Prince of that Nation (called either Magog, or according to others, the people of Gog) also Prince of Meshech, (or Mosoch) and of Tubal: as by the first Verse of the 39 Chapter is made manifest: Bchold, I come against thee GOG the chief Prince of MESHECH and TUBAI. This must needs be meant by the Successors of Seleucus 〈◊〉, who did not (as other conquering Nations) seek to make the jews their 〈◊〉 only, but endeavoured by all means, and by all kind of violence to extinguish the Religion itself (which the Hebrews professed) and the acknowledging of one true God: and to force them to worship and serve the mortal and rotten gods of the Heathen; of which nothing remained but the very name, and dead Images. S. 〈◊〉 and Isidore 
L. 2. de Fide.  take Gog for the Nation of the Goths: belike because they invaded Europe, and sacked Rome, and many other places and Cities thereabouts. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of Pomp. Mela derives the Turks from the Scythians, esteemed Magoqueians of Gog Many take Gog for the proper name of a Man: other of a Region: others for a Nation inhabiting a Region, as junius, who says that Gog is the name of a Nation, denominated from him whom the Greek Stories call Gyges': who in former time having slain Candaules the Lydian, gave his own name to that Nation, thence after called Gygades: and thereof also the Gygean Lake; which Lake Strabo also findeth in Lydia, (of which Gyges was King) forty Furlongs from Sardis. Pliny calleth it Gygeum 
Strab. l. 13.  stagnum. Herodotus and Nicander set it about the Rivers of 〈◊〉, and Moeander; but the difference is not great. Marius Niger maketh mention of this Gyges King of Lydia: who after he had subdued the Country about the River Rhodius which runneth into the Hellespont, called the Promontory Trapeses after his own name Gyges. These 
Suid. col. 207.  opinions do also seem to strengthen that of junius. For Magog, saith he, is that part of Asia the less, which Halyattes obtained, and after him his son Croesus; who (as junius further notes) having mastered all those Regions as far South as 
jun. in 〈◊〉. 38  Libanus in that border built the City Gigarta or Gogkarta (which in the Syrian signifieth the City of Gog) seated in 〈◊〉, whose people were the ancient Enemies of the jews.  
Now that Magog is found in Coelesyria, Pliny affirmeth, saying; 〈◊〉 habet Bambycen, quaealio nomine Hierapo 'is vocatur, 〈◊〉 verò Magog. Coelesyria hath in it Bambyce, which by another name is called Hierapolis, but of the Syrians Magog. He further telleth us that the monstrous Idol 〈◊〉, called by the Greeks' Derceto, was here worshipped, Lucian makes mention hereof, saying that the City had anciently another name, which yet he expresseth not; forbearing perhaps the word Magog, as sounding nothing elegantly in the Greek. But if we may believe Strabo, 
Strab. l. 16.  then was Edessa in Mosopotamia the same Bambyce or Hierapolis, where the same Idol was worshipped. Ortelius is doubtful whither one of these Authors did not mistake the place of this Bambyce or Hierapolis. It may well enough be that the same name and Religion was common to them both. Certain it is, that both of them lay due North from Palestina, and were both subject unto the Kings of the Race of Seleucus. Now I do not condemn the opinion of Hermolaus Barbarus following josephus, but grant that perhaps Magog might also be the Father of the Scythians; notwithstanding that in this place, where Gog is made the Prince of Magog, the Nations of Coelesyria and the North parts adjoining be meant by Magog: for by a latter Plantation from these parts they might be propagated into Scythia. Yet it is not to be denied, that the Scythians in old times coming out of the North-east wasted the better part of Asia the less, and possessed Coelesyria, where they built both Scythopolis and Hierapolis, which the Syrians call Magog. And that to this Magog 〈◊〉 had reference, it is very plain: for this City Hierapolis or Magog standeth due North from judaea, according to the words of Ezechiel; that from the North quarters those Nations should come. For as the Kings of the South which infested the Israelites were the 〈◊〉 Kings of Egypt: so those of the North were the Kings of Asia and Syria, the Successors of 〈◊〉, the Successor of Alexander Macedon. Gulielmus Tyrins thinks that this Hierapolis is that Rages, mentioned in the 
Lib. 4. cap. de bello. Sacro.  Story of Tobias. Pliny takes it not only to have been called Bambyce, as we have said, but also Edessa: not that by Euphrates; but another of the same name; now the known name is Allepo: for so Bellonius expounds this Hierapolis, or Magog. This City had the title of Sacred, as the Sacred City, (for so the word Hierapolis signifieth) yet was it a place of most detested Idolatry, and wherein was worshipped the Idol of the Mermaid Atergatis, or Atirgitis, according to Pliny, which the Greeks' call Derceto.  
If then we confer the words of Ezechiel in the third verse of the thirty eight Chapter, wherein he joineth together Gog Mesech, and Tubal: and withal remember that Hierapolis was the City of Magog, which also is seated directly North from judaea: with whom also Ezechiel coupleth Gomer, and all his bands of the North quarters; we may (as I conceive) safely conclude, that these Followers and Vassals of Gog (which were Northern Nations in respect of judaea) were not the Gomerians of France, nor the Tubalines of Spain, but a people of the lesser Asia, and Coelesyria: and therefore that the opinions of Berosus, josephus, and whosoever else hath followed them therein are to be rejected. But if josephus refer himself to later times, and think that some Colony of the Tubalines might from Iberia and Asia pass into Spain (to wit, from that piece of Land between Colchis (or Mengrelia) and Albania: (most part possessed by the Georgians) then is his judgement of better allowance. For without any repugnancy of opinions, it may be granted, that in process of time these people might from their first habitation pass into the Countries near the Euxine Sea, and from thence in after-Ages into Spain.  
josephus makes mention of the Iberi, saying, that they were anciently called Thobelos, as of Tubal; from whence (saith justine) they passed into Spain to search out the Ours of that Region: having belike understood that it was a Southerly Country and Mountainous. For it seemeth that the Tubalines called 〈◊〉 lived altogether by the exchange of Iron, and other Metals, as Apollonius witnesseth in these following Verses, telling how the Argonauts did visit them;  

Haec gens tellurem rigido non vertit aratro,  
Sed ferrivenas scindit sub montibus altis:  
Mercibus haec mutat, quae vitae alimenta ministrant:   

The Calybes plough not their barren soil  
But undermine high Hills for Iron Veins:  
Changing the purchase of their endless toil  
For merchandise, which their poor lives sustains.   
But it is more probable, that Spain was first peopled by the Africans, who had ever since an affection to return thither, and to repeople it anew. This appeared by the Carthaginians of old, who were easily drawn to pass over the Straitss into that Country; and after by the Moors who held Granado, and the South parts eight hundred years, till the time of Ferdinand and Isabel. And either of these opinions are more probable, then that in the twelfth year of Nimrod's reign, Tubal past into Spain, and therein built St. Vual: a poor Town, and a poor device, God knows. Certain it is that we must find Mosoch or Mesech, and Tubal neighbours, and Gomer and Togarma not far off, or else we shall wrong Ezechiel: for he called Gog the Leader or Prince of Mesech and Tubal, and maketh Gomer and Togorma their assistants. And that Mesech inhabited Asia, Functius (though he followed Berosus) confesseth, for these be his words: MESACUS, qui à MOSE MESECH, priscos Mesios ab Adula monte usque ad Ponticam regionem posuit: haec regio posteà Cappadocia dicta est, in qua 〈◊〉 Mazica, etc. haec est terra MAGOG principalis. MESACUS, whom MOSES calleth MESECH, placed the ancient Mesians from the mount Adulas, unto the coast of Pontus. This Region was afterward called Cappadocia, in which is the Town Mazica, etc. this is the principal Country of MAGOG. And this doth Annius also avow, and yet forgets that Gog was Prince both of Mesech and Tubal: and therefore, that the one was a Nation of Spaniards, the other of Cappadocians, is very ridiculous; Spain lying directly West, and not North from judaea. Also Ezechiel in the 27. Chapter, where he prophesieth of the destruction of tire, nameth Mesech and Tubal jointly. And for a final proof, that these Nations were of a Northern neighbour land (how far soever stretched) Ezechiel in the 38. Chapter makes them all horsemen. Thou, and much people with thee, all shall ride upon horses, even a great multitude and a mighty. Than if any man believe that these troops come out of Spain over the Pyrenes, and first passed over a part of France, Italy, Hungary, and Sarmatia, and embarked again about the Hellespont, or else compassed all Pontus Euxinus, to come into the lesser Asia, which is half the length or compass of the then known world, he may be called a strong believer, but he shall never be justified thereby. But on the contrary it is known, that Seleucis was a Province neighbouring Palestina or judaea, and that Hierapolis (or Magog) joined unto it: whose Princes commanded all Syria, and Asia the less, (namely the Seleucidae) and held it, till 〈◊〉 Asiaticus overthrew Antiochus the Great: after which they yet possessed Syria till the time of Tigranes: and whither Meshech be in Cappadocia, or under Iberia, yet is it of the Tubalines, and one and the same Dominion.  
Of Gomer the like may be said. First he seated himself with Togorma, not far from Magog and Tubal, in the borders of Syria and Cilicia. Afterwards he proceeded further into Asia the less; and in long tract of time his valiant issue filled all Germany, rested long in France and Britain, and possessed the utmost borders of the earth, accomplishing (as Melancton well notes) the signification of their parent's name, which is Utmost bordering. But when these borderers wanted further place, whereinto they might exonerate their swelling multitudes, that were bounded in by the great Ocean, then did they return upon the Nations occupying the Countries, through which they had formerly passed, oppressing first their Neighbours, afterwards the people more remote. Hereupon it was (as the worthy restorer of our antiquities, M. William Cambden hath noted) that they were called Cimbri, which in their old language doth signify Robbers; necessity enforcing them to spoil their Neighbours, to whom in their original they were as near joined, as afterwards in the seats which they possessed. For that the warlike Nations of Germany were in elder ages accustomed to be beaten by the Gauls, the authority of Caesar affirming it is proof sufficient. But in times following they pursued richer conquests, and more easy though further distant, by which (to omit their other enterprises not here to be spoken of) they were drawn at length into Asia the less, and occupied those parts, which had formerly been held by their Progenitors. I say not that they claimed those Lands as theirs by descent; for likely it is, that they knew little of their own pedigree. Neither can any man therefore deny, that they were of old seated in Asia, because in late ages they returned thither; unless he will think, that all those Nations which from far parts have invaded and conquered the land of Shinaar, may by that argument be proved not to have issued from thence at the first.  
Now concerning Samothes for his excellent wisdom surnamed Dis, whom Annius makes the brother of Gomer and Tubal (which brother Moses never heard of, who spoke his knowledge of japhets' sons) they must find him in some old Poet: for Functius, a great 〈◊〉, confesseth: Quis hic SAMOTHES fuerit incertum est; Who 
In Cbron.  this SAMOTHES was it is uncertain; neither is there any proof that he was that same Dis, whom Caesar saith the 〈◊〉 suppose to be their ancestor; yea, and Vignier confesseth 
Caesar Comment. Vigni. pars 1. 〈◊〉.  with FUNCTIUS: Mais on ne scayt qui il estoit; No man knows who he was.   

§. V Against the fabulous BEROSUS his fiction, That the Italian JANUS was NOAH.  
BUT before I go on with Noah his sons, I think it necessary to disprove the fiction which Annius hath of Noah himself: an invention (indeed) very ridiculous, though warranted (as he hath wrested) by those Authors of whom himself hath Commented: as the Fragment of Berosus, Fabius, Pictor, Cato, Lavinius and others. 
Ann. de 〈◊〉. Pict. de aur. 〈◊〉 . For Annius seeks to persuade us, that Noah (surnamed janus) was the same which founded Genoa, with other Cities in Italy, wherein he lived 92. years. This to disprove, 
Cato de origin. Lavin, illust. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by Moses silence, is a sufficient argument to me, if there were nothing else to disprove it. For if he vouchsafed to remember the building of Babel, Erec, Achad, Chalne and Ninive by Nimrod, Noah was a man of too great mark to be forgotten, with all the acts he did in 92. years. But it were a needless labour for me to disprove the authority of that 〈◊〉, on whom Annius groundeth, seeing so many learned Men have so demonstratively proved that Fragment to be sergeant. Besides that, Tatianus the Assyrian in his Oration against the Greeks' avoweth, that the ancient and true Berosus wrote only three Books, dedicated to Antiochus the successor of Seleucus Nicanor: but Annius hath devised five Books, wherewith he honoureth 
〈◊〉. l. 1.  Berosus. And whereas Berosus handled only the estate of the 〈◊〉 and Assyrians, Annius hath filled this Fragment with the business of all the world. And if we may believe Eusebius better than Annius, than all the Kings of the Latins (before Aeneas) consumed but 150. years: whereas no man hath doubted, but that from Noah to Aeneas arrival into Italy there past 1126. (after the lest rate of the Hebrew account) and (after Codoman) 1291. For janus (who was the first of their Kings) lived at once with Ruth, who married Booz, in the World's year (as some reckon) 2717. after the flood 1064. and Noah died 350. years after the 〈◊〉: and so there past between janus of Italy and Noah surnamed janus 704. years. For Saturnus succeeded janus, Picus after Saturnus, Faunus after Picus, and Latinus followed Faunus: which Latinus lived at once with 〈◊〉 the 27. King of Assyria; with Pelasgus of Peloponnesus; with Demophoon of Athens; and Samson judge of Israel. Now all these five Kings of the Latins having consumed but one hundred and fifty years; and the last of them in the time of Samson: then reckoning upwards for one hundred and fifty years, and it reacheth Ruth, with whom janus lived.  
True it is, that the Greeks' had their janus; but this was not Noah: so had they jon the son of Xuthus, the son of Deucalion, from whom they draw the jones, who were indeed the children of javan, the fourth son of japheth. For the vulgar 
Ezech. 〈◊〉. 19 13 & so the place of Esai 66. 19 (for javan) 〈◊〉: and (for the plural javamin) Hellenae.  translation (where the Hebrew word is javan) writes Greece, and the Septuagint, Hellas; which is the same. So had they Medus the son of Medea, whom they make the parent of the Medes, though they were descended of a far more ancient Father (to wit) Madai the third son of japheth.  
Lastly, we see by a true experience, that the British language hath remained among us above 2000 years, and the English speech ever since the invasion of the Angles, and the same continuance have all Nations observed among themselves, though with some corruption and alteration. Therefore, it is strange if either Noah (by them called janus) had left in Italy his grandchild Gomer after him, or Tubal in Spain, that no plain resemblance of the Hebrew, Syrian, or Scythian (which no time could have quite extinguished) should have been found in the languages of those Countries. For which reasons we doubt not but these personal plantations of janus, Gomer, Tubal, etc. in Italy, Spain, or France, are merely fabulous. Let the Italians therefore content themselves with the Grecian janus, which commanded them and planted them, and who preceded the fall of 〈◊〉 but 150. years (saith Eusebius) which was in the time of Latinus the fift King: which also S. Augustine and justine confirm: and this agreeth with reason, time, and possibility. And if this be not sufficient to disprove this vanity, I may out of themselves add thus much: That whereas some of them make 〈◊〉 (others Camasena) the wife of this 〈◊〉, who instituted the holy 〈◊〉 of the Vestal Virgins in Rome (the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 all their Idolatrous and Heathenish ceremonies) there is no man so impious, as to believe that 〈◊〉 himself (who is said by 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God, to be a just man, and whom God of all mankind made choice of) could be either ignorant of the 〈◊〉 and only God, or so 〈◊〉 and ungrateful, to 〈◊〉 up or devise any Heathen salvage, or idolatrous 〈◊〉, or have instituted any ceremony, 〈◊〉 to that which he knew best pleasing to God himself.   

§. VI That GOMER also and his son TOGORMA of the posterity of JAPHETH were first seated about Asia the less: and that from thence they spread Westward into Europe: and Northward into Sarmatia.  
TO turn now to the sons of Noah, and the world's plantation after the flood: therein I observe, that as both reason and necessity taught them; so, when they multiplied in great numbers, and dispersed themselves into the next Countries bordering to their first habitations, & from thence sent forth Colonies elsewhere, it was in such a manner as that they might repair to each other, and keep intelligence by River: because the Land was yet Desert and overpress with Woods, Reeds, Bogs, and rotten Marshes. As when Nimrod seated in Babylonia, Chus took the South part of Chaldaea, down the River of Gehon, by which he might pass to and fro from Babylon to his own plantation: those also, which were of the race of Shem, inhabiting at Vr or Orchoa near the Lakes of Chaldaea, might by the same River get up to Babylon, and receive succour from thence. All which Tract of Land upon 〈◊〉 Southward, Moses in the description of Paradise calleth the Land of Chush: because the Dominion and Empire was then in the hands of Nimroda Cushite, by whom the children of Shem (which come into that Valley and stayed not in the East) were for a while oppressed, till God afterward by the seed of Abraham made them his own Nation and victorious. Havilah, the brother of Nimrod, and son of Cush, took both banks of Tigris, especially on the East side of the River: by which River his people might also pass to and fro to Babel.  
The Imperial seat of which Region of Havilah or Susian, was anciently called Chusian or Chusan, afterward Susa. Cush himself took the banks of Gehon, and planted those Countries Westward, and Southwest-ward towards Arabia the Stony, and the Desert, where Ptolemie placeth the City of Chusidia, first Chusia. 
Ptol. 〈◊〉, tab. 4   
Seba, and Sheba with the rest that planted Arabia foelix, had Tigris to convey them into the Persian Gulf, which washeth the banks of Arabia foelix on the East side: so as those sons of Cush might take Land down the River as they pleased. Also the City of Ninive was by Nimrod founded on the said River of Tigris; and from thence a Colony past to Charran, standing also upon a navigable branch of Euphrates. In like manner did japheths' 〈◊〉 settle themselves together, and took their seats in Asia the less: from whence they might indifferently stretch themselves Northward, and Westward, into the next parts of Europe, called the Isles of the Gentiles. And it seemeth very agreeable to reason, that both Gomer, Magog, and Tubal, sat down first of all in that part of Syria, to the North of Palestina and Phoenicia: and from thence Gomer or his children passed on into 〈◊〉 the less, as those of Magog and Tubal did; from whence the Tubalines spread themselves into Iberia: and the Magogians more Northerly into Sarmatia. The first Gomerians, and first planters in Asia the less, held the Country of the Cymmerians (witness Herodotus) the same Region 
Lib. 4.  which was afterward by the Gallo-greekes called 〈◊〉, to whom S. Paul wrote his Epistle so entitled. This Nation of the Cymmerians (whom the invincible Scythians afterwards dispersed, and forced from their first plantations) gave names to divers places; as to the Mountains above Albania (called Cymmerini) and to the City of Cymmeris in Phrygia: also 〈◊〉 Cymmerius took appellation from this Nation, in the outlet whereof was also a City of that name, called Cymmerian: which Pliny saith (mistaking the place) had sometime the name of Cerberion; but Cerberion was a Town in Campania, so called of the unhealthful waters, savouring of brimstone, which Augustus caused to be cleansed by letting in the water of the Lake Lucrinus.  
The children of Tubal ranged as far as Iberia, to whom the Moschici were neighbours, which others writ Meshech. The Prophet Ezechiel (coupling them together) calleth Gog the Prince of Meschech and Tubal. For these Meschi (which Ptolemie calleth Moschi) inhabit Syracena a Province of Armenia, directly South from the Mountains Moschici, in the Valley between the Mountains Moschici, and the Mountains Paryardes: out of whose North part springeth the River Phasis; from the East part Araxis; and from the West Euphrates: and of this Meschech are descended also the Moscovians (saith Melanchton) and it may be, that in process of 〈◊〉 some of them inhabited those Regions also: For Meshech (saith Melanchton) 〈◊〉 extendens, enlarging or stretching forth. Togorma also at first did inhabit amongst his parents and kindred. The Togormians were also called 〈◊〉, a people neighbouring the Sydonians in Gabala, a tetrarchy of 〈◊〉, the same which 〈◊〉 calleth Gaben: from whence Solomon had his most excellent Masons, which hewed 
1. 〈◊〉. 1. v. 18.  stones for the Temple of 〈◊〉. Thence the Togormians stretched into the less Armenia, whose Kings were hence called Tigranes, and their City's 〈◊〉: 
〈◊〉. in Gen. 10. vers. 3.  of which Cities Tigranes subdued by Lucullus the Roman, built one. Hierosolymitanus hath planted the Togormians in Barbary: forgetting the prophecy of Ezechiel against the Tyrians. They of the house of TOGORMA, brought to thy Fairs horses, and 
〈◊〉. c. 7. 14.  horsemen, and mules, which could not well be driven over the whole length of the Mediterran Sea, but from the neighbour Countries by land. But josephus takes them for the parents of the Phrygians; which I do not deny, but they might be in the ensuing ages: and so might the Tubalines be of the Spaniards; but it was from Iberia, and many hundred years after the twelfth of Nimrod's reign. The 〈◊〉 conceive that the Turks come of those Togormians, because their Emperor is called Togar. The 〈◊〉 make them the Fathers of the Germans. But 〈◊〉 affirms, that the Turks descended of the Crim Tartar, which borders 〈◊〉. But for these subderivations it were infinite to examine them. Only of the first and second plantation, and of the first Nations after the flood is the matter which I labour to discover; and therein to open the ignorance of some, and the corruption of other fabulous Writers. And this we must Note, that those grandchildren of Noah which were 
Note.  of a more quiet, or (perchance) of less understanding, and had not therefore the leading of Colonies sent out, their proper habitations can be hardly known: only reason hath taught us, that they dwelled among the rest, and were covered with the fame of others, who took on them the Conduction and Dominion over the rest.  
From Madai the third son of 〈◊〉, were the Medes. The Grecians bring them (as before) from Medus the son of Medea.   

§. VII. Of JAVAN the fourth son of JAPHETH: and of MESCH, of ARAM, and MESHECH of JAPHETH.  
OF javan the fourth son of japheth come the jones, which were afterwards called the Greeks': and so the Latin and Greek Interpreters for javan writ Greece, as in ESAT: Et mittam ex 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 fuerint ad gentes, in 〈◊〉, in Italiam, & Graeciam; And I will sand those that escape of them to Nations in the Sea, in Italy and in Greece. The Geneus here useth the word (Tarshich) for Tarsus, a City in Cilicia, though Tarsis in many places be taken for the Sea. The Tigurine and the Geneva use the names Tubal and javan, and not Italy and Greece: keeping the same Hebrew words. Of these jones were the 〈◊〉, though themselves dream that they were 〈◊〉, or men without Ancestors, and growing (as it were) out of the soil itself: who abounding in people sent Colonies into Asia the less, of whom come the jones of those parts. Others derive the Athenians from jon the son of Xuthus, the son of Deucalion; 
〈◊〉.  but the antiquity of javan mars the fashion of that supposition, who so many years preceded Xuthus, jon, or Deucalion. 〈◊〉 tells us that Xuthus stole out of Thessaly with all his Father's treasure, and his Brother's portions, and arriving at Athens, he was graciously received by Erictheus, who gave him his Daughter in marriage; of whom he received two sons, jon, and Achaeus, the supposed Ancestors of the Athenians. For Attica was called jonia (saith Plutarch in the life of Theseus) who, when he had joined Megara to Attica, erected a pillar in that Isthmos or Strait, which fasteneth Peloponnesus to the other part of Greece: writing on that part which looketh towards the East, these words: Haec non sunt Peloponnesus, ast jonia; These Countries are not of Peloponnesus, but of jonia: and on the other side which looked towards the South and into Peloponnesus, this: These parts are Peloponnesus, and not jonia.  
Strabo out of Hecataeus affirmeth, that the jones come out of Asia into Greece, which is contrary to the former opinion: That the jones of Greece transporting certain companies into Asia the less, the name of jones was thereby therein retained. And though Strabo knew no more thereof than he learned of the Greeks' themselves, yet I find this conjecture of Hecataeus reasonable enough. For though it were to him unknown, yet sure I am that Asia the less had people before Greece had any: and that javan did not fly from Babylonia into Greece, but took Asia the less in his passage; and from thence past over the nearest way, leaving his own name to some Maritimate Province on that side, as he did to that part of Greece so called. But yet Strabo himself believed, that 〈◊〉 took the name from jon the son of 〈◊〉: for so much he had learned from themselves; which was also the opinion of Pausanias. True it is, that the Greeks' in aftertimes cast themselves into that part of Asia the less, opposite unto them, which they held for divers years. And howsoever the Greeks' vaunt themselves to be the Fathers of Nations, and the most ancient; yet all approved Historians (not their own) deride and disprove their pride, and vanity therein. For this dispute of Antiquity (among profane Writers) rested between the 〈◊〉 and the Egyptians, as justine out of Trogus, in the war between Vexoris of Egypt, and Tanais of Scythia, witnesseth: which preceded far the reign of Ninus, and was long before the name of Greece was ever heard of. And it is also manifest, that in Cecrops time the Greeks' were all saluages without law or religion, living like brute beasts in all respects: and 〈◊〉 (saith S. Augustine) lived together 
Lib. 18. de 〈◊〉. Dei. c. 10.  with Moses.  
The sixth son of japheth was Meshech, whom the Septuagint call Mosoch: (a part of those Nations commanded by Gog the chief Prince of Meshech and Tubal.) But this we must remember, that between Mesech the son of Aram, and Meshech (or Mosoch) the son of japheth, there is little difference in name, and both by divers Interpreters diversly written. Montanus with the Vulgar writeth Mesch, the son of Aram, Mes; the Geneva, Mash; junius, Mesch. But it may be gathered out of the 120. Psalm, that either Meshech the son of japheth, was the parent of those people, or gave name to that Province wherein David hid himself: or else (which may rather seem) that it took name from Mesch the son of Aram. For David bewailing his exile (while he lived among a barbarous and irreligious People) useth these words: Woe is me that I remain in Mesech, and devil in the Tents of Kedar: which junius converteth 
Psal. 120. v. 5.  thus: Hei mihi quia peregrinor tam 〈◊〉: habito tanquàm Scenitae Kedareni: The Septuagint gives it this sense: Woe is me because my habitation (or abode) is prolonged, who devil with the inhabitants of Kedar; with which this of the Latin agreeth: Heu mihi, 〈◊〉 incolatus meus prolongatus est, 〈◊〉 cum habitantibus Kedar: The Chaldaean otherwise, and in these words: OH me miserum, quia peregrinatus sum Asianis, habitavi cum taber 〈◊〉 Arabum; OH wretch, that I am, for I have travailed among those of Asia: I have dwelled in the Tabernacles of the Arabians. But howsoever or which soever conversion be taken for the best, yet all make mention of Kedar: which is a Province of Arabia Petraea; and the Chaldaean putteth Asia in stead of Mesech, but the Hebrew itself hath Mesech. And if it be to be taken for a Nation, (as it is most likely, because it answers to Kedar, the name of a Nation) seeing Mesh the son of Aram, 1. Chron. 17. is called Meshec, it is indifferent whither this Nation took name from Meshech or Mesh, both bordering judaea, and like enough to be commanded by one Prince; for so Ezechiel makes Mesech and Tubal. But as for those that take Mesech out of the word Mosoch (given by the Septuagint) to be the 〈◊〉: sure they presume much upon the affinity of names, as aforesaid. And sure I am that David never travailed so far North; (for to him Muscovia was utterly unknown) but about the border of Kedar (it may be) he was often in all the time of his persecution: the same being a City on the Mountains of Sanir or Galaad. And yet Arias Montanus makes Mosoch the father of the Muscovians: and herein also Melanchton runs with the tide of common opinion, and sets Mesech in 〈◊〉, though with some better advice of judgement; as, first seated in Cappadocia, and from thence travailing Northward: expounding the places of the 120. Psalm, (Hei 〈◊〉 quòd exulo in Mesech) to signify, Gentis eius feritatem insignem esse; That the feritie of that Nation exceeded: which fierceness or brutality of the Muscoutans, David never proved, or (perchance) never heard of. But the same feritie or cruelty which those Northern 〈◊〉 had, may aswell be ascribed to the Arabians and Kedarens. For this Country took name of Kedar the second son of Ishmael, of whom a people of equal 
Gen. 25. v. 13.  fierceness to any of the world were begotten, both in those times and long after, even to this day (if the Arabians, 〈◊〉, and Saracens, may be accounted one people:) the same being foreshowed by the speech of the Angel to Hagar, Gen. 16. v. 12. And he shall be a wild man: his hand shall be against every man, and every man's hand against him. Now Arabia the Desert (saith Pliny) confronteeths the Arabians Cochlei on the East, and the Cedraei Southward, both which join together upon the 〈◊〉. So it appeareth (as before) that Mesech, Tubal, Gomer, Togorma, and Magog, neighboured Canan and Israel, and that Kedar also did join to Mesech: all which were Regions of Syria, or of Asia the less, commanded by the Successors of Seleucus, enemies of the re-establishment of Israel and juda. But (as I have already said) it might well be, that long after the first plantation the issue of Mesech (or Mosoch) might pass into Cappadocia, and thence into Hyrcania, and give names, both to 〈◊〉 in the one, and to the Mountains Moschici in the other, and from thence might sand people more Northerly into 〈◊〉, and so all opinions saved. But all salvage Nations overgrown and uncultivated, do (for the most part) show a late plantation, even as Civility, Letters, and magnificent Buildings, witness antiquity.  
〈◊〉, the seventh son of japheth, which Montanus reckons among the sons 
Montan. in Chr.  of Gomer, was the Father of the Thracians, as all Authors (worthy the examination) affirm. josephus was the first that determined hereof: and because the Scriptures are altogether silent, what part of the world Tiras peopled, the conjectures are indifferent, and give no ground at all of dispute. It follows now to speak of the sons of Gomer, which were three:  

Ascanez,  
Riphath,  
and  
Togorma.    

§. VIII. Of ASCANEZ and RIPHATH, the two elder Sons of GOMER.  
ASCANEZ was the Father of those which the Greeks' call Regini, (saith josephus) but he gives no reason why.  
Eusebius makes Ascanez the Father of the Goths. The jews in their Thargum make him the root of the German Nation, but their expositions are commonly very idle. Pliny findeth Ascania in Phrygia, near the Rivers of Hylas and Cios: Melanchton being of the same opinion, that the Tuiscones were descended of the Ascanez, (for Tuiscones, saith he, is as much to say, as of the Ascanez, praeposito articulo die ASCANEZ) and that the word signifieth a Religious Keeper of fire: it being an ancient superstition to pray at the fire of Sacrifices, as afterwards 
Melan. in car. l. 1  at the Tombs of Martyrs. Not far from Phrygia was the Lake Ascania, known by that name in the Romans time. And among the Kings which come to the succour of Troy, was Ascanius (Deo similis, saith Homer) like 〈◊〉 God: because 
Hom. Iliad. 2.  he was beautiful and strong: for in the same manner doth Virgil grace Aeneas, Os humcrosque Deo similis, in face and body like one of the Gods. Virgil also remembreth such a River together with the Hills Gargara: as, Illas 〈◊〉 amor trans Gargara, transque sonantem 
Virg. 〈◊〉; l. 3.  ASCANIUM, Appetite leads them both over the Mountains Gargara, and the roaring ASCANIUS. But this Plinic maketh more plain in the description of Phrygia. For he placeth the City of Brillion upon the River 〈◊〉, which is adjoining to 〈◊〉. and is near the border of the 〈◊〉 Empire: and the Lake Ascanez he directs us to found by the description of Prusia, founded by Hannibal at the foot of Olympus, which jyeth far within the Countries of Bythinia: and then from 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 are accounted five and twenty miles, in which way this Lake lieth, even between 〈◊〉 and Nicaea. And so 〈◊〉 (as I conceive him) takes them of Ascanez, to be the inhabitants of Pontus, and Bythinia, and those North parts of Asia. Stephanus de 〈◊〉 makes it a City of Troâs, built by 〈◊〉 the son of Aeneas: saying, that there was another of that name in Mysia. Of Ascania a Lake of Bythinia, Ptolemy witnesseth: and Strabo giveth Ascania both a Lake, a River, and a Town in Mysia, near unto Cio; which also agreeth with Pliny. For Pliny findeth Prusia (before spoken of) near Cio, and calleth the Islands before Troy Ascanes.  
Now, whither these places took name of 〈◊〉 the son of Gomer, or of Ascanius the son of Aeneas, it might be questioned: sure it is, that Ascanius which brought succour to the Troyans', could not take his name from Aeneas son, who was then either exceeding young, or rather unborn: and it seemeth that the Countries whence those succours come, were not out of any part of Phrygia or Mysia, but farther off, and from the North parts of all Asia the less, which by Hieremie is called Ascanez, by the figure Synecdoche, as 〈◊〉 thinketh. Out of those testimonies therefore which deceive not, we may confidently determine. For of the Prophet Hieremie we shall learn of what Nation the Ascenez were, whose words are these: Set up a Standard in the Land, blow the Trumpet among the Nation against her, call 
c. 51. v. 17.  up the Kings of Ararat, 〈◊〉, and Ascanez against her, etc. meaning against the 〈◊〉. Ararat was Armenia the greater, as most Interpreters consent, so called of the Mountains of Ararat which run through it: Minni the lesser Armenia: Armenia being compounded of Aram and Minni. For Minni was the ancient name: (saith junius and others before him) and Aram anciently taken for Syria, which contained all that Tract from Euphrates to the Seacoasts of Phoenicia and Palaestina; and therefore 〈◊〉 being in elder times but a Province of Syria, the Scriptures difference it in the Story of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, and call it Aram-padam. Than if these two Nations were of the 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 joined with them (who altogether united under Cyrus and Darius, come to the spoil of the Babylonian Empire) we shall err much to call Askenaz Germany or Almain, for we hear of no Swart Ruttiers at that siege. But the Askenaz were of those Nations which were either subject or allied to the Medes: of which, if any of them come afterward into Phrygia, I know not: for the dispersion of Nations was in aftertimes without account. But for the opinion of 〈◊〉, who makes them to be Goths; or that of josephus, who calls them Rhegini; or of the jews, who will have them to be Almains; when they confirm it either by Scriptures or Reason, I will think as they do.  
Of Riphath the second son of Gomer there is mention in the first of Chronicles. Beroaldus and Pererius think that he wandered far off from the rest of his Brothers, and therefore no memory of his plantation. But I see nothing to the contrary, but that he might seat himself with the rest of his Family: for there wanted no room or soil in those days for all the sons and grandchildren of Noah. Therefore I take it to be well understood, that the Riphei were of Riphath, which the Greeks' afterwards (according to josephus) called the Paphlagones': and Riphei (saith Melanchton) signifieth Giants. These people were very famous in the North parts, and in Sarmatia: the most of number and power among them, Sarmatarum gens maxima Heneti, The greatest number of the Sarmatians were the Heneti; who spoke the ancient Polac: which being first called Riphei (for the love of some of their Leaders or Kings) changed their names and become Heneti, (a custom exceeding common in those times) and dwelled first in Paphlagonia, as Homer witnesseth, and so doth Apollonius in his Argonautics: Now, when these Rephei (afterward Heneti) sought new Regions, they come along the shores of Euxinus, and filled the North part of Europe, containing Russia, Lituania, and Polonia. From thence they crossed thwart the Land, and peopled Illyria, desirous (saith Melanchton) of a warmer soil of fruit and Wine. These Heneti or Veneti, whom Melanchton taketh to be one people, filled all that Land 
Melanch in Cation.  between the Baltic and adriatic Sea; and to this day the name of the Gulf Venedicus is found in Russia. This Nation, after they were possessed of Lituania and Polonia, disturbed the plantation of the Boij and Hermondurij. Therefore, it seemeth to me, that of Riphath come the Riphei, afterward Heneti; and so thinketh Arias Montanus, first seated in Paphlagonia, but in course of time Lords of Sarmatia, and those other parts before remembered, chief between the Rivers of Vistula and Albis. The name (saith Melanchton) signifieth wandering or Wanderers, or Nomades: a people which lived by White-meats and first-fruits, as (indeed) all Nations did in the first Ages.  
Of the third son of Gomer, Togorma, I have spoken already; now therefore of javans' children, which were four:  

Elisa,  
Tharsis,  
Cethim,  
Dodanim.    

§. IX.. Of the four Sons of JAVAN: and of the double signification of Tharsis, either for a proper name or for the Sea.  
OF Elisa or Elipha, come the Aeolus: and of this Elisa all the Greeks' were called Hellenes, saith Montanus. Melanchton makes Elisa the Father of the Aeolus in Asia side: others of Elis in Peloponnesus, or of both. And seeing the Greeks' were descended in general of javan, it is probable that the Aeolus and the Elei, took name of Elisa, his eldest Son. Ezechiel in the 27. speaking of tire, nameth the Isles of Elisa. Hyacynthus 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  & purpur a de insulis Elisae facta sunt operimentum tuum: Blue Silk and Purple, brought from the Isles of Elisa, was thy covering: The Chaldaeans for Elisa writ Italia: but the Vulgar, the Tigurine, the Geneva, and junius, keep the word Elisa: and so I think they might do with reason. For there was not found any such Purple Dye in Italy in those days nor since, that I can read of: but those Isles of Elisa, were by a better conjecture the Isles of Greece; and the best Purple was found afterward at tire itself and before that, among the Cycladeses, and on the Coast of Getulia.  
Tharsis, the second Son of javan, inhabited Cilicia, of which Tharsis is the Metropolis. Montanus for Tharsis in Cilicia, understands Carthage in Africa; but (reserving the respect due to so learned a man) he was much mistaken in that conjecture. The Chaldaean Paraphrast puts Carthage for Tharsis, but it hath no authority, nor warrant of reason therein. So likewise, where it is written, that the Ships of Solomon went every three years to Tharsis, and brought thence Gold, Silver, Elephants teeth, etc. the Chaldaean Paraphrast translates Tharsis (Africa.) But Salomon's Ships were prepared in the Read Sea at Esion Gaber, in the Bay of Elana, near unto Madian, where jethro (Moses Father in Law) inhabited; a Province of Arabia Petraea, Idumaea, or of the Chusites; and they sailed to the higher part of the East India. For it had been a strange Navigation to have spent three years in the passage between judaea and Carthage, or any other part of Africa, which might have been sailed in six or ten days. And if so great riches might have been found within the bounds of the Mediterran Sea, all other neighbouring Princes would soon have entertained that Trade also. But this enterprise of Solomon is in this sort written of in the first of Kings: Also King SALOMON Made a Navy of Ships in Esion Gaber, which is beside Elath and the brink of the Read Sea in the Land of Edom: and HYRAM sent with the Navy his servants, that were Mariners, and had knowledge of the Sea, with the servants of SALOMON: and they come to Ophir, and fet from thence 420. Talents of Gold, etc. But as the Nations about Pontus thought no Sea in the World like unto their own, and doubted whither there were any other Sea but that only: (whereof it come, that Pontus was a word used for the Sea in general) so, because the Israelites and the Phoenicians knew no other Sea than that of the Mediterran in the beginning; and that the people of Tharsis had the greatest Ships, and were the first Navigators in those parts with such Vessels, they were therefore called men of the Sea: and the word Tharsis used often for the Sea. And whereas it is said that the Ships of Solomon went every three years to Tharsis, that phrase is not strange at all; for we use it ordinarily wheresoever we navigate, (namely) that the King's Ships are go to the Sea, or that they are set out every year, or every three year to the Sea, and therefore Tharsis was not therein named, either for Carthage, Africa, or India, but used for the Sea itself. But in this place Tharsis is truly taken for Tharsis, the chief City in Cilicia, founded by Tharsis the second son of javan, or by his Successors in memory of their first parent. To this City arrived Alex. Macedon, before he gave the first overthrow to Darius, and casting himself into the River to bathe and wash his body, he fell into an extreme Fever, and great danger of death: and in this City of Tharsis was Saint Paul borne. Now this agreeth with the reason and nature of a Plantation. For (Gomer and his other sons inhabiting Asia the less, and that part of Syria adjoining) javan, who was to pass over the Sea into Greece, took the edge of the same Coast, and first planted the jones on that shore: gave the Islands between Asia the less and Greece, to Elisa, and left Tharsis upon the Seaside in Cilicia; of whom that City took name.  
The third son of javan was Cethim, of whom were the Romans and Italians, saith 〈◊〉, but I allow better of Melanchtons' opinion, who makes Cethim the Father of the Macedonians. Cethim is a voice plural (saith he) and signifieth percussores, though in that respect it may be meant by either. But it seemeth more probable, that the place of Esai. 23. (according to Melanchton) had relation to Alexander and the Macedonians: Hac calamitas ab ESAI praedicta est, quicapite vicessimo tertio inquit, 〈◊〉 esse eversores Tyriex terra Cittim, This calamity (saith MELANCHTON) was foreshowed by ESAI the Prophet, who in the three and twentieth Chapter pronounced, that the Destroyers of tire were to come out of Cittim. And although the children of Israel esteemed all men Islanders, which come unto them by Sea, and separate from that Continent; (and so also Cittim might be taken for Italy, saith Beroaldus) yet we must take the first performance of the former prophesy, which took effect with the destruction of the Tyrians by Alexander, who after seven months siege entered that proud City, and cut in pieces 7000. principal Citizens; strangled 2000 and changed the freedom of 13000. others into bondage and slavery. Now, that Macedon was taken for Cethim, it appeareth plainly in the first of the Maccabees, in these words. After that ALEXANDER the Macedonian, the Son of PHILIP, went forth of the Land of Cethim, and slew DARIUS' King of the Persians' and Medes. JOSEPHUS sets Cethim in the Isle of Cyprus, in which (saith he) there remaineth the City Citium, the Country of Zeno the Philosopher (witness Laertius) which City Pintus upon Ezechiel affirmeth, that it stood in Saint Hicromes' time. So it may be that all the Islands in ancient times by the Hebrews were called the Islands of Cethim: and in that sense might Cyprus be so called also; and yet because Tharsis was the very next Port to Cyprus, and directly over against it, it is also very probable, that Cethim dwelled by his brother Tharsis: and finding that Island too strength for his people after they were increased, and that the rest of the Coasts, both on Asia side and Greece, were inhabited by his Father and Brothers, he sent Colonies over the Aegaean Sea, and inhabited Macedonia.  
Dodanim the fourth son of javan, and the youngest Brother (by the most opinions) sat down at Rhodes, as near Cethim, Tharsis, and Elisa, as he could. For Dodanim and Rhodanim are used indifferently by many Translators: the Hebrew (D) and the Hebrew (R) are so like, as the one may easily be taken for the other, as all Hebricians affirm. There is also found in Epirus the City of Dodona, in the Province of Molossia. And as Cethim, when he wanted soil in Cyprus: so Dodanim (seated in a far less Island) did of necessity sand his people farther off; and keeping alongst the Coast, and finding Peloponnesus in the possession of Elisa, he passed a little farther on the Westward, and planted in Epirus. And though the City of Dodona was not then built, or (perchance) not so ancient as Dodanim himself, yet his posterity might give it that name in memory of their first parent, as it happened all the World over. For names were given to Cities, Mountains, Rivers, and Provinces, after the names of Noah's children, and grandchildren; not in all places by themselves, but by their successors many years after: every of their Families being desirous to retain among them by those memories, out of what branch themselves were taken, and grafted elsewhere. And because great Kingdoms were often by new Conquerors newly named, and the greatest Cities often fired and demolished: therefore those that hoped better to perpetuate their memories, gave their own names, or the names of their Ancestors, to Mountains and Rivers, as to things (after their judgements) freest from any alteration.  
Thus then did javan settle himself and his children, in the edge and frontier of Asia the less, towards the Seashore: and afterward in Greece, and the Islands, and neighbour Provinces thereof, as japheth their Father had done in the body of the lesser Asia, together with javans' brethren, Gomer, Magog, Madai, Tubal, Mesech, and the rest round about him. And in like sort did 〈◊〉 (the son of Cham) people Bahylonia, Chaldaea, and the borders thereof towards the West and Southwest: and the sons of Chush (all but Nimrod, who held Babylonia itself) travailed Southward in Arabia foelix, and Southwestward into Arabia petraea: the rest of his children holding the Regions adjoining to Nimrod. Mizraim the brother of Chush in like manner took the way of Egypt: and his brother Canaan the Region of Palestina adjoining. The Sons of Canaan had their portions in Canaan, of whom all those Nations come, which were afterward the Enemies both to the Hebrews, and to those of the sons of Shem, which spread themselves towards the West, and the borders of the Mediterran Sea: of which I shall speak hereafter. But first of the sons of Cham or Ham, which were four:  

Chush,  
Mizraim,  
Phut, and  
Canaan.    

§. X. That the seat of CHUSH the eldest son of HAM, was in Arabia, not in Aethiopia: and of strange Fables, and 〈◊〉 Translations of Scripture, grounded upon the mistaking of this point.  

†. I Of JOSEPHUS his Tale of an Aethiopesse wife to MOSES, grounded on the mistaking of the seat of CUSH.  
THat Ham was the Father of the Egyptians, it is made manifest in many Scriptures, as in the 105. Psalm verse 51. Than ISRAEL come to Egypt, and JACOB was a stranger in the land of HAM: and in the 78. Psalm, He slew all the first-born in Egypt, even the beginning of their strength, in the Tabernacles of HAM. There is also found a great City in Thebaida, called Cheramis: (as it were the City of Ham) of which name 〈◊〉 
Herod. in 〈◊〉.  also dicovers an Island in the same Region. But because Chush is the elder son of Ham, it agreeth with order to speak first of him. Now though I have already in the description of Paradise handled this question, and (I hope) proved that Chush could not be Aethiopia: yet seeing it cometh now to his turn to speak for himself, I will add some farther proof to the former. For the manifestation hereof sets many things strait, which had otherwise very crooked constructions, and senseless Interpretations. Surely, how soever the Septuagint and josephus have herein failed, yet it is manifest that Chush could not be Aethiopia, but Arabia: (to wit) both that Arabia called Petraea, and a part of Arabia the Happy and the Desert: which Regions Chush and the Chusites presently planted, after they left Babylonia to Nimrod, wherein they first sat down altogether. And there is nothing which so well cleareth this Controversy, as the true interpretation of the place, Num. 12. v. 1. where Moses his Wife is called a Chusite; together with some places which speak of Nabuchodonosors' Conquests. For whereas josephus and the Septuagint in the place, Num. 12. v. 1. as also elsewhere, understand Chush for Aethiopia, we must give credit to Moses himself herein; and than it will appear that josephus was grossly mistaken, or vainly led by his own invention. For josephus presuming that Chush was Aethiopia, and therefore that the Wise of Moses (which in Scripture, Num. 12. verse 1. is called a woman of Cush) was a woman of the land of Aethiopia, feigneth that Tharbis the Daughter of the King of Aethiopia, fell in love with the person and fame of Moses, while he besieged Saba her Father's City; and to the end, to obtain Moses for her Husband, she practised to betray both her Parents, Country, and friends, with the City itself, and to deliver it into Moses hands. The Tale (if it be worth the reciting) lieth thus in josephus. After he had described the strength of the Aethiopian City Meroe, which he saith at length Cambyses called so from the name of his Sister, (the old name being Saba) he goeth on in these words: Hic cùm MOSES desidere 
Antiq. l. 2. c. 5.  exercitum 〈◊〉 aegrè ferret, hoste non audente manus 〈◊〉, tale quiddam accidit. Erat 〈◊〉 Regi 〈◊〉, nomine THARBIS, etc. which Tale hath this sense in English: When MOSES was 〈◊〉 that his Army lay idle, because the Enemy besieged, durst not sally and come to handy strokes, there happened this accident in the mean while. The Aethiopian King had a Daughter called THARBIS, who at some 〈◊〉 given beheld the person of MOSES, and withal admired his valour. And knowing that MOSES had not only up-held and restored the falling estate of the Egyptians, but had also brought the conquering 〈◊〉 to the very brink of subversion: these things working in her thoughts, together with her own affection, which daily increased, she made means to sand unto him by one of her trustiest servants to offer herself unto him, and become his Wife; Which MOSES on this condition entertained, that she should first deliver the City into his possession: where unto she 〈◊〉, and MOSES having taken oath to perform 〈◊〉 contract, both the one and the other were instantly performed.   

†. II A dispute against the Tale of JOSEPHUS.  
THis Tale (whereof Moses hath not a word) hath josephus fashioned, and therein also utterly mistaken himself, in naming a City of Arabia for a City of Aethiopia: as he names Aethiopia itself to have been the Country of Moses his Wife, when (indeed) it was Arabia. For Saba is not in Aethiopia, but in Arabia, as both Strabo and all other Geographers, ancient and modern teach us, saying that the Sabaeans are Arabians and not Aethiopians; except josephus can persuade us, that the Queen of Saba which come from the South to hear the wisdom of Solomon, were a Negro, or Blacke-Moore. And though Damianus à Goes speak of certain Letters to the King of Portugal from Prester john, of the Abyssines: wherein that Aethiopian King would persuade the Portugals that he was descended of the Queen of Saba, and of Solomon; yet it doth no where appear in the Scriptures, that Solomon had any Son by that great Princess: which had it been true, it is likely that when Sishac King of Egypt invaded Roboam, and sacked Jerusalem, his Brother (the Son of Saba and Solomon) who joined upon Egypt, would both have impeached that enterprise, as also given aid and secure to Roboam against jeroboam, who drew from him ten of the twelve Tribes to his own obedience. Neither is it any thing against our opinion of Moses his Wife, to have been an Arabian, that the Scriptures teach us, that Moses married the daughter of jethro Priest of Midian or Madian: which standing on the North Coast of the Read Sea, over against the body of Egypt, and near Esion Gaber, where Solomon provided his Fleet for India, in the Region of Edom, may well be reckoned as a part of Arabia, as the Read Sea is called Sinus Arabicus. For Edumaea joineth to the Tribe of juda by the North, to Arabia Petraea by the East, to the Mediterran by the West, and to the Read Sea by the Southeast. And if we mark the way which Moses took when he left Egypt, and conducted Israel thence, it will appear that he was no stranger in Arabia: in the border whereof, and in Arabia itself, he had formerly lived forty years; where it seemeth, that besides his careful bringing up in Egypt, he was instructed by jethro in the Egyptians learning. For josephus confesseth, and Saint Stephen confirmeth, that he was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. But on the other side this Text makes much against josephus, where it is written in Exodus the second, Therefore 
V 15.  MOSES fled from PHARAOH, and dwelled in the Land of Madian or Midian, and not in Aethiopia. And in the third Chapter it is as plain as words can express, in what Region Madian was, where it is written, When MOSES kept the sheep of JETHRO his Father in Law, Priest of Madian, and drove the Flock to the Desert, and come to the Mountain of GOD in 〈◊〉. Now that Mount Horeb is not in Aethiopia, every Infant knoweth. And if we may believe Moses himself, then was not the Wife of Moses purchased in that manner which josephus reporteth (which was for betraying her Country and Friends) neither had she the name of Tharbis, but of Sippora, or Zippora: neither was she a Negro, but a Madianitish. And as God worketh the greatest things by the simplest means: so it pleased him from a Sepherd to call Moses, and after him David, and by them to deliver his people first and last. For Moses sitting by a Well (as disconsolate and a stranger) defended the daughters of Reguel 
Exod. 〈◊〉.  from the other shepherds, and drew them Water to water their sheep: upon which occasion (by God ordained) he was entertained by 〈◊〉, whose Daughter he married: and not for any betraying of Towns or Countries.  
From hence also come jethro to Moses at 〈◊〉, not far from Idumaea, and finding the insupportable government of such a multitude, he advised him to distribute this weighty charge, and to make Governors and judges of every Tribe and Family. And if jethro had been an Aethiopian, it had been a far progress for him to have passed through all Egypt with the Wife and Children of Moses, and to have found Moses in the border of 〈◊〉: the Egyptians hating Moses and all that favoured him. But the passing of Moses through Arabia Petraea (which joineth to Madian) proveth that Moses was well acquainted in those parts: in which the second time he wandered forty years, and did by these late travails of his, seek to instruct the children of Israel in the knowledge of one true God, before he brought them to the Land of plenty and rest. For he found them nourished up with the milk of Idolatry, and obstinate in the Religion of the Heathen, and finding that those stiff plants could not be bowed or declined, either by persuasion or by miracle, he ware them out in the Deserts, as God directed, and grasted their branches a new, that from those he might receive fruit, agreeable to his own desire, and God's Commandments.  
Lastly, this opinion of josephus is condemned by Augustinus Chrisamensis, where also he reprehendeth Apollinaris, who avowed that Moses had married both Tharbis and Sephora: His own words have this beginning: Mentitur ettam APOLLINARIS 
Sixt. 〈◊〉. Bibl.  duas uxores habuisse MOSEN, etc. APOLLINARIS also lieth in affirming that MOSES had two wives: and who doth not perceive these things feigned by them? for it is 〈◊〉 that the wife of MOSES was ZEPHORA, Daughter to the Priest or Precedent of Madian: and that Madian cannot be taken for Aethiopia beyond Egypt; being the same that joineth to Arabia: so far Chrisamensis.   

†. III Chush ill expounded for Aethiopia, EZECH. 29. 10.  
NOw as Chush is by the Septuagint converted Aethiopia, and the wife of Moses 〈◊〉 called Aethiopissa: so in the conquest of Nabuchodonosor is Aethiopia written for Arabia. For by the words of Ezechiel it is manifest that Nabuchodonosor 
Ezech. 〈◊〉. 10.  was never in Aethiopia. Behold (saith Ezechiel, speaking of the person of this great Assyrian) I come upon thee and upon thy Rivers, and I will make the Land of Egypt utterly waste and desolate, from the Tower of Seveneh, even to the borders of the Blackmoors: which last words should have been thus converted: From the Tower of Seveneh to the borders of the Chusites or Arabians: between which two is situated all Egypt. For to say, from the borders of Seveneh to the Aethiopians, hath no sense at all. Seveneh itself being the border of Egypt, confronting and joining to Aethiopia, or the Land of the blackmoors. So as if Nabuchodonosors' conquest had been but between Seveneh and the border of Aethiopia, it were as much to say, and did express no other victory than the conquest of all that Land and Country, lying between Middlesex and Buckingham, where both the Countries join together; or all the North parts of England, between Barwick and Scotland: for this hath the same sense with the former, if any man sought to express by these two bounds, the Conquest of England: Barwick being the North border of England, as Seveneh or Syene is the South bound of Egypt, seated in Thebaida which toucheth Aethiopia. But by the words of Ezechiel it appeareth, that Nabuchodonosor never entered into any part of Aethiopia, although the Septuagint, the Vulgar, the Geneva, and all other (in effect) have written Aethiopia for Chush.   

†. FOUR Another place of EZECHIEL, cap. 30. vers. 9 in like manner mistaken.  
ANd as the former, so is this place of Ezechiel mistaken, by being in this sort converted: In dieilla 〈◊〉 nuncij à facie mea in trieribus ad 〈◊〉 Aethiopiae confidentiam: Which place is thus turned in English by the Genevans: In that day shall there Messengers go forth from me in ships to make the careless Moors afraid. Now the Latin for (ships) hath the Greek word Trieres for Triremes which are Galleys of three banks, and not ships. But that in this place the Translation should have been (as in the former) amended by using the word Chush, or Arabia for Aethiopia or the black Moors, every man may see which meanly understandeth the Geography of the World, knowing, that to pass out of Egypt into Aethiopia there need no Galleys nor ships, no more than to pass out of Northampton into Leicestershire: Aethiopia being the conterminate Region with Egypt, and not divided so much as by a River. Therefore in this place of Ezechiel it was meant, that from Egypt Nabuchodonosor should sand Galleys alongst the coast of the Read Sea, by which an Army might be transported into Arabia the Happy and the Stony (sparing the long wearisome march over all Egypt, and the Deserts of Pharan) which Army might thereby surprise them unawares in their security and confidence. For when Nabuchodonosor was at Seveneh within a mile of Aethiopia, he needed neither Galley nor Ship to pass into it: being all one large and firm Land with Egypt, and no otherwise parted from it, than one Inland shire is parted from another; and if he had a fancy to have rowed up the River but for pleasure, he could not have done it: for the fall of Nilus (tumbling over high and steepy Mountains) called Catadupae Nili, were at hand.  
Lastly, as I have already observed, the sons of every father seated themselves as near together as possibly they could, Gomer and his sons in Asia the less; javan and his sons in Greece, and the islands adjoining; Shem in Persia and Eastward. So the Sons and grandchildren of Chush from the River of Gehon (their Father's first seat) inhabited upon the same, or upon some other contiguat unto it, as Nimrod and 〈◊〉 on the one side, and Saba, Sheba, and Sabtecha (with the rest) did on the other side. And to conclude in a word, the Hebrews had never any acquaintance or fellowship, any war, treaty of peace, or other intelligence with the Aethiopian black Moors, as is already remembered in the Chapter of Paradise.   

†. V A place, ISAIAH 18. v. 1. in like manner corrupted, by taking Chush for Aethiopia.  
ANd as in these places before remembered, so in divers other is the word Aethiopia put for Arabia or Chush, which puts the story (where it is so understood) quite out of square; one Kingdom thereby being taken for another. For what sense hath this part of Scripture Easie 18. Vae terrae Cymbalorum alarm quae est trans flumina Aethiopiae, or according to the Septuagint in these words: Vae terrae navium alarm 〈◊〉 est trans 〈◊〉 Aethiopiae? woe to the land shadowing with wings, which is beyond the Rivers of Aethiopia, sending Ambassadors by sea, even in vessels of reeds upon the waters. Vae terrae 〈◊〉; Woe to the Land of the shady coast, saith junius. The former Translators understand it in this sense. That the waters are shadowed with the sails, which are significatively called the wings of the ships, the other, that the Coast of the Sea was shadowed by the height of the Land.  
But to the purpose: That this Land here spoken of by the Prophet Easie, is Egypt, no Interpreter hath doubted. For they were the Egyptians that sent this message to the Israelites which Easie repeateth, and by the former translation every man may see the transposition of Kingdoms: for hereby Egypt is transported unto the other side of Aethiopia, and Aethiopia set next unto judaea, when it is the Land of Chush and Arabia indeed that lieth between 〈◊〉 and Egypt, and not Aethiopia, which is seated under the Equinoctial line. And of this Beroaldus asketh a material question, (to wit) what Region that should be, of which the Prophet speaketh, and placeth it beyond the Rivers of AETHIOPIA: Nam de ignotaagi regione dici nequit; For it cannot be said that he treateth of an unknown Region. Now if Aethiopia itself be under the Equinoctial line, with whom the jews had never any acquaintance, why should any man dream that they had knowledge of Nations far beyond it again, and beyond the Rivers of Aethiopia? except we shall impiously think that the Prophet spoke he knew not what, or used an impertinent discourse of those Nations, which were not discovered in 2000 years after, inhabiting as far South as the Cape of good Hope, commonly known by the name of Bona esperanza.   

†. VI That upon the like mistaking, both TERRHAKA in the story of SENACHERIB, and ZERA in the story of ASA are unadvisedly made Aethiopians.  
ANd by this translation is the story of Senacherib utterly mistaken in the cause of his retreat. For Senacherib was first repulsed at Pelusium, at the very entrance of Egypt from judaea: when having certain knowledge that 〈◊〉, (which all the Interpreters call King of Aethiopia) was on the way to set on him, he began to 
joseph. l. 10. 6. 3.  withdraw himself: and fearing to leave his Army in two parts, he sent threatening Messengers to Ezechia King of juda, persuading him to submit himself: the Tenor whereof is set down in the second of Kings in these words: Have any of the gods of the Nations delivered his Land out of the hands of the King of 〈◊〉? Where is the god of Hamah? etc. By which proud embassage, if he had obtained entrance into Jerusalem, he then meant to have united that great Army before Jerusalem, commanded by Rabsekeh, with the other which lay before Pelusium, a great City upon the branch of Nilus next Arabia. For Senacherib had already mastered the most part of all those 
King's 2. 19  Cities in judaea and Benjamin with a third Army, (which himself commanded) being then at the siege of 〈◊〉. But upon the rumour of that Arabian Army led by their King Thirrbakeh (whom josephus calls 〈◊〉) Rabsakeh hasted from the siege 
Antiq. l. 10.  of Jerusalem, and found Senacherib departed from Lachis & set down before Lebna, 
King's 2. 19  which was afterwards called Eleuthoropolis, as some have supposed. But while he had ill success at Pelusium and feared Thirrbakeh, God himself whom he least feared, struck his Army before Jerusalem by the Angel of his power, so as 185000. were found dead in the place, as in the life of Ezechias is hereafter more largely written. And that this Army of Tirrakeh was from Arabia, josephus himself makes it plain. For he confesseth in the tenth Book the first Chapter of the jews Antiquities, that it was come to Senacherib's knowledge, that the Army which was afoot (both to relieve the Egyptians and the jews) marched towards him by the way of the Desert: Now the Desert which lay indifferent between Jerusalem and 〈◊〉, 
Lib. 10. cap. 1.  was that of Pharan or Sur, which also toucheth on the three Arabiaes, to wit, the 〈◊〉, of which it is a part: the Desert, and the Happy; and by no other way 〈◊〉 could the Arabians come on to secure either Pelusium or Jerusalem. But, that there is any Desert between Pelusium and the South part of Egypt, hath never yet been heard of, or described by any Cosmographer or Historian. So than this Scripture of the second of Kings, Verse the ninth, hath the same mistaking as the rest. For here the word (Chush) is also translated Aethsopia; and in this sense have all the Interpreters, (but junius) expressed the beginning of the ninth Verse: He heard also men say of THIRRHAKEH King of Aethiopia, etc. whereas it should have been thus converted with JUNIUS: Audiens autem de THIRRHAKEH Rege Chushi; He heard also of THIRRHAKEH King of the Chushites. For they were the Chusites and Arabians, whose Houses and Cities were next the fire, and upon whom the very smoke of juda flaming was blown, being their nearest Neighbours: and so were not the Aethiopian blacke-Moores under the Equinoctial, whom neither war nor peace (which discovereth all Regions) ever found out, saith 〈◊〉. For this King 
〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 9  was no more King of Aethiopia then Zerah was, who invaded Asa King of juda, with an Army of a Million and three thousand Chariots. Indeed, how such an Army 
〈◊〉. 2 c. 14.  and those Charriouts should pass through all Egypt, (the Kings of Egypt being mighty Kings) let all men that know how these Regions are seated, and how far distant, judge. For Princes do not easily permit Armies of a Million to run through them; neither was there ever any such strength of Blackmoors heard of in that part of the World, or else where. Neither are these Aethiopians such travailers or Conquerors; and yet is this King Zerah also called King of Aethiopia. But the word Chush being first so converted for AEthiopia, the rest of the Interpreters (not looking into the seats of Kingdoms, or the possibilities of attempts, or invasions) followed one another in the former mistake.   

†. VII. A farther exposition of the place, ISAIAH 18. 1.  
COncerning these words in that eighteenth Chapter of ISAIAH, Navium alarm; Winged ships, (so the 〈◊〉 turn it) or Cymbalo alarm (according to the Latin) sails whistling in the winds, or terr aeumbrosae orae (after JUNIUS) the Land of a shadowed coast, or the Land shadowing with wings, as our English Geneva hath it. The two first interpretations of the Septuagint and S. Hierome have one sense in effect. For the sails are commonly called the wings of a ship; and we use to say ordinarily when our ships sail slowly, that she wanteth wings: (that is) when her sails are either worn or too narrow; and we also use the same phrase of the wind whistling in the sails. And it may be that the Egyptians employed so many of those small ships, as their sails were said to give a shadow over the Read Sea. But to make both interpretations good, Pintus (upon Easie) affirmeth, that the word (Sabal) doth signify both to shadow and to jingle (which is) to make a kind of Cymbaline sound: so as the meaning of this place (saith Pintus) is this: Woe to thee, OH Egypt, which dost promise to others safeguard, under the shadow of thy wings, which (indeed) seemeth to agreed with the argument of the eighteenth Chapter of Easie: and this phrase is often else where used, as in the sixteenth Psalm: Sub umbra alarm tuarum protege me; Defend me under the shadow of thy wings. The Boats of reed spoken of are of two kinds; either of basket-willow covered with hides (as anciently in 〈◊〉) or a Tree made hollow in the bottom, and built upon both sides with Canes. Of the one sort I have seen in Ireland, of the other in the Indieses.    

§. XI. Of the plantation and antiquities of Egypt.  

†. I That MIZRAIM the chief planter of Egypt, and the rest of the sons of HAM, were seated in order, one by another.  
THe second son of Ham was Mizraim, who (according to the place of a second brother) was sent somewhat farther off to inhabit. For Chush first possessed Chaldaea on the West side of Gehon chief: and from thence, as he increased in people, so he entered Arabia, and by time come to the border of the Read Sea, and to the South-east-side of 〈◊〉. Mizraim his brother (with Phut) passed over into Africa. Mizraim held Egypt: and Phut (as a third brother) was thrust farther off into Mauritania. Canaan took the Sea-coast, and held the side of Palestina: and these four brothers possessed all that Tract of Land, from Gehon in Chaldaea, as far to the West as the Mediterrane Sea: comprehending all Arabia Deserta, and Petraea, all Canaan which embraceth 〈◊〉, Samaria, and 〈◊〉; with the two Egypt's, whereof the neither is bounded by Memphis on the South, and by the Mediterrane Sea on the North: and Thebaida (called the upper Egypt) stretcheth itself toward the South as far as Syene, the border of the Aethiopians or black- moors. All the rest of the coast of Africa Westward Phut peopled; which brothers had not any other Nation or Family that dwelled between them. And in the same manner did all their sons again, and all the sons of the rest of Noah's children, sort themselves.   

†. II Of the time about which the name of Egypt began to be known: and of the Egyptians Lunary years, which made their antiquities seem the more fabulous.  
THis flourishing Kingdom possessed by Mizraim, changed her ancient name, and become Egypt, at such time as Aegyptus (otherwise Ramesses, as some think) the son of Belus, chased thence his elder brother Danaus, shifting him into that part of Greece now called Morea, by whom the Argives were made Danai, abandoning their proper names: which happened 877. years after the flood, in the time of josua, as S. Augustine conjectureth out of Euscbius. But in Homer's Odysseus it appeareth that the Egyptians were so called at the time of the Trojan War. And before this, Egypt was known by divers other names, as Oceana, Aria, Osiriana, etc. And Manethon (whom josephus citeth in his first book against Appion) numbereth all the Kings of Egypt after Moses departure, who consumed 393. years. By which other men conjecture, that the Egyptians took on them that name 330. years after josua, and about 1000 years after the flood. But where josephus in the same book taketh Israel to be those Hycsos, which he also calleth Pastors or Shepherds, which are said to have reigned in Egypt 511. years: whom also he calleth his Ancestors, (meaning the Ancestors of the jews) in this I am sure he was grossly deceived, or that he vainly boasted: for the 〈◊〉 had no such Dominion as Manethon feigneth: 〈◊〉 abode in Egypt so long a time by many years.  
Of the Egyptian Antiquities there are many fancies in Trogus, Herodotus, Plato, Diod. Siculus, Mela, and others. For they affirm (saith Pomp. Mela) that there had reigned in Egypt 330. Kings before Amasis, who was contemporarie with Cyrus; and that they had memory and story of 13000. years; and that the Stars had four times changed their course, and the Sun twice set in the East. These Riddles are also rife among the 〈◊〉 and Arcadians, who dare affirm, that they are more ancient than jupiter and the Moon, whereof Ovid:  

Ante JOVEM genitum terr as 〈◊〉 feruntur 
De Fast. l. 1.   
Arcades: & LUNA gens prior illa fuit.   

The Arcadians the earth inhabited  
E'er yet the MOON did shine, or JOVE was bred.   
But for those 13000. years it may well be true: seeing it is certain that the Egyptians reckon their years by Months, which makes after that account not above 1000 or 1100. years, whither we take their Months or 〈◊〉 years to have been of the first kind of 27. days and eight hours; or otherwise 29. days and twelve hours; or after any other of those sive diversities of their Lunary years.   

†. III Of certain vain assertions of the Antiquity of the Egyptians.  
GERARDUS MERCATOR in his Chronologie, reasoneth for the Egyptians Antiquity in this manner: That the sixteenth dynasty (where 〈◊〉 gins to reckon the Egyptians times) had beginning with the general flood: and that therefore the first of the other fifteen reached the Creation, or soon after it. To which conjecture of Mercator, Pererius maketh this answer. That therein Mercator was first deceived, because he taketh it for granted, that the beginning of the sixteenth dynasty was at once with the general flood: which Eusebius maketh 292. years after, and in the time of Abraham. Secondly, Mercator maketh the beginning of the shepherds Dynastia (being in number the 17.) in the time of their first King, Saltis, to have been in the year of the World 1846. which Eusebius findeth in the World's age 2140. For the 16. Dynastia was begun but in the 292. year after the flood, as they account, and continued 190. years. Thirdly, whereas Mercator maketh every Dynastia to endure 115. years, Eusebius reckoneth many of them at less than 100 years: for the 28. had but six years; the 29. but 20. and the 30. but 18. years.  
Now Annius in his Supplement of Manethon affirmeth, That all these 15. Dynasties lasted but 162. years: and that the first of the 15. began but in the 131. year after the flood: so as where Mercator makes all the 15. to precede the flood, and the 16. to have been then in being at the time of the flood, Annius makes them all after it. But the contrariety of falsehood cannot be hidden, though disguised. For Annius had forgotten his former Opinion and Assertion, that it was in the 131. year that Nimrod with the sons of 〈◊〉 come into the Valley of Shinaar: so he forgets the time which was consumed in the building of Babel: and that before the confusion of Speech there was no dispersion, nor far-off plantation at all. And though he hastily conveyed Gomer into Italy, and Tubal into Spain, in the 〈◊〉 year of Nimrod's reign: (which was ten years after his arrival into Babylonia) yet herein he is more unadvised. For he makes Egypt possessed, and a government established in the very first veer of the arrival of Nimrod into Shinaar, before all partition, or any expedition far off or near in question: for from 〈◊〉 (that is, from Babel) did the Lord scatter them upon all the earth.   

†. FOUR Against PERERIUS: that it is not unlikely, but that Egypt was peopled within 200. years after the Creation; at lest, that both it, and the most parts of the World were peopled before the Flood.  
BUT whereas Pererius seeketh to overthrow this Antiquity of the Egyptians touching their 〈◊〉, (which Eusebius doth not altogether destroy, but lessen) I do not found any great strength in this opinion of Pererius; (to wit) that it was either unlikely or impossible that Egypt should be peopled within 100 or 200. years after Adam, in the first Age. And whereas he supposeth that it was not inhabited at all before the general Flood, I do verily believe the contrary: and that not only of Egypt, but the better part of all the World was then peopled: Pererius his words are these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primos mundi ducentos, vel etiam centum annos ADAMI proles 〈◊〉 multiplicari potuit, ut ad Aegyptum 〈◊〉 habitandum & 〈◊〉 propagata sit, etc. For how could the children of ADAM be so multiplied in the 〈◊〉 two hundred, or in the first hundred years of the World, and so propagated as to 〈◊〉 and fill Egypt? for allowing this (saith Pererius) we must also confess, that there were then both the Assyrians, and other Nations.  
Now seeing that the Scriptures are silent herein, and that it is no point of our saving 〈◊〉, it is lawful for every man to be guided in this and the like questions by the best reason, circumstance, and likelihood; and herein, as in the rest, I protest that I do not gainsay any man's opinion out of any crossing or cavilling humour: for I think it the part of every Christian, rather to reconcile differences, where there is possibility of union, then out of froward subtlety, and prejudicate resoluednesse, to maintain factions needless, and dangerous contentions.  
First therefore, to this opinion, that Egypt was not planted so soon after Adam, not, not at all before the Flood, I say that there is no reason why we should give a less increase to the sons of Adam, then to the sons of 〈◊〉. For their length of life, which exceeded those which come after the flood double; & (after a few years) triple, is an infallible proof of their strength and ability, to beget many Children: and at that time they 〈◊〉 no degrees of kindred, nor consanguinity. And that there was a speedy increase of people, and in great numbers, it may in some sort appear by this, that Cain, who (being fearful that the death of Abel would have been revenged on him) withdrew himself from the rest, which were afterward begotten, and dwelled in the Land of Nod, and there, by the help of his own issues built a City, (called Enoch) after the name of his first 〈◊〉. Now if it be gathered that 〈◊〉 come into the Valley of Shinaar with so many multitudes, as sufficed to build the City and Tower of Babel: and that to this increase there was given but 130. years by Berosus, and after the account of the Scriptures (reckoning, as it is commonly understood, by the birth of 〈◊〉, Selah, 〈◊〉, and Phalegh) but one hundred and one year: I see no cause to doubt, but that in the infancy of the first age, when the bodies of men were most perfect, even within 130. years, the same (if not a greater) number might be increased; and so within 70. years after (that is, by such time as the World had stood 200. years) aswell Assyria, 〈◊〉, and Egypt might be possessed before the Flood, as they were within the same or 〈◊〉 time after it. Neither doth it agreed with the circumstance or true Story of the 〈◊〉 and Assyrian Empire, that all those people, which were increased in the first hundred or 130. years after the Flood, come into Shinaar and Babylonia. For that ever Noah himself come out of the East, as there is no Scripture or Authority to prove it, so all probable conjecture and reason itself denies it. Again, those multitudes and powerful numbers, which Semiramis (but the third from Nimrod) found in India, considered with her own Army of three Million, (and she left not all her Kingdoms empty) do well prove, that if the World had such plenty of people in so few years after the Flood, it might also be as plentifully filled in like time before it. For after their own account Ninus governed Babylonia and Assyria but 292. years after the Flood of Noah. And these Troops of Semiramis were gathered out of all those Eastern Kingdoms, from Media to the Mediterran Sea; when there had now past from the Flood to the time of this her invasion, somewhat less or more than 360. years: for much more time the true Chronologie cannot allow; though I confess, that in respect of the strange greatness of Semiramis Army, and the incredible multitudes gathered, this is as short a time as can well be given. And if but the one half be true of that which is said, That her Army consisted of 1300000. Footmen, and 500000. Horsemen, it must needs be, that long before Semiramis Reign, the greatest part of Asia (whence her huge Army was gathered) was full of people: yea Arabia itself (much part whereof is barren) must long before this time of Semiramis have been plentifully peopled; when Ninus having a determination to make himself Master of all Nations, entered (notwithstanding) in League with the King thereof: whom therefore he either feared, or sought his assistance. And if Arabia were then so well replenished, I see no cause but Egypt might also be peopled. Now if we may believe Trogus Pompeius (Epitomized by justine) Egypt was a most flourishing and magnificent Nation before Ninus was borne. For these be his own words, speaking of NINUS. Fuêre quidem temporibus 
justin. l. 1.  antiquioribus VEXORIS Rex Aegypti, etc. But there were in times more ancient VEXORIS King of Egypt, and TANAIS King of the Scythians: of which the one invaded Pontus, the other Egypt. And how full of people all that part of the World was, the Conquests of Ninus witness, who subdued with no small force the Armenians, the Medes, and afterwards the Bactrians; yea, all that whole body of Asia on this side India. For Diodorus out of Ctesias numbereth the Army, wherewith Ninus invaded Zoroaster, at 1700000. Footmen, and 200000. Horsemen: and the Stories generally show, that though Zoroasters Army was far short of this, yet it was greater than any that those parts of the World ever since beheld. But to what end should I seek for foreign authority? for no man doubteth but that Egypt was possessed by Mizraim, the son of Ham; and that it was an established Kingdom, filled with many Cities in Abraham's time, the Scriptures tell us. And sure to prepare and cultive a desolate and overgrown ground, to beautify it with many Cities, Laws, and Policies, cannot be esteemed a labour of a few days: and therefore it must be inhabited in a less time than 200. years after the Flood; and in the same time (if not in a shorter) before the Flood. For if so many Million of men were found within 300. years after the general Flood; so as not only Babylon, and Assyria, Bactria, Armenia, Media, Arabia, Egypt, Palaestina, yea the far-off Lybia on the one side, and India on the other, and Scythia (inferior to neither) were all filled: into what small corners could then all those Nations be compressed, which 1656. years brought forth before the Flood? even necessity, which cannot be resisted, cast the abundance of men's bodies into all parts of the known World; especially, where Death forbore the Father, and made no place for the Son, till he had beheld living Nations of his own body.   

†. V Of some other reasons against the opinion of PERERIUS.  
FOR what a strange increase did the long lives of the first Age make, when they continued 800. or 900. years. Surely, we have reason to doubt, that the World could not contain them, rather than that they were not spread over the World. For let us now reckon the date of our lives in this Age of the World: wherein if one exceed 50. years, ten for one are cut off in that passage, and yet we found no want of people; nay, we know the multitude such, as if by wars or pestilence they were not sometimes taken off by many thousands, the earth with all the industry of man could not give them food. What strange heaps then of souls had the first Ages, who enjoyed 800. or 900. years, as aforesaid? These numbers, I say, cannot be counted nor conceived. For it would come to the same reckoning in effect, as if all those which have been borne in Britain since 3. or 4. hundred years before the Norman Conquest (saving such as by accident or by violence were cut off) were now alive; and if to these there were added as many as by Polygamy might have been increased. For (to omit, that the Giants and mighty ones of the first Age observed no law of Matrimony) it is to be thought that those Lovers of the world and of pleasure, when they knew the long and liberal time which Nature had given them, would not willingly or hastily present themselves to any danger which they could fly from or eschew. For what human argument hath better persuasion to make men careless of life, and fearless of death, than the little time which keeps them asunder, and that short time also accompanied with so many pains and diseases, which this envious old Age of the World mingleth together, and soweth with the seeds of Mankind?  
Now if that Berosus or Annius may be alleged for sufficient Authors, whom Pererius himself in this question citeth, then is it by them affirmed, and by josephus confirmed, that the City of Enoch was seated near Lybanus in Syria: and if other parts of Syria were peopled in Cain's time, I see no cause why Palaestina (which is also a Province of Syria) and Egypt (which neighboureth it) could be left desolate both all the life time of Cain, and all those times between his death and the Flood, which were by estimation 700. or 800. years. And sure though this Fragment of Berosus with Annius his Comment be very ridiculous in many places (the ancient Copies being corrupted or lost) yet all things in Berosus are not to be rejected. Therefore Saint Hierome for such Authors gives a good rule. Bona eorum eligamus, vitemus contraria; Let us choose what is good in them, and reject the rest. And certainly in the very beginning of the first Book, Berosus agreeth (in effect) with Moses, touching the general Flood: and in that first part Berosus affirmeth, that those mighty men and Giants which inhabited Enoch, commanded over all Nations, and subjecteth the universal World: and though that phrase (of all the World) be often used in the Scriptures for a part thereof; as in the second of the Acts, That there were dwelling at Jerusalem jews: men that feared God of every Nation under Heaven: yet by words which follow in Berosus, it is plain that his words and sense were the same: for he addeth from the suns rising to the suns setting, which cannot be taken for any small part thereof. Again, we may safely conjecture, that Noah did not part and proportion the World among his sons at adventure, or left them as Discoverers, but directed them to those Regions which he formerly knew had been inhabited. And it cannot be denied that the earth was more passable and easy to travail over before the Flood, then after it. For Pererius himself confesseth, that Attica (by reason of mud and slime which the water left upon the Earth) was uninhabited 200. years after Ogyges Flood, whereby we may gather that there was no great pleasure in passing into far Countries after the general Deluge, when the earth lay (as it were) incopsed for 100 or 130. years together. And therefore was the face thereof in all conjecture more beautiful, and less cumbersome to walk over, in the first Age then after the general overflowing.   

†. VI Of the words of MOSES, GEN. 10. V ultimo, whereupon PERERIUS grounded his opinion.  
LAstly, whereas Pererius draws this Argument out of the last Verse of the tenth of Genesis, And out of these were the Nations divided after the Flood: Quo significatur talem divisionem non fuisse ante dilwium, By which it appeareth (saith Pererius) that there was no such division before the Flood; which he also seeketh to confirm out of the eleventh of Genesis, because the division of tongues was cause of the dispersion of the people. This consequence, quo significatur, etc. seemeth to me very weak: the Text itself rather teaching the contrary: for out of these (saith MOSES) were the Nations divided in the earth after the Flood; inferring, that before the Flood the Nations were divided out of others, though after the Flood out of these only. But whatsoever sense may be gathered from this place, yet it can no way be drawn to the times before the Flood, or to any Plantation or division in that Age: for if there were noon else among whom the earth could be divided after the Flood, but Noah's Sons, wherein doth that necessary division control the planting of the World before it? And whereas it is alleged that the confusion of speech was the cause of this dispersion, it is true, that it was so for that present; but if Babel had never been built, nor any confusion of Languages at all, yet increase of people and time would have enforced a farther-off and general Plantation: as Berosus says well, that when Mankind 
Lib. 3.  were exceedingly multiplied, Ad comparandas novas sedes necessitas compellebat, They were driven by necessity to seek new Habitations. For we found (as is before said) that within 300. years after the Flood, there were gathered together into two Armies, such multitudes as the Valley about Babylon could not have sustained those numbers with their increase for any long time: all Asia the greater and the lesser; all Scythia, Arabia, Palaestina, and Egypt, with Greece, and the Islands thereof; Mauritania and Lybia being also at that time fully peopled. And if we believe Berosus, than not only those parts of the World, but (within 140. years after the Flood) Spain, Italy and France were also planted: much more then may we think, that within 1656. years before the Flood, in the time of the chief strength of Mankind, they were replenished with people. And certainly seeing all the World was overflown, there were people in all the World which offended.   

†. VII. A conclusion, resolving of that which is most likely, touching the Egyptian Antiquities: with somewhat of PHUT (another Son of HAM) which peopled Lybia.  
THerefore, for the Antiquity of the Egyptians, as I do not agreed with Mercator, nor judge with the Vulgar, which give too much credit to the Egyptians Antiquities: so I do not think the report of their Antiquities so fabulous, as either Pererius or other men conceive it. But I rather incline to this, That Egypt being peopled before the Flood, and 200. or 300. years, more or less after Adam, there might remain unto the Sons of Mizraim some Monuments in Pillars or Altars of stone or metal) of their former Kings or Governors: which the Egyptians having added to the list and Roll of their Kings after the Flood, in succeeding time (out of the vanity of glory or by some corruption in their Priests) something beyond the truth might be inserted. And that the memory of Antiquity was in such sort preserved, Berosus affirmeth it of the Chaldaeans, and so doth Epigenes. For they both writ that the use of Letters and the Art of Astronomy was known to the Babylonians 3634. years before Alexander's Conquest: and this report Annius findeth to agreed and reach to the time of Enosh, who was borne 1034. years before the Flood, and wrote of the World's destruction, both by Water and Fire; as also of Christ his coming in judgement, as Saint Jude hath witnessed. But leaving these Antiquities to other men's judgements, and every man to his own reason, I will conclude this Plantation of Egypt. It is agreed by all, that it was peopled by Mizraim, and that it took the name of Egypt from Aegyptus the son of Belus, as aforesaid. Being divided into two Regions, that part from Memphis or Nicopolis to the Mediterran Sea, was called the inferior Egypt; surnamed also Delta: because the several branches of Nilus breaking asunder from one body of the River, gave it the form of the Greek letter Delta, which is the form of a Triangle. That branch, which ran toward the northeast and embraced the Sea, next unto the Deserts of Sur and 〈◊〉, had on it the City of Pelusium, where 〈◊〉 was repulsed: The other branch, which yielded itself to the Salt-water towards the Northwest, is beautified by that famous City of Alexandria: The upper part of Egypt is bounded btweene Memphis and Syene near Aethiopia, and had the name of Thebaida, of that ancient City of Thebes, which (according to Homer) was adorned with 100 Gates: and therefore called Civitas as contum portarum; and by the Greeks' Diospolis; in the Scriptures No-hamon, which signifieth multitudes of Inhabitants, exceeding belief. josephus calls Egypt Mersin of Mizraim: and Herodotus affirms that it had 
jos. l. 1. Ant. c. 7. Herod. Enterpc.  once the name of Thebais.  
Phut the third son of Ham took the next portion of Land to his other Mizraim, and inhabited Lybia: whose people were anciently called Phutei; (saith josepbus) and Pliny mentioneth the River Fut in Mauritania: which River from the 
L. 5. c. 1.  Mountain Atlas (known to the Inhabitants by the name of Dyris) he maketh to be distant the space of two hundred miles. It also appeareth in the thirtieth Chapter of Ezechiel, that Phut, Chush and Lud were contermini and Associates with the Egyptians.    

§. XII. Of the eleven sons of CANAAN, the fourth son of HAM.  

†. I Of the bounds of the Land of Canaan: with the names of his eleven sons.  
CANAAN (the fourth son of Ham) possessed all that Region called by the Romans Palaestina; in the Scriptures 〈◊〉, Samaria, and judaea; in the latter times known by the name of the Holy Land and jury: the limits whereof are precisely set down by MOSES, Genesis the tenth, Than the border of the Canaanites was from Zidon as thou goest to Gerar until Azzah, and as thou goest unto Sodom and Gomorrha, and Admah, and Zeboim, even unto Lasha. Now howsoever these words of the Hebrew Text (as thou goest) be converted, Moses meaning was that Gerar was the South bound of Canaan and Zidon the North; Sodom and Gomorrha the East, and the other Cities named stood on the Frontiers thereof. For Gerar standeth in a right Line from Gaza in the way of Egypt, the uttermost Territory of Canaan Southward: and this was properly the Land of Canaan.  
Now the sons of Canaan which possessed this Country, and inhabited some part of the borders thereof, were in number eleven:  

1. Zidon.  
2. Heth or Chethus.  
3. jebusi or jebusaeus.  
4. Emori or Emoreus, or Amoreus.  
5. Girgeshi or Girgeseus.  
6. Hevi or Chiveus.  
7. Arki or Harkeus.  
8. Seni or Sinaeus.  
9 Araadi or Aruadaeus.  
10. Zemari or Samareus, or Tzemareus.  
11. Hamathi or Hamatheus, or Chamaethaeus.   
Of which the most renowned were the Hittites, Gergesites, Amorites, Hevites, jebusites, and Perizzites: which Perizzites were descended of Zemari or Samareus, or from some of his.   

†. II Of the portions of ZIDON and HETH.  
ZIDON the first borne of Canaan, built the famous City of Zidon in Phoenicia, which afterward fell in partition to the Tribe of Asser: for Asser, Zabulon, and Nephtali had a great part of the ancient Phoenicia distributed among them; but the Asserites could never obtain Zidon itself.  
The second son of Canaan was Heth or Cethus: of whom come the Hittites, or Hittites, one of those seven principal Nations (Commanders of Canaan) appointed by God to be rooted out; namely, the Gergesites, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Perizzites, and Hevites, and the jebusites. The Hittites inhabited about Bersabe, and towards Hebron near the Torrent Besor, and about Gerar, which Moses maketh 
Gen. 10. v. 19  the uttermost limit of Canaan, having the Desert of Pharan to the South: for about Bersabe (otherwise Puteus juramenti) four miles from Gaza dwelled Heth and his posterity, 
Gen. 23.  as far to the North-east as Hebron, and Mamre; and of Ephraim the Hittite 
Gen. 27. v. 46.  did Abraham buy the field of Sarah's burial. Of which Nation Rebecca bewailed herself to Isaac, saying, That she was weary of her life for the Daughters of HETH. The Giants Anakim were of these Hittites, a strong and fierce Nation, whose entertainment by the Kings of Israel against them the Syrians greatly feared: as in the 
4. King's e. 7. v. 6  fourth of the Kings; Israel hath hired against us the Kings of the Hittites.   

†. III Of the jebusites and Amorites.  
JENUSAEUS, the third son of Canaan, of whom come the jebusites, and whose principal seat was jebus, (afterward Jerusalem) were also a valiant and stubborn Nation, and held their City and the Country near it, till such time as David by God's assistance recovered both: yet were not the jebusites extinguished, but were Tributaries to Solomon.  
Amoreus was the fourth son of Canaan, of whom the Amorites took name, who inhabited that Land to the East of jordan below the Sea of Galilee, having Arnon and the Mountains of Galaad on the East, and jordan on the West: of whom Og (King of Basan) and Sihon (overthrown by Moses) were Princes.  
The 〈◊〉 had also many other habitations dispersed within the bounds of Canaan: as behind Libanus in the edge of Caelesyria, or Syria Libanica. They had also their being in the Mountains of juda, and in Idumaea near the Metropolis thereof, 
Deut. 1.  
Num. 13.  called Duma. And hereof it come that all the Canaanites were sometime called Amorites: as in Genesis the fifteenth: For the wickedness of the Amorites is not yet full. And that this was also a powerful Nation, we find in the Prophet AMOS: Yet destroyed 
Amos 2.  I the Amorite before them, whose height was like the height of a Cedar, and he was strong as the Okes.   

†. FOUR Of the Gergesites, Hevites, and Harkites.  
THe fift son of Canaan was Gergeseus or Gergesion, (otherwise Girgasi) who inhabited on the East side of the Lake of Tiberias, or the Sea of Galilee, where Ptolemie sets the City Gerasa, which josephus calls Gesera in the Territory of Decapolis. Here it was that CHRIST dispossessed the possessed with Devils; and the Gergesites desired him to departed their Coasts: because their Swine filled with the evil spirits, drowned themselves in the Sea of 〈◊〉. Gergeseus also built Berytas (sometime Geris) afterward Foelix julia, three miles from the River Adonis in Phoenicia: in which the Romans held a Garrison: and to which Augustus gave many large privileges.  
〈◊〉 the sixth son; and Father of the Hevites, inhabited under Libanus near Emath. These 〈◊〉, howsoever the Caphthorims expelled a good part of them (as in Deuteronomy the second is remembered) yet many of them remained all the war of josua, and afterward to the time of Solomon. For God was not pleased utterly to root out these Nations, but they were sometimes made Tributaries to the Israelites, and at other times served (in their falling away from the true worship of God) to afflict them: for as it is written, judges the third: They remained to prove ISRAEL by them, whither they would obey the Commandments of God.  
The seventh son was Araccus or Harki, who between the foot of Libanus and the Mediterran Sea, (over against Tripoli) built the City of Archas, Arce, or Arca, afterwards Arachis.   

†. V Of SINI and ARVADI.  
SINEUS the eighth son, Hierosolymitanus sets at Caparorsa, which Ptolemie finds in judaea, not far from jebus; to the South thereof, saith junius. But it is more probable, that Sineus founded Sin, which S. Hierome calls Sim; Ptolemie, Simyra: Mela and Plinte, Simyrus: Brochard, Sycon, (called Synochis) near Arca. Pererius thinks that Sineus inhabited the Deserts of Sinai or thereabouts; but hereof there is no other certainty than the report of Brochard, who took view of all these places, affirming, that Sineus built Synochis, as Zidon built Zidon. There is also another Nation of Cini (written with the letter C. otherwise Kenaei) who descended of Hobab the son of Raguel the Madianite, who assisted the Israelites in their conduction through the Wilderness of Pharan. But these Cinaei were admitted among the Israelites, and had a portion of Land with the Nephtalims', beside their habitations with the 
judg. 4.  Amalekites: against these Cinaei, Balaam prophesied, that they should be destroyed by 
〈◊〉 19 33.  the Assyrians.  
The ninth son was Aradeus or 〈◊〉, who in the Isle of Aradus built the 
Gul. Tyr. Vitria.  City Arados: opposite against which Island on the Main of Phoenicia, they founded another City of that name, which for opposition was afterwards called Antaradus. To this City come S. Peter (saith Clement) and in this Isle preached the Gospel, and founded a Church in honour of our Lady: but we find no such work of his in the Acts of the Apostles. Both these two were very famous, and places of skilful Seamen: whom Ezechiel remembreth in his prophecies against the Tyrians. The Inhabitants of Zidon and 〈◊〉 were thy Mariners. 
Cap. 7. v. 8.    

†. VI Of ZEMARI.  
OF Samareus, or Zemari, the tenth son, there are divers opinions. Some think that he first inhabited in Coelesyria at Edessa, and founded Samaraim, which in josua is placed in the Tribe of Benjamin. There is also Samaraijm (of the same Orthography) upon the Mountains of Ephraim (saith Beroaldus) mentioned 
〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉. lib. 4.  in the second of Chronicles c. 13. v. 4. which the Latin converteth amiss (saith he) by Semeron. The Hierosolymitan Paraphrast makes Samareus (of whom were the Perizzites) the parent of the Emissani, which Pliny calls the Hemisceni, in Coelesyria; and it may be that it was their first habitation, and that they afterwards inhabited those other places before remembered. But that they founded Samaria, both the Hebrew Orthography, and this place in the first of Kings (speaking of Omri) disproveth: And he bought the Mountain Samaria or Shemeron of one SHEMER, for two talents 
1. King's 16. 28.  of silver, and built in the Mountain: and called the name of the City which he built, after the name of SHEMER, Lord of the Mountain Samaria. But of all these places I shall speak more at large in the conquest of the holy Land, by the children of Israel. Of whomsoever the Samaritans were descended, sure I am, that they were ever a perfidious Nation, and base: for as long as the state of the jews stood up, they always called themselves jews: when it suffered or sank, they then utterly denied to be of that Nation or Family; for at such time as they were returned from their first captivity, they become a mixed Nation; partly of the Colonies of the Assyrians; and partly of the naturals.   

†. VII. Of HAMATHI.  
THe last of Canaan's sons was Hamatheus, or (according to the Hebrew) Hamathi, of Hamath: (saith Beroaldus) of which (the aspiration taken away) the same is pronounced Emath, whereof Hamatheus was parent. josephus and S. Hierome confounded Emath with Antioch, not that Antioch which standeth on the River Orontes, on the frontier of Comagena, between the Mountain Cassius and the Province of Pieria, and Seleucis, of which S. Peter was Bishop, and in which S. Luke and Ignatius were borne: but Antioch, surnamed Epiphania, as Beroaldus supposeth, which standeth between Apamea and Emesa in Cassiotis. Yet, indeed, Emath cannot be taken for either: for both that Antioch upon Orontes, and that which neighboureth Emesa, are farther off seated from Canaan, then ever any of those Nations straggled. And whereas S. Hierome setteth Emath, which he confoundeth with Epiphania, in the Tribe of Nephtali; it is manifest, that Epiphania, which standeth to the North of Emesa, hath all the Province of Laodicea, between it and any part of the Land divided. And if Libanon itself were not shared among the Tribes, then could not Epiphania belong unto them: for both the Provinces Laodicea and Libanica, are between Epiphania and any part of the holy Land: and therefore Emath so taken could not be a part of Nephtali, as in the thirteenth of josua is directly proved. For josua counting the lands that remained unpossessed, reckoneth all Mount Libanon towards the sun-rising, from Baalgad under mount Hermon, until we come to Hamath. And this reason (among others) is used, that Emath was not in Nephtalim, or any way belonging to the children of Israel: because David accepted the presents of 
2. Same 8. 9  Tohu King of Emath, and (therewithal) conditions of peace: which he would not have done, if that territory had ever belonged to the children of Israel, but would have recovered it without composition, and by strong hand, as he did the rest. But this Argument (as I take it) hath no great weight. For if the promise which God made, be considered, as it is written in Deuteronomy, then might Emath be comprehended, 
Cap. 11. v. 24.  though seated altogether without the bounds of the Land promised, according to the description of Moses and josua: for Emath is indeed situate on the other side of the Mountain of Hermon, which joineth to Libanus: and is otherwise called Iturea. But whereas Hamath is named in josua the 19 v. 35. and written in the Latin conversion Emath, therein (saith Beroaldus) was S. Hierome mistaken. Emath or Iturea is that over the Mountains, and the City in Nephtalim should be written Hamath: and so the Septuagint (understanding the difference) writ it Ammath and not Emath, the same which indeed belonged to the Nephtalims', seated on the South side of Libanus, to the East of Assedim: which City S. Hierome writes Emath; josephus, Hamath; others, Emathin, or Amatheos', and the people Amathein; of which (as I take it) Rabsakeh vaunteth in the second of KINGS: Where is the god of Hamath? 
Cap. 18. & 19     

§. XIII. Of the sons of CHUSH (excepting NIMROD) of whom hereafter.  

The sons of Chush were,  
Seba,  
Havila,  
Sabta,  
Raama,  


And the sons of Raama were,  
Sheba, and Dedan.    
Sabteca,  
Nimrod.   

†. I That the most of the Sons of CHUSH were seated in Arabia the Happy: and of the Sabaeans that rob JOB: and of the Queen that come to SALOMON.  
SEBA or Saba was the eldest son of Chush, the eldest son of Ham, to make a difference between Him and his Nephew Sheba, the son of his brother Raama, or Regma (or Ragma after Montanus) his name is written with a single (S) Samech, and Sheba the son of Regma with an (S) asperate, which is the Hebrew Schin. Seba the eldest son of Chush, Regma his brother, and Sheba the son of Regma possest-both the shores of Arabia Foelix. Saba took that part toward the Read Sea, as nearest his Father Chush, and the Land of the Chusites: Regma and Sheba the East coast of the same Arabia, which looketh into the Gulf of Persia; of which PLINY: Sabaei Arabum populi propter thura clarissimi ad utraque maria porrect is gentibus habitant; The Sabaeans people of Arabia, famous for their Frankincense, extending their Nations, devil along both the Seas, (to wit) the Persian, and the Arabian, or Read Sea. This Country was afterwards called Arabia, à populi mixtione, saith Postellus. To this agreeth Ptolemie, who setteth the City of Saba towards the Arabian or Read Sea, and the City Rhegama towards the Persian, with whom also we may leave Sabta: for so much Montanus gathereth out of Ptolemie, because he remembreth a Nation (called Stabaei) near the Persian Sea; and Massabathae which descended of them. But Montanus hath sent Regma, or (as he calls him Rahma) into Carmania, for which I see no reason. josephus, who only attended his own fancies, hath banished Saba or Seba to the border of Aethiopia. But Beroaldus thinks it strange, that the Sabaei, which stole away jobs Cattles, should run through all Egypt, and all Arabia Petraea, and find out job in Traconitis, between Palaestina and Coelesyria 1200. miles off. Now, as this conjecture was more than ridiculous, so do I think, that neither the Sabaei on the Read Sea, nor those toward the Persian Sea, could by any means execute the stealth upon job, which soever Beroaldus shall take for nearest. But these were the Sabaei of Arabia the Desert, where Guilandinus Melchior affirmeth out of his own experience, that the City Saba is seated: the same which Ptolemy calls Save, now Semiscasac: and from this Saba in Arabia the Desert, come those Magis or Wisemen which worshipped Christ, saith Melchior, whose words are these: The Magis come neither out of Mesopotamia (as Chrusostom, Hierome, and Ambrose supposed) nor out of Arabia the Happy, as many wise men do believe, but out of Saba in Arabia the Desert: which City when myself was there, was (as I judged it) called Semiscasac. And to approve this opinion of Guilandinus, it appeareth that these Shabaei were neighbours to job, and lay fit to invade and rob him. For both the other Nations (aswell those on the Persian Sea, as those on the Read Sea) are so disjoined with large Deserts, as there is no possibility for strangers to pass them, especially with any numbers of Cattles, both in respect of the mountains, of the sands, and of the extreme want of water in those parts: Vbi nec homines, nec bestiae videntur, nec aves, 〈◊〉 nec arbores, nec germen aliquod, sed non nisimontes saxosi, altissimi, asperrimi; Where there are found neither men, nor beasts, not not so much as birds, or trees, nor any pasture or grass, but only sharp, and high stony, and craggy mountains. Beroaldus and Pererius conceive, that the Queen of Saba which come to visit Solomon, was of the Sabaei on the East side of Arabia Foelix; but the contrary seemeth more probable, and that she was Queen of Saba towards the Read Sea: for Solomon at that time commanding all that part of Arabia Petraea, twixt Idumaea and the Read Sea, as far down as Midian or Madian, and Ezion Gaber: and this Queen of Saba which inhabited the West part of Arabia Foelix, being his neighbour, might without any far travail enter his Territories, free from all danger of surprise by any other Prince or Nation.  
But to avoid tediousness, it is manifest that Seba or Saba, Sabta, Raama, or Regma, with his Sons Sheba and Dedan, and Sabteca, were all the possessors of Arabia the Happy, and the Desert: only Havilah and Nimrod dwelled together on the East side Chush, who held Arabia Petraea. Now for Sabta, there is found of his name the City of Sabbatha or Sabota in the same Arabia: of which both Pliny and Ptolemy; 
Plin. l. 12. c. 〈◊〉.  who withal nameth Sabotale, within the walls whereof there were sometimes found 
〈◊〉. tab. 6. 〈◊〉.  sixty Temples. Ezechiel joineth the Father and the Son together, The Merchants 
Ezech. 27. 22.  of Sheba and Raama were thy Merchants. And that they were the Eastern Arabians their merchandise witnesseth, formerly repeated in the Chapter of Paradise. For josephus his fancies, that Saba was the parent of the Aethiopians about Meroe, and Sabta of the Aethiopians Astabari, they be not worthy any farther answer than hath already been given: especially seeing these Cities preserving the memory of the names of Saba, and of Sabta in Arabia were yet remaining in Ptolomtes time, though in some letters changed. As also in the coasts adjoining, the names of other of the brethren of the family of Cush, with little alterations are preserved. In Arabia the Desert is found the City Saba or Save, (now Semiscasac) with the City of Rhegana for Rhegma; and the Nation by Ptolemy himself called Raabeni of Raamah. In Arabia the Happy is found the City of Rhegama, and Rabana; which also keepeth the sound of Rhegma, the City of Saptha or Saptah, not far from the East coast of Arabia; as also the Metropolis and chief City in the body of the South part of Arabia, called without difference or alteration Sabatha; and to the West of Sabatha towards the Read Sea the great City of Saba; and the Nation adjoining, Sabaei: & to the South thereof again toward the strength entrance of the Read Sea, the Region of Sabe. To all these his Brothers and Nephews which were seated on the East side of Arabia, Havilah by the passage of Tigris was a neighbour, to whom he might pass by Boat even unto Rhegma the City of Raama, or Rhegma, set near the River of Lar towards the mouth of the Persian Sea, which stood in Ptolemy's time.   

†. II JOSEPHUS his opinion of DEDAN, one of the issue of CHUSH to have been seated in the West Aethiopia, disproved out of EZECH: and HIEREMIE.  
ANd whereas josephus (whom in this S. Hierome follows, as not curious herein) sent Dedan the son of Raamah into West Aethiopia, it is strange that Ezethiel should couple Sheba, Raamah, and Dedan together; Dedan in the 15. Verse, and Sheba, and Raamah in the 22. Verses to be the Merchants of tire, if Dedan had dwelled in West Aethiopia, which is distant from Raamah and Sheba (the habitation of his father and brother) above 4000 miles. Besides which the merchandise that the Dedanites brought to tire doth not make them naked Blackamoors. For they of Dedan (saith Ezechiel) were thy Merchants in precious clotheses for thy Chariots; and these Western Aethiopians never seen cloth, till the Portugals seeking those Coasts traded with them: the merchandise of the Country being Hides, Elephants teeth, some Gold and Amber, Civet Cats, and Rice, but nothing at all of any manufacture: and all these they exchanged for linen, or iron chief.  
But in those days the West part of Africa within the body of the land was known only by imagination: and, being under the burnt Zone was held uninhabitable. And therefore that the Negroes of the West Aethiopia, which inhabit about Serra Liona, or Niger, could either pass by Sea or Land to tire in the bottom of the Mediterran Sea, were a strange, or rather a foolish fancy. Now to put it out of dispute that Dedan also dwelled by the rest of the children of Chush, which seats they held by that name in the time of Hieremie the Prophet, let us hear Hieremie his own words: Fly, ye Inhabitants of Dedan, for I have brought the destruction of ESAV upon him. Hereby it appeareth that Dedan was a Neighbour to the Idumaeans: and Idumaea is a Province of Arabia Petraea: and Dedan which dwelled on the North part of Arabia Foelix, joined in that part to Petraea, the seat of his Grandfather Chush; which neighbourhood and fellowship of Dedan and the Idumaeans, is also confirmed by Ezechiel: 
Ezech. cap. 15. vers. 15.  I will stretch outmine hand upon Edom, and destroy Man and Beast out of it, and I will make it desolate from Teman: and they of Dedan shall fall by the sword.    

§. XIIII. Of the issue of MIZRAIM: and of the place of HIEREMIE, Chap. 9 Vers. 7.  
AFter Chush it follows to speak of Mizraims' sons, whose names (saith Faint Augustine) were plural, to signify the Nations, which 
The termination 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew, is commonly a sign of the plural number, as aim of the dual.  come of them. Ludim, the eldest son of Mizraim, was the father of the Lybians in Africa: and the rest of his brothers dispersed themselves into all Regions adjoining. Among the sons of Shem there is also Lud; but he is difference from Lud the son of Mizraim by the singular number: the son of Shem being written Lud, the son of Mizraim, Ludim: and yet these Names and Nations are often confounded, notwithstanding the apparent difference both of Names and Nations. For that Ludim the son of Mizraim was the parent of the Lybians in Africa, and that he was seated not far from Mizraim his father, appeareth by the Prophet Hieremie, who joineth them in this sort together: Come up ye 
Cap. 46. vers. 9  Horses, and rage ye Chariots, and let the valiant men come forth, the Blackmoors, and the Lybians which bear the shield: for those Nations assisted the Egyptians being of one parent descended. And in Ezechiel, Phut and Lud are joined together. Aethiopia (or Chush) saith Ezechiel c. 30. v. 3. And PHUT and LORD, and all the common people, and the men of the Land that are in league shall fall with them by the sword: which is as much to say, as the sons of Chush; (which were the Chusites) the sons of Mizraim, which were the Egyptians) and the Lybians (descended of his son Lud) with other the inhabitants of Egypt and Africa shall fall together. Hierosolymitanus finds also in Africa a Nation of the Lydians. And I believe it: because Hieremie joineth the Lybians and Lydians together in the place before remembered. But Lybia in Africa is by the Hebrews called Ludim (saith Arias Montanus) though 2. Chron. 12. 3. they seem to be called Lubim or Lubaei, a name somewhat nearer the word Lybies, and by which it may seem that the truer writing is, not Libyes, but Lybies. Neither is it here to be omitted, that Pintus (upon the thirtieth of Ezechiel) understandeth that which is spoken in the third Verse of Lud, not to be meant of the Libyans at all: for he will have this threatening to be meant against the people of Lydi, a City (saith he) between Egypt and Palaestina, which opinion I could not mislike if the City of Lyda were so seated. But Lyda (which should be written Lydda with a double D, and is the same City which was afterward Diospolis, in which S. Peter cured Aeneas of the palsy) standeth near the Torrent 〈◊〉, not far from joppe the Port of Jerusalem. Yet it is not impossible but that this City might have Lud for the Founder. For there are many Cities of one name founded in all the Regions of the World, and far asunder; as after the names of Alexander, Seleucus, and Antiochus, many Cities called Alexandria, Seleucia, and Antiochia, so of divers others. S. Hierome maketh Lehabim to be the Father of Libya, who was the third son of Mizraim: and so doth Postellus; and either opinion may be true.  
The rest of Mizraims' sons have no proper Countries given them in the Scriptures, saving 〈◊〉 and Caphtorim, of whom come the Philistines, whom the Scriptures call Peleset:  
These 〈◊〉 inhabited Cassiotis, a Region lying in the entrance of Egypt from Palaestina, in which the Lake Sirbonis, and the Mountain Cassius are found: not far from whence Pompey was buried.  
Caphtorim seated near Cosluhim in that Tract of Egypt called Sethroitis, not far from Pelusium. Strabo calls it Sethroitis; Stephanus and Pliny, Sethroites, of the City Sethron: which Ortelius takes to be the same which 〈◊〉 calls Hercules parva. Of the Casluhim and Caphtorim come the Philistines, which are called by the Septuagint Allophyli (which is) Alienigenae, Strangers, or of a strange kindred. These Philistines inhabited the South part of the holy Land towards Egypt, of whom Palaestina took name. For the Hebrews (saith Isidore) do not use the letter (P) but in stead of it (ph.) Their principal Cities were Gaza, Ascalon, Azotus, Geth, and Accaron: and the people of them called Gasaei, Ascalonitae, Azotij, Gethaei, and Accaronitae. Isidore affirms, that Ascalon was first called Philistine: and of that City the Country adjoining. But where Isidore had it, I know not.  
The first known King of the Philistines was that Abimelech, who had a liking to Abraham's wife; with whom Abraham made a covenant and league. This Abimelech dwelled indeed at this time in Gerar; but it is written that he was also King of the Philistines, in these words: Wherhfore ISAAC went to ABIMELECH King of the 
Basil upon the 33. Psalm. Hierome upon the 29. of Ezechiel.  Philistines unto Gerar. Now in regard that this or some ancienter Abimelech governed the commonwealth greatly to his glory, the rest of his successors called themselves by the same name. The Philistines commanded that Tract of land upon the Mediterran Sea to the Northward, from the Castle of Pilgrims (otherwise Caesarea Palaestinae, or Stratons Tower) which was the South-border of Phoenicia, to Gasa, or to the River of Egypt. The Anakims or strong Giants were of these Philistines: and Goliath was of Geth one of the five Cities above named. They had sometimes five Kings, saith Lyranus. They mastered the Israelites at several times above 150. years, and kept them Tributaries, till they were weakened by Samson and Samuel, but in the end this yoke was taken off by David, and laid on themselves.  
It is objected, that because these Cities and the Countries adjoining, were held by the sons of Mizraim, therefore did the Israelites dispossess the sons of Mizraim, and not of Canaan, by forcing those places.  
To this saith Pererius, that although the Palaestines or Philistines held it in the time of josua, yet at the time of the promise it was possessed by the Canaanites; as in the second of Deuteronomy. The Hevites dwelled in the Villages unto Gaza. And what marvel, if (the Canaanites being the greater part) the denomination were from them? For that the Philistines were of Caphtor, and so of Mizraim and not of Canaan, besides Moses the Prophet Hieremie witnesseth: The Lord will destroy the Philistines, 
Hierem. 47. 4.  the remnant of the issue of Caphtor: and in like manner in the ninth of Amos, the Philistines are said to be the relics of Caphtorim; Have not I brought up ISRAEL out 
Amos c. 9 v. 7.  of the Land of Egypt, and the Philistines from Caphtor, and ARAM from Kir? so I read this place with divers of the learned. For whereas the Vulgar hath, & Palaestinos de Cappadocia, & Syros de Cyrene, this conversion Beroaldus condemneth; where Caphtor is taken for Cappadocia, and Cyrene for Kir. For Cyrene is a City directly West from Egypt, between Ptolemais or Barce and Apollonia: but Kir in Asia under the Assyrians: 〈◊〉 hath it Kir, and not Cyrene: and so hath the Geneva. But Pererius calls Caphtorim Cappadocia, according to the Vulgar translation, to which he is bound: and yet it is not altogether improbable if he mean Cappadocia in Palaestina and not that Cappadocia by the Sea Pontus in the North of Asia the less. For 
Of which see in the second Book, Chap. 7 §. 3. †. 5.  whither they inhabited 〈◊〉, or Cappadocia of Palaestina, it is not certainly known. And sure in this manner he may expound Cappadocia to be ambiguous, as well as he doth Cyrene: taking it here not for Cyrene in Africa, but for a place in Media. For it is written in the second of Kings, that Teglatphalasser King of the Assyrians 
Cap. 16. v. 9  carried away the Inhabitants of Damascus into Kir: and so josephus seems to understand this Kir, for Cyrene in Media, calling this Cyrene, Media superior: for it was the manner and policy of the Assyrians to transplant the people conquered by them, as they did the Samarians or Israelites, and other Nations. And hereof it come that Kir was called Syro-Media: because the Syrians by the Assyrians were therein captived.   

§. XU Of the issue of SEM.  

†. I Of ELAM, ASSUR, ARPHAXAD, and LORD.  
It remaineth lastly to speak of the Sons of Sem, who were these:  

1. Alum, or Elam,  
2. Ashur,  
3. Arphaxad,  
4. Lud, and  
5. Aram.   
THe posterity of Sem, Moses recounteth after the rest: because from them he proceedeth in order with the Genealogy and Story of the Hebrews: For of Sem was Abraham descended.  
Of these five sons the Scriptures remember the length of the life of Arphaxad only, and only the children of him and Aram, the rest are barely spoken of by rehearsal of their names, saving that it may be gathered, that Assur (who was supposed to found Niniveh) was also said to be the Father of the Assyrians, whose issues, and the issues of Cham, instantly contended for the Empire of the East: which sometimes the Assyrians, sometimes the Babylonians obtained, according to the virtue of their Princes. This is the common opinion, which also teacheth us, that all the East parts of the World were peopled by Assur, Elam, and 〈◊〉 (saving India) which I believe Noah himself first inhabited: and to whom Ophir and Havilah the sons of joctan afterward repaired. Hij filij SEM ab Euphrate 〈◊〉 partem Asiae usque, ad Oceanum Indicum tenuerunt; These sons of SEM (saith S. JEROME) held all those Regions from Euphrates to the Indian Ocean.  
Of Elam come the Elamites, remembered Acts 2. vers. 9 and the Princes of Persia; 
jos. Ant. l. 1. c. 7.  which name then began to be out of use and lost, when the Persians' become Masters of Babylonia: the East Monarchy being established in them. Some profane Writers distinguish Elam from Persia, and make the Elamites a people apart. But susa (which the Scriptures call Susan) in Elam was the King's seat of Persia (witness DANIEL:) And I seen (saith he) in a vision, and when I seen it, I was in the Palace of Susan, 
Cap. 8. vers. 2.  which is in the Province of Elam. This City is embraced by the River Eulaeus (according to Ptolemie) in Daniel, Vlai: and seated in the border of Susiana. 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 5. Dan. 8. 2.   
Ashur (as most Historians believe) the second son of Sem, was Father of the Assyrians, who disdaining the pride of Nimrod, parted from Babel, and built Ninive, of equal beauty and magnitude with Babylon, or exceeding it. But we shall in due place disprove that opinion. Every man's hand hath been in this Story, and therefore I shall not need herein to speak much: for the Assyrians so often invaded and spoiled the Israelites, destroyed their Cities, and led them Captives, as both in Divine and Human letters there is large and often mention of this Nation.  
But howsoever Herodotus and D Siculus extend this Empire, and honour this Nation with ample Dominion; yet was not the state of the Assyrians of any such power, after such time as Sardanapalus lost the Empire. For Senacherib who was one of the powerfullest Princes among them, had yet the Mountain Tanrus for the utmost of his Dominion toward the northeast, and Syria bounded him toward the West, notwithstanding those vaunts of Senacherib in Easie the 37. Have the gods of the Nations 
Vers. 11.  delivered them whom my Fathers have destroyed? as GOZAN, and HARAN, and RESEPH, and the Children of EDEN which were at Telassar. Where is the King of Hamath, and the King of Arphad, and the King of the City Sepharuaim, Hena and juah? All these were indeed but petty Kings of Cities, and small Countries; as Haran in Mesopotamia: Reseph in Palmyrena: Hamath or Emath in Ituraea, under Libanus: the Isle of Eden: Sepher, and others of this sort. Yea, Nabuchodonosor, who was most powerful, before the conquest of Egypt had but Chaldaea, Mesopotamia, and Syria, with Palaestina and Phoenicia parts thereof. But in this question of Assur, I will speak my opinion freely when I come to Nimrod, whose plantation I have omitted among the rest of the Chusites, because he established the first Empire: from whom the most memorable story of the World taketh beginning.  
Of Arphaxad come the Chaldaeans, saith S. Hierome, and josephus, but it must be those Chaldaeans about Vr: for the sons of Cham possessed the rest. It is true that he was the Father of the Hebrews: for Arphaxad begat Shela; and Shela, Heber; of whom hereafter.  
And that Lud, the fourth Son of Shem, gave name to the Lydians in Asia the less, is the common opinion, taken from josephus and S. Hierome; but I see not by what reason he was moved to straggle thither from his friends.   

†. II Of ARAM, and his Sons.  
ARAM the fift and last Son of Shem was the parent of the Syrians: of which Damascus was head. Their name was changed from Aram or Aramites by Syrus 
〈◊〉 7. v. 8.  (saith Eusebius out of josephus) which Syrus lived before Moses was borne; the 
Euscb. p. 10. 6.  same which others call the son of Apollo. Mesopotamia also being but a Province of Syria had the name of Aram 〈◊〉, which is as much to say, as Syria duorum flwiorum, Syria compassed with two Rivers: (to wit) Tigris and Euphrates. The Scriptures call it Mesopotamia, Syria, and Padan Aram: and the Greeks' Mesopotamia simply.  
Arise and get thee to Padan Aram (saith Isaac to jacob) to the house of BETHVEL 
Gen. 28. 2. See Gen. 25. 〈◊〉. Also Deut. 23. 4. judg. 3. Paral. 1. 19 Psal. 59 Strabo. l. 1.  thy mother's father, and thence take thee a wise. Strabo also remembreth it by the ancient name of Aram or Aramea, as these his own words converted witness: Quos nos Syros vocamus, ipsi Sylli Aramenios' & Arameos vocant; Those which we call Syrians (saith he) themselves call Aramenians and Arameans.  
Against this opinion, that Aram the son of Sem was the Father and Denominator of the Syrians in general; (and not only of those in Syria, Inter-amnis, which is Mesopotamia) some read, Genes. 22. 21. Kemuel, the Father of the Syrians: where other out of the original read Kemuel, the son of Aram. Neither is it any inconvenience for us to understand the word (Aram) here, not for the Nation, but for the name of some one of note; the rather, because in the History of Abraham and Isaac (which was in time long before Kemuels' posterity could be famous) we found Mesopotamia called Aram; and that with an addition: sometimes with Naharaijm, and sometimes of Padan, to distinguish it from another Aram, which (as it seems) then also was called Aram. For whereas junius thinks in his note upon Genes. 25. 20. that Padan Aram aught to be restrained to some part of Mesopotamia, (to wit) to that part which Ptolemy calls Ancobaritis (so called from the River Chaboras, which dividing it runneth into Euphrates) the promiscuous use of Padan Aram, and Aram Naharaijm (which latter appellation qhestionlesse comprehends the whole Mesopotamia) may seem to refute this opinion: especially seeing the signification of this appellation agreeth with the whole Region. For it signifieth as much as the yoke of Syria, which name agrees with this Region: because the two Rivers, (as it were) yoked together go along it. The Relics of the name Padan appear in the name of two Cities in Ptolemy, called Aphadana: (as junius hath well noted) the one upon Chaboras, the other upon Euphrates.  

The Sons of Aram were,  
Us or Hus,  
Hul,  
Gether, and  
Mesch or Mes.   
Us or Hus inhabited about Damascus, and built that City, saith josephus and Saint Hierome. But Tostatus mistaking this opinion, both in them and in Lyra, who also 
Hieron. in trad. Hebraic.  follows josephus, affirmeth that Abraham's Steward Eliezer was the Founder thereof; though it were likely that Hus the eldest son of Aram dwelled near unto his father, who inhabited the body of Syria. For Hus was a Region of the same, adjoining to Arabia the Desert, and to Batanea or Traconitis: whereof the Prophet Hieremie: Rejoice and be glad OH Daughter of Edom that dwellest in the Land of Hus. Hus therefore 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. cap. 4. ver. 21.  is seated beyond jordan, in the East Region of Traconitis, adjoining to Basan, having Batanea Gaulonitis, and the Mountain Seir to the East, Edrai to the South, Damascus North, and jordan West: having in it many Cities and people, as may also be gathered out of HIEREMY: And all sorts of people: and all the Kings of the Land of Hus. 
C. 25. v. 20.  In this Region dwelled job, descended of Hus, the son of Nahor, the brother of Abraham (saith Faint Hierome) and married Dina the Daughter of jacob, saith Philo.  
Hul the second son of Aram, Saint Hierome makes the Father of the Armenians: and Gether the third son, parent to the Arcananians or Carians: which opinion, (because I found not where to set him) I do not disprove, though I see no reason why Gether should leave the fellowship of his own brethren, and devil among Strangers in Asia the less. junius gives Hul (whom he writes Chul) the Desert of Palmyrena, as far as Euphrates, where Ptolemy setteth the City of Gindareni.  
Gether (saith josephus) founded the Bactrians: but josephus gave all Noah's children feathers, to carry them far away in all haste. For my own opinion I always keep the rule of Neighbourhood, and think with junius: (to wit) That Gether seated himself near his brothers, in the body of Syria, and in the Province of Cassiotis, and Seleucis, where Ptolemy placeth Gindarus, and the Nation by Pliny called Gindareni.  
junius also giveth to Mes or Mesch the North part of Syria, between Cilicia and Mesopotamia, near the Mountain Masius. The certainty of those Plantations can no otherwise be known then by this probability, that Aram the father (of whom that great Region took name) planted his sons in the same Land about him: for he wanted no scope of Territory for himself and them; neither then when the World was newly planted, nor in many hundred years after: and therefore there is no reason to cast them in the Desert parts of the World, so far asunder. And as necessity and policy held them together for a while: so Ambition (which began together with Angels and Men) inhabiting the hearts of their children, set them asunder. For although these sons of Aram, and the sons of the rest of Noah's children, kept themselves within the bounds of some one large Kingdom; yet therein every one also sought a Province apart, and to themselves; giving to the Cities therein built their own names, thereby to leave their memory to their posterity: the use of Letters being then rare, and known to few.  
In this sort did the pride of the Spaniards in America cast them into so many Provinces: every one emulating and disdaining the greatness of other, as they are thereby to this day subject to invasion, expulsion, and destruction: so as (Nova Hispania and Peru excepted, because those Countries are unaccessable to Strangers) an easy force will cast them out of all the rest.  
Mes the fourth son is made the parent of the Moeonians: of whom something hath been spoken already. Arphaxad the third son of Shem, begat Shelah, and 
Chap. 8. §. 7.  Heber. Heber had two sons, Phaleg and joctan: and in Phaleg's time was the Earth divided.   

†. III Of the division of the Earth in the time of PHALEG, one of the sons of HEBER, of the issue of SEM.  
THE many people which at the division (at Phaleghs' birth) were then living, and the through Plantation of all the East part of the World (at his death) hath made a doubt, whither the Earth were divided at either. The Hebrews (saith Pererius out of Sedar Holam, one of their Chronicles) affirm that this partition happened at the death of Phaleg: and Phaleg was borne in the year after the Flood 101. and lived in all 239. years, which numbers added makes 340. And therefore was it so many years after the Flood, ere the children of Noah severed themselves. But to this opinion of the Hebrews, and the doubt they make how in so few years as 101. (the time of Phaleg's birth) so many people could be increased, 〈◊〉 gives this answer, that if 70 persons of the Family of jacob increased to 600000. fight men in 215. years, (besides women, children, and impotent persons) how much more is it likely, that so soon after the Flood the children of Noah might in a shorter time bring forth many multitudes, having received the blessing of God, Increase and multiply, and fill the Earth? What strength this answer hath, let others judge: for the children of Israel were 70. and had 215. years time: and the sons of Noah were but three, and had but 101. years of time, to the birth of Phalegh.  
Others conceive that Phalegh took that name after the division, in memory thereof: as josephus and Saint Augustine, who reason in this manner. If the division 
joseph. l. 1. Ant. Aug. de Civit. Dei. l. 16. c. 11.  were at Phaleghs' death (which happened in the year, which is commonly held to be the 48. of Abraham, but was by more likely computation 12. years before his birth) then was the division 38. years after Ninus, who governed 52. years: in the 43. year of whose reign Abraham was borne. But when Ninus began to rule the Assyrians, 80 
Perer. in Gen. li. 15. c. 10.  years before this division (as this division is placed by the Hebrews, Hiercme and Chrusostom) then was the earth so peopled in all the East and Northern parts, as greater numbers have not been found at any time since. For Ninus associating to himself Ariaeus King of Arabia, a people who at that time (saith DIOD. SICULUS) plurimum opibus atque armis praestabant, Exceeded both in riches and bodies of men, subdued many Cities in Armenia; received Barzanis into grace; then invaded Media, and crucified Pharnus the King thereof, with his Wife and seven Children; vanquished all those Regions between Nilus and Tanais, the Egyptians, Phoenicians, the Kingdoms of Syria, and all the Nations of Persia, to the Hyrcanian Sea. For the numbers which followed Ninus (already remembered out of Ctesias) against Zoroafter and others: and Zoroaster on the other side, who made resistance with four hundred thousand, prove it sufficiently, that if the division had not happened before the death of Phaleg, there had needed no division at that time at all. For some of them were so ill satisfied with their partitions, as they sought to be Masters of all; and greater Armies were there never gathered then by Ninus and Semiramis: wherefore in this opinion there is little appearance of the truth.  
But for that conceit that if the division had been made at the birth of Phaleg, there were not then sufficient numbers borne to fill the earth: It was never meant that the earth could be filled every where at the instant, but by times and degrees: And surely whatsoever men's opinions have been herein, yet it is certain, that the division of tongues and of men must go near together with the ceasing of the work at Babel: and that the enterprise of Babel was left off instantly upon the confusion of Languages, where followed the execution of the division; and so neither at the birth nor death of Phaleg: for Phaleg was borne in the year 101. after the Flood, which was the year that Nimrod come into Shinaar, or 10. years after he arrived, saith Berosus.  
Now if it be objected that Phaleg (the Etymology of whose name signifieth division) must have lived without a name, except the name had been given him at the time of this confusion and partition: to this objection it may be answered, That the change of names upon divers accidents is not rare in the Scriptures: for jacob was called Israel after he had wrestled with the Angel; Abraham was first Abram; and Edom Esau; and that Phaleg being a principal man in this division had his first name upon this accident changed, it is most probable.  
And lastly, whereas the Hebrews, Saint Hierome and Chrusostom account Heber a great Prophet, if that by giving his son the name of Phaleg, he foretold the division which followed: to this I say, I do not found that Heber deserved any such honour, if he had thereupon so called his son: for division and dispersion follows increase of people of necessity; and this prophesy (if any such had been) might also have reference to the division, which afterwards fell among the Hebrews themselves.  
But if we give a reasonable time to the building of the Tower and City of Babel, by which time many people (by reason and by demonstrative proof) might be increased: and that upon the fall thereof the confusion and division followed (whereupon Phaleg took name) then in this opinion there is nothing either curious or monstrous.   

†. FOUR Of the sons of JOCTAN, the other son of HEBER.  

The sons of joctan were  
1. Elmodad.  
2. Saleph, or Selep, or Sheleph.  
3. Asamath, or Chatzar.  
4. jare, or jarahh, or jerath.  
5. Hadoram.  
6. Vzal, or Vxal.  
7. Dicklach, or Dicla.  
8. Obal, or Ebal, or Hobal.  
9 Abimael.  
10. Sheba, or Seba.  
11. Ophir, or Opir.  
12. Havila, or Chavila, and  
13. jobab.   
ALL those sons of joctan (according to Saint Hierome) dwelled in the East parts of the World, or India, even from the River Cophe or Choas, which is one of the branches or heads of Indus.  
But the certain places of those thirteen Sons cannot be gathered out of the Scriptures, the words of Moses being general. And their dwelling was from Mesha 
Gen. c. 10. v. 30.  as thou goest unto Sephar a Mount in the East. Of all these thirteen Sons, there were only three memorable, (to wit) Sheba, Ophir, and Havilah. Concerning whose names, to avoid confusion it is to be observed, that among the Sons of Chush, two of them had also the names of Seba and Havilah. Abraham had also a third Saba or Sheba, his grandchild by his wife Ketura. But Seba the son of Chush, and Sheba the son of Rhegma his Nephew, we have left in Arabia Foelix: and Havilah the son of Chush upon Tigris. Saba the grandchild of Abraham was (as some have thought (the Father of the Sabaeans in Persia: of which Nations Dionysius de Orbis situ, maketh mention. Primùm Sabaei; post hos sunt Passagardae; prope verò hos sunt Tasci, 
Gen. 25. v. 6.  The first are Sabaeans: after these be Passagardae; and near these the Tasci. And whereas it is written: But unto the Sons of the Concubines which ABRAHAM had, ABRAHAM gave gifts, and sent them away from ISAAC his son (while he yet lined) Eastward to the East-country: hereupon it is supposed, that this Saba the son of Abraham wandered into Persia: for Persia was accounted the furthermost East-country in respect of judaea; which also Ovid setteth under the Sunrising. Yet seeing the rest of Abraham's 
Metam. lib. 1.  sons seated themselves on the borders of judaea, I rather choose to leave Saba the son of Abraham in Arabia the Desert, where Ptolemy setteth a City of that name.  
But Saba the son of joctan, the son of Heber, (as I conceive) inhabited India itself. For Dionysius Afer in his Periegesis, (or description of the World) which he 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  wrote in Greek Verse, among the Regions of India findeth a Nation called the Sabaei. Taxilus hos inter medios habitatque Sabaeus: In the midst of these devil the Sabaei, and the Taxili, saith this Dionysius.   

†. V Of OPHIR one of JOCTANS sons, and of Peru, and of that voyage of SALOMON.  
OPHIR also was an Inhabitant of the East India, and (as S. Hierome understands it) in one of the islands plentiful of gold, which are now known by the name of Moluccae. josephus understands Ophir to be one of those great head-lands in India, which by a general name are called Chersonesi, or Peninsulae: of which there are two very notorious; Callecut, and Malacca. Pererius takes it rightly for an Island, as Saint Hierome doth, but he sets it at the head-land of Malacca. But Ophir is found among the Molucces farther East.  
Arias Montanus out of the second of Chronicles, the third Chapter and sixt Verse, gathers that Ophir was Peru in America, looking into the West Ocean, commonly called Mare del Sur, or the South Sea; by others Mare pacificum. The words in the second of the Chronicles are these: And be overlayed the house with precious stones for 
〈◊〉  beauty; and the gold was gold of Paruaim. JUNIUS takes this gold to be the gold of Havilah, remembered by Moses in the description of Paradise: And the gold of that 
Gen 2. 11. & 12 Plin. lib. 6. c. 28.  Land is good: finding a Town in 〈◊〉 a Province of Susiana called Barbatia; so called (as he thinks) by corruption for Paruaim: from whence those Kings subjecteth by David brought this gold, with which they presented him; and which David preserved for the enriching of the Temple.  
But this fancy of Peru hath deceived many men, before Montanus, and Plessis, who also took Ophir for Peru. And that this question may be a subject of no farther dispute; it is very true, that there is no Region in the World of that name: sure I am that at lest America hath noon, not not any City, Village, or Mountain so called. But when Francis Pisarro first discovered those Lands to the South of Panama, arriving in that Region which 〈◊〉 commanded (a Prince of magnificence, Richeses and Dominion inferior to noon) some of the Spaniards utterly ignorant of that language, demanding by signs (as they could) the name of the Country, and pointing with their hand athwart a River, or Torrent, or Brooke that ran by, the Indian's answered Peru, which was either the name of that Brooke, or of water in general. The Spaniards thereupon conceiving that the people had rightly understood them, set it down in the Diurnal of their enterprise, and so in the first description made, and sent over to Charles the Emperor, all that West part of America to the South of Panama had the name of Peru, which hath continued ever since as divers Spaniards in the Indieses assured me; which also Acosta the jesuit in his natural and moral History of the Indieses confirmeth. And whereas Montanus also findeth, that a part of the Indieses (called 〈◊〉) took that name of joctan, who as he supposeth navigated from the utmost East of India to America: it is most true, that jucatan is nothing else in the language of that Country, but [What is that] or [What say you?] For when the Spaniards asked the name of that place (no man conceiving their meaning) one of the Saluages answered jucatan (which is) What ask you, or What say you? The like happened touching Paria, a mountainous Country on the South side of Trinidado and Margarita: for when the Spaniards enquiring (as all men do) the names of those new Regions which they discovered, pointed to the Hills afar off, one of the people answered, Paria, which is as much to say; as high Hills or Mountains. For at Paria gins that marvelous ledge of Mountains, which from thence are continued to the Straight of Magellan: from eight degrees of North latitude to 52. of South; and so hath that Country ever since retained the name of Paria.  
The same happened among the English, which I sent under Sir Richard Greenevile to inhabit Virginia. For when some of my people asked the name of that Country, one of the Saluages answered, Wingandacon, which is as much to say, as, You wear good clotheses, or gay clotheses. The same happened to the Spaniard in ask the name of the Island Trinidado: for a Spaniard demanding the name of that self place which the Sea encompassed, they answered, Caeri, which signifieth an Island. And in this manner have many places newly discovered been entitled, of which Peru is one. And therefore we must leave Ophir among the Moluccas, whereabout such an Island is credibly affirmed to be.  
Now although there may be found gold in Arabia itself (towards Persia) in Havilah, now Sufiana, and all alongst that East Indian shore; yet the greatest plenty is taken up at the Philippines, certain islands planted by the Spaniards, from the West India. And by the length of the passage which Salomon's ships made from the Read Sea, (which was three years in going and coming) it seemeth they went to the uttermost East, as the Moluceas or Philippines. Indeed these that now go from Portugal, or from hence, finish that navigation in two year, and sometimes less: and Salomon's ships went not above a tenth part of this our course from hence. But we must consider, that they evermore kept the coast, and crept by the shores, which made the way exceeding long. For before the use of the Compass was known, it was impossible to navigate athwart the Ocean; and therefore Salomon's ships could not find Peru in America. Neither was it needful for the Spaniards themselves (had it not been for the plenty of gold in the East India islands, far above the mines of any one place of America) to sail every year from the West part of America thither, and there to have strongly planted, and inhabited the richest of those islands: wherein they have built a City called Manilia, Solomon therefore needed not to have go farther off than Ophir in the East, to have sped worse: neither could he navigate from the East to the West in those days, whereas he had no coast to have guided him.  
Tostatus also gathereth a fantastical opinion out of Rabanus, who makes Ophir to be a Country, whose Mountains of gold are kept by Griffins: which Mountains Solinus affirmeth to be in Scythia Asiatica, in these words: Nam cùm auro & gemmis affluant, Griphes tenent universa, alites ferocissimae, Arimaspi cum his dimicant, etc. For whereas these Countries abound in gold, and rich stone, the Griffins defend the one and the other: a kind of Fowl the fiercest of all other; with which Griffins a Nation of people called Arimaspi make war. These Arimaspi are said to have been men with one eye only, like unto the Cyclopss of Sicilia: of which Cyclopss, Herodotus and Aristeus make mention: and so doth Lucan in his third Book: and Valerius Flaccus: and D. Siculus in the 
Flaccus, lib. 6.  story of Alexander Macedon. But (for my own opinion) I believe noon of them. 
Diod. Sicul. l. 16.  And for these Arimaspi, I take it that this name signifying One-eyed, was first given them by reason that they used to wear a vizard of defence, with one sight in the middle to serve both eyes; and not that they had by nature any such defect. But Solinus borroweth these things out of Pliny, who speaks of such a Nation in the extreme North, at a place called Gisolitron, or the Cave of the North-east winde. For the rest, as all fables were commonly grounded upon some true stories or other things done: so might these tales of the Griffins receive this Moral. That if those men which fight against so many dangerous passages for gold, or other riches of this World, had their perfect senses, and were not deprived of half their eyesight (at lest of the eye of right reason and understanding) they would content themselves with a quiet and moderate estate; and not subject themselves to famine, corrupt air, violent heat, and cold, and to all sorts of miserable diseases. And though this fable be feigned in this place, yet if such a tale were told of some other places of the World, where wild Beasts or Serpents defend Mountains of gold, it might be avowed. For there are in many places of the world, especially in America, many high and impassable Mountains which are very rich and full of gold, inhabited only with Tigers, Lions, and other ravenous and cruel beasts: into which if any man ascend (except his strength be very great) he shall be sure to find the same war, which the Arimaspi make against the Griffins: not that the one or other had any sense of gold, or seek to defend that metal, but being disquieted, or made afraid of themselves or their yong-ones, they grow enraged and adventurous. In like sort it may be said that the Alegartos, (which the Egyptians call the Crocadyles) defend those Pearls which lie in the Lakes of the Inland: for many times the poor Indian's are eaten up by them, when they dive for the pearl. And though the Alegartos know not the pearl, yet they find savour in the flesh and blood of the Indian's, whom they devour.   

†. VI Of HAVILAH the son of JOCTAN, who also passed into the East Indieses: and of MESHA and SEPHER named in the bordering of the Families of JOCTAN: with a Conclusion of this discourse touching the plantation of the World.  
OF Havilah the son of joctan, there is nothing else to be said, but that the general opinion is, that he also inhabited in the East India in the Continent, from which Ophir passed into the islands adjoining. And whereas Ganges is said to water Havilah, it is meant by Havilah in the East India, which took name of Havilah the son of joctan: but 〈◊〉, which Pison compasseth, was so called of Havilah, the son of Chush, as is formerly proved by this place of Scripture: SAUL smote the 
1. Sam. 15. 7.  Amalekites from Havilah, as thou comest to Shur, which is before Egypt. But that Saul ever made War in the East India, no man hath suspected. For an end we may conclude, that of the thirteen sons of joctan, these three, Saba, Havilah, and Ophir; though at the first seated by their brethren about the hill Masius or Mesh, GEN. 10. 30 (to wit) between Cilicia and Mesopotamia; yet at length either themselves or their issues removed into East India, leaving the other Families of joctan, to fill the Countries of their first plantation, which the Scripture defines to have been from Mesh unto Sephar. And although S. Hierome take Mesh to be a Region of the East India, and Sephar a Mountain of the same (which Mountain, Montanus would have to be the Andes in America) those fancies are far beyond my understanding. For the word (East) in the Scriptures, where it hath reference to judaea, is never farther extended then into Persia. But Mesch is that part of the Mountains of Masius in the North of Mesopotamia, out of which the River Chaboras springeth which runneth by Charran: and in the same Region we also find for Sephar (remembered by Moses) Sipphara by Ptolemie, standing to the East of the Mountains Masius; from whence joctan having many sons, some of them might pass into India, hearing of the beauty and riches thereof. But this was in process of time.  
The other fashion of planting I understand not, being grounded but upon men's imaginations, contrary to reason and possibility. And that this Mountain in the East was no farther off then in those Regions before remembered, it appeareth by many places of the Scripture where the same phrase is used: as in Numbers 23. BALAC 
Vers. 7.  the King of Moab hath brought me from Aram, out of the Mountain of the East; which was from the East part of Mesopotamia. For Balac brought Balaam out of Mesopotamia, (witness this place of DEUTERONOMY:) Because they hired BALAAM 
Cap. 23. vers. 〈◊〉  the son of BEOR, of Pethor in Aram Naharaijm, to curse thee: for Aram Naharaijm was Syria fluniorum, which is Mesopotamia, as aforesaid.  
This plantation of the World after the flood doth best agreed (as to me it seems) with all the places of Scripture compared together. And these be the reports of Reason and probable conjecture; the Guides which I have followed herein, and which I have chosen to go after, making no valuation of the opinions of men, conducted by their own fancies, be they ancient or modern. Neither have I any end herein, private, or public, other than the discovery of truth. For as the partiality of man to himself hath disguised all things: so the factious and hireling Historians of all Ages (especially of these latter times) have by their many Volumes of untrue reports left Honour without a Monument, and Virtue without Memory: and (in stead thereof) have erected Statues and Trophies to those, whom the darkest forgetfulness aught to have buried, and covered over for evermore. And although the length and dissolving Nature of Time, hath worn out or changed the Names and memory of the World's first planters after the flood (I mean the greatest number and most part of them) yet all the footsteps of Antiquity (as appears by that which hath been spoken) are not quite worn out nor overgrown: for Babylon hath to this day the sound of Babel; Phoenicia hath Zidon, to which City the eldest Son of Canaan gave name; so hath Cilicia Tharsis; and the Armenians, Medes, Hiberians, Cappadocians, Phrygians, the Syrians, Idumaeans, Libyans, Moors, and other Nations, have preserved from the death of forgetfulness some signs of their first Founders and true Parents.     

CHAP. IX.. Of the beginning and establishing of Government.  

§. I. Of the proceeding from the first Government under the eldest of Families to Regal, and from Regal absolute, to Regal tempered with Laws.  
〈◊〉 Arguments by Necessity propounded, and by Reason maintained and confirmed persuaded all Nations which the heavens cover, to subject themselves to a Master, and to Magistracy in some degree. Under which Government, as the change (which brought with it less evil, than the former mischiefs) was generally 〈◊〉: so time (making all men wise that observe it) found some imperfection and corrosive in this cure. And therefore the same Necessity which invented, and the same Reason which approved sovereign power, bethought itself of certain equal rules, in which Dominion (in the beginning boundless) might also discern her own limits. For before the invention of Laws, private affections in supreme Rulers made their own fancies both their Treasurers and Hangmen: measuring by this yard, and weighing in this balance both good and evil.  
For as wisdom in Eldership preceded the rule of Kings; so the will of King's forwent the inventions of Laws. Populus nullis legibus tenebatur: arbitria principum pro legibus erant; The people were not governed by any other laws than the wills of Princes: Hereof it sollowed, that when Kings left to be good, neither did those men's 〈◊〉 value them which were not fancied by their Kings, nor those men's vices deform them that were. Amor interdum nimis videt, interdum nihil videt, Love sees one while too much, another while stark nothing. Hence it come to pass, that after a few years (for direction and restraint of Royal power) Laws were established: and that government which had this mixture of equality (holding in an even balance supreme power and common right) acquired the title of Regal: the other (which had it not) was known for Tyrannical: the one God established in favour of his people: the other he permitted for their affliction.  
In the infancy of this Regal authority, Princes as they were chosen for their virtues only so did they measure their powers by a great deal of moderation. And 〈◊〉 (saith Fabius Pictor) Principes, quia justi erant, & religionibus dediti, iure habiti 
De aureo 〈◊〉, part. 1.  Dij & 〈◊〉; Princes, because they were just and religious, were rightly accounted and called Gods.  
And though (speaking humanly) the beginning of Empire may be ascribed to Reason and Necessity; yet it was God himself that first kindled this light in the minds of men, whereby they seen that they could not live and be preserved without a Ruler and Conductor: God himself by his eternal providence having ordained Kings; and the law of Nature Leaders, and Rulers over others. For the very Bees have their Prince; the Deer their Leaders; and Cranes (by order imposed) watch for their own safety. The most High beareth rule over the Kingdoms of 
〈◊〉. 5. 21.  Men; and appointeth over it whomsoever he pleaseth. By me (saith Wisdom, spoken by 
Proverb. 8. v. 15.  the Son of God) Kings reign; By me Prince's rule, and it is God (saith DANIEL) 
〈◊〉. 19 v. 〈◊〉.  that setteth up Kings, and taketh away Kings: and that this power is given from God, CHRIST himself witnesseth, speaking to PILATE: Thou couldst have no power at all 
〈◊〉. 19 v. 〈◊〉.  against me, except it were given thee from above.  
It was therefore by a threefold justice that the world hath been governed from the beginning, (to wit) by a justice natural: by which the Parents and Elders of families governed their Children, and Nephews, and Families, in which government the Obedience was called natural Piety: Again, by a justice divine, drawn from the Laws and Ordinances of God: and the Obedience hereunto was called Conscience: And lastly, by a justice civil, begotten by both the former: and the Obedience to this we call Duty. That by these three those of the eldest times were commanded: and that the rule in general was Paternal, it is most evident: for Adam being Lord over his own Children, instructed them in the service of God his Creator; as we read, Cain and Abel brought Oblations before God, as they had been taught by their Parent, the Father of mankind.   

§. II Of the three commendable sorts of Government with their opposites: and of the degrees of human society.  
WHat other Policy was exercised, or State founded after such time as mankind was greatly multiplied before the flood, it cannot be certainly known, though it seem by probable conjecture, that the same was not without Kings in that first age: it being possible that many Princes of the Egyptians (remembered among their antiquities) were before the general flood; and very likely, that the cruel Oppressions in that Age proceeded from some tyranny in Government, or from some rougher form of Rule, than the Paternal.  
Berosus ascribeth the rule of the World in those days to the Giants of Libanus, 
Beros. lib 1.  who mastered (saith he) all Nations from the sun-rising to the Sunset. But in the second Age of the World, and after such time as the rule of Eldership failed, three several sorts of Government were in several times established among men, according to the divers natures of Places and People.  
The first, the most ancient, most general, and most approved, was the Government of one, ruling by just Laws, called Monarchy: to which Tyranny is opposed, being also a sole and absolute Rule, exercised according to the will of the Commander, without respect or observation of the Laws of God, or Men. For a lawful Prince or Magistrate (saith Aristotle) is the Keeper of Right and Equity: and of this condition aught every Magistrate to be, according to the rule of God's word: judges and Officers shalt thou make thee in thy Cities: And these shall judge the people with 
〈◊〉. 16. v. 18.  〈◊〉 judgement.  
The second Government is of divers principal People established by order, and ruling by Laws, called Aristocracy, or Optimatum potestas; to which Oligarchia (or the particular faction and usurpation of a few great-ones) is opposed: as the Decemviri, or 〈◊〉, and the like.  
The third is a State popular, (or Government of the people) called Democratia, to which is opposed Ochlocratia, or the turbulent unjust ruling of the confused multitude, seditiously swaying the State, contrary to their own Laws and Ordinances. These three kinds of Government are briefly expressed by Tholosanus; unius, paucorum, & multorum, Of one, of few, of many.  
Now as touching the beginning and order of policy since the second increase of Mankind, the same grew in this sort: First of all, every Father, or eldest of the Family, gave Laws to his own issues, and to the people from him and them increased. These as they were multiplied into many Households (man by nature loving society) joined their Cottages together in one common Field or Village, which the Latins call Vicus; of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a House, or of the word (Via) because it hath divers ways and paths leading to it. And as the first House grew into a Village, so the Village into that which is called Pagus, (being a society of divers Villages) so called of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a Fountain: because many people (having their habitations not far asunder) drank of one Spring or Stream of water. To this word the English Hundreds, or (as some think) Shires answereth not unfitly.  
But as men and impiety began to gather strength, and as emulation and pride between the Races of the one and the other daily increased: so both to defend themselves from outrage, and to preserve such goods as they had gathered, they began to join and set together divers of their Villages, environing them first with banks and ditches, and afterwards with walls: which being so compassed were then called Oppida; either ab opponendo se hostibus, Because walls were opposed against Enemies, or ab opibus, because thither they gathered their riches for safety and defence: as also they were called Vrbes, ab orb; because when they were to build a City, they made a Circle with a Plough (saith Varro) therewith measuring and compassing the ground which they went to enclose or fortify. And although Vrbs and Civitas be often confounded, yet the difference was anciently in this, that Vrbs signified no other than the very walls and buildings, and Civitas was taken for the Citizens, inhabiting therein: so called of Civis; and that, ab eo quòd multitudo coivit, of coming together. But all inhabitants within these walls are not properly Citizens, but only such as are called Freemen: who bearing proportionably the charge of the City, may by turns become Officers and Magistrates thereof: the rest go under the name of Subjects, though Citizens by the same general name of Subjects are also known. For every Citizen is also a subject, but not every Subject a Citizen: perhaps also some Citizen (as the chief Magistrate, if he be to be termed one of the Citizens) is no subject; but of this we need not stand to inquire. The word (Magistrate) is taken a 〈◊〉, from a Master, and the word (Master) from the Adverb Magis (as also Magisteria, Precepts of Art) or else from the Greek word (Megistos:) and so the Greeks' call them Megistanes, whom the Latins call Magnates, or Magistratus.  
The office and duty of every Magistrate Aristotle hath written in few words. 
Ethic 5.  A Magistrate or Prince (saith he) is the keeper of right and equity; but the same is best taught by Saint Paul, who expresseth both the cause efficient, and final, (that is) by whom Magistrates and Princes are ordained, together with their duties and offices. A Magistrate is the Minister of God for thy wealth; but if thou do evil, fear: for 
〈◊〉. 13. 4.  he beareth not the sword for naught. For he is the Minister of God, to take vengeance on him that doth evil. He also teacheth in the same place; That every soul aught to be 
V 1.  subject to the higher powers, because they are by God ordained; and that whosoever resisteth 
2.  that power, resisteth God, the giver and fountain thereof: and shall not only be therefore subject to the judgement and condemnation of Man, but of God: For ye must 
Ibid. v. 〈◊〉  be subject (saith he) not because of wrath only, but also for conscience sake.  
The examples are not to be numbered of God's punishments upon those that have resisted Authority, by God ordained and established. Neither aught any subject therefore to resist the power of Kings, because they may be taxed with injustice or cruelty: for it pleaseth God sometimes to punish his people by a tyrannous hand: and the Commandment of obedience is without distinction. The Prophets and Christ himself subjecteth themselves to the power of Magistracy. Christ commanded that all due to Caesar should be given unto him: and he paid Tribute for himself and Peter. Hieremie commanded the Israelites (even those that were Captives 
Hierem. 29. v. 7.  under Heathen Kings) to pray for them, and for the peace of Babylon. So Abraham prayed for Abimelech; and jacob blessed the King of Egypt: And it is acceptable in the 
Gen 20. v. 17. 〈◊〉. v. 10.  sight of our Saviour (saith PAUL) that yec make Supplications and Prayers for Kings, and for all that are in authority: and if for such Kings as were Idolatrous, much more for Christian Kings and Magistrates. And so much did Saint Chrusostom in his Homily to the people prefer Monarchical Government, as he rather commended the rule of Kings (though Tyrants) then that they should be wanting: Praestat Regem tyrannum habere, quàm nullum; Better a tyrannous King, than no King: to which also Tacitus subscribeth: Praestat (saith Tacitus in the first of his History) sub malo Principe esse quàm nullo; It is better to have a bad Prince than noon at all. And be they good Kings (which is generally presupposed) then is there no liberty more safe, then to serve them: Neque enim libertas tutior ulla est (saith CLAUDIAN) quàm Domino servire bono: Not liberty (saith he) more safe for us then to be servants to the virtuous. And certainly howsoever it may be disputed, yet is it safer to live under one Tyrant, then under 100000. Tyrants: under a wise man that is cruel, then under the foolish and barbarous cruelty of the multitude. For as Agesilaus answered a Citizen of 〈◊〉 that desired an alteration of the Government, That kind of rule which a man would disdain in his own house, were very unfit to govern great Regions by.  
Lastly, as many Fathers erected many Cottages for their many children: and as (for the reason before remembered) many Households joined themselves together, and made Villages; many Villages made Cities: so when these Cities and Citizens joined together, and established Laws by consent, associating themselves under one Governor and Government, they so joined were called a Commonwealth: the same being sometimes governed by Kings; sometimes by Magistrates; sometimes by the people themselves.   

§. III Of the good Government of the first Kings.  
NOw this first Age after the Flood, and after such time as the people were increased, and the Families become strong and dispersed into several parts of the World, was by ancient Historians called Golden: Ambition and Covetousness being as then but green, and newly grown up, the seeds and effects whereof were as yet but potential, and in the blowth and bud. For while the Law of Nature was the rule of man's life, they then sought for no larger Territory than themselves could compass and manure: they erected no other magnificent buildings, then sufficient to descend them from cold and tempest: they cared for no other delicacy of fare, or curiosity of diet, then to maintain life: nor for any other apparel then to cover them from the cold, the Rain and the Sun.  
And sure if we understand by that Age (which was called Golden) the ancient simplicity of our Forefathers, this name may then truly be cast upon those elder times: but if it be taken otherwise, then, whither the same may be attributed more to any one time then to another, (I mean to one limited time and noon else) it may be doubted. For good and Golden Kings make good and Golden Ages: and all times have brought forth of both sorts. And as the infancy of Empirie, (when Princes played their Prizes, and did then only woe men to obedience) might be called the Golden Age: so may the beginning of all Prince's times be truly called Golden. For be it that men affect honour, it is then best purchased; or if honour affect men, it is then that good deservings have commonly the lest impediments: and if ever Liberality overflow her banks and bounds, the same is then best warranted both by policy and example. But Age and Time do not only harden and shrink the openest and most jovial hearts, but the experience which it bringeth with it, layeth Princes torn estates before their eyes, and (withal) persuadeth them to compassionate themselves. And although there be no Kings under the Sun whose means are answerable unto other men's desires; yet such as value all things by their own respects, do no sooner found their appetites unanswered, but they complain of alteration, and accounted the times injurious and iron. And as this falleth out in the Reign of every King, so doth it in the life of every man, if his days be many: for our younger years are our Golden Age; which being eaten up by time, we praise those seasons which our youth accompanied: and (indeed) the grievous alterations in ourselves, and the pains and diseases which never part from us but at the grave, make the times seem so differing and displeasing: especially the quality of man's nature being also such, as it adoreth and extolleth the passages of the former, and condemneth the present state how just soever: Fit 〈◊〉 malignitatis vitio, ut 
Tacit. in Dial. de Orat.  semper vetera in laud, praesentia in fastidio sint; It comes to pass (saith TACITUS) by the vice of our malignity, that we always extol the time past, and hold the present fastidious: For it is one of the errors of wayward Age: Quod sint laudatores temporis acti; That they are praisers of forepassed times, forgetting this advice of SALOMON: Say not then, 
Eccles. 3.  Why is it that the former days were better than these? for thou dost not inquire wisely of this thing: to which purpose SENECA; Maiores nostri questi sunt, & nos querimur, posteri querentur, eversos esse mores, regnare nequitiam, in deterius res hominum & in omne nefas labi: Our Ancestors have complained, we do complain, our children will complain, that good manners are go, that wickedness doth reign, and all things grow worse and worse, and fall into all evil. These are the usual discourses of Age and misfortune. But hereof what can we add to this of ARNOBIUS? Novares quandoque vetus fict, & vetus temporibus 
Arnob. lib. 2.  quibus coepit nova fuit & repentina: Whatsoever is new, in time shall be made old: and the ancientest things when they took beginning were also new and sudden. Wherhfore not to stand in much admiration of these first times, which the discontentments of present times have made Golden, this we may set down for certain, That as it was the virtue of the first Kings, which (after God) gave them Crowns: so the love of their people thereby purchased, held the same Crowns on their heads. And as God gave the obedience of Subjects to 〈◊〉: so (relatively) he gave the care and justice of Kings to the Subjects; having respect, not only to the Kings themselves, but even to the meanest of his Creatures: Nunquàm particulari bono seruit omne bonum; 
Wisd. 6. 7.  The infinite goodness of God doth not attended any one only: for he that made the small and great, careth for all alike: and it is the care which Kings have of all theirs, which makes them beloved of all theirs; and by a general love it is, that Princes hold a general obedience: For Potest as humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum: All human power is rooted in the will or dispositions of men.   

§. FOUR Of the beginning of Nobility: and of the vain vaunt thereof without virtue.  
AND with this Supreme Rule and Kingly authority began also other degrees and differences among Subjects. For Princes made election of others by the same Rule, by which themselves were chosen; unto whom they gave place, trust, and power. From which employments and Offices sprung those Titles, and those degrees of Honour, which have continued from Age to Age to these days. But this Nobility, or difference 
Verus nobilis non 〈◊〉 sed fit.  from the Vulgar, was not in the beginning given to the Succession of Blood, but to Succession of Virtue, as hereafter may be proved. Though at length it was sufficient for those whose Parents were advanced, to be known for the Sons of such Fathers: and so there needed then no endeavour of well-doing at all, or any contention for them to excel, upon whom glory or worldly Nobility necessarily descended. Yet hereof had Nobility denomination in the beginning, That such as excelled others in virtue, were so called: Hinc dictus Nobilis, quasi virtute proe alijs notabilis. But after such time as the deserved Honour of the Father was given in reward to his posterity, Saint Hierome judged of the Succession in this manner: Nihil aliud video in Nobilitate appetendum, nisi quod Nobiles quadam necessitate constringantur, ne ab antiquorum probitate degenerent; I see no other thing to be affected in Nobility, than that Noblemen are by a kind of necessity bound, not to degenerate from the virtue of their Ancestors. For if Nobility be Virtus & antiquae divitiae; Virtue and ancient riches, then to excced in all those things which are extra hominem, asriches, power, glory, and the like, do no otherwise define Nobility, than the word (animal) alone doth define a reasonable man. Or if honour (according to L. Vives) be a witness of virtue and well-doing: and Nobility (after Plutarch) the continuance of virtue in a Race or Lineage: then are those in whom Virtue is extinguished, but like unto painted and printed Papers, which ignorant men worship in stead of Christ, our Lady, and other Saints: men, in whom there remain but the dregs and vices of ancient Virtue: Flowers, and Herbs, which by change of soil and want of manuring are turned to Weeds. For what is found praiseworthy in those waters, which had their beginning out of pure Fountains, if in all the rest of their course they run soul, filthy, and defiled? Ex terra fertili producitur aliquando 〈◊〉 venenosa, 
Pint. in Ezech.  & ex terra sterili pretiosum aurum; Out of fruitful ground ariseth sometimes poisoning Henbane: and out of barren soil precious Gold. For as all things consist of matter and form, so doth Charron (in his Chapter of Nobility) call the Race and Lineage but the matter of Nobility: the form (which gives life and perfect being) he maketh to be Virtue, and Quality, profitable to the Commonweal. For he is truly and entirely Noble, who maketh a singular profession of public Virtue, serving his Prince and Country, and being descended of Parents and Ancestors that have done the like. And although that Nobility, which the same Author calleth personal, (the same which ourselves acquire by our Virtue and well deservings) cannot be balanced with that which is both natural by Descent, and also personal; yet if Virtue be wanting to the natural, then is the personal and acquired Nobility by many degrees to be preferred: For (saith this Charron) this Honour (to wit) by Descent, may light upon such a one, as in his own nature is a true Villain. There is also a third Nobility which he calleth Nobility in Parchment, bought with Silver or favour: and these be indeed but Honours of affection, which Kings with the change of their fancies wish they knew well how to wipe off again. But surely, if we had as much sense of our degenerating in worthiness, as we have of vanity in deriving ourselves of such and such Parents, we should rather know such Nobility (without Virtue) to be shame and dishonour, than Nobleness, and glory to vaunt thereof. What calamity is wanting (saith 〈◊〉) to him that is borne in sin, of a Potshare 
Bernard. l. 2. 〈◊〉 Consider. ad Eugen. Pap.  body and barren mind? for (according to the same Father:) Deal fucum fugacis honoris huius, & male coronatae nitorem gloria, etc. Wipe away the painting of this fleeting honour, and the glittering of the ill-crowned glory, that then thou mayest consider thyself 〈◊〉: for 〈◊〉 camest naked out of thy Mother's womb. Camest thou thence with thy Mitre, or glissening with jewels, or garnished with Silks, or adorned with Feathers, or stuffed with Gold? If thou scatter and blow away all these by thy consideration as certain morning clouds, which do or will soon pass over, thou shalt meet with a naked, and poor, and wretched, and miserable man, and blushing, because he is naked, and weeping because he is borne, and repining because he is borne to labour, and not to honour.  
For, as touching the matter of all men, there is no difference between it and dust: which if thou dost not believe (saith Faint CHRYSOSTOME) look into the Sepulchers 
Chrysost. bomil. 2. de incomposita Dei natura. con. 5.  and Monuments of thy Ancestors, and they shall easily persuade thee by their own example, that thou art dust and dirt: so that if man seem more Noble and beautiful than dust, this proceedeth not from the diversity of his Nature, but from the cunning of his Creator.  

For true Nobility standeth in the Trade 
〈◊〉.   
Of virtuous life; not in the fleshly Line:  
For blood is brute, but Gentry is Divine.   
And howsoever the custom of the World have made it good, that Honours be cast by birth upon unworthy Issues: yet Solomon (as wise as any King) reprehendeth the same in his Fellow-Princes: There is an evil (saith he) that I have seen under the Sun, 
Eccles. 10.  as an error that proceedeth from the face of him that ruleth. Folly is set in great excellency.    

CHAP. X. Of NIMROD, BELUS, and NINUS: and of memorable things about those times.  

§. I. That NIMROD was the first after the Flood that reigned like Sovereign Lord: and that his beginning seemeth to have been of just authority.  
THE first of all that reigned as Sovereign Lord after the Flood was Nimrod, the Son of Cush, distinguished by Moses from the rest (according to Saint Augustine) in one of these two respects: either for his eminency, and because he was the first of fame, and that took on him to command others: or else in that he was begotten by Chush, after his other children were also become Fathers; and of a later time than some of his grandchildren and Nephews. Howsoever, seeing Moses in express words calleth Nimrod the Son of Chush, other men's conjectures to the contrary aught to have no respect. This Empirie of Nimrod, both the Fathers and many later Writers call tyrannical: the same beginning in Babel, (which is) confusion. But it seemeth to me that Melanchton conceived not amiss hereof: the same exposition being also made by the Author of that work called Onomasticum Theologicum, who affirms that Nimrod was therefore called Amarus Dominator, A bitter or severe Governor, because his form of rule seemed at first far more terrible than Paternal authority. And therefore is he in this respect also called a mighty Hunter; because he took and destroyed both Beasts and thieves. But Saint Augustine understands it otherwise, and converts the word (ante) by (contra) affirming therein, that Nimrod was a mighty Hunter against God: Sic ergo intelligendus est Gigas ille, Venator contra Dominum; So is that Giant to be understood, a Hunter against the Lord. But howsoever this word (a mighty Hunter) be understood; yet it rather appeareth, that as Nimrod had the command of all those, which went with him from the East into Shinaar: so, this charge was rather given him, then by him usurped. For it is no where found, that Noah himself, or any of the Sons of his own body come with this troop into Babylonia: no mention at all being made of Noah (the years of his life excepted) in the succeeding Story of the Hebrews: nor that Sem was in this disobedient Troop, or among the builders of Babel.  
The same is also confirmed by divers ancient Historians, that Nimrod, Suphne, and 〈◊〉 were the Captains and Leaders of all those which come from the East. And though Sem come not himself so far West as Shinaar (his lot being cast on the East parts) yet from his sons Nephew Heber, the name and Nation of the Hebrews (according to the general opinion) took beginning, who inhabited the Southermost parts of Chaldoea about the City of Vr; from whence Abraham was by God called into Charran, and thence into Canaan.  
And because those of the Race of Sem which come into 〈◊〉, were no partners in the unbelieving work of the Tower: therefore (as many of the Fathers conjecture) did they retain the first and most ancient language, which the Fathers of the first Age had left to Noah; and Noah to Sem and his Issues: In familia HEBER remansit 〈◊〉 lingua; In the Family of HEBER this Language remained (saith Faint Augustine 
Aug. de Civit. Dei. l. 6. c. II  out of Epiphanius;) and this Language Abraham used: yea it was anciently and before the Flood the general speech: and therefore first called (saith Coelestinus) lingus humana: the human tongue.  
We know that 〈◊〉 Becanus following Theodoret, Rabbi Moses, 〈◊〉, Vergara, and others, is of another opinion; but howsoever we determine of this point, we may with good probablitie resolve, that noon of the godly seed of Sem were the chief Leaders of this presumptuous multitude. And seeing it is not likely but that some one was by order appointed for this charge, we may imagine that Nimrod rather had it by just authority, then by violence of usurpation.   

§. II That NIMROD, BELUS, and NINUS were three distinct persons.  
BENZO, and out of him Nauclerus with others make many Nimrods. Eusebius confounds him with Belus; and so doth Saint Hierome upon Ose: and these words of S. Augustine seem to make him of the same 
De Civit. Dei.  opinion: Ibi autem NINUS regnabat post mortem patris sui BELI, qui primus illie regnaver at 65. annos; There did NINUS reign after the death of his Father BELUS, who first governed in Babylon sixty five years. But it could not be unknown to Saint Augustine, that Nimrod was the Establisher of that Empire: Moses being plain and direct therein. For the beginning of NIMRODS' Kingdom (saith he) was Babel, Erec, Accad, and Chalne, in the Land of 〈◊〉: Wherhfore Nimrod was the first King of Babel. And certainly it best agreeth with reason, that Ninus was the third, and not one with Nimrod, as Mercator (led by Clement) supposed: for in Ninus time the World was marvelously replenished. And if S. 〈◊〉 had undoubtedly taken Belus for Nimrod, he would have given him the name which the Scriptures give him, rather than have borrowed any thing out of profane Authors. And for those words of S. AUGUSTINE (qui primus illic regnaverat; Who was the first that reigned there) supposed to be meant by Belus: those words do not disprove that Nimrod was the Founder of the Babylonian Empire. For although julius Caesar overthrew the liberty of the Roman Commonwealth, making himself a perpetual Dictator, yet Augustus was the first established Emperor: and the first that reigned absolutely by sovereign authority over the Romans, as an Emperor. The like may be said of Nimrod, that he first broke the rule of Eldership and Paternity, laying the foundation of sovereign Rule, as Caesar did; and yet Belus was the first, who peaceably, and with a general allowance exercised such a power. Pererius is of opinion, that Belus and Nimrod were the same, because many things are said of them both agreeing in time: for it was about 200. years after the flood (as they accounted) that Belus reigned: but such agreement of times proves it not. For so Edward the Third, and his grandchild Richard the Second, were Kings both in one year: the one died; the other in the same year was crowned King.  
And yet the opinion (that Nimrod and Belus were one) is far more probable than that of Mercator, who makes Ninus and Nimrod to be the same. For it is plain that the beginning of Nimrod's Kingdom was Babel, and the Towns adjoining: but the first and most famous work of Ninus was the City of 〈◊〉.  
Now whereas D. Siculus affirmeth, that Ninus overcame and suppressed the Babylonians, the same rather proveth the contrary, then that Ninus and Nimrod were one person. For Ninus established the seat of his Empire at Ninive in 〈◊〉, whence the Babylonians might (perchance) in disdain thereof fall from his obedience, whom he recovered again by strong hand; which was easy: Babylon being not walled till Semiramis time.  — 〈◊〉 altam Coctilibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SEMIRAMIS 〈◊〉. SEMIRAMIS with walls of brick the City did enclose. 
Further, where it is alleged, that as the Scriptures call Nimrod mighty: so justine hath the same of Ninus, which is one of Mercator's arguments; It may be answered, that such an addition might have been given to many other Kings aswell. For if we may believe justine; then were Vexoris King of Egypt, and 〈◊〉 of Scythia mighty Kings before Ninus was borne. And if we may compare the words of Moses (touching Nimrod) with the undertakings of Ninus, there will be found great difference between them. For whereas Mercator conceiveth, that it was too early for any that lived about the time of the confusion of languages, to have invaded and mastered those Cities so far removed from Babel, namely, Erec, Accad, and Chalne: which work he therefore ascribeth to Ninus, as a man of the greatest undertaking; and consequently would have Nimrod to have been long after the time, in which we suppose he flourished; and both those names of Nimrod and Ninus to belong to one person, to wit, to Ninus: to these things to make some answer. First, I do not find that supposition true, That ever Nimrod invaded any of these Cities; but that he founded them and built them from the ground, being the first after the flood, that conducted the children of Noah into those parts: and therefore had nothing built or erected to his hands.  
Besides, whereas these Cities in many men's opinions are found to stand far away from Babylon, I find no reason to bring me to that belief. The City of Accad which the Septuagint calls Archard, and Epiphanius, Arphal; 〈◊〉 takes to be Nisibis in Mesopotamia for the Region thereabouts the Cosmographers (saith he) call Accabene for Accadene, Others understand Nisibis and Ninive to be one City: so do Strabo and Stephanus confounded it with Charran; but all mistaken. For Nisibis, Accad, and Charran are distinct places. Though I cannot deny Accedene to be a Region of Mesopotamia, the same which Arias Montanus out of S. Hierome calls Achad: and so do the Hebrews also call Nisibis, which seemeth to be the cause of this mistaking. As for the City of Erec, which the Septuagint call Orech; S. Augustine, Oreg; and Pagninus, Erec; this place junius understands for Aracca in Susiana: but there is also a City in Comagena called Arace: and indeed likelihood of name is no certain proof, without the assistance of other circumstances.  
Concerning the third City (called Chalneh) some take it for Calinisis: of which Am. Marcellinus. S. Hierome takes it for Seleucia; Hierosolymitanus for Ctesiphon: others 
Lib. 23.  do think it to be the Agrani upon Euphrates, destroyed and razed by the Persians'. But let Moses be the Moderator and judge of this dispute, who teacheth us directly, that these Cities are not seated in so divers and distant Regions; for these be his words: And the beginning of his Kingdom (speaking of NIMROD) was Babel, Erech, Accad, and Chalneh, in the land of Shinaar: so as in this Valley of Shinaar, or Babylonia, or Chaldaea (being all one) we must find them. And therefore I could (rather of the two) think with Viterbiensis, that these four made but one Babylon, then that they were Cities far removed, and in several Provinces, did not the Prophet Amos precisely distinguish Chalne from Babylon. Go you (saith AMOS) to Chalne, and from 
Cap. 6. vers. 2.  thence go you to Hamath, and then to Gath of the Philistines. The Geneva translation favouring the former opinion, to set these Cities out of Shinaar, hath a marginal note expressing that Shinaar was here named: not that all these Cities were therein seated, but to distinguish Babylon of Chaldaea, from Babylon in Egypt; but I find little substance in that conceit. For sure I am, that in the beginning of Nimrod's Empire there was no such Babylon, nor any City at all to be found in Egypt: Babylon of Egypt being all one with the great City of Cairo, which was built long after, not far from the place where stood Memphis the ancient City, but not so ancient as Babylon upon Eupbrates. Now that Chalne is situate in the Valley of Shinaar, it hath been formerly proved in the Chapter of Paradise. So as for any argument that may be brought to the contrary, from the remote situation of these three Cities from Babylon, we may continued in our opinion, That Nimrod, Belus, and Ninus, were distinct and successive Kings.   

§. III That NIMROD, not ASSUR, built Ninive: and that it is probable out of ISAIAH 23. 13. that ASSUR built Vr of the Chaldees.  
NOW as of Nimrod: so are the opinions of Writers different touching Assur, and touching the beginning of that great state of Babylon and Assyria: a controversy wearisomely disputed without any direct proof, conclusion, or certainty. But to me (of whom, where the Scriptures are silent, the voice of Reason hath the best hearing) the interpretation of junius is most agreeable; who besides all necessary consequence doth not disjoin the sense of the Scriptures therein, nor confuse the understanding thereof. For in this sort he converteth the Hebrew Text: Erat enim principium regni eius Babel, & Erech, & Accad, & Chalneh, in terra Shinaar is; è terra hac 〈◊〉 in Assyriam ubi aedificavit Niniven; (which is) For the beginning of this Kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Chalneb, in the land of 〈◊〉: and he went forth of this land into Assyria, and built Ninive. So as junius takes Assur in this place, not for any person, but for the Region of Assyria: the land being so called in Moses time, and before it. For certainly, the other construction, (where the word (Assur) is taken for Assur the son of Sem) doth not answer the order which Moses observeth through all the Books of Genesis, but is quite contrary unto it. For in the beginning of the tenth Chapter he setteth down the sons of Noah, in these words: Now these are the Generations of the sons of NOAH: SEM, HAM, and JAPHETH, unto whom sons were borne after the flood: then it follows immediately: The sons of JAPHETH were GOMER, etc. so as japheth is last named among Noah's sons, be he eldest or youngest: because he was first to be spoken of: with whom (having last named him) he proceeds and sets down his issue, and then the issue of his sons: first, the issue of Gomer, japheths' eldest son; and then speaks of 〈◊〉 and his sons: for of the rest of that Family he is silent. Anon after he numbereth the sons of Ham, of which Cush was the eldest: and then the sons of Cush and Mizraim; and afterward of Canaan; leaving Shem for the last, because he would not disjoin the Story of the Hebrews. But after he beginneth with Sem, he continueth from thence by Arphaxad, Shela, and Heber, unto Abraham, and so to jacob, and the Fathers of that Nation. But to have brought in one of the sons of Shem in the middle of the generations of Ham, had been against order; neither would Moses have passed over so slightly the erection of the Assyrian Empire, in one of the sons of Shem, if he had had any such meaning: it being the story of Shem's sons which he most attended. For he nameth Nimrod apart, after the rest of the sons of Cush, because he founded the Babylonian and Assyrian Empire: and in the eleventh Chapter he returns to speak of the building of Babel in particular, having formerly named it in the tenth Chapter, with those other Cities which Nimrod founded in Shinaar. And as he did in the tenth Chapter, so also in the eleventh he maketh no report of Shem, till such time as he had finished so much of Nimrod as he meant to touch: and then he beginneth with the issue of Shem, which he continueth to Abraham and Israel. And of junius opinion touching Assur, was Calvin: to which I conceive that P. Comestor, in historia Scholastica, gave an entrance, who after he had delivered this place in some other sense, he useth these words: Vel intelligendum non est de ASSUR filio SEM, etc. sed ASSUR (id est) Regnum Assyriorum inde egressum est, quod tempore SARUG proavi ABRAHAMI factum est, (which is) Or else it is not to be understood of ASSUR the son of SEM, etc. but ASSUR (that is, the Kingdom of the Assyrians) come from thence (videlicet, from Babylon) or was made out of it: which happened in the time of SARUG the great grandfather of ABRAHAM. After which he reconcileth the differences in this sort: If you take the ancient Belus (meaning Nimrod) to be the first Erecter of the Assyrian Empire, or the first Founder thereof, it is true, Quantum ad initium; Respecting the beginning; but others conceive that it had beginning from Ninus, which is also true, Quantum ad regni ampliationem; Regarding the enlargement of the Empire. To this I may add the opinion of Epiphanius, confirmed by Cedrenus, who takes Assur to be the son of Nimrod: and so doth Methodius, and 〈◊〉, S. Hierome, and Cyrillus, and now lastly Torniellus: who saith he took 
Torniell. Annal. sacr. in Gen. 10.  upon him that name of Assur after he had beaten the Assyrians, as Scipio did of Africanus, after his conquest in Africa: and that Assur was a common name to the Kings of Assyria, as it appeareth by many Scriptures, as Psalm 81. Easie 10. Ose 5. etc. but to help the matter, he makes Nimrod of the race of Shem, and the son of Irari. But Rabanus Maurus, who was Archbishop of Mentz in the year of Christ 854. an ancient and learned Writer, understands this place with Commestor, or Commestor with him, agreeing in substance with that translation of junius: to which words of Moses he giveth this sense: De hac terra Assyriorum 〈◊〉 imperium, qui ex nomine NINI, BELI filij, Ninum condiderunt, urbem magnam, etc. Out of this land grew the Empire of the Assyrians, who built Ninus the great City, so named of NINUS the son of BELUS. On the contrary Calvin objecteth this place of ISAIAH: Behold the land of 
23. 〈◊〉.  the Chaldaeans, this was no people, ASSUR founded it by the inhabitants of the Wilderness; than which there is no one place in the Scriptures, that hath a greater diversity in the translation and understanding; insomuch as Michael de Palatio upon Easie (though in all else very diligent) passeth it over. But Calvin seemeth hereby to infer, that because Assur founded the state of the Chaldaeans, therefore also Assur rather than Nimrod established the Assyrian Empire, and built Ninive: contrary to the former translation of junius, and to his own opinion. Now out of the Vulgar (called Hieromes' translation) it may be gathered that Assur both founded and ruined this Estate or City of the Chaldoeans, by Easie remembered: unto which City, People, or State, he plainly telleth the Tyrians that they cannot trust, or hope for relief thence. Or rather it may be taken, that the Prophet maketh this City of Chaldaea, and that Estate, an example unto those Phoenicians, whom in this place he foretelleth of their ruin: which City of Chaldaea being of strength, and carefully defended, was (notwithstanding) by the Assyrians utterly wasted and destroyed: whereby he giveth them knowledge, and foretelleth them, that their own City of tire, (invincible, as themselves thought) should also soon after be over-turned by the same Assyrians: as (indeed) it was by Nabuchodonosor. And these be the words after JEROME: Ecce terra Chaldoeorum, talis populus non fuit, 〈◊〉 fundavit eam, in captivitatem traduxerunt robustos eius, suffoderunt domos eius, posuerunt eam in ruinam, (which is) Behold the Land of the Chaldoeans, such a people there were not (or, this was no people, after the Geneva) ASSUR (or the Assyrians) founded it, they carried away their strong men captive, they undermined their houses, and ruined their City. The Septuagint express it but in a part of another Verse, in these words: Et in terra Chaldoeorum, & hoec desolata est ab Assyrijs, quoniam murus eius corruit, making the sense perfect by the preceding Verse, which all together may be thus understood: If thou go over to Chittim (which is Macedon or Greece) yet thou shalt have no rest (speaking to the Tyrians) neither in the Land of the Chaldoeans, for this is made desolate by the Assyrians, because their walls fell together to the ground. PAGNINUS and VATABLUS convert it thus: Ecce terra Chasdijm, iste populus non erat illic olim; nam ASSUR sundavit eam navibus, erexerunt arces illius; contriverunt oedes eius, posuit eam in ruinam: which may be thus Englished: Behold the Land of the Chaldoeans, this people was not once therein inhabiting: for ASSUR built it a harbour for ships, they erected the Towers thereof, and again broke down the houses thereof, and ruinated it. JUNIUS in the place of ships sets the word (pro Barbaris) that is, for the Barbarians: and the Geneva, by the Barbarians. But this is undoubted that the Prophet Easie (as may be gathered by all the sense of the Chapter) did therein assure the Tyrians of their future destruction, which (accordingly) fell on them: wherein (for the more terror) he maketh choice to note the calamities of those Places, Cities, and Regions, by whose Trade the state and greatness of the Tyrians was maintained; as by the Cilicians from Tharsis; from the 〈◊〉, and other Groecians under the name of Cittim; also by the Egyptians, the Chaldoeans, and the rest. For tire was then the Mart Town of the World most renowned. And (as it appears in our discourse of Paradise) not the lest part of her chief merchandise come in by the City Vr or Vrchoa in Chaldoea, where the body or chief stream of Euphrates (even that stream which runneth through Babylon and Otris, which now falleth into Tigris) had his passage into the Persian 〈◊〉: though now it be stopped up. For (as we have heretofore noted) the Arabians (that descended from Sheba and Raamah) dwelling on the East banks of the Persian Gulf, trading with the Tyrians (as those of Eden, Charran, and Chalne did) transported their merchandise by the mouth of Tigris, that is, from Teredon and of Euphrates, that is, from Vr or Vrchoa: and then by Babylon, and thence by River and over Land they conveyed it into Syria, and so to tire: as they do this day to Aleppo. So then Vr of the Chaldees was a Port Town, and one of those Cities which had Intelligence, Trade, and Exchange with the Tyrians: for it stood by the great Lakes of Chaldoea, through which that part of Euphrates ran, which passage is now stopped up. 〈◊〉 cursum vetustas abolevit (saith Niger.) And PLINY, Locus ubi Euphratis oftium fuit, flumen salsum; Time hath worn away the channel of Euphrates: and the place where the mouth there of was, is a Bay of salt water. These things being thus, certainly (not without good probability) we may expound the City of the Chaldees, whose calamities Easie here noteth for terror of the Tyrians, to be the City anciently called Vr; and (by Hecatoeus) Camerina; by Ptolemie, Vrchoa: and by the Greeks', Chaldoeopolis, The City of Chaldoea: which the sons of Shem, until Abraham's time, inhabited. And whereas in all the Translations it is said, that Assur both founded it and ruined it: it may be understood, that Assur the Founder was the son of Shem; and Assur the destroyers were the Assyrians, by whom those that inhabited Vr of Chaldoea, were at length oppressed and brought to ruin: which thing God foreseeing commanded Abraham thence to Charran, and so into Canaan. And if the Hebrew word by Vatablus and Pagninus converted (by ships) do bear that sense, the same may be the better approved; because it was a Port Town: and the River so far up as this City of Vr was in ancient time navigable, as both by Pliny and Niger appeareth. And if the word (for the Barbarians) or (by the Barbarians) be also in the Hebrew Text, it is no less manifest, that the most barbarous Arabians of the Desert were and are the confronting, and next people of all other unto it. For Chaldoea is now called Arachaldar, which signifieth desert Lands, because it joineth to that part of Arabia so called: and Cicero (calling those Arabians by the name of Ituraeans) addeth, that they are of all other people the most salvage; calling them, Homines omnium maxime barbaros.  
So as this place of 〈◊〉, which breedeth some doubt in Calvin, proveth in nothing the contrary opinion, nor in any part weakeneth the former translation of 〈◊〉, nor the interpretation of Comestor and Rabanus. For though other men have not conceived (for any thing that I have read) that Assur is in this place diversly taken (as for the son of Sem, when he is spoken of as a Builder of Vr; and when as a Destroyer thereof, then for the Assyrian Nation) yet certainly the evidence of the truth, and agreement of circumstances seem to enforce it. And so this Founding of the City of the Chaldees by Assur (into which the most of the posterity of Sem that come into Shinaar, and were separate for the Idolatry of the Chusites and Nimrodians, retired themselves) hath nothing in it to prove that the same Assur built Ninive, or that the same Assur was all one with Ninus; except we will make Assur, who was the son of Shem, both an Idolater, and the son of Belus. For (out of doubt) Ninus was the first 〈◊〉 Sacrificer to Idols; and the first that set up a Statue to be honoured as god. Now if Assur must be of that Race, and not of the Family of Sem, as he must be if he founded Ninive, than all those which seek to give him the honour thereof, do him by a thousand parts more injury, by taking from him his true Parent and Religion.  
Besides, if this supposed Assur whom they make the Founder of Ninive (and so the son of Belus) were any other, and not the same with Ninus; than what become of him? Certainly he was very unworthy and obscure, and not like to be the Founder of such an Empire and such a City, if no man have vouchsafed to leave to posterity his expulsion thence, and how he lost that Empire again or quitted it to Ninus: whose acts and conquests are so largely written, and (according to my apprehension) far differing from truth. It will therefore be found best agreeing to Scripture and to Reason, and best agreeing with the story of that age written by profane Authors, that Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, and Accad, and Chalne, the first works and beginnings of his Empire, according to Moses, and that these works being finished within the Valley of Shinaar, he looked farther abroad, and set in hand the work of Ninus, lying near unto the same stream that Babel and Chalne did: which work his grandchild Ninus afterward amplified and finished, as Semiramis (this Ninus his wife) did Babylon. Hence it come to pass, that as Semiramis was counted the Foundress of the City which she only finished: so also Ninus of Ninine: Quam quidem Babylonem potuit instaurare; She might repair or renew Babylon, saith S. Augustine. For so did Nabuchodonosor vaunt himself to be the Founder of Babylon also, because he built up again some part of the wall, over-borne by the fury of the River: which work of his stood till Alexander's time, whereupon he vaunted thus: Is 
Dan. 4. 27.  not this great Babel which I have built?   

§. FOUR Of the acts of NIMROD and BELUS, as far as now they are known.  
But to return to the Story, it is plain in Moses, that Nimrod (whom Philo interpreteth transfugium; and julius Africanus surnamed Saturn) was the establisher of the Babylonian Monarchy, of whom there is no other thing written, then that his Empire in the beginning consisted of those four Cities before remembered, Babel, Erec, Accad, and Chalne: and that from hence he propagated his Empire into Assyria; and in Assyria built four more Cities (to wit) Ninive, Rehoboth, Celah, and Resen. And seeing that he spent much time in building Babel itself and those adjoining, and that his travails were many ere he come into Shinaar: that work of Babel (such as it was) with the other three Cities, and the large foundation of Ninive, and the other Cities of Assyria which he builded (considered with the want of materials, and with other impediments) were of greater difficulty than any thing performed by his Successors in many years after: to whose undertakings time had given so great an increase of people; and the examples and patterns of his beginning so great an advancement and encouragement: in whose time (saith Glycas) all these Nations were called Meropes, à sermonis linguarum terraeque division; By reason that the earth and the speech were then divided.  
Belus, or Bel, or jupiter Belus, succeeded Nimrod, after he had reigned 114. years; of whose acts and undertakings there is little written. For it is thought that he spent much of his time in disburdening the low Lands of Babylon, and drying and making firm ground of all those great Fens and overflown Marshes which adjoined unto it. For any of his Wars or Conquests there is no report, other then of his begun enterprise against Sabatius King of Armenia, and those parts of Scythia which Berosus calls Scythia Saga, whose son and successor Barzanes become subject and Tributary to Ninus, that followed the war to effect, which was by his Father Belus begun.   

§. V That we are not to marvel how so many Kingdoms could be erected about these times: and of VEXORIS of Egypt, and TANAIS of Scythia.  
THat so many Kingdoms were erected in all those Eastern parts of the World so soon after Nimrod, (as by the story of Ninus is made manifest) the causes were threefold, (namely) Opportunity, Example, and Necessity. For Opportunity being a Princess liberal and powerful, bestoweth on her first Entertayners many times more benefits, then either Fortune can, or Wisdom aught; by whose presence alone the understanding minds of men receive all those helps and supplies, which they either want or wish for: so as every Leader of a troop (after the division of tongues and dispersion of People) finding these fair offers made unto them, held the power which they possessed, and governed by discretion all those people, whom they conducted to their destined places. For it cannot be conceived, that when the Earth was first divided, mankind straggled abroad like beasts in a Desert; but that by agreement they disposed themselves, and undertook to inhabit all the known parts of the World, and by distinct Families and Nations: otherwise, those remote Regions from Babylon and Shinaar, which had Kings, and were peopled in Ninus time, would not have been possessed in many hundreds of years after, as then they were; neither did those that were sent, and travailed far off (order being the true parent of prosperous success) undertake so difficult enterprises without a Conductor or Commander. Secondly, the Example of Nimrod with whom it succeeded well, strengthened every humour that aspired. Thirdly, Necessity resolved all men by the arguments of common miseries, that without a Commander and Magistrate, neither could those that were laborious, and of honest dispositions, enjoy the harvest of their own Travails: nor those which were of little strength, secure themselves against 〈◊〉 violence: nor those which sought after any proportion of greatness, either possess the same in quiet, or rule and order their own Ministers and Attendants.  
That these causes had wrought these effects, the undertakings and Conquests of Ninus (the son of Belus) made it apparent: for he found every where Kings and monarchs, what way soever his Ambition led him in the Wars.  
But Nimrod (his Grandfather) had no companion King, to us known, when he first took on him Sovereignty and sole commandment of all those the children of Noah, which come from the East into Babylonia: though in his life time others also raised themselves to the same estate; of which hereafter. Belus (his son and Successor) found Sabatius King of Armenia and Scythia, sufficiently powerful to resist his attempts: which Sabatius I take to be the same, which justine calls Tanais; and should conjecture, that Mizraim had been his Vexoris, were it not that I vehemently suspect some error, (as justine placeth him) in the time of that Vexoris, who 
See more of this, l. 2. of this first Part. cap. 2. §. 6.  by many circumstances seems to me rightly accounted by the judicious and Learned Reineccius all one with the great Sesostris, that lived certain Ages after Ninus. This Belus, the second King of Babylon, reigned 65. years, according to the common account.   

§. VI Of the name of BELUS, and other names affine unto it.  
WHence this second King and Successor of Nimrod had the name of Bel, or Belus, question hath been made: for it seemeth rather a name imposed, or (of addition) given by Ninus, then assumed by Belus himself.  
Cyrillus against julian calls the Father of Ninus Arbelus, affirming that he was the first of all men that caused himself to be called a God: which were it so, then might the name of Belus be thence derived. But Bel, as many Learned Writers have observed, signifieth the Sun in the Chaldoean Tongue; and therefore did Ninus and Semiramis give that name to their Father, that he might be honoured as the Sun, which the Babylonians worshipped as a God. And as this Title was assumed in aftertimes by divers others of the Chaldoean Princes, and Babylonian Satrapae: so was it used (in imitation) by the chief of the Carthaginians and other Nations, as some Historians have 〈◊〉.  
To this Bel, or Belus, pertain (as in affinity) those voices of Baal, Baalim, Belphegor, Beelphagor, Belsebub, and Beelsephon. Those that are learned in the Hebrew and Chaldoean convert the word Baal by the Latin, Princeps militiae, Chief in the War; though Daniel was so called (saith SVIDAS) Ob honorem explicationis arcanarumrerum; In honour of his expounding secrets. Saint Hierome makes Bel, Beel, and Baal, to have the 
〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉. c. 2.  same signification: and saith, that the Idol of Babylon was so called, which Ninus in memory of his father set up to be worshipped: to which that he might add the more honour and reverence, he made it a Sanctuary and refuge for all offenders. Hence (saith Lyranus) come Idolatry, and the first use of Images into the World. Isidore 
Lyr. in Sapien. Salom. c. 11. Isid. l. 8. c. 11.  doth interpret Bel by Vetus, old or ancient; adding, that as among the Assyrians it is taken for Saturn and the Sun: so in the Punic or Carthaginian Language it signifieth God. 〈◊〉 makes it an Assyrian name properly; and josephus a Tyrian. He also affirmeth that the Idol which the Moabites worshipped (by them erected on the Mountain Phegor, or 〈◊〉, and called Baal) is the same which the Latins call Priapus, the God of Gardens; which was also the opinion of Saint Hierome. But that the 
Hieron. in Ose. c. 4. & 9  word Bel, or Beel, was as much to say as God, appeareth by the word Beelzebub, the Idol of 〈◊〉. For Bel, or Beel soundeth (God) and Sebub (Flies or Hornets:) by which name (notwithstanding) the jews express the Prince of Devils. But the Prophet Ose teacheth us the proper signification of this word from the voice of God himself; And at that day (saith the Lord) thou shalt call me ISHI, and shalt call me no more BAALIM: for I will take away the name of BAALIM out of their mouths. For although the name of Baal, or Bahal, be justly to be used towards God; yet in respect that the same was given to Idols, God both hated it and forbade it. And the using of the word Bel among the Chaldaeans for the Sun, was not because it properly signifieth the Sun, but because the Sun there was worshipped as a God: as also the Fire was, tanquam Solis particula. As for the words compounded (before remembered (as Belphegor, and Belsephon; Belsephon is expounded out of FACIUS, 〈◊〉 Speculoe vel 〈◊〉, The Lord of the Watch-tower, or of the Guard: the other word noteth the Idol, and the place wherein it was worshipped. It is also written Belpeor, 〈◊〉 Baalpeor: and Peor (they say) is as much as Denudavit; and therefore the word joined expresseth a naked Image. Some there are that call this Belus, the son of Saturn: for it was used among the Ancients to name the Father Saturn, the Son jupiter, and the Grandchild Hercules. SATURNI dicuntur familiarum Nobilium, Regum 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aequi. 〈◊〉. 1.  qui urbes condiderunt senissimi; primogeniti eorum joves & JUNONES; HERCULES vero nepotes eorum fortissimi; The ancientest of Noble Families, and Kings which founded Cities, are called SATURNS; their first-born JUPITER'S and JUNO'S; their valiant Nephews HERCULES. But this Belus (saith L. Vives) was famous by reason of his warlike son Ninus, who caused his Father to be worshipped as a GOD by the name of jupiter Babylonius, whom the Egyptians (transported by the Dreams 
Diod. l. 3.  of their Antiquity) make one of theirs. For Neptune (say they) upon Libya the Daughter of Epaphus begat this jupiter Belus, who was Father to Aegyptus. They add, that this Belus carrying a Colony to the River of Euphrates there built a City, in which he ordained 〈◊〉 after the Egyptian manner. But were there any 〈◊〉 the son of Epaphus and Isis, or of Neptune and Libya, or (with Eusebius) of Telegonus, who after the death of Apis married Isis, (Cecrops then reigning in Athens) the same was not this Babylonian Belus of whom we speak, but rather some other Belus, of whom the Egyptians so much vaunted.   

§. VII. Of the worshipping of Images begun from BELUS in Babel.  
AS for the Babylonian Belus, he was the most ancient Belus, and the inventor of Astronomy, if Pliny say true: from whence the Egyptians might borrow both the name and the Doctrine. Some part of the Temple, in which his Statue or Image was honoured as a God, the same Author affirmeth that it remained in his time.  
Of the Sepulchre of Belus, Strabo writeth thus. Over the River (saith he) there 
Strabo. l. 13. c. 3.  are Gardens, where they say the ruins of BELUS his Tomb, which XERXES broke up, are yet remaining. It was a square Pyramid made of Brick, a furlong high, and on every side it had a furlong in breadth. It appears by Cyril against 〈◊〉, that he obtained 
L. 4. count julian.  divine worship yet living: for so he writes of him (calling him ARBELUS.) ARBELUS, vir superbus & arrogans, primus hominum dicitur à subditis Deitatis nomen accepisse: perseverârunt igitur Assyrij, & 〈◊〉 illis gentes sacrificantes ei. 〈◊〉, a man very proud and arrogant, is accounted to be the first of all men that was ever honoured by their subjects with title of Deity; (or with the name of God.) The Assyrians therefore and the bordering Nations have persevered, sacrificing to him. Even Arius also, whom Suidas calls Thuras, who succeeded next after Ninyas, was made an Idollgod among them, if we credit Suidas.  
After Ninus (that is, after Ninyas) Thuras reigned (saith Suidas) whom they called after the name of the Planet Mars; a man of sharp and fierce disposition, who bidding battle to Caucasus of the Stock of japheth slew him. The Assyrians worshipped him for their God, and called him Baal (that is) Mars; thus far Suidas. Neither is it unlikely but that many among Idolatrous Nations were Deified in their lifetimes, or soon after: though I deny not but that the most of their Images and Statuae were first erected without divine worship, only in memory of the glorious acts of Benefactors, as Glycas rightly conceiveth; and so afterward the Devil crept into those wooden and brazen carcases, when posterity had lost the memory of their first invention. Hereof Isidore speaketh in this manner: Quos autem Pagani Deos 〈◊〉 homines fuerunt, & pro uniuscuiasque vitae meritis vel magnificentia, 〈◊〉 apud suos post mortem coeperunt: sed (Daemonibus persuadentibus) quos illipro sua memoria 〈◊〉 âuerunt, minores Deos existimârunt: ad istavero magis excolenda accesserunt Poetarum figmenta; They were men (saith he) whom the Pagans' affirmed to be Gods: and every one for his merits or magnificence began after his death to be honoured of his own. But at length (the devils persuading) they accounted them lesser Gods, whose memories, they honoured: and the Fictions of the Poets made the opinions (concerning the honours of the dead) much more superstitious.  
And that the worshipping of Images was brought in by the Pagans', and Heathen Nations, it is not Isidore alone that witnesseth; but Gregory: Gentilitas (saith he) 
Greg. 〈◊〉.  inventrix & caput est imaginum; Gentilism is the inventresse and ground of Images: and Ambrose; Gentes lignum adorant, tanquam imaginem Dei; The Gentiles adore wood as it 
Ambros. in Psal. 108.  were the Image of God. Eusebius also affirmeth as much, and calleth the worshipping 
Euseb. li. 7. c. 18.  of Images a custom borrowed of the Heathen. The like hath Saint Augustine 
Aug. c. 13.  against ADIMANTUS. Et verentur (saith LACTANTIUS) nereligio vana sit, sinibil 
〈◊〉. lib. 2. c. 〈◊〉  videant quod adorent; They fear their Religion would be vain, should they not see that which they worship.  
And (out of doubt) the Schoolmen shifted this fearful custom very strangely. For seeing the very workmanship is forbidden, how can the heart of a wise Christian satisfy itself with the distinction of Doulia and Hyperdoulia, which can imply nothing but some difference of worshipping of those Images after they are made? And it is of all things the most strange, why religious and learned men should strain their wits to defend the use of those things, which the Scriptures have not only no where warranted, but expressly in many places forbidden, and cursed the Practisers thereof. Yet this doctrine of the Devil was so strongly and subtly rooted, as neither the express Commandment of God himself, Thou shalt not make any graven Image, nor all the threatenings of Moses and the Prophets after him could remove, weed it, or by fear, or by any persuasions led the hearts of men from it. For where shall we found words of greater weight, or of plainer instruction than these? Take therefore good heed to yourselves (for ye seen no Image in the day that the Lord spoke unto you in Horeb out of the midst of the fire) that ye corrupt not yourselves; and make you a graven Image, or representation of any Figure, whither it be the likeness of Male or Female.  
And besides the express Commandment, Thou shalt make thee no graven Image, and the prohibition in many Scriptures, so it is written in the Book of Wisdom, That the invention of Idols was the beginning of Whoredom: and the finding of them the corruption of life: for they were not from the beginning, neither shall they continued for ever.  
And whereas the Schoolmen affirm, that the Prophets spoke against the worshipping of the Heathen Idols, it is manifest that Moses spoke of Images of the living God, and not of Baal and the rest of that nature, for you seen no Image (saith MOSES) that day that the Lord spoke unto you in Horeb. Surely it was excellently said of BASIL; Noli aliquam in illo formam imaginari, ne circumscrib as eum ment 〈◊〉: Do not imagine any form to be in God, jest thou limit or circumscribe him in thy mind too. Now, if the great Basil thought it a presumption unlawful to represent a pattern of the infinite God to our own thoughts and minds, how far do those men presume that put him under the greasy Pencil of a Painter, or the rusty Axe or other Instrument of a Carpenter or Carver.  
For as this dishonour to the infinite and incomprehensible God began in Babel: so did the Devil transport and speed this invention into all the Regions adjoining, and into Egypt and Greece.  
The Romans for a while resisted the erection of these Idols and Images, refusing to set them in their Temples for 170. years, observing therein the Law of 〈◊〉: who thought it impiety to resemble things most beautiful, by things most base. 〈◊〉 Tarqvinius Priscus afterwards prevailing, and following the vanity of the 〈◊〉 (a Nation of all others under the Sun most deluded by Satan) setup the Images of their Gods; which (as Saint Augustine witnesseth) that 〈◊〉 Varro both 
De Civit. Dei. li, 4. cap. 31.  bewailed, and utterly condemned: and which Seneca thus derideth; Simulachra deorum venerantur, illis supplicant, genu posite illa adorant, & cùm haec suspiciant, fabros qui illa 〈◊〉 contemnunt; The Images of the Gods are worshipped, those they pray unto with bended knees; those they adore, and while they so greatly admire them, they 〈◊〉 the Handi-craftsmen that made them: which also Sedulius the Poet in this sort scoffeth at:  

Heu miseri qui vana colunt, qui cord sinistro  
Religiosa sibi sculpunt simulachra, suumque  
Factorem fugiunt, & quae fecere verentur.  
Quis furor est? quoe tanta animos dementia ludit?  
ut volucrem, turpemque bovem, Draconem,  
Semi-hominemque 〈◊〉 supplex homo pronus adoret.   

Ah wretched they that worship vanities,  
And consecrated dumb Idols in their heart,  
Who their own Maker (God on high) despise,  
And fear the work of their own hands and art.  
What fury? what great madness doth beguile  
Man's minds? that man should ugly shapes adore,  
Of Birds, or Bulls, or Dragons, or the vile  
Halfe-dogge-halfe-man on knees for aid implore.   
And though this device was barbarous, and first, and many years practised by Heathen Nations only, till the jews were corrupted in Egypt, yet it is not 〈◊〉 alone that laugheth to scorn the ignorant stupidity of his Nation: but justin 〈◊〉 remembreth how the Sibyls inveighed against Images: and Hospinian, how Sophocles taught, that it was 〈◊〉 to the souls of men to erect and adore those Babel's. Strabo and Herodotus witness, that the Persians' did not erect or set up any Statue of their Gods. Lycurgus never taught it the Lacedoemonians, but thought it impiety to represent immortal natures by mortal Figures. Eusebius also witnesseth in his sixt Book deproeparatione evangelica, that it was forbidden by a Law in 〈◊〉, or among the Brahmins in India, that Images should be worshipped. The same do Tacitus 〈◊〉 Crinitus report of the ancient Germane. Many other Authors might be remembered that witness the disdain which the Heathen themselves had of this childish Idolatry: of which Hospinian hath written at large in his Tract, de origine imaginum. And it was truly said, Omnia mala exempla bonis initijs orta sunt, All ill examples have sprung from good beginnings. The Heathen at first made these Statuoe and Images, but in memory of such remarkable men, as had deserved best of their Countries and Commonwealths: Effigies hominum (saith PLINY) non 〈◊〉 exprimi, nisi aliqua illustri causa perpetuitatem merentium: Men were not wont to make Pictures, but of men which merited for some notable 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 remembered. And though of the more ancient Papists, some have borrowed of the Gentiles (as appeareth in Lactantius) that defence for Images: That Simulachra are pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 homines 〈◊〉 invisibilem cognoscere: Images (say they, and so before them the Heathen said) are in stead of Letters, whereby men might learn to know the invisible God: in which understanding (perhaps they no otherwise esteemed them then Pictures indeed; yet as that of Baal or Bel set up in memory of Belus the Babylonian, become afterwards the most reverenced Idol of the World, by which so many Nations (and they which were appropriate to God himself) were misled and cast away: so those very stocks and stones, and painted Canuases (called the pictures of Christ, our Lady, and others) were by thousands of ignorant people, not only adored, but esteemed to have life, motion, and understanding. On these stocks we call (saith the Book of Wisdom) when we pass through the raging waves, on these stocks more rotten than the Ship that carrieth us.  
This Heathen invention of Images become so fruitful in aftertimes, breeding an infinite multitude of gods, that they were forced to distinguish them into degrees and orders; as Dij Consentes, seu maiorum gentium; selecti, patrilij, insigniores, dijmedij: counseling Gods, or Gods of the mightiest Nobility, select Gods, Patrian, Gods of mark, and common Gods (which the Romans called Medioxumi) dij infimi, and terrestrial Heroes, and multitudes of other Gods: of which Saint Augustine hath made large mention in his Book de Civitate Dei. But (saith Lactantius) among all those 
Lib. 14.  miserable souls and rotten bodies, worshipped by men more like to their Idols, did Epimenides Cretensis (by what good Angel moved I know not) erect in the Athenian Fields, Altars to the unknown God, which stood with the same title and dedication even to the times of Saint Paul: who made them first know to whom those Altars belonged, and opened their eyes which were capable of grace, that they might discern the difference betwixt that light which lighteneth every man, and the obscure and stinking mist wherein the Devil had so many years led and misled them. And it sufficed not that the multitude of these Gods was so great in general, or that every Nation had some one which took particular and singular care of them; as jupiter in Crete, Isis in Egypt, in Athens Minerva, in Samos Inno, in Paphos Venus, and so of all other parts; but every City, and almost every Family had a God apart. For as it is written in the second of Kings: the men of Babel, made Succoth Benoth, and the 
Cap. 17. v. 18. 31  men of Cuth made Nergal, and the men of Hamath made Ashima, and the Auns made Nibhaz and Tarrak, and the 〈◊〉 burnt their children in the fire to Adramelech. All which how plainly hath the Prophet Easie derided? Men cut down Trees, rind them, burn a part of them, make ready their meat, and warm themselves by the fire thereof, and of theresidue he maketh a God; an Idol, and prayeth unto it: but God hath shut their eyes from sight, and their hearts from understanding. It is therefore safest for a Christian to believe the Commandments of God so direct against Idolatry, to believe the Prophets, and to believe Saint Paul: who speaketh thus plainly and feelingly, 
Cap. 44.  My beloved, fly from Idolatry, I speak as unto them which have understanding, judge ye what I say.   

§. VIII. Of the Wars of NINUS: and lastly of his War against ZOROASTER.  
UNTO this Belus succeeded Ninus, the first that commanded the exercise of Idolatry, the first that injuriously invaded his Neighbour Princes; and the first that without shame or fear committed adultery in public. But as of Belus there is no certain memory (as touching particulars:) so of this Ninus (whose Story is gathered out of Profane Authors) I found nothing so warrantable, but that the same may be disputed, and in the greatest part doubted. For although that piece of Berosus set out and commented upon by Annius, hath many good things in it, and giveth great light (as Chytraeus noteth) to the understanding of Diodorus Siculus, Dion, Halycarnassaeus, and others: yet Lodovicus Vives, B. Rhenanus, and others after them have laid open the imperfection and defects of the Fragment; proving directly that it cannot be the same Berosus which lived in Alexander's time, cited by Athenaeus and josephus: and 
Athen. l. 14. joseph. 〈◊〉. Appion. l. 1. & 7.  whose Statue the Athenians erected, saith Pliny. Yet it is from him chiefly, that many have gathered the succession of the Babylonian and Assyrian Princes, even from Nimrod to the eighteenth King Ascatades, and to the times of josua. For of Metasthenes an Historian, of the Race of the Persian Priests, there are found but certain Papers, or some few lines of the Chaldaean and 〈◊〉 Monarchies: but he afterwards in the collection of the Persian Kings is not without his errors.  
Ctesias of 〈◊〉 (a City adjoining to 〈◊〉) who lived together with Cyrus the younger, and with Artaxerxes Mnemon, gathered his History out of the Persian Records, and reacheth as far upwards as Ninus and Semiramis: and though in the Story of Cyrus the younger, Xenophon approveth him in some things, and Athenaeus, Pausanias and Tertullian cite him; yet so base and apparent are his flatteries of the times and Princes with whom he lived, and so incredible are the numbers which he finds in the Armies of Ninus, and especially of Semiramis; as whatsoever his reports were, times have consumed his works, saving some very few excerptions lately published.  
And therefore in things uncertain, seeing a long discourse cannot be pleasing to men of judgement, I will pass over the Acts of this third Assyrian, in as few words as I can express them. Saint Augustine affirms that Ninus mastered all Asia, India excepted. Others say that he wan it all, save India, Bactria, and Arabia. For he made Aricus of Arabia the Companion of his Conquests, with whom he entered into a strait league of amity, because he commanded many people and was his Kinsman, and a Chusite, and the nearest Prince confronting Babylonia. His first enterprise was upon Syria, which he might easily subdue, both because he invaded it on the sudden, and because it lay next him: and also because the Arabians and their King Aricus (which bordered Syria) assisted him in the Conquest thereof.  
The King of Armenia, Barzanes, he forced to acknowledge him, and to aid him in his War against Zoroaster: for from Armenia he bent himself that way toward the East; but that ever he commanded the lesser Asia, I do not believe, for noon of his Successors had any possession therein.  
His third War was against Pharnus, King of the Medes, whom it is said that he overthrew, and cruelly murdered with his seven children, though others affirm that they all died in one battle against him. Whither he invaded Zoroaster before the building or amplifying of Ninive, or after, it is uncertain. It is said that he made two expeditions into Bactria: and that finding little or ill success in the first, he returned, and set the work of Ninive forward: and then a second time entered Bactria with 1700000. Foot, and 200000. Horse, and 10000 six hundred Chariots: being encountered by Zoroaster with 400000. But Ninus prevailing, and 
Aug. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  Zoroaster slain, he entered farther into the Country, and besieged the chief City thereof, called Bactra or Bactrion (saith Stephanus:) which by a passage found, and 
Steph. de Vrb.  an assault given by Semiramis (the wife of Menon) he entered and possessed. Upon this occasion Ninus both admiring her judgement and valour, together with her person and external beauty, fancied her so strongly, as (neglecting all Princely respects) he took her from her husband, whose eyes he threatened to thrust out if he refused to consent. He therefore yielding to the passion of love in Ninus, and to the passion of sorrow in himself, by the strong persuasions of shame and dishonour, cast himself headlong into the water and died.    

CHAP. XI. Of ZOROASTER, supposed to have been the chief Author of Magic arts: and of the divers kinds of Magic.  

§. I. That ZOROASTER was not CHAMLET, nor the first Inventer of Astrology, or of Magic: and that there were divers great Magicians of this name.  
ZOROASTER King of the Bactrians, Vincentius supposeth to be Cham, the son of Noah: A fancy of little probability. For Cham was the Paternal ancestor of Ninus, the Father of Chus, the Grandfather of Nimrod, whose son was Belus, the Father of Ninus. It may be that Vincentius had heard of that book which was called Scripturae Cham, devised by some wicked Knave, and so entitled: of which Sixtus Senensis hath made the due mention.  
It is reported by Cassianus, that Serenus Abbas gave 
Cassian. in Octa. Col. cap. 21.  the invention of Magic to Cham, the son of Noah: so did Comestor in his Scholastical History: which Art (saith he) with the seven liberal Sciences he writ in fourteen Pillars: seven of which were made of brass, to resist the defacing by the waters of the Flood; and seven of brick against the injury of fire. There was also another devised discourse, which went under the title of Prophetia Cham. Cassianus out of Serenus hath somewhat like unto this of Comestor: These be Cassianus words: CHAMLET (filius NOAH) qui superstitionibus istis & sacrilegis fuit artibus infectus, sciens nullum se posse super hijs memorialem librum in Arcam 〈◊〉 inferre, in qua erat cum patre justo, etc. CHAMLET (the son of NOAH) who was infected with these superstitions, and sacrilegious Arts, knowing that he could not bring any book or memorial of that nature into the Ark, wherein he was to remain with his godly Father, caused the Precepts and Rules thereof to be graven in metal and hard stone.  
S. Augustine noteth that Zoroaster was said to have laughed at his birth, when all other children weep; which presaged the great knowledge which afterward he attained unto: being taken for the Inventer of natural Magic and other Arts; for the Corrupter, saith Pliny and justine. But I do not think that Zoroaster invented the doctrine of the Horoscopes or Nativities; or first found out the nature of herbs, stones, and minerals, or their Sympathetic or Antipathetical work; of which, I know not what King of Chaldaea is also made the Inventer. I rather think that these knowledges were far more ancient, and left by Noah to his sons. For Abraham who had not any acquaintance with Zoroaster, (as josephus reporteth) was no less learned herein then any other in that age, if he exceeded not all men then living: differing from the wisdom of aftertimes in this, that he knew and acknowledged the true cause, and giver of life and virtue to nature and all natural things; whereas others (forgetting God's infinite, dispersed, and universal power) admired the instruments, and attributed proper strength to the things themselves, (from which the effects were sensible) which belonged to that wisdom, Which being one, 
〈◊〉. c. 7.  and remaining in itself, can do all things and reneweth all.  
Now whither this Zoroaster (overthrown by Ninus) were the same which was so excellent a Naturalist, it is doubted. For Zoroaster the Magician, Ctesias calls Oxyartes, whom Pliny finds of a later time. And if Zoroaster were taken away by a Spirit (being in the midst of his Disciples) as some Author's report, than Zoroaster, slain by Ninus, was not the Magician: which is also the opinion of 〈◊〉. 
Scalig. in Euseb.   
Again, josephus and Cedrenus affirm, that Seth first found out the Planets, or 
josep. lib. 1.  wandering Stars, and other Motions of the Heavens: for if this art had been invented 
Antiq. c. 4.  by Zoroaster, he could not have attained to any such excellency therein, in his own life time; but being a man (as it seemeth) of singular judgement, he might add somewhat to this kind of knowledge, and leave it by writing to posterity.  
But of this Zoroaster there is much dispute: and no less jangling about the word and art of Magic. 〈◊〉 remembreth four, to whom the name of Zoroaster, or Zoroastres was given: which by Hermodorus and Dinon seemeth to be but a cognomen, or name of arte, and was as much to say, as astrorum cultor. The first, Arnobius calleth the Bactrian, which may be the same that Ninus overthrew: the second, a Chaldaean, and the Astronomer of Ninus: the third was Zoroaster Pamphylius, who lived in the time of Cyrus, and his familiar: the fourth, Zoroaster Armenius, the Nephew of Hostianes', which followed Xerxes into Greece: between whom and Cyrus there past threescore and eighteen years. Suidas remembreth a fift, called Per somedus sapiens: and Plato speaketh of Zoroaster the son of Oromasdes; which Picus Mirandula confirmeth.  
Now of what Nation the first and chief Zoroaster was, it is doubted. Pliny and Laertius make him a Persian. Gemisthius or Pletho, Ficinus and 〈◊〉, make him a Chaldaean. But by those books of one Zoroaster, found by Picus Mirandula, it appeareth plainly, that the Author of them was a Chaldaean by Nation, though the word (Chaldaean) was as often given to the learned Priests peculiarly, as for any distinguishment of Nations. Porphyrius makes the Chaldaei and Magi divers; Picus the same. But that this Zoroaster was a Chaldaean both by Nation and Profession, it appeareth by his Books, which (saith Picus) were written in the Chaldaean tongue; and the Comment in the same language. Now that the Magis and they were not differing, it may be judged by the name of those books of Zoroaster, which in an Epistle of Mirandula to Ficinus, he saith, to be entitled, Patris EZRE ZOROASTRIS, & MELCHIOR magorum oracula.   

§. II Of the name of Magia: and that it was anciently far divers from Conjuring, and Witchcraft.  
NOw for Magic itself; which Art (saith MIRANDULA) pauci intelligunt, 
〈◊〉. Mir. fol. 81.  multi 〈◊〉; Few understand, and many reprehend. Et sicut 〈◊〉 ignotos semper allatrant; As Dog's bark at those they know not: so they condemn and hate the things they understand not: I think it not amiss (leaving Ninus for awhile) to speak somewhat thereof.  
It is true that many men abhor the very name and word (Magus) 〈◊〉 of Simon Magus: who being indeed, not Magus, but Goës, (that is) familiar with evil spirits, usurped that title. For Magic, Conjuring, and Witchery, are far differing Arts, whereof Pliny being ignorant scoffeth thereat. For Nero (saith Pliny) who 
〈◊〉. l. 30 〈◊〉. Nat.  had the most excellent Magicians of the East sent him by Tyridates King of Armenia, who held that Kingdom by his grace, found the art after long study and labour altogether ridiculous.  
Magus is a Persian word primitively, whereby is expressed such a one as is altogether 
Porphyr. & Apul.  conversant in things divine. And (as Plato affirmeth) the art of Magic is the 
Plato. in 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 of worshipping God. To which effect Apollonius in his Epistles expounding the word (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) saith, that the Persians' called their gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: whence he addeth that Magus is either: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (that is) that Magus is a name sometime of him that is a God by nature; sometimes of him that is in the service of God: in which latter sense it is taken, Matth. 2. v. 1. And this is the first and highest kind: which Piccolominie calleth divine Magic: and these did the Latins newly 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 1. 7.  entitle Sapientes or Wisemen: For, the fear & worship of God is the beginning of knowledge. 
Piccol. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 . These Wisemen the Greeks' call Philosophers: the Indian's, Brahmins: which name they somewhat nearly retain to this day, calling their Priest's Bramines; among the Egyptians they were termed Priests; with the Hebrews they were called Cabalists, Prophets, Scribes, and Pharisees: amongst the Babylonians they were differenced by the name of Chaldaeans: and among the Persians', Magicians: of whom Arnobius (speaking of Hostanes, one of the ancient Magicians) useth these words: Et verum Deum 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum 〈◊〉. pa. 360.  merita maiestate prosequitur, & Angelos ministros Dei, sed veri, eius 〈◊〉 novit assistere, Idem daemonas prodit terrenos, vagos, humanitatis inimicos; SOSTHENES (for so M. Foelix calleth him, not HOSTANES) 〈◊〉 the due majesty to the true God, and acknowledgeth that his Angels are ministers and messengers which attended the worship of the true God. He also hath delivered that there are Devils earthly and wandering, and enemies to mankind.  
HIS MAJESTY also in his first Book of daemonology c. 3. acknowledgeth, that in the Persian tongue the word (Magus) imports as much as a contemplator of divine & heavenly sciences; but unjustly so called, because the Chaldaeans were ignorant of the true divinity. And it is also right which HIS MAJESTY avoweth, that under the name of Magic all other unlawful arts are comprehended, and yet doth HIS MAJESTY distinguish it from Necromancy, 〈◊〉, and the rest: of all which he hath written largely and most learnedly. For the Magic which HIS MAJESTY 
Daemonolog. l. 〈◊〉. cap. 1.  condemneth, is of that kind whereof the Devil is a party. Daniel in his second chapter nameth four kinds of those Wisemen: Arioli, Magis, Malefici, and Chaldaei. Arioli the old Latin translation calleth sophists: Vatablus and Pagninus, 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉, or Philosophers, or (according to the note of Vatablus) Naturalists: Nempè sunt Magi apud 〈◊〉, quod Philosophi apud Graecos (〈◊〉) divinarum humanarumque, 〈◊〉 scientiam profitentes; For the Magis are the same with the Barbarians, as the Philosophers are with the Grecians (that is) men that profess the knowledge of things both divine and human. The Greek and the English call them Enchanters; junius, Magicians; Castalion, Coniectarers: in the Syrian they are all four by one name called Sapientes Babylonis; The Wisemen of Babel.  
The second sort Vatablus, Pagnin, junius, and our English, call Astrologers; Hierome and the Septuagint, Magicians.  
The third kind are Malefici, or Venefici; in Hierome, Pagnin, and the Septuagint, Witches, or Poisoners: in junius, Praestigiatores, or Sorcerers, as in English.  
That Witches are also rightly so called Venefici, or Poisoners; and that indeed there is a kind of Malefici, which without any art of Magic or Necromancy use the help of the Devil to do mischief, HIS MAJESTY confirmeth in the first Chapter of his second Book: speaking also in the fifth Chapter of their practice, to mix the powder of dead bodies with other things by the Devil prepared; and at other times to make pictures of Wax, or Clay, or otherwise (as it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to effect those things, which the Devil by other means bringeth to pass.  
The fourth, all Translators call Chaldaeans: who took upon them to foretell all things to come, as well natural as human, and their events: and this they vaunted to perform by the influences of the Stars by them observed, and understood.  
Such were, and to this day partly (if not altogether) are the corruptions, which have made odious the very name of Magic, having chief sought (as is the manner of all impostures) to counterfeit the highest and most noble part of it, yet so as they have also crept into the inferior degrees.  
A second kind of Magic was that part of Astrology, which had respect to sowing and planting, and all kinds of agriculture and husbandry: which was a knowledge of the motions and influences of the Stars into those lower Elements.  
Philo judaeus goeth farther, affirming, that by this part of Magic or Astrology, together with the motions of the Stars and other heavenly bodies, Abraham found out the knowledge of the true God, while he lived in Chaldaea: Qui contemplatione creaturarum cognovit Creatorem, (saith 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.) Who knew the Creator by the 
De vit. sanct. Glyc. Annal. fol. 180.  contemplation of the creature. JOSEPHUS reporteth of Abraham, that he instructed the Egyptians in Arithmetic and Astronomy, who before ABRAHAM'S coming unto them knew noon of these sciences.  
And so doth Archangelus de Burgo, in defence of Mirandula against Garsias: ALEXANDER & EUPOLEMON 〈◊〉, quod ABRAHAM sanctitate & sapientia omnium 〈◊〉 Chaldaeos primum, deinde Phoenices, demum Aegyptios sacerdotes Astrologiaem & divina docuerit; ALEXANDER (saith he, meaning ALEXANDER POLYHISTOR) and EUPOLEMON affirm, that ABRAHAM the holiest and wisest of men, did first teach the Chaldaeans, than the Phoenicians; lastly, the Egyptian Priests, Astrology and divine knowledge.  
The third kind of Magic containeth the whole Philosophy of nature; not 
See upon his Comment. in Aug. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dei, l. 18. c. 2.  the brabble of the Aristotclians, but that which bringeth to light the inmost virtues, and draweth them out of natures hidden bosom to human use, Virtutes in centro centri latentes; Virtues hidden in the centre of the centre, according to the Chemists. Of this sort were Albertus, Arnoldus de villanova, Raymond, Bacon, and many others: and before these, in elder times, and who better understood the power of nature, and how to apply things that work to things that suffer, were 〈◊〉 before spoken of: Apollonius 〈◊〉 remembered by S. Hierome to Paulinus; in some men's opinion Numa Pompilius among the Romans: among the Indian's, Thespian: among the Egyptians, Hermes: among the Babylonians, Budda: the 〈◊〉 had Zamolxis: the Hyperborians (as is supposed) Abbaris: and the Italians, Petrus Aponensis. The Magic which these men professed is thus defined: Magia est connexio à viro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 cum patientibus, sibi congruenter respondentibus, ut inde opera prodeant non sine 〈◊〉 admiratione qui causam ignorant; Magic is the connexion of natural 〈◊〉 and patients, answerable each to other, wrought by a wise man to the bringing forth of such effects, as are wonderful to those that know not their causes. In all these three kinds which other men divide into four, it seemeth that Zoroaster was exceedingly learned: especially in the first and highest. For in his Oracles he confesseth God to be the Creator of the Universal: he believeth of the 
* Toto in mundo lucet Trias, cuius Monas est 〈◊〉. Cuncta namque perfecit 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Trinity, which he could not investigate by any natural knowledge: he speaketh of Angels, and of Paradise: approveth the immortality of the soul: teacheth Truth, Faith, Hope, and Love, discoursing of the Abstinence and Charity of the Magis: which Oracles of his, Psellus, 
Psell. & 〈◊〉.  Ficinus, Patritius, and others have gathered and translated.  
Of this Zoroaster, Eusebius in the Theology of the Phoenicians, using Zoroasters own words: Haec ad verbum scribit (saith EUSEBIUS) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
De 〈◊〉. evang lib. 1. cap. 7.  sempiternus, ingenitus, expers partium, sibijpsi simillimus, benorum omnium auriga, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expectans, optimus, prudentissimus, pater juris, sine doctrina justitiam perdoctus, natura perfectus, sapiens, sacrae naturae unious inventor, etc. Thus writeth ZOROASTER word forword. God the first incorruptible, everlasting, unbegotten, without parts, most 〈◊〉 himself, the guide of all good, expecting no reward, the best, the wisest, the father of right, having learned justice without teaching, perfect wise by nature, the only inventor thereof.  
Sixtus Senensis speaking of the wisdom of the 〈◊〉, doth distinguish those 
Lib. 2. fol. 46.  wise men into five orders, (to wit) Chascedim, or Chaldaeans: Asaphim, or Magicians: Chartumim; (which he translates Arioli, or Sophists) Mecasphim, or Malefici, or Venefici; Witches; or Poisoners; and Gazarim Augurs, or Aruspices, or Diviners.  
〈◊〉 were those which had the name of Chaldaeans, which were Astronomers: Hij coelorum motus diligentissimè spectârunt; These did most diligently contemplate the motions of the heavens: whom Philo in the life of Abraham describeth.  
Asaphim were in the old Latin translation called Philosophers: of the Septuagint and of Hierome, Magicians: Qui de omnium tam divinarum quàm humanarum 〈◊〉 causis Philosophati sunt; Who discoursed of the causes of all things, as well divine as human: of whom Origen makes Balaam (the son of Beor) to be the first: but Laertius ascribeth 
〈◊〉. l. 1.  the invention of this art to Zoroastres the Persian.  
Chartumim, or Enchanters, the Disciples (saith Faint Augustine, Pliny, and justine) of another Zoroastres: who corrupted the admirable wisdom of the Magis, which he received from his Ancestors.  
Mecasphim, or 〈◊〉, or Witches, are those of which we have spoken already out of HIS majesties book of Daemonologia.  
Gazarim, or Aruspices (after S. Hierome) which divine from the entrails of beasts slain for sacrifices: or by Gazarim others understand Augurs, who divine by the flying, singing, or feeding of birds.  
By this distinction we may perceive the difference between those wise men which the Kings of Babylon entertained; and that the name and profession of the Magis among the ancient Persians' was most honest. For as Peucer truly observeth, Praeerant religioni Persicae, ut in populo Dei 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 verae Philosophiae dediti erant: 
Peucer. de Divinat. 〈◊〉 c. de mag. fol. 135. & 136.  nec quisquam Rex Persarum 〈◊〉 esse, qui non antea Magorum disciplinam 〈◊〉 percepisset; The Magis (saith he) were the chief Ministers of the Persian Religion: as the Levites among God's people, and they were given to the studies of true Philosophy: neither could any be King of the Persians', who had not first been exercised in the mysteries and knowledge of the Magi. SIXTUS SENENSIS in defence of Origen against Polychronius and Theophilus, hath two kinds of Magic, his own words are these: Et ne quem 
Bibl. l. 6. fol. 424.  moveant praemissa POLYCHRONIJ & THEOPHILI testimonia, sciendum est duplicem esse Magiam; alteram 〈◊〉 ab ORIGINE 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 per foedera cum daemonibus inita aut verè aut apparenter operatur; alteram ab ORIGINE laudatam, quaead practicen naturalis philosophiae pertinet, docens 〈◊〉 res 〈◊〉 ex applicatione mutua naturalium virtutum ad invicem agentium ac patientium; That the testimonies of THEOPHILUS and 〈◊〉 (saith he) may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉, it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be understood that Magic is of two sorts, the one everywhere condemned by ORIGEN; which worketh (whither truly or 〈◊〉) by covenants made with Devils; the other commended by ORIGEN; which appertaineth to the 〈◊〉 part of natural Philosophy, teaching to work admirable things by the mutual application of natural virtues, 〈◊〉 and suffering reciprocally. This partition Hierome doth embrace in the first of his Commentaries upon Daniel: where considering of the difference which Daniel makes between these four kinds of wise Men formerly remembered, he useth this distinction: Quos nos hariolos; caeteri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (id est) 〈◊〉 interpretati sunt, videntur mihi esse qui verbis rem peragunt; Magis, qui de singulis philosophantur; 〈◊〉, qui sanguine 〈◊〉 & victimis, & saepe contingunt corpora mortuorum: porro in Chaldaeis 〈◊〉 significari puto, quos vulgo Mathematicos vocant. Consuetudo autem communis 〈◊〉 pro maleficis accipit, qui aliter habentur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suam, eo quòd sint Philosophi 〈◊〉: & ad artis huius scientiam Reges 〈◊〉 & Principes eiusdem gentis omnia 〈◊〉; unde & in nativitate Domini salvatoris ipsi 〈◊〉 ortum 〈◊〉 intellexerunt, & 〈◊〉 in sanctam Bethlehem adoraverunt puerum, stella de super ostendente; They whom we call Sorcercrs, and others interpret Enchanters, seem to me such as perform things by words; Magicians, such as handle every thing philosophically; Witches, that use blood and sacrifices, and often lay hands on the body of the dead: further, among the 〈◊〉 I take them to be signified by the name of 〈◊〉 upon nativities, whom the vulgar call Mathematicians. But common custom takes Magicians for Witches, who are otherwise reputed in their own Nation: for they are the Philosophers of the 〈◊〉: yea Kings and Princes of that Nation do all that they do according to the knowledge of this art: whence at the 〈◊〉 of the Lord our Saviour they first of all understood his birth, and coming unto holy Bethlehem did worship the Child: the star from above showing him unto them. By this therefore it appeareth that there is great difference between the doctrine of a 〈◊〉, and the abuse of the word. For though some Writers affirm, that Magus hody dicitur, qui ex foedere facto utitur diaboli opera adrem 〈◊〉; That he is called a Magician now adays, who 〈◊〉 entered league with the Devil, useth his help to any matter: yet (as our Saviour said of 〈◊〉) it was not so from the beginning. For the Art of 〈◊〉 is of the wisdom of Nature; other Arts which undergo that title, were invented by the 〈◊〉, subtlety, and envy of the Devil. In the latter there is no other doctrine, than the use of certain ceremonies, Per malam fidem; By an evil faith: in the former no other ill, than the investigation of those virtues and hidden properties, which God hath given to his Creatures, and how fitly to apply things that work to things that suffer. And though by the 〈◊〉, those excellent 〈◊〉, Philosophers, and Divines, which come to worship our Saviour Christ, were termed Mechaschephim, or 〈◊〉; yet had they no other reason, then common custom therein. Consuetudo 
Hieron. in 〈◊〉.  autem communis Magos pro maleficis accipit; Common custom (saith S. JEROME) understandeth Witches under the name of Magicians: And antiquity (saith Peter Martyr) 
〈◊〉. Mart. Loci.  by the word (Magis) understood good and wise men. Quid igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 formidolose, nomen evangelio gratiosum, quod non maleficum & veneficum, sed 〈◊〉 sonat & Sacerdotem? OH thou fearful one (saith FICINUS) why doubtest thou to use the 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 part. prim. fol. 573.  name of Magus, a name gracious in the Gospel, which doth not signify a Witch or 〈◊〉, but a wise man and a Priest? For what brought this slander to that study and profession but only idle ignorance: the parent of causeless admiration? 〈◊〉 fuit 〈◊〉 quorundam 〈◊〉, quaere vera opera naturalia sunt: veruntamen quia procuratione daemonum natur as ipsas vel coniungentium, vel commiscentium, vel aliter ad operandum expedientium facta sunt, opera daemonum credebantur ab ignorantibus baec. De operibus 〈◊〉 est Magianaturalis, quam 〈◊〉 multi impropriè vocant; The 〈◊〉 
Gul. 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉, cap. 14.  of some works, which (indeed) are natural, hath been the cause of this slander: but because these works have been done by procurement of Devils, joining the natures together or mingling them, or howsoever fitting the natures to their working, they were thought the works of the Devils by the ignorant. Among these works is natural Magic, which men call very improperly 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 in his Apology goeth further: For by understanding (saith he) the uttermost 
Fol. 〈◊〉.  activity of natural agents we are 〈◊〉 to know the 〈◊〉 of Christ: for otherwise (to use his own words) ignoratis terminis potentiae & 〈◊〉 rerum naturalium stat nos 〈◊〉 illa eadem opera, quae fecit Christus, posse fieri per media naturalia; The terms or limits of natural power and virtue not understood, we must needs doubt whither those very works which Christ did may not be done by natural means: after which he goeth on in this sort: Ideo non 〈◊〉, non superstitiosè dixi, sed 〈◊〉 & Catholicè per talem Magiam 〈◊〉 nos in cognoscenda 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Therefore I said not 〈◊〉, not superstitiously, but most truly and 〈◊〉, that by such Magic we are furthered in knowing the 〈◊〉 of Christ. And seeing the 〈◊〉 and others the enemies of Christian Religion, do impudently and impiously object, that those Miracles which Christ wrought were not above Nature, but by the exquisite knowledge thereof performed: 〈◊〉 a man for his years fuller of knowledge than any that this latter Age hath brought forth, might with good reason avow, that the uttermost of Nature's works being known, the works which Christ did, and which (as himself witnesseth) no man could do, do manifestly testify of themselves, that they were performed by that hand which held Nature therein but as a Pencil, and by a power infinitely supreme and divine; and thereby those that were faithless, were either converted or put to silence.   

§. III That the good knowledge in the ancient 〈◊〉 is not to be condemned: though the Devil here as in other kinds hath sought to obtrude evil things, under the name and colour of good things.  
SEeing therefore it is confessed by all of understanding, that a 〈◊〉 (according to the 〈◊〉 word) is no other then, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & interpres: A 〈◊〉 observer and 〈◊〉 of divine things: and the Art itself (I mean the Art of natural Magic) no other, Quàm naturalis Philosophiae absoluta consummatio; Than the absolute perfection of 〈◊〉 Philosophy: Certainly than it proceedeth from common ignorance, and no way sorteth with wise and learned men 〈◊〉 and without difference and distinction, to confounded lawful and praiseworthy knowledge with that impious, and (to use Saint Paul's words) with those beggarly 〈◊〉, which the Devil hath shuffled in, and by them bewitcheth and befooleth graceless men. For if we condemn natural Magic, or the wisdom of Nature, because the Devil (who knoweth more than any man) doth also teach Witches and Poisoners the harmful parts of Herbs, Drugs, Minerals, and Excrements: then may we by the same rule condemn the Physician, and the Art of healing. For the Devil also in the Oracles of Amphiaraus, Amphilochus, Trophonius, and the like, taught men in Dreams what Herbs and Drugs were proper for such and such diseases. Now no man of judgement is ignorant, that the Devil from the beginning hath sought to thrust himself into the same employment among the Ministers and Servants of God, changing himself for that purpose into an Angel of Light. He hath led men to Idolatry as a doctrine of Religion; he hath thrust in his Prophets among those of the true God; he hath corrupted the Art of Astrology, by giving a divine power to the Stars, teaching men to esteem them as Gods, and not as instruments. And (as Bunting observeth) 
〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉.  it is true, that judicial 〈◊〉 is corrupted with many superstitions: but the abuse of the thing takes not away the Art; considering that heavenly bodies (as even general experience showeth) have and exercise their operation upon the 〈◊〉. For the Sun, and the Star of 〈◊〉 do dry; the Moon doth moisten, and govern the Tides of the Sea. Again, the Planets, as they have several and proper names, so have they several and proper virtues: the Stars do also differ in beauty and in 〈◊〉; and to all the Stars hath God given also their proper names, which (had they not influences and virtues different) needed not: He counteth the number of the Stars, and calleth them by their names. But into the good 
Psal. 147.  and profitable knowledge of the celestial influences, the Devil ceaseth not to 〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉: and so to the knowledge of the secret virtues of Nature hath he fastened his doctrine of Characters, Numbers, and Incantations; and taught men to believe in the strength of Words and Letters: (which without Faith in God are but Ink or common breath) thereby either to equal his own with the all-powerful Word of God, or to diminish the glory of God's creating Word, by whom are all things.  
Moreover, he was never ignorant, that both the wise and the simple observe when the Sea-birds forsake the shores and fly into the Land, that commonly some great storm follows; that the high flying of the Kite and the Swallow betoken fair weather; that the crying of Crows and bathing of Ducks foreshow rain: for they feel the Air moistened in their Quills. And it is written in Hieremie the 
Ca 8. ver. 7.  Prophet, Even the Stork in the air knoweth her appointed times, and the Turtle, and the Crane, and the Swallow. Hereupon, this enemy of Mankind working upon these as upon the rest of God's creatures, long time abused the Heathen by teaching them to observe the flying of Fowls, and thereby to judge of good or ill success in the War: and (withal) to look into their entrails for the same, as if God had written the secrets of unsearchable providence in the livers and bowels of birds and beasts. Again, because it pleased God sometimes by Dreams, not only to warn and teach 
〈◊〉. 12. 17.  his Prophets and Apostles, but Heathen Princes also; as Abimelech to restore 〈◊〉 to ABRAHAM; because he admonished joseph, and by Dream informed jacob, Laban, 〈◊〉, Solomon, Paul, Ananias, the Magis of the East, and others. For as it is remembered in JOB: In Dreams and Visions of the night when sleep falleth upon men, etc. Than 
job. 33. 17.  God openeth the ears, that he might 'cause man to return from his enterprise: therefore, I say, doth the Devil also practise his Divinations by Dreams, or (after Parisiensis) 
G. 〈◊〉. de leg. 24. cap.  divinitatis imitationes, his mocke-divinitie. This in the end grew so common, as ARISTIDES compiled an Ephemerideses of his own Dreams: Mithridates of those of his Concubines. Yea the Romans finding the inconvenience hereof, because all Dreams (without distinction of causes) were drawn to Divination, forbade the same by a Law, as by the words of prohibition (aut narrandis somnijs occultam aliquam artem divinandi) 
Codex de malefic. & Mathemat. leg. & 〈◊〉 accepta.  it may appear. Likewise by the Law of God in Deuteronomy cap. 13. seducing Dreamers were ordered to be slain. Yet it is to be contemned, not that Marcus Antonius was told a remedy in his Dream for two grievous diseases that oppressed him; nor that of Alexander Macedon for the cure of Ptolemy's poisoned wound; nor that 
Aug. de cura pro mortuis agenda  which Saint AUGUSTINE reporteth of a Milanese; whose son (the Father dead) being demanded a debt already paid, was told by his Father in a Dream where the Acquittance lay to discharge it: nor that of Astyages of his Daughter, and many others of like nature. Of the reason of all which, forasmuch as the cause is not in ourselves, this place denieth dispute.   

§. FOUR That DANIEL'S mistiking NABUCHODONOSORS condemning of the Magicians doth not justify all their practices.  
BUT it may be objected, that if such Divination as the Heathens commonly used were to be condemned in them, who took on them very many and strange Revelations: how come it to pass that Daniel both condemned the 〈◊〉 sentence of Nabuchodonosor against the Magicians of Chaldaea, and in a sort forbade it? especially considering that such kind of people God himself commanded to be slain. To this divers answers 
Deut. 13. & 〈◊〉. Levit. 20.  may be given. First, it seemeth that Daniel had respect to those Chaldaeans, because they acknowledged that the Dream of the King, which himself had forgotten, could not be known to any man by any Art either Naturallor Diabolical: For there is noon other (said the Chaldaeans) that can declare it before the King, except the Gods, whose dwelling is not with flesh: and herein they confessed the power of the everliving God.  
Secondly, it may be conjectured (and that with good reason) that among so many learned men, some of them did not exercise themselves in any evil or unlawful Arts, but were merely Magicians and Naturalists: and therefore when the King commanded to kill all, Daniel persuaded the contrary, and called it a hasty judgement, which proceeded with fury without examination. And that some of those men's studies and professions were lawful, it may be gathered by Daniel's instruction: for himself had been taught by them, and was called chief of the Enchanters; of which some were termed Soothsayers, others Astrologians, others Chaldaeans, others Magis or Wisemen: and therefore of distinct professions.  
Thirdly, Daniel misliked and forbade the execution of that judgement, because it was unjust. For howsoever those men might deserve punishment for the practice of unlawful Arts (though not unlawful according to the Law of that State) yet herein they were altogether guiltless. For it exceeded human power to pierce the King's thought, which the Devil himself could not know. So then in Daniel's dislike, and hindering of the execution of sentence of death pronounced against the Magicians, there is no absolute justifying of their practice and profession.   

§. V The abuse of things which may be found in all kinds, is not to condemn the right use of them.  
NOtwithstanding this mixture every where of good with evil, of falsehood with truth, of corruption with cleanness and purity: The good, The truth, The purity in every kind may well be embraced: As in the ancient worshipping of God by Sacrifice; there was no man knowing God among the Elders, that therefore forbore to offer Sacrifice to the God of all power, because the Devil in the Image of Baal, Astaroth, Chemoth, jupiter, Apollo, and the like was so adored.  
Neither did the abuse of Astrology terrify Abraham (if we may believe the most ancient and religious Historians) from observing the motions and natures of heavenly 
〈◊〉. ex 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉.  bodies; neither can it dehort wise and learned men in these days from attributing those virtues, influences, and inclina ions to the Stars and other lights of Heaven, which God hath given to those his glorious creatures.  
The Sympathetic and Antipathetical working of Herbs, Plants, Stones, Minerals, with their other utmost virtues, sometimes taught by the Devil, and applied by his Ministers to harmful and uncharitable ends, can never terrify the honest and learned Physician or Magician from the using of them to the help and comfort of Mankind: neither can the illusions, whereby the Devil betrayeth such men as are fallen from God, make other men reject the observations of Dreams; so far as with a good Faith and a Religious caution they may make use of them.  
Lastly, the prohibition to mark flying of Fowls (as signs of good or evil success) 
Deut. 18. 20.  hath no reference at all to the crying of Crows against Raine, or to any observation not superstitious, and whereof a 〈◊〉 or cause may be given. For if we confounded Arts with the abuse of them, we shall not only condemn all honest Trades and interchange among men (for there are that deceive in all professions) but we shall in a short time bury in forgetfulness all excellent knowledge and all learning, or obscure and cover it over with a most scornful and beggarly ignorance: and (as Pliny teacheth) we should show ourselves ingratos erga eos, qui labore cur aque lucem nobis aperuerunt in hac luce: Unthankful we should show ourselves towards those, who with pains and care have discovered unto us light in this light.  
Indeed not only these natural knowledges are condemned by those that are ignorant; but the Mathematics also and Professors thereof: though those that are excellently learned judge of it in this sort: In speculo Mathematico verum illud, quod in 
Cusan. Comp. 〈◊〉. c. 1.  omni scibili quaeritur, relucet; non modo remota similitudine, sed fulgida quadam 〈◊〉: In the Glass of the Mathematics that Truth doth shine, which is sought in every kind of knowledge; not in an obscure image, but in a near and manifest representation.   

§ VI Of the divers kinds of unlawful Magic.  
IT is true that there are many Artes, if we may so call them, which are covered with the name of Magic: and esteemed abusively to be as branches of that Tree, on whose root they never grew. The first of these hath the name of Necromancy or Goetia: and of this again there are divers kinds. The one is an Invocation at the Graves of the dead, to whom the Devil himself gives answer in stead of those that seem to appear. For certain it is, that the immortal souls of men do not inhabit the dust and dead bodies, but they give motion and understanding to the living: death being nothing else but a separation of the body and soul: and therefore the soul is not to be found in the Graves.  
A second practice of those men, who pay Tribute or are in league with Satan, is that of conjuring or of raising up Devils, of whom they hope to learn what they list. These men are so distracted, as they believe that by terrible words they make the Devil to tremble; that being once impaled in a Circle (a Circle which cannot keep out a Mouse) they therein (as they suppose) ensconce themselves against that great Monster. Doubtless, they forget that the Devil is not terrified from doing ill and all that is contrary to God and goodness, not, not by the fearful Word of the Almighty: and that he feared not to offer to sit in God's seat, that he made no scruple to tempt our Saviour Christ, whom himself called the Son of God. So, forgetting these proud parts of his, an unworthy wretch will yet resolve himself, that he can draw the Devil out of Hell, and terrify him with a Phrase: whereas in very truth, the obedience which Devils seem to use, is but thereby to possess themselves of the bodies and souls of those which raise them up; as His Majesty in his Book aforenamed hath excellently taught: That the 〈◊〉 obedience is only, secundum quid, scilicet ex pacto; respectiuè, that is, upon bargain.  
I cannot tell what they can do upon those simple and ignorant Devils, which 
Sunt in mundo genus quoddam 〈◊〉 valde 〈◊〉, indiscretum & inconsideratum; & quod 〈◊〉, verum a falso ncque, possibile 〈◊〉 ab impossibili.  inhabit jamblicus imagination; but sure I am the rest are apt enough to come uncalled: and always attending the cogitations of their servants and vassals, do no way need any such enforcement.  
Or it may be that these Conjurers deal altogether with Cardan's mortal Devils, following the opinion of Rabbi Auornathan and of Porphyrius, who taught that these kind of Devils lived not above a thousand years: which Plutarch in his Treatise de Oraculorum defectu confirmeth, making example of the great God Pan. For 
〈◊〉. Vives in cap. 11. lib. 10.  were it true that the Devils were in awe of wicked men, or could be compelled by them, then would they always fear those words and threats, by which at other 
Aug. de 〈◊〉. Dei, lib. 10.  times they are willingly mastered. But the Familiar of Simon Magus when he had 
Cusan. exerc. c. 〈◊〉  lifted him up in the Air, cast him 〈◊〉 out of his claws, when he was sure he should perish with the fall. If this perhaps were done by S. Peter's Prayers (of which S. Peter not where vaunteth) yet the same prank at other times upon his own accord 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. lib. 5. c. 16.  the Devil played with 〈◊〉: who transported (as Simon Magus was supposed to have been) had the same mortal fall that he had. The like success had Budas, a principal pillar of the Manichaean Heresy, as Socrates in his Ecclesiastical History 
Lib. 1 c. 21.  witnesseth: and for a manifest proof hereof we see it every day, that the Devil leaves all Witches and Sorcerers at the Gallows, for whom at other times he maketh himself a Pegasus, to convey them in haste to places far distant, or at least makes them so think: For to those that 〈◊〉 not the truth (saith Faint PAUL) God 
Corint. 5. 5.  shall sand them strong illusions. Of these their supposed transportations (yet agreeing with their confessions) His 〈◊〉 in the second Book and the fourth Chapter of the 〈◊〉, hath confirmed by unanswerable reasons, that they are merely illusive. Another sort there are who take on them to include Spirits in Glasses and Cristals: of whom CUSANUS: Fatui sunt incantores, qui in ungue & vitro volunt spiritum 
Exercitat. l. 2.  includere: quia Spiritus non clauditur corpore: They are foolish Incbanters which will shut up their spirits within their nails or in Glass: for a Spirit cannot beinclosed by a body.  
There is also another Art besides the afore mentioned, which they call Theurgia, or White Magic; a pretended conference with good Spirits or Angels, whom by Sacrifice and Invocation they draw out of Heaven, and Communicate withal. But the administering Spirits of God, as they require not any kind of adoration due unto their Creator: so seeing they are most free Spirits; there is no man so absurd to think (except the Devil have corrupted his understanding) that they can be constrained or commanded out of Heaven by threats. Wherhfore let the professors thereof cover themselves how they please by a professed purity of life, by the ministery of Infants, by fasting and abstinence in general; yet all those that tamper with immaterial substances and abstract natures, either by Sacrifice, Vow, or enforcement, are men of evil faith and in the power of Satan. For good Spirits or Angels cannot be constrained; and the rest are Devils which willingly obey.  
Other sorts there are of wicked Divinations: as by fire, called Pyromantia: by water, called Hydromantia: by the air, called Mataeotechnia, and the like.  
The last, and (indeed) the worst of all other is Fascination or Witchcraft: the Practisers whereof are no less envious and cruel, revengeful and bloody, than the Devil himself. And these accursed creatures having sold their souls to the Devil, work two ways; either by the Devil immediately, or by the art of poisoning. The difference between Necromanciers and Witches, His Majesty hath excellently taught in a word: that the one (in a sort) command; the other obey the Devil.  
There is another kind of petty Witchery (if it be not altogether deceit) which they call charming of Beasts and Birds, of which Pythagoras was accused, because an 
Aelian. l. 6. not. bistor.  Eagle lighted on his shoulder in the Olympian fields. But if the same exceeded the Art of Falconry, yet was it no more to be admired then Mahomet's Dove, which he had used to feed with Wheat out of his ear: which Dove, when it was hungry, lighted on Mahomet's shoulder, and thrust his Bill therein to found his breakfast: Mahomet persuading the rude and simple Arabians, that it was the Holy Ghost that gave him advice. And certainly if Banks had lived in elder times he would have shamed all the Enchanters of the World: for whosoever was most famous among them, could never master or instruct any Beast as he did his Horse.  
For the drawing of Serpents out of their Dens, or kill of them in the holes by Enchantments (which the Marsians a people of Italy practised: Colubros disrumpit 
Lucil. in 〈◊〉  Marsia cantu: Enchanting Marsia makes the Snakes to burst.) That it hath been used it appears, Psal. 58. 6. though I doubt not, but that many Impostures may be in this kind; and even by natural causes it may be done. For there are many Fumes that will either draw them out or destroy them; as women's hair burnt, and the like. So many things may be laid in the entrance of their holes that will allure them: and therein I found no other Magic or Enchantment; then to draw out a Mouse with a piece of toasted Cheese.   

§. VII. Of diverswayes by which the Devil seemeth to work his wonders.  
BUT to the end that we may not dote with the Manichees, who make two powers of gods: that we do not give to the Devil any other dominion than he hath (not to speak of his ability, when he is the Minister of God's vengeance, as when Egypt, according to David, was destroyed by evil Angels) he otherwise worketh but three ways. The first is by moving the cogitations and affections of men: The second by the exquisite knowledge of Nature: and the third by deceit, illusion, and false semblance. And that they cannot work what they would, G. Parisiensis giveth three causes: the first, a natural impotency: the second, their own reason dissuading them from daring overmuch, or indeed (and that which is the only certain cause) the great mercy of the Creator, Tenens eas ligatas (saith the same Author) velut immanissimas bellu as. Saint 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. p. 〈◊〉 c. 70.  Augustine was of opinion that the Frogs which 〈◊〉 Sorcerers produced were not natural, but that the Devil (by betraying of their senses that looked on) made them appear to be such. For as Vairus observeth, those Frogs of the Enchanters were not found corrupted as those of Moses were, which might argue that they were not creatures indeed. Hereof saith Saint AUGUSTINE: Nec sanè Daemones naturas creant, sed quae à Deocreatae sunt commutant, ut videantur esse quodnon sunt: The Devils created not any natures, but so change those that are created by God, as they seem to be that which they be not: of which in the 83. Question he giveth the reason. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nebulis implet omnes meatus intelligentiae, per quos aperire lumen rationis radius mentis solet, (that is) The Devil fills with certain clouds all passages of the understanding, by which the beam of the mind is wont to open the light of reason.  
And as Tertullian in his Book de anima rightly conceiveth, if the Devil can possess himself of the eyes of our minds, and blind them, it is not hard for him to dazzle those of the body. For (out of doubt) by the same way that God passeth out, the Devil entereth in, beginning with the fantasy, by which he doth more easily betray the other faculties of the soul: for the fantasy is most apt to be abused by 
Maxima vis est 〈◊〉 ad erreres.  vain apprehensions.  
Aquinas on the contrary held that those Frogs were not imaginary, but such indeed as they seemed: not made Magicae 〈◊〉 ludibrio, which indeed agreeth not with the Art but (according to THOMAS) Per aptam & idoneam agentium & patientium applicationem: By an apt and fit applying of agents and patients. And this I take to be more probable. For Moses could not be deceived by that sleight of false semblance; and Saint Augustine in another case like unto this, (to wit) of the turning of Diomedes his Companions into Birds, per activa cum passivis, inclineth rather to this opinion: though I am not persuaded that Saint Augustine believed that of Diomedes. And this opinion of Thomas, G. Parisiensis a man very learned also confirmeth. For speaking of natural Magic he useth these words: De 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 
〈◊〉. 24. fol. 67.  subita generatio 〈◊〉, & pediculorum, & vermium, aliormque animalium quorundam: in quibus omnibus sola natura operatur, verùm adhibitis adiutorijs, 〈◊〉 semina naturae confortant & acuunt, it a ut opus generationis tantum accelerent, ut 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 nesciunt non opus natur & videatur (quae tardius 〈◊〉 efficere consuevit) sedpotentia Daemonum, etc. to which he addeth: Qui autem in hijs docti sunt talia non mirantur, sed solum Creatorem in hijs glorificant: In such works (saith he) the sudden generation of Frogs, and Lice, and Worms, and some other creatures is: in all which Nature alone worketh; but by means strengthening the Seeds of Nature, and quickening them; in such wise that they so hasten the work of generation, that it seemeth to the ignorant not to be the work of Nature, which usually worketh more 〈◊〉, but they think it is done by the power of Devils. But they who are learned in these Arts marvel not at such working, but glorify the Creator. Now by these two ways the Devils do most frequently work, (to wit) by knowing the uttermost of nature; and by illusion: for there is no incomprehensible or unsearchable power, but of God only.  
For shall we say, he causeth sometimes thunders, lightnings, and tempests; and can infect the air, as well as move it or compress it; who knows not that these things are also natural? Or may it be objected that he foretelleth things before they happen, which exceedeth nature, and is no illusion? it is true, that he sometimes doth it; but how? In elder ages he stole his knowledge out of the predictions of the Prophets: and he foretold the death of Saul, at such time as he was in his own possession and power to dispose of. And he that hath lived from the infancy of the world to this day, and observed the success of every counsel: he that by reason of his swift motions can inform himself of all places, and preparations: he that is of counsel with all those that study and practise subversion and destruction: 
Ephes. 2. 〈◊〉. & 6. 12.  he that is Prince of the air, and can thence better judge, than those that inhabit 
Diabolus 〈◊〉 habet 〈◊〉 usum: quae res multum habet momenti in quovis negotio, Aug. de 〈◊〉, c. 26. 27. etc.  the earth: if he should not sometimes, yea if he should not very oftentimes guess rightly of things to come (where God pleaseth not to give impediment) it were very strange. For we see that wise and learned men do oftentimes by comparing like causes conceive rightly of like effects, before they happen: and yet where the Devil doubteth and would willingly keep his credit, he evermore answereth by Riddles, as  

CROESUS Halym penetrans magnam subvertit opum vim.  
If Croesus over Halys go,  
Great Kingdoms he shall overthrow.   
Which answer may be taken either way: either for the overthrow of his own Kingdom, or of his Enemies. And thus far we grant the Devil may proceed in predictions, which (otherwise) belong to God only; as it is in ISAIAH: Show the things that are to come hereafter, that we may know that ye are God's: show us at all times and certainly what is to come. Solius enim divinae intelligentiae ac 〈◊〉 est, 〈◊〉 nosse 
Guil. Parisiensis de 〈◊〉. c. 24.  & revelare; It is only proper to God's understanding and wisdom, to know and reveal hidden things.   

§. VIII. That noon was ever raised from the dead by the power of the Devil: and that it was not the true SAMVEL which appeared to SAUL.  
TO conclude, it may be objected that the Devil hath raised from the dead: and that others by his power have done the like, as in the example given of Samuel raised by the Witch of Endor: which were it true, then might it indeed be affirmed, that some of the devils acts exceed all the powers of nature, false semblance, and other illusions. justine 
Iust. Martyr in colloq. cum Tryphone in resp. add 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 52. Ambr. in Luc. l. s. c. 〈◊〉. Lyra in Reg. 1. Aug. ad Simpl. l. 2. 〈◊〉. 3. De 〈◊〉. Dei, 〈◊〉. 13. c. 〈◊〉.  Martyr was sometimes of the opinion, that it was Samuel indeed: and so was Ambrose, Lyra, and Burgensis; from which authorities those men borrow strength which so believe. But Martyr changed his opinion: and so did S. Augustine, who at first seemed to be indifferent: For in his questions upon the Old and New Testament, he accounteth it detestable to think that it was Samuel which appeared: and these be his words elsewhere to the same effect: In requie sunt animae piorum 〈◊〉 separatae, impiorum 〈◊〉 poenas luunt, donecistarum ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, illarum verò ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secunda dicitur corpora 〈◊〉; The souls of the godly separated from their bodies are at rest, but those of the wicked suffer punishment, till the 〈◊〉 of the just rise to eternal life, and of the wicked to an eternal and second death.  
And (besides S. 〈◊〉) justine Martyr, Hilarius, Tertullian, 〈◊〉, Chrusostom, 
Aug. de verb. 〈◊〉. 18.  and others, believed firmly, and taught it: that the souls of men being once 
〈◊〉. Mart. ad Orthodox. 〈◊〉. 75. 〈◊〉. Psal. 2. in fine.  separate from their bodies, did not wander on the earth at all: Credere 〈◊〉 (saith CYRIL) quum à corporbus 〈◊〉 animae abierint, tanquam in manus charissimi patris bonitati divinae commendari; We must believe when the souls of holy men are departed from 
Tert. de. 〈◊〉. in fin.  their bodies, that they be commended to the divine Goodness, as into the hands of a most 
〈◊〉. q. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 19 in evang. Matth.  dear Father. If then they be in Heaven, the power of the Devil cannot stretch so high: if in Hell, Ab 〈◊〉 nulla est redemptio; From hell there is no redemption. For there are but two habitations after death: unum (saith AUGUSTINE) in igne aeterno; alterum in regno aeterno; The one in 〈◊〉 fire; the other in God's eternal Kingdom. And though it be written in jure Pontificio, that many there are who believe that the dead have again appeared to the living; yet the Gloss upon the same Text finds it ridiculous: Credunt, & malè, quia sunt Phantasmata (saith the Gloss) They 
26. q. 5. 〈◊〉.  believe, and they believe amiss, because they be but Phantasms, or Apparitions. For whereas any such voice hath been heard, saying, I am the Soul of such a one: Haec oratio à fraud à fraud atque deceptione diabolica est; That speech is framed by the fraud and deception of the devil, saith Chrusostom. Likewise of the same, saith TERTULLIAN: Absit ut animam 〈◊〉 sancti, nedum Prophetae, à daemonio credamus extractam; God forbidden that we should think that the soul of any holy man, much less of a Prophet, should be drawn up again by a Devil.  
It is true that the Scriptures call that apparition Samuel; so do they the wooden images Cherubins: and false brazen gods are called gods, and the like. And whereas these of the contrary opinion build upon that place of the 26. of Ecclesiasticus (a book not numbered among the Canonical Scriptures, as S. Augustine himself in his Treatise, if it be his, De cura pro mortuis agenda, confesseth) yet 〈◊〉 following the literal sense and phrase of the Scriptures, proveth nothing at all: For though the Devil would willingly persuade, that the souls (yea even of just men) were in his power, yet so far is it from the promises of the Scriptures, and from God's just and merciful nature, and so contrary to all divine reason, as Saint Augustine (or whosoever wrote that book before cited) might rightly term it a detestable opinion so to think. For if God had so absolutely forsaken Saul, that he refused to answer him either by dreams, by urim, or by his Prophets: it were sottish to conceive, that he would permit the Devil, or a wicked Witch, to raise a Prophet from the dead in Saul's respect: it being also contrary to his own divine Law to ask counsel of 
1. 〈◊〉 17. 〈◊〉.  the dead; as in 〈◊〉 18. and elsewhere. Therefore it was the Devil, and 
2. King's 4. 34.  not the soul of a dead body, that gave answer and advice. 
Nullus enim magus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verè unquam excitavit, 〈◊〉. de fascin.   
But because Helias and Helizeus had raised some from the dead by the power of God; those Devils which S. Augustine calleth ludificatores animantium sibi subiectorum; Mockers of their own vassals, casting before their eyes a semblance of human bodies, and framing sounds to their ears like the voices of men, do also persuade 〈◊〉 graceless and accursed attendants, that themselves both possess, and have power over the souls of men. Eludit Diabolus aciem tum spectantium, tum etiam cogitantium, saith L. VIVES; The Devil beguileth the sense both of the beholders, and of those that so imagine. These then are the bounds of the devils power, whom if we will not fear, we must fear to sin. For when he is not the instrument of God's vengeance, he can touch no man that makes not himself his voluntaire vassal: Potest ad malum invitare, non potest trahere, saith S. AUGUSTINE, he can 〈◊〉, but he cannot enforce to evil. Such as think otherwise, may go into the number remembered by Lucretius.  

Nam veluti pueri trepidant, atque omnia coecis  
In tenebris metuunt: sic nos in luce timemus.   We fear by light, as children in the dark.   

CHAP. XII. Of the memorable buildings of NINUS, and of his wife SEMIRAMIS: and of other of her acts.  

§. I. Of the 〈◊〉 building of Ninive by NINUS: and of Babylon by SEMIRAMIS.  
But to come back to Ninus the amplifier and finisher of Ninive: whither he performed it before or after the overthrow of Zoroaster, it is uncertain. As for the City itself, it is agreed by all profane Writers, and confirmed by the Scriptures, that it exceeded all other in circuit, and answerable magnificence. For it 
〈◊〉. l. 1. Diod. l. 2.  had in compass 440. stadia, or furlongs; the walls 
〈◊〉. l. 〈◊〉 1.  whereof were an hundred foot upright, and had such a breadth as three Chariots might pass on the Rampire in front: these walls were garnished with 1500. Towers which gave exceeding beauty to the rest, and a strength no less admirable for the nature of thosetimes.  
But this City (built in the Plains of Assyria, and on the banks of Tigris, and in the Region of Eden) was founded long before Ninus time; and (as ancient I 〈◊〉 report, and more lately Nauclerus) had the name of Campsor, at such time as Ninus amplified the same, and gave it a wall, and called it after his own name.  
For these works of Babylon and Ninive begun by Nimrod in 〈◊〉, and in Assyria, Ninus and Semiramis made perfect. Ninus finished Ninive, Semiramis Babylon: 
〈◊〉. l. 1.  wherein she sought to exceed her husband by far. Indeed in the first Age when 
justin. l. 1. 〈◊〉. l. 2. & 3.  Princes were moderate, they neither thought how to invade others, nor feared to be invaded: labouring to build Towns and Villages for the use of themselves and their people, without either Walls or Towers; and how they might discharge the earth of Woods, Briars, Bushments, and Waters, to make it the more habitable and fertile. But Semiramis living in that Age, when Ambition was in strong youth: and purposing to follow the conquest which her husband had under-taken, gave that beauty and strength to Babylon which it had.   

§. II Of the end of NINUS: and beginning of SEMIRAMIS reign.  
THis she did after the death of her husband Ninus: who after he had mastered Bactria, and subjecteth unto his Empire all those Regions between it and the Mediterran Sea and Hellespont (Asia the less excepted) and finished the work of Ninive, he left the World in the year thereof 2019. after he had reigned 52. years. Plutarch reporteth that Semiramis desired her husband Ninus, that he would grant unto her the absolute sovereign power for one day. Diod. Siculus out of Athenaeus, and others, speaks of five days. In which time (moved either with desire of rule, or licentious liberty, or with the memory of her husband Menon, who perished for her) she caused Ninus her husband to be slain. But this seemeth rather a scandal cast on her by the Greeks', then that it had any truth.  
Howsoever Ninus come to his end, Semiramis took on her after his death the sole rule of the Assyrian Empire: of which, Ninus was said to be the first Monarch, because he changed his seat from Babylonia in Chaldaea to Ninive in Assyria. justin reports, 
Aelian. l. 7. ex Didone.  that Semiramis (the better to invest herself, and in her beginning without murmur or offence to take on her so great a charge) presented herself to the people in the person of her son Ninias or Zameis, who bore her external form and proportion without any sensible difference.  
This report I take also to be feigned, for which many arguments might be made. But as she ruled long, so she performed all those memorable acts which are written of her by the name of Semiramis, and subscribed that letter which she sent to the King of India (her last challenge and undertaken conquest) by her own name. And were it true that her son Ninias had such a stature at his Father's death, as that 〈◊〉 (who was very personable) could be taken for him; yet it is very unlikely that she could have held the Empire from him 42. years after by any such subtlety: (for so long she reigned after the death of her husband:) but it may be true that Ninias or Zameis (being wholly given to his pleasures, as it is written of him) was well pleased with his Mother's prosperous government and undertake.   

§. III Of SEMIRAMIS parentage and education, and 〈◊〉 of her Mother.  
SOme Writers (of which Plutarch is one) make this famous woman to have been of base parentage, calling her after the name of her Country, a Syrian. Berosus calls her after the name of her City wherein she was borne, Semiramis Ascalonitis; of Ascalon, the ancient City and Metropolis of the Philistines. Others report her to be the daughter of Derceta, a Courtesan of Ascalon, exceeding beautiful. Others say that this Derceta or Dercetis, the Mother of Semiramis, was sometimes a Recluse, and had professed a holy and a religious life, to whom there was a Temple dedicated, seated on the bank of a Lake adjoining to Ascalon; and afterward falling in love with a goodly young man, she was by him made with child, which (for fear of extreme punishment) she conveyed away, and caused the same to be hidden among the high reeds which grew on the banks of the Lake: in which (while the child was left to the mercy of wild beasts) the same was fed by certain birds, which used to feed upon or near those waters. But I take this tale to be like that of Lupa the Harlot that fostered Romulus. For some one or other adjoining to this Lake, had the charge and fosteridge of this child, who being perchance but some base and obscure creature, the mother might thereby hope the better to cover her dishonour and breach of vow; notwithstanding which she was cast from the top of her Temple into the Lake adjoining, and (as the Poets have feigned) changed by Venus into a Fish, all but her face, which still held the same beauty and human shape. It is thought that from this Derceta the 〈◊〉 of that Idol of the Philistines (called Dagon) 〈◊〉 taken: for it is true, that Dagon had a man's face, and a fishes body: into whose Temple when the Ark of God was brought, the Idol fell twice to the ground: and at the second fall there remained only the Trunk of Dagon, the head being broken off: For so S. Hierome hath converted that place. 〈◊〉, Pagninus, and junius, writ it by Dagon only, which signifieth a fish, and so it only appeared: the head thereof by the second fall being sundered from the body.  
For myself I rather think, that this Dagon of the Philistines was an Idol representing Triton, one of those imaginary Sea-gods under Neptune. For this City being maritimate (as all those of the Philistines were, and so were the best of Phoenicia) used all their devotions to Neptune, and the rest of the petty gods which attended him.   

§. FOUR Of her Expedition into India, and death after discomfiture: with a note of the improbability of her vices.  
But for her Pedigree, I leave it to the Assyrian Heralds: and for her vicious life, I ascribe the report thereof to the envious and lying Grecians. For delicacy and ease do more often accompany licentiousness in men and women, than labour and hazard 〈◊〉. And if the one half be true which is reported of this Lady, then there never lived any Prince or Princess more worthy of fame than Semiramis was, both for the works she did at Babylon and elsewhere, and for the wars she made with glorious success: all but her last enterprise of India; from whence both Strabo and Arianus report that she never returned: and that of all her most powerful Army there survived but only twenty persons: the rest being either drowned in the River of Indus, dead of the famine, or slain by the sword of Staurobates. But as the multitude which went out are more than reason hath numbered: so were those that returned less than could have escaped of such an Army, as consisted of four millions & upwards. For these 
Suid. f. 845. lit. S.  numbers which she levied by 〈◊〉 Lieutenant Dercetaeus (saith 〈◊〉) did consist of Footmen three millions; of Horsemen one million; of Chariots armed with hooks on each side one hundred thousand; of those which fought upon Camels as many; of Camels for burden two hundred thousand; of raw Hides for all uses three hundred thousand; of Galleys with brazen heads three thousand, by which she might transport over Indus at once three hundred thousand Soldiers: which Galleys were furnished with Syrians, 〈◊〉, Cilicians, and men of Cyprus. These incredible and impossible numbers, which no one place of the earth was able to nourish (had every man and beast but fed upon grass) are taken from the authority of Ctesias whom Diodorus follows. But as the one may be taxed with many frivolous reports: so Diodorus himself hath nothing of ceretainty, but from Xerxes' expedition into Greece and afterwards: whose Army (though the same was far inferior to that of Semiramis) yet had it weight enough to overload the belief of any reasonable man. For all Authors consent, that Xerxes transported into Greece an Army of 1700000. and gathered together (therein to pass the Hellespont) three thousand Galleys, as Herdotus out of the several Provinces whence those Galleys were taken hath collected the number.  
But of what multitude soever the Army of Semiramis consisted: the same being broken and overthrown by Staurobates upon the banks of Indus, canticum cantavit extremum: she sang her last song; and (as Antiquity hath feigned) was changed by the gods into a Dove (the bird of Venus) whence it come that the Babylonians gave a Dove in their ensigns.   

§. V Of the Temple of BELUS built by SEMIRAMIS: and of the Pyramids of Egypt.  
AMong all her other memorable and more than magnificent works (besides the wall of the City of Babylon) was the Temple of Bel, erected in the middle of this City, environed with a wall carried foursquare of great height and beauty, having on each square certain brazen gates curiously engraven. In the Core of the square she raised a Tower of a furlong high, which is half a quarter of a mile; and upon it again (taking a Basis of a less circuit) she set a second Tower; and so eight in all, one above another: upon the top whereof the Chaldaeans Priests made the observation of the stars, because this Tower overtopped the ordinary clouds.  
By beholding the ruins of this Tower have many travailers been deceived; who suppose that they have seen a part of Nimrod's Tower, when it was but the foundation of this Temple of Bel: (except this of Bel were founded on that of Nimrod.) There were burnt in this Temple one hundred thousand talents of frankincense every year (saith Herodotus.) This Temple did Nabuchodonosor adorn with the spoils of 〈◊〉, and of the Temple of Solomon: all which vessels and ornaments Cyrus redelivered. This temple Xerxes evened with the soil; which Alexander is said to have repaired by the persuasions of the Chaldaeans. I deny not that it might have been in his desire so to do; but he enjoyed but a few years after Babylon taken, and therefore could not perform any such work. The Egyptians (saith Proclus) 
Procl. in 〈◊〉, lib. 1.  inhabiting a low and level ground, and given to the same superstition of the stars that the Chaldaeans were, erected in imitation, and for the same service and use, the Pyramids by Memphis, which were conspicuae undique navigantibus, saith Pliny. Of these Pyramids, Bellonius a careful observer of rarities (who being in Egypt mounted by 
Bellon. l. 2.  steps to the top of the highest) maketh this report: Le 〈◊〉 archer qui seroit a sa sommite, & tyrant une fleche en l'air, a pain pouroit l'enuoyer horse de sabase qu'elle ne se tombast sur les degrez; The best archer standing on the top of one of these Pyramids, and shooting an arrow from thence into the air as far as 〈◊〉 can, with great difficulty shall be able so to force the same, but that it will fall upon some of the degrees or steps.     
Finis Libri primi.   

THE FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD: ENTREATING OF THE TIMES FROM The birth of ABRAHAM to the destruction of the Temple of Solomon.  

THE SECOND BOOK.  

CHAP. I Of the time of the birth of ABRAHAM: and of the use of this question, for the ordering of the Story of the Assyrian Empire.  

§. I. Of some of the successors of SEMIRAMIS: with a brief transition to the question, about the time of the birth of ABRAHAM.  
AFTER the death of Semiramis, Ninias or Zameis succeeded her in the Empire, on whom Berosus Annianus bestows the conquest of Bactria, and the overthrow of Zoroaster; contrary to Diodorus, justine, Orosius, and all other approved writers. For Ninias being esteemed no man of war at all, but altogether feminine, and subjecteth to ease and delicacy, there is no probability in that opinion. Now because there was nothing performed by this Ninias of any moment, other then that out of jealousy he every year changed his Provincial Governors, and built Colleges for the Chaldaean Priests, his Astronomers: nor by Arius his successor, whom Suidas calleth Thuras; but that he reduced again the Bactrians and Caspians, revolted as it seemeth in Ninias his time: nor of Aralius, the successor of Arius; but that he added sumptuosity, invented jewels of gold and stone, and some engines for the war: I will for this present pass them over, and a while follow Abraham, whose ways are warrantable, (till we meet these Assyrians again in this story) by whom and by whose issues we shall best give date to the Kings of Babylon: Abraham living at once with Ninus, Ninias, Semiramis, Arius, Aralius, and Xerxes or Balanius. For otherwise if we seek to prove things certain by the uncertain, and judge of those times, which the Scriptures set us down without error, by the reigns of the Assyrian Princes: we shall but patch up the story at adventure, and leave it in the same confusion, in which to this day it hath remained. For where the Scriptures do not help us, Mirum nòn est in rebus 
〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉.  antiquis Historiam non constare, No marvel if then in things very ancient, History want assurance.  
The better therefore to find out, in what age of the World, and how long these Assyrian Kings reigned, as also for other good causes, we must first assure the time of Abraham's birth, and in what year the same happened after the flood. Now since all agreed, that the fortieth three year of Ninus was the birth-yeere of Abraham; by proving directly out of the Scriptures, in what year after the flood the birth of Abraham happened, we shall thereby set all the rest in square and order. But of this time there is much jangling between those Chronologers, which follow the Hebrew account, and others: the most part making 292. or 293. years; others 352. years between Abraham's birth and the flood: a matter often disputed, but never concluded.  
Archilochus de temporibus (as we find him in Annius) makes but 250. years from the flood to Ninus: then seeing that Abraham was borne in the fortieth three year of Ninus, according to Eusebius, and S. Augustine, it follows by the addition of those two numbers, that the year of Abraham's birth was in the year after the flood 293. or as the most part of all Chronologers gather, the year 292.  
Now, since I do here enter into that never-resolued question, and Labyrinth of times, it behoveth me to give reason for my own opinion: and with so much the greater care and circumspection, because I walk aside, and in a way apart from the multitude; yet not alone, and without companions, though the fewer in number: with whom I rather choose to endure the wounds of those darts, which Envy casteth at novelty, than to go on safely and sleepily in the easy ways of ancient mistake: seeing to be learned in many errors, or to be ignorant in all things, hath little diversity.   

§. II A proposal of reasons or arguments, that are brought to prove ABRAHAM was borne in the year 292. after the Flood, and not in the year 352.  
THose which seek to prove this account of 292. years, between the general flood and Abraham's birth, ground themselves, first on these words of the Scripture: So TERAH lived 70. years, and begot ABRAHAM, NAHOR, and HARAN: secondly, upon the opinion of josephus, S. Augustine, Beda, Isidore, and many of the ancient Hebrews before them: authorities (while they are slightly looked over) seeming of great weight.  
From the place of Scripture last remembered, the latter Chronologers gather these arguments. First out of the words as they lie; that TERAH at 70. years begot ABRAHAM, NAHOR and HARAN: and that Abraham being the first named, Abraham being the worthiest, Abraham being the son of the promise, aught in this respect to be accounted the eldest son of Terah, and so necessarily borne in the seuentieth year of his life. Secondly, it was of Abraham that Moses had respect, in whom the Church of God was continued, who was heir of the blessing; and not of Nahor and Haran: for the scope of this Chapter was to set down the Genealogy of Christ, from Adam to Abraham, without all regard of Nahor, and Haran.  
It is thirdly objected, that if Abraham were not the eldest son, then there can be no certainty of his age, and so are all future times made doubtful. For it cannot then be proved, that Abraham was borne more assuredly in the 130. year of Terah his age, then in the 131. 132, etc. Moses having no where set down precisely that Abraham went into Canaan that very year, in which his Father died.  
Fourthly, it is thought improbable, that Terah begat Abraham at 130. year: seeing Abraham himself thought it a wonder to be made a Father at 100 years.   

§. III The answer to one of the objections proposed, showing that ABRAHAM made but one journey out of Mesopotamia into Canaan: and it, after his Father's death.  
TO answer all which objections it is very easy, the way being prepared thereto by divers learned Divines long since, and to which I will add somewhat of my own, according to the small talon which God hath given me. Now forasmuch as the state of the question cannot well be scanned, unless the time of Abraham's journey into Canaan be first considered of; before I descend unto the particular examination of these arguments, I will make bold with order and method so far, as to search into a strange tradition concerning his travails, that serveth as a ground for this opinion, and a bulwark against all that can be said to the contrary.  
But it is conceived that Abraham made two journeys into Canaan: the latter after his Father's death, the former presently upon his calling, which he performed without all delay, not staying for his father's death at Haran: a conjecture, drawn from a place in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where it is written, By faith ABRAHAM (when he was 
Heb. 11. 8.  called) obeyed God, to go out into a place, which he should afterward receive for inheritance: and he went out, not knowing wither he went. This supposition (if it be granted) serves very well to uphold the opinion, that can ill stand without it. Let us therefore see whither we may give credit to the supposition itself.  
Surely, that Abraham first departed Charran or Haran after the death of Terah his Father, the same is proved, without the admission of any distinction, by these words of S. STEPHEN: And after his Father was dead, God brought him into this Land, where 
Act. 7. 4.  ye now devil, that was, out of Haran into Canaan. Against which place so direct, and plain, what force hath any man's fancy or supposition, persuading, that Abraham made two journeys into Canaan; one before Terah's death, and another after: n such thing being found in the Scriptures, nor any circumstance, probability, or reason to induce it? For if any man out of this place before alleged can pick any argument, proving, or affording any strong presumption, that Abraham passed into Canaan, 
Heb. 11. 8.  and then returned unto Haran, from whence he departed a second time: then I think it reason, that he be believed in the rest. But that he performed the commandment of God after his Father's death, leaving Vr and Haran for Canaan, it is as true as the Scriptures themselves are true. For after his Father was dead, (saith the Martyr Stephen) God brought him into this Land. And, as Beza 〈◊〉, if Abraham made a double journey into Canaan, then must it be inferred, that Moses omitted the one, and Stephen afterwards remembered the other: and whence had Stephen, saith Beza, the knowledge of Abraham's coming into Canaan, but out of Moses? For if Stephen had spoken any thing of those times, differing from Moses, he had offered the jews his adversaries too great an occasion both of scandalising himself, and the Gospel of Christ. Indeed we shall find small reason to make us think that Abraham passed and repassed those ways, more often than he was enforced so to do, if we consider, that he had no other guide or comforter in this long and wearisome journey, than the strength of his faith in God's promise: in which if any thing would have brought him to despair, he had more cause than ever man had to fall into it. For he come into a Region of strong and stubborn nations: a Nation of valiant and resolved Idolaters. He was besieged with famine at his first arrival, and driven to fly into Egypt for relief. His wife was old, and he had no son to inherit the promise. And when God had given him Isaac, he commanded him to offer him up to himself for Sacrifice: all which discomforts he patiently and constantly underwent.  
Secondly, let us consider the ways themselves, which Abraham had to pass over, the length whereof was 300. English miles: and through Countries of which he had no manner of experience. He was to transport himself over the great river of Euphrates, to travail through the dangerous and barren Deserts of Palmyrena, and to climb over the great and high mountains of Libanus, Hermon or Gilead: and whither these were easy walks for Abraham to march twice over, containing, as aforesaid, 300. miles in length, let every reasonable man 〈◊〉. For if he travailed it twice; then was his journey in all 1800. miles from 〈◊〉 Haran: and from Haran twice into Canaan. But were there no other 〈◊〉 disprove this fancy; the manner of Abraham's departing from Haran hath more proof, that he had not animum revertendi, not any thought of looking backward, than any man's bore conjecture, be he of what antiquity or authority soever. For thus it is written of him, Than ABRAHAM 
〈◊〉. 12. 5.  took SARA his wife, and LOT his brother's son, and all their substance that they possess, and the souls that they had gotten in Haran: and they departed to go to the land of Canaan, and to the Land of Canaan they come. Now if Abraham brought all with him that was dear unto him; his wife, and kinsmen, and his, and their goods: it is not probable that he meant to walk it back again for his pleasure, in so warm, dangerous, and barren a Country as that was: or if he could have been thereto moved, it is more likely that he would have then returned, when he was yet unsettled, and priest with extreme famine at his first arrival. For had his Father been then alive, he might have hoped from him to receive more assured comfortand relief, then among the Egyptians, to whom he was a mere stranger both in Religion and Nation.  
What the cause might be of Abraham's return to Haran, as I will not inquire of them, that without warrant from the Scriptures have sent him back thither, about the time of his father's death: so they perhaps, if they were urged, could say little else, than that without such a second voyage their opinion were not maintainable. One thing in good reason they should do well to make plain if it be notover-troublesome. They say that Abraham was in Haran at his Father's death, or sometime after, being then by their account 135. years old, or a little more. How then did it happen, that he left quite undone the business, which as we read, was within four or five years after that time his greatest, or (as may seem) his only care? Did not he bind with a very solemn oath his principal servant, in whom he 
〈◊〉. 24.  reposed most confidence, to travail into those parts, and seek out a wife for Isaac his son? and doth it not appear by all circumstances, that neither he nor his servant were so well acquainted in Mesopotamia, that they could particularly design any one woman, as a fit match for Isaac? Surely if Abraham had been there in person so lately, as within four or five years before, he would not have forgotten a matter of such importance; but would have trusted his own judgement, in choosing a woman, fit for her piety, virtue, and other desirable qualities, to be linked in marriage with his only son, who was then 35. years old; before which age most of the patriarchs after the flood had begotten children, rather than have left all at random to the consideration of a servant, that neither knew any, nor was known of any in that Country. But let it be supposed (if it may be believed) that either Abraham forgot this business when he was there, or that somewhat happened which no man can devise. What might be the reason, that Abraham's man, in doing his master's 
〈◊〉. 24. 35, 36. 〈◊〉.  errand, was feign to lay open the whole story of his master's prosperity, telling it as news, that Sarah had borne to him a son in her old age? If Abraham himself, a more certain Author, had so lately been among them, would not all this have been an idle tale? It were needless to stand long upon a thing so evident Whither it were lawful for 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 returned back to Haran, would perhaps be a question hardly answerable: considering how averse he was from permitting his son to be carried thither, even though a wife of his own kindred could not 
Gen. 24. 6. & 8.  have been obtained without his personal presence. 〈◊〉 indeed was sent thither by his parents, to take a wife of his own lineage; not without God's especial approbation, 
Gen. 28.  by whose blessing he prospered in that journey: yet he lived there as a servant; suffered many injuries; and finally was driven to convey himself away from thence by flight. For although it be not a sentence written, yet out of all written examples it may be observed, that God alloweth not in his servants any desire of returning to the place, from whence he hath taken, and 〈◊〉 them. That brief saying, Remember LOT'S wife, 〈◊〉 much matter. Let us but consider Mesopotamia from whence Abraham was taken, and Egypt, out of which the whole nation of the 〈◊〉 was delivered: 〈◊〉 shall find, that no blessing issued from either of them, to the posterity of the Hebrews. When Ezechias was visited with 
2. Kings. 20.  an honourable Embassy from Babel, it seems that he conceived great pleasure in his mind, and thought it a piece of his prosperity; but the prophecy which thereupon he heard by Esai, made him to know, that the counsel of God was not agreeable to such thoughts: which more plainly appeared in a following generation, when by the waters of Babylon they sat down and wept. Concerning Egypt we 
Psal. 1; 7.  read, that Sesac and 〈◊〉 Kings of Egypt brought calamity upon Israel: also that 
1. Kin. 14. 25. & 2. Kin. 23. v. 29.  their confidence in the Egyptian succours was the cause of their destruction. Where they were forbidden to return into Egypt I do not remember, nor can readily found; but it is found in Deuteronomy, that God had said, They should no more return that way; 
Deut. 17. v. 16.  which is given, as the reason, why their King might not 'cause the people to return to Egypt, for the muliplying of his Horses. Whither the Lord had laid any such injunction upon Abraham of not returning to Mesopotamia, I cannot say; many things do argue it probably: that he never did return, all circumstances do (to my understanding) both strongly and necessarily conclude.  
But because this double passage of Abraham's is but an imagination: and that imaginations of men are rather valuable among children, than that they can persuade those of judgement or understanding: I take it sufficient, that S. Stephen hath directly taught us, that Abraham left Haran, his Father being dead. And for the rest, when they show any one Scripture to prove it, I will believe as they do. For all the travails of Abraham are precisely set down in the Scriptures: as first from Vr or Camerina in Chaldaea to Haran or Charran: and then from Haran (after his Father's death) to Sichem; from Sichem he removed to a mountain between 〈◊〉 and Hay: thence into Egypt: from Egypt he returned thither again, where Lot and he parted, because their flocks and herds of Cattles were more, then could be fed in that part: from thence the second time he removed to Mamre, near Hebron: and thence having pursued Amraphel, and rescued Lot, he after inhabited at Gerar, in the border of Idumaea, under Abimelec: and after near unto it at Bérsable, at which time he was ready to offer up his son Isaac on the mountain Moriah. But this fiction of his retreat to Haran or Charran, appeareth not in any one story, either divine or human. Now if it may be supposed, that Abraham had made any former journey into Canaan, as Levita in his Cabala hath feigned; it should in reason be there withal believed, that he would in those his first travails have provided himself of some certain seat, or place of abiding: and not have come a second time, with his wife, kinsmen, family, goods and Cattles, not knowing whereon to rest himself. But Abraham, when he come from Charran, past through the North part of Canaan, thence to Sichem, and the Plain of Moriah: where finding no place to inhabit, 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. v. 6.  he departed thence to Bethel and Hay: and so from Nation to Nation, to discover and find out some fit habitation: from whence again, as it is written in Genesis the eleventh, He went forth going and journeying towards the South: and always unsettled. By occasion of which wandering to and fro, some say, the Egyptians gave him and his the name of Hebroei. Further, to prove that he had not formerly been in the 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Country, we may note, that ere he come to Bethel and Hay, and at his first entrance into Canaan, God appeared unto him, saying, Unto thy seed will I give this Land, showing it him as unto a stranger therein, and as a land to him unknown. For Abraham without any other provident care for himself, 〈◊〉 in the word of the living God: neither sending before, nor coming first to discover it; but being arrived, he received a second promise from God, that he would give those Countries unto him and his seed to inhabit and inherit.  
Lastly, what should move any man to think, that Moses would have omitted any such double journey of Abraham's, seeing he setteth down all his passages elsewhere, long and short? as when he moved from Sichem, and seated between Hay and Bethel: the distance being but twenty miles: and when he moved thence to the valley of 〈◊〉, being but twenty four miles: and when he left Mamre, and sat down at Gerar, being less than six miles; not, Moses past over all the times of the first age with the greater brevity, to hasten him to the story of Abraham: shutting up all between the Creation and the Flood in six chapters; which age lasted 1656. years: but he bestoweth on the story of Abraham fourteen chapters, beginning with his birth in the eleventh, and ending with his death in the five and twentieth; and this time endured but 175. year. It hath therefore no face of truth, that Moses forgot or neglected any thing concerning Abraham's travails, or other actions: or that he would set down those small removes of five miles, and omit those of three hundred. For such a journey in going and coming would have ministered some variety of matter, or accident, worthy the inserting and adding to Abraham's story.   

§. FOUR The answer to another of the objections proposed, showing that it was not unlikely, that TERAH should beget ABRAHAM in his hundred and thirty year.  
NOw touching the objection, where it is said, that it was very unlikely that Terah should beget Abraham in his 130. year, seeing Abraham himself thought it a wonder to have a son at an hundred: this is hardly worth the answering. This wonder is indeed miscast, and mistaken: Abraham having respect only to Sarah his wife, when he spoke of their many years. For when the Angel said unto Abraham in his Tent door at Mamre; Lo, SARAH thy wife shall have a Son, it follows in the next verse, Now ABRAHAM and SARAH were old and stricken in age, and it ceased to be with SARAH after the manner of women: therefore SARAH laughed, etc.  
So then, in that it is said, it ceased to be with SARAH after the manner of women, it appeareth that the wonder was wrought on her, & not on Abraham. For Abraham by his second wife Keturah had many sons after Sarah's death, as Zimron, jockshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah: and the eldest of these was borne 37. years 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and the youngest 40. years after. What strangeness then, that Terah being 130. years old should beget Abraham, will they say, may be gathered from this supposed despair of Abraham at one hundred years? For Sarah died in the year of the world 2145. and Isaac was borne in the year 2109: and Abraham did not mary 〈◊〉 till Sarah 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 11 in 〈◊〉. Aug. de 〈◊〉. dei. l. 16. c. 34. Caietan: & 〈◊〉. in Gen.  was buried. So if we deduct the number of 2109. out of 2145. there remaineth 36. And therefore if Abraham begat five sons 36. years after this supposed wonder, and when Abraham was 137. years old: it is not strange that his Father Terah should beget Abraham at 130. And if Booz, Obed, and jesse, who lived so many years and ages after Abraham, begat sons at 100 years, or near it, it cannot be marveled at, that Terah begat Abraham at 130; and Abraham others at the same age and seven years after.   

§. V The answer to two more of the objections: showing that we may have certainty of ABRAHAM'S age from the Scripture, though we make not ABRAHAM the eldest Son: and that there was great cause, why in the story of ABRAHAM his two brethren should be respected.  
IT follows now to speak something to the objection, which brings Abraham's age altogether in doubt, except we allow him to be the eldest son of Terah, and borne when Terah was 70. years old. For Abraham's age being made uncertain, all succeeding times are thereby without any perfect rule or knowledge.  
But this proposition, That we cannot be certain of Abraham's age, unless we make him the eldest son, is false. For it is plain in the Scriptures, that when Terah was 205. which was the year of his death, then was Abraham 75. And if you ask, how I can judge of times, either preceding or succeeding, by knowing that Abraham departed Haran at that age: I answer, that S. Stephen hath told us, that Abraham's departure followed the death of his Father Terah: and Terah died at 205; so as the 75. year of Abraham was the 205. year of Terah: which known, there can be no error in the account of times succeeding. Now to come to the objection, where it is said, That Moses had no respect unto Nachor and Haran, because they were out of the Church, but to Abraham only, with whom God established the Covenant, and of whom Christ descended according to the flesh, etc. I answer, that Moses for many great and necessary causes had respect of Nachor and Haran. For the succession of God's Church is not witnessed by Abraham alone, but by the issues of Nahor and Haran, were they Idolaters or otherwise. For Nahor was the Father of Bethuel, & Bethuel of Rebecca, the mother of Israel: & Haran was the parent of Lot, Sarah, and Milcah: and Sarah was mother to Isaac, and grandmother to jacob: Milcah also the wife of Nahor, and mother of Bethuel, was jacobs' great grandmother: and the age of Sarah the daughter of Haran is especially noted, in that it pleased God to give her a son at 90. years, and when by nature she could not have conceived. And therefore, though it were not in regard of themselves, yet because both Nahor and Abraham married the daughters of their brother Haran; and because Isaac married Rebecca the grandchild of Nahor; and jacob, Lea, and Rachel, the daughters of Laban, the grandchild also of Nahor: It was not superfluous in Moses to give light of these men's times and ages. And though sometime they worshipped strange Gods, as it is jos. 24. 2. yet I see no cause to think, that they still continued Idolaters. For they believed and obeyed the calling of Abraham, leaving their natural Country, and City of Vr in 〈◊〉, as Abraham did, and removed thence all, except Haran, who died before his Father Terah, ere they left Chaldaea; but Lot, his son, followed Abraham into Canaan; and Sarah, the sister of Lot, 〈◊〉 married. Nabor also, who remained at Charran, gave his sons daughters to Isaac, and jacob, his own kinsmen: he himself having also married in his own family; not thinking it pleasing unto God to mix themselves with strangers and Idolaters. And that these men at length believed in the God of Abraham, it can no way be doubted. For when Laban had seen the servant of Abraham standing at the Well beside Charran, he invited him to his Father's house in this manner: Come in, thou blessed of JEHOVAH, etc. And 
Gen. 24. v. 31.  when this servant of Abraham's demanded an answer as touching Rebecca, then answered Laban and 〈◊〉, and said; This thing is proceeded of JEHOVAH: meaning that 
Gen. 24. v. 50.  it was the will of the true God it should be so; wherein he acknowledged God's providence. Likewise in the following verse it is written; Take, take, go that she may be thy Master's sons wife, even as JEHOVAH hath said. This their often using of the name of JEHOVAH, which is the proper Name of the true God, is a sign that they had the knowledge of him.  
Now although it be the opinion of Saint Chrusostom, and some later writers, as Caietan, Oleaster, Musculus, Calvin, Mercer, and others, that Laban was an Idolater, because he retained certain Idols, or household God's, which Rachel stole from him; yet that he believed in the true God it cannot be denied. For he acknowledgeth the God of Abraham and of Nahor, and he called Abraham's servant, blessed of JEHOVAH, as aforesaid. So as for myself I dare not avow, that these men were out of the Church, who sure I am were not out of the faith.   

§. VI That the naming of ABRAHAM first of the three brethren, Gen. 11. v. 26. doth not prove that he was the eldest: together with divers reasons proving that ABRAHAM was not the eldest son of TERAH.  
TO the main objection which I answer last, because it seemeth of most strength, by which, those that strive to shorten the times, endeavour to prove that Abraham was the eldest son of Terah, and borne in the 70. year of Terahs' life: grounding themselves first and chief on this place of the Scripture, And TERAH lived 70. years and begat ABRAHAM, NAHOR, and HARAN: To this I say, that although Abraham in this 
Gen. 11. v 26.  verse be first named, yet the same is no proof at all that he was the eldest & first born son of Terah. For it is no necessary consequence, that the first named in Scriptures was therefore eldest in blood and birth, neither doth it appear, that it pleased God to make especial choice of the first sons in nature and time: for Seth was not the first borne of Adam; nor Isaac of Abraham; nor jacob of Isaac; nor juda and joseph of jacob: nor David the eldest of jesse; nor Solomon of David: as is formerly remembered.  
But it is written of NOAH; NOAH was 500 years old, and NOAH begat SHEM, HAM, and JAPHET: showing that at the 500 year of his age he began to beget the first of those three sons. For according to S. Augustine, speaking generally, Nec 〈◊〉 
Aug. quaest. super Gen. 25.  est in his ordo nativitatis, sed significatio futurae dignitatis: in qua excelluit ABRAHAM. The order of nativity is not here to be respected, but the signification of the future dignity: in which ABRAHAM was preferred. And therefore, as in the order of the sons of Noah: so is it here; where it is said, that TERAH lived 70. years, and begat ABRAHAM, NAHOR, and HARAN: For it was late ere Terah began to beget Sons, himself being begotten by his Father Nachor at 29. as other his Ancestors were at 30. The like also happened to Noah: for whereas Adam begat Seth at 130; Enosh Kenan at 90; Kenan Mahalaleel at 70; Mahalaleel jered at 60: Noah was yet 500 years old when he began to beget the first of his three sons, as aforesaid. And S. Augustine in the place before cited, rather inclineth to the opinion that Abraham was the youngest of Terahs' sons, then otherwise: though for his excellency he was worthily named first. His own words are these: Fieri enim potuit ut posterior sit generatus ABRAHAM: sed merito excellentiae, qua in Scripture is valdè commendatur, prior fuerit nominatus. It might be, saith he, that ABRAHAM was begotten later: but was first named in regard of his excellency, for which in Scripture he is much commended. So as the naming first or last proveth nothing who was first or last borne: either in those issues of Noah, or in these of Terah: Neither hath God any respect of the eldest in nature, as touching his election or spiritual blessing, for Moses nameth first the children of the promise, and the eldest and first in God's favour. Pietas ergò vel ipsa potiùs electio divina, quae 〈◊〉 secum trahit pietatem, & Dei timorem, prim as partes dat SEMO in liberis NOA, & ABRAHAMO in liber is There. Piety, saith he, or rather divine election, which doth evermore draw with it or after it piety and the fear of God, gave place and precedency to SEM among the children of NOAH, and to ABRAHAM among those of There.  
For the rest it is manifest, that Abraham entered Canaan in the 75. year of his age. And it was in Canaan that Hagar bore him Ishmael, when Abraham had lived 86. years. 
Gen. 12. 4.  It was at Gerar (the South border of Canaan) that Sarah bore Isaac, when Abraham 
Gen. 16. 16.  had consumed 100 years. It was from the valley of Mamre in Canaan that Abraham rose out, when he rescued Lot and overthrew Amraphel: and he had then but the age of 83. years: and it is as manifest that he parted from Haran after his Father 
Act. 7. 4. & Gen. 14.  Terah was dead. But if Terah begat Abraham at 70. year old, then must Abraham have been 135. years when he first set his foot in Canaan: seeing Terah must be dead ere he parted, and so 70. added to 135. made 205, the true age of Terah, which is contrary to all those places of Scripture before remembered. For he entered at 75: he rescued Lot at 83: he had Ishmael at 86: he had Isaac at 100 proved by the former places.  
Moreover, if Abraham were the eldest son of Terah, and borne in the 70. year of his age: then had Terah lived till Isaac had been 35. years old, and Ishmael, 49. both which must then have been borne in Mesopotamia, and therein fostered to that age: unless we should either deny credit to S. Stephen, who saith that Abraham departed from Mesopotamia after his Father's death: or else give credit to the interpretation of Daniel Angelocrator, who in his Chronologia antoptica, saith it was about his Father's death: because the Greek word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, may be transported by the Latin sub, aswell as by post: which though elsewhere it may be, yet cannot it be so in this place. For it were most improperly spoken, to say that those things were done about Terahs' death, which were 60. years before. Wherhfore supposing Abraham to have been borne in the 70. year of Terah; we must give those times and places of birth to Abraham's children, which no authority will warrant; For Abraham had no children in Vr of Chaldea, nor in Haran: nor in 10. years after his arrival into Canaan. For the year of Terahs' death, in which Abraham left Haran, was the year of the World 2083. and the year of Ismael's birth was the World's year 2094: which maketh 10. years difference. And that Isaac was borne in Canaan, and was to be offered upon the mountain Moriah therein, 39 miles from Berjabe, where Abraham then inhabited: and that three Angels first of all appeared to Abraham in the valley of Mamre, no man doubteth.  
And therefore it cannot be that any of Abraham's sons were borne in Mesopotamia; nor while Terah lived; nor in less than 10. years after Terahs' death: and 〈◊〉 consequently was not Abraham the eldest son of Terah, nor borne in the 70. year of Terahs' age.  
Thirdly, whereas Abraham come into Canaan at 75: if Terah had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70, then had Terah lived but 145. for 70. and 75. make 145. which must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Gen. 12. 〈◊〉  been the full age of Terah: but Terah lived 205. year: and therefore was not Abraham borne in the 70. year of Terah.  
Fourthly, the ages of Lot and Sarah make it manifest, that Haran was the elder, if not the eldest brother of Abraham; for Sarah or Iscah wanted but 10. years of Abraham's age: Isaac being borne when Abraham was 100 and Sarah 90. years old.  
It follows then, that if Abraham had been the elder brother of Haran, Haran must have begotten Sarah at 9 years old: for granting that Haran was borne but one year after Abraham, and Sarah within 10. years as old as Abraham, then of necessity must Haran beget her, when he had lived but 9 years; which were too ridiculous to imagine.  
And that Iscah was Sarah, Rab. Solomon affirmeth; both names, saith he, bearing the same signification; and names of principality. Again, to what end was the word Iscah or 〈◊〉 inserted in this place, if Sarah were not meant thereby? for to speak of any thing superfluous it is not used in God's Books: and if Iscah had not belonged to the story, it had been but an idle name to no purpose remembered.  
Now if it had been true (as those of the contrary opinion affirm) that Moses had no respect of Nachor and Haran, who were not withstanding the parents of Bethuel and Rebecca, the mother of Israel, and of Christ: what regard then had Moses of Iscah in this place, were she not Sarah, but otherwise an idle name of whom there is nothing else first or last.  
The age also of Lot disproveth the eldership of Abraham: for Lot was called an old man when Abraham was but 83. years: And if Lot were of a greater age than Abraham, and 〈◊〉 were Father to Lot, Sarah, and Milcah, Abraham marrying one of Harans daughters, and Nahor the other, Sarah also being within ten years as old as 〈◊〉: it may appear to every reasonable man (not obstinate and prejudicate) that Haran was the eldest son of Terah, and not Abraham: who also died first and before his Father left Vr in Chaldaes'. Also Lyra reasoneth against the opinion of Abraham's eldership, upon the same place of Genesis: drawing argument from the age of Sarah, who was but 10. years younger than Abraham himself. Lyra his words are these: Siigitur HARAN fuit junior ipso ABRAHAM, sequitur quòd non habebat decem annos quando genuit SARAM: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 octo, etc. and afterward, & idcò melius videtur dicendum, quòd ABRAHAM fuit ultimò natus de tribus filijs THERE, tamen nominatur primò, propter 〈◊〉 dignitatem: & quia ponendus erat caput stirpis & generationis sequentis: & quia primò facta est ei 〈◊〉 expressa de CHRISTO, sicut supra dictum est de SEM, etc. If therefore (saith Lyra) HARAN was younger than ABRAHAM himself, it follows that he was not ten years old when he begat SARAH: And therefore it seemeth better to be said, that ABRAHAM was the last borne of the three sons of THERE, nevertheless he is named first for his dignity, both because he was to be ordained head of the stock and generation following, and because the promise of CHRIST was first made 〈◊〉 him, as before it is said of SEM.   

§. VII. A conclusion of this dispute, noting the Authors on both sides: with an admonition that they which shorten the times, make all ancient stories the more unprobable.  
IT therefore agreeth with the Scriptures, with Nature, Time, and Reason, that Haran was the eldest son of Terah, and not Abraham: and that Abraham was borne in the 130. year of Terahs' life, and not in the 70. year. For Abraham departing Charran after Terah died, according to S. Stephen, and that journey by Abraham performed when 
〈◊〉 3. 4.  he was 75. years old, these two numbers added make 205. years, the full age of Terah: seeing that when Terah died, than Abraham entered Canaan. For myself, I 
〈◊〉. 12. 4.  have no other end herein then to manifest the truth of the World's Story: I reverence the judgements of the Fathers: but I know they were mistaken in particulars. Saint Augustine was doubtful, and could not determine this controversy. For whatsoever is borrowed from him out of his 16. Book de civit 〈◊〉 Dei, ca 15. the same may be answered out of himself in his fine and twentieth question upon Gen. But S. 〈◊〉 herein followed josephus, and Isidor: and Beda followed S. Augustine. And it was out of a foolish pride and vanity, that the Hebrews and josephus fought to make Abraham the first borne: as if God had had respect to the eldest in nature. So did josephus together with Nicholas Damascenus (thinking thereby to glorify the jewish Nation) make Abraham a king, entitling Sarah by the name of Queen Sarah: and said that Abraham was followed with 〈◊〉. Captains, of which every one had an infinite multitude under him; 〈◊〉 & octodccem praefectos 〈◊〉: quorum singulis infinita multitudo parebat. And that Pharaoh invading him with a great army, took from him his wife Sarah: Such fables argue that josephus is not to be believed, but with discreet reservations.  
This account of times, allowing no more than 292. years from the Flood to Abraham, is upheld by many of the Hebrews. But how should we value the opinion of such Chronologers, as take Amraphel for Nimrod? Surely, if their judgement in such matters were worthy to be regarded, it would have appeared in setting down the succession of the Persian Kings, under whom they lived, whose History was not so far remote in time, as these antiquities, nor wanting the light of many good writers. Yet grossly have they erred therein, and so familiar are their mistake in all things of like nature, that we seldom find their opinion rehearsed without the confutation treading on the heels of it. They of the Roman religion are also generally on the same side: it being a thing usual among them, to maintain whatsoever they have been formerly known to hold and 〈◊〉. Contrariwise, of the more ancient, 〈◊〉, and some following him: of later times 〈◊〉, Codoman, 〈◊〉, Calvin, Innius, Beza, Broughton, Doct Gibbons, and Moor, with divers of the Protestant's, hold Abraham to have been borne in the 130. year of his Father Terah. From these, (as in a case not concerning any point in Religion) divers of the same Religion, and those nevertheless good Authors, as Bucholcerus, 〈◊〉 aeus, 〈◊〉 and others, are very 〈◊〉 herein, especially josephus 〈◊〉 with his Sethus Caluisius, proclaiming Beroaldus an arch-heretic in Chronologie, and condemning this opinion of his as poisonous. Contrariwise, Augustinus Torniellus a Priest of the Congregation of S. Paul, a judicious, diligent and free writer, whose Annals are newly set forth, very earnestly defends the opinion, which I have already delivered; not alleging Beroalàus, nor any Protestant writer, as being perhaps unwilling to own thanks to heretics. For myself I do neither mislike the contrary opinion, because commonly those of the Romish Religion labour to uphold it, Nor favour this larger account of times, because many notable men of the Protestant writers have approved it; but for the truth itself. To strengthen which, after all these former reasons, and testimonies of Scripture, I will add thus much more to the rest. First, it is apparent to all men of judgement, that the best approved 〈◊〉, Divine and profane, labour to investigate the truth of times, thereby to 〈◊〉 the stories, and forepast actions of the world: and not the truth of histories to approve the times by. Let us then make judgement to ourselves, which of these two accounts give the best reputation to the story of the Scriptures; teaching the World's new plantation, and the continuancie of God's Church: either that of 〈◊〉, and those which follow him; who makes but 292. years, or thereabouts, between the flood and birth of Abraham: or this other account, which makes 352. years between the one and the other: the one taking Abraham to be the first borne of There, in the 70. year of his life: the other a younger son of There, and borne when he had lived 130 years. And if we look over all, and do not hastily satisfy our understanding with the first things 〈◊〉, and thereby being satiated do slothfully and drowsily sit down; we shall find it more agreeable rather to allow the reckoning of the Septuagint, who, according to some editions make it above 1072. years between the Flood and Abraham's birth: then to take away any part of those 352. years given. For if we advisedly consider the state and countenance of the world, such as it was in Abraham's time, yea, before Abraham was borne, we shall find that it were very ill done of us by following opinion without the guide of reason, to pair the times over-deepely between Abraham and the Flood: because in cutting them too near the quick, the reputation of the whole story might perchance bleed thereby, were not the testimony of the Scriptures supreme, so as no objection can approach it: and that we did not follow withal this precept of S. Augustine, That wheresoever any one place in the Sctiptures may be conceived disagreeing to the whole, the same is by ignorance of interpretation misunderstood. For in Abraham's time all the then known parts of the World were peopled: all Regionsand Countries had their Kings. Egypt had many magnificent Cities: and so had Palaestina, and all the bordering Countries: yea, all that part of the World beside, as far as India: and those not built with sticks, but of hewn stones, and defended with walls and rampires: which magnificence needed a parent of more antiquity, than those other men have supposed. And therefore, where the Scriptures are plainest, and best agreeing with reason and nature, to what end should we labour to beget doubts and scruples, or draw all things into wonders and 〈◊〉? giving also strength thereby to common cavellers, and to those men's apish brains, who only bend their wits to find impossibilities, and monsters in the story of the World and Mankind.   

§. VIII. A computation of the times of the Assyrians and others, grounded upon the times noted in the story of ABRAHAM.  
IN this sort therefore for the reasons before alleged, I conclude, 
An. mundi 2008 dil. 352. natus Abraham, Eus. Aug. de Civit. Dei, 〈◊〉. 16. c. 17.  that from the general Flood, to the birth of Abraham, 352. years were consumed: and taking the Assyrian History with us, the same number of years were spent from the Flood to the 43. year of Ninus: in which 43. year of Ninus Abraham was borne: which happened in the year of the World, 2009.  
Now of this time of 352. years, we must give one part as well to the increase of those people which come into Shinar, as to those that stayed in the East, to wit, 30. year to Chus, ere he begat Seba: of which, though the Scriptures are silent, yet because those of the same time had that age when they begat their first sons, we may the more safely give the like allowance to these. For Eber begat Peleg at 34. Peleg Regu at 30. Regu Serug at 32. Now after Seba, Chus begat Havila, Sabta, Raama and 〈◊〉: and Raama begat Sheba and Dedan, before Nimrod was borne, as it appeareth 
Aug. de Civit. Dei.  Gen. 10. which S. Augustine approveth. Giving then 30. years more to Raama ere he begat Sheba, and five years to the five elder brothers of Nimrod, it may be gathered that 65. years were consumed ere Nimrod himself was borne: and that Raamah had that age ere any of his sons were begotten, it may be gathered, by example and comparison: for Peleg the fourth from Noah, as Raamah was, begat Regu 
Gen. 11. 18.  in the same year of his life.  
Let us then allow 60. years more after the birth of Nimrod, for two other generations to be brought forth, or else we shall hardly found people to build Babel: for sure we are that it was done by hands, and not by miracle: because it displeased God. These two numbers of 65. and 60. make 125. The rest of the time of 131. (in which year they arrived in Shinar, whereof there are 6. years remaining) we may give them for their travels from the East: because they were pestered with women, children and cattle: and as some ancient writers have conceived, and Becanus of later times, they kept always the mountains sides, for fear of a second Flood. Now, 
An. a salute 〈◊〉 generis ab 〈◊〉 centesimo primo cepit regnum Babylonicum sub nostro Saturno patre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui imperavit annis 65. Berosus.  if we take this number of 131. out of 352. there remains 221. of which number Berosus bestoweth 65. on Belus, and 42. on Ninus, before Abraham borne: both which S. Augustine approveth: which two numbers taken again out of 221. there remaineth 114. years of the 352. from the Flood to Abraham's birth: which number of 114. necessity bestoweth on Nimrod.  
And if it be objected that this time given to Nimrod, is overlong: sure if we compare the age of Nimrod with the rest of the same descent from Noah, it will rather appear over-short. For Nimrod, by this account, lived in all but one hundred seventy nine years: whereof he reigned one hundred and twelve: whereas Sale who was the son of Arphaxad the son of Sem, lived four hundred thirty three years: and of the same age of the World was Nimrod, the son of Chus, the son of Cham.  
Now after Abraham was borne,  
Ninus reigned 9 years: which added to 43. make———— 52.  
Ninus dieth and leaveth Semiramis his successor. 
Of the World 2017.   
Semiramis governed the Empire of Babylonia and Assyria 42. years, and died in the 52. year complete of Abraham's life 
Of the Flood 761.   
Ninias or Zameis succeeded Semiramis, and ruled 38. years, in the second year of whose reign Abraham left Mesopotamia. 
2059. mundi. 403. a dil. 2083. 427. 2093. 437.   
When Abraham was 85 years old, he rescued his nephew Lot, and overthrew by surprise Amraphel king of Shinar, or Babylonia. Ninias reigned 38. years, and Abraham come into Canaan but 23. years after Semiramis died: which was the 75. year of his age: so that Amraphel may seem to have been this Ninias the son of Ninus, and Semiramis, whose 23. year, as aforesaid, being the 75. year of Abraham, he and his fellow-kings might have received this overthrow in the 85. year of Abraham, and the 33. year of his own reign: after which he reigned five years: which make in all 38. But the truth is, that the reasons to the contrary, urging that this Amraphel could not be Ninias, are not easily answered. Howbeit for the times of the Assyrian kings, that they are to be ordered as we have set them down, according to the times noted by Moses, in the story of Abraham, it is most certain: unless we will either derogate from the truth of Moses his computation, which were impiety: or accounted the whole History of Ninus and Semiramis to be a fiction; which were to condemn all ancient Historians for fablers.   

§. IX.. That AMRAPHEL, one of the four Kings whom ABRAHAM overtbrew, Gen. 14. may probably be thought to have been NINIAS the son of NINUS.  
ANd now touching this Amraphel, whom Moses makes king of Shinar or Babylonia, in the 85. year of Abraham's life, that is, in the 33. year of the reign of Ninias Zameis the king of the Assyrians, the son of Ninus and Semiramis, it is hard to affirm what he was, and how he could be at this time king of Babylonia: Ninias 〈◊〉 then reigning there. To this doubt the answer which first offereth itself as most probable, is that which hath been already noted, that this Ninias or Zameis, was no other than our Amraphel: who invaded Traconitis or Basan, and overthrew those five kings of Pentapolis, or the valley of Siddim. For the Scriptures tell us, that Amraphel was king of Shinar, which is Babylonia: and the times before accounted make him to be the successor of Ninus and 〈◊〉: and it falleth out with the 85. year of Abraham's life: wherein he rescued Lot, slew Chedorlaomer, and overthrew the rest. True it is, that this Amraphel was not at this time the 〈◊〉 Monarch: for Chedorlaomer, commanded in chief, though Amraphel be first named by Moses in the first verse of the 14. Chapter of Genesis. For the Kings of the valley of Siddim, or of Pentapolis, or of the five Cities, were the vassals of Chedorl. and not of Amraphel: as it is written. Twelve years were they subject to CHEDORLAOMER, but in the 13. year 
Gen. 14. 4.  they rebelled, and in the 14. year come CHEDORLAOMER and the kings that were with him: and therefore was Chedorl. the principal in this enterprise, who was then king of Elam, which is Persia: Now Persia being seated over Tigris, and to the East of Amraphels' Country; and the other two kings, which were companions with Amraphel, being seated to the West of Shinar or Babylonia: Amraphel, who held Babylonia itself, seemeth at this time to have had no great scope or large dominion. For had Amraphel been so great a Prince as profane Historians make Ninus or Semiramis whom he succeeded, he should not have needed the assistance of three other kings for this expedition. But though Chedorlaomer were the first and greatest of those four Kings, (as it is manifest that he was: For these little kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, etc. were his vassals, and not Amraphels') yet this makes not the conjecture less probable, but that this Amraphel might be Ninias. For it may be, that the great and potent Empire of Assyria, had now (as we shall show more plainly in that which follows) received a downright fall, at the time of this war: though not long before it commanded all the kingdoms between India and the phoenician Sea: to wit, in the times of Ninus and Semiramis.   

§. X. of ARIOCH another of the 〈◊〉 Kings, and that ELLAS, whereof he is said to have been King, lies between Coelesyria and Arabia Petraea.  
NOw the two other kings joined with Amraphel, and Chedorl. were Arioch and Tidal; the one king of Ellassar, the other of the Nations. For Ellassar, Aquila and Hierome writ Pontus: so Tostatus thinketh that it should be Hellespont: which opinion Pererius favoureth. But this is only to defend the Latin translation. For as Pontus, so is Hellespont 〈◊〉 distant, and out of the way to sand any armies into Arabia Petras, or into Idumsa: which Countries these four Kings chief invaded: Besides that, it is certain, that the Assyrians (when they were greatest) had never any dominion in Asia the less. For at such time as the Assyrians feared the invasion of the Medes and Persians', they sent not into Asia the less as commanders: but used all the Art they had to 
Xenophon.  invite Croesus to their assistance: persuading him that nothing could be more dangerous for himself, and the other Kings of those parts, than the success of the Medes against the Assyrians. But examine the enterprise what it was. These Kings (saith the Text) made war with BERA, king of Sodom, BrRSHA king of Gomorrha, 
Gen. 14.  SHINAB king of Admath, and SHEMEBAR king of Zeboim, and the king of BELA which is Zoar. All which five kings had not so much ground as Middlesex: being such a kind of Reguli, as josua found in the land long after: namely, Lords of Cities and small territorries adjoining; of which Canaan had 33. all slain or hanged by josus. Neither can the other Countries, which in the Text they are said also to have invaded, be imagined to have been at that time of any great power: and therefore to call in Kings from Pontus or Hellespont, had manifested a great impotency and weakness in the kings of Babylon and Persia.  
And though it be alleged for an example, that divers kings far off, come to assist Pompey against Caesar: yet these same examples without like occasions and circumstances, do neither led nor teach. For there was no cause to fear the greatness of these petty kings, or of the other Countries: But the eyes of the world were fixed on Caesar; and his undertakings and intents were to all other Princes, no less doubtful than fearful: But the whole Country by these four kings mastered in their passage, was afterward given to the half tribe of Manasse, Gad, and Reuben: a narrow valley of ground lying between jordan and the mountains of Seir: enclosed by the river of Arnon on the South side, and by Lybanus on the North, consisting of the two small Provinces of Traconitis or Basan, and the Region of the Moabites: a conquest far unvaluable, and little answering the power of the Assyrian Empire, if the same had remained in any comparable estate with the times of Ninus and Semiramis, who subjecteth all the great kings of that part of the World, without the assistance of any of the Kings of Hellespont, or any other part of Asta the less. But as the Vulgar and Aquila convert Ellassar by Pontus: so Symmachus makes Arioch a King of the Scythians, a King indeed, as far fetched to join with the 〈◊〉 in this war, as the World had any at that time. The Septuagint do not change the word of Ellassar at all, but as they keep the word 〈◊〉, on the mountains whereof the Ark did rest, so do they in this place retain the Hebrew word Ellassar, being doubtful to give it a wrong interpretation. And Percrius himself remembreth other opinions far more probable than this of Pontus or Hellespont: yet he dares not avow his liking of them, because the Latin Translation hath it otherwise. For Stephanus de Vrbibus a Grecian Cosmographer, findeth the City of Ellas in the border of Coelesyria: and S. 〈◊〉 calleth Ellas the City of 〈◊〉, as in truth it was. Now although the same be seated by 〈◊〉 in Coelesyria, yet it standeth on the border of Arabia, of which Arioch was king: who formerly joined with 〈◊〉 in all his conquests, being of the same family, and descended from Cham and Chus: after whom the name of Arius was by the Hebrews written Arioch: and afterward again Aretas: as in the Maccabees: the kings of 〈◊〉 holding that name even to the time of S. 
Mac. 2. c. 5. v. 2.  Paul, who was sought to be betrayed by the Lieutenant of Aretas commanding in 
Cor. 2. 11.  Damascus. They were Princes for the most part confederate and depending upon the Assyrian Empire. It is true that we find in 〈◊〉, that in the time of Nabuchodonosor, 
Dan 2.  one Arioch was Generali of his army, and the principal Commander under him, who was a king of kings: which makes it plain, that 〈◊〉 here spoken of, the son of that Arioch Confederate of Ninus was no king of Pontus, nor of Scythia: regions far removed from the Assyrians and Babylonians. The name also of Arioch who commanded under Nabuchodonosor is mentioned in judith, by the name of king of the Elymeans: who area Nation of Persians' bordering Assyria, according to Stephanus: though Pliny sets it between the Sea-coast, and Media: and if any brother of the Arabian Kings or other of that house (known by the name of Arius, Arioch, Areta or Aretas) had the government of that Persian Province called Elymais (as it seemeth they had by the places of Daniel and judith) yet the same was in Nabuchodonosors' time. But this Arioch here spoken of may with more reason be taken for the king of Arabia, the son of Arius, the 〈◊〉 of Ninus: whose sons held league, as their Fathers did, being the next bordering Prince of all on that side towards the West to Babylonia, and Chaldaea: and in amity with them from the beginning, and of their own house, and blood: which D. 〈◊〉 also confirmeth. 
Diod. Sic. l. 2. c. 1    

§. XI. Of TIDAL another of the sour Kings.  
THe fourth King by Abraham overthrown was Tidal, king of the Nations. The Hebrew writes it Goijm, which Vatablus takes to be a proper name: 〈◊〉 of mixed people: Calvin of runagates without habitation: Pererius out of Strabo, finds that Galilaea was inhabited by divers Nations, which were a mixed people: namely of Egyptians, Arabians, and 
Strab. li. 16. fol. 523.  Phoenicians. Nàm tales sunt qui Galilaeam habitant; Such are the inhabitants of Galilee, saith Strabo: and therefore was Tidal called king of these Nations, as they suppose. And it may be so: but the authority of Strabo is nothing in this question. For Galilaea was not peopled at this time, as it was in the time of Strabo. For when Abraham come 
Gen. 12. 6.  into Canaan, the Cananite was then in the Land, howsoever they might be afterwards mixed; which I know not. But there are many petty kingdoms adjoining to Phoenicia, and Paloestina; as Palmurena, Batanea, Laodicene, Apamena, Chalcidice, Casstotis, Chalibonitis, and all these do also join themselves to Mesopotamia, on the North, and to Arabia on the East. And that these Nations gathered themselves together under Tidal, I take to be the probablest conjecture.   

§. XII. That CHEDORLAOMER the chief of the 4. Kings was not of Assyria, but of Persia: and that the Assyrian Empire at this time was much impaired.  
LAstly, whereas it is conceived that Chedor laomer was the Assyrian-Emperor, and that Amraphel was but a Satrape, Viceroy, or 〈◊〉 governor of Babylonia, and that the other kings named were such also, I cannot agreed with Pererius in this. For Moses too well acquainted with the names of Assur, and Shinar, to call the Assyrian a king of Elam: those kings being in the Scriptures evermore called by the name of Chaldaea, Shinar, Babylonia, or Assyria: but never by Elam; and Chedorlaomer or Kedarlaomer was so called of Kidor, from Cidarim which in the Hebrew signifieth regal: for so Q. Curtius calleth the garment which the Persian kings aware on their heads.  
Neither do I believe that the Assyrian or Babylonian Empire stood in any greatness at the time of this invasion, and my reasons are these: First, example and experience teach us, that those things which are set up hastily, or forced violently, do not long last: Alexander become Lord of all Asia, on this side of Indus, in a time of so short a life, as it lasted not to overlook what itself had brought forth. His fortunes were violent, but not perpetual. For his Empire died at once with himself: all whose chief Commanders become kings after him. Tamburlaine conquered Asia and India with a stormlike and terrible success: but to prevalent fury God hath adjoined a short life: and whatsoever things Nature herself worketh in haste, she taketh the lest care of their continuance. The fruit of his victories perished with him, if not before him.  
Ninus being the first whom the madness of boundless dominion transported, invaded his neighbour Princes, and become victorious over them: a man violent, insolent, and cruel. Semiramis taking the opportunity, and being more proud, adventurous, and ambitious, than her Paramor: enlarged the Babylonian Empire, and beautified many places therein with buildings unexampled. But her son having changed Nature and Condition with his Mother, proved no less feminine than she was masculine. And as wounds and wrongs, by their continual smart, put the Patient in mind how to cure the one, and revenge the other: so those kings adjoining (whose subjection, and calamities incident were but new, and therefore the more grievous) could not sleep, when the advantage was offered by such a successor. For in regno Babylonico hic parùm resplenduit, this King shined little (saith Nauclerus of Ninias) in the Babylonian kingdom. And likely it is that the necks of mortal men having been never before galled with the yoke of foreign dominion, Nor having ever had experience of that most miserable and detested condition of living in slavery: no long descent having as yet invested the Assyrian with a right: nor any other title being for him to be pretended than a strong hand; the foolish and effeminate 〈◊〉 of a tyrannous and hated Father, could very ill hold so many great Princes and Nations his vassals, with a powerless mastering, and a mind less industrious than his Father and Mother had used before him. And he that was so much given over to licentious idleness, as to suffer his Mother to reign 42. years, and thereof the greatest part after he come to man's estate: witnessed thereby to the World, that he so much preferred ease before honour, and bodily pleasures before greatness, as he neither endeavoured to gain what he could not govern, nor to keep what he could not without contentious peril enjoy.  
These Considerations being joined to the story of 〈◊〉, delivered by Moses, by which we find that Amraphel king of Shinar was rather an inferior to the king of Persia, than either his superior, or equal, make it seem probable, that the Empire of Ninus and Semiramis was at that time broken a sunder, and restrained again to Babylonia.  
For conclusion I will add these two arguments confirming the former: First, that at such time as it pleased God to impose that great travail upon Abraham, from Vr in Chaldaea to Charran, and then to Canaan, a passage of 700. miles, or little less, with women, children, and carriages: the Countries through which he wandered were then settled, and in peace. For it was in the 23. year of Ninias, when Abraham obeying the voice of God, took this great journey in hand: in which time of 23. years after the death of Semiramis, the neighbour Princes had recovered their liberty and former estates. For Semiramis army of four millions, with herself utterly 
Strab. l. 15.  consumed in India, and all her arms and engines of war, at the same time lost, gave an occasion and opportunity even to the poorest souls and weakest hearted creatures of the World, to repurchase their former liberty.  
Secondly, it is affirmed by the best and ancientest Historians, that Arius the son of Ninias, or Amraphel, invaded the Bactrians and Caspians, and again subjecteth them: which needed not if they had not been revolted from Ninias, after Ninus death. And as Arioch recovered one part, so did Baleus or Balaneus, otherwise Xerxes, reduce the rest revolted to their former obedience. Of whom it is said that he conquered from Egypt to India: and therefore was called Xerxes, id est, Victor & triumphator, a conqueror and triumpher, which undertakings had been no other than the 〈◊〉 of madness, had not those Countries freed themselves, from the Babylonian subjection. Now if we shall make any doubt hereof, that is, of the reconquest of Arius and Xerxes, both which lived after Ninus and Ninias we may as well think the rest of Ninus and Semiramis to be but feigned: but if we 〈◊〉 this reconquest, then is it true that while Ninias or Amraphel ruled, the Assyrian Empire was torn asunder, according to that which hath been gathered out of Moses as before remembered.   

§. XIII. That it is not unprobable that the four Kings had no dominion in the Countries named, but that they had elsewhere with their colonies planted themselves: and so retained the names of the Countries whence they come: which if it be so, we need not say that AMRAPHEL was NINIAS, nor trouble ourselves with many other difficulties.  
THe consent of all writers, whose works have come to my perusal, agreeing as they do, that these 4 kings, Amraphel of Shinar, Chedorlaomer of Elam, and their fellows were Lords of those Regions, whereunto they are or seem entitled: doth almost enforce us to think that the History must so be understood, as I have delivered. But if in this place, as often elsewhere in the Scriptures, the names of Countries may be set for people of those lands, or if (as Hierome hath it) Chedorlaomer was king of the Elamites, as Tidal was said to be of the Nations, that is, of people either wanting a fixed habitation, or gathered out of sundry regions: then may we otherwise conceive of this History: removing thereby some difficulties which men perhaps have been unwilling to found, because they could not found how to resolve them. For as it had been a strange conjecture to think that Arioch was drawn to assist the Persian, against the Sodomite; as far as from Pontus, where it is very unlikely that Chedorlaomer was known, and almost impossible that the vale of Siddim should have been once named: so in true estimation it is a thing of great improbability, that Chedorlaomer, if he were king of Persia alone, should pass through so great a part of the World, as the Countries of Assyria, Chaldaea, Mesopotamia, Syria, and part of Arabia, and Canaan, to subdue those five Towns, whose very names how they should come to his ear, being disjoined by so many great Nations of different languages, a wise man could hardly conjecture. And if all the Countries bordering Persia together with the Babylonian himself, yea the kingdom of Ellasar, & that of Tidal, so far off removed, were become his dependents, what reason can we find that might have induced him to harken after Sodom and Gomorah? & when he should have sought the establishment of his new-gotten Empire, by rooting out the posterity of Ninus (as Ninus had dealt by Pharnus of Media, and Zoroaster of Bactria) then to employ the forces of Amraphel, and those other kings, against five petty towns, leaving Tyrus, and Sidon, and the great City of Damascus, with many other places of much importance, and far nearer unto him, unsubdued? Now as these doubts which may be alleged against the first conquest of the vale of 〈◊〉, are exceeding vehement: so are the objections to be made against his reconquest of these five Cities, when they had revolted, as forcible; yea and more, as being grounded partly upon the text itself. For first, what madness had it been in that small Province to rebel against so powerful a Monarch? Or if it were so that they dwelling far from him, hoped rather to be forgotten, then that he should come or sand to reclaim them: was it not more than madness in them, when his terrible army approached, still to entertain hope of evasion: yea to make resistance (being themselves a dissolute and therefore unwarlike people) against the power of all the Nations between Euphrates, yea between themselves and the river of Indus? Likewise on the part of Chedorlaomer we should find no greater wisdom, if he knowing the weakness of this people, had raised such a world of men against them: whom by any Lieutenant, with small forces he might have subdued. For the perpetual inheritance of that little Country, was not sufficient to countervail one months charges of so huge an army. How small then must his valour have been, who with so mighty preparations effected no more than the wasting of that Valley, wherein he left the Cities standing, taking no one of them; but returned well contented with a few prisoners, and the pillage of the Country, although he had broken their army in the field? Now the Scriptures do not of this invasion (supposed so great) make any fearful matter: but compose the two armies, as equally matched, saying they were four kings against five: yea, if the place be literally expounded, we shall find that Abraham slew all these kings, of which great slaughter 
Gen. 14. 17.  no History makes mention: Neither will the reign of Ninias, who lived four or five years longer, permit that he should have died so soon: neither would Histories have forgotten the manner of his death, if he had so strangely perished in Syria. Whereby it appears, that these four kings were not the same that they are commonly thought: nor their forces so great as opinion hath made them. It may therefore well be true, that these kings were such as many others, who in that age carried the same title: Lords and Commanders every one of his own company, which he carried forth as a Colony, seeking place where to settle himself and them, as was the usual manner of those times.  
Neither is it unprobable, that Chedorlaomer leading a troop of Persians', Amraphel some people out of Shinar, and Tidal others gathered out of sundry places, might consort together, and make the weakest of the Country which lay about them, to pay them tribute. Whosoever will consider the beginning of the first book of Thucydides, with the manner of discoveries, conquests and plantations, in the infancy of Greece, or the manner of the Saracens invading Africa, and Spain, with almost as many kings as several Armies: or the proceed of the Spaniards in their new discoveries, passages, and conquests in the West-indieses: may easily perceive, that it was neither unusual, for the leaders of Colonies to receive title from the people whom they conducted: nor to make alliances together, and break them again, disturbing sometimes one the other, sometimes helping in pursuit of a conquest. That Amraphel and his associates were such manner of Commanders, it may seem the more likely, by the slothful quality of Ninias then reigning in Assyria: whose unmanlike temper was such, as might well give occasion to such undertaking spirits, as wanted the employments whereunto they were accustomed, in the reign of Semiramis, rather to seek adventures abroad, than to remain at home unregarded: whilst others more unworthy than themselves, were advanced. If the consent of the whole stream of writers upon this place make this conjecture disagreeable to the Text, to the authority whereof all human reason must subscribe, than we may hold ourselves to the former conjecture, that Amraphel was Ninias: and that the power of his Ancestors being by his sloth decayed, he might well be inferior to the Persian Chedorlaomer: or if this do not satisfy, we may say that Amraphel was an Vnder-king or Satrapa of Shinar, under Ninias; who may be supposed to have had his Imperial seat in his Father's City Ninive: and to have preferred it before Shinar and Babylon the City of his Mother, whom he hated as an usurper of his right. But if it were possible that in a case not concerning any man's Salvation, and wherein therefore noon hath cared to take great pains, all might err: then can I think that the opinion, That these four kings were leaders of Colonies, sent out of the Countries named in the Text, and not kings of the Countries themselves, is most consonant both to the condition of those times, and to the Scripture. And hereto add that Chedorlaomer seems rather called a Persian king, than king of Persia: and that Arioch (whose kingdom undoubtedly was between Syria and Arabia) having been a man of action, or being a worthy man's son, was very well pleased, to give passage and assistance, to these Captains or petty kings. These and such like things here to urge, were but with circumstances to adorn a supposition, which either may stand without them, or if it must fall, is unworthy to have cost bestowed upon it: especially considering, that it is not my intent to employ any more time in making it good, but to leave it wholly to the Readers pleasure, to follow any of these opinions, or any other, if he find any that shall seem better than these. But of what Countries or people soever these four were kings, this expedition is the only public action that we know of performed by Abraham. And as for other things belonging to his Story, and of his sons, and of his Nephews Esau and jacob, as they are registered by Moses, because it is not our purpose, neither to stand upon things generally known to all Christians, nor to repeat what hath been elsewhere already spoken, nor to prevent ourselves in things that may hereafter in due place be remembered, we pass them here in silence. And because in this Story of Abraham and his posterity, there is much mention of Egypt: by which it appears that even in the time of Abraham, it was a settled and flourishing kingdom, it will not be amiss in the next place to speak somewhat of the antiquities, and first kings thereof.    

CHAP. II Of the Kings of Egypt from the first peopling of it after the Flood, to the time of the delivery of the Israelites from thence.  

§. I. A brief of the names and times of the first Kings of Egypt: with a note of the causes of difficulty in resolving of the truth in these points.  
Soon after the confusion at Babel (as it seems) 〈◊〉 with many of his issue and followers (having doubtless known the fertility of Egypt before the Flood) come thither and took possession of the Country: in which they built many Cities: and began the kingdom one hundred ninety one years after the deluge. The ancient Governors of this Kingdom till such time as Israel departed Egypt, are shown in the Table following.  
An. Mundi An. dil.  1847. 191. Cham. 2008. 352. Osiris. 2269. 613. Typhon Hercules. 2276. 620. Orus. 2391. 735. Sesostris the great. 2424. 768. Sesostris the blind. 2438. 782. Busiris or Oris the second. 2476. 820. Acenchere or Thermutis or Meris. 2488. 832. Rathoris or Athoris. 2497. 841. Chencres drowned in the read Sea.  
The Table and especially the Chronology, is to be confirmed by probabilities and conjectures, because in such obscurity manifest and restless truth cannot be found. For S. Augustine, a man of exceeding great judgement, and incomparable diligence, who had sought into all antiquities, and had read the books of Varro, which now are lost, yet omitted the succession of the Egyptian Kings: which he would not have done, if they had not been more uncertain than the Sicyonians, whom he remembreth, than whom doubtless they were more glorious. One great occasion of this obscurity in the Egyptian Story, was the ambition of the Priests: who to magnify their Antiquities, filled the Records (which were in their hands) with many leasings, and recounted unto strangers, the names of many Kings that never reigned. What ground they had for these reports of supposed Kings, it shall appear anon. Sure it is that the magnificent works and royal buildings in Egypt, such as are never found but in States that have greatly flourished, witness that their Princes were of marvelous greatness: and that the reports of the Priests were not altogether false. A second cause of our ignorance in the Egyptian History, was the too much credulity of some good Authors, who beleeeving the manifold and contrary reports of sundry Egyptians, & publishing in their own name, such as pleased them best; have confirmed them, and as it were enforced them upon us, by their authority. A third and general cause of more than Egyptian darkness in all ancient Histories, is the edition of many Authors by john Annius, of whom (if to the censures of sundry very learned I may add my) I think thus; That Annius having seen some fragments of those writers, and added unto them what he would, may be credited, as an avoucher of true Histories, where approved writers confirm him: but otherwise is to be deemed fabulous. Hereupon it cometh to pass that the account of Authors, either in the Chronology or Genealogy of the Egyptian Kings, runs three altogether different ways. The Christian writers, such as are ancient, for the most part follow Eusebius: Many late writers follow the edition of Annius his Authors: The profane Histories follow Herodotus, Diodorus, and such others.   

§. II That by the account of the Egyptian Dynasties, and otherwise, it appears that CHAMS reign in Egypt began in the year after the Flood, 191.  
TO reconcile these, or gather out of them the times of the ancient Kings, about whom is most controversy, the best mean is by help of the Dynasties: of whose continuance there is little or no disagreement. The account of the Dynasties (besides the authority of approved Authors) hath this good ground, that it agreeth for the most part, if not altogether with the Histories of the Assyrians, Troyans', Italians, and others, etc. The beginning of the 16. Din. is joined by general consent, with the 43. year of Ninus: in which Abraham was borne. The twelve first Dynasties lasted each of them seven years, under the twelve, which were called the greater Gods: so that all the years of their continuance were 84. The thirteenth Dynast endured fourteen years: the fourteenth 26: the fifteenth 37. These three last, are said to have been under the three younger Gods. So the 〈◊〉 first Dynasties lasted one hundred sixty one years. As I do not therefore believe that the continuance of these Din. was such as hath been mentioned, because Annius in such-wise limits out their time: so I cannot reject the account upon this only reason, that Annius hath it so: considering that both hitherto it hath passed as currant, and is greatly strengthened by many good reasons. For, whereas Eusebius placeth the beginning of the sixteenth dynasty, in the year of Abraham's birth, as aforesaid: the reckoning is easily cast; by which the sum of 161. years, which according to our account were spent in the fifteen former, being subducted out of the sum of 352. years, which were between the Flood and Abraham's birth, show that the beginning of the first dynasty, which was the beginning of Cham's reign in Egypt, was in the year 191. As also by other probabilities the same may appear. For it is generally agreed, that the multitude of mankind which come into Shinar, arrived at Babel, Anno à dilwio 〈◊〉. In building the Tower were consumed forty years, as Glicas' recordeth: whose report I have elsewhere confirmed with divers probabilities. That Cham was long in passing with his company, their wives Children, cattle, and substance, through all 〈◊〉 then desolate, and full of bogs, Forests, and briars (which the Deluge and want of culture in one hundred seventy one years had brought upon it) no reasonable man will doubt. To this his passage therefore, and the seating of himself in Egypt, we allow twenty year: and these sums being added together, to wit, one hundred thirty one years after the Flood, before they arrived at Babel, 40. years for their stay there, and 20. for 〈◊〉 passage into Egypt, and settling there, make up the sum of 191. years: at which time we said that Cham began his reign in Egypt, in the beginning of the first dynasty. And to this sum of 191. years if we add the 161. years of the 15. first Dynasties, as they are numbered in common account, we shall fall right with the year of Abraham's birth, which was An. Dil. 352. And hereto omitting many other reasons, which might be brought to prove that these first Dynasties must needs have been very short, and not containing in the whole sum of their several times above 161. years: Let it suffice that had they lasted longer, then either must Egypt have been peopled as soon as Babel after the Flood: or the Dynasties (as 〈◊〉 thinks) must have been before the Flood. That the arrival at Babel was many years before the plantation of Egypt, after the Flood, enough hath been said to prove: and that the Dynasties were not before the Flood the number of the long-lived generations between Adam and the Flood, which was less than the number of the Dinasties, may sufficiently witness. Or if we will think, that one life might (perhaps) be divided into many Dynasties, then may this have been as well after the Flood, as before: considering that the sons of 〈◊〉 did not in every Country erect such form of Policy, as had been used in the same ere the Deluge: but such, as the disposition of the people, the authority and power of the Conductor, together with many other circumstances, did induce or enforce them to.   

§. III That these Dynasties were not divers families of Kings, but rather successions of Regents, often times many under one King.  
THe short continuance of the Dynasties, doth show that they were not several races of Kings, as the vaunting Egyptians were wont to 〈◊〉 them. What they were it cannot certainly be warranted. For in restitutions of decayed antiquities, it is more easy to deny than to affirm. But this may be said partly upon good circumstance, partly upon the surest proof, That it was the manner of the Egyptian Kings, to put the government of the Country into the hands of some trusty Counsellor, only reserving the Sovereignty to themselves, as the old Kings of France were wont to the Masters of the Palace, and as the Turk doth to the chief Visier. This is confirmed, first, by the number of the Dynasties, whereof many are under Cham, and more than one under 〈◊〉 or Mizraim; and must therefore have been successions, not of Kings, but rather of Counsellors and Regents. Secondly, by custom of such Prince's borderers to Egypt, as are mentioned in the Scriptures: of whom Abimelech the Philistine in his dealing with Abraham and Isaac about confederation, did nothing without Phicol Captain of his Host; though in taking Abraham's wife, and in his private carriage, he followed his own pleasure. Likewise of 〈◊〉 the son of Gideon it was said: Is not he the son of JERUBBAAL? and 〈◊〉 is his Officer? Also 〈◊〉 the son of Saul, feared Abner the Captain of the 〈◊〉. Yea, David himself hating joab for his cruelty did not punish him, in regard of his greatness, which was such, as was feared even of Hadad the 〈◊〉 living then in Egypt. Thirdly, this is confirmed by the temper and disposition of Cham, who was lewd, as appears by the Scriptures: therefore likely both for his own idleness and pleasure, to have laid the burden of government upon others; and upon jealousy, the companion of unworthiness, to have changed his Lieutenants often. Above all other proofs is the advancement of joseph by Pharaoh. For Pharaoh said to JOSEPH; Only in the King's throne will I be above thee: behold, I 
William. 〈◊〉. de bell. Sacro. l. 19 ca 17, 18, 19 & 20.  have set thee over all the Land of Egypt. William, Archbishop of tire, who flourished about the year of our Lord, one thousand one hundred eighty, affirms that the like or very same form of government by 〈◊〉, was in his time practised in Egypt, having there been in use (as he believed) ever since the time of joseph. He plainly shows, that the Sultan's of Egypt were not Lords of the Country, how ever they have been so deemed; but that they acknowledged and humbly performed the duty of subjects unto the Caliphe: who residing in a most magnificent Palace in Cairo, did commit the charge, not only of civil government, but the power of making war and peace, with the whole office and authority royal into the Sultan's hands. He that shall read in William of tire, the state of the Caliphe, or Mulene 〈◊〉, 
Lib. 19 c. 20.  with the form of his Court, shall plainly behold the image of the ancient Pharaoh, ruling by a Lieutenant, as great in authority as joseph was, though far inferior in wisdom.  
To think that many names of such Regents or Lieutenants as joseph was, have crept into the List of the Egyptian Kings, were no strange imagination. For josephs' brethren called him, The man that is Lord of the Land, and the Lord of the Country: Besides, it is not unlikely that the vainglorious Egyptian Priests would as easily report 
Gen. 42. 30. & 33.  him a King to posterity, as ignorant men and strangers deem him such, under whose hand all dispatches of importance, and royal managing of the State had passed, whilst that the King himself intending his quiet, had given his office to another. How strangers have mistaken in this kind, the example already cited of josephs' brethren, doth sufficiently witness. The reports of Priests do appear in Diodorus, and Herodotus: each of whom, citing their relations, as good authority, say; Diodorus, that Sesostris was the nineteenth King after Menas; Herodotus, that he was the 332. after Menas: which could not have been, if Menas had been Adam. Therefore we may well conclude, That the Dynasties were not so many races of Kings, but successions of Regents, appointed by the kings of so many sundry lineages or sorts of men. Now by whatsoever means a Dynastie or Regency continued: whither in one family, as being made an hereditary office: or in one order of men, as held by faction: sure it is that it was the King's gift and free choice, that gave the office. But the Crown royal always passed by descent, & not by election: which (beside consent of Authors) the Scriptures also prove. For whereas joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh, if the Crown had passed by election, then should Pharaoh's children hereby either have been enthralled amongst the rest of the people, to the next successor: or enjoying their Father's land, though not his estate, have been more mighty than the King: as Landlords of all Egypt, and the King 〈◊〉 their Tenant. Likewise we found in Exod. 12. that God smote the first borne of PHARAOH, that was to set on his Throne. And in Easie it is said of PHARAOH: I am the son of the ancient King. 
Esa. 19    

§ FOUR Of CHAMLET, and his son MIZRAIM, or OSIRIS.  
THat the succession of Kings began, and continued in such wise as the Table hath showed from Cham to Chencres, now it follows to show. Egypt is called in the Scripture, the land of HAM. That this name is not 
Psal. 78. 51. 105. 23. 〈◊〉. 106. 22.  given to it, because the posterity of Cham did reign there, but for that himself did first plant it, we may gather by many circumstances. For I think it is no where found, that the Countries of Cush, Put, or Canaan, as well as Egypt, were called the Land of Ham. Further it is found in Diodorus Siculus, that 〈◊〉 
Diod. Sic. l. 1.  calleth himself the eldest son of Cham, saying, 〈◊〉 pater Saturnus deorum omnium junior: also, Sum Saturni filius 〈◊〉, germen ex pulchro & generoso ortum: which must needs be understood of Cham: for this Saturnus Aegyptius was Cham: as it is said, that on the monument of Ninus was an inscription, wherein Cham was called Saturnus Aegyptius. Likewise the Temple of Hammon, not sarre from Egypt, doth testify, that Ham resided in those parts: And S. Hierome in quaestionibus Hebraicis, saith, that the Egyptians themselves did in his days call their Country Ham: as in four several places in the Psalms this Country is called the land of Cham. And Ortelius, noting out of Plutarch in Osiride, that in the sacrifices of the Egyptians this Country of Egypt was called Chemia, expounds it for Chamia: ut puto (saith he) à Chamo NOAH'S filio, to which also he addeth out of Isidore, Aegyptum usque hody Aegyptiorum lingua KAM vocari: that Egypt unto this day in the tongue of the Egyptians is called KAM. For the beginning and continuance of Cham's reign, the same reasons may suffice to be alleged, which I have already given in proof of the time spent in the 15. first Dynasties: Neither is it strange that the reign of Cham should last so long as 161. years: considering that Sem lived 600. Arpachshad and Shelab each above 400. But strange it had been, if one Saltis created by Manetho, had in those long-lived generations reigned there 19 years, and with Baeon, Apachnas, Apochis, and others of the same brood, obscured the fame and glory of Osiris, Orus, and Sesostris. Reineccius in histor. julia, placeth Mizraim next, otherwise called Osiris according to Diodorus: who saith he was the son of Hammon: Krentzhemius saith that Mizraim and Osiris are words of near affinity and sound in the Hebrew tongue. Howsoever it be, we know that Mizraim the son of Cham, was Lord of Egypt, and Reineccius citing good authority in this case, affirmeth that Egypt is now called by the naturals in their own language, Mezre. Neither do I see cause of doubt whither Osiris were the same with Mizraim. It is more necessary, and hard to show manifestly, how long Mizraim or Osiris reigned. For whereas the year of his death is no where precisely set down, we must be feign to follow probabilities. That he is not vainly said by Annius his Berosus, to have begun his reign at the birth of Abraham, when the Dynastie of the Thebai began, it appeareth, first, by the authority of Eusebius: who avoucheth as much; next by 〈◊〉, who saith that he inhabited Thebes: which habitation of Osiris there, that it might be cause of that Dynast. I can well believe: assenting so far to Reineccius, who thinks the Dynasties were named only, according to the several seats of the kings.   

§. V Of the time when OSIRIS reign ended: and that JACOB come into Egypt in the time of ORUS the son of OSIRIS.  
THe death of Osiris, when it was, noon can certainly affirm. The only conjecture that I know is made thus: Lehabim the son of Mizraim called Hercules Lybius, made war in Italy, to revenge his Father's death, on the associates of Typhon, in the 41. year of Baleus King of Assyria: before which year he had made many great wars in Egypt, Phoenicia, Phrygia, Crete, Lybia, and Spain: and having ended his Egyptian wars, left the Kingdom to Orus. Thus far Berosus, or authors following Berosus. That Orus last of all the Gods (as they were styled) held the Kingdom of Isis, Diodorus Siculus 
Diod. Sic. l. 2. c. 1 Plut. l. de 〈◊〉. & Osid.  plainly saith: and Plutarch as much; to which all old Histories agreed. 〈◊〉 hereupon infers, that six years may be allowed to the wars, which Hercules made in so many Countries, after the Egyptian wars were ended: so should the death of Osiri, have been the 34. of Baleus, when himself had reigned 297. years. I think that Krentzhemius was a greater Scholar than Soldier. For surely in those days when commerce was not such as now, but all Navigation made by coasting, a far longer time would have been required, to the subduing of so many Countries. An allowance of more time though it would altar his computation, yet would it well agreed with his intent: which was (doubtless) to find the truth. If according to his account the death of Osiris had been the 34. of Baleus, then must Israel have come into Egypt but seven years before the death of Osiris: and have lived there in the reign of Typhon. A thing not easily believed. For it was the same king who advanced joseph, bade him sand for his Father; and gave him leave to go into Canaan, to the performance of his Father's sunerall: as may easily be gathered out of the book of Genesis. Whereas therefore the reign of Osiris cannot be extended by any possible allowance in account of times, beyond the seventh year of Israel's coming into Egypt: we must needs cut off 23. years from that number, which Krentzhemius coniecutres his reign to have continued: namely seven which he should have lived after jacobs' coming into Egypt: nine in which joseph had there flourished, ere his fathers coming: and other seven in which Typhon and Hercules had reigned after the death of Osiris, yet before josephs' advancement.  
Neither will this disagree with the time of Hercules Lybius his wars. For the war which Hercules made in Italy, is said to have endured 10. years: After which proportion we may well give not only six years, as Krentzhemius doth, but 23. more to so many wars in so many and so far-distant Countries, as are named before: yea, by this proportion we may attribute unto Orus the 13. years, which passed between the time of josephs' being sold into Egypt, unto his advancement: considering that Putiphar who bought him, and whose daughter he may seem to have married, continued all that while chief Steward unto Pharaoh: a thing not likely to have been, if so violent alterations had happened the whilst in Egypt, as the tyrannous usurpation of Typhon must needs have brought in. If citing some fragment of a lost old author, I should confidently say, that Putiphar for his faithfulness to Orus, the son of Osiris, was by him in the beginning of his reign made his chief Steward: at which time buying joseph and finding him a just man, and one under whose hand all things did prospero, he rather committed his estate into josephs' hands, than unto any of his Egyptian followers (many of whom he had found either false-hearted, or weak and unlucky in the troublesome days of Typhon) I know not what could be objected against this. Perhaps I might proceed further & say, That when the saying of joseph pleased Pharaoh, and all his servants: then Putiphar Priest of On., being chief Officer to Pharaoh, did acknowledge in joseph, the ancient graces of God & his injurious imprisonment: whereupon he gave him his daughter to wife: and being old, resigned his office of chief Steward unto him: who afterward in regard of Putiphar, did savour the Priests, when he bought the lands of all other Egyptians. This might appear to some a tale not unlike to the friarly book of Asenath, Putiphars daughter: but unto such as consider that God works usually by means: and that Putiphar was the Steward of that king, under whom jacob died: it would seem a matter not unprobable, had it an Author of sufficient credit to avouch it. Concerning the wars of Hercules, in which by this reckoning he should have spent 42. years after he left Egypt, ere he began in Italy, it is a circumstance which (the length of his Italian wars considered, and his former enterprises & achievements proportioned to them) doth not make against us, but for us: or if it were against us, yet could it not so weaken our supposition, as these probabilities collected out of the undisputable truth of Scripture do confirm it. Nevertheless I freely grant that all these proofs are no other, than such as may be gathered out of Authors, not well agreeing, nor to be reconciled in such obscurity, otherwise than by likelihoods, answerable to the holy Text.   

§. VI Of TYPHON, HERCULES AEGYPTUS, ORUS, and the two SESOSTRIS, successively reigning after MIZRAIM: and of divers errors about the former SESOSTRIS.  
COncerning the reign of Typhon, and of Hercules, I find noon that precisely doth define how long either of them continued. Daniel Angelocrator giveth three years to Typhon, omitting Hercules. But he is so peremptory without proof, as if his own word were sufficient authority, in many points very questionable; alleging no witness, but as it were saying, Teste me ipso: yet herein we may think him to speak probably, forasmuch as the learned Krentzhemius affirmeth, that Hercules did very soon undertake his Father's revenge: and was not long in performing it: and that leaving Egypt to his brother, he followed other wars, in the same quarrel, as hath been 〈◊〉 before. True it is, that I cannot collect (as Krentzhemius doth) out of Berosus, that Hercules reigned after Typhon: yet seeing aventinus a follower of Berosus hath it so, I will also believe it. That in the reign of Typhon and Hercules, seven years were spent, howsoever divided between them, I gather out of Krentzhemius only, who placeth the beginning of Orus seven years after the death of Osiris: forgetting to set down his reasons, which in a matter so probable I think he wanted not. Now whereas he alloweth 90. years of the eighteenth dynasty to Osiris, Typhon, Hercules, and Orus: it seems that the reign of Orus lasted 115. years. From the death of Orus to the departure of Israel out of Egypt, there passed 122. years by our account: who (according to Beroaldus and others,) think that Abraham was borne in the 130. year of Terah, and thereupon reckon thus. From the end of the Flood to the birth of 

Abraham— 352  
From that time to the 

vocation of Abraham— 75  
departure out of Egypt— 430    
Summa— 857   which sum divers other ways may be collected. Since therefore to the departure out of Egypt, there do remain (as is aforesaid) only 122. years from the death of Orus: we are now to consider how many of them are to be allowed unto 〈◊〉 or Sesonchosis: who is placed next unto Orus, by authority of the Scholiasts 〈◊〉: not without good probability. For this great king or conqueror, is by many Histories recorded to have overrun a great part of Asia: to have built a fleet of ships on the read Sea: and so to have entered into India: likewise with another fleet on the middle-earth Seas, to have passed into Europe, and subdued many Nations. This is he (as Reineccius judgeth) whom justine erring in account of his time calleth Vexoris: For justine placeth Vexoris in ages before Ninus: whereby it would follow that Sesostris, if he were Vexoris, was more ancient than was Osiris (otherwise Mizraim) a thing altogether unlikely. Certain it is that after the departure of Israel out of Egypt, no one Pharaoh come into the land of Canaan (which lieth in the way from Egypt into Asia) till the Fatherin law of Solomon, Pharaoh Vaphres, took Gerar, and gave it to his daughter: after which time Sesac oppressed Rehoboam, and gave it to his daughter: after which time Sesac oppressed Rehoboam, & Necho sought passage through the land of Israel, when he made his expedition against the Chaldaeans. Of King Vaphres and Necho it is out of question, that neither of them was the great King Sesostris. Of Sesac it is doubted by some, forasmuch as he come into judaea with a great army. Reineccius propounding the doubt, leaveth it undecided; unless it be sufficient proof of his own opinion, that he himself placeth Sesostris next to Orus: following the Scholiasts Apollonij. But further answer may be made to 〈◊〉 that they were not one. For, as justine witnesseth, Sesostris, otherwise Vexoris, made war on people far removed, abstaining from his neighbours, Sesac come up purposely against Jerusalem. 〈◊〉, as 〈◊〉 witnesseth, had but 24000. horse: Sesac had 60000: Sesostris had 8020. Chariots, Sesac but 1200: Sesostris made his expedition for no private purpose, but to get a great name: Sesac, as most agreed, had no other purpose then to secure jeroboam, and give him countenance in his new reign; whom he had favoured even against Solomon: therefore Sesostris must needs have reigned whilst Israel abode in Egypt.  
Whereas Krentzhemius collecteth out of Herodotus, and Diodorus, that one Menas, or Menis, was next to Orus: because those Historians affirm that he reigned next after the Gods; it moveth me nothing. For Osiris did succeed those 15. God's, namely the twelve greater, and three lesser: himself also (as the learned Reineccius noteth) being called Menas. Which name, as also Menaeus, and Menis, were titles of dignity: though mistaken by some as proper names. 〈◊〉 doth very probably gather, that Menas was Mercurius Ter-maximus: the Hebrew word Meni signifying an Arithmetician: which name Ter-maximus might well be attributed to Osiris: who was a great Conqueror, Philosopher, and benefactor to mankind, by giving good Laws, and teaching profitable Artes. In prowess and great undertakings Sesostris was no whit inferior to Osiris. For he sought victory not sore gain, but for honour only: and being well contented, that many Nations had acknowledged his power, and submitted themselves to his will and royal disposition, leaving them in a manner to their liberty, returned into Egypt. Soon upon his return he was endangered by a great Treason, the house in which he was, being by his own brother purposely fired which nevertheless he is said to have escaped, and to have reigned in all thirty three years: after which time he chose rather to die then to live: because he fell blind. Both Herodotus, and Diodorus, affirm that Sesostris left a son, whose name was Pheron or Pherones: who afterwards took the name of Sesostris: but was nothing like to his Father in glory: for he shortly fell blind. The cause of his blindness Herodotus attributes to his assaulting the river Nilus with a iaveline: which tale Diodorus having likewise heard, yet reports as a fable, saying that perhaps he took the disease naturally from his Father. How long this man reigned it is no where expressed: yet forasmuch as Orus the second, (otherwise Busiris) who succeeded him, began 14. years 〈◊〉 that this Sesostris had been king, it must needs be that this reigned 14. years at lest. That Busiris began not until these 14. years at lest were expired, the very account of time from the first of Busiris, to the departure of Israel out of Egypt plainly shows, being almost generally agreed upon, to have been 75. years. That noon come between Sesostris the second and Busiris or Orus the second, it stands only upon probabilities: which are these. After Sesostris had reigned somewhile, he fell blind: after certain years he recovered his sight, as is said: which may have been true, but is more like to have been a fable: surely the manner of his recovery as it is set down, is very fabulous: namely that by looking upon a woman, or washing his eyes with her water, who had only known her own husband, he got his sight again. As the time of his reign, before his blindness, and when he was well again (if ever he were) may have taken up a good part of 14. years: so his works which were great, do much more strongly argue, that his reign was not very short. His words are largely set down by Herodotus, and Diodorus: a part of which may seem to have been the finishing of that which his Father had begun, about the channels and sluices of Nilus: whom I think he rather frighted, (as his Father had done) with spades and shovels, then with darts, and javelins: and by his diligent oversight of that work, was like enough to loose both his eyesight and his people's love: whom his Father had very busily employed in excessive labour about it.   

§. VII. Of BUSIRIS the first oppressor of the Israelites: and of his successor Queen THERMUTIS that took up MOSES out of the water.  
ANd herein (if I may presume to conjecture) Busiris, who was afterwards king, is like to have dealt with him, as jeroboam did with the son of Solomon. For that Busiris himself was much addicted to magnificent works, it well appeared, by the drudgery wherewith he wearied the children of Israel in his buildings: If therefore he were employed by the great Sesostris, as jeroboam was by Solomon, in the oversight of those businesses, he had good opportunity to work his greatness with the king by industry: and afterward with the people by incensing them against their new king: as jeroboam did. For what the multitude will endure at one Prince's hands, they will not at another's: unless he have either an equal spirit, or a surer foundation. If moreover he sought to derive all the pain and labour of public works from the 〈◊〉, to the Israelites: he surely did that which to his own people was very plausible: who (as appears in Exodus) were nothing slack in fulfilling the king's cruelty. 
Exod. 1.  Now that Orus the 2. or 〈◊〉 was the king that first oppressed 〈◊〉, and made the Edict of drowning the Hebrew children, which (saith Cedrenus) lasted ten 〈◊〉 is a common opinion of many great & most learned writers; who also think that hereupon grew the fable of Busiris sacrificing strangers. It is also a common interpretation of that place, Ex. 1. that the King who knew not joseph, was a king of a new family. That Busiris was of a new family, Reineccius doth show: who also thinks him Author of the bloody edict. Nevertheless, true it is, that Busiris, according to all men's computation, began his reign 5. years after the birth of Moses; before whose birth it is most manifest, that the Law was made, and much more that the persecution began: which Bunting thinks to have lasted 87. years, ere the departure out of Egypt. Let us therefore consider, besides the blindness of Sesostris the second, how great the power of the Regents or Viceroys in Egypt was: and how great confidence the kings did put in them: seeing joseph ruled with such full power, that he bought all Egypt, & all the Egyptians for bread; giving at the same time the best of the land to his own father & brethren, for nothing: seeing also that when the Egyptians cried out upon Pharaoh, for bread: Pharaoh said to all the Egyptians, Go to joseph: what he saith to you, do ye. If to a stranger borne lately fetched out of prison, a king well able to have governed himself, would give such trust, and sovereign authority: it is not unlikely that a blind Prince should do it to a man of especial reputation. For God often prospers, not only the good (such as joseph was) but wicked men also, as his instruments against the day of wrath. Therefore perhaps the king did (as many have done) resign his kingdom to him, though his reign was not accounted to have begun, till the death of 〈◊〉. But whither Busiris did usurp the kingdom, or protection of the land by violence: or whither the blind king resigned it, keeping the title: or whither 〈◊〉 were only Regent, whilst the king lived, and afterwards (as is acknowledged 〈◊〉 all) king himself: it might well be said that Pharaoh's daughter took up Moses, and that Pharaoh 〈◊〉 Israel: seeing he both at that time was king in effect, and shortly after king in deed and title both. It were not absurd for us to say that the blind king 〈◊〉 the second oppressed Israel: but forasmuch as it may seem that the wicked 〈◊〉 showed his evil nature even when he first arose: I think it more likely, that Busiris did it, using at first the power of a king, and shortly after the style. Thus of the 122. years which passed between the beginning of Sesostris his reign, and the departure of Israel out of Egypt, 47. being spent: the 75. which remain, are to be accounted to Busiris or Orus the second, and his children. Busiris himself reigned 30. years, according to Eusebius: whom very many judicious authors herein approve. After him his daughter, who took Moses out of the water, is said by all that I have read, to have reigned 12. years: Her name was Thermutis Phareis, or Muthis according to Cedrenus: 〈◊〉. calls her Acencris: and out of Artabanus his History Meris: josephus calls her both Acenchere, & Thermutis, Epiphanius in Panario saith that she was honoured afterward of the Egyptians, by the name of Thermutis the daughter of Amenoph, the son of Pharaoh. Of this last title question might be made & much spoken: for the Scriptures call her not Pharaoh's sons daughter, but Pharaoh's daughter. Amenophis indeed is placed next before Busiris or Orus the second by 〈◊〉 and others: but whither he were a king or only a Regent I cannot conjecture. For Herodotus, Dtodorus, and the ancient Historians name the son of 〈◊〉, Pheron. Perhaps his name was Pharaoh Amenophis: and his daughter by the Egyptians called rather the niece or grandchild, than the daughter of Pharaoh, because of the glory of Sesostris, and the disreputation of his son. If so, and if that Busiris or Orus the second marrying her pretended any title by her, then is our conjecture strengthened, and then was she both daughter, grandchild, and wife unto Pharaoh: and suruining him, Queen of the land, 12. years. But if she were the daughter of 〈◊〉 the 2. & sister of Athoris, or Rathoris, as many think, to whose conjecture I will not oppose my, then may it seem, that either her brethren were degenerate, or too young to rule, when her Father died.   

§. VIII. Of the two brethren of Queen THERMUTIS: and what king it was, under whom MOSES was borne: and who it was that perished in the read Sea.  
She had two brethren: the one was Rathoris or Athoris, who succeeded her; the other Telegonus, who is only named by Eusebius: but his lineage and offspring described by Reineccius. Rathoris after his sister's death reigned 9 years: 〈◊〉 whom Chencres, thought to be his son, reigned 10. and then perished in the read Sea. During the reign of Chencres, Eusebius saith, that Telegonus begat Epaphus upon Io: of which History elsewhere he reporteth otherwise. After the death of Chencres (whom some call Acencheres: but all or most do style 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fighter against God) Acherres reigned 8. years: and then Cherres 15. This descent seems from Father to son. In the 11. year of Cherres it is said by Euseb. that Epaphus reigning in the lower part of Egypt, built Memphis. This is an argument of that which otherwise was not unlikely: viz. That Egypt was greatly brought out of order by the plagues which God had laid upon it, and the destruction of her king and army in the read Sea: else could it not have had two reigning in it at once; the later of whom, or his posterity seems to have taken all from Cherres the grandchild of Chencres. For whereas Armais is said to have reigned 4. years after Cherres: and Armesis one after Armais: these two kings are by Eusebius and others accounted as one; and his reign said to have been 5. years. His name is called 〈◊〉, otherwise Danaus: and his pedigree thus described by 〈◊〉 in Historia julia,  


Telegonus:  
Epaphus:  
Lybia, who had    
Agenor, Belus, and Busiris.  
T  
Aegyptus or Ramesses who gave name to the Country, having expelled his brother Danaus, reigned, and begat Lynceus, married to Hypermnestra. Danaus or Armeus expelled by his brother Aegyptus, after he had reigned five years, become king of Argos in Greece: was Father to Hypermnestra.  
How it might come to pass that the Nephews sons of Epaphus should have occupied the kingdom after Cherres, it is hard to say: considering that Epaphus himself is reported by Eusebius to have been borne in the time of Chencres. But forasmuch as the History of Epaphus his birth, is diversly related by Eusebius, it may suffice, that Belus the father of Danaus & Aegyptus, otherwise called Armeus and Ramesses, was equally distant from Busiris or Orus the second, with Cherres the grandchild of Chencres. And that the posterity of Telegonus did marry very young, it appears by the History of these two brethren, Danaus & Aegyptus: of whom the former had 50. daughters, the later 50. sons: perhaps, or rather questionless by divers women: yet surely they began to beget children in their first youth: Howsoever it were, the general consent of writers is, that 〈◊〉 or Danaus did succeed Cherres: and (according to Eusebius and good Authors approving him) reigned five years. Ramesses followed, who reigned 68 years. This Ramesses or Aegyptus is that Armesesmiamum or Armesesmiamus, under whom, in the opinion of Mercator, and of Bunting that follows Mercator, Moses was borne: and the cruel Edict made of drowning the Hebrew children. The length of his reign seems to me the chief, if not the only ground of Mercator's 
Exod. 4. 19  opinion. For whereas the Lord said to Moses, Go, return to Egypt, for they are all dead which went about to kill thee: Mercator hereupon conceives, that it was one and the same king under whom Moses was borne, and under whom he slew the Egyptian at the 40. year of his age: and fled into the wilderness, and there abode for fear: all which Circumstances could agreed with noon, but this Ramesses, who reigned so long: wherefore desirous rather to hold a true Paradox, than a common error, he placeth one 〈◊〉 (whose name is found in the list of Egyptian kings, but the time uncertain wherein he reigned) in an age 112. or 113. years more ancient than others left him in: and so continuing the Catalogue of his successors from Themosis (whom Eus. calls Amasis) downwards with no other variation of the length of each man's reign, than is the difference between Manetho and Euseb. he finds Moses borne under Armesesmiamum: and Israel delivered in the days of his son Amenophis. The very name of Alisfragmuthosis seems to him with little alteration to sounded like Pharatates, of which name one was thought to have flourished either as a king, or a 〈◊〉 man about the time of Isaac. For (saith he) from Alisfragmuthosis to Phragmuthosis, Pharmuthosis, Pharetasis, or Pharatates, the change is not great. Mercator was a man of excellent learning and industry: and one to whom the World is bound for his many notable works: yet my assent herein is withheld from him, by these reasons. First, I see all other writers agreed, that Chencres was the king who was drowned in the read Sea: Secondly, the place Exod. 4. all are dead, etc. may better be understood of Busiris and all his children, then of one king alone: Thirdly, St Cyrill in his first book against julian the Apostata, saith that Dardanus built Dardania, when Moses was 120. years old: Ramesses, which was this Armesesmiamum, being then king of Egypt. After Ramesses, Amenophis reigned 19 years: who is thought by Mercator, and 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 pronounced, to be the King that perished in the read Sea: of which our opinion being already laid open, I think it most expedient to refer the king's ensuing to their own times (which a Chronological Table shall lay open) and here to speak of that great deliverance of Israel out of Egypt: which for many great considerations depending thereupon, we may not lightly overpass.    

CHAP. III Of the delivery of Israel out of Egypt.  

§. I. Of the time of MOSES birth, and how long the Israelites were oppressed in Egypt.  
TRue it is that the History itself is generally and well known: yet concerning the time of Moses his birth, who was the excellent and famous instrument of this and other great works of the Highest, the different opinions are very near as many, as the men that have written of that 〈◊〉.  
L. Vives in his annotations upon S. Augustine citeth many of their conjectures: as that of Porphyry out of Sanchoniato, that Moses lived in the time of Semiramis: but if he meant the first Semiramis, it was but a found conceit: for besides that the same is contrary to all Stories Divine and human; while that Semiramis lived, she commanded Syria, and all the parts thereof absolutely: neither were the 〈◊〉, or Moabites, or Edomites, while she ruled, in rerum natura.  
A second opinion he remembreth of Appion, taken from Ptolemy a Priest of mends, who saith that Moses was borne while Inachus ruled the Argives, and Amesis in Egypt.  
The third opinion is taken out of Polemon, in his Greek History the first book: that Moses was borne while Apis the third King ruled Argos.  
A fourth is borrowed from Tatianus Assyrius, who though he cite some authorities, that Moses lived after the Trojan war, is himself of opinion, that Moses was far more ancient, proving it by many arguments.  
Fiftly, he setteth down the testimony of Numenius the Philosopher, who took Musaeus and Moses to be one: confirming the same out of Artapanus, who confesseth that Moses was called Musaeus, by the Grecians: and who farther delivereth that he was adopted by Chenephis, or Thermutis, the daughter of Egypt: the same which Eupolemus calleth Meris; others (as Rabanus Maurus) Thermothes. Euscbius also affirmeth, 
Euseb. de prepar. evang. l. 3. c. 3.  that by Eupolemus in his first book de bono, Moses vir Deo coniunctissmus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eusebius in his Chronologie, finds that Moses was borne while Amenophis ruled Egypt. The ancient Manethon calls that Pharaoh, which lived at Moses birth, 〈◊〉 or Thmosis: the same perchance which Appion the Grammarian will have to be Amosis, and elsewhere Amenophis the Father of Sethosis: to whom Lysimachus and Cornelius Tacitus give the name of Bocchoris. To me it seemeth most probable, that while Saphrus, called also Spherus or 〈◊〉, governed Assyria; Orthopolis Sicyonia; and Criasus the Argives; that then (Sesostris the second ruling in Egypt) Moses was borne. For if we believe S Augustine, it was about the end of Cecrops time, that Moses led Israel out of Egypt. 〈◊〉 MOSES ex Aegypto populum 
Aug. l. 18. c. 11. de civit. Dei. 2514.  Deinoussimo tempore CECROPIS Atheniensium 〈◊〉: MOSES (saith he) led the people of God out of Egypt, about the end of CECROPS time King of the Athenians. In this sort therefore is the time of Moses birth, and of his departure out of Egypt best proved. S. August. affirms (as before remembered) that Moses was borne: Saphrus governing Assyria; and that he left Egypt about the end of Cecrops time. Now Saphrus ruled 20. years; his successor Mamelus 30. years; Sparetus after him 40 years: in whose fourth year Cecrops began to govern in Attica: Ascatades followed Sparetus, and held the Empire 41: So as Moses being borne while Saphrus ruled Assyria; Orthopolis Sicyonia; and Criasus Argos (for these three kings lived at once at his birth, saith S. Augustine, as Cecrops did when he departed Egypt) it will follow that the birth of Moses was in the nineteenth year of the Assyrian Saphrus: for take one year remaining of 20. (for so long Saphrus reigned) to which add the thirty years of Mamelus, and the 40. years of Sparetus, these make 71. with which there were wasted three years of Cecrops his 50. years: then take nine years out of the reign of Ascatades, who was Sparetus successor, those nine years added to 71. make 80. at which age Moses left Egypt: and add these nine years to the three years of Cecrops formerly spent, there will remain but four years of Cecrops his 50: and so it falleth right with S. Augustine's words, affirming that towards the end of Cecrops his time, Moses led the people of Israel out of Egypt.  
Now the time in which the Hebrews were oppressed in Egypt, seemeth to have had beginning some eight or nine years before the birth of Moses, and 54. year, or rather more, after joseph: between whose death and the birth of Moses, there were consumed 64. years: some of which time, and 80. years after, they lived in great 
Exod. 1.  servitude and misery. For as it is written in Exodus: They set taskmasters over them, to keep them under with burdens: and they built the Cities Pithom and Ramases, etc. And by cruelty they caused the children of Israel to serve; and made them weary of their lives, by sore labour in clay and brick, and in all work of the field, with all manner of bondage. All which laid upon them by a mastering power and strong hand, they endured to the time by the wisdom of God appointed: even from 54. years, or not much more after the death of joseph, who left the World when it had lasted 2370. years, to the 
2370.  eightieth year of Moses, and until he wrought his miracles in the field of Zoan, which he performed in the World's age 2514. towards the end thereof, according 
2514.  to Codoman, or after our account, 2513. And because those things which we deliver of Egypt, may the better be understood, I think it necessary to speak a few words of the principal places therein named, in this discourse.   

§. II Of divers Cities and places in Egypt, mentioned in this Story, or elsewhere in the Scripture.  
THis City which the Hebrews call Zoan, was built seven years after 
Numb. 33. 〈◊〉 30. Hierem. 2. 43, 44, 46.  Hebron. Ezekiel calleth it Taphnes'; and so doth Hieremie; the Septuagint, Tanis; josephus, Protaidis; after the name of an Egyptian Queen; Antonius gives it the name of Thanis; Hegesippus, Thamna; and William 
josep. l. 1. c. 9 Tyr. de Bell. sacr. l. 19 c. 23.  Tyrius, Tapius. It adjoineth to the land of Gosen, and is the same, wherein Hieremie the Prophet was stoned to death, for preaching against the Egyptian and jewish Idolatry.  
Zoan or Tahnes was in Moses time the Metropolis of the lower Egypt, in which their Pharaohs then commonly resided; and not unlikely to be the same City, where Abraham in his time found him. But Eusebius out of Artapanus affirmeth, that Abraham read Astronomy in Heliopolis, or On, to Pharetates King of Egypt. Alex. Polyhistor. out of Eupolemus hath it otherwise, saying, that Abraham instructed the Egyptian Priests, and not the King; both which authorities Eusebius citeth. The Septuagint, 
Euseb. de 〈◊〉. evang. l. 9 c. 4. Gen. 12. 15. Esai. 19 11.  and the Vulgar edition, for Zoan writ Heliopolis. Pagnin, Vatablus, junius, and our English call it On; and Ptolemy, Onium. There are two Cities of that name; the one on the frontier of the lower Egypt, towards the South; the other some what lower on the Easter-most branch of Nilus falling into the Sea at Peleusium. And it it may be that Heliopolis to the South of the river Tratan, was the same which Vatablus 
Ezech. 3. 17.  and our English call Auen. Of the latter it is, that the Scriptures take certain knowledge: the same, which Pomp. Mela, and Pliny, call Solis opptdum; Tyrius in the Holy War, Malbec; the 〈◊〉, Bahalbeth; and 〈◊〉 Sethi, Fons Solis. Of this Heliopolis, or On, was 〈◊〉 Priest, or Prince, whose daughter joseph married. In the 
josep. t. 1. bell. 〈◊〉. c. 1.  Territory adjoining jacob inhabited, while he lived in Egypt. In the confines of this City, Onias, the high Priest of the jews, built a Temple, dedicated to the eternal God; not much inferior to that of Jerusalem (Ptolemy Philopater then governing in Egypt) which stood to the time of Vespasian, 333. years after the foundation by Onias, whom josephus falsely reporteth, herein to have fulfilled a prophecy of 〈◊〉. c. 19 In die illa erit Altare Domini in medio terrae Aegypti; In that day shall the Altar of the Lord be in the midst of the Land of Egypt. Antiochus Epiphanes at that time of the building tyrannising over the jews, gave the occasion 〈◊〉 the erecting of this Temple in Egypt. Lastly, there it was that out Saviour CHRIST JESUS remained, while joseph and the Virgin Mary feared the violence of Herod: near which (saith Brochard) the fountain is still found, called jesus well, whose streams do afterward 
broach. 〈◊〉. sanct.  water the Gardens of Balsamum, no where else found in Egypt. And hereof see more in Brochard, in his description of Egypt.  
There is also the City of Noph, remembered by Esai and Ezekiel; the same which 
Esa 19 13. 〈◊〉. 34. Hosea 9 6. lib. 2.  〈◊〉 the Prophet calleth Moph: which latter name it took from a Mountain adjoining, so called, which Mountain Herodotus remembreth. And this is that great City, which was called Memphis; and so the Septuagint writ it. It is known to the Arabians by the name of Mazzard. The Chaldeans name it Alchabyr; and Tudalensis, Mizraim.  
Pelusium, which Vatablus, Pagnin, junius, and our English writ, Sin; the 〈◊〉 
G. Tyr. l. 20. c. 17 lib. 2. c. 5.  call Sais; and Montanus, Lebna; is not the same with Damiata, as Gul Tyrius witnesseth. In the time of Baldwin the third, Pelusium was called Belbeis. Belbeis (saith Tyrius) quae 〈◊〉 dicta est Pelusium; Belbeis, that in times past was called Pelusium.  
The City of No, the Septuagint call Diospolis. Of which name there are two or 
Ezech. 30. 15, 16  three in Egypt. Hierome converts it Alexandria, by anticipation, because it was so called in the future.  
〈◊〉, for so Hicrome and Zeigler writ it, is the same which the Hebrews call 
Ezech. 30. 17.  Pibeseth.  
To make the story the more perceivable, I have added a description of the land of Gosen, in which the Israelites inhabited; with those Cities and places so often remembered in the Scripture: as of Taphnes' or Zoan, Heliopolis or Bethsemes, Balsephon, Succoth, and the rest; together with Moses passage through the Deserts of Arabia the Stony. For all story without the knowledge of the places, wherein the actions were performed, as it wanteth a great part of the pleasure; so it no way enricheth the knowledge and understanding of the Reader; neither doth any thing serve to retain, what we read, in our memories, so well as these pictures and descriptions do. In which respect I am driven to digress in many places, and to interpose some such 〈◊〉, other wise seeming impertinent: taking for my authority, after many others more ancient, that great learned man, Arias Montanus; who in his Preface to the Story of the Holy Land, hath these words: Si enim absque locorum observatione res gestae narrentur, 〈◊〉 sine 〈◊〉 cognitione 〈◊〉 legantur, 〈◊〉 confusa 〈◊〉 perturbata erunt 〈◊〉, ut ex ijs nihil non obscurum, nihil non difficile elici possit; If narration (saith he) be made of those things which are performed, without the observation of the places, wherein they were done: or if Histories be read without Topographicall knowledge; all things will appear so intricate and confused, as we shall thereby under stand nothing but obscurely, nor draw thence any knowledge, but with the greatest difficulty.   

§. III Of the cruelty against the Israelites young children in Egypt: and of MOSES his preservation, and education.  
But to return to the story itself. It appeareth that notwithstanding the labour and 〈◊〉, which the Israelites endured, yet they decreased not in numbers: in so much as Pharaoh considering the danger of discontented poverty, and the able bodies of an oppressed multitude, how perilous they might be to his estate, by suggestion of the Devil resolved to slaughter all the male children of the Hebrews, as soon as they should be borne. To which end he sent for Sephora and Thua, women the most famous and expert amongst them, quae praeerant (saith Commestor) multitudini obstetricum, who 〈◊〉 command given them over all midwives; by whom (as it seemeth) he gave order to all the rest for the execution of his Edict. For to have called all the midwives of 〈◊〉 together, had been a strange Parliament. Now whither these two, before named, were of the Hebrews, or of the 〈◊〉, it is diversly disputed. S. Augustine calls 
Ver. 16. joseph. ant. l. 2. c. 5.  them Hebrews, because it is written Exodus the first, The King of Egypt commanded the midwives of the Hebrew women, etc. But josephus, Abulensis, and Pererius believe 
Abul. & Perer. in Exod.  them to be Egyptians. Whosoever they were, when it pleased God to frustrate the execution of that secret murder, to the end the world might witness both the wickedness of the Egyptians, and the just cause, thereby made manifest, of his future indignation and revenge: Pharaoh finding those women filled with piety, and the fear of God, commanded others of his people to execute his former intent; and 
Ver. 22.  publicly, or howsoever, to destroy all the male Hebrew children borne within his dominions.  
Now besides the doubts, which Pharaoh had of the multitudes of the Hebrews, the greatest part of whom he might have assured, by affording them the justice, which every King oweth to his vassals, and the rest he might have employed or sent 
〈◊〉. ant. l. 2. c. 5  away at his pleasure; josephus giveth another cause of his rage against them, namely, That it was prophetically delivered him by an Egyptian Priest, that among the Hebrews there should be borne a child; who growing to man's estate, should become a plague and terror to his whole Nation. To prevent which, (and presuming that he could resist the ordinance of God, by a mean, contrary to the laws of Heaven and of nature) he stretched out his bloody and merciless hand to the execution of his former intent. The same prevention Herod long after practised, when fearing the spiritual kingdom of Christ, as if it should have been temporal, he caused all the male children at that time borne to be slaughtered. And that Pharaoh had some kind of foreknowledge of the future success, it may be gathered by these his own words, in the tenth verse of the 〈◊〉 of Exodus. Come, let us work wisely with 
Exod. 10. 5.  them, jest they multiply; and it come to pass, that if there be war, they join themselves also unto our enemies, and fight against us, and get them out of the Land. But we see, and time hath told it us from the beginning, how God derideth the wisdom of the worldly men, when forgetting the Lord of all power, they rely on the inventions of their own most feeble, and altogether darkened understanding. For even by the hands of the dearly beloved daughter of this tyrant, was that great Prophet and minister of God's marvelous works taken out of 〈◊〉, being thereinto turned off, in an Ark of reeds, a sucking and powerless infant. And this Princess having beheld the child his for me and beauty, though but yet in the blouth, so pierced her 〈◊〉, as she did not only preserve it, and 'cause it to be fostered; but commanded that it should be esteemed as her own, and with equal care to the son of a King nourished. And for memory that it was her deed, she called the child Moses, as it were, extractus, or ereptus, taken out, to wit, out of the water: or, after josephus and Glicas', Moy, a voice expressing water, and hises, as much to say, as that which is drawn out of water, or thence taken. Clemens Alexandrinus was of 
Strom. l. 1.  opinion, that Moses was circumcised, before he was put into the Ark of Reeds, and that Amram his father had named him joachim. In his youth he was carefully bred, by the care, and at the charge of 〈◊〉 Daughter, and by men of the most understanding, taught and instructed: quem regio more educavit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sapicntibus Aegyptiorum 
Phil. de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Magistris, à quibus erudiretur, saith BASIL; Unto whom she gave princely education, appointing over him wise Masters of the Egyptians for his instructors. Thereby (say josephus and Philo) he become excellently learned in all the doctrine of the Egyptians; which also the Martyr Stephen, in the seventh of the Acts confirmeth; And MOSES was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. Which wisdom or sapience, such as it was, or at lest so much thereof as Six. Senensis hath gathered, we have added, between the death of Moses, and the reign of josua.   

§. FOUR Of MOSES his flying out of Egypt; and the opinions of certain ancient Historians of his war in AEthiopia; and of his marriage there: PHILO his judgement of his Pastoral life: and that of PERERIUS of the Books of GENESIS and 〈◊〉.  
WHen Moses was grown to man's estate, josephus and Eusebius, out of Artapanus, tell us of ten years war that he made against the 〈◊〉: of the besieging of Saba, afterward by Cambyses, called Meroe; and how he recovered that City by the favour of Tharbis, a Daughter of Aethiopia, whom he took to wife. So hath Commestor a pretty tale of Moses, How after the end of that war, Tharbis resisting his return into Egypt, Moses most skilful in Astronomy, caused two Images to be engraven in two precious stones, whereof the one increased memory; the other caused forgetfulness. These he set in two rings; whereof he gave the one, to wit, that of oblivion, to his wife Tharbis, reserving the other of memory for himself: which ring of forgetfulness, after she had a while worn, she began to neglect the love she bore her husband: and so Moses without danger returned into Egypt. But leaving these fancies to the Authors of them: It is true, that about the 40. year of Moses age, when he beheld an Egyptian offering violence to one of the oppressed Hebrews, moved by compassion, in respect of his brother, and stirred up by disdain against the other, in the contention he slew the Egyptian. Soon after which act, finding a disposition in some of his own Nation to accuse him, for whose defence he had thus greatly endangered his own life: by the ordinance and advice of God, whose chosen servant he was, he fled into Arabia Petraea, the next bordering Country to Egypt; where wandering all alone, as a man left and forsaken, in a place unknown unto him, as among a Nation of barbarous strangers; and who in future times were the irreconcilable enemies of the Hebrews: it pleased God (working the greatest things by the weakest worldly means) to make the watering of a few sheep, and the assisting of the Daughters of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉, an occasion whereby to provide him a wife of one of those, and a father in law, that fed him, and sustained him in a Country nearest Egypt, fittest to return from: necessary to be known, because interjacent between Egypt and judaea, through which he was to lead the Israelites; and wherein God held him, till the occasion which God presented, best served. And lastly, where the glory of the world shined lest, amid mountainous Deserts, there the glory of God, which shineth most, covered him over, and appeared unto him, not finding him as a King's son, or an adopted child of great Pharaoh's daughter, but as a meek and humble shepherd, sitting at a mountain foot; a keeper and commander of those poor beasts only.  
In that part of 〈◊〉, near Madian, he consumed 40. years. And though (as Philo in the story of Moses life observeth) he did not neglect the care of those flocks, committed to his charge, but that he excelled all others in that Pastoral knowledge; yet in that solitary Desert he enjoyed himself: and being separate from the press of the world, and the troublesome affairs thereof, he gave himself to contemplation, and to make perfect in himself all those knowledges, whereof his younger years had gathered the grounds and principles: the same Author also judging, that his Pastoral life did excellently prepare him for the execution of the Principality, which heafterward obtained. Est enim (saith PHILO) ars Pastoralis, quasi praeludium adregnum, hocest, adregimen hominum, gregis mansuetissimi. Quemadmodum bellicosa ingenia praeexercent se in venationibus, experientia in feris, quod postea in militia & bello perfectura sunt; brutis praebentibus materiam exercitij, tam belli quàm pacis tempore. At verò praefectur a 〈◊〉 pecoris, habet quiddam 〈◊〉 cum regno in subditis; idecque Reges cognominantur Pastores populorum, non contumeliae sed honoris gratia; The art of keeping sheep is, as it were, an introductory exercise unto a Kingdom, namely, the rule over men, the most gentle flock: Even as warlike natures do beforehand exercise themselves in hunting, practising on wild beasts those things, which after they will accomplish in warfare: those brute beasts affording matter, wherein to train themselves, both in time of war and of peace. But the government of gentle cattle, hath a kind of resemblance unto a Kingly rule over subjects; therefore, Kings are stiledsheep-heards of the people, not in way of reproach, but for their honour.  
That Moses, in this time of his abode at Madian, wrote the Book of job, as Pererius supposeth, I cannot judge of it, because it is thought, that job was at that time living. Neither dare I subscribe to Pererius opinion, That Moses, while heelived 
Perer. in 3. c. Exod.  in that part of Arabia, wrote the books of Genesis; although I cannot deny the reason of Pererius conjecture, That by the example of jobs patience he might strengthen the oppressed 〈◊〉: and by the promises of God to Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, put them in assurance of their delivery from the Egyptian slavery, and of the Land of rest, and plenty promised.  
Of his calling back into Egypt by the Angel of God, and the marvels and wonders which he performed, thereby to persuade Pharaoh, that he was the messenger of the most High, the particulars are written in the first fourteen Chapters of Exodus; and therefore to treat of all the particulars therein contained, it were needless. But for the first, it is to be noted, that when Moses desired to be taught by 
Exod. c. 3. 〈◊〉. 13. 14. & 15.  God, by what name he should make him known, and by whom he was sent; he received from God so much, as man could comprehend of his infinite and everbeing nature. Out of which he delivered him in the first part of his answer, a name to be considered of by the wisest: and in his second, to be understood by all. For there is nothing that is, or hath being of itself, but the eternal: which truly is; which is above all; which is immutable. The bodies of men are changed every moment: their substance wasteth, and is repaired by nutriment; never continuing at one stay, nor being the same so long as while one may say, Now. Likewise, whatsoever is consumed in the longest continuance of time, the same in every shortest piece of time suffereth decay; neither doth any thing abide in one state. una est 
〈◊〉. ad Dam.  Dei & solanatura, quaeverè est: id enim quod subsistit, non habet aliundè, sed suum est. Caetera quaecreata sunt, etiamsividentur esse, non sunt, quia aliquando non fuerunt, & potest 〈◊〉 sum non esse, quod non fuit; It is the one and only nature of God, which truly is, for he hath his being of himself, and not from any thing without him. Other things that are created, although they seem to be, yet they are not; for sometimes they were not: and that which hath not been, may again want being. And with this, in respect of the Divine nature, the saying of Zeno Eleates excellently agreeth: Tota rerum natura umbra est, 〈◊〉 inanis, 〈◊〉 fallax; The whole nature of things is but a shadow, either emptié or deceitful: in comparison of whom (saith Easie) all Nations are as nothing, less than nothing, and 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 13.  vanity.  
Of the ten plagues wherewith the Egyptians were strucken, the first was by changing the Rivers into blood: God punishing them by those waters, into which their Forefathers had thrown, and in which they had drowned, the innocent children of the Hebrews. To which this place of the Revelation may be fitly applied: And I heard the Angel of the water say, Lord, thou art just, which art, and which waist: and 
C. 16. v.  holy, because thou hast judged these things; for they shed the blood of the Saints and Prophets, and therefore hast thou given them blood to drink.  
The rest of the Plagues by Frogs, Lice, Flies, or stinging Wasps; by the death of their Cat-tail; by leprous Scabs, by-Haile and Fire; by Grasshoppers; by darkness; after which Pharaoh forbade Moses his presence: moved the hardened heart of the unbelieving King no longer, than the pain and peril lasted, till such time as his own first-born, and the first-born of all his Nation perished. He then, while he feared his own life, (a time wherein we remember God perforce) stood upon no condition: whereas before, he first yielded but to the departure of the men; then of the men, women and children, reserving their bestial; but he was now content for the present, that the Isrelites should not only departed with all their own, but with a part of the Silver, Gold, and jewels of his own people: of which (the fear being past) he suddenly repent him, as his pursuit after them proved. For when every one of the Hebrews had (according to direction from Moses received) slain a Lamb, without spot or blemish, for the Passeover, a Sacrament of the most clean and unspotted Saviour) and with the blood thereof coloured the post and linterne of the doors; the Angel of God in the dead of the night smote every first-born of Egypt, from the son of the King, to that of the Beggar and Slave: the children of the Israclites excepted. At which terrible judgement of God, Pharaoh being more than ever amazed, yielded, as before is said, to their departure. The Egyptians (saith Epiphanius) did in aftertimes imitate this colouring with 
Epiphan. l. 1. count 〈◊〉.  blood, which the Israelites used after the Passeover; ascribing an exceeding virtue to the Read Colour: and therefore they did not only mark their Sheep and cattle, but their Trees bearing Fruit, to preserve them from lightning and other harms.   

§. V Of PHARAOH'S pursuit of the Israelites: and of their possage towards the Read Sea, so far as Succoth.  
NOw, when the people were removed, and on their way, (his heart being hardened by God) he bethought him aswell of the Honour lost, as of the shame remaining after so many Calamities and Plagues, in suffering them to departed with the spoils of his people, and in despite of himself. And-having before this time great Companies of Soldiers in readiness, he consulted with himself, what way the Israelites were like to take. He knew that the shortest and fairest passage was through the Country of the Philistines. But because these people were very strong, and a warlike Nation, and in all probability of his Allies, he suspected that Moses meant to found some other outlet, to wit, through the Desert of Etham; and there, because the Country was exceeding Mountainous, and of hard access, and that Moses was pestered with multitudes of Women, Children, and cattle, he thought it impossible for the Israelites to escape him that way. In the meanwhile having gathered together all the Chariots of Egypt, and 600. of his own, and Captains over 
Exod. 14. v. 7.  them; he determined to set upon them in the Plains of Gosen, which way soever they turned themselves. For it was the ancient manner to fight in those Chariots, armed with broad and sharp Hooks on both sides, in fashion like the Mowers Sith. Which kind of fight in Chariots, but not hooked, the Britons used against the Romans, while they made the War for the Conquest of this Land. Of this Army of PHARAOH, JOSEPHUS affirmeth, that it consisted of 50000. 
jos. ant. l. 2. c. 6.  Horse, and 20000 foot; which, were it true, than it cannot be doubted, but that Pharaoh intended long before to assail the Hebrews at their departure, or to destroy them in Gosen; and refused them passage, till such time as he had prepared an Army, to set on them. For, as it is written in the first of Exodus, he doubted two things, either that the Hebrews might join themselves to his enemies within the Land, or being so multiplied, as they were, might leave his service, and get themselves thence at their pleasure. But the plagues which God grieved him withal, enforced him at this time to give an assent to their departure: perchance forerunning his intent. But were it otherwise, and josephus partial in this affair, yet by the words of the Text it appeareth, that he gathered all the Chariots of Egypt: which could not be done 
Exod. 14. 7.  in haste. For Moses made but three days march, ere Pharaoh was at his heels; and yet the last day he went on sixteen miles: which, in so hot a Country, and to drive their cattle and Sheep with them, pestered with a world of Women and Children, was a march witnessing the dread of a powerful Enemy at hand. Now, as Moses well knew, that he went out with a mighty hand, and that God guided his understanding in all his enterprizes: so he lay not still in the ditch crying for help, but using the understanding which God had given him, he left nothing unperformed, becoming a natural wise man, a valiant and a skilful Conductor; as by all his actions and counsels from this day to his 〈◊〉 well appeared.  
When Moses perceived that Pharaoh was enraged against him, and commanded him not to dare to come thenceforth into his presence: after he had warned Israel of the Passeover, he appointed a general Assembly or Rendezvous of all the 〈◊〉 at Ramases, in the Territory of Gosen; a City standing indifferent to receive from 
The Territory of Gosen was afterward called Ramases, 〈◊〉 the name of this City, as appeareth in 〈◊〉. 47. & Num. 33.  all other parts of the Country the dispersed Hebrews: and gave commandment, that every Family should bring with them such store as they had, of Dow and Paste, not staying to make it into bread: knowing then that Pharaoh was on foot, and on his way towards them. Which done, and having considered the great strength of 〈◊〉 Horsemen and Chariots, of which kind of defence Moses was utterly unprovided (though as it is written, the Israelites went up armed) he marched from 
Exod. 13.  Ramases Eastward, towards the Deserts of Etham, and encamped at Succoth, which he performed on the fifteenth day of the month Abib. Which month from that time forward they were commanded to account, as the first month of the year. Whither in former times they had been accustomed to begin their year in some other month, following the manner of the Egyptians, and were now recalled by 
Exod. 23. v. 16. etc. 34. v. 22.  Moses to the rule of their Forefathers, it is uncertain. Certain it is, that they had, and retained, another beginning of their politic year, which was not now abrogated, but rather by some solemnities thereunto annexed, was confirmed, and still continued in use. Wherhfore in referring things done, or happening among them, unto the beginning, midst, or ending of the year; that distinction of the Sacred, and the Politic year is not to be neglected. Concerning the number of days in every month, and the whole form of their year, like enough it is that Moses himself in forty years space, did sufficiently instruct the Priests, to whose care the ordering thereof (as common opinion holds) was 〈◊〉 in trust: but that any rule of framing their Calendar, was made public, before the captivity of Babylon, I do not found. Now because time and motion begin together, it will not, I think, be any great breach of order, to show here at their first setting forth, what was the form of the Hebrew year: with the difference between them and other Nations, in ordering the account of time.   

†. VI Of the solary and Lunary years: and how they are reconciled: with the form of the Hebrew year, and their manner of intarcalation.  

The Hebrew Months are thus named.  The first month, Nisan, or Abib. 1. March. The second, jar, or Tiar, Zio, or Zin. 2. April. The third, Sivan, or Sinan, or Siban. 3. May. The fourth, Tamuz. 4. june. The fifth, Ab. 5. julie. The sixth, Elul. 6. August. The seventh, Tysri, or Ethavin, or Ethanim. 7. September. The eighth, Marchesuan, or Mechasuan, or Bull, or with josephus, Marsonane. 8. October. 
1. Ant. c. 4.  The ninth, Chisleu, or Casleu. 9 November. The tenth, Tebeth, or Thobeth. 10. December The eleventh, Sebeth, or Sabath. 11. januarie. The twelfth, Adar, and Ve Adar. 12. February.  
WE Adar was an intercalarie month, added, some years, unto the other twelve, to make the solary and Lunary year agreed; which (besides the general inconvenience that would otherwise have risen, by casting the Months of Summer into the Winter season, to the great confusion of all account) was more necessarily to be regarded of the Hebrews, because of the divine Precept. For God appointed especial Feasts to be celebrated 
Deut. 16.  precisely in such a month of the year, and withal on a set day, both of the Moon and of the month; as the Feast of the first first-fruits; the new Moons, and the like: which could not have so been kept, if either the day of the Moon had fallen in some other part of the month, or the month itself been found far distant from his place in the season of the year.  
Other Nations, the better to observe their Solemnities in the due time, and to ascertain all reckonings and remembrances, (which is the principal commodity of time, that is the measure of endurance) were driven in like manner to make their years unequal, by adding sometimes, and sometimes abating one or more days, as the error committed in foregoing years required. The error grew at first, by not knowing what number of days made up a complete year. For though by the continual course of the Sun, causing Summer and Winter duly to succeed each other, it is plain enough even to the most savage of all people, when a year hath passed over them; yet the necessity of ordinary occurrences, that are to be numbered by a shorter Tally, makes this long measure of whole years insufficient for the smaller sort of more daily affairs. Therefore men observed the Monthly conspicuous revolution of the Moon, by which they divided the year into twelve parts, subdividing the month into 29. days and nights, and those again into their quarters 
30. & 29.  and hours. But as the marks of time are sensible and easily discerned: so the exact calculation of it is very intricate, and worketh much perplexity in the understanding. Twelve revolutions of the Moon, containing less time by eleven days or thereabouts, than the yearly course of the Sun, through the Zodiac, in the space of sixteen years, every month was found in the quite contrary part of the year, to that wherein it was placed at the first. This caused them to add some days to the year, making it to consist of twelve Months, and as many days more, as they thought would make the courses of the Sun and Moon to agreed. But herein were committed many new errors. For neither did the Sun determine his yearly revolution by any set number of whole days; neither did the Moon change always at one hour; but the very minutes and lesser fractions were to be observed by him, that would seek to reduce their motions (which motions also were not still alike) into any certain rule. Here lay much wisdom and deep art, which could not soon be brought to perfection. Yet as making an estimate at random, the Athenians held the year to contain 360. days, wherein most of the Greeks' concurred with them. That 360. days filled up the Grecian year (besides many collateral proofs) it is manifest by that which Pliny directly affirmeth, telling 
〈◊〉. l. 34. c. 6.  of the Statues, erected in honour of Demetrius Phalereus, which were (saith he) 360. whilst as yet the year exceeded not that number of days. By this account neither did any certain age of the Moon begin or end their Months; neither could their Months continued many years, in their own places: but must needs be shifted by little and little, from Winter to Summer, and from Summer to Winter, as the days forgotten to be inserted into the Almanac by men, but not forgotten by the superior bodies in their courses, should occupy their own rooms in their due turns. Now, because the solemnity of the Olympian Games was to be held at the full Moon, and withal on the 15 day of the month 〈◊〉 (which an sweareth in a manner to our june) they were careful to take order, that this month might ever begin with the new Moon; which they effected by adding some two days to the last month of every year: those Games being held once in four years. This intercalation 〈◊〉 not to make the matter even; which caused them sometimes to omit one day in the fourth year, which was the second of the month Boedromian; (agreeing nearly with our August) sometimes not to omit it, or (which is all one) to insert another for it into the fourth Lunary year, accounting by the Moon, after a manner that was not vulgar. All this notwithstanding, their month of june would every year have grown colder and colder, had they not sought to keep all upright, by intercalating in each other Olympiad, that is, each eighth year one whole month, which they called the second Posideon or December; which was the device of Harpalus, who also taught them to make one month of 29. days, another of 30. and so successively through the whole year. Thus with much labour they kept their year as near as they could, unto the high way of the Planets; but these marks which they observed, were found at length to be deceitful Guides. For it was not possible so to fashion this eighth years intercalation, that it should not deceive them in 11. hours and 18. minutes at the lest, or some ways in 34. hours and 10. minutes, or 36. and 41. minutes; which differences would, in few Ages, have bred much confusion. The first that introduced a good method, likely to continued, was Meton the Athenian, who not regarding the Olympiads, and the eighth years intercalation, devised a Cycle of 19 years, wherein the Moon having 235. times run her circuit, met with the Sun in the same place, and on the same day of the year, as in the 19 year before past she had done. This invention of Meton was entertained with great applause, and passing from Greece to Rome, was there inserted into the Calendar in Golden Letters, being called the Golden Number, which name it retaineth unto this day. Hereby were avoided the great and uncertain intercalations that formerly had been used; for by the intercalation of 7. Months in the 19 years, all was so even, that no sensible difference could be found. Yet that error which in one year could not be perceived, was very apparent in a few of those Cycles; the new Moons anticipating in one Cycle 7. hours, and some minutes of the precise rule. Therefore Calippus devised a new Cycle containing four of Metons', that is to say, 76. years; and afterwards Hipparchus, a Noble Ginger, framed another, containing four of Calippus his Periods, each of them finding some error in the former observations, which they diligently corrected. The last reformation of the Calendar was that which julius Caesar made, who by advice of the best Mathematicians, then to be found, examining the courses of those heavenly bodies, reduced the year unto the form which is now in use with us, containing 365. days and six hours, which hours in four years make up one whole day, that is intercalated every fourth year, the 24. of February. The correction of the julian year by Pope Gregory the 13. Anno Domini 1582. is not as yet entertained by general consent; it was indeed, but as a note added unto the work of Caesar: yet a note of great importance. For whereas it was observed, that the Sun, which at the time of the Nicene Council, Anno Dom. 324. entered the Equinoctial on the 21. day of March, was in the year 1582. ten days sooner found in that time, Pope 〈◊〉 struck out of the Calendar ten days, following the fourth of October, so that in stead of the fifth day was written the fifteenth; by which means the movable Feasts depending on the suns entrance into Aries, were again celebrated in such time, as at the Nicene Council they had been. And the better to prevent the like alterations, it was by the Council of Trent ordained, that from thence forward in every hundredth year, the Leap day should be omitted, excepting still the fourth hundred: because the Sun doth not in his yearly course take up full six hours above the 365. days; but faileth so many minutes, as in 400. years make about three whole days.  
But the Cycle of 19 years, which the Hebrews used, was such as neither did need any nice curiosity of hours, minutes, and other lesser Fractions to help it; neither did in summing up the days of the whole year, neglect the days of the Moon, confounding one month with another. For with them it fell out so, that always the Kalends or first day of the month was at the new Moon, and because that day was festival, they were very careful aswell to observe the short year of the Moon, passing through all the 12. Signs in one month, as that longer of the Sun, which is needfully regarded in greater accounts. First, therefore they gave to Nisan their first month, which is about our March or April, 30. days; to 〈◊〉 their second month 29. days; and so successively 30. to one, 29. to another. Hereby it come to pass, that every two Months of theirs contained somewhat evenly two revolutions of the Moon, allowing 29. days, 12. hours, and odd minutes, from change to change. The spare minutes were bestowed among the superfluous or Epact days; which made up 7. Months in 19 years; to 6. of which 7. were commonly given 30. days; to one of them 29. days, or otherwise as was found requisite. Their common year (as appeareth by the several days of each month) contained 354. days, which fail of the year, wherein the Sun finisheth his course, 11. whole days, with some fractions of time. But these days, and other broken pieces, howsoever they were neglected in one year, yet in the Cycle of 19 years were so disposed of by convenient Intercalations, that still at the end of that Cycle, both the Sun and Moon were found on the same day of the year, month and week, yea commonly on the same hour of the day, where they had been at the beginning of it 19 years before.  
divers have diversly set down the form of the Hebrew year, with the manner of their Intercalations. SIGONIUS tells us, that every second year they did add 
Sig. derep. Hebr. lib. 3. c. 1.  a month of 22. days; every fourth year a month of 23. in the regard of 11. days and a half wanting in 12. moons to fulfil a year of the Sun. But herein SIGONIUS was very much deceived. For the Moon doth never finish her course in 22. or 23. days: and therefore to have added so many days to the end of the year, had 〈◊〉 the way to change the fashion of all the Months in the years following, which could not have begun as they aught, with the new Moon. Genebrard saith, 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 2  that every third year, or second year, as need required, they did intercalate one month, adding it at the years end unto the other 12. This I believe to have been true; but in which of the years the intercalation was (if it be worthy of consideration) me thinks they do not probably deliver, who keep all far from evenness until the very last of the 19 years. For (to omit such as err grossly) some there are who say, that after three years, when besides the days spent in 36. courses of the Moon, 33. days are left remaining, that is, 11. days of each year; then did the Hebrews add a month of 30. days; keeping three days, as it were in plussage unto the next account. The like, say they, was done at the end of the sixt year; at which time, besides the Intercalarie month, remained six days, namely, three surmounting that month, and the Epact of three years, besides the three formerly reserved. Thus they go on to the 18. year; at which time they have 18. days in hand: all which with the Epact of the 19 year make up a month of 29. days, that being intercalated at the end of the Cycle makes all even.  
Whither this were the practice, I can neither affirm nor deny; yet surely it must needs have bred a great confusion, if in the 18. year every month were removed from his own place by the distance of 48. days, that is, half a quarter of the year and more; which inconvenience by such a reckoning was unavoidable. Wherhfore, I prefer the common opinion, which preventeth such dislocation of the Months, by setting down a more convenient way of Intercalation in the 8. year. For the 6. days remaining after the two former Intercalations made in the third and sixth years, added unto the 22. days, arising out of the Epacts of the seventh and eighth years, do fitly serve to make up a month, with the borrowing of one day or two from the year following; and this borrowing of two days is so far from causing any disorder, that indeed it helps to make the years ensuing vary the less from the proper season of every month. This may suffice to be spoken of the Hebrew Months and Years, by which they guided their accounts.   

§. VII. Of the passage of Israel from Succoth towards the Read Sea: and of the divers ways leading out of Egypt.  
FRom Succoth in the morning following, Moses led the Israelites towards the Desert of Etham, to recover the Mountain foot, by the edge of that Wilderness, though he intended nothing less than to go out that way, of all other the nearest. But being assured of the multitude of Horsemen and armed Chariots, that followed him, he kept himself from being encompassed, by keeping the rough and Mountainous ground on his left hand. At Etham he rested but one night, and then he reflected back from the entrance thereof, and marched away directly towards the South; the distance between it and Succoth being about eight mile. That he forbore to enter Arabia being then in sight thereof, it seemeth to proceed from three respects; the first two natural; the third divine. For Pharaoh being then at hand, and having received intelligence of the way which Moses took, persuaded himself, that the numbers which Moses led, consisting of above a Million, if not two Million of souls, (for as 
It is probable that all those Egyptians and others brought by the Hebrews to the knowledge of the true God, followed Moses at his departure.  it is written Exod. the 12. Great multitudes of sundry sorts of people went out with them) could not possibly pass over those Desert and high Mountains with so great multitudes of Women, Children, and cattle, but that at the very entrance of that fastness he should have overtaken them, and destroyed the greatest numbers of them. For these his own words: They are tangledin the Land, the Wilderness hath shut them in, do show his hopes and intents; which Moses by turning another way did frustrate. Secondly, Moses by offering to enter Arabia that way, drew Pharaoh towards the eastside of the Land of Gosen, or Rameses: from whence (missing Moses there) his pursuit after him with his Chariots was more difficult, by reason of the roughness of the way; and howsoever, yet while the Hebrews kept the Mountain foot on the left hand, they were better secured from the over-bearing violence both of the Horse and Chariots. Thirdly, Moses confidence in the Al-powerfull God was such, by whose spirit, only wise, he was directed, as he rather made choice to leave the glory of his deliverance and victory to Almighty God, than either by an escape the next way, or by the strength of his multitude, consisting of 600000. men, to cast the success upon his own understanding, wise conduction, or valour. The third day he marched with a double pace from Etham towards the Valley of Pihacheroth, 16. mile distant; and sat down between two ledges of Mountains adjoining to the Read Sea, to wit, the Mountains of Etham on the North, and 〈◊〉 towards the South: the same which Osorius calleth Climax: on the top whereof there stood a 
Climax is rather so called in respect of a passage up and down, then that it is any proper name.  Temple dedicated to 〈◊〉. And, as Phagius noteth, the word so compounded, is as much to say, as, Dominus speculae, sive custodiae; Lord of the watch-towre. For the Egyptians believed, or at lest made their slaves believe, that if any of them offered to escape that way into Arabia, this Idol would both arrest them, and force them to return to their Lords and Masters. For the Egyptians had gods for all turns. AEgyptij 〈◊〉 foecundi; The Egyptians were fruitful in gods, saith Saint Hierome. But Moses, who encamped at the foot of this Mountain with a million of souls, or as other conceive, with two millions, found this Lord of the watch-towre asleep, or out of countenance.  
Now these two passages leading out of Egypt into Arabia upon the firm land, Moses refused, as well that of Pelusium and Casiotis, the fairest and shortest of all other, 
Exod. 13. v. 17.  in respect of 〈◊〉, as the other by Etham, from which he reflected, for the reasons before remembered, and took the way by the Valley of Pihacheroth, between the Mountains, which made a strait entrance towards the Sea. After whom Pharaoh made so great speed with his Horsemen and Chariots, as he gave the Hebrews no time at all to rest them after so long a march; but gate sight of them, and they of him, even at the very brink and wash of the Sea: insomuch as the Hebrews being terrified with Pharaoh's sudden approach, began to despair, and to mutiny, at that time when it behoved them most to have taken courage for their own defence; laying it to Moses charge, that themselves foresaw those perils in which they were wrapped. And fear, Which, saith the book of WISDOM, is the 
Cap. 17. 11.  betraying of those succours which reason offereth, made them both despair in God's former promises, and to be forgetful of their own strength and multitudes.   

§. VIII. Of their passage over the Read Sea: and of the Read Sea itself.  
But Moses who feared nothing but God himself, persuaded them to be confident in his goodness, who hath never abandoned those, that assuredly trust in him; using this comfortable and resolved speech: Fear not, etc. for the Egyptians whom ye have seen this day, ye shall 
Exod. 14. v. 13.  never see them again. The Lord shall fight for you. After which Moses calling on God for succour, received encouragement, and commandment to go on, in these words: Wherhfore criest thou unto me? speak unto the children of Israel 
Exod. 14. v. 16.  that they go forward; and lift thou up thy rod, and stretch out thy hand upon the Sea, and divide it, and let the children of Israel go on dry ground through the midst of the Sea. MOSES obeying the voice of God, in the dark of the night finding the sands uncovered, passed on towards the other side and coast of Arabia: two parts of the night being spent ere he entered the Ford, which it pleased God by a forcible Eastern wind, and by Moses rod to prepare.  
Pharaoh followed him even at the heels, finding the same dry ground which Moses trod on. Therefore, as it is written: The Angel of God which went before the Host of Israel, removed, and went behind them: also the pillar of the cloud went from before them, and stood behind them; which is, that it pleased God therein either by his immediate power, or by the ministery of his Angel, to interpose his defence between the Hebrews and their Enemies; to the end that the Egyptians might hereby be 
〈◊〉 24. v. 7.  blinded, in such sort, as they could not pursue Israel with any harmful speed. But in the morning watch Moses seized the other bank of Arabia side: and Pharaoh (as the dawn of day began to illighten the obscure air) finding a beginning of the Seas return, hasted himself towards his own Coast: But MOSES stretched forth 
Exod. 14. v. 27.  his hand, and the Sea returned to his force, that is, the Sea moved by the power of God, ran back towards the land with unresistible fury and swiftness, and overwhelmed the whole Army of Pharaoh, so as not one escaped. For it is written, that God took off their Chariot wheels, that is, when the waters began to cover the sands, the Egyptians being strucken with fear of death, ran one athwart another, and missing the path by which they had passed on after the Hebrews, their wheels stuck fast in the mud and quicksands, and could not be drawn out: the Sea coming against them with supernatural violence.  
Lyranus upon Exod. 14. and others, following the opinions or old Traditions of the Hebrews, conceived, that after Moses had by the power of God divided the Read Sea, and that the children of Israel were fearful to enter it, Aminadab Prince or Leader of the Tribe of juda first made the adventure, and that therefore was that Tribe ever after honoured above the rest, according to the prophecy of JACOB, Gen. 49. 8. Thy father's sons shall bow down unto thee. But Hierome upon the 11. of Hosee condemns this opinion. And though it be true, that juda had the first place in all their marches in the Desert, and, as we now call it, led the Vanguard; (whereupon it may be inferred, that he also led the way through the Read Sea) yet that Moses himself was the Conductor of Israel at that time, it is generally received. For, as it is written in the 77. PSALM: Thou didst lead thy people like sheep by the hand of MOSES and AARON.  
The Hebrews have also another fancy, that the Read Sea was divided into twelve parts, and that every Tribe passed over in a path apart, because it is written in the 135. Psalm, according to the vulgar: Divisit mare rubrum in divisiones; He divided the Read Sea in divisions. Also that the bottom of the Sea become as a green Field or Pasture. But Origen, Epiphanius, Abulensis, and Genebrard, favouring this conceit, had forgotten to consider, that there were not twelve Pillars, nor twelve Armies of the Egyptians. It is written in the 77. Psalm, v. 16. Thy way is in the Sea; not thy ways; and in the last of the book of Wisdom, vers. 7. In the Read Sea there was a way.  
The breadth of this Sea from Elana, or Ezion Gaber adjoining, now Toro, called by the ancient Cosmographers Sinus Elaniticus, which washeth the banks of Madian or Midian, is for 16. or 17. League's together, along Northward towards Sues, some three Leagues or nine English mile over, and from this Port of Toro to Sues, and the end of this Sea it is in length about 28. Leagues, of which the first 26. have nine mile's breadth, as aforesaid, and afterward the lands both from Egypt and Arabia, thrust themselves into the Sea, and straighten it so fast, as for six miles together, it is not above three mile over; from thence upward the land on Egypt side, falleth away and makes a kind of Bay or Cove for some ten miles together, after which the land grows upon the Sea again, and so binds it into the very end thereof, at four mile's breadth or thereabouts, in which tract it was that Moses passed it over, though others would have it to be over-against Elana or Toro; but without judgement: for from Ramases to Pihacheroth and Baalzephon, there is not above 30. miles interjacent, or 35. miles at most, which Moses passed over in three days: and between the land of Egypt opposite to Elana or Toro, the distance is above 80. miles. For Ramases, to which City Moses come (being the Metropolis of Gosen) when he left Pharaoh at Zoan, and took his last leave, standeth in 30. degrees five minutes of Septentrional Latitude: and Migdol, or the Valley of Pihacheroth, at the foot of the Mountain Climax, or Baalsephon, in nine and twenty and a half, which made a difference of five and thirty English mile, the way lying in effect North and South.   

§. IX.. That the passage through the Read Sea was miraculous, and not at a low Ebb.  
THe Egyptians, and of them the Memphites, and other Heathen Writers, who in hatred of the Hebrews have objected that Moses passed over the Read Sea at a low ebb, upon a great springtide, and that Pharaoh conducted more by fury then discretion, pursued him so far, as before he could recover the coast of Egypt, he was overtaken by the flood and therein perished, did not well consider the nature of this place with other circumstances. For not to borrow strength from that part of the Scriptures, which makes it plain, that the Waters were divided, and that God wrought this miracle by an Easterly wind, and by the hand and rod of Moses (which authority to men that believe not therein persuadeth nothing) I say, that by the same natural reason unto which they fasten themselves, it is made manifest, that had there been no other working power from above, or assistance given from God himself to Moses, and the children of Israel than ordinary and casual, then could not Pharaoh and all his Army have perished in that pursuit.  
For wheresoever there is any ebbing of the Sea in any gulf, or indraught, there do the waters fall away from the Land, and run downward towards the Ocean, leaving all that part towards the Land as far as the Sea can ebb, or fall off, to be dry Land. Now Moses entering the Sea at Migdol under Baalzephon (if he had taken the advantage and opportunity of the tide) must have left all that end of the Read Sea towards Sues, on his left hand dry and uncovered. For if a passage were made by falling away of the water, ten or twelve mile farther into the Sea then Sues, much more was it made at Sues, and between it and where Moses passed: who entered the same so far below it, and towards the body of the same Sea. It follows then, that if all that part of the Sleeve or 〈◊〉, had been by the ebb of a springtide discovered, when Pharaoh found the flood increasing, he needed not to have returned by the same way toward Egypt side, but might have go on in his return before the tide, on his right hand: and so taken ground again at the end of that Sea, at Sues itself, or elsewhere. But the Scriptures do truly witness the contrary, that is, That the Sea did not fall away from the Land, as naturally it doth; but that Moses passed on between two Seas, and that the waters were divided. Otherwise, Pharaoh by any return of waters could not have perished, as he did: and therefore the effects of that great Armies destruction, prove the cause to have been a power above nature, and the miraculous work of God himself. Again, those words of the Scriptures, that God caused the Sea to run back by a strong East-wind, do rather prove the miracle, than that thereby was caused an ebb more than ordinary: for that Sea doth not lie East and West, but, in effect North and South, And it must have been a West and Northwest wind, that must have driven those waters away through their proper Channels, and to the Southeast into the Sea. But the East-wind blue athwart the Sea, and cut it asunder: so as one part fell back towards the South, and main body thereof: the other part remained towards Sues, and the North. Which being unknown to Pharaoh: while he was checked by that Sea, which used in all times before to ebb away, the flood priest him and overwhelmed him. Thirdly, seeing josephus avoweth, that Moses was not only of excellent judgement generally, but also, so great a Captain, as he overthrew the Aethiopians in many battles, being employed by Pharaoh, and won divers Cities seeming impregnable: it were barbarous to condemn him of this grossness, and distraction: that rather than he would have endured the hardness of a Mountainous passage at hand (had not God 〈◊〉 him to take that way, and foretold him of the honour which he would there win upon Pharaoh) he would have trusted to the advantage of an ebbing water. For he knew not the contrary, but that Pharaoh might have found him, and priest him, as well when it flowed as when it ebbed, as it seemeth he did. For the people, beholding Pharaoh's approach, cried out against Moses, and despaired altogether of their safety: and when Moses prayed unto God for help, he was answered by God: Wherhfore criest thou unto me? speak unto the children of Israel that they go forward, and lift thou up thy rod, and stretch out thy hand upon the Sea, and divide it: which proves that there was not at the time of Pharaoh's approach any ebb at all; but that God did disperse and cut through the weight of waters, by a strong East-wind, whereby the Sands discovered themselves between the Sea on the left hand toward Sues, from whence the waters moved not, and the Sea which was towards the South on the right hand, So that the waters were a wall unto them on the right hand, and on the 
Cap. 14. v. 22.  left hand, that is, the waters so defended them on both sides, as the Egyptians could only follow them in the same path; not that the waters stood upright as walls do, as some of the Schoolmen have fancied. For had Pharaoh and the Egyptians perceived any such buildings in the Sea, they would soon have quitted the chance and pursuit of Israel. Furthermore, there is no man of judgement, that can think, that Pharaoh and the Egyptians, who then excelled all Nations in the observations of heavenly Motions, could be ignorant of the fluxes, and refluxes of the Sea, in his own Country, on his own Coast, and in his own most traded and frequented Ports and Havens, and wherein, his people having had so many hundreds of years experience of the tides, he could not be caught, as he was, through ignorance, nor by any foreknown or natural accident, but by God's powerful hand only; which then falleth most heavily on all men, when looking through no other spectacle but their own prosperity, they lest discern it coming, and lest fear it. Lastly, if the Army of the Egyptians had been overtaken by the ordinary return of the flood, before 〈◊〉 could recover their own Coast; their bodies drowned would have been carried with the flood which runneth up to Sues, and to the end of that Sea, and not have been cast ashore on that coast of Arabia where Moses landed, to wit, upon the Sea-bank over against Baalzephon, on Arabia side: where it was that the Israelites seen their dead bodies; and not at the end of the Read Sea, to which place the ordinary flood would have carried them: Which flood doth not any where cross the Channel, and run athwart it, as it must have done from Egypt side to Arabia, to have cast the Egyptians bodies there; but it keeps the natural course towards the end of that Sea: and to which their carcases should have been carried, if the work had not been supernatural and miraculous. Apollonius in the lives of the Fathers affirmeth, that those of the Egyptians which stayed in the Country, and did not follow Pharaoh in the pursuit of Israel, did ever after honour those Beasts, Birds, Plants, or other Creatures, about which they were busied at the time of Pharaoh's destruction: as he that was then labouring in his Garden, made a God of that Plant or Root, about which he was occupied: and so of the rest. But how those multitudes of gods were erected among them, a more probable reason shall be given elsewhere. Orosius in his first Book and tenth Chapter against the Pagans', tells us, that in his time, who lived some 400. years after Christ, the prints of Pharaoh's Chariot wheels were to be seen at a low water on the Egyptian sands: and though they were sometime defaced by wind and weather, yet soon after they appeared again. But hereof I leave every man to his own belief.    

CHAP. FOUR Of the journeying of the Israelites from the Read Sea, to the place where the Law was given them: with a discourse of Laws.  

§. I. A transition, by way of recapitulation of some things touching Chronologie: with a continuance of the story, until the Amalekites met with the Israelites.  
BUT to go on with the story of Israel, in this sort I collect the times. Moses was borne in the year of the World 2434. Saphrus then governing Assyria; Orthopolis Sycionia, or Peloponnesus; Criasus the Argives; Orus Egypt, and Deucalion Thessaly. He fled into 
Acts 7. 〈◊〉 14. 2474.  Midian when he had lived 40. years, in the year of the World 2474. and two years after was 〈◊〉 borne. He returned by the commandment and ordinance of God into Egypt, and wrought his miracles in the fields of Zoan, in the year 2514. in the 
2514.  last month of that year. On the 14. day of the first Hebrew month Abib, or the 15. of that month, beginning the day (as they) at Sun setting, in the year of the World 2514. was the celebration of the Passeover: 
Pag. 254.  and in the dead of the night of the same day were all the first-born slain through Egypt, or in all those parts where the 〈◊〉 inhabited. The 15. day of the first month of the Hebrews called Abib, being about the beginning of the year of the World 2514. Moses with the children of Israel removed from the general 
〈◊〉. 12.  assembly at Ramases, and marched to Succoth. 
〈◊〉. 33.   
And departing thence they made their third Station at Etham: and journeying from 
Exod. 13.  Etham, they encamped in the Valley of Pihacheroth, or Migdol, under the Mountain 
Num. 33.  Baalzephon; and in the same night after midnight, they passed the Read Sea: Pharaoh 
Exod. 14.  and his Army perishing in their return, about the first dawn of the day. Moses 
Num. 33.  having recovered the banks of Arabia, gave thanks unto God, for the delivery of 
Exod. 14.  Israel; and making no stay on that coast, entered the Deserts of Arabia Petraea, called Sur. But finding no water in that passage, he encamped at 〈◊〉, in the Desert of Etham, which in Exod. 15. v. 22. is also called Sur, 25. miles from the Sea: where the 
Num. 33.  children of Israel priest with extreme thirst, murmured against Moses the second time; first at Pharaoh's approach in Pihachcroth, and now in Arabia. But Moses taking 
Exod. 15.  the branches of a tree, growing near a Lake of bitter water, and casting the same 
〈◊〉. 33.  thereinto, made the same sweet: a plain type and figure of our Saviour; who upon the tree of the Cross changed the bitterness of everlasting death into the sweetness of eternal life. Pliny remembers these bitter Fountains in his sixth Book and 29. Chapter. From whence to Delta in Egypt, Sesostris first, Dartus after him, and lastly Ptolemie the second, began to cut an artificial River, thereby by Boats and small Shipping to trade and navigate the Read Sea, from the great Cities upon Nilus. From 〈◊〉 he removed to Elim, the sixth Mansion, a march of eight miles: where 
〈◊〉. 15.  finding twelve Fountains of sweet water, and threescore and ten Palm trees, he 
Num. 33.  rested divers days.  
Whither this Helim were the name of a Town or City in Moses time, I 〈◊〉 affirm. And yet the scarcity of waters in that Region was such, as Helim, which had twelve Fountains, could hardly be left unpeopled. William, Archbishop of tire, in his History of the Holy War, found at Helim the ruins of a great and ancient City. And at such time as Baldwine the first passed that way into Egypt, Ingressus (saith he) Helim, Civitatem 〈◊〉 am populo Israelitico aliquando 
William. Tyr. l. 〈◊〉. 11. cap. 19  familiarem; ad quam cum pervenisset, loci illius incolae, Regis adventu praecognito, naviculam ingredientes in mare vicinum se contulerunt; Entering Helim a very ancient City, well known sometime to the people of Israel; wither, when he come, the inhabitants, forewarned of the King's approach, took Boat, and shifted themselves into the Sea, lying near them. From Elim he returned again towards the South, and sat down by the banks of the Read Sea: the seventh Mansion. For it seemeth that he had knowledge of Amalech, who prepared to resist his passage through that part of Arabia. And Moses who had not as yet trained those of the Hebrews, appointed to bear arms: nor assured the minds of the rest, who encountering with the lest misery, were more apt to return to their quiet slavery, than either to endure the wants and perils which every where accompanied them in that passage, or at this time to undertake or sustain so dangerous an enemy: he therefore made stay at this Mansion, until the fifteenth of the second month called Zim, or jiar: and made 
Exod. 16.  the eight Mansion in the Desert of Zin; where the children of Israel mutinied against Moses the third time, having want of food. In the sixteenth Chapter of Exodus, Moses omitteth this retreat from Elim to the read Sea, but in the collection of every several encamping, in the 33. of Numbers, it is set down.  
Here it pleased God to sand so many flights of Quails, as all the Country about their encamping was covered with them. The morning following it also reigned 〈◊〉, being the sixteenth of their month, which served them in stead of bread. 
Exod. 16.  For now was the store consumed which the people carried with them out of Egypt. And though they had great numbers of cattle, and Sheep among them, yet it seemeth that they durst not feed themselves with many of those: but reserved them both for the milk to relieve the children withal: and for breed to store themselves when they come to the Land promised.  
From hence towards Raphidim they made two removes of twenty mile: the one to Daphca, the other to 〈◊〉, distant from Raphidim six miles. Here being again priest with want of water, they murmured the fourth time, and repent them of their departure from Egypt, where they rather contented themselves to be fed and beaten after the manner of beasts, than to suffer a casual and sometime necessary want, and to undergo the hazards and travails which every manly mind seeketh after, for the love of God and their own freedoms.  
But Moses with the same rod which he divided the Sea withal, in the sight of the Elders of Israel, brought waters out of the 
Exod. 17.  Rock, where with the whole multitude were satisfied.   

§. II Of the Amalekites, Madianites, and Kenites, upon occasion of the battle with the Amalekites, and JETHROES' coming: who being a Kenite, was Priest of Madian.  
ANd while Moses encamped in this place, the Amalekites who had knowledge of his approach, and guessed that he meant to lead the children of Israel through their Country (which being barren of itself, would be utterly wasted by so great a multitude of People and cattle) thought it most for their advantage to set upon them at Raphidim: where the want of water, and all other things needful for the life of man enfeebled them. On the other side Moses perceiving their resolutions, gave charge to josua, to draw out a sufficient number of the ablest Hebrews, to encounter Amalech. 
Exod. 17.  Between whom and Israel, the victory remained doubtful, for the most part of the day: the Hebrews and Amalekites contending with equal hopes and repulses for many hours. And had not the strength of Moses prayers to God been of far greater force, and more prevalent, than all resistance and attempt made by the bodies of men; that valiant and warlike Nation had greatly endangered the whole enterprise. For those bodies which are unacquainted with scarcity of food, and those minds whom a servile education hath dulled, being beaten, & despaired in their first attempts, will hardly, or never be brought again to hazard themselves.  
After this victory jethro repaired to Moses, bringing with him Moses his wife, and his two Sons, which either jethro forbore to conduct, or Moses to receive, till he had by this overthrow of Amalech the better assured himself of that part of Arabia. For it is written in the 18. of Exod. v. 1. When JETHRO the Priest of Midian, MOSES Father in law, heard all that God had done for MOSES, etc. of which, the last deed, to wit, the overthrow of Amalech, gave jethro courage and assurance, he then repaired to his son in law Moses, at Sinai; where amongst other things, he advised Moses to appoint judges, and other Officers, over Israel; being himself unable to give order in all causes and controversies, among so many thousands of people, full of discontentment and private controversy.  
This jethro, although he dwelled amongst the Midianites, yet he was by Nation a Kenite, as in the fourth of judges v. 11. & 17. it is made manifest; where it is written; Now HEBER the Kenite, which was of the children of HOBAB, to wit, the son of JETHRO, the father in law of MOSES, was departed from the Kenites, and pitched his Tents until the Plain of Zaanaim, which is by Kedesh. Likewise in the first of Samuel, Saul commanded the Kenites to departed from among the Amalekites, jest he 
C. 15. v. 16.  should destroy them with the Amalekites. For the Kenites inhabited the mountains of Sin Kadesh: and the Amalekites dwelled in the Plains, according to the saying of Balaam, speaking of the Kenites; Strong is thy dwelling place, and thou hast put thy nest 
Num. 24. v. 21.  in the Rock. And that Saul spared this Nation, he giveth for cause, that they showed mercy to all the children of Israel, when they come up from Egypt. For these Kenites were a Nation of the Madianites, and the Madianites were of the issues 
Sam. 1. c. 15.  
Gene. 25.  of Madian, one of the six sons which Abraham begat on Kethura: and might also take that name of Kenites from Kethura, of whom they descended by the Mother, who as it seemeth kept the knowledge of the true God among them, which they received from their parent Abraham. For Moses, when he fled out of Egypt into Midian, and married the daughter of jethro, would not (had he found them Idolaters) have made jethroes' Daughter the Mother of his children. And although the Kenites are named amongst those Nations, which God promised, that the seed of Abraham should root out, and inherit their lands; yet it cannot be meant by these; who are descended from Abraham himself: but by some other Nation, bearing the same name; and in all likelihood of the race of Chus. For in the fifteenth of Genes. vers. nineteenth these Kenites or Chusites are listed with the Hittites and Perizites, with the Amorites, Canaanites, Gergesites, and jebusites, which were indeed afterwards rooted out. But these Kenites, descended from Abraham, 
Gen. 〈◊〉.  had separated themselves from among the rest, which were altogether idolatrous. For, as is before remembered, Heber the Kenite, which was of the children 
judg. 4.  of Hobab, was departed from the Kenites, that is to say, from those Kenites of Canaan, and inhabited in Zaanaim, which is by Kedesh or Kadesh. Again, Moses nameth that Nation of the Kenites, before Midian, or any of Abraham's other sons were borne: which he did (referring myself to better judgement) rather, because they were more ancient, than by anticipation.  
And as of the Kenites, so we may consider of the Madianites, parted by Moses into 
Gen. 25. 〈◊〉.  five Tribes. For some of them were corrupted, and Heathens; as those of Madian by the River Zared, afterwards 〈◊〉 by Moses. But the Madianites near the banks of the Read Sea, where Moses married his wife Zipora, and with whom he left her and his children, till after the overthrow of Amalech, seem likewise not to have been corrupted. For these Madianites with the Kenites assisted Israel, and guided them in the Deserts. But the Madianites in Moab, and to the North of the Metropolis of Arabia, called Petraea, were by Israel rooted out, when those adjoining to the Read Sea were not touched.  
And though it may be doubted, whither those of Madian, of whom jethro was Priest, and the other Cities in Moab were the same, yet the contrary is more probable. For Moses would not have sent 12000. Israelites, as far back as the Read Sea, from the Plains of Moab, to have destroyed that Madian, where his wives kindred inhabited: seeing himself coming with 600000. able men, was encountered by Amalech, in that passage. Neither could Moses forget the length of the way through those uncomfortable Deserts, wherein himself and Israel had wandered 40 year.  
That jethro, or jothor, Raguel, or Revel, and Hobab, were but one person, the Scriptures teach us. For the Vulgar and Septuagint, which call him Raguel; and our English Revel; Exod. 2. 18. calls him jethro, or jothor, Exod. 3. & v. 1. c. 4. v. 18. & c. 18. 1. & 6. 9 10. & 12. and in Numbers c. 10. v. 29. Hobab. Others take jethro and Hobab to be the same, but not Raguel.   

§. III Of the time when the Law was given: with divers commendations of the invention of Laws.  
THe rest of the months of this year 2515. were spent in the Desert of Sinai, near the mountain of Sinai or Horeb, the twelfth Mansion. Eusebius thought that Sinai or Horeb were distinct mountains: Hierome, to be but one, of a double name. And so it appeareth by many Scriptures. For in Exod. 3. 〈◊〉. 1. it is called Horeb: and in Exod. 24. v. 16. it is written Sinai. In the 100 Psalm v. 19: Horeb: in Exod. 19 11. Sinai. And so it is called, Galatians 4. 24. and again, Deut. 4. 10. & 15. & Deut. 5. 2. Horeb. And so is it in the first of Kings 8. 6. and the 2. of Chron. 5. 10. and in Malachi 4. 4. Finally, in Ecclesiasticus the 48 7. they are named as one. Which heardest (saith Ecclesiasticus) the rebuke of the Lord in Sinai, and in Horeb the judgement of the vengeance. Some what they are disjoined at the top by the report of Peter Belonius: who in the year 1588. past out of Egypt into Arabia, with Monsieur de Fumet of France, and travailed to the top both of Sinai and Horeb: Sinai being by far the higher hill. From the side of Horeb (saith he) there falleth a very fair spring of water into the Valley adjoining: where he found two Monasteries of Christian Marronites, containing some 100 Religious persons of divers Nations, who had pleasant gardens, delicate first-fruits, and excellent wine. These (saith the same Author) give entertainment to 
Pet. Bel. lib. 2. c. 62.  all strangers, which pass that way.  
Now, that there was some such Torrent of water near Sinai in Moses time, it is very probable: First, because he encamped thereabouts almost a year, and drew no water, as in other places, by miracle: secondly, because it is written Exod. 32. 20. that when Moses had broken the golden Calf to powder, which Aaron set up in his absence, he cast the powder thereof into the water, and made the children of Israel to drink thereof.  
On this mountain, the Law by the Angel of God was given to Moses, where he stayed a whole year, wanting some ten or twelve days: for he removed not till the 20. day of the second month of the second year; and he arrived about the 45. day after the egression: the Law being given the 50. day.  
At this Mansion all was done, which is written from the beginning of the 29. Chapter of Exodus, to the end of that book; all in Leviticus; and all in Numbers, to the 10. Chapter. Whereof (because there is no story nor other passage) I will omit the repetition, and in place thereof speak somewhat of the Law, and the kinds and use thereof: whereby, if the Reader find the story any way disjoined, he may turn over a few leaves, and, omitting this, find the continuation thereof. We must first consider, that as there can be neither foundation, building, nor continuance of any Commonwealth, without the rule, level, and square of Laws: so it pleased God to give thereby unto Moses the powerfullest mean (his miraculous grace excepted) to govern that multitude which he conducted; to make them victorious in their passage, and to establish them assuredly in their conquest. For as the North star is the most fixed director of the Seaman to his desired Port: so is the Law of God the guide & conductor of all in general, to the haven of eternal life: the Law of nature, from God his eternal law deduced, the rule of all his Creatures: the Law human, depending on both these, the guard of Kings, Magistrates, and virtuous men; yea, the very spirit, and the very sinews of every estate in the world, by which they live and move: the Law, to wit, a just law, being resembled to an Heart without affection, to an Eye without lust, and to a Mind without passion; a Treasurer, which keepeth for every man what he hath, and distributeth to every man what he aught to have.  
This benefit the Ancient, though barbarous, esteemed so highly, that among them, those which were taken for the first makers of Laws, were honoured as Gods, or as the sons of God's: and the rest, that made either additions or corrections, were commended to all posterity for men of no less virtue, and no less liberally beneficial to their Countries, than the greatest & most prosperous Conquerors that ever governed them. The Israelites, the Lacedæmonians, and the Athenians, received their Laws from one: as the Israelites from Moses; the Lacedæmonians from Lycurgus; the Athenians from Solon; the Romans sometime from their first Kings, from their Decemviri, from their Senators, from their Lawyers, and from the people themselves: others from the Prince, Nobility, and People; as in England, France, and in other Christian Monarchies and Estates.   

§. FOUR Of the name and meaning of the words, Law, and Right.  
THe word Lex, or Law, is not always taken alike, but is diversly, and in an indifferent sense used. For if we consider it at large, it may be understood for any rule prescribing a necessary mean, order, and method, for the attaining of an end. And so the rules of Grammar, or other Arts, are called Laws. Or it is taken for any private ordinance of Superiors to Inferiors: for the commandments of Tyrants, which they cause to be observed by force, for their decrees do also usurp that title, according to the general acceptation of the word Law: of which Easie, Woe unto 
Easie 10.  them that decree wicked decrees, and writ grievous things. Likewise, the word is used for the tumultuary resolutions of the people. For such constitutions doth Aristotle also call laws, though evil and unsufficient. Mala lex est quae tumultuariè posita 
Ethic. l. 4. c. 1.  est; It is an ill law that is made tumultuously. So as all ordinances, good or evil, are called by the name of laws.  
The word Law is also taken for the moral habit of our mind, which doth (as it were) command our thoughts, words, and actions: framing and fashioning them according to itself, as to their pattern and platform. And thus the law of the flesh which the Divines call legem fomitis, is to be understood. For every law is a kind of pattern of that which is done according unto it: in which sense as 
* Gen. 6. 5. Item 8. 〈◊〉.  elsewhere, this moral habit or disposition of the heart is called the frame or figmentum of the heart: so in St. Paul to the Romans it is called a Law. But I see another law in my members, rebelling against the law of my mind, and leading me captive unto the law of sin. Again, the nature and inclinations of all creatures are sometime called 
a So Virgil, 〈◊〉 has leges 〈◊〉, foedera certis imposuit natura locis; Where also it is to be noted that he joins leges & foedera together: as in the Scripture the law is often times called the covenant.  laws, so far as they agreed with the reason of the law eternal; as the law of a Lion, to be fierce or valiant.  
Also private contracts among Merchants and other Tradesmen, do often put on the name of laws. But law commonly and properly is taken, for a right rule, prescribing a necessary mean, for the good of a Commonwealth, or Civil community. The rest, to wit, the commandments of Tyrants, etc. which have not the common good for their end, but being leges iniquae, are by Thomas called violentiae magis quàm leges; rather compulsions than laws: And whatsoever is not just, St. Augustine doth not allow for laws, howsoever established: for he calls them iniquae hominum constituta, quae nec iura dicenda, nec putanda sunt; The unjust constitutions of men which are neither to be termed nor thought laws. For saith ARISTOTLE, Legaliaiusta sunt factius, & conseruativa foelicitatis; Just laws are the workers and preservers of happiness: because by them we are directed ad vitam quietam, to a quiet life, according to Cicero. Yea, to life ever lasting, according to the Scriptures. For the end of the law, saith Plato, is God and his worship. Finis legis Deus & cultus eius. 
Plato in Dial. 1. de Leg.  Lex, or the Law is so called by the Latins à legendo, or à ligando, of reading or binding: Leges quia lectae & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Varro; For after Laws were written and published, all men might read them, and behold in them whereto they were bound. The other Etymology, à ligando, is no less agreeable with the nature of a Law: whence in the Scripture it is called also a yoke, and a band: as confregerunt jugum, diruperunt vincula: they have broken the yoke, they have broken the bands. 
Hierem. 5. 5.  And in the second Psalm, Dirumpamus vincula eorum, & proijciamus à nobis funes 
Psalm. 2.  ipsorum; Let us break their bands in sunder, and cast away their cords from us.  
The Covenant it is called, because of the conditional promises of God: and because of God's people's voluntary submission of themselves unto it: for which word the Septuagint, and the Epistle to the Hebrews, use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Testament or last will: which name it hath, because it is not otherwise effectual for our salvation, but in respect of the death of the Testator, for without the death of the Testator, the Testament is of no force: as Hebr. 9 17. it is said, Testamentum in mortuis ratumest.  
The Hebrews call the law Thorah of teaching, because every man is thereby taught his duty, both to God and Men. The Greeks' call it Nomos of distributing, because it distributeth to every man his own due; the power of the law is the power of God: justice being an attribute proper unto God himself. Imperium legis imperium Dei est; The reign of the law, is the reign of God.  
Law in general is thus defined by the Philosophers: Lex est vitae regula, praecipiens quae sunt 〈◊〉, & quae fugienda; Law is the rule of life, commanding what to follow, and what to 〈◊〉, or Lex est omnium divinarum & humanarum 〈◊〉 Regina; Law is the Queen or Princess of things both human and divine. But this description is grounded upon the opinion of inevitable fate. Law is the very wisdom of Nature: the reason and understanding of the prudent: and the rule of right and wrong. For as a right line is called Index sui & curui, the demonstrance of itself, and of the crooked: so is the law, the judge and measure of right and wrong.  
Mr. Hooker calls the Law a directive rule to goodness of operation: and though law as touching the substance and essence, consist in understanding: Concludit tamen actum voluntatis; Yet it comprehends the act of our william. The word Ius is also diversly taken, as sometime for the matter of the law and for common right: sometime for the law itself: as Ius Civil, or Ius gentium. Isidore distinguisheth the two 
Isid. 〈◊〉.  general words Ius and Fas: whereof Ius, saith he, hath reference to men, Fas to God. Fas lex divina, Ius lex humana. To go over another man's field, is permitted, by God's law, not by man's; and therefore in a thing out of controversy, Virgil used both those words: as Fas & iura sinunt, God and men permit.  
The word Ius or Right, is derived or taken from the old substantive Noun iussus, a bidding or commandment: or perhaps from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the name of jupiter, or of the Latin genitive case iovis, because as the Scripture speaks, the judgement is Gods. For as it is certain that ius-iur andum come of jovis-iurandum, 
〈◊〉. 1. 17. 2. Cbron. 19 6.  (for so we find it written in Nonius out of the ancient, in which sense the Scripture calls it juramentum jehovae) so also we may say, that Ius come of iovis, quia iovis 
Exod. 22. 11. 1. Reg. 2. 43.  est: because as God is the Author, and Pattern, and Maintainer of right, so also in his Vicegerents the Magistrates, he is the pronouncer and executor of right. Of this Ius the just are denominated, justus à iure, and justitia à justo; The right gives name to the righteous: and justice takes her name from the just.   

§. V Of the definition of Laws, and of the law eternal.  
But because laws are manifold, and that every kind hath a proper and peculiar definition, it agreeth with order, first to divide and distinguish them. I mean those sorts of laws, from whence all other particulars are drawn: leaving the individuals of human laws to their infinite and horrible confusion.  

Laws are of 3. kinds.  
Eternal, or uncreated.  
Natural, National, or Internal.  
Law imposed or of addition, commonly called positive.  


Laws positive or imposed explicating, and perfecting the Law of Nature, are double.  
Divine which hath two parts.  


Written.  


The written is also double.  


The law of Moses.  
The Gospel.        


Unwritten.  


As the doctrine and religion of the patriarchs before the written law of Moses, which some call Cabala.      
Human which is also twofold.  


Written.  


Which Cicero in his second book of invention calleth Ius legitimum, divided into the  


Ecclesiastical, and  
Secular.        


Unwritten.  


As the laws of custom and use.         
The law eternal is thus defined by THOMAS. Lex aeternus est aeternus divinae sapientiae 
P. 2. q. 9 〈◊〉. 1.  conceptus, secundum quod ordinatur ad adgubernationem 〈◊〉 ab ipso praecognitarum; The eternal law is the eternal conceit of God's wisdom, as it is referred to the government of things foreknown by himself. Or Lex aeterna est summa atque aeterna 
Th. q. 93. 〈◊〉. 1.  ratio divine sapientiae: quatenus res omnes ad destinatos fines it a dirigit, ut illis juxta conditionem 〈◊〉 sarum modum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adferat; It is the high and eternal reason of 〈◊〉 sapience: as it 〈◊〉 all things in such sort to their proper ends, imposing a kind of necessity according to their several natures, or conditions. Now the difference lieth in this: That as the same divine understanding directeth all these to their proper ends; so it is called providence: but as it imposeth a 〈◊〉 according to the natures of all things which it directeth, so it is called a law.  
Of this eternal law Cicero took knowledge, when in his book of Laws, he wrote in this manner. Erat ratio 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 natura, & ad rectè faciendum impellens & à 〈◊〉 avocans: quae non tum incipit lex esse cum scripta est: sed tum cum ortaest. Orta autem simul est cum ment 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 lex vera atque princeps, apta ad inbendum & ad vetandum ratio est recta summi lovis; That perfect reason and nature of things encouraging or impelling to rightful actions, and calling us back from evil, did not (saith he) then begin to be a law when it was written: but when it had being. Being and beginning it had together with divine understanding, and therefore a true law and a fit Princess to command and forbidden, is the right reason of the most high God. This eternal law, (if we consider it in God, or as God,) is always one and the same; the nature of God being most simple: but as it is referred to divers objects, so the reason of man finds it divers and manifold. It also seemeth one law in respect of things necessary, as the motions of the heavens; stability of the earth, etc. but it appeareth otherwise to things contingent: another law to men: another to other creatures, having life, and to all those that be inanimate.  
By this eternal law all things are directed, as by the counsel and providence of God: from this law all laws are derived, as from the rule universal: and thereto referred, as the operation of the second to the first.  
The eternal, and the divine Law, differ only in consideration; the eternal directing 
Tho. & Aug.  more largely, aswell every creature, to their proper and natural ends, as it doth man to his supernatural: but the divine law to a supernatural end only: the Natural law is thence derived, but an effect of the eternal: as it were a stream from this fountain.  
The Law human or temporal is also thence drawn: in that it hath the form of right reason: from which if it differ, it is then impositio iniqua, a wicked imposition: and only borroweth the name of a law.  
To this eternal law all things are subjecteth, aswell Angels and Men, as all other creatures, or things created; whither necessary or contingent, natural, or moral, and human. For the law eternal runneth through all the universal, and therefore it is the law also of things which are simple, natural, and inanimate.  
Hence it is, that all things created are commanded to praise God their Creator and Director: as Praise him all ye his Angels: praise ye him Sun and Moon, all 
Psalm. 148.  bright Stars: heavens of heavens, for he hath established them for ever and ever. He hath made an 〈◊〉 which shall not pass: Praise ye the Lord from the earth ye Dragons and all depths: Fire, and hail, snow, and vapours, stormy winds, which 〈◊〉 his Word: mountains, and bills: fruitful trees and all Cedars: Beasts, and all cattle, etc. Now as the reasonable Creatures are by this eternal law bound, by the glory and 〈◊〉 proposed unto them (beatitude being both the attractive, and the end) so all other natural things and creatures, have in themselves, and in their own natures, an obedience formal to it, without any proper intention, known cause, or end proposed. For beasts are led by sense, and natural instinct: things without life by their created form, or formal appetites, as that which is heavy to fall downward: things light to mount upward, etc. and fire to heat whatsoever is opposed. This kind of working the Aristotelians ascribe to common nature: others to fate; a difference used in terms only; it being no other than God's general providence: for as it is truly said of God, that he is omnia super omnia: so are all things which appear in themselves thence derived: there-under subjecteth: thence-from by his eternal law and providence directed, even from the greatest to the lest of his creatures, in heaven and in earth.  
The Schoolmen are very curious and ample in the consideration of these laws: and in discourse of the profit, and of the matter, and object of the eternal law. But as the profit is manifest in the good of all creatures, who have thence-from, either reason, sense, vegetation, or appetition, to conduct them: so is the object and matter of the law, the whole creature. For according to Saint AUGUSTINE, Lex aeterna 
〈◊〉. 1. de lib. arb. cap. 6.  est, qua justum est ut omnia sint or dinatissima; The law eternal is that, whereby it is just, that all things should be disposed in the best and goodliest order.  
Lastly, it is disputed, whither the eternal law be immutable, yea or not? But the resolution is, that it changeth not; for which St. Augustine useth a sufficient argument in his first Book of Freewill the sixth Chapter. For the law of Moses which had a time prefixed, was eternally by God ordained to last until the time of the Paedagogia of God's people, or introduction to Christ should be expired; which time of expiration some think our Saviour noted to be come, when on the Cross he said, Consummatum est. But I rather think these words of our Saviour to have no 
john 18. 30. Psal. 〈◊〉. 22.  other signification, then that now the prophecy of their giving him Vinegar to drink was fulfilled. For so S. john expounds it, when he saith v. 28. That Christ seeing all (other) things to be fulfilled, ut consummaretur Scriptura, That the Scripture in this also might be fulfilled, said, I thirst: though I deny not, but at the same time also the date of the Law was expired, to wit, of the law ceremonial, and of so much of the judicial, as appertained peculiarly to the jews, and agreeth not with the law of the new Testament and Gospel of Christ. For the immutable law of God, though prescribing things mutable, is not therefore changed in itself; but the things prescribed change according to this eternal ordinance, of which the Wisdom of SALOMON, And being one she can do all things, and remaining in herself reneweth all.   

§. VI Of the Law of Nature.  
OF the law of Nature as it is taken in general, I find no definition among the Schoolmen: only as it is considered in man, it is called the 
Aug. in Epist. ad Hil. 89. & in 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. tract. 49.  impression of divine light, and a participation of the eternal law in the reasonable creature. Lex naturalis est impressio divini luminis in nobis, & participatio legis aeternae in rationali creatura. ULPIAN defines the natural 
Vlp. de justitia & jure. l. 1. tit. 1  law to be the same which nature hath taught all living creatures; Ius naturale est quod Natura omnia animalia docuit: and he afterward addeth, Ius ictud non humani generis proprium, sed omnium animalium quae terra marique nascuntur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commune est; The law of nature is not proper to man alone, but the same is common to all living creatures, as well to birds, as to those which the Land and Sea produceth. But this definition is not general, but of the natural law in things of life.  
The law of nature in general, I take to be that disposition, instinct, and formal quality, which God in his eternal providence hath given & imprinted in the nature of every creature, animate, and inanimate. And as it is divinum lumen in men, enlightening our formal reason; so is it more than sense in beasts; and more than vegetation in plants. For it is not sense alone in beasts, which teacheth them at first sight, & without experience or instruction, to fly from the enemies of their lives: seeing that Bulls & Horses appear unto the sense more fearful and terrible, than the lest kind of Dogs, and yet the Hare and Deer feedeth by the one, and flieth from the other, yea though by them never seen before, and that as soon as they fall from their Dams. Neither is it sense which hath taught other Beasts to provide for Winter, Birds to build their nests, high or low, according to the tempestuous or quiet seasons: or the Birds of India to make their nests on the smallest twigs which hung over Rivers, & not on any other part of the tree, or else where: to save their eggs and young ones from the Monkeys, and other beasts, whose weight such a twig will not bear: and which would fear to fall into the water. The instances in this kind are exceeding many which may be given. Neither is it out of the vegetable or growing 〈◊〉 of plants, that some trees, as the female of the Palmitto, will not bear any fruit except the male grow in sight. But this they do by that law, which the infinite and unsearchable wisdom of God had in all eternity provided for them, and for every nature created. In man this law is double, corrupt, and incorrupt; corrupt, where the reason of man hath made itself subject, and a Vassal to passions, and affections brutal: and incorrupt, where time and custom hath bred in men a new nature, which also, as is aforesaid, is a kind of Law. For it was not by the law of Nature incorrupt, which St. Augustine calleth the law 
Supra §. 4. ex loco ad Rom. 7. 23.  of reason, but by a nature blinded and corrupted, that the Germane did anciently allow of theft: and that other Nations were by law constrained to become Idolaters; that by the laws of Lycurgus it was permitted to men to use one another's wife, and to the woman to choose them others besides their husbands, to beget 
Theod. l. 9 de curandis affect: 〈◊〉. Acosta.  them with child: which law in those parts hath lasted long, and is not forgotten to this day.  
The Scythians, and the people of both Indieses, hold it lawful to bury with them the best beloved wives: as also they have many other customs remembered by G. Valentia, against nature and right reason.  
And I know not from what authority it is that these laws some men avow to be natural: except it be of this corrupt nature, as (among others) to pay guile with guile: to become faithless among the faithless: to provide for ourselves by another man's destruction: that injury is not done to him that is willing: to destroy 
Nemo iure naturae cum alterius 〈◊〉 locupletior 〈◊〉 debct.  those whom we fear, and the like. For taking the definition of natural laws, cither out of St. Augustine or Aquinas, (the one calling it the impression of divine light; the other, the dictate or sentence of practic reason) the same can teach us, or incline us to no other thing, then to the exercise of justice & uprightness: and not to offer or perform any thing toward others, save that which we would be content should be offered or performed toward ourselves. For such is the law of nature to the mind, as the eye is to the body; and that which according to David showeth us 
Psalm. 4.  good, that is, the observation of those things which led us thereby to our last end; which is eternal life: though of themselves not sufficient without faith and grace.  
Now, that which is truly and properly the law of Nature, where the corruption is not taken for the law, is, as aforesaid, the impression of God's divine light in men, and a participation of the law increated and eternal. For without any law written the right reason and understanding, which God hath given us, are abilities within ourselves, sufficient to give us knowledge of the good and evil, which by our gratitude to God, and distribution of right to men, or by the contrary, we prepare and purchase for ourselves. For when the Gentiles (saith S. PAUL) which have not the 
Rom. 2. ver. 14.  Law, do by nature those things contained in the law: they having not the law, are a law unto themselves. Now, to love God by whom we are, and to do the same right to all men, which we desire should be done unto us, is an effect of the purest reason: in whose highest Turrets, the quiet of conscience hath made her resting place, and habitation. In arce altissima rationis quies habitat; Therefore, the Gentiles (saith S. PAUL) which show the effects of the law written in their hearts, have their consciences 
Rom. 2. ver. 15.  for a witness of those effects: and the reprobate their thoughts to accuse them.  
And it is most true, that whosoever is not a law unto himself (while he hopeth to abuse the world by the advantage of hypocrisy) worketh nothing else, but the betraying of his own soul, by crafty unrighteousness, purchasing eternal perdition. For it helpeth us not to hide our corrupt hearts from the world's eye, seeing from him, who is an infinite eye, we cannot hide them: some Garlands we may gather in this May-game of the world, Sed flos ille, dum loquimur, arescit; Those flowers whither while we discourse of their colours, or are in gathering them. That we should therefore inhabit and devil within ourselves, and become fearful witnesses of our secretest evils, did that reverend Philosopher Pythagor as teach in this golden precept: Nil turpe commit as, neque coram alijs, neque tecum, maximè omnium verere teipsum; Commit nothing soul or dishonest, saith he, neither to be known to others, nor to thy own heart: but above all men reverence thy own conscience. And this may be a precept of nature and right reason: by which law, men, and all creatures, and bodies, are inclined to those operations, which are answerable to their own form; as fire to give heat. Now, as the reasonable mind is the form of man, so is he aptly moved to those things which his proper form presenteth unto him: to 〈◊〉, to that which right reason offereth; and the acts of right reason, are the acts of virtue: and in the breach of the rules of this reason, is man lest excusable: as being a reasonable creature. For all else, both sensitive, growing, and inanimate, obey the law which God imposed on them at their first creation.  
The Earth performeth her office, according to the Law of God in nature: for it bringeth forth the bud of the herb which seedeth seed, etc. and the Beast, 
Gen. 1.  which liveth thereon. He gave a Law to the Seas, and commanded them to keep their bounds: which they obey. He made a decree for the rain, and a way for the 
job. c. 28.  lightning of the thunders. He caused the Sun to move, and to give light, and to serve for signs and for seasons. Were these as rebellious as man, for whose sake they were created, or did they once break the law of their natures and forms, the whole world would then perish, and all return to the first Chaos, darkness, and confusion.  
By this natural Law, or Law of human reason, did Cain perceive his own wickedness, and offence, in the murder of Abel: for he not only feared the displeasure of God, but the revenge of Men: it being written in his reason, that whatsoever he performed towards others, the same by others might be done unto him again. And that this judgement of well and evil doing, was put into our natures by God, and his eternal law, before the law written: Moses in the person of God witnesseth, Gen. the fourth: If thou do well, shalt thou not be accepted? and if thou do not well, sin lieth at thy door.  
The Schoolmen are large also in this question of the natural Law: the same being opened amply by Reinerius, Antoninus, and Valentia. But it is not my purpose to writ a volume of this subject.  
But this law which Thomas Aquinas calleth an act of reason taken properly, and not a habit, as it is an evident natural judgement of practic reason: they divide into indemonstrable, or needing no demonstration (as that good is to be followed, and evil eschewed) and demonstrable, which is evidently proved, out of higher and more universal propositions. Again, as it answereth the natural appetite, prescribing things to be desired as good, or to be avoided as evil (as of the first, to desire to live, and to satisfy hunger, etc. and of the second, to eschew pains, sorrow, and death) in this consideration they divide it, according to the divers kinds of appetites that are in us. For in every man there are 3. sorts of appetites, which answer 
Tho. q. 94. art. 2.  the three degrees of natural Law. The first is, to be that which we are; in which is comprehended the desire, both to live, and to preserve our being & life, also the desire of issue, with care to provide for them: for the Father after his death lives in his children; and therefore the desire of life comprehends the desire of children. And to these appetites are referred the first indemon strable laws of nature, for the most part. For it needs no proof, that all creatures should desire to be, to live, and to be defended, and to live in their issue, when they cannot in themselves. And as man is a being, Ens or Res: so he doth desire good, and shun evil. For it is common to all things, to desire things agreeable to their own natures, which is, to desire their own good. And so is Good defined by Aristotle, to be that which all 
Ethic. l. 1. c. 1.  desire. Which definition Basil upon the 44. Psalm approveth: Rectè quidem Bonum definierunt, Quod omnia expetunt; Rightly have some men defined Good, or Goodness, to be that which all things desire.  
The second kind of appetite is of those things which appertain to us, as we have sense. Whence, by the law of Nature, we desire the delights of every sense; but with such moderation, as may neither glut us with satiety, nor hurt us with excess. For as Sense itself is for the preservation of life and being: so is it meet, even by the law of nature, that the sensitive appetite should not carry us to the destruction, either of our life or being. And although (seeing both these kinds of appetites are in beasts) we may well say, that Nature hath given divers laws unto them: In which sense the Civilians define Naturallright, or Ius naturale, to be the same which Nature hath taught all living creatures; Yet the Schoolmen admit not, that the instincts of beasts can be properly called a Law, but only a 〈◊〉, or Right, which is the matter, & aim of every Law. For so they distinguish it; where Ulpian affirmeth, that Ius naturale is that, which Nature hath taught all living creatures. In this place (saith Valentia) Ius is not to be taken for a Law, but for the matter of the Law. And yet where Ulpian also distinguisheth the right belonging to living creatures in general, from the right belonging to men; calling the one Ius naturae, the other Ius gentium: the Divines understand the law of nature more largely, that is, for all evident dictates, precepts, or bid of divine reason: both in beasts and men; and restrain the law of Nations to a kind of human right.  
The third appetite is of those things which appertain properly to man, as he is a living creature reasonable: as well with relation to God, and to our Neighbour, as for ourselves: and the laws of this appetite are the Commandments of our religion.  
Now although there are many other branches and divisions of this law of nature answering the division of matter, which it prescribeth, and as manifold, as the moral actions are which it commandeth or forbiddeth: yet is the law of nature but one law, according to Aquinas: first, because it hath one fountain or root in the natural or motive faculty, which is but one, stirring up to good, and declining the contrary: secondly, because all is contained in that general natural precept, That good is to be followed, and ill avoided: and thirdly, because all the parts are reduced to one and the same last end.  
That this law of nature bindeth all creatures, it is manifest: and chief man; because he is endued with reason; in whom as reason groweth, so this band of observing the law of nature increaseth, Postquam ratio ad perfectum venit, tunc fit 
Basil.  quod scriptum est, 〈◊〉 mandato, peccatum revixit; When reason grew to perfection, than it come to pass, which was written by S. PAUL, When the Commandment come, sin revived. Neither is it a small warrant for this law of nature, when those which break the same, are said by S. PAUL, To be delivered over into a reprobate sense (or 
Rom. 1. 28.  mind) to do those things which are not convenient: and again, that their consciences 
Rom. 2. 15.  bear witness, and their thoughts accuse them. For, though this law of nature stretch not to every particular: as to command fasting and the like: yet, it commandeth in general all good, and whatsoever is agreeable to right reason. And therefore, said DAMASCENE; homines facti sunt mali, declinando in id quod contra naturam est; Men (saith he) are made evil, by declining unto that which is contrary to nature: and 
L. 2. Fid. 〈◊〉. c. 30.  S. AUGUSTINE, Omne vitium naturae nocet, ac per hoc contra naturam est; Every vice doth wrong to nature, and is therefore contrary unto it.  
Neither yet are the rules of this law of nature so strength, but that they suffer exceptions in some particulars. For whereas by this law all men are borne Lords of the earth, yet it well alloweth inequality of portions, according to unequal merit: by taking from the evil, and giving to the good: and by permitting and commanding that all men shall enjoy the first-fruits of their labours to themselves: according to the rules of justice and equity.  
And though the law of nature command, that all things be restored which are left in trust, yet in some causes this her law she suffereth to be broken: as to deny a mad man his weapons, and the like, which he left in keeping while he was sober. But the universal principles can no more be changed, than the decrees of God are alterable: who according to St. PAUL, abideth faithful, and cannot deny himself. 
2. Tim. 2.    

§. VII. Of the written Law of God.  
AFter the eternal, and natural, the law Positive or imposed is the next in order, which law, being nothing but an addition, or rather explication of the former, hath two kinds: Divine, and Human. Again, the divine positive law is double; the old and new: The old was given unto Moses in Mount Sinai or Horeb, at such time as the world had stood 2513. whole years: and in the 67. day of this year when as Ascatades or Ascades governed the Assyrians, Marathus the Sycionians, Triopus the Argives, Cecrops 
Aug. de Civit. Dei. l. 1.  Attica, and Acherres Egypt: to wit, after the promise to A raham 430. years. And this, it seems, was the first written law which the world received. For the very word Nomos, signifying a law, was not then, nor long after invented by the Grecians: no not in Homer's time: who lived after the fall of Troy 80. years at lest: and Troy itself was cast down 335. years, after Moses led Israel out of Egypt. This law, it pleased God to engrave in stone, that it might remain a lasting book of his expressed will in the Church; and that the Priests and people might have, whereof to meditate, till the coming of Christ: and that so these children of Israel, though bred among an Idolatrous people in Egypt, might be without excuse: the slight defences of ignorance being taken from them.  
The reason known to us why this law was not written before, is, that when the people were few, and their lives long, the Elders of families might easily without any written law instruct their own children: and yet as they increased, so doubtless they had, besides the law of Nature, many precepts from God, before the law written. But now at length, forasmuch as the law of nature did not define all kinds of good, and evil; nor condemn every sin in particular: nor sufficiently terrify the consciences of offenders: nor so expound divine worship, as for those after-ages was required, who gave every day less authority than other to the natural law; In these respects it was necessary, that the law should be written, and set before the eyes of all men: which before, they might, but would not read, in their own consciences. The Schoolmen, and the Fathers before them, enlarge the causes and necessity, why the law was written, whereof these are the chiefest.  
The first, for restraining of sin, directly grounded upon this place of DAVID, The law of the Lord is undefiled, converting souls: The testimonies of the Lord are faithful giving wisdom to children. For the human law, saith St. Augustine, meeteth not with all offences, either by way of prohibition or punishment; seeing thereby it might take away something seeming necessary, and hinder common profit: but the divine law written, forbiddeth every evil, and therefore by David it is called undefiled.  
Secondly, it 〈◊〉 for the direction of our minds. For the laws of men can only take knowledge of outward actions, but not of internal motions, or of our disposition and will: and yet it is required, that we be no less clean in the one, than in the other. And therefore were the words converting our souls, added by David: wherein are all our outward acts first generated, according to the Cabalists. Actiones hominum nullae essent, nisi prius in ment dicerentur; The actions of men (say they) would be noon at all, were they not first conceived in the mind.  
Thirdly, it leadeth us to the knowledge of truth, which by reason of diversitic of opinion, and difference of peculiar laws among sundry Nations, we cannot be assured of; but the law of God bindeth all men, and is without error: and therefore also said DAVID, That the testimony of the law of God is faithful: giving wisdom to children.   

§. VIII. Of the unwritten law of God, given to the patriarchs by Tradition.  
NOw, that in all this long tract of time, between the creation and the written law, the world and people of God were left altogether to the law of reason and nature, it doth not appear. For the patriarchs of the first age received many precepts from God himself, and whatsoever was first imposed by Adam, the same was observed by Seth, who instructed Enos: from whom it descended to Noah, Sem, Abraham, Isaac, jacob, joseph, and Moses. Yea many particular Commandments afterward written, were formerly imposed and delivered over by Tradition, which kind of teaching the jews afterward called Cabala, or Receptio: precepts received from the 〈◊〉 of their Priests and Elders: to which the jews after the law written; added the interpretation of secret mysteries, reserved in the bosoms of their Priests, and unlawful to be uttered to the people. But the true Cabala was not to be concealed from any; as being indeed the divine law revealed to the patriarchs, and from them delivered to the posterity, when as yet it was unwritten. The Commandments which God gave unto Adam in the beginning, were, that he should impose names to all beasts, according to their natures; to whose perfection of understanding they were sufficiently known. For finding the reason of his own name Adam of Adamah, Earth, or read clay, he gave other names significant, not only to beasts, but to his Children and Nephews, which afterward his issues imitated; as the name of Seth signifieth, as some take it, one that was laid for the ground or foundation of the Church, or rather, one given in recompense for Abel that was slain: and Enosh signifieth man or miserable, etc. Further, God commanded Adam to till the ground, and to live by the labour thereof: God also gave him the choice of all first-fruits, but the forbidden, and in Adam also was marriage first instituted: all men thence-after being commanded to cohabite with their Wives, rather than with their Father and Mother.  
That murder and cruelty was also forbidden, both before the law written, and before the flood itself, it is manifest. God himself making it appear, that it was one of the greatest causes of the destruction of mankind by the general flood. For God said unto NOA, An end of all flesh is come before me: for the earth is filled with cruelty through them: and behold, I will destroy them 
* The common reading is cum terra: but God did notdestroy the earth; and why may not this preposition in this place have the same force, which it hath according to junius, Gen. 4. 1. Item. 44. 4. and Deut. 34. 1. especially, seeing these words are but a repetition of that which is said, v. 7. 〈◊〉 hominem de superficie terrae.  from the earth. That offence therefore, for which all perished, could not be unknown to all that perished: God's mercy and justice interposing between the untaught, and revenge. This commandment God repeated to Noi, after the waters were dried up from the earth. Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed: for in the Image of God hath he made man. 
Gen. 9 v. 6.   
Also the law of honouring and reverencing our parents, was observed among the faithful, and the contrary punished by the father's curse: as, Cursed be Canaan, a servant 
Gen. 9 25.  of servants shall he be unto his brethren. Again, we find that the unnatural sin of the Sodomites was punished in the highest degree; as with fire from Heaven. The sin of Adultery and Ravishment, was before the law no less detested than the rest, as appeareth by that revenge, taken for Dina's forcing: and by the 
Gen. 34. 25.  judgement which juda gave against Tamar, That she should be burnt: and by the 
Gen. 38. 24.  repentance of Pharaoh and Abimelech, against whom this sentence was pronounced, Thou art but dead, because of the Woman which thou hast taken: for she is a man's Wife: To these we may add the ordinance of Sacrifice, of distinction of clean and unclean beasts; of 〈◊〉, of the Brother to raise up seed to his brother that left a Widow childless, and divers other constitutions, partly Moral, and partly Ceremonial, which being delivered before the written law, were after by it confirmed. So that this Divine Law imposed, of which the Law of Moses containeth that which is called The old Testament, may be said, not only to have been written in the hearts of men, before it was engraven in stone, but also in substance to have been given in precept to the patriarchs. For as S. Paul witnesseth of himself, I knew not sin, but by the Law: so ever the Law naturally preceded, and went before offences, though written after offences committed.  
It is true, that all the creatures of God were directed by some kind of unwritten law; the Angels intuitively; Men by Reason; Beasts by sense and instinct, without discourse; plants by their vegetative powers; and things inanimate by their necessary motions, without sense or preception.   

§. IX.. Of the Moral, judicial, and Ceremonial Law, with a note prefixed, How the Scripture speaketh not always in one sense, when it nameth the Law of MOSES.  
NOw as the word (Law) in general, as is afore said, hath divers significations, and is taken for all doctrine which doth prescribe and restrain: so this Law, called the Law of Moses in particular, is taken by S. Paul diversly; as sometime for all the old Testament, as, Now we 
Rom. 3. v. 19  know whatsoever the Law saith, it saith to them which are under the Law.  
When it is opposed, or differenced from the Prophets and Psalms, it is there taken for the five Books of Moses. For so Saint Luke hath distinguished them; as, All must be fulfilled which are written of me in the Law, in the Prophets, and in the 
Luc. 24. 44.  Psalms.  
When it is opposed to the Gospel, than it is taken for the Law Moral, Ceremonial, and judicial; as, Therefore we conclude, that a man is justified by faith without the 
Rom. 3. 28.  works of the Law.  
When it is opposed to Grace, it signifieth the declaration of God's wrath, and our guilt of condemnation; or the extremity of the law, and summum ius: as, For ye are 
Rom. 6. 4. Gal. 3. 18.  not under the Law, but under grace.  
When it is opposed to the Truth, namely, where the Ceremonies or signs are taken for the things signified; as the Sacrifice for Christ, and the like: then it signifieth but shadows and figures; as, The Law was given by MOSES, but grace and truth 
john 1. 17.  come by JESUS CHRIST.  
Lastly, when it is opposed to the time of Christ's coming, it signifieth the whole policy of the jews Commonweal; as, Before faith come, we were kept under the 
Gal. 3. 23.  Law, etc. or the Law of the order and institution of the aaronical Priesthood; as, 
Luc. 16. 6.  All the Prophets and the Law, or the Priests, prophesied unto JOHN. And if the 
Heb. 7. 12. & 10. 1.  Priesthood be changed, the Law also, to wit, of the Priesthood, must needs be changed.  
The word (Law) is sometime also taken by the Figure Metonymia, for Interest, Authority, and Empire, or for constraining force; as The Law of the Spirit of life, 
Rom. 8. 2.  the law or the force of sin and death, the enforcements of concupiscence, etc. 
Rom. 7. 23.   
But the Written Law of MOSES, or the Law of the Old Testament, of which we now speak, is thus defined. The Law is a doctrine, which was first put into the 〈◊〉 of men by God, and afterwards written by Moses, or by him repeated, commanding Holiness and justice, promising eternal life conditionally, that is, to the observers of the law, and threatening death to those which break the law in the lest. For according to Saint james, Whosoever shall keep the whole, and faileth in 
james 2. 10.  one point, is guilty of all. The definition used by the Schoolmen, in which both the Old and New law are comprehended, is thus given. Lex divina est divinam decretum, hominibus praescribens modum necessarium ut aptè pervenire possint ad supernaturalem beatitudinem, quae est ultimus humanae vitae finis; The divine law (say they) is the decree of God, prescribing unto men a necessary mean, where by they may aptly attain supernatural beatitude, which is the last end of man's life.  
The law of Moses hath three parts: Moral, Ceremonial, and judicial. The Moral part commandeth this or that good to be done, and this or that evil to be avoided, in particular; as also it declareth, for whose sake it is to be done; as Do this, for I am the Lord, whereas the law of nature commands it but in general. Again, the Moral law entreateth of virtue and goodness; The Ceremonial of divine service, and of holiness; (for external worship, and the order of hallowing ourselves unto God is called Ceremony) and the judicial teacheth the particular government, fit for the Commonwealth of the jews, and prescribeth orders for justice and equity. And therefore was it said of Saint Paul, The commandment is just, holy 
Rom. 7. 17.  and good: just, or justice being referred to the judicial: holy, or holiness to the Ceremonial; good, or honest to the Moral. The judicial part is touching the government of the commonwealth of the jews, in which many things must needs be proper to that estate, as such as were instituted either in respect of place or persons.  
The Ceremonial is divided into four parts, according to the four kinds of things of which it speaketh, to wit, Sacrifice, Holy things, Sacraments, and Observances. To Sacrifices belong beasts, and the first-fruits of the earth; to Holy things the Tabernacle, Temple, Vessels, Altars, and the like; to Sacraments, Circumcision, the Passeover, & such like. For the Observances, they consisted either in prohibition of certain meats, as not to 〈◊〉 the blood and fat of beasts: or in some other outward things, as in washing, purify, anoint, and attire, as not to wear mixed garments of Linen and Woollen; as also it prohibiteth other unnatural and unproper commixtions, as Thou shalt not yoke together in a plough an Ox and an Ass, or cast mingled seed in one field. It also exhorteth natural compassion, and forbiddeth cruelty even to beasts, birds, and plants, whereby the creatures of God might be destroyed without any profit to man. For so some refer these precepts, Thou shalt not kill the bird sitting on her nest; nor beaten down the first buds of the tree, nor muzzle the labouring Ox, and the like, to the Ceremonial Law.  
Neither is there any of these three parts of the Law of Moses, but it hath as yet in some respects, the same power which it had before thocomming of Christ. For the Moral liveth still, and is not abrogated or taken away: saving in the ability of justifying or condemning; for therein are we commanded to love and worshp God: and to use charity one towards another: which for ever shall be required at our hands. Therein also are we in particular directed, how this aught to be done: which power of directing by special rules and precepts of life, it retaineth still. For these things also are commanded in both Testaments to be observed: though principally for the fear of God in the one, and for the love of God in the other.  
The Ceremonial also liveth in the things which it foresignified. For the shadow is not destroyed, but perfected, when the body itself is represented to us. Besides, it still liveth, in that it giveth both instruction and testimony of Christ, and in that it giveth direction to the Church, for some Ceremonies and Types of holy signification, which are still expedient; though in a far fewer number than before Christ's coming and in a far less degree of necessity.  
Lastly, the judicial liveth in substance, and concerning the end, and the natural and universal equity thereof.  
But the Moral faileth in the point of justification, the Ceremonial as touching the use and external observation (because Christ himself is come, of whom the ceremonies were signs and shadows) and the judicial is taken away, as far forth as it was peculiar to the jews Commonweal, and policy.   

§. X. A proposal of nine other points to be considered, with a touch of the five first.  
AS for that which remaineth in the general consideration of the divine written Law, it may in effect be reduced into these nine points.  

1. The dignity and worth of the law.  
2. The Majesty of the lawgiver.  
3. The property and peculiarity of the people receiving it.  
4. The conveniency of the time in which it was given.  
5. The efficacy and power thereof.  
6. The difference and agreement of the old and new Testament.  
7. The end and use of the Law.  
8. The sense and understanding of the Law.  
9 The durance and continuance thereof.   
1. The dignity of the Law is sufficiently proved by S. Paul, in these words: Wherhfore the Law is holy, and the Commandment is holy, and just, and good: which three attributes are referred, as aforesaid, to the Moral, Ceremonial, and judicial.  
2. The Majesty of the Lawgiver is approved in all his creatures: who as he hath given all things their lives, and beings, so he only gave the law, who could only give the end and reward promised, to wit, the salvation of mankind: but he gave it not to Moses immediately, but by the ministry of Angels: as it is said. And the Law was ordained by Angels, in the hand of a Mediator: and in the Acts, He gave 
Gal. 3. v. 19  the Law by the ordinance of Angels.  
3. The propriety and peculiarity of the people, receiving this Law, is in three respects. First, in that they were prepared: Secondly, in that they were a Nation apart and dissevered: Thirdly, in that they were the children of the promise' made to Abraham. Prepared they were, because they had the knowledge of one God, when all other Nations were Idolaters. A Nation apart and severed they were, because of God's choice and election. Children of the promise they were, for the promise was made by God unto Abraham, and his seed: not unto his seeds, as to 〈◊〉 and jacob, but to his seed, as to jacob, or Israel singularly, of whom Christ. Now to 
Gal. 3. v. 6.  ABRAHAM and his seed were the promises made: he saith not to the seeds, as speaking of many, but to thy seed, as of one, which is Christ.  
4. The conveniency of the time, in which it was given, is noted by S. Augustine: that it was about the middle time, between the Law of Nature, and Grace: the law of Nature continued from Adam to Moses: the law written in the Commandments received by Moses in the world's year 2514. continued to the Baptism of john: from which time begun the Law of Grace, which shall continued to the world's end. Other reasons for the conveniency are formerly given.  
5. The fifth consideration is of the efficacy of this law, the same being a disposition to, or sign of our justification: but not by itself sufficient, but as a figure of Christ in ceremonies, and a preparation to righteousness in moral precepts. For through the passion of Christ were sins forgiven, who taketh away the sins of the world: and therefore S. Paul calleth the rudiments of the law beggarly and weak, 
Gal. 4.  beggarly as containing no grace, weak as not able to forgive and justify. The blood 
Heb. 9  of Goats and Bulls, and the 〈◊〉 of an Heifer could only cleanse the body; but they were figures of Christ's blood, which doth cleanse the inward soul. For if the 
Gal. 〈◊〉.  law could justify, than Christ died in vain.   

§. XI. Of the sixth point, to wit, of the difference and agreement of the Old and New Testament.  
THe Old and New Testament differ in name, and in the mean and way proposed for attaining to salvation; as the Old by works, the New by grace: but in the thing itself, or object and remote end, they agreed: which is man's happiness and salvation.  
The Old Testament, or Law, or Letter, or the Witness of God's will, was called the Old, because it preceded the New Testament; which is an explication of the Old: from which the New taketh witness. Yet the new of more excellency, in that it doth more lively express, and openly and directly 〈◊〉 the ways of our redemption. It is also called the Old, to show that in part it was to be abrogated: In that he 〈◊〉 the New Testament, he hath abrogated the Old. For the old 
Heb. c. 8. v. 13.  law, though greatly extolled by the Prophets, and delivered with wonderful miracles, yet was it constituted in a policy perishable: but the New was given in a promise of an everlasting Kingdom, and therefore called in the Apocalypse, a Testament and Gospel for ever during.  
The Old Testament is called the Law, because the first and chief part is the Law of Moses, of which the Prophets and Psalms are Commentaries, explicating that Law.  
The New Testament is called the Gospel, because the first and chief part thereof is the glad tidings of our Redemption: the other Books, as the Epistles, or Letters of the Apostles, and the Acts or Story of the Apostles, are plentiful interpreters thereof: The word Euangelion signifying a joyful, happy and prosperous message, or (as Homer used it) the reward given to the Messenger, bringing joyful news. It is also sometime taken for a sacrifice, offered after victory, or other pleasing success, as by Xenophon. In the Scriptures it hath three significations; First, for glad tidings in general, as in Easie the 52. v. 7. concerning peace: Secondly, by an excellency it is restrained, to signify that most joyful message of salvation, as in 〈◊〉. 2. 10. whence also by figure it is taken for the History of Christ: and so we understand the four 
Act. 〈◊〉.  Gospels.  
Lastly, for the preaching and divulging the doctrine of Christ, as Cor. 1. 9 v. 14. and Cor. 2. 8. v. 18.  
The agreement of both Testaments (taken, I think, as they are divided in volumes) is by Danaeus comprised in these four.  

In their Author.  
In the substance of the Covenant, or things promised.  
In the foundation, to wit, Christ.  
In the effects, that is, in righteousness and justification.   
In the Author they agreed, because both are of God, and therefore both one Testament and will of God in substance of doctrine. For as there was ever one Church, so was there one Covenant, one Adoption, and one Doctrine. As the old Law doth point at Christ, so doth the new Law teach Christ: the old proposing him as to come, the new as already come; one and the same thing being promised in both; both tending to one, and the same end: even the salvation of our souls: which according to S. Peter is the end of our faith. For although it be said, that Moses did promise by observing the law an earthly Kingdom, a land flowing with milk and honey, the propagation of children, and other worldly blessings: yet all these were but figures to teach, and pledges to assure the Fathers of those spiritual blessings by Christ; for by the earthly he raised their minds to the hope of heavenly. And the Fathers notwithstanding these worldly goods, did yet acknowledge themselves strangers, and pilgrims, expecting the heavenly Jerusalem: according to this place of the Hebrews: All these died in faith, and received not the promises, but seen them a far off, and 
C. 11. v. 13.  〈◊〉 them: confessing that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth. To which purpose also Saint AUGUSTINE: Omnino 〈◊〉 veterem legem intelligunt, non attendentes 
Lib. de Civit. Dei 18. 6. 15.  per promissa terrena aeterna promitti: Few (saith he) do understand the old law: not attending that by things earthly eternal are promised. And S. JEROME: Noluit 
In Sophon. c. 3. v. 9  〈◊〉 pascere 〈◊〉 more 〈◊〉 corporalibus donis opibusque, ut 〈◊〉 somniant: God would not feed the jews as beasts with corporal gifts and riches, as themselves dream. And this may be gathered out of God's own words, Ego sum Deus tuus, & erovobis in Deum; I am thy God, and I will be your God. For the words, I will be your God, prove that it was not for the present, or for perishable things, that God gave them this promise; but in respect of the future: to wit, the safety of their souls. For as God created both body and soul, so hath he of his goodness, not left the better part uncared for, which liveth ever.  
The agreement between the Old and New Testament in substance, infers also the agreement in foundation. For Christ is called the foundation of the law, laid both by the Apostles and Prophets: in whom all the promises of God in the Old and New, are assured: the fathers having eaten the same spiritual food, which we eat in our Sacraments.  
The agreement in effects is, in that the knowledge of our sin and misery, which is taught us by the law, maketh way, and as it were, serveth in subordination to the Gospel, the proper effects whereof are mercy and salvation: to which the Law serving as an introduction (for to those which acknowledge their sin and misery, God showeth his mercy and salvation) may be said to agreed with the Gospel in the effect. For otherwise if we sever the law from subordination to the Gospel, the effects are very different: the one showeth the way of righteousness by works, the other by faith; the Law woundeth, the Gospel healeth: the Law terrifieth, the Gospel allureth; Moses accuseth, Christ defendeth: Moses condemneth, Christ pardoneth. The Old restraineth the hand, the New the mind. Data est lex quae non sanaret (saith S. AUGUSTINE) sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 probaret; The Law was given, not to help but to discover sickness: and S. CHRYSOSTOME, Data est lex, ut se homo inveniret, 
Homil. ad Rem.  non ut moribus sanaretur, sed ut medicus 〈◊〉; The law was given that man might find and know his own imperfection: not that his disease was thereby helped: but that he might then seek out the Physician. For Christ come to save the world, which the law had condemned. And as Moses was but a servant, and Christ a Son, so the greatest benefit was reserved to be brought, as by the worthiest person, saith Cyril: 
Heb. 7.  for this law made nothing perfect, but was an introduction of a better hope.   

§. XII. Of the rest of the points proposed.  
THe seventh consideration is of the end, and use of the law: which is to bring us to Christ: for finding no righteousness in our own works, we must seek it in some other. But this is the last, and remote, and utmost end: the next and proper end of the law, is to prescribe righteousness, and to exact 〈◊〉 and perfect obedience to God. Cursed is he which 
Levit. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  continueth not in all the things of this law.  
The second end of the law, is to tender us inexcusable before God: who knowing so perfect a law, do not keep it: the law requiring a perfect and entire, not a broken or half obedience: but both inward and outward righteousness, and performance of duty to God and Men.  
The third and chief end of the law is, as hath been said, to sand us to Christ, and his grace, being in ourselves condemned and lost. For the law was delivered with thunder, and with a most violent and fearful tempest, threatening eternal death.  
The fourth end of the law was to design, and preserve, the place of the Church and true people of God: and to hold them in one Discipline, and awe, till the coming of Christ: after whom the Church was to be dispersed over the whole world.  
These be the ends of the Moral law. The end and use of the Ceremonial law, is to confirm the truth of Christ, and the new Testament. The use of the judicial, to teach us natural equity, and right, whereto we must conform ourselves.  
The sense and understanding of the law is double, literal and spiritual: by the literal we are taught the worship and service of God: by the spiritual, the figures and mystical fore-speaking of Christ.  
Lastly, for the durance or continuance of the law, the same had being until the 
Gen. 49. 10.  passion of Christ: before which time, and while Christ taught in the world, both the 
The Sceptre shall not departed from juda, not a Lawgiver from between his feet, until 〈◊〉 come.  old and the new were in force. But after that the true sacrifice was offered upon the Altar of the Cross, than the jewish sacrifices and 〈◊〉, which were Types and figures of Christ (Christ being the body of those shadows) ceased to bind the consciences any longer: the mystery of our redemption being now by Christ and in him finished. In token whereof the vail of the Temple rend asunder; noting that the ceremonial veils and shadows were now to be removed, not that the moral law of the Commandments was hereby abolished, or weakened at all: otherwise than that it had not power to condemn according to the jewish doctrine, as aforesaid. For the observing of the law was by Christ himself severely commanded: our love towards God being thereby to be witnessed. And herein David so much rejoiced, as he preferred the observation of the law, before all that the world could 〈◊〉. In via 〈◊〉 tuorum delectatus sum, 〈◊〉 in omnibus divitijs; I have been delighted in thy law as in all manner of riches: And again. The law of thy 〈◊〉 is good for me above thousands of gold and silver. This is the love of God (saith S. JOHN) that we keep his 
〈◊〉 1. 5.  Commandment. And that there is no excuse for the neglect of the things commanded in the law, God himself in Deuteronomy witnesseth. This Commandment 
Deut. 30. 11. 12. 13. & 14.  (saith he) which I command thee this day, is not hid from thee, neither is it 〈◊〉 off. It is 
Rom. c. 10. v. 6. 7. 8.  not in heaven that thou shouldest say, Who shall go up for us to heaven, and bring it us, and 'cause us to hear it that we may do it? neither is it beyond the Sea, that 〈◊〉 shouldest say, who shall go over the Sea for us, and bring it us? etc. but the word is very 〈◊〉 unto thee, even in thy mouth and in thy heart for to do it. Behold (saith MOSES) I have set before thee this day, life and death, good and evil, in that I command thee this day to love the Lord thy God, to walk in his 〈◊〉, and to keep his Commandments, and his Ordinances, and his Laws, that thou mayest live, etc. Neither is it said in vain in S. MATTHEW. Si 
Cap. 9 v. 17.  vis ad vitam ingredi, serva mandata; If thou wilt enter into life, keep the Commandments: and in S. JOHN: Scio quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vita 〈◊〉 est; I know that his Commandment 
C. 〈◊〉. v. 50.  is life 〈◊〉. And if this be the charity of God, or of Men towards God, as S. john hath taught, to wit, that we keep his Commandments: certainly he is but a liar, that professeth to love God, and neglecteth to observe the word of his will, with all his power. And though I confess it is not in man's ability, without the special grace of God, to fulfil the law (Christ only as man excepted) yet if we rightly consider the merciful care which God had of his people in those his Commandments, we shall find in ourselves, how we borrow liberty, and rather let slip our affections, and voluntarily loosen them from the chains of obedience, to which the word of God and divine reason hath fastened them, than that we are excusable by those difficulties and impossibilities, which our mind (greedy of liberty) proposeth to itself. For this is the love of God, that we keep his Commandments, and his Commandments are not grievous, 1. JOHN 3. verse 12. and if we examine 〈◊〉 precept apart, and then weigh them each after other, in the balance of our consciences; it is not hard for any man to judge, by what easy persuasions, we steal away from our own power, as unwilling to use it against our pleasing desires.   

§. XIII. Of the several Commandments of the Decalogue: and that the difficulty is not in respect of the Commandments, but by our default.  
FOr by the first we are commanded to acknowledge, serve, and love one God. Now, whereby are we enticed to the breach of this precept? seeing every reasonable man may conceive and know, that infinite power cannot be divided into many infinites: and that it is of necessity, that by this almighty Unity, all things have been caused, and are continued. And if brute beasts had this knowledge of their Creator, and how in 
Psal. 147. 〈◊〉. 9  his providence he hath also provided for every of them, which giveth to beasts their food, etc. there is no doubt but that they would also serve and love him only.  
The second precept is the forbidding of Idolatry, and worship of Images: the making whereof, out of doubt, was not the invention of an ill intent in the beginning, 
Glossa in verb. Calum.  seeing this is generally true. Omnia mala exempla bonis initijs orta sunt; All ill examples did spring and arise from good beginnings. For their first erection was to keep the memory of men famous for their virtue: until (saith Lactantius) the Devil crept into them, and (having blotted out the first intent) working in weak and ignorant souls, changed the nature of the one, and the reason of the other, to serve himself thereby. For what reasonable man, if he be not forsaken 〈◊〉 God, will call on those 〈◊〉, deaf, dumb, and dead stocks, more worthless than the most worthless of those, that having life and reason, implore their help, which have neither: yea, of more wild prize and base, than the basest of beasts, who have sense and estimation? for what do we thereby (saith the Wisdom of SALOMON) but call to the weak for help, pray to the dead for life, require aid of him that hath no experience, 
Wisd. 13. 19  assistance in our journeys of him that cannot go, and success in our affairs of him that hath no power? And whither the Idolater, or the block, to which he prayeth, be more senseless: David maketh a doubt. For (saith he) they that make them are 
Psal. 35. 18.  like unto them, and so are all the rest that trust in them.  
The breach of the third Commandment is neither persuaded by worldly pleasure, nor worldly profit: the two greatest enchanters of mortal men. Not, we are no way alured to this horrible disdain of God, unless the hate of good men, and God's curse, be accounted an advantage. For as our corruptest nature gives us nothing towards it, so can it satisfy no one appetite, except 〈◊〉 sorrow, and Hell devil in our desire. And therefore this strange custom hath the Devil brought up among men, without all subtlety of argument, or cunning persuasion, taking thereby the greatest and most scornful advantage over us. For slaughter satisfieth hatred, Theft gives satisfaction to need, Adultery to lust, Oppression to 〈◊〉: but this contemptuous offence of blasphemy, and the 〈◊〉 abuse of God's name, as it 〈◊〉 no help to any of our worldly affections, so the most salvage Nations of the world do not use it.  
The fourth Commandment, to keep the Sabbath day holy, hath neither pain, burden, nor inconvenience. For it giveth rest to the labourer, and consolation to their Masters. And that this law was imposed on man for his benefit, Moses teacheth in the reason of the law: as in Exod. 23. 12. And in the seventh day thou shalt rest, that thy Ox and thy Ass may rest, and the 〈◊〉 of thy maid, and the stranger may be refreshed.  
The first of the second Table to honour our Parents, with whom we are one and the same, is a gratitude which nature itself hath taught us towards them, who after God gave us life and being, have begotten us, and borne us, cherished us in our weak and helpless infancy, and bestowed on us the harvest and profit of their labours and cares. Therefore, in the Temporal and judicial ordinances, cursing of parents, or the offering them violence, was made death.  
The next is, that thou shalt not Murder, that is, thou shalt not do the acts following the affections of hatred. For the law of God, and after it our own laws, and in effect the law of all Nations, have made difference between slaughter casual, and furious. Affectio enim tua (saith BRACTON) imponit nomen operituo; It is the affection and will that makes the work such as it is. And certainly whosoever cannot forbear to commit murder, hath neither the grace of God, nor any use of his own william.  
The third of the second Table, commands us from adultery. Now, if the preservation 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  of Virginity have been possible, for thousands of Men and Women, who in all ages have mastered their fleshly desires, and have returned chaste to the grave: It cannot be accounted a burden, to forbear the dishonour and injury, which we offer to others by such a violation, seeing marriage is permitted by the laws of God, and Men, to all that affect it. And there is no man living whom the desire of beauty and form hath so constrained, but he might with 〈◊〉 forbear the prosecution of this ill: did not himself give suck to this Infant, and nourish warmth till it grow to strong heat, heat till it turn to fire, and fire to flame.  
The fourth of the second Table, is, that we shall not 〈◊〉. And if that kind of violent robbery had been used in Moses time, which many Ruffians practise nowadays in England, and to the dishonour of our Nation more in England, than in any Region of the world among Christians, out of doubt, he would have censured them by death, and not by restitution, though quadruple. For I speak not of the poor and miserable souls, whom hunger and extreme necessity enforceth, but of those detested thieves, who to maintain themselves Lordlike, assault, rob, and wound the Merchant, Artificer, and Labouring man, or break by violence into other men's houses, and spend in Bravery, Drunkenness, and upon Harlots, in one day, what other men sometime have laboured for all their lives: 〈◊〉 whole families: and taking the bread and food from the mouths of their children. And that this Commandment might easily be observed; it would soon appear, if Princes would resolve, but for a few 〈◊〉 to pardon noon. For it is the hope of life, and the argument of sparing the first offence, that encourageth these Hellhounds. And if every man may presume to be pardoned once, there is no state or Commonwealth, but these men would in a short time impoverish or destroy it.  
The fifth Commandment of this second Table, is, the prohibition of false witness: from which if men could not forbear, all surety of 〈◊〉 and life were taken away. And so much did God detest a false witness, and a false accuser, especially in matters criminal, that the law ordained him to suffer the same death or punishment, which he sought by falsehood to lay on his brother.  
The last of the ten Commandments forbiddeth us to covet any 〈◊〉, which belongeth to another man, either the bodies of their wives for concupiscence, or their goods for desire of gain. And this precept seemeth the hardest for men to observe; so esteemed by reason of our frail affections: and yet if we judge hereof rightly, it may be doubted whither it extend to all our inconsiderate fancies and vain thoughts. For although it be not 〈◊〉 to master all our sudden passions, yet we may restrain and hinder the growing, and farther increase, if we please to intent our strength, and seek for grace. How the word Coveting reacheth to all those it is to be considered. For Concupiseentia, according to some, Est effraenatus habendi appetitus; An unbridled, or unrestrained appetite of having: And as touching such an appetite, we cannot excuse ourselves by any our natural frailty, or unadvised error; But, as I suppose, the word Concupiscence is more largely taken, either for a determinate and unbridled 〈◊〉 intent, or for some urging inclination thereunto. All the question is of the later sort: which is, Actus imperfectus, id est, non deliberatus ratione quae est principium proprium actus boni aut 〈◊〉; Such passions, or inclinations are unperfect acts, that is, not deliberated upon by reason, which is the proper principle of a good or vicious action. And sure, it may seem, that so long as we resist such motions, they harm us not: as they say, Quamdiu refragamur nihil nocent: nocent autem cum eas dominari permittimus; As long as we give no ascent unto them, it is thought by some that they hurt us not: and that then only they hurt, when we suffer them to bear sway. But these men, as it seems, make nothing forbidden in this tenth precept, but what hath been forbidden in the other: for in every Commandment, not only the outward act, but also the inward assent unto cuill, though it break not out into act, is forbidden: therefore, that we may know the difference between this Commandment and the rest, the distinction of desires is to be held: that some are with assent, and unbridled; others bridled, and without assent. For so even the Moral Philosopher can tell us, that the Continent man hath evil desires, but without assent (for they are bridled by the strength of right reason) as on the other side the Incontinent hath good desires, but restrained and suppressed by contrary passions. The evil desires when they are accompanied with assent, are in every Commandment forbidden, together with the outward act: and therefore, if we will have any thing proper to this Commandment, we must needs say, that the evil desires of the Continent man (that is, even those which we resist and bridle) are here forbidden. For though he that bridleth his cuill desires, be much better than he that yieldeth unto them: yet such a man, even according to the Heathen Philosopher, is not worthy the name of a virtuous man. For Aristotle himself makes Continentia, not to be virtue, but only a degree unto it: confessing, that though the Continent man do well in bridling his evil affections, yet he doth not all, seeing he aught not so much as to have them at all. Neither is it much more, that true divinitic delivereth touching this matter. For, as he saith, that in the Continent man the having of these evil desires, though he resist them, is the cause that he cannot be called a virtuous man: so we, that the having of them is a sin. Only in this we excel him here: that we are able out of Divinity to give the true reason of this doctrine: which is, that every one sinneth, that doth not love God with his whole heart and affection: whence it follows that the evil desires of the Continent man; that is, of him which bridleth them, must needs be 〈◊〉: seeing such desires, though bridled, are a-pulling away of a part of our heart and affection from God.  
Seeing therefore it hath pleased God, to make us know, that by our faithful endeavours to keep his commandments, we witness our love toward himself: we may not safely give liberty to our vanities, by casting back upon God (who is justice itself) that he hath given us precepts altogether beyond our power, and commandments impossible for us to keep. For as he is accursed (saith St. Hierome) that avows that the law is in all things possible to be observed: so he hath made this addition: Maledictus qui dicit impossibilia Deum 〈◊〉; Accursed is he that saith that God hath commanded things (in themselves, and not through our fault) impossible. Now, as the places are many which command us to keep the law: so is our weakness also in the Scriptures laid before us, and therefore it is thus safely to be understood, that we should without 〈◊〉, or without betraying of ourselves, do our faithful endeavours to observe them: which if we do unfeignedly, no doubt, but God will accept our desires therein. For that there is no man just, David witnesseth. 
Psal. 143. c. 8 v. 46. Pro. 20. v. 9  Enter not into judgement with thy servant, for in thy sight no 〈◊〉 that liveth shall be justified. And in the first of Kings, There is no man that sinneth not: And again, Who can say, I have made my heart clean? But seeing there is no sin grievous without deliberation; let every man's conscience judge him, whither he give way willingly, or restrain himself in all that he can; yea, or no? For when a King gives to his subject a commandment upon pain of loss of his love, to perfome some service: if the subject neglecting the same, seek to satisfy his Sovereign with shifting excuses, out of doubt such a Prince will take himself to be 〈◊〉 therein.   

§. XIIII. If there were not any Religion nor judgement to come, yet the Decalogue were most necessary to be observed.  
ANd if we consider advisedly and soberly, of the Moral law, or ten Commandments, which God by the hand of 〈◊〉 gave unto his people, it will appear that such was his merciful providence in the choice of them, as were there neither pain, nor profit adjoined to the observing, or not observing of them, were there no divine power at all, nor any Religion among men, yet if we did not for our ownesakes strive to observe these laws: all society of men, and all endeavours, all happiness and contentment in this life would be taken away: and every state and commonweal in the world fall to the ground and dissolve. Therefore, these laws were not imposed as a burden, but as a blessing: to the end that the innocent might be defended, that every man might enjoy the first-fruits of his own travail, that right might be done to all men from all men: that by justice, order, and peace, we might live the lives of reasonable men, and not of beasts; of freemen, and not of slaves; of civil men, and not of saluages. And hereof making our human reason only judge, Let us see the inconveniences in this life which would follow by the breach and neglect of these laws.  
As first, what would the issue be if we acknowledged many Gods? would not a far greater hatred, war, and bloodshed follow, than that which the difference of ceremony, and diversity of interpretation, hath already brought into the world, even among those Nations which acknowledge one God, and one Christ?  
And what could it profit mankind to pray to Idols, and Images of gold, metal, dead stones, and rotten wood, whence nothing can be hoped, but the loss of time, and an impossibility to receive thence-from, either help or comfort?  
The breach of the third Commandment bringeth therewith this disadvantage, and ill to man, that whosoever taketh the name of God in vain, shall not at any time benefit himself by calling God to witness for him, when he may justly use his 〈◊〉 name.  
The 〈◊〉 the Sabbath holy, 〈◊〉 rest to men and beasts, and nature herself requireth intermission of labour.  
If we despise our Parents, who have given us being, we thereby teach our own children to scorn and neglect us, when our aged years require comfort and help at their hands.  
If murder were not forbidden, and severely punished, the races of mankind would be extinguished: and whosoever would take the liberty to destroy others, giveth liberty to others to destroy himself.  
If adultery were lawful and permitted, no man could say unto himself, This is my son: there could be no inheritance proper, no honour descend to 〈◊〉, no endeavour by virtue and undertaking to raise families: murders and poison between man and wife would be daily committed: and every man subject to most filthy and unclean diseases.  
If stealth and violent rapine were suffered, all mankind would shortly after perish, or live as the saluages, by roots and acorns. For no man laboureth but to enjoy the first-fruits thereof. And such is the mischief of robbery, as where Moses for lesser crimes appointed restitution fourfold, policy of State and necessity hath made it death.  
To permit false witnesses, is to take all men's lives and estates from them by corruption: the wicked would swear against the virtuous: the waster against the wealthy: the idle beggar and loiterer, against the careful and painful labourer: all trial of right were taken away, and justice thereby banished out of the world.  
The 〈◊〉 of that which belongs to other men, bringeth no other profit than a distraction of mind, with an inward vexation: for while we covet what appertains to others, we neglect our own: our appetites are therein fed with vain and fruitless hopes, so long as we do but covet; and if we do attain to the desire of the one, or the other, to with, the wives or goods of our neighbours, we can look for no other, but that ourselves shall also, either by theft or by strong hand, be deprived of our own.  
Wherein then appeareth the burden of God's Commandments, if there be nothing in them, but rules and directions for the general and particular good of all living? Surely, for our own good, and not in respect of himself, did the most merciful and provident God ordain them; without the observation of which, the virtues of heavenly bodies, the fertility of the earth, with all the blessings given us in this life, would be unto us altogether unprofitable, and of no use. For we should remain but in the state of brute beasts, if not in a far more unhappy condition.   

§. XU Of human Law, written and unwritten.  
HVmane Law, of which now it follows to speak, is first divided into two, viz. Written, and Unwritten. The unwritten consists of usage, approved by time: which 〈◊〉 calls Moor's: and he defines Moor's to be Consuetudines vetustate proatae, to be 〈◊〉 approved by antiquity or unwritten laws. Now custom differeth from use, as the cause from the effect: in that custom is by use and continuance established into a law: but yet there where the law is defective, saith 〈◊〉.  
And of customs there are two general natures, containing innumerable particulars, the first are written customs, received and exercised by Nations, as the customs of Burgundy, and Normandy: the ancient general custom of England, and the customs of Castill, and other Provinces.  
The second are these petty customs, used in particular Places, Cities, Hundreds, and Manors. The general or National customs are some written, others unwritten.  
The particular or petty customs are seldom written, but witnessed by testimony of the inhabitants. The customs of the 〈◊〉 of Cornwall comprehending also the Stannerie of Devon, as touching Tin, and Tin causes, are written in 〈◊〉, but not in 〈◊〉. But 〈◊〉 use and time hath made these customs as laws, 
〈◊〉 Reg. 〈◊〉. v. 2 q. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 1.  yet aught every custom to be 〈◊〉, as well as 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tractu temporis quod de iure 〈◊〉 initio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; That which at first was not grounded upon good right, is not made good by continuance of time. And (saith ULPIAN) quod ab 
〈◊〉. l. 29.  initio 〈◊〉 est, non 〈◊〉 tractu temporis convalescere; 〈◊〉 of time amends not that which was nought from the first beginning. For these two defences are necessary in all laws of custom; the one, that it be not repugnant to the law divine, and natural: the other, that the cause and reason be strong, proving a right birth, and necessary continuance: it being manifest that every custom, which is against the law, had his beginning from evil deeds, and therefore not without the former considerations to be allowed. And it is true, that all customs of this nature were but tolerated for a time, by the lawmakers, though they have been since continued, because posterity is not bound to examine by what cause their Ancestors were thereto moved. For non sufficit simplex toleratio. And it is in this sort overruled in the law; Per populum consuetudo contra 〈◊〉 induci 〈◊〉 potest, nisi de 〈◊〉 illius qui novam legem, & novam constitutionem statuere potest, qui solus princeps est; The people cannot bring a new custom against law: save by his will, who hath power to make a new law and ordinance, which is only the Prince.  
Human Law generally taken, to wit, human law written, is by some defined to be the decree or doom of practic reason: by which human actions are ruled and directed. 〈◊〉 calls the Law a common precept, the advisement of Wisemen, and the restraint of offences committed, either willingly or ignorantly. Isidore calls the Law a Constitution written, agreeing with Religion, fittest for Government and common profit: And more largely, Omne id quod ratione consistit; All that stands with reason.  
Lastly, and more precisely it is thus defined. Human Law is a righteous decree, 
Greg. de Val. ex Tho. q. 91. art. 3. & q. 94. art. 2.  agreeing with the Law natural, and eternal: made by the rational discourse of those, that exercise public authority: prescribing necessary observances to the subject. That every law aught to be a righteous decree, S. Augustine teacheth, saying: Mihi lex esse non videtur, quae justa non fuerit; It seems to be no law at all to me, which is not just: and just it cannot be, except it agreed with the law natural and eternal. For there is no law just and legitimate (saith S. Augustine) which the Lawmakers have not derived from the eternal. Nihil justum atque legitimum est, quod 
L. 1. de lib. 〈◊〉. cap. 6.  non ab aeternalege sibi homines derivauerint.  
Secondly, it aught to be constituted by discourse of reason, whereby it is distinguished from the law natural, to wit, the natural, indemonstrable, or needing no demonstration from whence the law human is taken and deduced.  
Thirdly, that it aught to be made by an authorised Magistracy, it cannot be doubted, be the Government of what kind soever. For it falleth otherwise under the Title of those decrees called Violentiae, or iniquae constitutiones; Violences, or wicked constitutions.  
Of human Law there are four properties, especially answering these four 
4. Parts.  conditions in the former definition. First, as it is drawn out of the law of nature: so every particular of the human law may be resolved into some principle or rule 
Tho. q. 9 5. art. 2.  of the natural.  
Secondly, it is to be considered as it is referred unto, and doth respect the common good.  
Thirdly, it is to be made by public authority.  
Fourthly, concerning the matter of the law, it prescribeth, and directeth, all human actions. And so is the Law as large and divers, as all human actions are divers, which may fall under it. For according to THOMAS, Alia lex JULIA de Adulterijs, alia CORNELIA de Sicarijs; The law of JULIAN against Adultery is one, the CORNELIAN against 〈◊〉, is another. Now the human law, generally taken, is in respect of the first of these considerations, divided into the law of Nations, and the Civil.  
The Law of Nations is taken less or more properly; less properly for every law which is not of itself, but from other higher principles deduced: and so it seemeth that Ulpian understands it: for he defineth Ius gentium, or the law of Nations, to be that which is only common amongst Men, as Religion, and the worship of God: which is not in the very nature of this law of Nations: but from the principles of the Scriptures, and other divine Revelations. But the law of Nations properly taken, is that dictate, or sentence, which is drawn from a very probable, though not from an evident principle, yet so probable, that all Nations do assent unto the conclusion, as that the free passage of Ambassadors be granted between enemies, etc. which National law, according to divers acceptions, and divers considerations had of the Human law, may be sometime taken for a Species of the Natural, sometime of the Human. Ius Civil, or the Civil Law, is not the same in all Commonwealths, but in divers estates it is also divers and peculiar, and this Law is not so immediately derived from the Law of Nature, as the Law of Nations is: For it is partly deduced out of such principles as all Nations do not agreed in, or easily assent unto; because they depend on particular circumstances, which are divers, and do not fit all estates. Hereof ULPIAN, Ius civil, neque in totum à naturali & gentium recedit, neque per omnia 
In Leg. 6. ta. ff. de justitia jure.  ei seruit: 〈◊〉 cum aliquid addimus vel detrahimus juri communi, Ius proprium, idest, Civil efficimus; The Civil law (saith he) doth neither wholly differ from the law of Nature, and Nations, nor yet in all points obey it: therefore when we add aught to, or take from the Law that is common, we make a Law proper, that is, the Civil Law.  
The law now commonly called the Civil Law, had its birth in Rome; and was first written by the Decem-viri, 303. years after the foundation of the City. It was compounded aswell out of the Athenian, and other Graecian laws, as out of the ancient Roman customs and laws Regal. The Regal laws were devised by the first Kings, and called Leges Regiae, or Papyrianae, because they were gathered by Papyrius, Tarquin then reigning. For though so many of the former laws as maintained Kingly authority were abolished, with the name; yet those of Servius Tullius, for 
Dion. Hal.  Commerce and Contracts, and all that appertained to Religion, and common utility, were continued, and were a part of the laws of the twelve Tables. To these 
C. Sigon. l. 1. out of 〈◊〉.  laws of the twelve Tables were added (as the times gave occasion) those made by the Senate, called Senatus-consulta: those of the common people, called Plebiscita: those of the Lawyers, called 〈◊〉 prudentum: and the Edicts of the Annual Magistrate: which Edicts being first gathered and interpreted by julian, and presented to Adrian the Emperor, they were by him confirmed and made perpetual laws; and the Volume styled Edictum perpetuum; as those and the like Collections of justinian afterward were.  
The difference anciently between Laws and Edicts, which the French call Reglements, consisted in this, that laws are the Constitutions made or confirmed by sovereign authority (be the sovereignty in the people, in a few, or in one) and are withal general and permanent: but an Edict (which is but jussum Magistratus, unless by authority it be made a law) hath end with the Officer, who made the same, saith VARRO. Qui plurimum Edicto tribuunt, legem annuam esse 〈◊〉; They who ascribe the most unto an Edict, say that it is a law for one year: Though Isidore doth also express by the word Constitutions or Edicts, those Ordinances called 〈◊〉 of Prerogatives; as Constitutio vel Edictum est quod Rex, vel Imperator constituit, vel edicit; An Ordinance or Edict is that which a King or Emperor doth or deign or proclaim.  
Lastly, the Human law is divided into the Secular, and into the Ecclesiastical, or Canon. The Secular commanding temporal good, to wit, the peace and tranquility of the Commonwealth: the Ecclesiastical the spiritual good, and right Government of the Ecclesiastical Commonwealth, or Church, illud naturae legem, hoc divinam spectas; That respecteth the Law of Nature, this the Law of God. And so may Ius Civil be taken two ways; first, as distinguished from the law of Nations, as in the first division; Secondly, as it is the same with the Secular, and divers from the Ecclesiastical. But this division of the Schoolmen is obscure. For although the Civil be the same with the Secular, as the Civil is a law, yet the Secular is more general, & comprehendeth both the Civil, and all other laws not Ecclesiastical. For of Secular laws, in use among Christian Princes, & in Christian Commonweals, there are three kinds; the Civil which hath everywhere a voice; and is in all Christian estates (England excepted) most powerful; the Laws of England called Common, and the Laws of custom or Provincial. In Spain besides the Law Civil, they have the customs of Castill, and other Provinces. In France besides the 〈◊〉, the customs of Burgundy, 
Art 3. tit. 5. &. Cust.  Bloys, Berri, Nivernois, and Lodunois, etc. Tous lieux situes & assis en Lodunois, seront governez selon les costumes du dit pays; All places lying within the precincts of Lodunois, shall be governed according to the customs of that place. There are also in France the customs of Normandy, and these of two kinds; General, and Local; and all purged and reformed by divers Acts of the three estates. The charters of confirmation of these ancient customs, before and since their reformation have these words; Nos autem, 〈◊〉 praedictum, usus laudabiles, & 〈◊〉 antiquas, etc. Laudamus, approbamus, & authoritate Regia confirmamus; The Register aforesaid, laudable use, and ancient customs we praise, 〈◊〉, and by our Kingly authority confirm. The common law of England is also compounded of the ancient customs of the same, and of certain Maxims by those customs of the Realm approved. Upon which customs also are grounded those Courts of Record, of the Chancery, King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, with other small Courts.  
These ancient customs of England have been approved by the Kings thereof, from age to age: as that custom by which no man shall be taken, imprisoned, disseised, nor otherwise destroyed, but he must first be put to answer by the law of the Land, was confirmed by the Statute of Magna Charta. It is by the ancient custom of England, that the eldest Son should inherit without partition. In Germany, France, and elsewhere otherwise, and by partition. In Ireland it is the custom for all Lands (that have not been resigned into the King's hands) that the eldest of the house shall enjoy the inheritance during his own life: and so the second and third elder (if there be so many brothers) before the Heir in lineal descent: this is called the custom of 〈◊〉. For example, if a Lord of Land have four sons, and the eldest of those four have also a son, the three brothers of the eldest son, shall after the death of their brother, enjoy their Father's lands before the Grandchild: the custom being grounded upon the reason of necessity. For the Irish in former times having always lived in a subdivided Civil war, not only the greatest against the greatest, but every Baron and Gentleman one against another, were enforced to leave successors of age and ability to defend their own Territories. Now as in Normandy, Burgundy, and other Provinces of France, there are certain peculiar, and petty customs, besides the great and general custom of the Land, so are there in England, and in every part thereof. But the greatest bulk of our laws, as I take it, are the Acts of Parliament: laws propounded and approved by the three estates of the Realm, and confirmed by the King, to the obedience of which all men are therefore bound, because they are 〈◊〉 of choice, and selfe-desire. Leges nulla alia 
Vlp. ff. de 〈◊〉, Leg. 32.  〈◊〉 nostenent quàm quod judicio populi receptae sunt; The laws do therefore bind the subject, because they are received by the judgement of the subject. 〈◊〉 demum humanae 〈◊〉 
Aug. de vera 〈◊〉. cap. 31.  habent vim suam, cum 〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉 instatutae, sedetiam firmatae approbatione communitatis; 
Gratian. in dec. dist. 4. Cum in istis.  It is then that human laws have their strength, when they shall not only be devised, but by the opprobation of the people confirmed.  
Isidore fasteneth these properties to every Christian law, that the same be honest, that it be possible, that it be according to Nature, and according to the custom of the Country; also for the time and place convenient, profitable, and manifest, and without respect of private profit, that it be written for the general good. He also gives four effects of the law, which Modestinus comprehends in two; to wit, obligation, and instigation: the former binds us by fear, to avoid vice; the later 〈◊〉 with hope, to follow virtue. For according to CICERO; Legem oportet esse vitiorum emendatricemque virtutum; It behoveth the law to be a mender of vices, and a commender of virtues. The part obligatory or binding us to the observation of things commanded or forbidden, is an effect common to all laws: and it is twofold, the one constraineth us by fear of our consciences, the other by fear of external punishment. These two effects the law performeth, by the exercise of those two powers, to wit, 〈◊〉, and Directive.  
The second of these two effects remembered by 〈◊〉, is 〈◊〉, or encouragement to virtue, as Aristotle makes it the end of the law, to make men virtuous. For laws being such as they aught to be, do both by prescribing and forbidding, urge us to well-doing; laying before us the good and the cuill, by the one and the other purchased. And this power affirmative, commanding good, and power negative, forbidding evil, are those into which the law is divided, as touching the matter: and in which David 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 body and substance 
Psal. 36.  thereof: saying, Declina à malo, & fac 〈◊〉; Decline from evil, and do good.   

§. XVI. That only the Prince is exempt from human laws, and in what sort.  
NOw whither the power of the human Law be without exception of any person, it is doubtfully disputed among those that have written of this subject, as well Divines as Lawyers: and namely, whither sovereign Princes be compellable; yea, or no? But whereas there are two powers of the law, as 〈◊〉; the one Directive, the other Coactive: to the power Directive, they aught to be subject, but not to that which constraineth. For as touching violence or punishments, no man is bound to give a prejudicial judgement against himself; and if equals have not any power over each other, much less have inferiors over their superiors, from whom they receive their authority and strength.  
And speaking of the supreme power of laws, simply then is the Prince so much above the laws, as the soul and body united, is above a dead and senseless carcase. For the King is truly called, Ius 〈◊〉 & lex animata: An animate and 〈◊〉 law. But this is true, that by giving authority to laws, Princes both add greatness to themselves, and conserve it; and therefore was it said of Bracton out of JUSTINIAN: Meritò debet Rex tribuere legi quodlex attribuit ei: nam lex fasit utipse sit Rex; Rightfully aught the King to attribute that to the law, which the law first attributeth to the King; for it is the law that doth make Kings.  
But whereas Bracton 〈◊〉 this power to the human law, he is therein mistaken. 
〈◊〉. l. 2.  For Kings are made by God, and laws divine; and by human laws only declared to be Kings. As for the places remembered by the Divines and Lawyers, which infer a kind of obligation of Princes, they teach no other thing therein, than the bond of conscience, and profit arising from the examples of virtuous Princes, who are to give an account of actions actions to God only.  
Tibi soli peccavi, 〈◊〉 DAVID; Against thee only have I sinned: therefore, the 
Psal. 50. 〈◊〉. de Leg.  Prince cannot be said to be said to the law; Princeps non subijcitur legi. For seeing according to the Schoolmen, the law human is but 〈◊〉 organum & instrumentum potestatis 〈◊〉: non videtur posse eius obligatio ad 〈◊〉 se extendere, adquem ipsavis poteslatis human & non pertinet; sed vis potestatis humanae non se 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉, in quo illa residet. Ergo 〈◊〉 lex condita per talem potestatem obligare potest ipsum conditorem. Omnis enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, est principium transmutandi aliud; 〈◊〉 human law (say they) is but a kind 〈◊〉 organ, or instrument, of the power that 〈◊〉, it seems that it cannot extend itself to bind any one whom no human power can 〈◊〉, or lay hold of: but the Governor himself, in whom the governing power doth reside, is a person that cannot by himself, or by his own power be contolled. And therefore the law which is made by such a power, cannot bind the lawmaker himself: for every active ability is a cause or principle of alteration in another body, not in the body in which itself resides. And seeing Princes have power to deliver others from the obligation of the law: Ergo etiam potest ipsemet Princeps sive legislator sua se voluntate pro libito ab obligatione 
Greg. de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Leg.  legis liberare; Therefore also may a Prince or lawmaker at his own will and pleasure deliver himself from the bond of the law. Therefore in the rules of the law it is thus concluded. Subdititenentur leges observare necessitate coactionis, Princeps verò sola 〈◊〉 sua, & 〈◊〉 boni communis; The subjects are bound to fulfil the law by necessity of compulsion, but the Prince only by his own will, and regard of the common good.  
Now concerning the politic laws, given by Moses to the Nation of the Israelites, whither they aught to be a Precedent, from which no civil 〈◊〉 of other people should presume to digress, I will not presume to determine, but leave it as a question for such men to decide, whose professions give them greater ability. Thus much I may be bold to affirm, that we aught not to seem wiser than God himself, who hath told us that there are no laws so righteous, as those which it pleased him to give to his Elect people to be governed by. True it is, that all Nations have their several qualities, wherein they differ, even from their next borderers, no less than in their peculiar languages: which disagreeable conditions to govern aptly, one and the same law very hardly were able. The Roman civil laws did indeed contain in order a great part of the then known world, without any notable inconvenience, after such time as once it was received and become familiar: yet was not the administration of it alike in all parts, but yielded much unto the natural customs of the 〈◊〉 people, which it governed. For whither it be through a long continued persuasion; or (as Astrologers more willingly grant) some influence of the Heavens; or peradventure some temper of the soil and climate, 〈◊〉 matter of provocation to vice (as plenty made the 〈◊〉 luxurious: 〈◊〉 and opportunity to steal, makes the Arabians to be thieves) very hard it were to forbidden by law an offence so common, with any people, as it wanted a name, whereby to be distinguished from just and honest. By such rigour was the Kingdom of Congo unhappily 〈◊〉 from the Christian Religion, which it willingly at the first embraced, but after with great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because plurality of Wives was denied unto them, I know not how necessarily, but more contentiously than seasonably. In such cases, me thinks, it were not 〈◊〉 to consider that the high God himself permitted some things to the 〈◊〉, rather in regard of their natural disposition (for they were hard-hearted) than because they were consonant unto the ancient rules of the first perfection. So, where even the general nature of man doth condemn (as many things it doth) for wicked and unjust; there may the law, given by Moses, worthily be deemed the most exact reformer of the evil, which forceth man, as 〈◊〉 as may by, to the will and pleasure of his Maker. But where nature or custom hath entertained a vicious, yet not into lerable habit, with so long and so public approbation, that the 〈◊〉 opposing it would seem as uncouth, as it were to walk naked in England, or to wear the English fashion of apparel in Turkey: there may a wise and upright Lawgiver, without presumption, omit somewhat that the rigour of Moses his law required; even as the good King Hezekia did, in a matter merely Ecclesiastical, and therefore the less capable of dispensation, praying for the people; The good Lord be merciful unto him, that prepareth 
2. 〈◊〉. cap. 30, v. 18. 19  his whole heart to seek the Lord God, the God of his Fathers, though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the Sanctuary: which prayer the Lord heard and granted.  
To this effect it is well observed by Master Doctor Willet, that the moral judicialls of Moses do partly bind, and partly are let free. They do not hold affirmatively that we are tied to the same 〈◊〉 of punishment now, which was inflicted then; but negatively they do hold, that now the punishment of death should not be adjudged, where sentence of death is not given by Moses: Christian Magistrates ruling under Christ the Prince of peace, that is, of Clemency and Mercy, 
Isaiah 9  may abate of the severity of Moses law, and mitigate the punishment of death, but they cannot add unto it to make the burden more heavy: for to show more rigour than Moses, becometh not the Gospel.  
But I will not wander in this copious argument, which hath been the subject of many learned discourses, neither will I take upon me, to speak any thing definitively in a case which dependeth, still in some controversy among worthy Divines. Thus much (as in honour of the judicial Law, or rather of him that gave it) I may well and truly say, that the defence of it hath always been very plausible. And surely howsoever they be not accepted (neither were it expedient) as a general and only law; yet shall we hardly find any other ground, whereon the conscience of a judge may rest, with equal satisfaction, in making interpretation, or giving sentence upon doubts, arising out of any Law besides it. Hereof, perhaps, that judge could have been witness, of whom Fortescue that notable Bulwark of our laws doth speak, complaining of a judgement given against a Gentlewoman at Salisbury, who being accused by her own Man, without any other proof, for murdering her Husband, was thereupon condemned, and burnt to ashes: the man who accused her, within a year after being Convict for the same offence, confessed that his Mistress was altogether innocent of that cruel fact, whose terrible death he then (though over-late) grievously lamented: but this 〈◊〉, saith the same Author, Saepius ipse 〈◊〉 fassus est, quòd nunquam in vita sua animum 
〈◊〉. 5. 3.  〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 facto ipse purgaret; He himself often confessed unto me, that he should never during his life, be able to clear his conscience of that fact. Wherhfore that acknowledgement which other Sciences yield unto the Metaphysics, that from thence are drawn propositions, able to prove the principles of sciences, which out of the sciences themselves cannot be proved, may justly be granted by all other politic inftitutions, to that 〈◊〉 Moses; and so much the more justly, by how much the subject of the Metaphysics, which is, Ens quatenus Ens; Being as it is being, is infinitely inferior to the Ens 〈◊〉; The being of beings, the only good, the fountain of truth, whose fear is the beginning of wisdom. To which purpose well saith Saint AUGUSTINE, Conditor legum temporalium sivir bonus est & sapiens, 〈◊〉 ipsam consulit 〈◊〉, de qua nulli animaeiudicare datum est; The Author of 〈◊〉 all laws if he be good and wise, doth therein consult the law eternal, to determine of which there is no power given to 〈◊〉 soul. And as well Prince Edward, in Fortescue his discourse, Nemo potest melius aut 〈◊〉 fundamentum ponere, quam posuit Dominus; Noman can lay a better or another foundation, than the Lordhath laid.    

CHAP. V. The Story of the 〈◊〉 from the receiving of the Law to the death of MOSES.  

§. I. Of the numbering and disposing of the Host of Israel, for their marches through the Wilderness; with a note of the 〈◊〉 given to the worship of God, in this ordering of their troops.  
WHEN Moses had received the Law from God, and published it among the people, and finished the tabernacle of the Ark and Sanctuary; 〈◊〉 mustered all the Tribes and Families of Israel: and having seen what numbers of men fit to bear arms, were found in every Tribe, from 20. years of age upwards; he appointed unto them, by direction from the Lord, such Princes and Leaders, as in worth and reputation were in every Tribe most eminent. The number of the whole Army was 603550. able men for the wars, besides women and children; also, besides the strangers which followed them out of Egypt. This great Army was divided by Moses into four gross and mighty Battalions, each of which contained the strength of three whole Tribes.  
The first of these containing 186400. able men, consisted of three Regiments, which may well, in respect of their numbers, be called Armies; as containing the three whole Tribes of judah, Issachar, and Zabulon. In the Tribe of 〈◊〉 were 74600 fight men, led by Naason: in Issachar 54400. led by Nathaniel: in Zabulon 57400. led by Eliab. All these marched under the Standard of the Tribe of judah, who held the Vanguard, and was the first that moved an marched, being lodged and quartered at their general encamping on the East side of the Arime, which was held the first place, and of greatest dignity.  
The second Battalion or Army, called in the Scriptures the Host of Reuben, had joined unto it 〈◊〉 and Gad, in number 151450. All which marched under the Standard of Reuben. In the Tribe of Reuben were 46500. under 〈◊〉: in Simeon 59300. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: in Gad 45650. under Eliasaph, 〈◊〉 had the second place, and encamped on the South side of the Tabernacle.  
The third Army marched under the Standard of Ephraim, to whom were joined the Regiments of Manasse and 〈◊〉; who, joined together, made in number 108100. able men. These marched in the third place, encamping on the West quarter of the Tabernacle. Ephraim had 40500. under 〈◊〉: Manasse 32200. under Gamliel: Benjamin 35400. under Abidam.  
The fourth and last Army, or Squadron, of the general Army, containing 157600. able men, marched under the Standard of Dan; to whom were joined the two Tribes of Nephtali and Asher. And these had the Rearward, and moved last, encamping on the North side. Dan had 62700. under Ahiezer: Asher 41500. under Pagiel: Nephtali 53400. under Ahira.  
Besides these Princes of the 〈◊〉 Tribes, there were ordained Captains over Thousand, over Hundreds, over Fifties, and over Ten; as it may appear by that mutinic and in surrection against Moses, Num. 16. v. 1. & 2. For there arose up against Moses 250. Captains of the Assembly, famous in the Congregation, and men of renown: of which number were Korah, Dathan, and Abiram. Which three principle Mutineers, with those 250. Captains that followed them, were not any of the twelve Princes of the Tribes, or General Colonels before spoken of, as by their names Num. 1. is made manifest.  
The blessing which Israel gave to his children, took place not only in the division of the Land of promise, and other things of more consequence, long after following; but even in sorting them under their 〈◊〉 Standards in the wilderness it was observed. For judah had the precedency and the greatest Army, which also was wholly compounded of the sons of Lea, jacobs' wife. Reuben having lost his birthright, followed in the second place, accompanied with his brother Simeon, who had undergone his Father's curse; and with Gad, the son of his Mother's Handmaid. joseph, who in temporal blessings had the prerogative of the first borne a double portion, was accounted as two Tribes, and divided unto two Regiments: the younger (according to jacobs' prophecy) taking place before the Elder. He was assisted by Benjamin, his best beloved brother, the other son of 〈◊〉. To Dan, the eldest son of jacobs' Concubines, was given the leading of the fourth Army, according to jacobs' prophecy. He had with him under his Standard noon of the children of Lea, or Rachel, but only the sons of the handmaides.  
In the middle of these four Armies, was the Tabernacle, or portable Temple of the Congregation carried, sur-rounded by the Levites. Near unto which, as the Heathens and Pagans' could not approach, by reason of these four powerful Armies which guarded the same: so was it death for any of the children of Israel to come near it, who were not of the Levites, to whom the charge was committed. So sacred was the movable Temple of God, and with such reverence guarded and transported, as 22000. persons were dedicated to the service and attendance thereof: of which 8580. had the peculiar charge, according to their several offices and functions; the particulars whereof are written in the third and fourth of Numbers. And as the Armies of the people observed the former order in their encamp: so did the Levites quarter themselves, as in an inner square, on every side of the Tabernacle; the Geshurites on the West, within the Army, and Standard of Ephraim, over whom Eliasaph commanded, in number 7500. The family of 〈◊〉 on the South side, guided by Elizaphan, within the Army of 〈◊〉, and between him and the Tabernacle, in number 8600. The third company were of the family of Merari, over whom Zuriel commanded, in number 6200. and these were lodged on the North side within the Army of Dan; On the East side, and next within those Tribes and Forces which 〈◊〉 led, did Moses and Aaron lodge, and their children, who were the first and immediate Commanders, both of the Ceremonies and of the People; under whom, as the chief of all the other levitical families, was Eleazar the son of Aaron, his successor in the high Priesthood.  
This was the order of the Army of Israel, and of their encamping and marching; the Tabernacle of God being always set in the middle and centre thereof. The reverend care, which Moses the Prophet, and chosen servant of God, had in all that belonged even to the outward and lest parts of the Tabernacle, Ark and Sanctuary, witnessed well the inward and most humble zeal borne towards God himself. The industry used in the framing thereof, and every, and the 〈◊〉 part thereof; the curious workmanship thereon bestowed; the exceeding charge and expense in the provisions; the dutiful observance in the laying up and preserving the holy Vessels; the solemn removing thereof; the vigilant attendance thereon, and the provident defence of the same, which all Ages have in some degree imitated, is now so forgotten and cast away in this super-fine Age, by those of the Family, by the Anabaptist, Brownist, and other Sectaries, as all cost and care bestowed and had of the Church, wherein God is to be served and worshipped, is accounted a kind of Popery, and as proceeding from an idolatrous disposition: insomuch as Time would soon bring to pass (if it were not 〈◊〉) that God would be turned out of Churches into Barnes, and from thence again into the Fields and Mountains, and under the Hedges; and the Offices of the 〈◊〉 (rob of all dignity and respect) be as contemptible as these places; all Order, Discipline, and Church-government, left to newness of opinion, and men's fancies: yea, and soon after, as many kinds of Religions would spring up, as there are Parish-Churches within England: every contentious and ignorant person clothing his fancy with the Spirit of God, and his imagination with the gift of Revelation; insomuch, as when the Truth, which is but one, shall appear to the simple multitude, no less variable than contrary to itself, the Faith of men will soon after die away by degrees, and all Religion be held in scorn and contempt. Which distraction gave a great Prince of Germany cause of this answer to those that persuaded him to become a Lutheran, Si me 〈◊〉, tunc condemnor ab alijs: si me alijs 〈◊〉, à vobis 〈◊〉; quid 〈◊〉 video, sed quid sequar, non habeo; If I adicyne myself to you, I am 〈◊〉 by others; if I join with others, I am condemned by you; What I should avoid I see, but I know not what I should follow.   

§. II The offerings of the twelve Princes: the Passeover of the second year: The departing of JETHRO.  
NOW when Moses had taken order for all things necessary, provided for the service of God, written the Laws, numbered his Army, and divided them into the battles and 〈◊〉 before remembered, and appointed them Leaders of all sorts, The twelve Princes or Commanders of the Tribes brought their offerings before the Lord, to wit, 
Num. 〈◊〉.  six covered Chariots, and twelve Oxen to draw them, therein to transport, as they marched, the parts of the Tabernacle, with all that belonged thereunto: the Sanctuary 
The Hebrew Gerah waigheth 〈◊〉 grains: so a 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 is about 〈◊〉 halfpencesterling: the Sickle of the Sanctuary (as it is expounded Exod. 30. 13.) containeth 20. Gerahs so a Sanctuary 〈◊〉 of silver is about 7. groats the common Sickle is but 〈◊〉 so much, to wit ten Gerahs: as it is usually 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 Villalpandus labours to 〈◊〉 that the common and the 〈◊〉 Sickle were all one.  excepted, which for 〈◊〉 was carried upon the shoulders of the sons of Korah, to whom the charge was committed; and the Chariots in which was conveyed the other parts of the Tabernacles and Vessels thereto belonging, were delivered to the Levites for that service, namely to the sons of Gershan and Merari.  
Besides these Chariots, each of these Commanders, Princes, or Heads of Tribes, offered unto God, and for his service in the Temple, a charger of fine silver, weighing 130. shackles; a silver Boll of 70. shackles; after the sheckle of the Sanctuary; and an incense-Cup of gold, often shackles, which they performed at the same time when the Altar was dedicated unto God by Aaron: and before they marched from Sinai towards their conquest, besides the beasts which they offered for sacrifice, according to the law Ceremonial, the weight of all the twelve silver chargers, and twelve silver Bolles, amounted unto 2400. shackles of silver; and the weight of gold in the incense-Cups, to 120. shackles of gold; which makes of shackles of silver 1200. every sheckle of gold valuing ten of silver, so that the whole of gold & silver which they offered at this time, was about four hundredth and twenty pound sterling. This done, Moses, as in all the rest by the Spirit of God conducted, gave order for the celebrating of the Passeover, which they performed on the fourteenth day of the second month of the second year: and on the 20. day of the same, the cloud was lifted up from above the Tabernacle, as a sign of going forward; Moses beginning his march with this invocation to God; Rise up, Lord, and let thy enemies be 
Num. 9 v. 5.  
Num. 10. 11.  scattered, and let them that hate thee, 〈◊〉 before thee. Than all the people of Isral removed 
Exod. ult. 34.  from their encamping at the foot of the Mountain Sinai, towards Param 
Num. 9 17.  the Army, or great squadron of juda, led by Naashon, taking the Vanguard, followed by Nethaneel and Eliab, Leaders of the Tribes of Issachar and Zabulon: after whom the rest marched, as in the figure expressed. And because the passage through so many Deserts and Mountains, was exceeding difficult: Moses leaving nothing unforethought which might serve for the advancement of his enterprise, he instantly entreated his Father-in-law, whom in the tenth of Numbers he calleth Hobab, to accompany them in their journey towards Canaan; promising him such part and profit of the enterprise, as God should bestow on them: for this man, as he was of great under standing and judgement (as appeared by the Counsel he gave to Moses for the appointing of judges over the people) so was he a perfect guide in all those parts, himself inhabiting on the frontier thereof, at Midian, or Madian: and (as it seemeth) a man of great years and experience; for he was then the Priest or Prince of Madian, when Moses fled first out of Egypt, and married his Daughter, which was 42. years before this request made. And though Moses 〈◊〉 had lived 40. years in these parts of Arabia, through which he was now to travel: yet the better to assure his passage, and so great a multitude of souls, which could not be so few as a Million, it was necessary to use many guides, and many conductor. To this request of Moses, it may seem by the places, Exod. 18. 27. and Num. 10. 30. that jethro, otherwise called Hobab, yielded not: for it is evident, that he went back from Moses into his own Country. But because it appeareth by other places of Scripture, 
judic. 1. 16. & 4. 11. Also 1. Sam. 15. 6. And 2. 〈◊〉. 10. 15. 1. Chron. 2. 55. 〈◊〉. 35.  that the posterity of this Hobab was mingled with the Israelites, it is most likely that this his return to his own Country was rather to fetch away his family, and to take his leave of his own Country, by setting things in order, than to abide there.   

§. III The voyage from Horeb to Kades: the mutinies by the way: and the cause of their turning back to the read Sea.  
AFter this dismission of Hobab, Israel began to march towards the Deserts of Paran: and after three days wandering, they sat down at the sepulchres of lust, afterward called Tabeera, or Incensio: by reason that God consumed with fire those Mutineers and Murmurers which rose up in this remove, which happened about the 23. day of the same month. And from this 23. day of the second month, of the second year, they 〈◊〉 and fed themselves with Quails (which it pleased God by a Sea-winde to cast upon them) to the 24. day of the third month, to wit, all the month of Sinan or june: whereof surfaiting there died great numbers: from whence in the following month, 
Num. 11. & 33.  called Thamus, answering to our july, they went on to Hazeroth, where Miriam 
Num. 12.  the sister of Moses was stricken with the leprosy, which continued upon her seven days, after whose recovery Israel removed toward the border of Idumaea; and encamped at Rithma, 〈◊〉 Kades Barnea, from whence Moses sent the twelve discoverers into the Territory of Canaan, both to inform themselves of the fertility and strength of the Country; as also to take knowledge of the Ways, Passages, Rivers, Fords, and Mountains. For Arad King of the Canaanites surprised divers companies of the Israelites, by lying in ambush 〈◊〉 those ways, through which the discoverers and searchers of the Land had formerly past. Now, after the return of the discoverers of Cades, the wrath of God was turned against Israel; whose ingratitude 
Num. 21.  and rebellion after His so many benefits, so many remissions, so many miracles wrought, was such, as they esteemed their deliverance from the Egyptian 〈◊〉, his feeding them, and conducting them through that great and terrible Wilderness 
Deut. 1. v. 19  (for so Moses calleth it) with the victory which he gave them against the powerful Amalekites, to be no other than the effects of his hatred, thinking that he 
Deut. 1. v. 27.  led them on and preserved them, but to bring them, their wives, and children to be slaughtered, and given for a prey and spoil to the Amorites or Canaanites. For it was reported unto them, by the searchers of the Land, that the Cities of their enemies were walled and defended with many strong Towers and Castles; that many of the people were 〈◊〉 (for they confessed that they seen the sons of Anac there) who were men of fearefulstature, and so far overtopped the Israelites, as they appeared to them, and to themselves, but as Grasshoppers in their respect. Now, as this mutiny exceeded all the rest, wherein they both accused God, and consulted to choose them a Captain (or as they call it nowadays, an Electo) to carry them back again into Egypt; so did God punish the same in a greater measure, than any of the former. For he extinguished every soul of the whole multitude (〈◊〉 and Caleb excepted) who being confident in God's promises, persuaded the people to enter Canaan, being then near it; and at the mountain foot of Idumaea; which is but narrow, laying before them the fertility thereof; and 〈◊〉 them of victory. But as men; whom the passion of fear had bereaved both of reason and common sense, they threatened to stone these encouragers to death; accounting them as 
Num. 14. 10.  men either desperate in themselves, or betrayers of the lives, goods, and children of all their brethren, to their enemies; but God 〈◊〉 these wicked purposes, and interposing the fear of his bright glory between the unadvised fury of the multitude, and the innocency and constancy of his servants, preserved them thereby from their violence; threatening an entire destruction of the whole Nation, by sending among them a consuming and merciless pestilence. For this was the tenth insurrection 
Num. 14. v. 22.  and rebellion, which they had made, since God delivered them from the slavery of the Egyptians. But Moses (the mildest or 〈◊〉 of all men) prayed unto 
Num. 12. v. 3.  God to remember his infinite mercies; alleging, that this so severe a judgement, how deservedly soever afflicted, would increase the pride of the Heathen Nations, and give them occasion to vaunt, that the God of Israel, failing in power to perform his promises, suffered them to perish in these barren and fruitless Deserts. Yet as God is no less just than merciful, as God is slow to anger, so is his wrath a consuming fire; the same being once kindled by the violent breath of man's ingratitude: & therefore, as with a hand less heavy than hoped for he scourged this iniquity, so by the measure of his glory (〈◊〉 jealous of neglect and derision) he suffered not the wicked to pass unpunished; reserving his compassion for the innocent: whom, because they participated not with the offences of their Fathers, he was pleased to preserve, and in them to perform his promises, which have never been frustrate.   

§. FOUR Of their unwillingness to return: with the punishment thereof, and of divers accidents in the return.  
NOw when Moses had revealed the purposes of God to the people, and made them know his heavy displeasure towards them, they 〈◊〉 to bewail themselves, though over-late: the times of grace and men's repentance, having also their appointment. And then when God had left them to themselves, and was no more among them, after they had so often played and dallied with his merciful sufferings, They would needs amend their former disobedience by a second contempt: and make offer to enter the Land contrary again to the advice of Moses; who assured them, that God was not now among them; and that the Ark of his covenant should not move, but by His direction, who could not err; and that the enemies sword which God had hitherto bended and rebated, was now left no less sharp than death; and in the hands of the Amalekites, and Canaanites no less cruel. But as men from whom God hath withdrawn his grace, do always follow those counsels which carry them to their own destructions: so the Hebrews, after they had for saken the opportunity by God and their Conductors offered: and might then have entered Indea before their enemies were prepared and joined; did afterward, contrary to God's commandment, undertake the enterprise of themselves; and ran headlong and without advice into the mountains of 〈◊〉. There the Canaanites and the Amalekites being joined and attending their advantage, set on them, broke them: and of their numbers slaughtered the greatest part: and following their victory and pursuit, consumed them all the way of their flight even unto Hormah: the Amalekites in revenge of their former loss, and overthrow at Raphidim: the Canaanites to prevent their displantation and destruction threatened. Of which powerful assembly of those two Nations (assisted in all likelihood with the neighbour Kings joined together for their common safety) it pleased God to forewarn Moses, and to direct him another way, than that formerly intended. For he commanded him to return by those painful passages of the Deserts, through which they had formerly traveled, till they found the banks of the read Sea again: in which retreat before they come back to pass over jordan, there were consumed 38. years; and the whole number of the six hundredth and odd thousand, which come out of Egypt (Moses, joshua and Caleb excepted) were dead in the Wilderness, the stubborn and careless generations were wholly worn out, and the promised Land bestowed on their children; which were increased to 600000. and more. For besides the double fault both of refusing to enter the Land upon the return of the discoverers, and the presumption then to attempt it, when they were countermanded: it seemeth that they had committed that horrible Idolatry of worshipping Moloch, and the Host of heaven. For although Moses doth not mention it, yet Amos doth, and so doth the Martyr Stephen; as also that the Israelites 
〈◊〉. 5. v. 25.  worshipped the Sun and Moon in aftertimes it is proved out of sundry 
Act. c. 7. v. 42. 2. King's c. 17. v. 16. & cap. 21. 〈◊〉. 3. etc. 23. v. 4 5. 11.  other places.  
Now after the broken companies were returned to the Camp at Cades, Moses, according to the commandment received from God, departed towards the 
2. Chro. c. 33. v. 3 〈◊〉. c. 19 v. 13. etc.  South from whence he come, to recover the shores of the Read Sea. And so from Cades or Rithma he removed to Remmonparez, so called of abundance of Pomegranates there found and divided among them. From thence he went on to Libnah, taking that name of the Frankincense there found. From Libnah he crossed the valley, and sat down at Ressa, near the foot of the mountain. And after he had rested 
Num. 33.  there, he bended towards the West, and encamped at Ceelata; where one of the Hebrews, for gathering broken wood on the Sabbath, was stoned to death. After which, Moses always keeping the valley, between two great ledges of mountains (those which bond the Desert of Sin, and those of Pharan) crossed the same from Ceelata, and marched Eastward to the mountain of Sapher, or Sepher: this making the Twentieth mansion. From thence he passed on to Harada; then to Maccloth; and then to Thahah; & so to Thara or There: the four & twentieth mansion. Where while Moses rested, the people began that insolent and dangerous mutiny of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram; who for their contempt of God and his Ministers, were some of them swallowed up alive, and by the earth opening her mouth devoured; others, even two hundred and fifty which offered incense with Korah, were consumed with fire from heaven; & 14700. of their party, which murmured against Moses, stricken dead with a sudden pestilence: one of the greatest marvels and judgements of God, that hath been showed in all the time of Moses his government, or before. For among so great a multitude, those laymen who would have usurped Ecclesiastical authority, were suddenly swallowed up alive into the earth with their families and goods; even while they sought to overthrow the Order, Discipline, and power of the Church, and to make all men alike therein, rebelliously contending against the High Priest and Magistrate, to whom God had committed the government both of his Church and Common weal of his people. And the better to assure the people, and out of his great mercy to confirm them, it pleased him in this place also to approve by miracle the former election of his servant Aaron, by the twelve rods given in by the Heads of the twelve Tribes; of which Moses received one of every Head, and Prince of his Tribe: which being all withered and dry Wandss, and on every rod the name of the Prince of the Tribe written, and Aaron's on that of Levi; it pleased God, that the rod 〈◊〉 Aaron received by his power a vegetable Spirit, and having lain in the Tabernacle of the Congregation before the Ark one night, had on it both Buds, Blossoms, and ripe Almonds.  
From Tharah the whole Army removed to Methra; and thence to Esmona; and thence to Moseroth, (or Masurit after S. Hierome) and from Moseroth to 〈◊〉; and so to Gadgad, which Hierome calleth Gadgada; thence to jetabata, the thirtieth Mansion; where from certain fountains of water gathered in one, 〈◊〉 maketh a River, which falleth into the Read Sea, between Madian and Asiongaber.  
Now although it be very probable, that at Asiongaber, where Solomon furnished his Fleets for the East India: there was store of fresh water; and though Herodotus 
〈◊〉. l. 3.  maketh mention of a great River in Arabia the stony, which he calleth Corys, from whence (saith he) the inhabitants convey water in pipes of leather to other places, by which device the King of Arabia relieved the Army of Cambyses: yet is Adrichomius greatly deceived, as many times he is, in finding these springs at Gadgad, or jetabata, being the nine and twentieth or thirtieth Mansion. For it was at Punon, that those Springs are spoken of, which in 〈◊〉. the 10. v. 7. is also called jetabata, or jotbath, a Land of running waters, and which by all probability fall into the River Zared, the next adjoining. And that these Springs should fall into the Read Sea, at Asiongaber, or Eloth, I cannot believe, for the way is very long. And this I find in Belonius, that there are divers Torrents of fresh water in those sandy parts of Arabia: which though they continued their course for a few miles, yet they are drunk up by the hot and thirsty sand, before they can recover the banks of the Read Sea.  
From jetabata, Moses directed his journey towards the Read Sea, and encamped at Hebrona, and from thence to Esiongaber: which City in josephus time had the name of Berenice; and in Hierome's Essia. From thence keeping the Sea, and Eloth on his right hand, he turned towards the North, as he was by God commanded: Esiongaber 
〈◊〉. 2.  being the farthest place towards the Southeast, that Moses travailed in that passage.  
It seemeth that Esiongaber or Asiongaber, Eloth and 〈◊〉 were not at this time in the possession of the Kings of Edom. For it is said, That the Lord spoke unto MOSES 
Num. c. 20. v. 13  and AARON in the Mount Hor; near the coast of the Land of Edom; so as the Mount Hor was at this time in the South border of 〈◊〉. And if Esiongaber, and the other places near the Read Sea, had at this present been subject to the 〈◊〉, Moses would also have demanded a free passage through them. It is true, that in the future the Idumaeans obtained those places: for it is said; And they arose out of Midian, and come 
1. King. 11. 18.  to Paran, and took men with them; which were those companies that followed young Adad of Idumaea, into Egypt, when he fled from joab. Likewise it is said of Solomon, that he made a Navy of ships in Esiongaber besides Eloth, in the Land of Edom.   

§. V Of MOSES arrival at Zin Kades: and the accidents while they abode there.  
FRom Esiongaber he turned again towards the North, and pitched in the Wilderness of Zin, which is Kadesh: or in Beroth, of the children of jacan; where they sat down in the first month of the fortieth year after they left Egypt. For at the next Mansion Aaron died in the first day of the fifth month of the fortieth year: the nine and thirtieth year taking end at Esiongaber. And at this City of Cades (for so it was thought 
Num. 20. 1.  to be) or near it, died Miriam or Mary, Moses sister, whose Sepulchre was to be seen in Saint Hieromes' time, as himself avoweth. From hence ere they departed 
Num. 20. 3.  to the Mountain Hor, all the people murmured most violently against Moses, by reason of the scarcity of water. For neither the punishments by fire from Heaven; by being devoured and swallowed up by the earth; by the sudden pestilence, which often seized them; nor any miracle formerly showing, either the love or wrath of God, could prevail with this Nation any longer, than while they were full fed and satisfied in every of their appetites: but in stead of seeking for help and relief at God's hands, when they suffered hunger, thirst, or any other want, they murmured, repined, and rebelled, repenting them of their changed estates, and casting ungratefully on Moses all their misadventures; yea, though they well knew that their own Fathers had left their bodies in the Deserts, and that they were now entered into the fortieth year, wherein all their miseries were to take end. And being, as it were, in the sight of the Land promised, they again as obstinately tempted God as in former times, and neither trusted his promises, nor feared his indignation. But as the will and purposes of God are without beginning; so his mercies being without 
Num. 20. 9  end; he commanded Moses to strike a Rock adjoining with his rod; and the waters issued out in a great abundance, with which both themselves and their cattle were satisfied. Nevertheless, because God perceived a kind of diffidence both in Moses and Aaron, at this place; therefore he permitted neither of them to enter the Land promised, whereto perchance their worldly desires might invite them. But it pleased Him to end the travails of Aaron at the Mountain Hor, being the next, and four and thirtieth Station. At which Mountain of Hor, Aaron was 
2553.  despoiled of the Garments of his Priesthood, and the same put on Eleazar his Son, as God had commanded. Which done, Moses and Eleazar descended the Mountain; but God received Aaron on the top thereof, and he was no more seen.  
Of this Mountain called Hor, otherwise Mosera, as in Deuter. 10. vers. 6. those Horites took name, which the Idumeans had formerly vanquished. Some there are which make Mosera, which was the seven and twentieth Mansion; and Mosera which they writ Moseroth for difference, which was the four and thirtieth Mansion, and is also called Hor, to be two distinct places: because Moses in passing from Cadesbarne towards Esiongaber, encamped at Mosera, after he departed from Hesmana, and before he come to Beniaacan. And this Mosera, which is also called Hor, he 
〈◊〉. 33.  come unto after he left Cades, where Miriam, Moses sister died; the first being the seven and twentieth, and the second being the four and thirtieth Mansion. But for Hor, which is also called Mosera, it should have been written, Hor juxta Mosera; Hor near Mosera: for it is but one root of a Mountain, divided into divers tops, as Sinai and Horeb are: Whereof the West part Moses calleth Mosera, and the East part Horeb. By the West part Moses encamped, as he past towards the Read Sea, on his left hand; by the East part, as he went back again North-wards towards Moab: as in the description of Moses his passage through Arabia, the Reader may perceive.  
Now it was from Cades, before they come to Hor, because Hor belonged to Edom, that Moses sent Messengers to the Prince of Idumaea, praying him that he might pass with the people of Israel through his Territory into the Land of Canaan, which bordered it. For it was the nearest way of all other from the City of Kadesh, where Moses then encamped; whereas otherwise taking his journey by the Rivers of Zared, Arnon, and jordan, he might have run into many hazards in the passage of those Rivers, the far way about, and the many powerful Kings, which commanded in those Regions. Now the better to persuade the Prince of 〈◊〉 hereunto, Moses remembered him, that he was of the same race and family with Israel: calling him by the name of Brother, because both the Edomites and Israelites were the Sons of one Father, to wit, Isaac; inferring thereby, that he had more reason to favour and respect them, than he had to 〈◊〉 the Canaanites; against whom Esau his ancestor had made war, and driven out the Horites (who were of their ancient races descended of Cham) out of the Region of Seir, calling it by his own name Edom, or Edumaea. He also making a short repetition of God's blessings bestowed on them, and of his purposes and promises; assured Edom, or the King thereof, that he would no way offend his people, or waste his Country, but that he would restrain his Army within the bounds of the Common, and Kings high ways, paying money for whatsoever he used, yea, even for the water, which themselves or their cattle should drink. For Moses was commanded by God, not to provoke the children of Esau. But the King of Edumaea knowing the strength of his own Country, the 
〈◊〉. 24.  same being near Canaan, rampard with high and sharp mountains: and withal suspecting; as a natural wise man, that 600000. strangers being once entered his Country, it would rest in their wills to give him law, resolvedly refused them passage, and delivered this answer to the Messengers: That, if they attempted to enter 
Num. 20. 20. & 21.  that way, he would take them for enemies, and resist them by all possible mean. And not knowing whither such a denial might satisfy or exasperated, he gathered the strength of his Country together, and showed himself prepared to defend their passage. For, as it is written; Than EDOM come out against him (to wit, MOSES) with 
Num. c. 20.  much people, and with a mighty power. Whereupon Moses considering, that the end of his enterprise was not the conquest of Seir or Edumaea, and that the Land promised was that of Canaan: like unto himself who was of a natural understanding the greatest of any man, and the skilfullest man of war that the world had, he refused to adventure the Army of Israel against a Nation, which being overcome, gave but a passage to invade others; and which by reason of the seat of their mountainous Country, could not but have endangered, or (at lest) greatly enfeebled the strength of Israel, and rendered them less able, if not altogether powerless, to have conquered the rest.   

§. VI Of their compassing Idumaea, and travailing to Arnon, the border of Moab.  
HE therefore leaving the way of Idumaea, turned himself towards the East, and marched towards the Deserts of Moab. Which when Arad King of the Canaanites understood, and that Moses had blanched the way of Edumaea; and knowing that it was Canaan, and not Edom, which Israel aimed at, 〈◊〉 thought it safest, rather to find his enemies in his neighbour's Country, than to be found by them in his own: which he might have done with a far greater hope of victory, had Moses been enforced first to have made his way by the sword through Idumaea, and thereby though victorious, greatly have lessened his numbers. But although it fell out otherwise than Arad hoped for, yet being resolved to make trial, what courage the Israelites brought with them out of Egypt, before they come nearer his own home, leading the strength of his Nation to the edge of the Desert, he set upon some part of the Army; which, for the multitude occupied a great space, and for the many herds of cattle that they drove with them, could not encamp so near together, but that some quarter or other was 〈◊〉- more subject to surprise. By which advantage, and in that his attempts were then perchance unexpected, he slew some few of the Israelites, and carried with him many prisoners.  
Now it is very probable, that it was this Canaanite, or his Predecessor, which joined his forces with the Amalekites, and gave an overthrow to those mutinous Israelites, which without direction from God by Moses would have entered Canaan 
Num. 14. 45.  from Cadesbarne. For it seemeth that the greatest number of that Army were of the Canaanites, because in the first of Deuteron. 44. the Amorites are named alone without the Amalekites, and are said to have beaten the Israelites at that time. And this Arad, if he were the same that had a victory over Israel, near Cadesbarne, or if it were his 〈◊〉 that then prevailed, this man finding that Moses was returned from the Read Sea, and in his way towards Canaan, and that the South part of Canaan was first to be invaded, and in danger of being conquered, not knowing of Moses purpose to compass Moab, determined while he was yet in the Desert to try the quarrel. And whereas it follows in the third verse of the twelfth Chapter of Numbers, that the Israelites utterly destroyed the Canaanites and their Cities, they are much mistaken that think, that this destruction was presently performed by the Israelites. But it is to be understood, to have been done in the future, to wit, in the time of josua. For had Moses at this time entered Canaan in the pursuit of Arad, he would not have fallen back again into the Deserts of Zin and Moab, and have fetched a wearisome and needless compass, by the Rivers of Zared and Arnon.  
Neither is their conjecture to be valued at any thing, which affirm, that Arad did not inhabit any part of Canaan itself, but that his Territory lay without it, and near the Mountain Hor. For Hor and Zin Cades were the South 
Num. 33. 40.  borders of Edom, and not of Canaan. And it was in the South of the Land of Canaan, that Arad dwelled: which South part of Canaan was the North part of Edom.  
Again, Horma (for so far the Israelites after their victory pursued the Canaanites) is seated in the South of judaea. There is also a City of that name in Simeon. But there is no such place to the South of Edom. And were there no other argument, but the mutiny which followed presently after the repetition of this victory, it were enough to prove, that the same was obtained in the future, and in josua his time, and not at the instant of Arads assault. For had the Israelites at this time sacked the Cities of Arad, they would not the next day have complained for want of water and bread. For where there are great Cities, there is also water, and bread. But it was in the time of josua, that the Israelites took their revenge, and after they had past jordan: josua then governing them; who in the twelfth Chapter and fourteenth Verse, nameth this Arad by the name of his City so called; and with him the King of Horma: to which place the Israelites pursued the Canaanites. And he nameth them amongst those Kings, which 〈◊〉 vanquished, and put to death.  
Now after this assault and surprise by Arad, Moses finding that all entrance on that side was desended, he led the people Eastward to compass Idumaea and the Dead Sea, and to make his entrance by Arnon and the Plains of Moab, at that time in the possession of the Amorites. But the Israelites, to whom the very name of a Desert was terrible, began again to rebel against their Leader; till God by a multitude of fiery Serpents, (that is, by the biting of Serpents, whose venom inflamed them, and burnt them as fire) made them know their error, and afterward, according to his plentiful grace cured them again by their beholding an artificial Serpent, by his Commandment set up.  
From the Mount Hor, Moses leaving the ordinary way which lieth between the Read Sea, and Coelosyria, encamped at Zalmona: and thence he removed to Phunon, where he erected the Brazen Serpent; making these journeys by the edge of Edumaea, but without it. For Phunon was sometime a principal City of the Edomites. Now where it is written in Numbers 21. Verse 4. That from Mount Hor they departed by the way of the Read Sea, which grieved the people, it was not thereby meant that the Israelites turned back towards the Read Sea; neither did they march (according to FONSECA) per viam, quae habet à latere mare rubrum; By the way that sided the Read Sea, but in deed they crossed, and went athwart the common way from Galaad, Trachonitis, and the Countries of Moab, to the Read Sea, that is, to Esiongaber; Eloth, and Midian: which way, as it lay North and South, so Israel to shun the border of Edom, and to take the utmost East part of Moab, crossed the common way towards the East, and then they turned again towards the North, as before.  
From Phunon he went to Oboth; where they entered the Territory of Moab, adjoining to the Land of Suph, a Country bordering on the Dead Sea; and from thence to Abarim, the eight and thirtieth Mansion, that is, where the Mountains so called take beginning, and are as yet but small Mountures of Hills, on the East border of Moab; From thence they recovered Dibon Gad, or the River of Zared, which riseth in the mountains of Arabia, and runneth towards the Dead Sea, not far from Petra the Metropolis thereof, being the nine and thirtieth Station. And having past thàt River, they lodged at Dibon Gad, and from thence they kept the way to Diblathaim, one of the Cities of Moab; which Hieremie the Prophet c. 48. v. 22. calleth the House of Diblathaim, the same which afterward was destroyed among the rest by Nabuchadnessar. From thence they come to the River of Arnon, and encamped in the mountains of Abarim: though in the 22. of Numbers, Moses doth not remember Helmon diblathaim, but speaketh of his remove from the River of Zared, immediately to the other side of Arnon; calling Arnon the border of Moab, between them and the Amorites: speaking, as he found the state of the Country at that time. For Arnon was not anciently the border of Moab, but was lately conquered from the Moabites, by Sehon, King of the Amorites: even from the Predecessor of Balac Peor then reigning. From Diblathaim, Moses sent Messengers to Sehon, King of the Amorites, to desire a passage through his Country: which though he knew would be denied him, yet he desired to give a reason to the neighbour Nations, of the war he undertook. And though Edom had refused him as Sehon did, yet he had no warrant from God to enforce him. Moses also in sending messengers to Sehon, observed the same precept, which he left to his posterity, and successors, for a law of the war, namely in Deut. 20. v. 10. in these words, When thou comest near unto a City to fight against it, thou shalt offer it peace, which if it do accept of and open unto thee, then let all the people found therein be tributaries unto thee, and serve thee; but if it refuse, etc. thou shalt smite all the males thereof with the edge of the sword. Which ordinance all Commanders of Armies have observed to this day, or aught to have done.   

§. VII. Of the Book of the battles of the Lord, mentioned in this Story, and of other Books mentioned in Scripture which are lost.  
NOw concerning the War between Israel and Sehon, Moses seemeth 
Num. c. 21. v. 14  to refer a great part of this Story to that Book, entitled, Liber bellorum Domini; The book of God's battles: and therefore passeth over many encounters, and other things memorable, with greater brevity in this place. His words after the Geneva translation are these. Wherhfore it shall be spoken in the Book of the battles of the Lord, what things he did in the Read Sea, and in the Rivers of Arnon. The Vulgar copy differeth not in sense from this: But 
Num. 21.  the Greek Septuagint vary. For the Greek writes it to this effect; For thus it is said in the book: the War of the Lord hath burnt (or inflamed) Zoob, and the brooks of Arnon. 〈◊〉 for the Read Sea, which is in the Genevan and Vulgar Edition, names the Region of 
* Of the country of Suph see more Chap. 10 §. 4. †. 2. & of the 〈◊〉 of the Word Suph, also chap, 18. §. 3.  Suph, a Country bordering the Dead Sea towards the East, as he conjectureth. The Text he readeth thus. Idcircò dici solet in recensione bellorum jehovae, contra VAHEBUM in Regione SUPH: & contraflumina, flumina Arnonis; Therefore is it spoken in repeating of the battles of JEHOVAH, against VAHEB in the Country of SUPH: and against the Rivers, the Rivers of Arnon. In which words he understands, that amongst the Wars which the Lord disposed for the good of the Israelites, there was in those times a famous memory in the mouth of most men, concerning 
Num. 21. 26.  the War of Sehon against Vaheb, the King of the Moabites, and of his winning the Country near Arnon, out of the possession of the Moabites. For this Vaheb was the immediate Predecessor of Balac, who lived with Moses: though it be written that this Balac was the son of Zippor, and not of Vaheb. For it seems (as it is plain 
〈◊〉. 1. c. 1.  in the succession of the Edomites) that these Kingdoms were elective, and not successive. And as junius in this translation understandeth no special Book of the battles of the Lord: so others, as Vatablus in his Annotations, doubt whither in this place any special Book be meant; and if any; whither it be not a prediction of Wars in future ages, to be waged in these places, and to be written in the book of judges. Siracides c. 46. tells us plainly, that those battles of the Lord were fought by JOSVA. Who was there (saith he) before him like to him? for he fought the battles of the Lord. But seeing the Histories of the Scripture elsewhere often pass over matters of great weight in few words, referring the Reader to other Books, written of the same matter at large: therefore it seemeth probable, that such a book as this there was; wherein the several victories by Israel obtained, and also victories of other Kings, making way for the good of the Israelites, were particularly and largely written. And that the same should now be wanting, it is not strange, seeing so many other Volumes, filled with divine discourse, have perished in the long race of time, or have been destroyed by the ignorant and malicious Heathen Magistrate. For the books of Henoch, how soever they have been in later ages corrupted, and therefore now suspected, are remembered in an Epistle of Thaddaeus, and cited by Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by Tertullian.  
That work also of the Patriarch Abraham, of Formation, which others bestow on Rabbi Achiba, is no where found. The books remembered by josua c. 10. v. 13. and in the second of Samuel c. 1. v. 18. called the Book of jasher, or justorum, is also lost; wherein the stay of the Sun and Moon in the midst of the Heavens is recorded, and how they stood still till Israel had avenged themselves of their enemies: out of which also David took the precept, of teaching the children of juda, to exercise their bows against their enemies.  
Some think this to be the book of eternal Predestination, in which the just are written, according to the 69. Psalm, v. 28. where it is said, Let them be put out of the 
Hieron. in quest. super lib. Regum.  book of life, neither let them be written with the righteous. JEROME thinks, that David by this book understood those of Samuel; Rabbi Solomon, that the books of the Law are thereby meant, in which the acts of the just Abraham, of Isaac, jacob, and Moses, are written; others, that it was the book of Exodus; others, as Theodoretus, that it was a Commentary upon josua, by an unknown Author.  
The book of Chozai, concerning Manasse, remembered in the second of Chron. 33. v. 18. & 16. Of this book, also lost, Hicrome conceives that the Prophet Isaiah was 
Hieron. in annot. in Paralip.  the Author.  
The same mischance come aswell to the Story of Solomon, written by Ahia Silonites, who met with 〈◊〉, and foretold him of his obtaining the Kingdom of Israel from the son of Solomon: as to the books of Nathan the Prophet, and to those of jeedo the Seer, remembered in the second of Chron. c. 9 v. 29. with these have the books of Shemaiah and of Iddo, remembered in the second of Chron. c. 12. v. 15. perished: and that of jehu the son of Hanani, of the acts of jehossaphat, cited in the second of Chron. c. 20. v. 34. Also that book of Salomon's which the Hebrews writ Hascirim, of 5000. verses, of which that part called Canticum Canticorum only remaineth, 1. King's 4. 32. and with this divers other of Salomon's works have perished, as his book of the natures of Trees, Plants, Beasts, Fish, etc. 1. King. 4. 33. with the rest remembered by Origen, josephus, Hierome, Cedrenus, Ciccus Asculanus, Picus Mirandula, and others.  
Of these and other books many were consumed with the same fire, wherewith Nebuchadnessar burned the Temple of Jerusalem. But let us return thither where we left.   

§. VIII. Of MOSES his sparing the issue of LOT; and of the Giants in those parts; and of SEHON and OG.  
WHen Moses had past Arnon, he encamped on the other side thereof at Abarim, opposite to the City of Nebo, leaving the City of Midian on his left hand, and attempting nothing upon the Moabites on that side. For Moab did at this time inhabit on the South side of Arnon, having lost all his ancient and best Territory, which was now in the possession 
Deut. 2. v. 9 & 10. 11. & 12.  of Sehon the Amorite. For Moses was commanded by God not to molest Moab, neither to provoke them to battle, God having given that Land to the children of Lot; the same which was anciently possessed by the Emims, who were men of great stature, and comparable to those Giants called Anakims, or the sons of 〈◊〉.  
God also commanded Moses to spare the Ammonites, because they likewise were descended of Lot: who had expelled from thence those Giants, which the Ammonites called Zamzummims. For it seemeth that all that part, especially to the East of jordan, even to the Desert of Arabia, aswell on the West, as on the East side of the Mountains of Gilead, were inhabited by Giants. And in the plantation of the Land promised, the Israelites did not at any time pass those Mountains to the East of Basan, but left their Country to them, as in the description following is made manifest. We find also, that as there were many Giants both before and after the flood: so these Nations, which anciently inhabited both the border of Canaan, and 
jos. 15. v. 13. c. 14. v. 15.  the Land itself, had among them many families of Giantlike men. For the Anakims dwelled in Hebron, which sometimes was called the City of Arbah, which Arbah in josua is called the Father of the 〈◊〉; and the greatest man of the Anakims. There had also been Giants in the Land of the Moabites, called Emims: and their chief City was Aroer or Ar, near the River of Arnon. To the Giants of the Rephaims, the Ammonites gave the name of Zamzummims; which were of the same ancient Canaanites: and their chief City was Rabath, afterward Philadelphia. They were also called Zuzims, which is as much to say, as Viri robusti, horrendique Gigantes; Strong men, and fearful Giants, who inhabited other Cities of Ham, or Hom, in the same Province, and not far to the North of Aroer.  
Now Moses having past Arnon, and being encamped at Abarim; and having (as before) sent to Sehon, as he had done to Edom, to pray a passage through his Country, was denied it. For Sehon being made proud by his former conquest upon Vaheb the Moabite, which Nation the Amorites esteemed but as strangers and usurpers, (themselves being of the sons of Canaan, and the Moabites of Lot) refused to grant Israel any entrance that way; and withal prepared to encounter Moses with as much speed as he could, because Moses encamped in the Country of his new conquests, to wit, the Plains of Moab; the two and fortieth and last Mansion: which Moses wasted with the multitude of his people, and cattle. Towards him therefore hasting himself, they encountered each other at jahaz: where Schon with his children and people were broken and discomfited: and the victory so pursued by Moses, as few or noon of the Amorites escaped. He also slaughtered all the Women and Children of the Amorites, which he found in Essebon, and all the other Cities, Villages, or Fields; they being of the race of 〈◊〉, as those of Basan also were: and descended of Emoreus or Amoreus: for Moses calleth the Basanites also Amorites. 
〈◊〉. 1. v. 8.  And although Israel might now have taken a ready way and passage into judaea: being at this time, and after this victory at the banks of jordan: yet he knew it to be perilous to leave so great a part of that Nation of the Amorites on his back, as in habited all the Region of Basan or Traconitis: and therefore he led on his Army to invade Og: a person of exceeding strength and stature: and the only man of marké remaining of the ancient Giants of those parts, and who at that time had 60. Cities walled and defenced: lying between the mountain of Hermon (which mountain saith Moses, the Sidonians call Shirion, and the Amorites Shenir) and the River of jordan. And it befell unto the King of Basan (who attended Moses coming at Edres) as it did unto Sihon: for he and his sons perished, and all his Cities were taken and possessed. After this, Moses withdrawing himself back again to the mountains of Abarim, left the presecution of that war unto jair the son of Manasse: who conquering the East parts of Basan, to wit, the Kingdom of Argob, even unto the Nations of the Gessuri and Machati, 60. walled Cities: called the same after his own name Havoth jair: of all which conquests afterward the half Tribe of Manasse possessed the North part as far as Edrei, but the East part that belonged to Sihon the Amorite, with the mountains of Gilead adjoining, was given to Reuben and Gad.   

§. IX.. Of the troubles about the Madianites, and of MOSES his death.  
AFter these victories, and while Israel so journed in the valley of Moab, the Madianites and Moabites (over both which Nations it seemeth that Balac King of the Moabites then commanded in chief) sought, according to the advice of Balaam, both by alluring the Hebrews to the love of their daughters, and by persuading them to honour and serve their Idols, to divide them both in Love and Religion among themselves: thereby the better both to defend their own interest against them, as also to beaten them out of Moab, and the Countries adjoining. The Israelites as they had ever been inclined, so were they now easily persuaded to these evil courses, and thereby drew on 
Num. 25. v. 9  themselves the plague of pestilence, whereof there perished 24000. persons: besides which punishment of God, the most of the offenders among the Hebrews, were by his commandment put to the sword, or other violent deaths: after this, when that 〈◊〉 the son of Eleazar had pierced the bodies of Zimri, a Prince of the Simconites, together with Cosbi a Daughter of one of the chief of the Midianites, the plague ceased, and God's wrath was appeased. For such was the love and kindness of his all-powerfulnesse, respecting the ardent zeal of Phineas in prosecuting of Zimri (who being a chief among the Hebrews become an Idolater) as he forgave the rest of Israel, and stayed his hand for his sake.  
In this valley it was that Moses caused the people to be numbered the third time: 
Num. 26. v. 51.  and there remained of able men fit to bear arms, 60 1730. of which as his last enterprise, he appointd 12000. to be chosen out, to invade the Cities of Midian, who together with the Moabites practised with Balaam to curse Israel: and after that sought to allure them (as before remembered) from the worship of the true God, to the service of Beth-Peor: and to the rest of their barbarous Idolatry. Over which companies of 12000. Moses gave the charge to Phineas, the son of Eleazar the 
Num. 31. v. 8.  high Priest: who slew the five Princes of the Midianites, which were, or had lately 
jos. c. 13. v. 21.  been, the vassals of Sehon, as appeareth by josuah. These five Princes of the Midianites slain by Eleazar, were at this time but the vassals of Sehon the Amorite, to wit, 
Cap. 13. 21.  Eui, Rekem, Zur, Her, and Reba, the Dukes of Sehon, saith josua. He slew also all the men, male-children, and women: saving such as had not yet used the company of men, but those they saved and dispersed them among the children of Israel to serve them.  
And Moses having now lived 120. years, making both his own weakness of 
Deut. 31. v. 2.  body known to the people, and his unability to travail: and also that he was forewarned 
Deut. 31. v. 2.  of his end by the spirit of God: from whom he received a new commandment to ascend the Mountains of Abarim, and thereon to tender up his life: He hastened to settle the Government in josua: whom he persuaded with most lively arguments to prosecute the conquest begun, assuring him of God's favour and assistance therein. And so having spent these his later days after the Conquest of Og and Sehon, King of the Amorites, in the repetition and exposition of the Law (or 
Aug. l. 4. de Mirab. sacr. Script.  an iteration of the Law, according to S. Augustine) using both arguments, prayers, and threats unto the people: which he often repeated unto them; thereby to confirm them in knowledge, love, fear, and service, of the all-powerful God: He 
Deut. 33.  blessed the twelve Tribes, that of Simeon excepted, with several and most comfortable blessings: praising the greatness and goodness of him, unto whom in his prayers he commended them: He also commanded the Priests to lay up the book of the Law, by the side of the Ark of God: The last that he indicted was that Prophetical 
Deut. 32. 1.  Song, beginning: Harken ye Heavens and I will speak, and let the earth hear the word of my mouth: and being called by God from the labours and sorrows of this 
Deut. 34. v. 6.  life, unto that rest which never afterward hath disquiet, he was buried in the Land of Moab, over against Beth-peor: but no man knoweth of his Sepulchre to this day, which happened in the year of the World 25 54.   

§. X. Observations out of the Story of MOSES, how God disposeth both the smallest occasions, and the greatest resistances, to the effecting of his purpose.  
NOw let us a little, for instruction, look back to the occasions of sundry of the great events, which have been mentioned in this Story of the life of Moses, for (excepting God's miracles, his promise, and fore-choise of this people) he wrought in all things else by the medium of men's affections, and natural appetites. And so we shall found that the fear which Pharaoh had of the increase of the 〈◊〉, multiplied by God to exceeding great numbers, was the next natural cause of the sorrows and loss, which befell himself, and the Egyptian Nation: which numbers when he sought by cruel and ungodly policies to cut off and lessen, as when he commanded all the male-children of the Hebrews to be slain, God (whose providence cannot be resisted, nor his purposes prevented by all the foolish and salvage craft of mortal men) moved compassion in the heart of Pharao's own Daughter, to preserve that child, which afterward become the most wise, and of all men the most gentle and mild, the most excellently learned in all Divine and Human knowledge, to be the Conductor and deliverer of his oppressed Brethrens, and the overthrow of Pharaoh, and all the flower of his Nation; even then, when he sought by the strength of his men of War, of his Horse, and Chariots, to tread them under and bury them in the dust. The grief which Moses conceived of the injuries, and of the violence offered to one of the Hebrews in his own presence, moved him to take revenge of the Egyptian that offered it: the ingratitude of one of his own Nation, by threatening him to discover the slaughter of the Egyptian, moved him to fly into Midian: the contention between the shepherds of that place, and Jethro's Daughters, made him known to their Father: who not only entertained him, but married him to one of those Sisters: and in that solitary life of keeping of his Father in laws sheep, far from the press of the world, contenting himself (though bred as a King's Son) with the lot of a poor Herdsman, God found him out in that Desert, wherein he first suffered him to live many years, the better to know the ways and passages through which he purposed that he should conduct his people, toward the Land promised: and therein appearing unto him, he made him know his Will and divine Pleasure for his return into Egypt. The like may be said of all things else, which Moses afterward by God's direction performed in the Story of Israel before remembered. There is not therefore the smallest accident, which may seem unto men as falling out by chance, and of no consequence: but that the same is caused by God to effect somewhat else by: yea, and oftentimes to effect things of the greatest worldly importance, either presently, or in many years after, when the occasions are either not considered, or forgotten.    

CHAP. VI Of the Nations with whom the Israelites had dealing after their coming out of Egypt; and of the men of renown in other Nations, about the times of MOSES and JOSVA, with the sum of the History of JOSVA.  

§. I. How the Nations with whom the Israelites were to have War, were divers ways, as it were, prepared to be their enemies.  
IN like manner if we look to the quality of the Nations, with whom the Israelites, after their coming out of Egypt, had to do, either in the Wilderness, or afterward: we shall find them long beforehand, by the disposing providence of God, as it were prepared for enmity: partly in respect that they were most of them of the issue of Canaan, or at least of Ham: and the rest (as the Edomites, Moabites, Ammonites, and Ismaclites) were mingled with them by mutual marriages: whereas the Israelites still continued strangers, and separate from them: and so partly in this respect, and partly by ancient injuries or enmities, and partly by reason of diversity in Religion, were these Nations, as it were prepared to be enemies to the Israelites: and so to serve for such purposes as God had reserved them for. To make these things more manifest, we must understand that this part of Syria bounded by the mountains of Libanus, and 〈◊〉 on the North, by the same mountains continued as far as the Springs of Arnon on the East: by the way of Egypt, and the Read Sea on the South: and by the Mediterran Sea on the West: was inhabited and peopled by two Nations, the one springing from the sons of Cham, the other from 〈◊〉: but those of 〈◊〉, were but as strangers therein for a long time, and come thither in effect but with 
* It seemeth also that Hus, the Son of Nachor, & 〈◊〉 his Brother, planted themselves in the Eastside of Tordan, about Basan: where they find the Land of Hus: in which both job dwelled, as one of the issue of Hus the Son of Nachor, and Elibu, his friend, which is called a Buzit. See hereafter Cham 10. §. 7.  one family, to wit, that of Abraham, and a few of his kindred. The other for the greatest part were the Canaanites, the ancient Lords and Possessors of those Territories: by process of time divided into several families and names: whereof some of them were of eminent stature and strength, as the Anakims, Zamzummims, or Zuzei, Emims, Horites, and others. These (as men most valiant and able commonly do) did inhabit the utter borders and mountains of their Countries: the rest were the Zidonians, jebusites, Amerites, Hevites, Hetites, and others, who took name after the sons of Canaan, and after whom the Country in general was still called.  
As for the Hebrews which descended of Shem by Abraham, they were of another family, and strangers in that Country: 〈◊〉 the Israelites, and this was some cause that the Canaanites did not affect them, or endure them: no more than the Philistines 〈◊〉, who descended also of Cham by Mizram. For though Abraham himself being a stranger was highly esteemed and honoured among them: especially by the Amorites inhabiting the West part of jordan: yet now even they which descending from Abraham, or from his kindred, abode and multiplied in those 
Exod. c. 17. v. 16  parts, were alienated in affections from the Israelites: as holding them strangers and intruders: making more account of their alliance with the Canaanites, and the rest of the issue of Cham, with whom they daily contracted affinity: than of their old pedigree from Abraham.  
True it is that these Nations descended of Abraham, or of his kindred, who had 
Deut. c. 11. v. 5.  linked themselves and matched with the Canaanites and others, had so far possessed themselves of the borders of those Regions, as they began to be equal in strength to the bordering Canaanites, if not superior. For of Lot come those two great families of the Moabites, and Ammonites: of 〈◊〉 the Idumaeans: of Madian the Madianites: of Ishmael, the eldest son of Abraham, come the Ismaelites, with whom are joined as of the same nation, the Amalekites, whom though the more common opinion thinketh to have been a tribe of Edom, because Esau had a grandchild of that name, yet manifest reason convinceth it to have been otherwise. For the Israelites were forbidden 
Deut. c. 11. v. 5.  to provoke the Eaomites, or do them any wrong, whereas contrariwise 〈◊〉 was cursed, and endless war decreed against him: but hereof more elsewhere. 
Exod. c. 17. v. 16  Chap. 8. §. 3. Of Ismael's eldest Son Nabeth sprung the Arabians of Petraea, called Nabathaei. Now even as Abraham besought God to bless Ishmael, so it 
Gen. 17.  pleased him both to promise' and perform it. For of him those twelve Princes come, which inhabited, in effect, all that Tract of Land between Havilath upon Tigris, and Sur which is the West part of the Desert of Arabia Petraea. Yet howsoever the strength of these later named nations, which descended from Abraham, were great: yet it is not unlikely, but that some reason which moved them not to favour the entrance of the Israelites into Canaan, was in respect of fear: because all Princes and States do not willingly permit any stranger or powerful Nation to enter their Territories. Wherhfore, though all these families beforenamed, were not so united, in and among themselves, but that they had their jealousies of each other, and contended for Dominion: yet fearing a third more strong than themselves, whither they stood apart or united, they were taught by the care of there own preservation, to join themselves together against Israel: though they did it nothing so maliciously and resolvedly as the Canaanites did. For the Edumaeans only denied the Hebrews a passage: which the Moabites durst not deny: because their Country lay more open; and because themselves had lately been beaten out of the richest part of their Dominions, by the Amorites: and as for the Ammonites, their Country lay altogether out of the way, and the strength of Sehon and Og Kings of the Amorites, was interjacent: and besides that, the border of the Ammonites was strong, by reason of the mountains which divided it from Basan. Again, that which moved the 
Num. c. 21. v. 24  Moabites in their own reason not much to interrupt Israel, in the conquest of Sehon the Amorite, and of Og his Confederate, was that the Moabites might hope after such time as the Amorites were beaten by Moses, that themselves might recover again their own inheritance: to wit, the Valleys and Plains lying between the mountains of Arabia and jordan: But as soon as Sehon was slain, and that the King of 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, perceived that Moses allotted that valley to the Tribes of 〈◊〉 and Reuben, 〈◊〉 began to practise with Balaam against Israel, and by the Daughters of Midian, as aforesaid, to allure them to Idolatry: and thus at length the Moabites by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were more and more stirred up to enmity against Israel. And as for divers of the rest that were descended from Abraham's kindred, we may note, how in the beginning, between the Authors of their Petigrees, God permitted some enmities to be as it were presages of future quarrels, which in the posterity might be the easier incensed, by the memory of old grudges: and withal by some disdain from the elder in nature to the younger. For the Ismaelites being descended from the eldest son of Abraham, and the Edomites from the eldest son of 〈◊〉, jacob, being but a second son, of a second brother, those Princes which were descended of the elder Houses being natural men, might scorn to give place, much less to subject themselves, to their inferiors, as they took it, and for a more aggravation the 
Gen. 25.  issues of Esau Princes of Edumaea, might keep in record that their Parent was bought 
Gen. 27.  out of his birthright by jacobs' taking his advantage, and that he was deceived of his Father's blessings also by him: and that jacob after reconciliation come not unto him 
Gen. 33. 14.  as he promised into Seir or Idumaea.  
So also in the posterity of Ishmael, it might remain as a seed or pretence of enmity, that their forefather was by the instigation of Sara, cast out into the Desert, with his Mother Hagar: and had therein perished, but that it pleased God by his Angel to relieve them. Ishmael also had an Egyptian both to his Mother and to his Wife: and Amalec was also an Horite by his Mother: which Horites were of the ancient Canaanites. The Edumaeans also, or Edomites, were by their Maternal line descended of the Canaanites. For Esau took two Wives of that Nation: one of them was Adath, the Daughter of Elou, the Hittite, and the other Aholibamah, the grand child of 
Gen. 36.  Zibeon the Hevite, Lord of Seir, before the same was conquered by Esau, and called after his name, Edom, or Edumaea.  
Lastly, it appeareth that all those families of the Ismaelites, Amalekites, Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, etc. were in process of time corrupted, and drawn from the knowledge and worship of God, and become Idolaters, infected and seduced by the conversation of those people among whom they dwelled, and by those Wives of the Canaanites which they had married: only a few of the Kenites and those Madianites, which inhabited on the edge of the Read Sea, whereof jethro was Priest, or Prince, or both, worshipped the true and everliving God.   

§. II Of the Kings of the Canaanites and Madianites, mentioned in the ancient Wars of the Israelites.  
OF the Kings of the Canaanites, descended of Cham, (for Melchizedek may be thought to be of a better Pedigree) we find four named by Moses: and one and thirty remembered by josua, though few of these named, otherwise than by the Cities over which they commanded: to which each of them had a small Territory adjoining, and no other Dominion. These Canaanites in a general consideration are to be understood for all those Nations, descended of Cham by Canaan, as the Hittites, jebusites, Amorites, Gergesites, Hevites, etc. and so here we understand this name in speaking of the Kings of the Canaanites: and so also we call the Country of their habitation, the holy Land, or the Land of promise: for God had appointed that the seven principal Families should be rooted out: and that his own people should inherit their Lands and Cities. But if we consider of the Name and Nation in particular, then is their proper habitation bounded by jordan, on the East, and by the Mediterran Sea on the West: in which narrow Country, and in the choicest places thereof, those Canaanites which held their Paternal name chief inhabited.  
The first King of these Nations, named in the Scriptures, was Hamor or Hemor, of 
Gen. 34.  the Hevites, whom Simeon and Levi slew, together with his Son Sichem, in revenge of their Sister's ravishment.  
Arad was the second King which the Scriptures have remembered, who had that part of Canaan towards the South, neighbouring Edom and the Dead Sea; the same which surprised Israel, as they encamped in the Wilderness in the edge of Edumaea. 
Num. 21. 1.   
The third named was Sehon King of Essebon, who before Moses arrival had beaten the Moabites out of the West part of Arabia 〈◊〉 or Nabathea, and thrust them 
Num. 21. 24.  over Arnon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deserts, the same whom Moses overthrew in the plains of Moab: at which time he took Essebon, and all the Cities of the Amorites. 
jos. 9 josepb. ant. lib. 4. c. 5.   
Presently after which victory, Og was also slain by Israel, who commanded the North part of that Valley between the Mountains Traconi or Galaad and jordan, 
Num. 〈◊〉. 35.  who was also a King of the Amorites.  
The fift was Adonizedek King of the jebusites, and of Jerusalem, with whom josus nameth four other Kings.  
Hoham, King of Hebron.  
Piram, King of jarmuth.  
japia, King of Lachis: and  
Deber, King of Eglon, who were all Amorites overthrown in battle: and hanged 
josua. 10.  by josua. After this overthrow josua nameth jabin, King of Hazor, and 
joseph. ant. lib. 5. cap. 1.   
jobab, King of Madon: whom he also slaughtered, and took his Cities: and this jabin seemed to have some Dominion over the rest, for it is said in the Text, For 
josua. 11. v. 10.  HAZOR before-times was the head of all those Kingdoms.  
After these Adonibezek that notorious Tyrant is named: who confessed that he had cut off the thumbs of the hands, and feet, of 70. Kings, enforcing them to gather 
jud. 1. joseph. lib. 5. cap. 2.  crumbs under his Table: who, after juda and Simeon had used the same execution upon himself, acknowledged it to be a just revenge of God: this King was carried to Jerusalem where he died.  
The last King named is jabin the second, who as it seemeth had rebuilt Hazor, burnt by josua. For at such time as he employed Sisara against Israel, whom he oppressed 
jud. 4.  twenty years, after the death of Ehud, He inhabited Hazor. This jabin, Barac (encouraged by Deborah) overthrew; and his Captain Sisara had by jael, the Wife 
jud. 4.  of Heber the Kenite, a nail driven into his head while he slept in her Tent: jabin 
Psal. 〈◊〉.  himself perishing afterward in that war.  
The Madianites had also their Kings at times, but commonly mixed with the Moabites: 
joseph. l. 5. c. 6.  and they held a corner of Land in Nabathea: to the Southeast of the Dead Sea. They descended from Madian, Abraham's son, by Cethura. Raguel surnamed Gethegleus or jethres, saith josephus, called jethro in Exodus, Kenis in the first of judges, 
Exod. 3.  the son of Dathan, the grandchild of jexanis, or joksham, the great grandchild of Abraham by Cethura, was Priest or Prince of the Madianites by the Read Sea: whose 
Cedron. pag. 34.  Daughter, or Niece, Moses married: and of whom I have spoken elsewhere more at large. This jethro if he were not the same with Hobab, must be his Father: and this Hobab had seven Daughters. He guided Moses in the Wilderness: and become one 
jud. 1.  of the Israelites: of him descended the Kenites so called of his Father Raguel's surname, of which Kenites was Heber, which had peace with jabin the second, even now remembered.  
At such time as Saul invaded the Amalekites, he knowing the good affection of the 
1. Sam. 15. 6.  Kenites to Israel, gave them warning to separate themselves: and yet the Kenites had strong seats, and lived in the mountains of the Deserts.  
The Kings of the Canaanites, and Madianites, and the Amalekites, as many as I find named were these.  

1. Homer the Hevite of Sichem  
2. Arad of the South parts  
3. Sehon of Essebon  
4. Og of Basan.  
5. Adonizedek the jebusite, King of Jerusalem  
6. Hoham of Hebron 
〈◊〉. 10.   
7. Piram of jarmuth  
8. japia of Lachis  
9 Debir of Eglon  
10. jabin of Hazor  
11. jobab of Modon 
jos. 11.   
12. Adonibezek of Bezek and  
13. jabin the second King of Hazor.   
Of the MADIANITES these.  

* These five 〈◊〉 were all at one time 〈◊〉 of several portions of the Madiaxites: slain by Phinehas and the 12000. Which he led against them. Num. 31. vers. 8.  Eui or Euis.  
Rekam or Recem who built Petra the Metropolis of 〈◊〉 so called by the Greeks': and by Esai. cap. 16. vers. 1. and Selah, which is as much as Petra: and so also it is called 2. Reg. 14. 7. where it is also called joktheel.  

Zur  
Her and  
Reba  

¶ These four last were likewise at one time, slain in the pursuit of 〈◊〉 victory. jud. 〈◊〉. 7. 〈◊〉. 25. 〈◊〉. cap. 8. v. 12.  Oreb  
Zeb  
Zebah  
Salmunna.   
After the death of Barac, judge of Israel, the four last named of these Madianite Kings, vexed Israel seven years: till they being put to flight by Gideon, two of them to wit, Oreb and Zeb, were taken and slain by the Ephraimits, at the passage of 〈◊〉, as in the 6. 7. and 8. of judges it is written at large. Afterwards in the pursuit of the rest Gedeon himself laid hands upon Zebah and Salmana, or Salmunna, and executed them, being prisoners, in which expedition of Gedeon there perished 120000. of the 〈◊〉 and their Confederates. Of the Idumaeans, Moabites, and Ammonites, I will speak hereafter in the description of their Territories.   

§. III Of the Amalekites and Ismaelites.  
OF the Kings of the Amalekites and Ismaelites, I find few that are named, and though of the Ismaelites there were more in number than of the rest (for they were multiplied into a greater Nation, according to 
〈◊〉. 17. 20.  the promise of God made unto Abraham) yet the Amalekites, who together with the Midianites were numbered among them, were more renowned 
〈◊〉. 6. 7.  in Moses time than the rest of the Ismaelites. So also were they when Saul governed Israel. For Saul pursued them from Sur unto Havilah, to wit, over a great part of Arabia Petraea, and the Desert. The reason to me seemeth to be this: That the twelve Princes which come of Ishmael, were content to leave those barren Deserts of Arabia Petraea, called Sur, Paran, and Sin, to the issue of Abraham by Cetura, that joined with them (for so seem the Amalekites to have been, and so were the Madianites:) themselves taking possession of a better soil in Arabia the Happy, and about the Mountains of Galaad in Arabia Petraea. For Nabaioth the eldest of those twelve Princes planted that part of Arabia Petraea, which was very fruitful though adjoining to the Desert, in which Moses wandered, afterward called Nabathea: the same which neighboureth judaea on the East side. They also peopled a Province in Arabia the Happy, whereof the people were in aftertimes called Napathei (B) changed into (P).  
Kedar, the second of Ismael's Sons, gave his own name to the 〈◊〉 part of Basan, or Batanea, which was afterward 〈◊〉 by Manasse, so much thereof as lay within the Mountains Traconi, or Gilead. Which Nation Lampridius calleth Kedarens, and Pliny 〈◊〉.  
Adbeel sat down in the Desert Arabia, near the Mountains which divide it from the Happy: and gave name to the Adubens, which Ptolemy calleth Agubens.  
Mibsam was the Parent of the Masamancuses, near the Mountain Zamath, in the same Arabia the Happy.  
The Raabens were of Mishma: who joined to the Orchens, near the Arabian gulf, where Ptolemy setteth Zagmais.  
Of Duma were the Dumaeans, between the Adubens and Raabens: where the City Dumeth sometimes stood.  
Of Massa the Massani, and of Hadar, or Chadar the 〈◊〉, who bordered the Napatheans in the same Happy Arabia.  
Thema begat the Themaneans, among the Arabian Mountains, where also the City of Thema is seated.  
Of jetur the Ituraeans, or Chamathens: of whom Tohu was King in David's time.  
Of Naphri the Nubeian Arabians: inhabiting Syria Zoba: over whom 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. l. 6. c. 28.  commanded, while David ruled Israel.  
Cadma, the last and twelfth of Ismael's sons, was the Ancestor of the Cadmonaeans: who were afterward called Asitae: because they worshipped the fire with the Babylonians. 
〈◊〉.   
The Amalekites gave their Kings the name of 〈◊〉, as the 〈◊〉 the name of Pharaoh to theirs, and the ancient Syrians Adad to theirs, and the Arabian Nabatheans, Aretas, as Names of Honour.  
The Amalekites were the first that fought with Moses, after he passed the Read Sea: 
Exod. 17.  when of all times they flourished most, and yet were vanquished.  
Afterwards they joined with the Canaanites, and beaten the Israelites near Cadesbarne. 
Num. 14.  After the Government of Othoniel, they joined them with the Moabites: after Barac with the Madianites: and invaded Israel. God commanded that as soon as Israel had rest; they should root out the name of the 〈◊〉: which Saul executed in part, when he wasted them from the border of Egypt, to the border of 〈◊〉: from 〈◊〉 to Shur.  
In David's time they took Siklag in Simeon: but David followed them, and surprised 
1. Sam. 30.  them, recovering his prisoners and spoils. And yet, after David become King, they 
2. Sam. 8. 12.  again vexed him, but to their own loss.  
In Ezekias time as many of them as joined to Edumaea were wasted and displanted 
1. Chron. 4.  by the children of Simeon.   

§. FOUR Of the instauration of civility in Europe about these times, and of PROMETHEUS and ATLAS.  
THere lived at this time, and in the same age together with Moses, many men exceeding famous, aswell in bodily strength, as in all sorts of learning. And as the World was but even now enriched with the written Law of the living God, so did Art and Civility (bred and fostered far off in the East, and in Egypt) begin at this time to discover a passage into Europe, and into those parts of Greece, neighbouring Asia and judaea. For if Pelasgus besides his bodily strength, was chosen King of Arcadia, because he taught those people to erect them simple Cottages, to defend them from rain and storm: and learned them withal to make a kind of Meal, and bread of Acorns, who before lived for the most part, by Herbs and Roots: we may thereby judge how poor, and wretched those times were, and how falsely those Nations have vaunted of that their antiquities accompanied not only with civil learning, but with all other kinds of knowledge, And it was in this age of the World, as both Eusebius and S. Augustine have observed, that 〈◊〉 flourished: Quem propterea 
Aug. l. 18. c. 8. de Civit. Dei.  ferunt de luto formasse homines, quia optimus sapientiae Doctor fuisse perhibetur; Of whom it is reported that he form men out of clay, because he was an excellent teacher of Wisdom: and so Theophrastus expoundeth the invention of fire ascribed to PROMETHEUS, Adinuenta sapientiae pertinere; To have reference to wise inventions: and Aeschylus affirmeth, 
〈◊〉. in Prom. vinct. In c. 8. lib. 18. de Civit. Dei.  That by the stealing of jupiters' fire was meant, that the knowledge of Prometheus reached to the Stars, and other celestial bodies. Again, it is written of him, that he had the art so to use this fire, as thereby he gave life to Images of Wood, Stone, and Clay: meaning that before his birth and being, those people among whom he lived had nothing else worthy of men, but external form and figure. By that fiction of Prometheus, being bound on the top of the Hill Caucasus, his entrails the while devoured by an Eagle, was meant the inward care and restless desire he had to investigate the Natures, Motions, and Influences of Heavenly bodies, for so it is said: Ideò altissimum ascendisse Caucasum, ut 〈◊〉 
L. Vive sex Hes.  coelo quàm longissimè astra, signorum obitus & ortus spectaret; That he ascended Caucasus, to the end that he might in a clear sky discern a far off the settings and rise of the Stars: though Diodorus Siculus expound it otherwise, and others diversly.  

Of this man's knowledge AESCHYLUS gives this testimony.  
Ast agebant omnia 
〈◊〉. in. 〈◊〉. vinct.   
ut force ferebat: donec ipse repperi  
Signorum obitus, ortusque qui mortalibus  
Sunt utiles: & multitudinem artium  
His repperi: componere inde liter as;  
Matremque Musarum auxi ego Memoriam  
Perutilem cunctis, etc.   

But Fortune governed all their works, till when  
I first found out how Stars did set and rise:  
A profitable art to mortal men:  
And others of like use I did devise:  
As letters to compose in learned wise  
I first did teach: and first did amplify  
The Mother of the Muse's Memory.   
Africanus makes Prometheus far more ancient, and but 94. years after Ogyges. Porphyrius says that he lived at once with 〈◊〉, who lived with 
Aug. lib. 〈◊〉. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dei.  Isaac.  
There lived also at once with Moses, that famous Atlas, brother to Prometheus, both being the Sons of japetus, of whom though it be said, that they were borne before Moses days, and therefore are by others esteemed of a more ancient date: yet the advantage of their long lives gave them a part of other ages among Men, which come into the World long after them. Besides these Sons of japetus, Aeschylus finds two other, to with, Oceanus, and Hesperus, who being famous in the West, gave name to the Evening, and so to the evening Star. Also besides this Atlas of 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉, there were others, which bore the same name: but of the Libyan, and the brother of Prometheus, it was that those Mountains which cross Africa, to the South of Morocco, Sus, and 〈◊〉, with the Sea adjoining took name, which memory Plato in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on Atlas, the Son of Neptune.  
〈◊〉 in the fifth of his Tusculan questions, affirmeth that all things written of Prometheus and Atlas, were but by those names to express diume knowledge. Nec verò ATLAS sustinere coelum, nec PROMETHEUS as fixus Caucaso, nec stellatus CEPHEUS cum Vxore traderetur, nisi divina cognitio nomen 〈◊〉 ad er rorem fabulae traduxisset; Neither should ATLAS be said to bear up heaven, nor PROMETHEUS to be 〈◊〉 to Caucasus, nor CEPHEUS with his Wife to be 〈◊〉; unless their divine knowledge had raised upon then names these erroneous fables.  
Orpheus sometime expressed Time by Prometheus, sometime he took him for Saturn; as Rheae coniux alme Prometheu. But that the story of Prometheus was not altogether a fiction: and that he lived about this time, the most approved Historians and Antiquaries, and among them Eusebius and S. Augustine have not doubted, For the great judgement which Atlas had in Astronomy, saith S. Augustine, were his 
Lib. 18. cap. 8. de Civit. Dei.  Daughters called by the names of constellations, Pleyades and 〈◊〉: Others attribute unto him the finding out of the moons course, of which Archas the 〈◊〉 of Orchomenus challengeth the invention. Of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Peloponnesus took name, and therefore did the Arcadians vaunt that they were more ancient than the Moon. Et Luna gens prior illa fuit: which is to be understood, saith 〈◊〉 Comes, 
〈◊〉. de fast. l. 1.  before there had been any observation of the moons course: or of her working in inferior bodies. And though there be that bestow the finding out there of upon Endymion: others (as Xenagor as) on Typhon: yet Isacius Tzetzes, a curious searcher of antiquities, gave it Atlas of 〈◊〉: who besides his gifts of mind, was a man of unequalled and incomparable strength: from whom Thales the Milesian, as it is said, had the ground of his Philosophy.   

§. V Of DEUCALION and PHAETON.  
ANd in this age of the World, and while Moses yet lived, Deucalion reigned in Thessaly, Crotopus then ruling the Argives. This Deucalion 
Clem. Alex. storm lib. 1.  was the Son of Prometheus, saith Herodotus, Apollonius, Hesiodus, and Strabo. Hesiodus gave him Pandora for Mother; the rest 〈◊〉: Homer 
Strabo. lib. 9  in the fifteenth of his Odysees makes Deucalion the Son of Minos: but he must needs have meant some other Deucalion; for else either Ulysses was mistaken, or Homer, who put the tale into his mouth. For Ulysses after his return from Troy feigned himself to be the brother of Idomeneus, who was son to this later Deucalion, the son of Minos: but this Minos lived but one age before Troy was taken: (for Idomeneus served in that War) and this Deucalion the Son of Prometheus, who lived at once with Moses, was long before. In the first Deucalion's time happened that great inundation in Thessaly by which in effect every soul, in those parts, perished, but Deucalion, Pyrrha his Wife, and some few others. It is affirmed that at the time of this flood in Thessaly, those people exceeded in all kind of wickedness and villainy: and as the impiety of men is the forcible attractive of God's vengeance, so did all that Nation for their soul sins perish by waters: as in the time of Noah, the corruption and cruelty of all mankind drew on them that general destruction by the flood Universal. Only Deucalion, and Pyrrha his wife, whom God spared, were both of them esteemed to be lovers of Virtue, of justice and of Religion. Of whom Ovid:  

Non illa melior quisquam, nec amantior aequi  
Vir fuit: aut illa river entior ulla dearum.   

No man was better, nor more just than he:  
Nor any Woman godlier than she.   
It is also affirmed that Prometheus foretold his son Deucalion of this overflowing; and advised him to provide for his safety: who hereupon prepared himself a kind of Vessel, which Lucian in his Dialogue of Timon calls Cibotium; and others Larnax. And because to these circumstances, they afterward add the sending out of the Dove, to discover the Waters fall and decrease, I should verily think that this Story had been but an imitation of Noah's flood devised by the Greeks', did not the times so much differ, and S. Augustine with others of the Fathers and reverent 
August. de 〈◊〉. Dei. l. 18. c. 10. ex 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉.  Writers approve this story of Deucalion. Among other his children Deucalion had these two of note, Helen of whom Greece had first the name of Hellas, and Melantho, on whom Neptune is said to have begot Delphus, which gave name to Delphos, so renowned among the Heathen for the Oracle of Apollo therein founded.  
And that which was no less strange and marvelous than this flood, was that great burning and conflagaration which about this time also happened under Phaeton; not only in Aethiopia, but in Istria, a Region in Italy, and about Cumae, and the Mountains of 〈◊〉: of both which the Greeks', after their manner, have invented many strange fables.   

§. VI Of HERMES TRISMEGISTUS.  
But of all other which this age brought forth among the Heathen, Mercurius was the most famous, and renowned; the same which was also called Trismegistus, or Ter maximus; and of the Greeks' Hermes. Many there were of this name; and how to distinguish, and set them in their own times, both S. Augustine and Lactantius find it difficult. For that Mercury which was esteemed the God of thieves, the God of Wrestlers, of Merchants, and Seamen, and the God of Eloquence (though all by one name confounded) was not the same with that Mercury, of whose many works some fragments are now extant.  
Cicero, Clemens Alexandrinus, Arnobius, and certain of the Greeks' reckon sive Mercuries. Of which, two were famous in Egypt, and there worshipped; one, the Son of Nilus, whose name the Egyptians feared to utter, as the jews did their Tetragrammaton; the other, that Mercury, which slew Argus in Greece, and flying into Egypt, is said to have delivered literature to the Egyptians, and to have given them Laws. But Diodorus affirmeth, that Orpheus, and others after him, brought 
Lod. 〈◊〉 out of Cicero. in Aug de Civit. Dei. l. 8. c. 26.  learning and letters out of Egypt into Greece: which 〈◊〉 also confirmeth, saying; That letters were not found out by that Mercury which slew Argus, but by that ancient Mercury, otherwise Thevet; whom Philo Biblius writeth Taautus; the Egyptians Thoyth; the Alexandrians Thot; and the Greeks' (as before) Hermes. And to this Taautus, Sanconiatho, who lived about the War of Troy, gives the invention of 
Euseb. l. 1. c. 6. de Prap. evang.  letters. But S. Augustine making two Mercuries, which were both Egyptians, calls neither of them the son of Nilus, nor acknowledgeth either of them to have slain Argus. For he finds this Mercury, the slayer of Argus, to be the grandchild of that Atlas, which lived while Moses was yet young. And yet L. Vives upon S. Augustine seems to understand them to be the same with those, whom Cicero, 〈◊〉, and the rest have remembered. But that conjecture of theirs, that any Grecian Mercury brought letters into Egypt, hath no ground. For it is manifest, (if there be any truth in profane antiquity) that all the knowledge which the Greeks' had, was transported out of Egypt or Phoenicia; and not out of 〈◊〉, nor by any Grecian into Egypt. For they all confess, that Cadmus brought letters first into Boeotia, either out of Egypt, or out of Phoenicia: it being true, that between Mercurius, that lived at once with Moses, and Cadmus, there were these descents cast; Crotopus King of the Argives, with whom Moses lived, and in whose time about his tenth year Moses died; after Crotopus, Sthenelus who reigned eleven years; after him Danaus fifty years; after him Lynceus: in whose time, and after him in the time of Minos King of Crete, this Cadmus arrived in Boeotia. And therefore it cannot be true, that any Mercurius about Moses his time, flying out of Greece for the slaughter of Argus, brought literature out of Greece into Egypt. Neither did either of those two Mercuries of Egypt, whom S. Augustine remembreth, the one the grandfather, the other the Nephew or grand child, come out of Greece. Eupolemus and Artapanus note, that Moses found out Letters and taught the use of them to the jews; of whom the Phoenicians their Neighbours received them; and the Greeks' of the Phoenicians by Cadmus. But this invention was also ascribed to Moses, for the reason before remembered; that is, because the jews and the Phoenicians had them first from him. For 〈◊〉 Nation gave unto those men the honour of first Inventors, from whom they received the profit. Ficinus makes that Mercury, upon part of whose works he Commenteth, to have been four descents after Moses; which he hath out of Virgil, who calls Atlas, that lived with Moses, the maternal grandfather of 
Virgil. 〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉.  the first famous Mercury, whom others, as Diodorus, call the Counsellor and Instructor of that renowned Isis, wife of 〈◊〉. But Ficinus giveth no reason for his opinion 
Ficin. in Praefat. Poemand. Mercurij Trismegisti.  herein. But that the elder Mercury instructed Isis, Diodorus Siculus affirmeth, and that such an inscription was found on a pillar erected on the Tomb of Isis. Lod. Vives upon the six and twentieth Chapter of the eighth Book of S. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, conceiveth, that this Mercury, whose works are extant, was not the first which was entitled, Ter maximus, but his Nephew or grandchild. 
* Or Sancho. niatho. See 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. evang. lib. 1. c. 6. & 7.  Sanchoniaton, an ancient Phoenician, who lived shortly after Moses, hath other fancies of this Mercury; affirming that he was the Scribe of Saturn, and called by the Phoenicians, 〈◊〉; and by the Egyptians Thoot, or Thoyt. It may be, that the many years 
Vives in lib. 8. c. 26 Aug. de Civit. Dei.  which he is said to have lived, to wit, three hundred years, gave occasion to some Writers to find him in one time, and to others in other times. But by those which have collected the grounds of the Egyptian Philosophy and Divinity, he is found more ancient than Moses: because the Inventor of the Egyptian 〈◊〉, wherein it is said, that Moses was excellently learned.  
It is true, that although this Mercury or Hermes doth in his Divinity differ in many particulars from the Scriptures, especially in the approving of Images, which Moses of all things most detested; yet whosoever shall read him with an even judgement, will rather resolve, that these works which are now extant, were by the Greeks' and Egyptian Priests corrupted, and those fooleries inserted, than that ever they were by the hand of Hermes written, or by his heart and Spirit devised. For there is no man of understanding, and master of his own wits, that hath affirmed in one and the same Tract, those things which are directly contrary in doctrine, and in nature: For out of doubt (Moses excepted) there was never any man of those elder times that hath attributed more, and in a style more reverend and divine, unto almighty God, than he hath done. And therefore if those his two Treatises, now among us; the one converted by Apuleius, the other by that learned Ficinus, had been found in all things like themselves: I think it had not been perilous to have thought with Eupolemus, that this Hermes was Moses himself; and that the Egyptian Theology hereafter written, was devised by the first, and more ancient Mercury, 
〈◊〉.  which others have thought to have been joseph, the son of jacob: whom, after the exposition of 〈◊〉 dreams, they called Saphanet fane, which is as much to say, as absconditorum repertor; A finder out of hidden things. But these are over-venturous opinions. For what this man was, it is known to God. Envy and aged time hath partly defaced, and partly worn out the certain knowledge of him: of whom, whosoever he were, Lactantius writeth in this sort: Hic scripsit libros, & quidem 
L. 1. C. 6. fol. 4.  multos, ad cognitionem divinarum rerum pertinentes, in quibus Maiestatem summi ac singular is Dei asserit, 〈◊〉 nominibus appellat, quibus nos, Deum & Patrem; He hath written many Books belonging to, or expressing the knowledge of divine things, in which he affirmeth the Majesty of the most High and one God, calling him by the same names of God and Father, which we do. The same Father also feareth not to number him among the Sibyls and Prophets. And so contrary are these his acknowledgements to those Idolatrous fictions of the Egyptians and Grecians, as for myself I am persuaded, that whatsoever is found in him contrary thereunto, was by corruption inserted. For thus much himself confesseth: Deus omnium Dominus, & Pater, fons & vita, potentia & lux, & men's, & Spiritus; & omnia in ipso, & sub ipso sunt. Verbum 〈◊〉 ex eius esse 〈◊〉, perfectissimum existens, & generator & opifex, etc. God (saith he) the Lord and things of all things, the fountain, and life, and power, and light, and mind, and Spirit: and all things are in him and under him. For his Word out of himself proceeding being most perfect, and generative, and operative, falling upon fruitful nature, made it also fruitful and producing. And he was therefore (saith Suidas) called Ter maximus, 〈◊〉 de Trinitate locutus est: in Trinitate unum esse Deum asserens; Because he spoke of the Trinity, affirming that there is one Godin Trinity. Hicruinam (saith FICINUS) praevidit 〈◊〉 Religionis, hic ortum novae fidei, hic adventum Christi, hic futurum judicium, resurrectionem saeculi, beatorum gloriam, Supplicta peccatorum; This MERCURY foresaw the ruin 
In 〈◊〉. Mercu. Trismeg.  of the old or Superstitious Religion, and the birth of the new faith, and of the coming of Christ, the future judgement, the resurrection, the glory of the Blessed, and the torment or affliction of the wicked or damned.  
To this I will only add his two last speeches reported by Calcidius the Platonist, and by 〈◊〉 out of 〈◊〉. Hactenus fili pulsus 〈◊〉 patria, vixi peregrinus & exul, nunc incolumis repeto: 〈◊〉 post paulum à vobis corporeis vinculis absolutus discessero, 〈◊〉 ne me quasi mortuum lugeatis: Nam 〈◊〉 illam optimam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 regredior: ad quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mortis conditone venturi sunt. Ibi 〈◊〉 solus Deus est summus Princeps: qui cives suos replet 〈◊〉 mirifica: ad quam haec, quam multi vitam existimant, mors est 〈◊〉 dicenda quam vita; Hitherto, OH Son, being driven from my Country, I have lived a stranger and banished man: but now I am repairing homeward again in safety. And when I shall after a few days (or in a short time) by being loosed from these bonds of flesh and blood departed from you, see that you do not bewail me as a man dead, for I do but return to that best and blessed City, to which all her Citizens (by the condition of death) shall repair. Therein is the only God, the most high and chief Prince, who filleth or feedeth his Citizens with a sweetness more than 〈◊〉: in regard whereof this being which others call a life, is rather to be accounted a death than a life. The other and that which seemeth to be his last, is thus converted by others, agreeing in sense but not in words with SVYDAS. OH 〈◊〉 magni Dei sapiens opus, 〈◊〉 OH vox patris quam ille primam emisit, quando universum constituit mundum, adiuro per unigenitum cius verbum, & Spiritum cuncta comprehendentem, miseremini mei; I adjure thee OH heaven, thou wise work of the great God, and thee OH voice of the Father, which he first uttered, when he framed the whole world, by his only begotten Word, and Spirit, comprehending all things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon me.  
But 〈◊〉 hath his invocation in these words: Obtestor te coelum magni Dei sapiens opus, obtestor te vocem Patris quam locutus est primum, cum omnem mundum firmavit, obtestor te per unigenitum 〈◊〉 omnia continentem, propitius, 〈◊〉 esto; I beseech thee OH heaven, wise work of the great God, I beseech thee OH voice of the Father, which he spoke first when he established all the World, I beseech thee by the only begotten Word containing all things, be favourable, be favourable.   

§. VII. Of JANNES' and JAMBRES, and some other that lived about those times.  
THere were also in this age both 〈◊〉, which after his death become the God of Physicians, being the brother of Mercurius, as 〈◊〉 
L. Vives in lib. 8 August. de 〈◊〉. Dei c. 26.  thinks in his Commentary upon Augustine, de Civitate Dei, lib. 8. and also those two notorious Sorcerers, jannes and jambres, who in that impious art excelled all that ever had been heard of to this day: and yet Moses himself doth not charge them with any familiarity with Devils, or ill Spirits: words indeed that seldom come out of his mouth; however by the Septuagint they are called Sophistae or Venifici and 〈◊〉, Sophists, poisoners, and Enchanters: by Hierome, sapientes & malefici, Wisemen, and evil doers: and so by Vatablus, who alsouseth the word Magi. The Greek itself seems to attribute somewhat of what they did to natural Magic: calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, workers by drugs. The 
〈◊〉. 9 11.  Genevan, Sorcerers and 〈◊〉: JUNIUS Sapientes, Praestigiatores & Magi. Magicians and Wisemen here by him are taken in one sense: and Prestigiators are such as dazzle men's eyes, and make them seem to see what they see not: as false colours, and false shapes. But as some virtues and some vices are so nicely distinguished, and so resembling each other, as they are often confounded, and the one taken for the other: (religion and superstition having one face and countenance) so did the works and work of Moses, and of Pharaoh's Sorcerers appear in outward show, and to the beholders of common capacities, to be one and the same art and gift of knowledge. For the Devil changeth himself into an Angel of light: and imitateth in all he can the ways and work of the most High. And yet on the contrary every work which surmounteth the wisdom of most men, is not to be condemned as performed by the help or ministery of ill Spirits. For the properties and powers which God hath given to natural things, are such as where he also bestoweth the knowledge to understand their hidden and best virtues, many things by them are brought to pass, which seem altogether impossible, and above nature or arte: which two speculations of works of nature, and of miracle, the Cabalists distinguished by these names; Opus de Beresith, & opus de mercana: the one they call Sapientiam naturae; The wisdom of nature: the other Sapientiam 〈◊〉; The Wisdom of divinity: the one jacob practised in breeding the 〈◊〉 Lambs in Mesopotamia, the other Moses exercised in his miracles wrought in Egypt, having received from God the knowledge of the one in the highest perfection, to wit, the knowledge of nature: of the other so far as it pleased God to proportion him, both which he used to his glory, that gave them: assuming to himself nothing at all, either in the lest or most. Also S. Augustine noteth, that from the time that Moses left Egypt, to the death of josua, divers other famous men lived in the world, who after their deaths for their eminent virtues and inventions, were numbered among the Gods: as Dionysius otherwise Liber Pater, who taught the Grecians the use of the Vine in Attica: at which time also there were instituted Musical plays to Apollo Delphicus: thereby to regain his favour, who brought barrenness and scarcity upon that part of Greece, because they resisted not the attempts of Danaus, who spoilt his Temple and set it on fire: so did Ericthonius institute the like games to Minerva: wherein the Victor was rewarded with a present of Oil, in memory of her that first priest it out of the Olive.  
In this age also 〈◊〉 ravished Europa: and begat on her Radamanthus, Sarpedon, and Minos, which three are also given to jupiter by other Historians. To these Saint Augustine addeth Hercules; the same to whom the twelve labours are ascribed, native 
Lib. de Civit. 〈◊〉 cap. 12.  of Tyrinthia a City of Peloponnesus: (or as others say, only nursed and brought up there) who come into Italy, and destroyed many Monsters there; being neither that Hercules, which Eusebius surnameth Delphin, famous in 〈◊〉; nor that Hercules, according to Philostratus, which come to Gades, whom he calleth an Egyptian: Manifestum fit, non Tbebanum HERCULEM, sed Aegyptium ad Gades pervenisse, & ibi finem statuisse terrae (saith PHILOSTRATUS;) It is manifest that it was the Egyptian 
Philost. l. 2.  HERCULES, and not the Theban, which travailed as far as the straits of Gades, and there determined the bounds of the earth. In this time also while Moses wandered in the Deserts, Dardanus built Dardania.  
But whosoever they were, or how worthy soever they were that lived in the days and age of Moses, there was never any man, that was no more than man, by whom it pleased God to work greater things; whom he favoured more; to whom (according to the appearing of an infinite God) he so often appeared; never any man more familiar and conversant with Angels; never any more learned both in Divine and Human knowledge; never a greater Prophet in Israel. He was the first that received and delivered the Law of God entire; the first that left to posteritié by letters, the truth and power of one infinite God; his creating out of nothing the World universal, and all the creatures therein; that taught the detestation of idolatry, and the punishment, vengeance, and eradication, which followed it.  
Syracides calleth Moses the beloved of God and Men, whose remembrance is blessed. He made him (saith the same Author) like to the glorious Saints, and magnified him 
Syrac. 45. 12. 3.  by the fear of his enemies, made him glorious in the sight of Kings, showed him his glory, caused him to hear his voice, sanctified him with faithfulness and meekness, and chose him out of all men.  
He is remembered among profane Authors; as by Clearchus the Peripatetic: by Megastenes, and Numenius the Pythagorean. The long lives which the Patriarches enjoyed before the flood, remembered by Moses, Estieus, Hieronymus Aegyptius, 〈◊〉, Elanicus, Acusilaus, Ephorus, and Alexander the Historian, confirm. The universal flood which God reucaled unto Moses, Berosus, Nicolaus Damascenus, and others have testified. The building of the Tower of Babel, and confusion of tongues, Abydenus, Estieus, and Sibylla have approved. 〈◊〉 also honoureth Abraham. Hecataeus wrote a Book of him. Damascenus before cited, speaketh of Abraham's passage from Damascus into Canaan, agreeing with the books of Moses. Eupolemon writeth the very same of Abraham, which Moses did. For beginning with the building of Babel, and the overthrow thereof by divine power, he saith that Abraham, borne in the tenth generation, in the City called Camerina, or 〈◊〉, excelled all men in wisdom: and by whom the 〈◊〉 of the Chaldeans was invented. Is justitia 〈◊〉 sua (saith Eusebius out of the same Author) sic Deo gratus fuit, ut divino praecepto in Phoenicem venerit, ibique habitaverit; For his justice and piety he was so pleasing unto God, as by his commandment he come into Phoenicia, and dwelled there. Likewise Diodorus Siculus in his second Book and fifth Chapter speaketh reucrently of Moses: There are many other among profane Authors, which confirm the Books of Moses, as Eusebius hath gathered in the ninth of his Preparation to the Gospel, Chapter the third and fourth, to whom I refer the Reader. Lastly, I cannot but for some things in it commend this notable testimony of Strabo, who writeth of Moses in these words. MOSE senim affirmabat, docebatque Aegyptios non rectè sentire, qui bestiarum & pecorum 
Strabo l. 16.  imagines Deo tribuerunt: itemque Afros & Graecos, qui Dijs hominum figuram 〈◊〉 unt: id verò solumesse Deum, quod nos & terram & mare continet, quod coelum & mundum, & rerum omnium naturam appellamus: cuius profectò imaginem, nemo sanaementis, alicuius earum rerum, quae penes nos sunt, similem audeat effingere. Proinde (omni simulachorum effictione repudiata) dignum ei Templum ac Delubrum constituendum, acsine aliqua figura colendum: MOSES affirmed and taught, that the Egyptians thought amiss, which attributed unto God the Images of beasts and 〈◊〉: Also that the Africans and Greeks' greatly erred in giving unto their Gods the shape of men: whereas that only is God indeed, which containeth both us, the Earth and Sea, which we call Heaven, the world, and the nature of all things, whose image, doubtless, no wise man will dare to fashion out unto the likeness of those things, which are amongst us: That therefore (all devising of Idols cast aside) a worthy Temple and place of prayer was to be erected unto him, and 〈◊〉 to be worshipped without any figure at all therein.  
Now concerning the Egyptian wisdom, for which the Martyr Stephen commended Moses, saying, That MOSES was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, 
Act. c. 7. v. 22.  and was mighty in his works and words; the same is collected (how truly 〈◊〉 know not) by Diodorus, Diogenes Laertius, 〈◊〉, Philo judaeus, and Eusebius Caesariensis, and divided into four parts, viz. Mathematical, Natural, Divine, and Moral.  
In the Mathematical part, which is distinguished into Geometry, Astronomy, Arithmetic, and Music; the ancient Egyptians excelled all others. For Geometry which is by interpretation, measuring of grounds, was useful unto them: because it consisting of infallible principles, directed them certainly in bounding out their proper Lands, and Territories, when their fields and limits, by the inundations of Nilus, were yearly overflown and confounded, so as no man could know what in right belonged unto him.  
For the second part, to wit, Astronomy, the site of the Country being a level and spacious Plain, free and clear from clouds, yielded them delight with ease, in observing and contemplating the rise, fall, and motions of the Stars.  
Arithmetic also, which is the knowledge of numbers, they studied; because without it, in Geometry and Astronomy, nothing can be demonstrated or concluded. But of Music they made no other account, not desired farther knowledge, than seemed to them sufficient to serve and magnify their Gods, their Kings, and good Men.  
The Natural part of this Wisdom, which handleth the principles, causes, elements, and operations of natural things, differs little from Peripatetical Philosophy; teaching, that Materia prima is the beginning of all things; that of it all mixed bodies and living creatures have their being; that Heaven is round like a Globe; that all Stars have a certain fovent heat, and temperate influences, whereby all things grow and are produced; that rains proceed and be from mutations in the air; that the Planets have their proper souls, etc.  
The Divine part of this wisdom, which is called Theology, teacheth and believeth that the world had a beginning, and shall perish; that men had their first original in Egypt; partly by means of the temperateness of that Country, where neither Winter with cold, not Summer with heat are offensive; and partly through the fertility, that Nilus giveth in those places; That the soul is immortal, and hath transmigration from body to body; That God is one, the Father and Prince of all Gods; and that from this God, other Gods are, as the Sun and Moon, whom they worshipped by the names of Osiris and Isis, and erected to them Temples, Statues, and divers Images, because the true similitudes of the Gods is not known; that many of the Gods have been in the estate of mortal men, and after death, for their virtues, and benefits bestowed on mankind, have been Deified; that those beasts, whose Images and forms the Kings did carry in their Arms, when they obtained victory, were adored for God's: because under those Ensigns they prevailed over their enemies. Moreover, the Egyptian Divines had a peculiar kind of writing, mystical and secret, wherein the highest points of their Religion and worship of God, which was to be concealed from the vulgar sort, were obscured.  
Clemens distributeth the whole sum of this later Egyptian learning into three 
Clem. Strom. l. 〈◊〉.  several sorts, viz. Epistolar, which is used in writing common Epistles; 〈◊〉, which is peculiar to their Priests; and Sacred; which Sacred containeth Scripture of two kinds: the one proper, which it expressed by letters Alphabetical in obscure and figurative words; as for example, where it is written: The Ibis by the Hornet participateth the beauty of the Hawk; which is read thus: The Moon doth by the Sun borrow part of the light of God: because Light is an Image of Divine beauty; the other symbolical, or by signatures, which is threefold, viz. Imitative, Tropical, and Aenygmaticall: Imitative, which designeth things by characters, like to the things signified, as by a Circle the Sun; and by the Horns of the Moon, the Moon itself: Tropical or transferent, which applies the divers forms and figures of natural bodies or creatures, to signify the dignities, fortunes, conditions, virtues, vices, affections, and actions of their Gods and of men. So with the Egyptian Divines, the Image of an Hawk signifieth God, the figure of the Hornet signifieth the Sun, the picture of the Bird Ibis signifieth the Moon: by the form of a Man, Prudence and skilfulness: by a Lion, Fortitude: by a Horse, Liberty: by a Crocodile, Impudency: by a Fish, Hatred is to be understood: Aenygmaticall is a composition or mixture of Images or Similitudes: in which sense, the monstrous Image of a Lion's body having a Man's head, was graven on their Temples and Altars, to signify, that to men all divine things are Aenygmaticall and obscure. So the Image of the Sun set on the head of a Crocodile, (which liveth aswell in the Waters, as on Land) expresseth that the Sun nourisheth Meteors in the Air, aswell from the Waters as from the Earth. So a Sceptre, at the top whereof is made an Eye, and an Ear, signifieth God, Hearing, Seeing, and Governing all things. The Scythians are thought to have been delighted with this kind of writing. For 〈◊〉 Syrius reporteth, That when Darius sending letters, threatened Idanthura, King of the Scythians, with ruin and destruction of his Kingdom, unless he would acknowledge subjection: Idanthura returned to him a Mouse, a Frog, a Bird, a Dart, and a Ploughshare: which Orontopagas, Tribune of the Soldiers, interpreted to signify, that by the Mouse, their dwellings: by the Frog, their waters: by the Bird, their air: by the Dart, their weapons: by the Plough, their lands: were signified to be ready to be delivered to Darius, as their Sovereign Lord. But Xyphodres made another construction, viz. that the King meant, That except Darius with his Men did hasten away, as a Bird through the air, or creep into holes as a Mouse, or run into the waters which they had passed as a Frog, they should not escape his arms, but either be slain, or being made Captives, Till his grounds. The same History is with little difference reported by 
〈◊〉. l. 4.  Herodotus.  
The fourth and last part, which is Moral and Politic, doth contain especially the Laws, which (according to Laertius) Mercurius Trismegistus, or Ter Maximus devised: who in his Books or Dialogues of Pimander and Asclepius, hath written so many things of God, worthy of admiration; aswell (saith Sixtus Senensis) of the Trinity, and of the coming of Christ, as of the last and fearful day of judgement: that (as saith the same Author, the opinion being also ancient) he is not only to be accounted a Philosopher, but a Prophet of things to come.  
jamblicus in his Books of Mysteries of the Egyptians, taking two very ancient Historians for his Authors, to wit, Seleucus and Menaetus, affirmeth that this Mercury was not only the Inventor of the Egyptian Philosophy, but of all other learning, called the Wisdom of the Egyptians before remembered: and that he wrote of that subject 36525. Books, 〈◊〉 Pages. Of which there were numbered, of Fiery Spirits, one hundred Books; of 〈◊〉 Spirits as many, and of Spirits Celestial a thousand; which because they were out of the Egyptian language converted by certain learned Philosophers into the natural Greek, they seemed to have been first written in 
〈◊〉. Strom. l. 6.  that Tongue. Clemens Alexandrinus writeth, that among the Books of Hermes, to wit, of the Wisdom of the Egyptians, there were extant in his time 36. of Physic six books; of the orders of Priests ten; and of Astrology four.   

§. VIII. A Briese of the History of JOSVA; and of the space between him and OTHONIEL: and of the remainders of the Canaanites; with a note of some Contemporaries to JOSVA: and of the breach of Faith.  
AFter the death of Moses, and in the one and fortieth year of the Egression, in the first month called Nisan, or March, josua the son of Nun, of the Tribe of 〈◊〉, being filled with the Spirit of wisdom, took on him the Government of Israel: God giving him comfort, and encouraging him to pass the River of jordan, and to possess, and divide among the Israelites the Land promised.  
The beginning of josuas' rule S. Augustine dates with the reign of Amintas, the 
Lib. 18. de 〈◊〉. Dei. c. 11.  eighteenth King in Assyria; with Corax the sixteenth King in Sicyonia, when Danaus governed the Argives; and Ericthonius, Athens.  
josua imitating in all things his Predecessor, sent 〈◊〉 jordan certain discoverers 
jos. 2. 1.  to view the seat and strength of jerico, the next City unto him on the other side of the River, which he was to pass over. Which discoverers being saved, and sent back by Rahab, a Woman of ill fame, because she kept a Tavern or Vitling-house, made josua know, that the Inhabitants of jerico, and those of the Country about it, hearing of the approach of Israel, had lost courage. Whereupon the day after the return 
jos. 2. 11.  of the Spies, which was the sixth day of the one and fortieth year after the Egression, josua removed from Sittim in the Plains of 〈◊〉, and drew down his 
jos. 3. 1.  Armieto the banks of the River jordan; and 〈◊〉 them commandment to put themselves in order to follow the Ark of God, when the Levites took it up, and 
jos. 3. 3.  moved towards the River; giving them withal this forcible encouragement, That they should thereby assure themselves of his favour and presence who is Lord of all the world, when the River of jordan should be cut off and divided, and the waters 
jos. 3. 13.  coming from above should stand still in a heap; whereby those below towards the Deadsea wanting supply, they might pass over into the land of Canaan with dry feet.  
He also commanded Reuben, Gad, and the half Tribe of Manasse, to prepare 
jos. 1. 12.  themselves (according to their Covenant made with Moses) to march in the head of the rest, and as we call it in this age, to lead in the Vanguard, which through all the Deserts of Arabia, from the Mount Sinai to this place, those of the Tribe of juda had performed. For these Tribes being already provided of their habitations, and the Country and Cities of the Amorites, by the help of the rest, conquered for them: It agreed with justice & equality, that Reuben, Gad, and the half of Manasse should also assist their brethren in the obtaining of their parts, as yet in their enemy's possession.  
On the banks of jordan they rested themselves from the sixth day to the ninth; and on the tenth day of the first month Nisan, or March, they passed over to the other side, taking with them twelve stones from the dry ground in the midst of the River: which, for a memory of that miracle by God wrought, they set up at Gilgal, on the East side of the City of 〈◊〉, where they encamped the first night. At which place josua gave commandment, that all borne in the last fortieth year in the Deserts 
jos. 4. 19  should be circumcised, which ceremony to that day had been omitted. Of 
jos. 5. 〈◊〉.  the neglect whereof S. Augustine giveth for cause, The people's contempt of their 
Aug. q. 3. in jos.  superiors. Thomas excuseth it in this sort; That the Israelites knew not the certain 
Thom. part. 3. quaest. 70. art. 4. ad. 3.  time of their removing from one place to another: Damascen, That it was not needful by circumcision to distinguish them from other Nations, at such time as they lived by themselves, and apart from all Nations.  
On the fourteenth day of the same month, the children of Israel celebrated the Passeover now the third time; first, at their leaving Egypt; secondly, at Mount 
jos. 5. 10.  Sinai; and now at Gilgal. After which being desirous to taste of the first-fruits of the Country, and having, as it were, surfeited on Man, they parched of the Corn of the land, being not yet fully ripe, and ate thereof.  
And as Moses began to distribute those Regions beyond jordan, to wit, the Lands of the Amorites, which Og of Basan, and Sihon held, so did josua perform the rest; and after a view and partition made of the Territories, 〈◊〉 gave to each Tribe his portion by lot. But this partition and distribution was not done at once, but at three 〈◊〉 times; first, by Moses to Gad, Reuben, and the half Tribe of Manasse, 
jos. 14. 3.  of the Lands over 〈◊〉; Secondly, by josua, to the Tribe of juda, Ephraim, and the other half Tribe of Manasse, about the fifth year of his government; proved in the 14. of josua. v. 10. and a third division was made to the other seven Tribes at Shilo, where josua 〈◊〉 the Tabernacle of the Congregation. 
〈◊〉. 18.   
The victories of josua against the Kings of the Canaanites, are so particularly set down in his own books, as I shall not need to lengthen this part by their repetition. In whose Story I chief note these particulars. First, how in the beginning of the war, those little Kings or Reguii of the Canaanites, had not so much understanding, as to unite themselves together against the Israelites; but according to the custom of those estates, from whose Governors God hath taken away all wisdom and foresight, they left those of their own Nation, which were next the invaders, to themselves, and to their own defences; hoping that the fire kindled somewhat far off, might again have been quenched, ere it could spread itself so far as their own Territories and Cities. But after such time as jerico and Ai were entered, and the Kings, People, and Cities consumed; five of those 31. Kings (all which at length perished in that war) joined themselves together, first attempting the Gibeonites, who had rendered themselves to josua. Only five (the rest looking on to see the success) namely, the King of the jebusites, in jebus, or Jerusalem, the Kings of Hebron, jarmoth, Lachis, and Eglon, addressed themselves for resistance: whose Army being by josua surprised and broken, themselves despairing to scape by flight, and hopeless of mercy by submission, creeping into a Cave under ground, were thence by josua drawn forth and hanged. In the prosecution of which victory he also took 
jos. 10.  Makkedath, and Libnah, and Lacbis. To the relief whereof Horam King of Gezar 
jos. 10.  hastened, and perished. After which josua possessed himself of Eglon, Hebron, and Debir, destroying the Cities with their Princes.  
In the end, and when the South Countries were possessed, the Cities thereof conquered, and their Kings and People made dust: the rest of the Canaanites, guided by the over-late counsels of necessity, united themselves, to make one gross strength and body of an Army: which jabin, King of Hazor, practised and gathered together, by josua discovered, as the same rested near the Lake of Merom, he used such diligence, as he come on them unawares; and obtaining an absolute victory over them, he prosecuted the same to the uttermost effect. And, besides the slaughter of the defendants, he entered their Cities, of which he burnt Hazor only, reserving the rest for Israel to inhabit and enjoy.  
Secondly, I note, that josua showed himself a skilful man of War, for that in those ancient times he used the stratagem of an ambush in taking of Ai; and in that he broke the Armies of the first five Kings of the Amorites, which attempted Gibeon, by surprise. For he marched all night from his camp at Gilgal, and set on them early 
〈◊〉. 10. v. 9  the next day; when they suspected no enemy at hand: as he did also at Merom, when he overthrew jabin, and his confederates. After which, making the best profit of his victory, he assaulted the great City of Hazor.  
Thirdly, the miracles which God wrought during this war, were exceeding admirable; as the stay of the River jordan at the Springs, so as the Army of Israel past it with a dry foot; the fall of jerico by the sound of the Horns; the showers of 
jos. 3. v. 13.  Hailstones, which fell upon the Amorites in their flight from Gibeon, whereby 
Cap. 10. v. 11.  more of them perished, than by the sword of Israel: again, the arrest of the Sun in the firmament, whereby the day was so much the more lengthened, as the Israelites had time to execute all those, which fled after the overthrow: a wonder of wonders, and a work only proper to the all-powerful God.  
Fourthly, out of the passage between josua and the Gibeonites, the Doctrine of keeping Faith is so plainly and excellently taught, as it taketh away all evasion, it admitteth no distinction, nor leaveth open any hole or outlet at all to that cunning 〈◊〉, and horrible deceit of this latter age, called equivocation. For, notwithstanding that these Gibeonites were a people of the Hevites, expressly and by 
jos. 9 7.  name, by the commandment of God to be rooted out, and notwithstanding that they were liars, and deceivers, and counterfeits, and that they did overreach, and as it were, deride josua, and the Princes of Israel, by feigning to be sent as Ambassadors from a far Country, in which travail their clotheses were worn; their bread mouldy, which they avowed to have 〈◊〉 warm for newness when they first set out; their barrels and bottles of wine broken; their shoes patched; and their 
jos. 9 from the 5. to the 13. Vers.  sacks rend and ragged: Yet josua having sworn unto them by the Lord God of Israel, he durst not, though urged by the murmur of the people, to lay violent hands on them; but he spared both their Lives, and the Cities of their inheritance.  
Now if ever man had warrant to break Faith, and to retract his promise made, josua had it. For first, the commandment which he received from God to root out this Nation among the rest, preceded by far the peace which he had granted them. Secondly, he might justly have put these men to the sword, and have sacked their Cities; if there be any cuasion from a promise made, whereof the living God is called to witness. For it was not to the Gibeonites that he gave peace, because he knew them to be a people hated of God. He told them, that if they 
jos. 9 7.  were of the Hevites, it was not in his power to make a league with them. But it was to a strange people that he gave faith, and to a Nation which come from 〈◊〉, who hearing of the wonders which the God of Israel had done in Egypt and over jordan, sought for peace and protection from his people. Thirdly, the accord, 
jos. c. 9 vers. 14.  which Israel made with these crafty Canaanites, was without warrant. For it is written in the same place, That the Israelites accepted their tale, that is, believed what they had said, and counseled not with the mouth of the Lord. Fourthly, these men who were known Idolaters, and served those Puppers of the Heathen, men of an Apish Religion, as all Worshippers of Images are, could not challenge the witness of the true God, in whom they 〈◊〉 not. I say therefore; that if ever man might have served himself by any 〈◊〉 or distinction, josua might justly have done it. For he needed not in this case the help of equivocation, or Mental Reservation. For what he swore, he swore in good Faith; but he swore nothing, nor made any promise at all to the Gibeonites. And yet, to the end that the faithless subtility of man should borrow nothing in the future from his example, who knowing well, that the promises he made in the name of God, were made to the living God, and not to the dying Man, he held them firm, and inviolable, notwithstanding that they, to whom he had sworn it, were worshippers of the Devil.  
For it is not, as faithless men take it, that he which sweareth to a Man, to a Society, to a State, or to a King, and sweareth by the name of the living Lord, and in his presence, That this promise (if it be broken) is broken to a Man, to a Society, to a State, or to a Prince; but the promise in the name of God made, is broken to God. It is God, that we therein neglect: we therein profess that we fear him not, and that we set him at naught and defy him. If he that without Reservation of honour giveth a lie in the presence of the King, or of his Superior, doth in point of Honour give the lie to the King himself, or to his Superior; how much more doth he break Faith with God, that giveth Faith in the presence of God, promiseth in his name, and makes him a witness of the Covenant made?  
Out of doubt, it is a fearful thing for a Son to break the Promise, Will, or Deed of the Father; for a State, or Kingdom, to break those Contracts which have been made in former times, and confirmed by public faith. For though it were 400. years after josua, that Saul, even out of devotion, slaughtered some of those people descended of the 〈◊〉: yet God who forgot not what the Predecessors and Forefathers of Saul & the Israclites had sworn in his name, afflicted the whole Nation with a consuming famine; and could not be appeased, till seven of Saul's sons were delivered to the 〈◊〉 grieved, and by them hanged up.  
And certainly, if it be permitted by the help of a ridiculous distinction, or by a God-mocking equivocation, to swear one thing by the name of the living God, and to reserve in silence a contrary intent: the life of man, the estates of men, the saith of Subjects to Kings, of Servants to their Masters, of Vassals to their Lords, of Wives to their Husbands, and of Children to their Parents, and of all trials of right, will not only be made uncertain, but all the chains, whereby freemen are tied in the world, be torn asunder. It is by oath (when Kings and Armies cannot pass) that we enter into the Cities of our enemies, and into their Armies: it is by oath that wars take end, which weapons cannot end. And what is it or aught it to be that makes an oath thus powerful, but this; That he that sweareth by the name of God, doth assure others that his words are true, as the Lord of all the World is true whom he calleth for a witness, and in whose presence he that taketh the oath hath promised? I am not ignorant of their poor evasions, which play with the severity of God's Commandments in this kind: But this indeed is the best answer, That he breaks no faith, that hath noon to break. For whosoever hath faith and the fear of God, dares not do it.  
The Christians in the Holy Land when they were at the greatest, and had brought the Caliph of Egypt to pay them tribute, did not only loose it again, but were soon after beaten out of the Holy Land itself: by reason (saith William of tire, a reverend Bishop which wrote that 〈◊〉) that Almerick the fiftieth King after Godfrey broke faith with the Caliph Elhadech, and his Vicegerent, The Sultan Sanar; who being suddenly invaded by Almerick, drew in the Turk Syracon to their aid: whose Nephew Seladine, after he had made Egypt his own, beaten the Christians out of the Holy Land; neither would the wooden Cross (the very Cross, say they that Christ died on) give them victory over Seladine, when they brought it into the field as their last refuge: seeing they had for sworn themselves in his name, that was crucified thereon. And if it be a direction from the holy Ghost, That he that 
Psal. 5. 6.  speaketh lies, shall be destroyed, and that the mouth which uttereth them, slayeth the soul: 
Wisd. 1. 11.  how much more perilous is it (if any peril be greater than to destroy the soul) to 〈◊〉 a lie? It was Eugenius the Pope, that persuaded, or rather 〈◊〉 the King of Hungary after his great victory 〈◊〉 Amurath the Turk, and when the said King had compelled him to peace, the most advantageous that ever was made for the Christians, to break his faith, and to provoke the Turk to renew the war. And though the said King was far stronger in the field than ever; yet he lost the battle with 30000. Christians, and his own life. But I will stay my hand: For this first volume will not hold the repetition of God's judgements upon faith-breakers; be it against Infidels, Turks, or Christians of divers Religions. Lamentable it is, that the taking of oaths nowadays, is rather made a matter of custom than of conscience.  
It is also very remarkable; That it pleased God to leave so many Cities of the Canaanites unconquered by Israel, to scourge and afflict them, by foreseeing their Idolatry, and as it is said in the Scriptures, To be Thorns in their 〈◊〉 to prove them, 
〈◊〉. 23.  and to teach them to make War. For these Cities hereafter named did not only 
judg. 1. & judg. 3. v. 2.  remain in the Canaanites possession all the time of josua; but soon after his death, the Children of Dan were beaten out of the plain Countries, and enforced to inhabit the Mountains, and places of hardest access. And those of juda were not able to be Masters of their own Valleys; because, as it is written 
judg. 1. v. 34.  in the judges, The Canaanites had Chariots of iron. And those principal Cities 
〈◊〉. 1. v. 19  which stood on the Seaside, adjoining unto juda, were still held by the remainder of the Anakims, or Philistines: as Azzab, Gath, Asdod; out of one of which Cities come 
jos. 11. v. 19  Goliath, remembered in Samuel. 
Sam. 1. 17. 4.   
Neither did the children of Manasse over 〈◊〉 expel the 〈◊〉, nor the Maachathites: which inhabited the North parts of Basan, afterward 〈◊〉.  
Nor the Nepthalims' possess themselves of Bethshemish: nor of Bethanah, but they 
jos. 13. v. 13.  enforced those Canaanites to pay them tribute. Neither did 〈◊〉 expel the Zidonians, nor those of Acho, or Acon, Athlab, Achzib; Heblah, Aphike, and Rehob, nor enforce 
Ind. 1. v. 31.  them to tribute.  
Not more could Zabulon enjoy Kitron, and Nahalol, but received tribute from them. Also the Canaanites dwelled in Gezer among the Ephrams: and among the children 
jos. 16. v. 10.  of Manasse, on the West of jordan, the Canaanites held 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, Dor, Ibleam, 
jud. 2. v. 27.  and Meggado; yea Jerusalem itself did the jebusites defend above four hundred years, even till David's time.  
Now josua lived one hundred and ten years, eighteen of which he governed Israel, and then changed this life for a better. The time of his rule is not expressed in the Scriptures, which causeth divers to conjecture diversly of the continuance. josephus gives him five and twenty years, Seder Ollam Rabbi the Authors of the Hebrew Chronology eight and twenty: And Masseus six and twenty: Maimonius cited by Massius, fourteen: joannes Lucidus, seventeen: Caietanus, ten: Eusebius giveth him seven and twenty: and so doth S. Augustine: Melancthon, two and thirty: Codoman, five and twenty. But whereas there passed 480. years from the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt, unto the building of the Temple, it is necessary that we allow to josua only eighteen of them; as finding the rest supplied otherwise, which to me seems the most likely, and as I think, a well approved opinion.  
The same necessity of retaining precisely 480. years from the departure out of Egypt unto the building of the Temple, convinceth of error, such as have inserted years between josua and Othoniel, of whom Eusebius finds eight year, to 
〈◊〉. Praep. evang.  which Arius Montanus adhereth; and for which he giveth his reason in his four and twentieth and last Chapters upon josua: Bunting reckons it nine year: Bucholzer and Reusner but one, Codoman twenty, and Nicephorus no less than three and thirty: whereas following the sure direction of these 480. years, there can be no voided years found between josua and Othoniel, unless they be taken out of those eighteen ascribed unto josua by the account already specified. The praises and acts of josua are briefly written in the six and fortieth Chapter of Ecclesiasticus, where among many other things it is said of him, Who was there before him like to him, for he fought the battles of the Lord?  
That he wrote the book called by this name, it was the opinion of Arius Montanus, because it is said in the last Chapter ver. 26. And JOSVA wrote these words in the book of the law of God: which seemeth rather to have been meant by the covenant which josua made with Israel in Sichem, where they all promised to serve and obey the Lord: which promise josua caused to be written in the book of the Law: and of this opinion were Caictan and 〈◊〉: Theodoret doth likewise conceive that the book of josua was collected out of an ancient Volume, entitled Liber justorum; 
1. 10. 13.  remembered by josua himself, and others, that it was the work of Samuel: for whereas Montanus groundeth his opinion upon these words of the 26. verse, And JOSVA wrote these words, etc. this place hath nothing in it to prove it, for when the people had answered JOSVA; The Lord our God will we serve, and his voice will we obey, 
5. last. v. 24. v. 26  it follows that josua made a covenant with the people, and wrote the same in the book of the Law of God.  
There lived at once with josua, Ericthonius in Attica, who taught that Nation to yoke beasts together, thereby to till the ground with more case and speed: And about the same time the fifty Daughters of Danâus (as it is said) slew the fifty Sons of Aegyptus, all but Lynceus who succeeded Danâus, if the tale be true. There lived also with josua, Phoenix and Cadmus, and near the end of josuas' life, jupiter is said to have ravished Europa the Daughter of Phoenix, (afterward married to Asterius 
Lib. 〈◊〉. c. 12. De Civit. Dei.  King of Creta) and begat on her Minos, Radamanthus, and Sarpedon. But S. Augustine reports this ravishment to be committed by Xanthus, and yet they are more commonly taken for the Sons of jupiter. But it may be doubted whither Minos was Father to Deucalion, and Deucalion to Idomeneus, who was an old man at the war 
Homer, 〈◊〉 & Iliad.  of Troy, and Sarpedon was in person a young or strong man at the same Trojan war. And so doth Nestor reckon up in the Council of the Greeks', Theseus and Pirithous for men of antiquity, and of ages past: Minos being yet more ancient than any of 
Hom. Iliad. 1.  these. But hereof elsewhere.    

CHAP. VII. Of the Tribes of 〈◊〉, that were planted in the borders of Phoenicia, with sundry Stories depending upon those places.  

§. I. The Proem to the description of the whole Land of Canaan, with an exposition of the name of Syria.  
THE Story of the judges aught to follow that of josua, after whom the Commonwealth of the jews was governed by Kings, of which so many of them as ruled the ten Tribes, shall be remembered when we come to the description of Samaria: but because the Land of Canaan, and the borders thereof, were the Stages and Theatres, whereon the greatest part of the Story past, with that which follows, hath been acted, I think it very pertinent (for the better understanding of both) to make a Geographical description of those Regions: that all things therein performed by the places known, may the better be understood, and conceived. To which purpose (besides the addition of the Neighbour Countries) I have bestowed on every Tribe his proper portion: and do show what Cities and Places of strength, were by the jews obtained: and what numbers it pleased God to leave unconquered: by whom he might correct and scourge them, when ungrateful for his many graces, they at sundry times forgot or neglected the Lord of all power, and adored those deaf and dead Idols of the Heathen. Divina bonitas (saith AUGUSTINE) ideo maximè irascitur in hoc saeculo, ne 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉: & misericorditer temporalem adhibet severitatem, ne aeternam 〈◊〉 inferat ultionem; The divine goodness is especially therefore angry in this world, that it may not be 〈◊〉 in the world to come, and doth mercifully use temporal severity, that it may not justly bring upon us eternal vengeance.  
To the Cities herein described, I have added a short Story of the beginnings and ends of divers Kingdoms and commonweals: and to help myself herein, I have perused divers of the best Authors upon this subject: among whom, because I find so great disagreement in many particulars, I have rather in such cases adventured to follow my own reason, than to borrow any one of their old patterns.  
And because Canaan, with Palaestina of the Philistines, and the Lands of Og and Sihon Kings of Basan, and the Arabian Amorites, were but small Provinces of Syria: it shall be necessary, first to divide and bond the general, and so to descend to this particular, now called the holy Land.  
Sirrah, now Soria, according to the largest description, and as it was anciently taken, 
Ptol. 〈◊〉 tab. 4.  embraced all those Regions from the Euxine Sea, to the Read Sea: and therefore were the Cappadocians, which look into Pontus, called Leucosyrians, or white Syrians. 
Ptol. 5.  But taking it shorter, and from the coast of Cilicia, which is the North border, unto Idumaea towards the South, Tigris towards the Sun rising, and the Mediterran Sea Westward: it then containeth besides Babylonia, Chaldaea, Arabia the Desert, and Arabia 〈◊〉, that Region also which the Greeks' call Mesopotamia, the Hebrews Syria, of the two Rivers, to wit, Tigris and Euphrates, for so Aram-Nahairaijm is expounded: also Padan Aram: that is, jugum Syriae, because the two Rivers go along in it as it were in a yoke.  
Edessa, sometime Rages, now Rage, was the Metropolis of this Region of Syria. In 
〈◊〉.  Syria taken largely, there were many small Provinces, as 〈◊〉 which the Latins call Syria Cava, because it lay in that fruitful Valley between the Mountains of Lybanus, and Anti-lybanus, in which the famous Cities of Antioch, Laodicea, Apamea, with many others were seated. Than Damascena or Syria Lybanica, taking name of the City Damascus, and the Mountains of Lybanus, the Regal seat of the Adades, the first Kings of Syria. Adjoining to it was the Province of Sophene, or Syria Soba, 
1. K. 11.  Choba, or Zobal: over which Adadezer commanded in Salomon's time. Than Phoenicia 
Herod. in Polym. Dion. l. 27.  and the people Syraphoenices: and lastly Syria Palaestina bordering Egypt: of which Ptolemy maketh judaea also a part: and to that Province which Moses calleth 
Ptol. Asiae. tab. 4.  Seir and Edom, Pomponius Mela giveth the name of Syria judaes'.   

§. II Of the bounds of the Land of Canaan, and of the promises touching this Land.  
But that Land which was anciently Canaan, taketh a part of Phoenicia, and stretcheth from behind Lybanus to the great Deserts between Idumaea and Egypt: bounded by the Midland Sea on the West, and the Mountains of Hermon; Galaad, and Arnon towards the East: the same Hills which Strabo calleth Traconi or Traconitae, and Ptolemy Hippus. 
Strab. l. 10.  The name of Canaan it had from Canaan the Son of CHAMLET, & lingua appellata fuit CANAAN; The language was also called CANAAN, saith Montanus: and after Hebraea of the Hebrews: who took name from Heber, the Son of Sale, according 
caleb. f. 62.  to S. Augustine. But Arias Montanus not so well allowing of this derivation, makes it a common name to all those of Noah's Sons, which passed over Euphrates towards the West Sea. For the word Heber, saith he, is as much as transiens or transmittens, of going or passing over. And because the children of Abraham had for a long time no certain abiding: therefore as he thinks, they were by the Egyptians called Hebraei, as it were passengers, which is also the opinion of C. Sigonius, and of Eusebius long 
Euseb. Praep. 〈◊〉 vang. l. 7. c. 3.  before them both. It had also the name of judaea from juda; and then afterwards entitled The holy Land, because therein our Saviour Christ was borne and buried. Now this part of Syria was again divided into four; namely, into Edom, (otherwise Seir, or Edumaea) Galilee, Samaria, and judaea. Galilee is double, the superior called Gentium, and the inferior: and that Galilee and judaea are distinguished, it is plain in 
Math. 2.  the 〈◊〉, though both of them belong to Phoenicia. 
Luke 2.  
〈◊〉 4.   
Now besides these provinces of Phoenicia, and Palaestina (both which the River of jordan boundeth; saving that Phoenicia stretcheth a little more Easterly towards Damascus) that part also to the East of jordan, and within the Mountains of Hermon Gilead and Arnon, otherwise Traconi, fell to the possession of half Manasse, Gad, and Reuben, and therefore are accounted a part of Canaan also: aswell because anciently possessed by the Amorites, as for that they were conquered and enjoyed by the Israelites, which Eastermost parts are again divided into Basan or Batanea, into Gilead, Moab, Midian, Ammon, and the Territories of the 〈◊〉, Gessuri, Argobe, Hus. They are known to the later Cosmographers by the name of Arabia in general: and by the names of Traconitis, Pieria, Batanea, etc. of which I will speak in their proper places.  
But where Moses describeth the Land of Canaan in the tenth of Genesis, he maketh no mention of the later Provinces, which fell to Manasse, Gad, and Reuben, for these be his words, Than the border of the Canaanites was from Zidon, as thou comest to Gerar until Azzah (which is Gaza) and this was the length of the Country North and South: then it follows in the Text; And as thou goest unto Sodom and Gomorah, and Admah, and Seboijm, even unto Lasha: by which words Moses setteth down the breadth, to wit, from thd Dead Sea to the Mediteran. But in Deuteronomy 
Deut. 11. 24.  it seemeth to be far more large: For it is therein written; All the places whereon the sole of your feet shall tread, shall be yours: your coast shall be from the wilderness and from Libanon, and from the River Perah, unto the uttermost Sea. Now for the length of the Country North and South, this description agreeth with the former: only Libanon is put for Zidon: and the Wilderness for Gerar and Azzah, which make no difference: but for the breadth and extent East and West, if Perah be taken for Euphrates: then the Land promised stretcheth itself both over Arabia Petraea, and the Desert as far as the border of Babylon: which the Israelites never possessed: 〈◊〉 at any time did so much as invade or attempt. And therefore Vadianus doth conceive that by the River Perah, was meant jordan, and not Euphrates: taking light from this place of JOSVA: Behold, I have divided unto you by lot these Nations, that remain to be 
23. v. 4.  an inheritance according to your Tribes: from jordan with all the Nations that I have destroyed, even unto the great Sea Westward.  
And though it be true that David greatly enlarged the Territory of the holy 
Vadian. Epitomtrium terrae partium. cap. Palaestina.  Land: yet as Vadianus well noteth, if Perah in the former place be taken for Euphrates, then was it put per gentes in amicitiam receipt as. For David did not at any time enter so far to the East as Assyria, or Babylonia. Neither doth the not possessing of all these Countries give advantage to those that would make any irreligious cavil, as touching the promise of God to the Israelites unperformed: For when both their Kings, Magistrates, and People, fell from his worship and service, it pleased him not only to enclose them within that Territory, which was for so many people exceeding narrow; but therein and elsewhere to subject them unto those Idolatrous Nations, whose false and foolish Gods themselves also served and obeyed. And sure the promise by which the Hebrews claimed the inheritance of Canaan, and the lasting enjoying thereof, to wit, as long as the heavens were above the earth, was tied to 
Deut. 11. v. 21.  those conditions, both in the Verses preceding, and subsequent; which the Israelites never performed. And therefore they could not hope for other than all mankind could or can expect; who know that all sorts of comforts from the merciful goodness of God looked for, aswell in this life as after it, are no longer to be attended, than while we persever in his love, service, and obedience. So in the eighth Verse of the eleventh of Deuteronomy, the keeping of God's Commandments was a condition joined to the prosperity of Israel. For therein it is written; Therefore shall ye 
Deut. 11.  keep all the Commandments which I command you this day: that ye may be strong, and go in, and possess the Land, wither ye go to possess it. Also that you may prolong your days in the Land which the Lord swore unto your Fathers, etc.  
The like condition was also annexed to the enjoying of the land conquered, and the possession thereof, so long as the heavens were above the earth. For if ye keep 
Deut. 11.  diligently, saith he, all these commandments, which I command you to do, that is, to love the Lord your God, etc. then will the Lord cast out all these Nations before you, and ye shall possess great Nations, and mightier than you. And here, though it be manifest, that by reason of the breach of God's Commandments, and their falling away from the worship of his all-powerful Majesty, to the Idolatry of the Heathen, the conditional promises of God were absolutely voided, as depending upon obedience unperformed: yet I cannot mislike that exposition of Melancthon: For, saith he, ostendit promissionem praecipuam non esse de hoc Politico regno; He showeth that his chief promise is not of a civil Kingdom. To which agrees that answer, which S. Hierome made to a certain Heretic in his Epistle ad Dardanum, who accused S. Hierome that he overthrew the reputation of the jews Story, and brought the truth thereof in question, by drawing it altogether into an Allegory, and adillam duntaxat viventium terram quae in coelis est; (that is) Only to that Land of the living which is in Heaven. Quoniam tota judaeorum Regio adeo angusta sit ambitu, ut vix longitudinem habeat 160. milliarium, latitudinem verò 40. & in his etiam regiones, loca, urbes & oppida sunt 〈◊〉, nunquàm à 〈◊〉 occupata, sed tantum divina pollicitatione promissa; Because the whole 〈◊〉 of the jews is so narrow in compass, that it scarce hath 160. miles in length, and 40. miles in breadth, and in these are Countries, Places, Cities, and many Towns, which the jews never possessed, but were only granted by divine promise. In like manner the same Father speaketh upon Easie touching the blessings promised unto Jerusalem: where he hath these words: De quo discimus Hierusalem nequaquam in Palaestinae Regione 
Cap. 49. 14.  petendam: quae totius Provinciae deterrima est: & saxosis montibus asperatur & penuriam patitur sitis: ita ut caelestibus utatur plwijs, & raritatem fontium cisternarum extructione soletur: sed in Dei 〈◊〉 ad quam dicitur festinaverunt structores tui; From whence, saith he, we learn, that Jerusalem is not to be sought in that Region of Palaestina, which is the worst of the whole Province, and ragged with craggy Mountains, and suffereth the penury of thirst: so as it preserveth rain water, and supplieth the scarcity of Wells by building Cisterns, but this Jerusalem is in God's hands, to which it is said, Thy builders have hastened, so far S. Hierome, where also to prevent mistaking, he thus expoundeth himself. Neque hoc dico in suggillationem terrae 〈◊〉, ut Haereticus Sycophanta mentitur: 〈◊〉 quo 〈◊〉 historiae veritatem: quae fundamentum est intelligentiae spiritualis, sed ut decutiam supercilium judaeorum: qui Synagogae angustias latitudini Ecclesiae praeferunt. Si enim occidentem tantum sequuntur literam, & non spiritum vivificantem: ostendant terram promission is lact & melle manantem; Neither (saith he) say I this to disgrace the land of judaea (as the Heretical sycophant doth bely me) or to take away the truth of the History, which is the foundation of spiritual understanding, but to beaten down the pride of the jews: which enlarge the straitss of the Synagogue farther than the breadth of the Church: for if they follow only the kill letter, and not the quickening spirit, let them show the Land of promise, flowing with milk and honey.  
By this it may also be gathered, how so ever it be unlikely (seeing the West-bound in the place, Deut. 11. 24. had his truth in the literal sense, that Euphrates or Perath, which is made the East bound, should be taken only in a spiritual sense) yet nevertheless that Hierome's opinion inclineth to this, as if this Perath were not to be understood for Euphrates: and that the promise itself was never so large: much less the plantation and conquest of Israel.  
And now for a more particular description of this Holy Land, because Asher, Nephtalim, and Zabulon, held the Northermost 〈◊〉, and were seated in Phoenicia, I will begin with these three, taking Asher for the first: of which Tribe yet before I speak, I must admonish the Reader touching the names of places in this, and the other Tribes to be mentioned, that he remember that many names by reason of the divers fancies of Translators, are diversly expressed, so that to the unskilful they may seem divers, when they are one and the same: the reason of this diversity (as by those learned in the Hebrew I am taught) is, partly because the ancient Editions of the Hebrew want vowels, the old Translators imagined other vowels than now the Hebrew Editions have; and partly because the Ancient expressed or omitted divers consonants, otherwise than the latter think fit.   

§. III THE TRIBE OF ASHER.  

†. I The bounds of the Tribe of Asher.  
THe Asherites descended of Asher the Son of jacob by Zelpha, the handmaid of Lea, were increased while they abode in Egypt, to the number of 41500. and odd persons, all men above twenty years of age, and able to bear arms at the time, when they were mustered by Moses at Mount Sinai: all which number perishing in the Deserts, there remained of their issues, besides women and children 53400. bodies fit for the wars: which past the River of Arnon, into the Plains of Moab, and after the Conquest of Canaan, had for their portion that part of Phoenicia, from Zidon and the fields of Libanus, unto Ptolomais Acon alongst the Sea-coast: containing thirty English miles or thereabouts: and from the Midland sea to the East border some twelve miles: though Antoninus makes it somewhat larger. This part of Canaan 
Ant. Itin.  was very fruitful, abounding in Wine, Oil, and Wheat, besides the Balsamum, with other pleasant and profitable commodities: according to that Prophecy, ASSER pinguis panis: concerning Asser, his bread shall be fat: And he shall give pleasures 
〈◊〉. 4. 9  for a King.   

†. II Of Zidon.  
THe first City seated on the North border of the Territory of Asser, was Zidon, which josua calleth the great Zidon, both for ftrenght and magnitude. The Greeks' and Q. Curtius make Agenor the founder thereof: and justine derives the 
〈◊〉. l. 18.  name from the abundance of Fish found on those shores: whereof it hath been called Zidona. But that it was far more ancient, Moses, josua, and josephus witness, 
Gen. 10. joseph.  the same being founded by Zidon the eldest of Canaan's Sons: and so strong it was in josuas' time, as neither did himself attempt it, neither could the Asserites, or any of their Successors master it: but it continued all the time of the judges and Kings, even unto the coming of Christ, a City interchangeably governed, by their own Princes or other Magistrates: though according to the warnings, and threats of the 〈◊〉 Easie, Hieremie, Ezekiel, and 〈◊〉, it was often afflicted both by the enemies 
Esa. 23. Hier. 47 Ezek. 28. & 32. 〈◊〉. 9  sword, and by the pestilence.  
Zidon is seated on the very wash of the Phoenician Sea, which is a part of the Mediterran or Midland Sea. It hath to the North the City of Berythus, and the River Leontis: and to the South Sarepta, or Sarphat: which standeth between it and tire, the distance between which two great and famous Cities, to wit, Zidon and tire, is fourteen thousand paces, saith Seiglerus: but Vadianus makes it two hundred furlongs, 
Palaest. Seig. f. 19 Vidian. Phoen. f. 278.  and so doth 〈◊〉 in his description of the holy Land, and both from Strabo: which two hundred furlongs make five and twenty miles. This difference 
Strab. l. 16.  of distance as well between these two known Cities, as all the rest, make it over difficult to devise any new scale to the Map, and description of the holy Land.  
What Kings it had till Agenor's time there is no memory: The Story which Zeno the Philosopher, who was a Zidonian, wrote thereof, being by time consumed and lost. It seemeth to be more ancient than tire: which was also built by the Zidonians. For as Strabo noteth, Homer speaking of Zidon, neglecteth the memory of 
Strab. l. 16.  tire: because it was but a member of Zidon, and a City subject to the Kings thereof: though it be true that in aftertimes it contended with Zidon for Primacy, and become far more renowned, opulent, and strong: From Zidon had Solomon and 〈◊〉, their principal workmen, both in Timber and Stone; for the building of the Temple. For as it flourished in all sorts of learning, so did it in all other Mechanical Arts and Trades: the Prophet Zacharie calling them the wise Zidonians. The 
Zach. 9 v. z.  City was both by nature and art exceeding strong, having a Castle or 〈◊〉 on the northside, standing upon an unaccessible Rock, and compassed by the Sea, which after the Citizens become Christians, was held and defended by the Knights of the Dutch Order: and another Castle it hath on the South side by the Port of Egypt, which the Templars guarded. It also sent many other Colonies besides that of tire, into places remote: as unto Thebes, and Sephyra, Cities of Boeotia in Greece. 
〈◊〉. l. 〈◊〉. Plin. l. 5. c. 〈◊〉.   
Strabo and Pliny give the Zidonians the invention of 
* It seems that even in 〈◊〉 time they 〈◊〉 glass making, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 us for 〈◊〉 which ad 〈◊〉 is as much as combustiones aquarum, reads furnaces vitrarias. 〈◊〉. 11. 8. as it 〈◊〉, because these furnaces were where there 〈◊〉 store of uva ter, either for the moving of the bellowss by the force of the water, or for other necessary uses. But there are others that take them for salt pits, and other again for hot baths.  Glass, which they used to make of those sands which are taken out of the River Belus, falling into the Mediterran Sea, near Ptolomais or Acon: and from whence the Venetians fetch the matter of those clear Glasses which they make at Murana: of which S. Hierome and Pliny. ZIDON insignis artifex vitri: ZIDON vitarijs 〈◊〉 Nobilis; ZIDON a famous Glasse-maker, or a skilful worker in Glasse-houses.  
They were in Religion Idolaters (as the rest of the Canaanites) worshippers of Baal and 〈◊〉: which Idols though common to the other of the issue of Canaan (as Pineda gathers out of 1. Sam. 31. 10. and jud. 10. 6.) yet especially and peculiarly were accounted the Gods of the Zidonians: as appears 1. King's 11. 5. in the story of Salomon's Idolatry: where Astaroth is called the God of the Zidonians: and 1. Reg. 16. 33 in the story of Achab, the chief worshipper of Baal, where it is said that he marrying jezabel the Daughter of the King of the Zidonians, worshipped their Baal. divers Baal's and divers Astaroths in their Idolatries they acknowledged: as it appears by the plural names of Baalim and Astaroth, 1. Sam. 12. 10. and elsewhere: for even the name Astaroth, as I am informed by a skilful 〈◊〉, is plural: the singular being Astoreth: whence jud. 2. 13. the Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: They worshipped the Astarties. The occasion of this their multiplying of their Baal's, and Astoreths, may be diversly understood: either in respect of the diversity of the forms of the Images, or of the worship in divers places, or of the stories depending upon them: which (as fables use to be) were doubtless in divers Cities divers. Augustine quaest. 16. in judg. thinks Baal and Astarte to be jupiter and juno. For the Carthaginians (which were Tyrians) call juno by some such name as Astarte. Tully, lib. 3. 
The form of Astoreth (or Astarte) seemeth to have been a sheep, for Deut. 7. 13. the word in the plural number fignifieth sheep: and this may confirm Augustine's opinion, that Astarte was juno: for the form of her husband jupiter 〈◊〉 was a Ram. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  de Nat. Deorum, making divers Goddesses of the name of Venus, expounds the fourth to be Astarte: whom he makes to be borne of Tyrus and Syria, and to have been the wife of Adonis: as also Macrob. 2. Saturn. cap. 21. says that Adonis was with great veneration commonly worshipped of the Assyrians: and Hierome upon Ezek. 8. 44. notes that Thammuz (whom there the Idolatrous women are noted to bewail) is the name of Adonis among the Syrians. So that it may seem that in the worship of Astarte, or Venus, they did bewail her husband Adonis: as also the Grecians did in their songs of ADONIS. Mourn for ADONIS the fair, dead is ADONIS the fair, How be it others in that place of Ezekiel not without good probability, expound the mourning for Thammuz, to be the mourning for Osiris in the sacrifices of Isis: whose loss of her husband Osiris, was as famous in the Egyptian Idolatry, as with the Grecians, Venus loss of Adonis. And to this agreeth that which Plutarch hath, de Iside & Osiride; that Osiris with the Egyptians is called Ammuz: which word may seem to be the same with Ezekiel's Thammuz. But how soever these Zidonians were thus anciently 〈◊〉 with the milk of Idolatry: yet they were more apt to receive the Doctrine and Gospel of Christ after his Ascension, than the jews: who had been taught by Moses, and the Prophets so many years, whereof our Saviour in Matthew and Luke. Woe be to thee Corazin, etc. for if the great works which were 
Math. 11. v. 20.  done in thee, had been done in Tyrus and Zidon, they had repent long agone, etc. but I say unto you, it shall be easier for Tyrus and Zidon, at the day of judgement than for you.  
It received a Christian Bishop with the first: who was afterward of the Diocese of tire. But in the year of our Redemption 636. it fell into the hands of the Saracens: and continued in their possession till Baldwinus the first, than King of Jerusalem, in the year FOUR by the help of the Danes and Norway's, who come with 
Tyr. 11. Bell. Sacr. 14.  a Fleet to visit the holy Land, and took Port at joppa, it was again recovered, 
Vitriac. c. 27.  the 〈◊〉 thereof being given to Eustace Gremer, a Noble man of that Country. And again in the year 1250. it was re-edified and strengthened by Lodowick the French King: while he spent four year in the War of the holy Land. Lastly, in the year 1289. it was reconquered by the Saracens: and is now in possession 
Niger Postellus.  of the Turk, and hath the name of Zai.   

†. III Of Sarepta, with a brief History of tire in the same coast.  
SArepta, or after the Hebrew, Sarphath, is the next City Southward from Zidon, between it and the River called Neare, or Fons hortorum Libani (of which more hereafter) standing in the way towards tire, a City very famous for the excellent Wine growing near it: of which Sidonius.  

Vina mihi non sunt Gazetica, Chia, Falerna,  
〈◊〉 Sareptano palmite missa bibas.   

I have no wine of Gaza, nor Falerna wine,  
Nor any for thy drinking of Sarepta's vine.   
This City had also a Bishop of the Diocese of tire: after it come to the Saracens and Turks, as the rest: and is now called Saphet, saith Postellus.  
Not far from Sarepta was situate that sometime famous City of tire, whose fleets of ships commanded, and gave the law over all the Mediterran Sea, and the borders thereof: during which time of greatness and power, the Tyrians erected Utica, Leptis, and Carthage in Africa, of which VIRGIL. Vrbs antiqua fuit Tyrij tenuere 
Virgil. l.  Coloni Carthago. And Carthage was therefore called Punica quasi Phoenicum, a Colony of the Phoenicians. In Spain they founded Gades, now Calais. In Italy, Nola: 
Plin. l. 5. c. 19  in Asia the less, Dromos Achilles, which City the Scholiast of Apollonius placeth near 
Mercelin. l. 22.  the River Phyllis, in Bythinia.  
It had anciently the name of Zor, or Tzor; and so it is written in josua the 19 taking name from the situation; because built on a high Rock, sharp at one end. The Latins, as it seems, knew it by the name of Sarra; for Virgil calleth the purple 
Gellius. l. 4. c. 6.  of tire, ostrum Sarranum, by which name Juvenal and Silius remember it. The Zidonians built it upon a high Hill, whereof many ruins remain to this day; the place being still known by the name of the ancient tire: and because it was a Colony of the Zidonians, the Prophet Easie calleth it the Daughter of Zidon; which Trogus also 
Cap. 23.  confirmeth, though Berosus by affinity of name makes Their as the Son of japhet to be the Parent thereof: and though no doubt it was very ancient (for so much the Prophet Easie also witnesseth, Is not this your glorious City whose antiquity is of ancient 
Cap. 23.  days:) yet, that Their as the son of japhet set himself in the bosom of the Canaanites who built Zidon, and peopled all that Region: I see nothing to persuade me.  
But that new tire in aftertimes so renowned, seemeth to be the work of Agenor: 
〈◊〉. l. 18. 〈◊〉. l. 4.  and of this opinion was Curtius: and josephus, and 〈◊〉 make this City elder than Salomon's Temple 240. years: Cedrenus 361. who also addeth that Tyrus 
〈◊〉. in. Cron. joseph. 〈◊〉. lit. 8. cap. 2.  the Wife of Agenor gave it her name: but of Agenor I will speak more at large in the story of their Kings.  
For strength and for the commodity of the harbour, and the better to receive Trade from all places, it was in this new erection founded in an 〈◊〉, 700. paces from the continent: and therefore Ezekiel placeth it in the midst of the Sea, as 
Ezek. 28. 2. 27. verse 3.  some read, or as others in the inner-most part of the Sea, whence he calleth it situate at the entry of the Sea, as also the same Prophet calleth 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the people 
Esai. 23. 3.  for many Isles: and ISAIAH a Mart of the Nations: and so Proud, Wealthy, and Magnificent was this City, as the Prophet Easie calleth the Merchants thereof Princes, and 
27. 8.  their Chapmen the Nobles of the world.  
It excelled both in learning, and in manu-facture: especially in the making and dying of Purple, and Scarlet-cloth: which, saith julius Pollux, was first found out by Hercutes Dog, who passing alongst the Sea-coast, and eating of the Fish Conchilis or Purpura: the hair of his lips become of that colour. It worshipped the same Idols that Zidon did: saving that Hercules become their Patron in aftertimes. For Alexander Macedon, when the Tyrians presented him with a crown of gold, and other gifts, desiring to remain his friends and allies, answered them, that he had vowed a sacrifice to Hercules, the Defender of their City: and the ancestor of the Macedonians Kings: and must therefore enter it. Whereupon they sent him word, that Hercules his Temple was in the Mountain of old tire: where he might perform that ceremony: but this availed not. For Alexander was not so superstitious, as ambitious, he desired to enter the Town, which being denied, he as one whom no peril could fear, nor labour weary, gathered together as many ships as he could; and brought from Libanus so great a number of Cedars, and so many weighty Stones, from the old City of tire adjoining, as not withstanding that his materials were often washed away with the strength of the Sea, and the Tides, yet he never rested, till he had made a foot passage from the Continent to the Island: and having once approached their Walls, he over. topped them with Turrets of wood, and other frames: from whence (having filled the body of force with the violent moving Spirit of resolution) he become Lord thereof, putting all to the sword that resisted, after which he caused 2000 more to be hung up in a rank all alongst the Seashore: which execution upon cold blood he performed (as some Authors affirm) upon the issues of those slaves which had formerly slain all their Masters, taking their Wives, Children, Richeses, and power of Government to themselves. This victory of Alexander over the Tyrians, josephus remembreth: 
josep. ant. 〈◊〉. l. 11. c. 8.  and how Sanaballat revolted from Darius, and come to Alexander with 8000. Soldiers: who was the last Satrapa or Provincial 〈◊〉, which Darius seated in Samaria: the same who having married his Daughter to 〈◊〉, brother to jaddus the high Priest of Jerusalem, obtained of Alexander that a Temple might be built on the Mountains Garizim over Samaria: that the forces of the jews being divided, Alexander might the better hold them in obedience. The Honour of which Priesthood he bestowed on his son-in-law Manasse, whom the jews oppugned, for that he had married out of their Tribes, and with a Gentle: but while Alexander besieged 
De. 〈◊〉 sacr l. 13. c. 4.  Gaza, Sanaballat, whom Guil. Tyrius calleth Sanabula, died.  
Long before this desolation of tire, by the cruelty of Alexander, it was attempted by Salmanasser the Assyrian King: when the growing pride of the Assyrians, after that they had conquered the ten Tribes, with the rest of Syria, become 〈◊〉 of the beauty, riches, and power of that City. He besieged it both on the Landside, and with threescore ships of War held the Port: to the end that neither any victuals nor any supply of men might enter it: but the Tyrians with twelve sail scattered that fleet, and took 500 prisoners of the Assyrians: notwithstanding, the 
josep. Ant. lib. 9 cap. 14.  Assyrian continued his resolution and lay before it by his Lieutenants five years, but with ill success. And this siege Menander Ephesius, cited by josephus, made report 
Et cont. Ap.  
1. Guil. Tyrius. de 〈◊〉. Sacr. 13. 4. josep. Ant. lib. 9 cap. 15.  of in his Chronicles, as he found the Story among the Annals of the Tyrians (which the said Menander 〈◊〉 into Greek) adding that Elulaeus, whom Tyrius calleth Helisaeus, was then King of tire, having governed the same six and twenty years. Soon after this repulse of Salmanassar, and about 200. years before the victory of Alexander, Nabuchodonosor at such time as he destroyed Jerusalem with the Temple, come before this City: who indeed gave to Alexander the example of that despairful work, of joining it to the Continent. For Nabuchodonosor had formerly done it: though by the diligence of the Citizens, and the strength of the Sea, the same causey and passage was again broken down, and demolished.  
〈◊〉 Nabuchodonosor, for many years, the Tyrians defended themselves: for so long did these Babylonians continued before it, As every head was made bald, and every 
〈◊〉. 29. 18. Esai. 23. etc.  shoulder made bore, saith Ezekiel, who with the Prophet Easie had manifestly foretold the destruction of this proud place. In the end and after thirteen years siege or more, the Tyrians despoiled of all their hopes, and remembering over-late the predictions and threatenings of God's Prophets, having prepared a convenient number of ships, abandoned their City, transporting with themselves the ablest of all that remained: and with their wives, children, and portable riches sailed thence into Cyprus, Carthage, and other Maritimate Cities of their Tributaries, or Confederates: so as the Babylonians finding nothing therein, either to satisfy so many labours and perils, or any person upon whom to avenge themselves for the loss of so many bodies in that War: It pleased God in recompense thereof (who strengthened this resolution, as in a work of his own) to make Nabuchodonosor victorious over the Egyptians: and gave him that Kingdom and the spoil thereof, as it were in wages 
〈◊〉. 29. v. 19  for his Army. Whereupon Saint Hierome noteth, that God leaveth not the good deeds of the Heathen unrewarded: who though they cannot hope by any laudable worldly action, to attain unto that eternal happiness reserved for his Servants and Saints: yet such is the boundless goodness of God, as he often repaieth them with many worldly gifts and temporal blessings.  
Now of this enterprise of Nabuchodonosors' against tire, profane Historians have not been silent. For both Diocles, and Philostratus (as josephus citeth them) the one 
josep. ant. l. 10. c. 13.  in his second Book, the other in his Phoenician Histories remember it.  
After these two great Vastations by the Kings of Babylon and Macedon: this City of tire repaired and recovered itself again: and continued in great glory about 300. years, even to the coming of our Saviour Christ: and after him flourished in the Christian Faith near 600. years: the Archbishop whereof gave place to noon but to the Patriarch of Jerusalem only: who within his own Diocese had fourteen great Cities, with their Bishops and Suffragans: namely 〈◊〉, otherwise Porphiria, 
Gul. Tyr. bell. sac.  Acon or Ptolomais, Sarepta, Zidon, Caesarea Philippi, Berytus, Byblus, Botrys, Tripoli, Orthosia, Archis, Aradus, Antaradus (or Tortosa) and 〈◊〉. But in the year 636. it was with the rest of that beautiful Region of Phoenicia and Palaestina, subjecteth to the cruel and faithless Saracen. Under the burden and yoke of whose tyranny it suffered with the other Palestine Cities 488. years.  
In the year 1112. it was attempted by Baldwine King of Jerusalem; but in 
Gul. Tyr. 11. Bell. sacr. 17.  vain: yet in the year 1124. by Guaremonde, Patriarch of Jerusalem, Vicegerent to Baldwine the second, with the assistance of the Venetians, and their 〈◊〉 of Galleys, it was again recovered, and subjecteth to the Kings of Jerusalem, and so it remained 165. years.  
Finally, in the year 1189. Saladine having first taken Jerusalem, removed his whole Army and sat down before tire: drawing his fleet of ships and Galleys from Alexandria into the port, this City as then only remaining in the Christian power.  
The citizens finding themselves reduced into great famine, and many other miseries, they at once with certain rafters of timber, fired, burnt, and broke the 〈◊〉 fleet, and sallying out resolvedly upon his army, slew so great numbers of them, and followed their victory with such fury, as that the Saracens forsaking their Trenches and Tents, removed in great disorder and dishonour. Two years after which victory the body of that famous Frederick Barbarossa (who by the lamentable accident of following the Christians enemies over a River unfoordable, perished by the weight of his armour therein) 〈◊〉 brought and interred in the Cathedral church of tire, near unto that glorious Sepulchre of Origen, garnished and graven with guilt pillars of Marble, 940. years before therein buried: but in the year 1289. the Saracens again attempted it, and carried it, and it now remaineth subject to the Turks.   

†. FOUR Of Ptolomais or Acon.  
THe third City alongst the coast of the Sea, which the Asserites could not obtain, on the South bound of Asser was Acho, which was the ancient name thereof after Hierome, though other good Authors affirm that it took name from Acon the brother of Ptolemy. Pliny calleth it Ace: and otherwise the Colony of Claudius. 
Plin. lib. 5. c. 19 In descrip. terr. sanct.  It had also the name of Coth or Cod, and by Zeiglerus it is called Hactipos.  
But lastly, it was entitled Ptolomais after the name of one of the Egyptian Ptolemy's: which City also as it is 1. Mac. 11. another of the Ptolemy's, infideliously wrested 
〈◊〉 Philometer.  from his son in law Alexander, which called himself the son of Antiochus Epiphanes: the same Alexander having married Cleopatra daughter of the said Ptolemy not long before. Therein also was jonathan Macchabaeus treacherously surprised and slain, as it is 1. Macc. 12. 48. by the perfidiousness of Tryphon, whom soon after 
1. Maccab. 1. 10.  Antiochus pursued as it is in the Story ensuing: and by like reason about the same time was the aforesaid Alexander in the war against Demetrius one of the sons of Antiochus the great with whom Ptolemy joined, overthrown and treacherously murdered by Zabdiel the Arabian: to whom he fled for secure: and his head presented unto his father in law Ptolemy: who enjoyed not the glory of his victory and treason above three days, for God struck him by death. 
1. Macc. 11. 18.   
For the beauty and strength of this City, this Alexander made it his regal seat; two parts of the same being environed by the Sea, and the Port for safety and capacity not inferior to any other in all that Tract. This City is distant from Jerusalem some four and thirty miles: four miles to the North from the Mountain Carmel, and as much to the South from Castrum Lamberti: from tire, Antoninus 
Ant. Itin.  maketh it two and thirty Italian miles. In the midst of the City there was a Tower of great strength sometime the Temple of Bel-zebub: and therefore 〈◊〉 the Castle of Flies, on the top whereof there was maintained a perpetual light, 
Herrold.  like unto that called Pharus in Egypt: to give comfort in the night to those ships, which come near and sought that part. It had in it a Bishops seat, of the Diocese of tire, after it become Christian: but in the year 636. (a fatal year to the Christians in those parts) it was forced and taken by Haomarus the Saracen. In the year 1104. it was regained by Baldwine the first, by the help of the Galleys of 〈◊〉: to 
G. Tyr. bell. sacr. lib. 10. cap. 28. Herrold. lib. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 7. & 〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉. 2. & 〈◊〉.  whom a third of the revenue was given in recompense. Again, in the year of our Lord God, one thousand one hundred fourscore and seven Saladine King of Egypt, and Syria, become Lord thereof. In the year of Christ, one thousand one hundred ninety and one, by Richard King of England, and Philip King of France it was repossessed and redelivered to the Christians. Lastly, in the year 1291. it was by the fury of the Saracens besieged with an Army of 150000. entered, sacked, and 〈◊〉 demolished: though in some sort afterward re-edified, and it is now Turkish.   

†. V Of the Castle of St. GEORGE.  
Five miles from Ptolomais towards the East, is the Castle of St. George seated, in 
broach.  which he was borne: the Valley adjoining bearing the same name. And though for the credit of S. George's kill the Dragon, I leave every man to his own belief: 
Itin. 4. ! 
Of the place & memory of his death. See Chap. 9 §. 1.  yet I cannot but think, that if the Kings of England had not some probable record of that his memorable act, among many others: it was strange that the Order full of Honour, which Edward the third founded, and which his Successors Royally have continued, should have borne his name, seeing the world had not that scarcity of Saints in those days, as that the English were driven to make such an erection upon a Fable, or Person feigned. The place is described by Adrichomius in his description of Asser, to have been in the fields of Libanus: between the River 〈◊〉, and Zidon: his own words are these: Hoc loco qui ab incolis Cappadocia appellatur, non longè à Beryto, memorant inclytum Christi Militem D. GEORGIUM; Regis filiam ab 〈◊〉 Dracone asseruâsse: 〈◊〉 mactata bestia parenti restituisse. In cuius rei memoriam Ecclesia postmodum fuit aedificata; In this place, which by the Inhabitants is called Cappadocia, not far from Berytus, men say that the famous Knight of Christ Saint GEORGE, did rescue the King's Daughter from a huge Dragon: and having killed the beast, delivered the Virgin to her Parent. In memory of which deed a Church was after built there: Thus far 〈◊〉. His Authors he citeth 〈◊〉 Roman. Patric. Navigationum, l. 1. c. 3. and Bridenbach Itin. 5. The Valley under this Castle sometime called Asser, was afterward called the Valley of S. George. If this authority suffice not, we may rather make the Story allegorical, figuring the victory of Christ, than accept of George the Arrian Bishop, mentioned by Am. Marcellinus.   

†. VI Of Acziba, Sandalium, and others.  
Between Ptolomais and tire alongst the Sea coast, was the strong City of Acziba, or Achazib, which S. Hierome calleth Achziph, and josephus Ecdippos, Pliny Ecdippa, one of those which defended itself against the Asserites. Belsorrest finds Acziba and Sandalium, or the Castle of Alexander to be one, but I know not whence he had it.  
The twelve searchers of the Land which Moses sent from Cadesbarne, travailed 
Hieron. de 〈◊〉 Hebr.  as far to the North as Roob, or Rechob, in the Tribe of Asser, which 〈◊〉, as also Berothae which by Ezekiel cap. 47. v. 16. is placed in these North borders, belonged 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. jud. l. 1. c. 11.  in David's time to the King Hadarhezer, as it may be gathered out of the second of 
〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 19  Samuel the 8. cap. and 8. verse, and cap. 10. vers. 6. and it defended itself against the Asserites, as Zidon, tire, 〈◊〉, Ptolomais, Alab, Helbah, and Aphek did.  
This Aphek it was, whose Wall falling down, slew seven and twenty thousand of Benhadad's Soldiers, after that a hundred thousand had been slaughtered by the Israelites, under the conduct of Ahab. Here junius finds that the Philistines encamped a little before the battle at Gilboa, though in his Note upon the first of Samuel, the 9 and 1. he takes Aphek there mentioned (at which battle the Ark was taken) to 
1. King's 20. 29. 1. Sam. 29. 1.  have been in juda. Of which jos. 15. and 53. and in the second of Kings 13. 17. he reads, Fortiter, for, in Aphek. Where others convert it, Percutiens Syrosin Aphek.  
The next place alongst the coast is Sandalium, first called Schandalium of Schander, which we call Alexander, for Alexander Macedon built it, when he besieged tire: and set it on a point of Land which extendeth itself into the Sea, between Acziba and tire: which Castle Baldwine the first rebuilt and fortified; in the year of Christ 1157. when he undertook the recovery of tire.  
Not much above a mile from this Castle, there ariseth that most plentiful spring 
Cant. 4.  of water, which Solomon remembreth, called the Well of living waters: from whence not only all the fields and plains about tire are made fruitful by large pipes hence drawn: but the same Spring, which hath not above a bow-shot of ground to travail till it recover the Sea, driveth six great Mills in that short passage, saith 
Itin. 1.  Brochard.  
Within the Land, and to the East of Acziba, and Sandalium, standeth Hosa: and 
jos. 12. 20.  beyond it, under the Mountains of tire, the City of Achsaph, or Axab, or after S. Hierome Acisap, a City of great strength, whose King amongst the rest was slain by josua, at the waters of Merom.   

†. VII. Of Thoron, Giscala, and some other places.  
FArther into the Land towards jordan, was seated the Castle of Thoron, which Hugo de Sancto 〈◊〉 built on the Easter-most Hills of tire, in the year 1107. thereby to restrain the excursions of the Saracens, while they held tire against the Christians: the place adjoining being very fruitful, and exceeding pleasant. From this Castle the Lords of Thoron, famous in the Story of the Wars for the recovery of the Holy Land, derive their names, and take their Nobility. It had in it a curious Chapel, dedicated to the blessed Virgin, in which Humphrey of Thoron, Constable to Baldwine the third, King of Jerusalem, lieth buried. There were five Castles besides this within the Territory of Asser: whereof four are seated almost of equal distance from each other: to wit, Castrum Lamperti, Montfort, Indin (or Saron) Castrum Regium, and Belfort: The first near the Sea under the Hills of Saron: the next three, to wit, Indin, Montfort, and Regium, stand more within the Land, and belonged to the Brotherhood and Fellowship of the Teutonici, or Dutch Knights (by which they defended themselves, and gave succour to other Christians at such time as the Saracens possessed the best part of the upper Galilee) the chief of which Order was in Ptolomais Acon. The first 〈◊〉 was for beauty and strength called Belfort, seated in the high ground upon the River Naar, near the City Rama: of which in this Tribe jos. 19 29. for which the Vulgar reads Horma: making the article a part of the word, and mistaking the vowels: from the siege of this Castle of 
〈◊〉. l. 2. c. 4. Continuation is Bell. sac.  Belfort, the great Saladine King of Syria and Egypt, was by the Christians Army raised, and with great loss and dishonour repulsed.  
To the East of Belfort, is the strong City of Alab (or Achlab) which S. Hierome 〈◊〉 Chalab, one of those that defended themselves against Asser, as Roob (or Rechob) not far thence did.  
Towards the South from Roob they place Gabala (which Herod, surnamed the Ascalonite rebuilt) making it of the Territory of Chabol, Quod 〈◊〉 lingua dispicere 
josep. ant. 13. 21. & 15. 10.  significat (saith Weishenburg) so called, because Hiram of tire was ill pleased with those twenty Cities, seated hereabout, which Solomon presented unto him in recompense of those provisions sent him for the building of the Temple. Others think this Chabol or Cabul, containing a circuit of those twenty Cities given to Hiram, to 
〈◊〉. annot. in 1. Reg. 9 11.  have been without the compass of the holy Land: though bordering Asher on the North side: as it is said, 1. Reg. 9 11. that they were in Regione limitis: that is, in limit Regionis, in the border of the Country: for it was not lawful, say they, to give to strangers any part of the possessions allotted to the Israelites: howsoever, that after Hiram had refused them, they were peopled by the Israelites, it appears 2. 〈◊〉. 8. 14. And it seems they were conquered by David from the Sylli Rechobaei, whose 
〈◊〉. Sam. 10. 6.  City Roob, or Rechob, was in these parts.  
Almost of equal distance from the Castle of Thoron, they place the Cities of Giscala, and Gadara: of which Gadara is rather to be placed over jordan: Giscala was made famous by john the Son of Levi, who from a mean estate gathering together four hundred thieves, greatly troubled all the upper Galilee: at such time as the Romans attempted the conquest of judaea: by whose practice josephus, who then commanded in the upper Galilee, was greatly endangered: whereof himself hath written at large, in his second Book of those Wars. This john betraying in all he could 
Cap. 26.  the City of Giscala (whereof he was native) to the Roman State: and finding a resistance in the City, gave opportunity, during the contention, to the Tyrians and Gadarims, to surprise it: who at the same time forced it, and burnt it to the ground: but being by josephus authority rebuilt, it was afterward rendered to Titus by composition. They find also the Cities of Cana Maior, and 
* See Kadesh in 〈◊〉. Matth. 15.  Cades: (or Cedessa) of the first was that Syro-phoenician, whose Daughter Christ delivered of the evil Spirit. Near the other, they say, it was that jonathas Machabaeus overthrew the Army of Demetrius. 
Marc. 7.  
Maccab. 11. 73. josephus Antiq. 13. cap. 8.   
There are beside these forenamed Cities within the Tribe of Asser, divers others: as on the South border, and near the Sea, messal or Misheall: within the Land 
a Of which josephus in vita sua.  Besara, 
b Of both which jos. 19 27 Ezek. 47. 15.  Bethdagon, and Bethemec, standing on the South border between Asher and Zabulon: on the North side joining to Syro-phoenicia, is the City of Hethalon, or Chethlon, the utmost of the holy Land that way: under which towards the Sea is Chali, and then 
c Or Enosa. joseph. 〈◊〉. lib. 1. cap. 4.  Enoch supposed to be built by Cain, and named of his Son Enoch, but without probability, as I have formerly proved: there are others also besides these, as Ammon or Chammon, of which jos. 19 28. where also we read of Nehiel, Rama, Alamelec, and 〈◊〉: the Cities of Alcath, or Chelcath, Habdon, and Rechob, and Misheal, which we have already mentioned, were by the Asserites given to the Levites. Of others 
jos. 21. 30.  held by the 〈◊〉, mention is made, judg. 1. 30. to which out of josua we may add Ebron, Amhad, and others, on which no story dependeth; and therefore I will not pester the description with them.   

†. VIII. Of the Rivers and Mountains of Asser.  
THe rivers to the North of Asser, are Adonis, afterward Canis, to which Ziegler joineth Lycus, Ptolemy, Leontis: both which fall into the Sea near Berytus: which River of 〈◊〉, Montanus draws near unto Zidon: finding his head notwithstanding, where Ptolemy doth, between Zidon and tire. It hath also a River called 
〈◊〉. Tab. 4.  fons hortorum Libani, which Adrichome out of Brochard 〈◊〉 Eleutherus: for which he also citeth Pliny; and the 〈◊〉 of Maccabees the 11. Chap. but neither of 
Plin. l. 9  those authorities prove Eleutherus to be in Asser: for this River falleth into the Sea at the Isle of Aradus: not far from Balanaea, witness Ptolemy: and therefore Pinetus 
〈◊〉. Tab. 4.  calleth it Valania, and Postellus Velana: which River boundeth Phoenicia on the 
Post 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 est Tripoli.  North side: to which 〈◊〉 also agreeth: but this principal River of Asser, Arias Montanus calleth Gabatus. Christianus Schrot out of the mouth and Papers of Peter Laicstan (which Laicstan in this our age both viewed and described the Holy Land) calleth the main River Fons hortorum Libani: and one of the streams which runneth into it from the North side, Naar, and another from the southwest, Chabul: of the City adjoining of the same name: for 〈◊〉 it cannot be. There is also another River described by Adrichome, named jepthael, which I find in no other Author, and for which he citeth the nineteenth of josua, but the word 
d The word Nacbal is ambiguous, either for a Valley or for a River: but this word Gbe is always a Valley, as in 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉.  Ghe which is added there to jepthael, is not taken for a River, but for a Valley: and for a Valley the Vulgar, the Geneva, and Arius Montanus turn it. There is also found in Asser, 
josep. lib. 2. Bell. jud. c. 3.  the River of Belus, remembered by josephus and Tacitus, which is also called Pagidas, saith 
* L. 5. c. 19 in josua, c. 19 v. 26 It is called Shichor, of which name many understand an other 〈◊〉. jos. 13. 3. which running by Petra of Arabia, falleth into the Lake Sirbonis, & divideth Egypt from the promised Land whereabout they place Rhinocolura, 〈◊〉 which city junius taketh Shichor in that place of josua: but howsoever whither this Shichor, jos. 13. 3 be a River or a city, it appears that this name is found, both in the North bound of the holy Land, jos. 19 26. & in the South bound, jos. 13. 3.  Pliny: out of the sands of this River are made the best Glass, which sometime the Zidonians practised: and now the Venetians at Murana. Arias Montanus makes Belus to be a branch of Chedumim, which it cannot be: for Belus is known to flow from out the Lake Cendevia, as all Cosmographers both Ancient and Modern, and the later travailers into those parts witness. It is true that the River of Chison taketh water from Chedumim: but not in that fashion which Montanus hath described it: neither doth it find the Sea at Ptolomais Acon; according to Montanus: but farther to the South between Caiphas and Sicaminum, witness Ziegler, Adrichomius, and Schrot.  
Besides these Rivers there are divers famous Springs and Fountains, as that of living waters adjoining to tire: and 
a See the marginal Note above in the second Section of this Paragraph.  Maserephot, or after S. Hierome, Maserephotmaim, whose Well filled by the flood of the Sea adjoining, (they say) the Inhabitants by seething the water make salt thereof, as at Nantwich.  
The Mountains which bound Asser on the North, are those of Anti-libanus, which with Libanus bound Coelesyria: two great ledges of Hills, which from the Sea of Phoenicia and Syria, extend themselves far into the Land Eastward: 〈◊〉 handreth stadia or furlongs, according to Strabo: for that length he giveth to the Valley of Coelesyria: which those Mountains enclose: but Pliny gives them 1500, furlongs in length from the West (where they begin at Theipsophon, or Deifacies, near Tripoli) to the Mountains of Arabia beyond Damascus: where Anti-libanus turneth towards the South. These ledges where they begin to part Traconitis and Basan, from the Desert Arabia, are called Hermon: which Moses also nameth Zion, the Phoenicians Syrion, and the Amorites Sanir, neither is this any one Mountain apart; but a continuation of Hills: which running farther Southerly, is in the Scriptures called Galaad or Gilead: the same being still a part of Libanus, as the Prophet Hieremie proveth: Galaad tu mihi caput Libani: noting that this Galaad is the highest of those Hills of Libanus. Strabo knows them by the name of Traconitae: and Ptolemy by Hippus. Arias Montanus calleth these Mountains bordering Asser, Libanus, for Anti-libanus, contrary to all other Cosmographers, but he giveth no reason of his opinion.  
They take the name of Libanus from their white tops, because according to Tacitus, 
Strab. l. 10. Plin. l. 5. c. 20.  the highest of them are covered with Snow all the Summer, the Hebrew word 
Deut. 4. 48.  Libanon (saith Weissenburg) signifieth whiteness. Others call them by that name of 
Strab. l. 10.  the Frankincense which those trees yield: because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is also the Greek word 
Pto. Asiae. Tab. 4 Sueton.  for that Gum.  
Niger out of Aphrodiseus affirmeth, that on Libanus, there falleth a kind of honey 
Nig. pag. 503.  dew, which is by the Sun congealed into hard sugar, which the Inhabitants call Sacchar, from whence come the Latin word Saccarum.  
The Rivers which Libanus bestoweth on the neighbour Regions are, Chrysorrhoas, jordan, Elentherus, Leontes, Lycus, Adonis, Fons hortorum Libani, and others.  
The rest of the Mountains of Asser, are those Hills above tire, and the Hills of Saron, both exceeding fruitful: but those are but of a low stature, compared with Libanus: for from Nebo, or the Mountain of Abarim, in Reuben, Moses beheld Libanus threescore miles distant.    

§. FOUR THE TRIBE OF NEPHTALIM.  

†. I Of the bounds of Nephtalim, and of Heliopolis, and Abila.  
THe next Portion of the Land of Canaan bordering Asher, was the upper Galilee: the greatest part whereof fell to the lot of Nephtalim, the Son of jacob by Billa, the handmaid of Rachel: who while they abode in Egypt, were increased to the number of 53400. persons, able to bear arms, numbered at Mount Sinai: all which leaving their bodies in the Deserts, there entered the Holy Land of their Sons 45400. besides, Infants, Women, and Children, under twenty years of age. The Land of Nephtalim took beginning on the North part, from the Fountains of jordan, and the Hills of Libanus adjoining, as far South as the Sea of Galilee, bounded on the West 
Guil. Tyr. Bell. sacri. l. 9 c. 15. Theodor, 4. Hist. Ecclesiast.  by Asher, and on the East and Southeast by jordan.  
On the northside of Libanus, and adjoining to this Territory of Nephtalim, did the Amorites (or Emorites) also inhabit, in which Tract and under Libanus, was the 
Mela. l. 3. c. 9 justin. Gestel. in itinerar.  City of Heliopolis: which the height of the Mountains adjoining shadowed from the Sun, the better part of the day. POSTELLUS calls it Balbec; NIGER, Marbech; 
josep. in plurib. locis.  and LEONCLAVIUS, Beallebeca.  
Of this name of Heliopolis, there are two great Cities in Egypt: the first called 
Euseb. 8. Demonst.  On, by the Hebrews, and the Chaldaean Paraphrast, otherwise Bethsemes, or after the 
Vola. l. 11. f. 243.  Latins, Solis oppidum, or Domus Solis; The City of the Sun: into which, saith Ulpian, Severus the Roman Emperor sent a Colony: the other Gestelius nameth Dealmarach: and of this name Stephanus also findeth a City in Thrace, and Glycas in Phrygia.  
There is also in the same Valley adjoining to Nephtalim, Chalcis, and Abila. Chalcis, of whom the Region towards Palmyrena hath the name of Chalcidica, over which Herod, Agrippa, and Berenice the Queen commanded.  
Abila also gave name to the Region adjoining, of which Lysanius the Son of Herod the elder, become Tetrarch or Governor: whereof Ptolemy gave it the addition of Lysanij, and called it Abila Lysanij. Volaterran names it Aphila, of which he notes that one Diogenes, a famous Sophister, was native, who by Volaterran is entitled Aphileus, not Abileus. After that this City of Abila or Aphila, had received the Christian Faith, Priscillinus become Bishop thereof: slain afterward by our British Maximus at Trever. For distinction of this City (if it be not the same, as it may be thought to be the same) it is to be remembered that in the Tribe of 
a Also a third in Ephraim called Abel Mechola, and a fourth in Reuben called Abel-Sittim, also Abel-Mitsraim, at the Ford of jordan, and (as it seems) in the same Tribe of Reuben, of all which in that which follows: to which also we may add Abel-Magnum, the name as some think of a City, otherwise called Betbshemes, near the border of the Philistines, or according to others of the great stone in the border. 1. Sam. 6. 18. joseph. ant. l. 7. cap. 10.  Manasse, joining upon the bounds of the Tribe of Nephtalim, there is another City of the same name, saving that it is written with an (E) for an (I) and called Abela, remembered in the 20. Chapter of the second of Samuel. The same josephus calls Abelmachea, and Hierome Bethmacha. In the place of Samuel for distinction sake it is written, Abel Beth-Mahaca, (for belike it was the Town of Mahaca, the Wife of Macir, the Son of Manasse, the Father of Gilead) in the Chronicles it is called Abel-Maijm. This City joab besieged: because Seba the son of Bichri, who rebelled against David, fled thereinto for suceour: but a certain wise woman of the City persuading the people to cast Seba his head over the wall, joab retired his Army. The same City was afterward taken by the King of Damascus, Benadad: and after a while by Teglatphalasar.  
The word Abel may be expounded, either to signify bewailing, or a plain 
2. Sam. 20.  
1. King. 15.  ground, and therefore no marvel, that many Towns (with some addition for distinction 
2. King. 15.  sake) were thus called: for even of bewailing many places took name, as Bochim, judg. 2. 4. and so doubtless 
* And Abel Magnum.  Abel-Misraim, Gen. 50. 11. and yet junius in his note upon Num. 33. 49. thinks that Abel-Sittim was so called, rather by reason of 
1. Sam. 6. 18.  the plain ground there (to wit, in the Land of Moab, and so perhaps Abel-Meholah 
judg. 7. 24. & 1. hag. 19 15.  in the Tribe of Ephraim: the Town of Elisha the Prophet: also Abel-Vinearum of 
judg. 11. 35.  the 〈◊〉, wither jephta pursued them.   

†. II Of Hazor.  
IN this Tribe of Nephtalim, was that famous City of jabin, in Iosua's time called Asor (or after the Chaldaean Paraphrast, Haszor) by josephus, Asora; by junius 
* Of two other Cities of this name in juda, See chap. 9 § 1. of a fourth in Benjamin. See that which follows in this place of a fifth in this Tribe of Nephtalim, called 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 we read, jos. 19 3. to which we may add Chatsor-Henan, in the uttermost northeast of Manasse, over jordan, 〈◊〉. 47. Num. 34. 8. also in Simeon, Chatsar-Susima, of which, 1. Chron. 4. 31. which also is called Chatsar-Susima, and Chatsar-Gaddae: and lastly, Chatsar-Shuleb, another City of Simeon. fol. 19 3.  Chatzor: which Laicstan names Hesron; the Regal City, and Metropolis of Canaan: seated in the West part of Nephtalim, towards Asher. In this City was that great Rendenous, and assembly of those four and twenty Kings against josua: who being all overthrown, slain, and scattered, this their powerful City was by josua taken and burnt to dust. But in process of time the same being rebuilt by the Canaanites, a second King jabin, 137. years after the death of this first jabin, invaded the Israelites: and being ordained of God to punish their Idolatry, he prevailed against them, and held them in a miserable servitude twenty years: till Deborah the Prophetess overthrew Sisera, jabins' Lieutenant, and his Army, near the Mountain Tabor. This City Solomon restored at such time as he also re-edified Gezar, burnt by Pharaoh of Egypt, with 
a 1. King. 9  Megido, Bethoron, and other Cities; but about 260. years after, it fell into the hands of Teglatphalasar, King of the Assyrians. It is now, saith Adrichomius, called Antiopia: it was one of the principal Cities of Decapolis. There is another City of this name in the Territory of Benjamin, seated on the confines of Ascalon, called the new Hazor, 
b Hieron. loc. Hebr. l. E. Out of Nebem. 11. 33. as it seems.  saith Hierome.   

†. III Of Caesaria Philippi.  
THere was also on the border, and within the Territory of Nephtalim, that renowned City of Lais, or Laijsch, as junius writes it, or Leschen; which City the 
jud. 18. 27.  children of Dan (being straightened in their Territory under juda) invaded and mastered; 
jos. 19 47.  and gave it the name of their own Parent Dan: and by that name it is written in Gen. the fourteenth, at which place Abraham surprised Chedorlaomer and his confederates, and followed his victory as far as Sobah, formerly remembered in the division of Syria, otherwise called Sophena. And after the 〈◊〉 of the Danites, it had the joint name of Leschem-Dan. Weissenburg writes it Lacis, the 〈◊〉 Laish, JOSEPHUS, Danae; BENJAMIN, Balina; BREITENBACH, Belena: but the now 
judg. 18.  Inhabitants know it by the name of Belina to this day: witness Neubrigensis, Tyrius, Volaterranus, Brochard the Monk, and Postellus: who also taketh this City to be the same, which in Matthew the 15. v. 39 in the Vulgar is called Magedan, for which 
Chap. 8. 10.  the Greek Text hath Magdala in that place, and in S. Mark speaking of the same story, Dalmanutha. At such time as the children of Dan obtained this place, it seemeth that it was either a free City, of the alliance and confederacy of the Zidonians, or else subject unto the Kings thereof; for it is written in the eighteenth of judges, 
Vers. 〈◊〉.  And there was noon to help, because Lais was far from Zidon: and they had no business with other men, for it was above thirty English miles from the Mediterran Sea, and from Zidon.  
In after times when these Regions become subject to the State of Rome, it had 
〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 〈◊〉.  the name of Paneas, from a Fountain adjoining so called: and therefore Ptolemy calls it Caesaria Paniae. Hegesippus calls it Parnium, saith Weissenburg: but he had read 
〈◊〉. 1. c. 〈◊〉.  it in a corrupt copy: for in Hegesippus set out by Badius, it is written Paneum without an (R): and at such time as Philip the son of the elder Herod, brother to Herod, Tetrarch of 〈◊〉, become Governor of Traconitis, sometime Basan; this City was by him amplified and fortified; and both to give memory to his own name, and to flatter Tiberius Caesar, he called it 
* Of another Caesaria (or Caesarea) called Caesarea 〈◊〉. See hereafter in the former part of Manasse.  Caesaria Philippi: and so it become the Metropolis, and head City of Traconitis: and one of the first Cities of Decapolis. And being by Agrippa in the succeeding age greatly adorned: by him in honour of Nero, it was called Neronia, or Neroniada. But as nothing remained with that Emperor, but the memory of his impiety: so in S. Hieromes' time the Citizens remembered their former Paneas, and so recalled it, with the Territory adjoining by the ancient name. Of this City was that woman whom Christ healed of a bloody issue, by touching 
Of Dioc asarea, see Sephoris in 〈◊〉.  the hem of his Garment with a constant Faith: who afterward, as she was a woman of great wealth and ability, being mindful of God's goodness, and no less grateful for the same, as Eusebius and Nicephorus report, caused two Statues to be 
Euseb. hist. Eccl. l. 7. c. 14.  cast in pure Copper: the one representing Christ, as near as it could be moulded: the 
Niceph. l. 6. c. 15.  other made like herself, kneeling at his feet, and holding up her hands towards him. These she mounted upon two great Bases or Pedestals of the same Metal, which she placed by a Fountain near her own house: both which (saith Eusebius) remained in their first perfection, even to his own time: which himself had seen, who lived in the Reign of Constantine the Great. But in the year after Christ 363. that Monster julius Apostata, caused that worthy Monument to be cast down, and defaced: setting up the like of his own in the same place: which Image of his was with fire from heaven broken into fitters: the head, body, and other parts, sundered and scattered, to the great admiration of the people at that time living. The truth of this accident is also confirmed by Sozomenus Salaminius, in his fifth book, and twentieth Chapter.  
This City built by the Danites, was near the joining together of those two Rivers which arise from the springs of jor and Dan, the two 
a josephus in the book of the jewish war 18. saith, that Philip the Tetrarch cast chaff into a fountain called Phiala, distant 120. stadia northeast from Caesaria, which Chaff being carried under ground was cast up again at 〈◊〉 or Dan, whereby it is conjectured that the first Spring of jordan is from this Fountain called Phiala, from whence jor and Dan receive their waters.  apparent Fountains of jordan: in a soil exceeding fruitful, and pleasant; for, as it is written, judg. 18. It is a place which doth want nothing that is in the world. In the fields belonging to this City, it was that S. Peter acknowledged Christ to be the Son of God: whereupon it was answered, Tues PETRUS, & Super hanc Petram, etc. After this City received the Christian faith, it was honoured with a Bishops seat: and it ran the same fortune with the rest, for it was after taken and retaken by the Saracens, and Christians: under Fulch the fourth, King of Jerusalem, and after the death of Godfrey of Bullion, the King of Damascus wrested it from the Christians; and shortly after by them again it was recovered. Lastly, now it remaineth with all that part of the world subjecteth to the Turk.   

†. FOUR Of Capernaum, and the Cities of Decapolis.  
AMong the remarkable Cities within this Tribe, Capharnaum is not the lest: so often remembered by the Evangelists. This City had the honour of Christ's presence three years: who for that time was as a Citizen thereof, in which he first preached and taught the Doctrine of our salvation: according to that notable Prophecy of Easie 9 The people that walked in darkness, have seen a great light: they that dwelled in the Land of the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined.  
Capharnaum was seated on jordan, even where it entereth into the Sea of Galilee: in an excellent and rich soil: of whose destruction Christ himself prophesied inthese words. And thou Caphernaum which art lifted up unto heaven, shalt be brought down to Hell, etc. which showed the pride and greatness of that City: for it was one of the principal Cities of Decapolis, and the Metropolis of Galilee. And although there were some marks of this City's magnificence in S. Hieromes' time, as himself confesseth: it being then a reasonable Burge or Town: yet those that have since, and long since seen it, as Brochard, Breidenbech, and Saliniac affirm, that it then consisted but of six poor Fisherman's houses.  
The Region of ten principal Cities called Decapolitana or Decapolis, is in this description 
〈◊〉. 4.  often mentioned, and in S. Matthew, Mark, and Luke, also remembered; 
Mark. 7.  but I find no agreement among the Cosmographers, what proper limits it had: and 
Luke 8.  so Pliny himself confesseth; for Marius Niger speaking from others, bounds it on 
Niger. comment. Asiae. 4. f. 503.  the North by the mountain Casius in 〈◊〉: and endeth it to the South at Egypt and Arabia; by which description it embraceth Phoenicia, a part of Coelesyria, all Palaestina, and judaea.  
Pliny also makes it large, and for the ten Cities of which it taketh name, he numbereth 
Plin. l. 5. c. 18.  four of them to be situated towards Arabia: to wit, first these three, Damascus, Opotos', Raphana, than Philadelphia (which was first called Amana, saith Stephanus, or 
Opotos' a City standing in the Valley of Coelesyria watered by 〈◊〉 as Damascus is. Plin. l. 5.  as I guess Amona rather, because it was the chief City of the Ammonites, known by the name of Rabbah, before Pto. 〈◊〉 gave it this later and new name.) Than Scythopolis, sometime Nisa, built (as is said) by 〈◊〉, in memory of his Nurse, who died therein, anciently known by the name of Bethsan; for the sixth he setteth Gadara (not that Gadara in Coelesyria, which was also called Antioch and 〈◊〉:) but it is Gadara in Basan, which Plinte in this place meaneth, seated on a high hill, near the River of Hieromaix. This River Ortelius takes to be the River jaboc: which boundeth Gad and Manasseh over jordan: but he mistaketh it; for Hieromaix falleth into the Sea of Galilee, between Hippos and Gerasa, whereas jaboc entereth the same Sea between Ephron and Phanuel. For the seventh he nameth 
* Pliny hath Hippon Dion, for which Volaterran reads Hippidion, Ortelius takes them for two Cities.  Hippos, or Hippion, a City so called of a Colony of Horsemen there garrisond by Herod, on the East side of the 〈◊〉 Sea, described hereafter in the Tribe of Manasse over jordan. For the eighth Pella, which is also called Butis, and Berenice, seated in the South border of the Region over jordan, called Peraea. For the ninth Gelasa, which josephus takes to be Gerasa: and Gerasa is found in Coelesyria by josephus, Hegesippus, and Stephanus: but by Ptolemy (whom I rather follow) in Phoenicia. The tenth and last, Pliny nameth Canatha, and so doth Suetonius and Stephanus, which Volaterran calls Gamala, but Hegesippus rightly Camala, a City in the Region of Basan over jordan, so called, because those two Hills on which it is seated, have the shape of a Camel. But the collection of these ten Cities, whereof this Region took name, is better gathered out of Brochard, Breidenbach, and Saligniac, which make them to be these; Caesaria Philippi, and Asor, before remembered, Cedes Nephtalim, Sephet, Corazin, Capharnaum, Bethsaida, jotapata, Tiberias, and Scythopolis, or Bethsan. For all other Authors disagree herein and give no reason for their opinion. One place of the Evangelist Saint Matthew makes it manifest, that this Region called Decapolitana, was all that Tract between Zidon, and the Sea of Galilee. For thus it is written: And he departed again 
Matth. 4.  from the coasts of Tyrus and Zidon, and come unto the Sea of Galilee, through the midst of the coasts of Decapolis: so that it was bounded by Damascus and Libanus on the North: by the Phoenician Sea, between Zidon and Ptolomais on the West: by the Hills of Gelbo and Bethsan on the South: and by the Mountains Tracones, otherwise Hermon, Sanir, and Galaad, on the East: which is from East to West the whole breadth of the Holy Land: and from the North to the South, near the same distance which may be each way forty English miles.   

†. V Of Hamath.  
But to look back again towards Libanus, there is seated near the foot thereof the City of 
* The Septuagint writ it Ammath, Hierome Emath, josephus Amath, jos c. 19 v. 35. Chammath, c. 21. v. 32. Chammoth-Dor, in the first of 〈◊〉 6. 76. Chammon, 2. King. 14. 8. Chammath-Iebudae, as junius reads it, whereas also for further distinction there is added (in Israel) to note that it was of old belonging to juda, though seated in Israel, that is, in the Kingdom of the ten Tribes, the other Chamath, being in Syria Soba.  Hammath or Chammath, of which (as they say) the Country adjoining taketh name: the same which josephus calleth Amathitis, and Amathensis: 
a Zeigler. in Neptal.  jacobus Zeigler, Ituraea. Ituraea Regio tenet horealia tribus Nephaii, per montem Libanum usque Trachones. The Country of Ituraea, saith he, containeth the North parts of the Tribe of 〈◊〉, along the Mount Libanus to Trachones. But herein following Strabo, who calls Trachonitis 〈◊〉, he mistakes the seat of this Region: and so doth Mercator. For indeed were 〈◊〉 (which Hegesippus calls Peraea, and G. Tyrius, Baccar) the same with Traconitis, yet Traconitis itself is far more to the East than Hammath in Nephtalim: for Traconitis lieth between Caesaria Philippi, and the Mountains Trachones: which the Hebrews call Gilead: and this Hammath or Chammath is seated under Caesaria, towards the Sea Westward. And it seemeth that this mistaking grew by confounding Emath or Hamath the great in Coelesyria, beyond the Mountains Trachones, which 
b So Hierome in his Comment in Amos cap. 6. ver. 2. where there is mention of Hamath the great, as it seems, for distinction from the other in 〈◊〉, though Matt Beroaldus 〈◊〉 Hierome, rather follow the opinion of Zeigler above mentioned, as indeed it cannot easily be justified, that either one or other of these is either 〈◊〉 or Epiphania, howbeit that the same City which josua 19 35. is called Chammath, and placed in 〈◊〉, was also called Chamath (whence the word Hamath and 〈◊〉, were framed) it may be gathered partly because the other Hamath, 2. Chron. 8. 3. for distinction is called Chamath Tsoba, as this (as it may seem by jos. 〈◊〉. 32.) was Chamath Dor, and Chamath judae, as we have noted, 2. Reg. 24. Secondly, because Num. 34 8. and also 〈◊〉 47. 10. Chameth in the North side of the holy Land, is placed too near the West corner, to be that Chamath-Tsoba: for in the line which should make the North border which gins at the great Sea, they make Moses to name never a place Eastward along all the breadth of the holy Land, until we come to Hermon (for so they expound Mount 〈◊〉, Num. 34. 7.) and beyond Hermon Eastward in this North side, they make him to name divers Towns, first Chamath, than Tsedad, than Ziphron, and lastly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, athing most unlikely: seeing Israel had little or nothing Eastward beyond Hermon. Therefore we must needs expound Hor to be one of the Hills near Sidon, and so those Towns, as they are named to lie in order on the North side of Asher, Nephthalim, and Manasses: and in like manner those in 〈◊〉: first, Chetlon, than Chamath, and so in order, Berotha, Sibraim, Tsedad, Chauran, 〈◊〉.  Hierome upon Amos calls Antiochia, with Hammath or Hamath the lesser in Phoenicia, and Nephtalim, which he calleth Epiphania: for this Hammath, or in our translation Hamath, (and not that which is commonly called Emath, which 2. Chron. 8. 3. is set far from the North border of Canaan in Syria Soba) is remembered in Numbers 34. v. 8. and Numbers 13. v. 22. and in Ezekiel 47. 16. In the first of which places it bordereth the Land of promise, these being the words: From Mount Hor you shall point (that is, direct or draw a line) until it come to Hamath: In the second place, thus: So they went up, and searched out the Land from the Wilderness of Sin, unto Rehob to go to Hamath: Than in EZEKIEL: The West part also shall be the great Sea from the border, till a man come over against Hamath: that is, the coast of the Sea shall be the West border from the Southermost part of the holy Land, till you come directly over against Hamath Northward: from whence if a line be drawn to the Sea, it will touch the walls of Zidon: which is 
c Of which, jos. 19 35.  the Northwest corner of the holy Land. Now that this Hamath or Hammath, which Moses also made the confine of the holy Land, is that of Nephthalim, both the reference which it hath to the West Sea, and the City of 
d Which Rehob, or 〈◊〉, in josua 19 28. is placed in Asher towards Zidon, in the confines of 〈◊〉.  Rehob adjoining prove it: the other Hamath or Emath (being far removed and beyond the forenamed mountains, which enclose all those Lands which Israel ever had possession of) is that Emath, which is also called Ituraea, witness 
e Tilemanus Stella and Peter 〈◊〉, in their Tables of the holy Land.  Stella and Laicstan; and not that in Nephtalim, where 
f joseph. Ant. 13. 8.  jonathas Macchabaeus attended the Army of Demetrius, who fled from him, and removed by night.  
For though Traconitis be comprehended within Ituraea (and therefore it is said to be finitima Galileae Gentium) yet it hath beginning over the mountains Traconis, and so it stretcheth into the plains of the Territory of Ituraea; whence Philip the brother of Herode was Tetrarch or Precedent both of Ituraea and Trachonitis: both which are over jordan towards the East. But Chamath in Nephtalim, is on the west side of jordan towards the Mediterran Sea.  
The Country Ituraea was so called of jethur one of the sons of Ishmael, it is placed in the bounds of Coelesyria and Arabia 
* That it doth properly belong to Arabia, the name of jetur Ismael's son, whose issue settled in the Arabiaes, may in part give witness. Also the place of the 1. Chro. 5. 19 confirms it where jetur is named among the Hagarens, against whom the Rubenites and Gadites made war, & whose country they possessed in the time of jeroboam, as their sorefathers' had done in the time of Saul after his conquest of the 〈◊〉, Cbr. 1. cap. 〈◊〉. vers. 10. where the country is placed at the East of Gilead.  the Desert.  
The people of Ituraei were valiant and warlike men and excellent Archers. Of whom Virgil:  Ituraeos Taxi torquentur in arcus. Of Yew the Ituraeans bows were made. 
This City Chamath or Hamath in Nephtalim seems to have been as ancient as the other in Ituraea, both built by Amatheus the eleventh son of 〈◊〉. Whither in the time of David, this, or the other had Tohu for King, it is not certain; for Hamath or Emath beyond the Mountains, and Hammath in Nephtalim were both neighbours to Damascus: of whose subiugation Tohu rejoiced, because Hadadeser whom the Damasceni come to help, was his enemy. This Tohu fearing the strength and prosperity of David, hearing of his approach towards his territory, bought his peace with many rich presents, and with many ancient vessels of gold, silver and brass.  
But it seemeth that David in such great success would not have had peace with Tohu, if he had been King of any place in Nephtalim, and therefore it is probable that he ruled in Tsoba: which City Solomon after his Father's death made himself Master of, as a part of the lands (
* Of the larger p omise expressed 〈◊〉. 1. 7. where 〈◊〉 is named for one of the bounds; see cap. 7. §. 2.  in the larger and conditional promise) allotted by God to the children of Israel.  
But this Hammath of Nephtalim, in the end, and after divers mutations and changes both of name and fortune, being as it hath been said, possessed by Antiochus Epiphanes, it was called Epiphania.  
While Saint Hierome lived, it remained a City well peopled, known to the Syrians by the name Amathe, and to the Greeks' by Epiphania. 
Hieron. 〈◊〉 Locis Hebr.    

†. VI Of Reblatha and Rama, and divers other Towns.  
IN the border of Hamath or Emath towards jordan standeth the City Reblatha, or Ribla, watered from the fountain Daphnis: which falleth into the lake of Meron. Hereunto was Zedekias brought prisoner, after his surprise in the fields of jericho: and delivered to Nabuchodonosor: who to be avenged of Zedekia's infidelity, beyond the proportion of piety, first caused the Princes his children to be slain in his presence: and to the end that this miserable spectacle might be the last that ever heo should behold in this world, and so the most remembered, he commanded both his eyes presently to be thrust out: and binding him in iron chains, he was led a slave to Babylon, in which estate he ended his life. Of which seldome-exampled calamity, 
Hicrem. 32. 34. etc. Ezek. 52.  though not in express words, Hieremie the Prophet foretold him in Jerusalem not long before: But Ezekiel thus directly, speaking in the person of God, I will bring him to Babel to the Land of the Chaldaeans, yet shall he not see it, though he shall die therein.  
There are beside these before remembered, many other strong Cities in Nephtalim, as that which is called 
a Or 〈◊〉, jos. 19 37. & 10 7. & 21. 32. item jud. 4. 6.  Cedes: there are two other of the same name, one in 
b 1. Chron. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 which josh. 19 20. is called 〈◊〉.  Isachar, another in juda, of which jos. 15. 23. and therefore to distinguish it, it is known by the addition of 
c Sometime 〈◊〉 in Galilea, 1. Chro. 6. 76.  Nephtalim, as judg. 4. It is seated on a high hill, whence jos. 20. 7. Kedesh in Galilaea in monte Nephtali: josephus calls it Cedesis, and in Faint Hierome's time it was called Cidissus. Belforest greatly mistakes this Cedes, and confounds it with Cades in the Desert of Pharan.  
After the King thereof among other of the Canaanites perished by the hand of josua, 
jos. 12 〈◊〉.  it was made a City of refuge, and given to the Levites. Herein was Barac borne; 
2. Reg. 15. 29.  who overthrew the Army of the second jabin of Hazor, at the Mount Tabor. It was sometime possessed by Teglatphalassar, when he wasted all Nephtalim: afterward by the Romans, and numbered for one of the ten Cities of the Decapolitan Region: When it had embraced the Christian faith, it was honoured with a Bishops seat, but in time it fell with the rest into the power of the Saracens and Turks, and by them it was demolished.  
From Cedes some four Italian miles towards the southwest, standeth Sephet, otherwise Zephet, which was also one of the ten Decapolitan Cities: a place exceeding strong, and for many years the inexpugnable Fortress of the Christians, and afterward of the Saracens; for from hence they conquered all the neighbour Cities of those Regions, both Inland and Maritimate near it. Touching Rama of Nephtalim, seated Northward near Sephet: this is to be noted; that there are 
() See in Benjamin, and in Ephraim.  divers places of this name in Palestine, all situate on Hills: and therefore called Rama (Rama Hebraeis excelsum; Rama with the Hebrews is high.) Also that for this Rama jos. 19 36. they read Arama, making the Article (which it hath in the Hebrew, as being a name of divers Towns) to be a part of the word: whence casting away the aspiration, they read Arams. From Sephet to wards the West they place 
* Other Cities there were of this name, (which is as much as domus solis) as that in juda, 2. King. 14 〈◊〉. where joash King of the ten tribes overcame 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, of which also I understand the 〈◊〉, jos. 21. 16. & 1. Sam. 6. 14. & 2. 〈◊〉. 29. 18. A third as it seems was in 〈◊〉. 1. Kin. 4. 9 which jos. 19 41. is written Hirshemes, which is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Bethsemes, of which jos. 19 38. which defended itself against Nephtalim, jud. 1. 33. but paid them tribute. On the other side of Sephet towards the East was Bethanath, who also kept their City from the Nephtalims'.  
Adjoining to which standeth Carthan 
a jud. 1. 〈◊〉. a So it appears by comparing of the places. jos. 21. 32 and 1. 〈◊〉. 6. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 both here and elsewher deceived by the double name, makes two of one: although I 〈◊〉 not but that there was another 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉, of which jos. 13. 19  or Kiriathaijm a City of the Levites, not far from the Mountain out of which the springs of Capharnaum arise, called Mons Christ: a place by our Saviour often frequented: as also then when calling his Disciples together, he made choice of twelve, which he called and ordained to be his Apostles or Messengers: of which place or the acts therein done, there is often mention in the 
b Mark 3.  Evangelists.  
Adjoining to these are Magdalel, a place of strength, 
c 〈◊〉 19 38.  and Masaloth, of which we read that it was forced by 〈◊〉 in the time of the 
d 1. 〈◊〉. 9 2.  Macchabees: also (according to Adrichomius) one of the two Berothaes of Nephtalim. For Adrichomius maketh two of this name in this Tribe, 
e Barathena 〈◊〉 in sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum Berothai una civitatum Hadadezeris, 2. Sam. cap. 8. v. 3.  one near Chamath in the North border, of which 〈◊〉. 47. 6. another (upon a weak conjecture out of josep. ant. l. 5. c. 2.) he therefore placeth in this tract near the waters of Merom; because the Kings that joined with jabin against josua, which encamped at the waters of Merom, jos. 11. 5. are by josephus said to have encamped at the City Berotha in Galilee, not far from Cedesa Superior, which is also in Galilee: all which may be true of that Berotha of which Ezek. seeing 
Matth 10.  it is in that Galilee which is called the upper Galilee or Galilee of the Gentiles. The same 
〈◊〉 1.  Adrichomius placeth the Region of Berim near Abela (of which Abela or Abel-beth 
〈◊〉. 5. 〈◊〉. 7.  Mahacah we have spoken already) this he doth upon a conjecture touching the place 2. Sam. 20. 14. where some read Abel & Bethmahacah, & omnialoca Berim: but the better reading is, & omnes Berim, that is, with all the Beraei: for Shebah being of Benjamin (in which Tribe also there is a City called Berotha or Beeroth) drew the men of that City after him.  
To the North of Berotha of Nephtalim standeth Sebarim under Libanus, remembered by Ezek. 47. and Aroseth gentium, near the waters of Merom or Samachonitis, the City of Sisara Lieutenant of the Army of the second jabin: from whence not 
jos. 〈◊〉. 25.  far off towards the Sea of Galilee, is Edrai, or Edrehi, a strong City: besides many 
Asiroth. Hieron. jud. 4. Lyr. in jud. 4.  others whereof I find no particular story of importance: as Ser in josua c. 19 v. 35. called Triddim-Tzer, and named for the first of their fenced Cities: whence they 
jos. 19 37.  make two Cities, Assedim and Ser. Than Adima which they call Edama: also Hion 
〈◊〉 Reg. 15. 20.  
〈◊〉 Reg. 25. 29.  which they call Ahion of which in the Books of Kings. Than the strong City of 〈◊〉 after called Gennezareth, whence we read of the Land and Lake of Gennezareth, 
Marc. 6. 53.  the same Lake which is also called the Sea of Tiberias. In the body of the 
Luc. 5. 〈◊〉.  Land they place Galgala to the South border: of which 
* This place of the Maccab. warrants no Galgala or Gilgal in 〈◊〉, but may well be understood of Gilgal in 〈◊〉 or in Manasse.  Mac. 1 9 2. also divers others named, jos. 19 as Vcuca or Chukkok: Horem & 〈◊〉- tabor (which they place towards the East parts) and out of the same place of 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉, Lakkum jepnaell, Heleb, and 
a This Reccath or Raccath, 〈◊〉 thinks that it is the same with Karthan (one 〈◊〉 these being made of the other by 〈◊〉 of letters) of which Karthan we have noted already, that it is also called Kiria- 〈◊〉.  Reccath, which two last they place near Coesaria Philippi: To these they add out of josua, Nekeb, and Adami: for which two junius readeth Fossa Adamai, making it no Town but a Ditch cast by some of Adamath, as it seems; or at lest the custody of which March or Limit belonging to the Town. To these out of Num. 34. 10. they add Sephana which 1. Sam. 30. 21. seems to be called Sipmoth. As for Tichon and Helon, whereof the former they fetch out of 〈◊〉. 47. 16. and the latter out of josua 19 33. it may appear by junius his Translation, that neither are to be taken for Cities: for the former he readeth Medianis, and for the latter Quercetum. The City of 
b In the place, 1. 〈◊〉. 4. is, which also they bring to prove that there was a City called 〈◊〉, as it is evident by the following Verses: the Tribe of Nepthalim is meant, and notany City of that name.  Nephthalim which they make the native place of Toby, and Naasson near unto it, they fetch out of the Vulgar Translation, Tob. 7. 7. but in the Greek Text there is no sign, neither of the one nor of the other.    

§. V THE TRIBE OF ZABULON.  
OF Zabulon or Zebulon, another of the sons of jacob by Lea, there were mustered at Mount 〈◊〉 57400. able men besides women, children, and aged unable persons: all which dying in the Deserts, there entered the Holy Land of their issues 65000. fit to bear arms: who inhabited that part of Canaan, from Asher to the River Chison: Southward, and from the Sea of Galilee to the 〈◊〉, East and West.  
The Cities within this Tribe which border Asher, are 〈◊〉 on the Sea shore, of which joseph. Ant. 13. c. 19 Debbaset of 
* josua 12. 〈◊〉.  which jos. 19 11. 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 (whose King was 
a 〈◊〉. 2. bell 19  slain by josua, and the City was given to the Levites) and Gaba after called the City of Horsemen, of a Regiment there garrisond by Herode. Than the City which beareth the name of Zabulon, or the City of men, exceeding ancient and magnificent, 
b josep. 2. bell. 22  burnt to the ground by 〈◊〉, Lieutenant of the Roman Army. Adrichomius makes it the birth City of 
c jud. 〈◊〉 2. 12.  Elon judge of Israel, because 〈◊〉 is called Zabulonita: not marking that in the same place he is said to be buried at Aialon.  
To the East of this City of Zabulon is Cateth, of which jos. 19 15. on the border of Asher: and beyond it the lesser 
d The greater Cana is in the Tribe of Asserlo. 21. 2. Nathaniel is 'said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Galilee. Of Simon it may be doubted: 〈◊〉 Angelus 〈◊〉 reads Matt. 10 4. 〈◊〉 Kannites, which word Luc. 6. 〈◊〉, he thinketh, to be expounded by 〈◊〉.  Cana of Galilee, where Christ converted Water into Wine: the native City of Nathaniel, and as it is thought of Simon Zelotes. Beyond it begin the Mountains of Zabulon: and then the City of Cethron (in Zeigler, 〈◊〉) which defended itself against Zabulon. Than Bersabe which standeth in the partition of the upper and neither Galilee, fortified by josephus against the Romans. Not far from hence standeth Shimron of Meron whose King was slain by josua.  
Than Damna or Dimna, a City of the Levites: then Noa or rather Neha, of which jos. 19 13. Than Dothan or Dothain, where joseph found his brethren feeding their flocks: the same wherein Elisoeus besieged by the Syrians, struck them all blind.  
Beyond it towards the East they imagine 
e The Hebrew 〈◊〉, (for which the Vulgar hath 〈◊〉, jos. 19 13.) Vatablus expoundeth quoe gyrat, junius joinesit with the word going before it, and reads Rimmonem 〈◊〉, Matth. 8. 11. Marc. 1. 6. Luc. 4. 10.  Amthar or Amathar: then Remmon of the Levites. The last of the Cities on the North border of 〈◊〉 is Bethsaida, one of the ten Cities of Decapolis, situate on the Galiloean Sea, and watered by the springs of Capharnaum, the native City of the Apostles, Peter, Andrew, and Philip. Herein Christ did many miracles, but these people being no less incredulous than the Capharnaims, and others, received the same curse of threatened miseries, as Woe be unto thee Bethsaida, etc.  
Alongst the West border of Galilee, towards the South from Bethsaida, was the strong Castle of Magdalum, the habitation of Marie Magdalen, not long since standing.  
And beyond it the strong and high seated City of jotapata: fortified by josephus in the Roman War: but in the end after a long siege surprised by Vespasian: who slaughtered many thousands of the Citizens: and held 1200. prisoners, whereof josephus the Historian was one.  
The last and greatest of the Cities on that 
* The names of the 〈◊〉 Cities seated about this Sea, or lake, through which jordan runneth, were Capernaum, Tiberias, Bethsai da, Gadara, 〈◊〉, and they add Cinnereth, which in foretimes gave name to the Lake and Country. Matth. 9 Luc. 5.  Sea and the Lake of Genezareth within Zabulon was that of Tiberias, from whence afterward the Galilaean Sea also changed name, and was called the Sea of the City Tiberias, so named in honour of Tiberius Caesar, it was one of the ten Cities, and the Metropolis of the Region Decapolitan, and the greatest and last of the lower Galilee. From hence our Saviour called Matthew, from the toll or custom-house, to be an Apostle, and near unto it raised the daughter of jairus from death: it was built (as josephus reports) by Herod the Tetrarch, the brother of Philip, in the beginning of the reign of Tiberius Caesar: in the most fruitful part of Galilee; but in a ground full of Sepulchers: Quùm juxta nostras leges (saith he) ad septem dies impurus habeatur, qui in talibus locis habitet; Where as by our law he should be 〈◊〉 days held as unclean, who inhabited in such a place: by which words, and by the whole place of josephus it appears, that this Tiberias is not (as some have thought) the same as the old Cinnereth, which was seated, not in Zabulon, but in Nepthalim.  
Near unto this Tiberias, at Emaus, there were hot baths, where Vespasian the Emperor 
josep. 〈◊〉. 18. 3. Ioseph. 10. 15. 〈◊〉 Zab.  encamped against Tiberias: More into the Land toward the southwest is Bethulia, seated on a very high Hill, and of great strength, famous by the story of Holofernes and judeth, such as it is. Near which standeth Bethleem of Zabulon: and adjoining unto it, 〈◊〉 fortified by josephus against the Romans: and japha an exceeding 
josep. in vita sua  strong place afterward forced by Titus: who in the entrance, and afterward 
josep. 2. Bel. 25.  in fury slew 15000. of the Citizens; and carried away above two thousand prisoners.  
On the South side are the Cities of Cartha of the Levites, and Gabara, of which josephus 
josua. 21. 35. otherwise Kisloth Thabor, as junius thinks upon jos. 19 12. whence 1. 〈◊〉. 6. 77 it is called Thabor.  in his own life, then jafie according to Adrichomius (of which jos. 19 12.) for he thinks that it is not that japha of which we spoke but now out of josephus. 〈◊〉 of which jos. 19 15. Hierome calls it jadela: under it Westward, Legio, (afterward a Bishops seat) and the City Belma, in ancient times exceeding strong, remembered judeth 7. 3. otherwise Chelma. Between Legio and Nazeret is the City Saffa or Saffra, the birth-Citie of Zebedaeus, Alphaeus, james and john: Than Sephoris, or Sephora, according 
joban. de Montevilla, c. 4. & 20  to josephus: Sephorum according to Brochard: which afterward, saith Hegesippus and Hierome, was called Diocaesaria; the City of joachim and Anna, the Parents of the Virgin Mary, it was walled by Herod the Tetrarch: and by him, as josephus 
josep. ant. 18. 3. & in vita sua.  speaks, made the head and defence of Galilee; in another place he saith Vrbium Galilaearum maximae Sephoris & Tiberias. This Sephoris greatly vexed Vespasian 〈◊〉 he wan it. Herod Antipas when he made it the Regal seat of the neither Galilee, and so rounded it with a strong wall, called it Autocratorida, which is as much to say as Imperial, saith josephus; and it is now but a Castle called Zaphet.  
To the southwest of this Sephoris or Diocaesaria was that blessed place of Nazareth, the City of Marie the Mother of Christ; in which he himself was conceived, it standeth between Mount Tabor, and the Mediterran Sea. In this City he abode chief four and twenty years, and was therefore called a Nazarite, as the Christians afterward were for many years. It was erected into an Archbishopric in the following age. Near unto it are the Cities Buria (afterward well defended against the Turks) and Nahalal of which jos. 19 15. and jud. 1. 30. where it is called Nahalal: and jos. 21. 35. where it is a City of the Levites, near the Sea; adjoining to the River of Chison is Sarid, noted in josua for the uttermost of Zabulon.  
In this Territory of Zabulon there are divers small Mountains: but Tabor is the most renowned, by the Apparition of Moses and Elias: and by the Transfiguration of Christ in the presence of Peter, james, and john: unto whom Moses and Elias appeared; in memory whereof on the top of the Mountain, the Empress Helen built a sumptuous Chapel.  
The chief River of Zabulon is Chison, which rising out of Tabor, runneth with one stream Eastward to the Sea of Galilee, and with an other stream Westward into the great Sea. This River of Chison where it riseth, and so far as it runneth Southward, is called Chedumim or Cadumim: and for my own opinion, I take it to be the same which Ptolemy calleth Chorseus: though others distinguish them: and set Chorseus by Caesaria Palaestinae. There is a second Torrent or Brook that riseth in the Hills of 〈◊〉; and falleth into the Sea of Galilee by Magdalum: and the third is a branch of a river rising out of the Fountains of Capharnaum, which falleth also into 
See Laiestans' Map in Ortelius.  the same Sea, and near Magdalum: which Torrent they call Dotham, from the name of the City, from which it passeth Eastward to Bethsaida, and so joining with jordanis 
jos. 19 14.  〈◊〉, which runneth from the Valley of jephthael which josua reckoneth in the bounds of Zabulon, it endeth in the Sea of Galilee.   

§. VI THE TRIBE OF JSACHAR.  
THe next adjoining Territory to Zabulon, to the South and southwest, was Isachar, who inhabited a part of the neither Galilee, within jordan: of whom there were increased in Egypt, as appeared by their musters at Mount Sinai 54400. able and warlike men, who leaving their bodies with the rest in the Deserts, there entered the Holy Land, 64300.  
The first City of this Tribe near the Sea of Galilee, was Tarichea, distant from 
Tarichea in 〈◊〉.  Tiberias eight English mile, or somewhat more, a City wherein the jews (by the practice of a certain mutinous upstart, john the son of Levi) took arms against josephus the Historian, than Governor of both Galilees. This City was first taken by Cassius, and 3000. jews carried thence captive; and afterward with great difficulty by Vespasian: who entered it by the Sea side, having first beaten the jews in a sea-fight upon the Lake or Sea of Galilee: he put to the sword all sorts of people, and of all ages: saving that his fury being quenched with the Rivers of blood running through every street, he reserved the remainder for slaves and bondmen.  
Next to Tarichea is placed Session, or Cishton, of the Levites, and then Isachar, remembered 
jos. 21. 28. Kishion, which 1. 〈◊〉. 6. 7. is called 〈◊〉.  in the first of Kings, c. 4. v. 17. then Abes or Ebets, jos. 19 20. and Remeth of which jos. 19 21. otherwise Ramoth. 1. Chron. 6. 73. or jarmuth, jos. 21. 29. this also was a City of the Levites, from whose Territory the Mountains of Gilboe take beginning: and range themselves to the Mediterran Sea, and towards the West as 
josua. 19  far as the City of jezrael, between which and Ramoth, are the Cities of Bethpheses, 
1 Sam. 4. 1.  
1. Sam. 3. 19  or Bethpasses, according to Ziegler, and 〈◊〉, or Hen-chadda: near which Saul slew 
1. King's 20. 26.  himself: under those Aphec or Apheca, which Adrichomius placeth in Isachar: between 
In the 〈◊〉 two places junius makes Aphek in Asser, according to jos. 19 30. in the first he placeth it in juda, out of jos. 15. 53.  which and 〈◊〉, he saith, that the Philistines encamped against Israel, and afterward against Saul: a Land thirsty of blood, for herein also, saith he, the Syrians with two and thirty Reguli assisting Benhadad, encountered Achab: and were overthrown and slaughtered: to whom the King of Israel made a most memorable answer, when 〈◊〉 vaunted before the victory: which was, Tell, BENHADAD, Let not him that girdeth his harness boast himself, as he that putteth it off: meaning that glory followed after victory, but aught not to precede it. In the year following in 
1. King's 〈◊〉.  the fields, as they say, adjoining to this City, was the same vainglorious Syrian utterly broken and discomfited by Achab: and 100000. footmen of the Aramites or Syrians slain: before which overthrow the servants and Counsellors of Benhadad (in 〈◊〉 of the God of Israel) told him, That the Gods of Israel were Gods of the 
1. Kings. 20. 23.  Mountains: and therefore 〈◊〉 they fought with them in the plains, they should overcome them.  
Under Aphec towards the Sea they set the City of Esdrelon, in the plains of Galilec, called also the great field of Esdrelon, and Maggedo: in the border whereof are 
〈◊〉. 1. S. & 7. 3.  the ruins of 〈◊〉 to be seen, saith Brochard, and Breidenbach. After these are the 
1. Chron. 6. 73. jos. 21. 29.  Cities of 〈◊〉, of which, 1. Maccchab. 9 2. Anem or Hen-Gannim of the Levites, and Seesima or Shahatsima, the West border of Isachar, of which jos. 19 22. From hence ranging the Sea-coast, there is found the Castle of Pilgrims: a strong Castle environed with the Sea, sometime the storehouse and Magasine of the Christians, and built by the Earl of St. Giles or Tolouse.  
From the Castle of Pilgrims the Sea maketh a great Bay towards the North, and the 〈◊〉 shore beginneth Mount Carmel, not far from the River Chison: where Elijah assembled all the Prophets, and Priests of Baal, and prayed King 〈◊〉 and the people assembled, to make trial whither the God of Israel, or the Idol of Baal, were to be worshipped, by laying a sacrifice without fire on the Altar: which done, the Priests of Baal prayed, and cut their own flesh after their manner, but the fire kindled not, while Elijah in derision told them that their God was either in pursuit of his enemies not at leisure, or perchance asleep, etc. but at the prayer of Elijah his fire kindled, notwithstanding that he had caused the people to cast many Vesselis of water thereon: by which miracle the people incensed, slew all those I do laters on the banks of Chison adjoining.  
At the foot of this Mountain to the North standeth Caiphas, built, as they say, by 〈◊〉 the high Priest. It is also known by the name of Porsina and Porphyria, sometime a Suffragan Bishop's seat. Returning again from the Sea-coast towards Tiberias by the banks of Chison, there are found the City of Hapharaim or Aphraim, and the Castles of Mesra, and Saba: of which Brochard and Breidenbach: and then Naim on the River Chison: a beautiful City while it stood, in the Gates whereof Christ raised from death the widows only son. 
Luc. 7.   
Than Seon or Shion named josua 19 between the two Hills of Hermon, in Isachar: beyond it standeth Endor, famous by reason of the Enchantress that undertook to raise up the body of Samuel at the instigation of Saul.  
Beyond it stands Anaharath and Rabbith named jos. c. 19 v. 19 20. Than 〈◊〉 as it is named, jos. 21. 28. or Dobratha, as it is named, 1. Chron. 6. 72. This City (which stretcheth itself over Chison) was a City of refuge belonging to the Levites.  
Next to Daberath is Arbela situate, near the Causes of those two 〈◊〉 which so greatly molested Galilee in Herodes time. It joineth on one side to the Mountain of Isachar or Hermon, and on the other to the Valley of jesrael: which valley continueth itself from Bethsan or Scythopolis, the East border of Isachar, even to the Mediterran Sea: two parts whereof are enclosed by the Mountains of Gilboe on the 
1. 〈◊〉. 5. 23. & 9 2.  South, and by Hermon, and the River Chison on the North. In these 
* Called Campus Magnus, 1. Mac. 12. 49. and Harbathe for Harabath.  plains Gedcon 
judg. 6.  overthrew the Madianites, and herein, they think, Saul fought against the Philistines: 
1. Sam. 31.  〈◊〉 against the Syrians, and the Tartars against the Saracens. 
1. Kings. 20.    

§. VII. THE HALF OF THE TRIBE OF MANASSE.  

†. I Of the bounds of this half Tribe: and of Scythopolis, Salem, Thersa, and others.  
THe next Tribe which joineth itself to Isachar towards the South, is the half of Manasse, on the West side of jordan. Manasses was the first begotten of joseph, the eleventh son of jacob. His mother was an Egyptian, the daughter of Putiphar, Priest and Prince of Heliopolis: which Manasses with his brother Ephraim, the grandchildren of jacob, were by adoption numbered amongst the sons of jacob, and made up the number of the twelve patriarchs.  
Of Manasse there were increased in Egypt, as they were numbered at Mount 〈◊〉, 32200. able men: all which being consumed in the Deserts, there entered of their issues, 52700. bearing arms. The Territory which fell on this one half of Manasse, was bounded by jordan on the East, and Doraea upon the Mediterran Sea on the West, jesrael on the North, and Machmata is the South border.  
The first and principal City which stood in this Territory was Bethsan, sometime Nysa, saith Pliny, built by Liber Pater, in honour of his Nurse there buried, of 
Plin. lib. 5. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  the same name; which Solinus confirms. Afterwards when the 〈◊〉 invaded Asia the less, and pierced into the South, to the uttermost of Coelesyria, they built this City anew, and very magnificent: and it had thereupon the name of Scythopolis, or the City of Scythians given it by the Greeks'.  
These barbarous Northern people constrained the jews to fight against their own Nation and kindred, by whose hands when they had obtained victory, they themselves set on the jews which served them, and slew them all. Stephanus makes it the utmost towards the South of Coelesyria: and Strabo joins it to Galilee. It is seated between jordan and the Hills of Gilboe, in aulone ad montes acrabitenae, saith Ziegler. But I find it in the East part of the Valley of jesrael near jordan: after that, jordan streightneth itself again into a River: leaving the Sea or Lake Genezareth. Notwithstanding, Montanus describes it far to the West, and 〈◊〉 the Mediterran Sea, near Endor, contrary to Stella, Laicstan, Adrichome, and all other the best Authors. This City was the greatest of all those of Decapolis: but the children of Manasse could not expel the Inhabitants thereof: and therefore called it Sane an enemy, or Beth-san, the house of an enemy.  
Over the walls of this Bethsan the Philistines hung the body of Saul, and his sons, 
〈◊〉. 1. jos. 17. de Bell. sacr.  slain at Gilboe. It had, while the Christian Religion flourished in those parts, an Archbishop, who had nine other Bishops of his Diocese, numbered by Tyrius, in his 14. Book and 12. Chapter: but the same was afterward translated to Nazareth. The later travailers in those parts affirm, that there is daily taken out among the rubble and the ruins of that City, goodly pillars and other pieces of excellent marble, which witness the stately buildings, and magnificence which it had in elder times, but it is now a poor and desolate Village.  
From Bethsan keeping the way by jordan, they find an ancient City called 〈◊〉, which City the ancient Rabbins, saith Hierome, do not find to be the same 
H. 〈◊〉. in Epist. at 〈◊〉. & in Loc. Hebr.  with Jerusalem: there being in the time of Hierome and since, a town of that name, near Scythopolis before remembered, which if the place of Scripture Gen. 13. 18. do not confirm, where the Vulgar readeth transivitque in Salem urbem Sichemorum (for which others read, venit incolumis ad Civitatem Sechemum, making the word 〈◊〉 not to be a proper name, but an adjective) yet the place john 3. 13. where it is said, that john was baptizing in Aenon near Salem, may somewhat strengthen this opinion, and yet it is not unlikely that this Salem of which S. john speaketh, is but contracted of Shahalim, of which in the Tribe of 〈◊〉, 1. Sam. 9 4. This word 〈◊〉 maketh to be the plural of Shuhal: of which we read, 1. Sam. 13. 17. for as for that which is added out of Cant. 6. 12. of Shulammitis, as if it had been as much as a Woman of this Saleim, near Aenon, it hath no probability.  
Not far from thence where they place Salem, they find Bezech the City of 
This City 〈◊〉 by the place, jud. 1. 3. seemeth to have been in juda.  Adonibezet, josephus calls it Bala, here it was that Saul assembled the strength of Israel, and juda, to the number of 330000. when hce meant to relieve jabesh Gilead, against Naash the Ammonite: who would give them no other conditions of peace, than to suffer their right eyes to be thrust out. Near Bezech is the City of Bethbera 
josep. ant. 6. 〈◊〉. 5. 〈◊〉. 1. c. 11.  or rather Beth-bara, of which judg. 7. 24. in the story of Gideon: and then Ephra or Hophra, wherein Gedeon inhabited: in the border whereof stood an Altar consecrated to Baal: which he pulled down and dcfaced: and near it that stone, on which 〈◊〉 the Bastard slew his 70. brothers: a Heathenish cruclty, practised by the Turk to this day; and not 〈◊〉 hence, between the Village of Asophon and jordan, Ptolomaeus Lathurus overthrcw Alexander King of the jews: and slaughtered as 〈◊〉 
jos. l. 13. c. 21. ant.  numbereth them 3000. but according to Timagenes 50000. after which victory, as Ptolemy passed by the Villages of the jews; he slew all their women: and caused the young children to be sod in great cauldrons, that the rest of the jews might thereby think that the Egyptians were grown to be man-eaters, and strike them with the greater terror.  
Towards the West and on the border of Isachar, they place the Cities of 
* This Aner 〈◊〉 upon 1. Chron. 6. 70. makes to be the same with Tabanac, of which jos. 21. 25 Hierom names it from Aner the Confederate of Abraham, Gen. 14. 13 〈◊〉 12. 17. 〈◊〉. King. 14.  〈◊〉 of the Levites, and Abel-Mehola, which junius, judg. 7. 22. placeth in Ephraim, it was the habitation of 〈◊〉 the Prophet, numbered among those places, 1. Reg. 4. 12. which were 〈◊〉 in charge to Baana by Solomon, to whose charge also 〈◊〉 belonged, a place of great strength, which at the first resisted josua, though their King was afterward hanged, and their City given to the Levites.  
In the body of this Territory of Manasse, but somewhat nearer jordan, than to the Mediterran Sea, were three great Cities, to wit, Thersa, whose King was one of those that josua slew: which the Kings of Israel used for their Regal seat: till such time as Samaria was built. From hence the wise of jeroboam went to Achia to inquire of her sons health: who knowing her, though she were disguised, told her of her sons death.  
The second was Thebes near Samaria, of which name therc are both in Egypt, and Greece, of grcat fame: in the assault of the Tower of this Town, whereinto the Citizens retired, the Bastard Abimilec was wounded by a weighty stone, thrown by a Woman over the Wall, who despairing of his recovery, commanded his Page to 
judg. 9 v. 〈◊〉.  slay him outright, because it should not be said that he perished by the stroke of a Woman. But others set this City in Ephraim near Sichem or Neapolis.  
The third is Acrabata, of which the Territory adjoining is called Acrabatena, 
〈◊〉. Mac. 1. c. 5  (one of the ten Toparchies or Governments in judaea) for which Hicrome, 1. Macc. 5. reads Arabathena: but in the Greek it is Acrabatine: Isidore calls it Agrabat. This City had one of the largest Territories of all Palestine belonging to the Governor thereof. josephus remembreth it often, as in his second Book of the jews Wars, c. 11. 25. 28. and elsewhere.  
The difference between a tetrarchy and a Toparchie, was, that the first was taken for a Province, and the other for a City with some lesser Territory adjoining, and a Tetrarch is the same with Praeses in Latin, and Precedent in English, being commonly 
〈◊〉. l. 5.  the fourth part of a Kingdom: and thereof so called: Pliny nameth seventeen Tetrarchies in Syria: the Holy Land had four, and so hath the Kingdom of Ireland to this day, Lemster, Ulster, Connath, and Monster. 
Euseb. in Chron.   
To the southwest of Acrabata they placc the Cities of Balaam or Bilham, and Gethremmon of the Levites: but junius out of jos. 21. 25. and 1. Chron. 6. 70. gathers that these two are but one: and that jibleham jos. 16. 11. is another name of the same City.  
Than is jesrael a Regal City, set at the foot of the Mountains of Gilboe, towards the southwest: herein 〈◊〉 by a false accusation caused Naboth to be stoned, to the end she might possess his Vincyard adjoining to the City, which Naboth refused to cell, because it was his inheritance from his Father.  
joram also was cast unburied into the same field: for which his Mother jezabel 
King. 2. cap. 2.  murdered Naboth.  
Toward the Sea from jesrael is the City which they call Gaber: in whose ascent as Ahaziah King of juda fled from jehu, when he had slain joram, he was wounded with the shot of an arrow, of which wound he died at Mageddo adjoining. The 
〈◊〉. King. 9 27.  Scripture calls this City of Gaber, Gur.  
Than Adadremmon, near unto which the good King josias was slain by Necho, King of 〈◊〉, in a War unadvisedly undertaken. For Necho marched towards Assyria against the King thereof; by the commandment of God: whom josias thought to resist in his passage. It was afterward called Maximianopolis.  
A neighbour City to 〈◊〉 was Maggeddo, often remembered in the Scriptures; 
jud. 1. c. 5.  whose King was slain among the rest by josua; yet they defended their City 
Jos. 12. 17.  for a long time against Manasse. The River which passeth by the Town, may perhaps be the same which Ptolemy calleth Chorseus: and not that of which we have spoken in Zabulon. For because this name is not found in the Scriptures, many of those that have described the Holy Land delineate no such River. Moor only sets it down in his Geography of the twelve Tribes: but the River which passeth by Maggeddo he understandeth to be but a branch, falling thereinto. Laicstan and Schrot make a great confluence of waters in this place: agreeable to this Scripture in the fifth of judges: Than fought the Kings of Canaan in Tanaac by the waters of Maggeddo. But these Authors, and with them Stella, give it no other name than the Torrent so called.  
But seeing that ancient Cosmographers stretch out the bounds of Phoenicia, even to Sebaste or Samaria; and Strabo far beyond it on the Sea-coast: And josephus calls 
Strab. l. 16.  Caesaria Palaestinae a City of Phoenicia, yea Laurentius corvinus extendeth Phoenicia as 
josep. l. 15. c. 13. Niger.  far as Gaza: seeing also Ptolemy sets down Chorseus for the partition of Phoenicia and judaea: this River running East and West parallel with Samaria: it is very probable that this Torrent called Maggeddo, after the name of the City, which it watereth, is the same which Ptolemy in his fourth Table of Asia calleth Chorseus. The later travailers of the holy Land call Maggeddo Subimbre at this day.   

†. II Of Caesaria Palaestinae, and some other Towns.  
FRom Maggeddo toward the West, and near the Mediterran Sea, was that glorious City of Caesaria Palaestinae: first, the Tower of Straton: the same which Pliny calls Apollonia: though Ptolemy sets Apollonia elsewhere, and toward Egypt, between this City and joppe, to which Vespasian gave the name of Flavia Colonia. It was by Herod rebuilt, who therein laboured to exceed all the works in that part of the world. For besides the edifices, which he reared within the Walls, of cut and polished marbles, the Theatre and Amphitheatre, from whence he might look over the Seas far away, with the high and stately Towers and Gates: he forced a Harborough of great capacity, being in former times but an open Bay: and the wind blowing from the Sea the Merchants haunting that Port, had no other hope, but in the strength of their cables and Anchors. This work he performed with such charge and labour, as the like of that kind hath not been found in any Kingdom, nor in any age: which, because the Materials were fetched from far, and the weight of the stones was such as it exceedeth belief, I have added josephus own words of this work: which are these: Hanc locorum incommoditatem correcturus, circulum 
josep. l. 15. c. 13.  portus circumduxit, quantum 〈◊〉 magnae classi recipiendae sufficere: & in viginti ulnarum profundum, praegrandia saxa demisit: quorum pleraque pedum quinquaginta longitudinis, latitudinis verò octodecim, altitudine novem-pedali: fuerunt quaedam 〈◊〉 maiora, minora alia; To mend this inconvenience of place (saith JOSEPHUS) he compassed in a Bay wherein a great fleet might well ride: and let down great stones 〈◊〉 fathom deep: whereof some were fifty foot long, eighteen foot broad, and nine foot thick: some bigger, and some lesser. To this he added an arm or cawsie of two hundred foot long, to break the waves: the rest he strengthened with a stone wall, with divers, stately Towers thereon builded: of which the most magnificent he called Drusus after the name of Drusus the son in law of Caesar: in whose honour he entitled the City itself, Caesaria of Palestine: all which he performed in twelve years time. It was the first of the Eastern Cities that received a Bishop: afterward erected into an Archbishopric, commanding twenty others under it, saith Tyrius. 
〈◊〉. 14. c. 12. bell. 〈◊〉.   
St. Hierome nameth Theophilus, Eusebius, Acacius, Euzorus, and Gelasius to have been Bishops thereof. In this City was Cornelius the Centurion baptised by S. Peter: and herein dwelled Philip the Apostle: S. Paul was herein two years prisoner, under the Precedent Foelix, unto the time and government of Porcius Festus: by whom making his appeal, he was sent to Caesar. Here, when Herod Agrippa was passing on to celebrated the Quinquennalia, taking delight to be called a God by his flatterers, he was stricken with an Angel unto death, saith josephus.  
To the North of Caesaria standeth Dora, or Naphoth Dor, as some read jos. 1. 2; so called (saith Adrichomius) because it joineth to the Sea, whose King was slain by josua. But junius for in 〈◊〉 Dor, reads in tractibus Dor: and so the Vulgar, in regionibus Dor: although 1. Reg. 4 11. for the like speech in the Hebrew it readeth omnis Nephath Dor: The Septuagint in the place of josua call it Nepheth-Dor, and in the other of the Kings, Nepha-Dor: but the true name by other places (as jos. 12. 23. judg. 1. 27.) may seem to be Dor. It was a strong and powerful 〈◊〉: and the fourth in account of those twelve Principalities or Sitarchies, which Solomon erected. junius upon Macchab. 15. 11. placeth it between the Hill Carmel and the mouth of the River Cherseus: for so some name the River Chorseus, of which we have spoken already.  
Into this City, for the strength thereof, Tryphon fled from Antiochus the son of Demetrius: where he was by the same Antiochus besieged with 120000. footmen and 8000. Horse: the same perfidious villain that received 200. talents for the ransom 
Macc. 1. 13. 15.  of jonathan Macchabaeus (whom he had taken by treachery) and then slew him: and after him slew his own Master, usurping for a while the Kingdom of Syria. It had also a Bishops seat of the Diocese of Caesaria.  
From Caesaria towards the South, they place the Cities of Capharnaum, Gabe, and 
〈◊〉. Tyr. de Bell. 〈◊〉. 10. c. 6.  Galgal: for besides that Capharnaum famous in the Evangelists, they found in these parts near the West Sea, another of the same name. Of Gabe Hierome in locis Hebratcis. The famous Galgal or Gilgal, was in Benjamin: but this Gilgal, they say, it was whose King was slain by josua.  
Than Antipatris so called of Herode, in honour of his Father: but in the time of 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. v. 31.  the 〈◊〉 it was called Capharsalama: in the fields whereof judas Macchabaeus overthrew a part of the Army of Nicanor, Lieutenant to Demetrius: an army drawn into judaea by a traitorous jew, called Alcimus: who contended for the Priesthood, first under Bacchides, and then under Nicanor. To this was S. Paul carried prisoner from Jerusalem, conducted by 470. Soldiers, to defend him from the fury of the jews. In aftertimes the Army of Godfrey of Bulion attempted it in vain: yet was it taken by Baldwine. It was honoured in those days with a Bishops seat, but it is now a poor Village called Assur, saith Brochard. Near unto this City the Prophet jones was three days preserved in the body of a Whale.  
Into the Land, from Antipatris and Caesaria, standeth Narbata, whereof the Territory taketh name: which Cestius the Roman wasted with fire and sword, because the jews which dwelled at Caesaria fled thence, and carried with them the Books of Moses. Near unto it is the Mountain of Abdia, the Steward of King Achab: wherein he hide an hundredth Prophets, and fed them, after which he himself is said to have obtained from God the Spirit of prophecy also.     

CHAP. VIII. Of the Kingdom of Phoenicia.  

§. I. The bounds and chief Cities, and Founders, and Name, of this Kingdom: and of the invention of Letters ascribed to them.  
BECAUSE these five Tribes, of Asser, Nephtalim, Zabulon, Issachar, and the half of Manasse, possessed the better part of that ancient Kingdom of Phoenicia, to wit, of so much as lay to the South part of Anti-libanus: I have therefore gathered a brief of those Kings which have governed therein: at lest so many of them as time (which devoureth all things) hath left to posterity: and that the rest have perished, it is not strange: seeing so many volumes of excellent learning in so long a race and revolution, and in so many changes of Estates and Conquests of Heathen Princes, have been torn, cast away, or otherwise consumed.  
The limits of this Kingdom, as touching the South parts, are very uncertain: but all Cosmographers do in effect agreed, that it takes beginning from the North, where that part of Syria, which is called Casiotis, 〈◊〉: most of them bounding it by Orthosia, to the North of Tripoli. Ptolemy makes it a little larger, as reaching from 
〈◊〉. 4. Tab. Asiae.  the River Eleutherus, that falls into the Sea at the Island of Aradus, somewhat to the North of Orthosia, and stretching from thence alongst the coast of the Mediterran sea, as far as the River of Chorseus, which seems to be that which the jews call the 
Plin. lib. 5. c. 19  Torrent, or River of Maggeddo. Pliny extends it farther and comprehends joppe within it: corvinus and Budaeus, joppe and Gaza. Phoenicia apud priscos appellata (saith BUDAEUS) quae nunc Palaestina Syriae dicitur; It was called Phoenicia of old (saith he) which now is called Palaestina of Syria.  
Strabo comprehends in this Country of Phoenicia, all the Sea side of judaea, and 
Strab. l. 16.  
〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. l. 4.  Palaestina, even unto 〈◊〉, the first Port of Egypt. On the contrary Diodorus Siculus foldeth it up in Coelesyria, which he boundeth not. But for myself I take a middle course, and like best of Ptolemy's description, who was seldom deceived in his own Art It had in it these famous Maritimate Cities (besides all those of the islands) to with, Aradus, Orthosia, Tripoli, Botrys, Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, tire, Ptolomais (or Acon) Dora, and Caesaria Palestinae: and by reason of the many Ports and goodly Sea-towns, it anciently commanded the Trades of the Eastern world: and they were absolute Kings of the Mediterran Sea.  
The ancient Regal Seat of those Princes was Zidon, built by Zidon the first son of Canaan: and the people then subject to that people were called Zidonians: the same slate continuing even unto josuas' time. For till than it is probable that there was but one King of all that Region; afterward called Phoenicia: which Procopius also confirmeth in his second Book of Vandal Wars. But in process of time the City of tire adjoining become the more magnificent: yet according to the Prophet, 
Easie. 23.  it was but a Daughter of Zidon, and by them first built and peopled.  
But after the death of Moses, and while josua yet governed Israel, Agenor an Egyptian of Thebes, or a Phoenician bred in Egypt, come thence with his sons Cadmus, Phoenix, Cyrus, and clilix, (say Cedrenus and Curtius) and built and possessed the Cities 
F. 17.  of tire and Zidon: to wit, the new Tyrus, and brought into Phoenicia (so called after the name of his second Son) the use of letters: which also Cadmus in his pursuit after his sister Europa taught the Grecians. For Taurus King of Crete, when he surprised tire, had stolen her thence: of which the Poets devised the fable of jupiters' transformation into a Bull, by whom that stealth was also supposed to be made. Pomponius Sabinus makes Belus the first King of Phoenicia: and finds Cadmus his successor: whom he calleth his grandchild: and it seemeth that 〈◊〉 was the Father of Agenor, and not Neptune: because the successors of Dido held that name always in reverence, making it a part of their own, as Asdrubal, Hannibal: which memory Virgil also toucheth in these Verses:  

Hic Reginagravem gemmis auroque poposcit  
Implevitque moro pateram: quam BEIUS & omnes  
A BELO soliti.   

The Queen anon commands the weighty bowl  
(Waightic with precious stones and massy gold)  
To flow with wine. This Belus used of old,  
And all of Belus Line.   
Whither this Belus were Father or Grandfather to Agenor, the matter is not great. But it seemeth to me by comparing of times, that Belus was Ancestor to these Phoenicians, and preceded Agenor. For were Belus, or jupiter Belus, the son of Neptune by Libya, the Daughter of Epaphus, or were he the Son of Telegonus, according to Eusebius; yet it is agreed that Cecrops then ruled in Attica: and in the end of Cecrops time, saith S. Augustine, Moses left Egypt: Agenor's successor living at once with josua. Now that Agenor returned about the same time into the Territory of Zidon, I cannot doubt: neither do I deny, but that he gave that Region the name of Phoenicia, in honour of his Son. But in stead of the building of tire, and Zidon, it is probable that he repaired and 〈◊〉 both: and therefore was called a Founder, as Semiramis and Nabuchodonosor were of Babylon.  
For be it true that Agenor was of the same Nation, and brought up in Egypt: where he learned the use of letters (Egypt flourishing in all kind of learning in Moses time) or were he by Nation an Egyptian: yet is it very likely that either he come to save his own Territory: or otherwise to defend the 〈◊〉 of Canaan, from the Israelites: who were by Moses led out of Egypt, to the great loss and dishonour of that Nation: and by josua conducted over jordan, to conquer and possess the Canaanites Land. For though the Egyptians, by reason of the loss which they received by the hand of God, in the Read Sea, and by the ten plagues cast on them before that, and by the slaughter of so many of the Male children at the same time, could not hinder the Hebrews from invading Canaan by Land: which also they knew had so many powerful Nations to defend it: the Deserts inter-jacent, and the strong Edomites, Moabites, Emorites, and Ammonites their borderers: yet Egypt having such Vessels, or Ships, or Galleys, as were then in use: did not in all probability neglect to Garrison the Sea coast, or assist Agenor with such forces, as they had to spare; and which they might perform with the greater facility, in that the Philistines which held the shores of Canaan, next adjoining unto them, were their Friends and Confederates.  
Now as it appeareth by the course of the story, those Cities of Phoenicia, which Agenor was said to have built (that is, to have fortified and defended against josua, and against the Tribes after him, as Zidon, Sor, or tire, by josua called the strong City, 
c. 19 v. 29.  Accho after ward Ptolomais, Aczib and Dor) were all that Phoenicia had in those days.  
That the Kings of Phoenicia were mighty, especially by Sea, it appeareth, first by their defence against Israel: secondly by this, that David and Solomon could not master them: but were glad of their alliance: thirdly, that one of their Cities, though they were then but Reguli, defended itself 13. years against a King of Kings, Nabuchodonosor: and that Alexander the great (who being made victorious by the providence of God, seemed unresistible) spent more time in the recovery of tire; than in the conquest of all the Cities in Asia.  
Other opinions there are, as that of Berosus out of josephus, who conceives that tire was founded by Tyras the son of japhet. And for the Region itself, though Calisthenes derive it ab arbore dactylorum; and the Greeks' from the word Phonos, of slaughter, because the Phoenicians slew all that come on their coasts, yet for myself I take it that Phoenix the son of Agenor gave it that name. But that either Agenor in Phoenicia, or Cadmus his son in Greece, were the Inventors of Letters, it is ridiculous: and therefore the dispute unnecessary.  
The Aethiopians affirm that Atlas, Orion, Orpheus, Linus, Hercules, Prometheus, Cadmus, and others, had from them the first light of all those Arts, Sciences, and civil Policies, which they afterward professed, and taught others: and that Pythagor as himself was instructed by the Libyans: to wit, from the South and Superior Egyptians: from whom those which inhabited nearer the outlet of Nilus, as they say, borrowed their Divinity and Philosophy: and from them the Greeks', then barbarous, received Civility. Again, the Phoenicians challenge this invention of Letters and of Learning: acknowledging nothing from the Egyptians at all; neither do they allow that Agenor and his sons were Africans; whence Lucan.  

Phoenices primi (famae sicreditur) ausi 
Lucan. l. 5. 3.   
Mansurani radibus vocem signare figure is.   

Phoenicians first (if fame may credit have)  
In rude Characters dared our words to grave.   
And that Cadmus was the son of Agenor, and was a Phoenician, and not an Egyptian, it appeareth by that answer made by Zeno; when he in a kind of reproach was called a stranger and a Phoenician:  

Simo patriaest Phoenix, quidtum? nam CADMUS & ipse 
Athen. 1. Dipnos.   
Phoenix; cui debet Graecia doct a libros.   

If a Phoenician borne I am, what then?  
CADMUS was so: to whom Greece owes  
The Books of learned men.   
Out of doubt the Phoenicians were very ancient: and from the Records and Chronicles of tire, josephus the Historian confirms a great part of his Antiquities. 
joseph. contra Appionem . The Thracians again subscribe to noon of these reports: but affirm constantly, that the great Zamolxis flourished among them: when Atlas lived in Mauritania: Nilus and Vulcan in Egypt: and Ochus in Phoenicia. Yea, some of the French do not blush to maintain, that the ancient Gauls taught the Greeks' the use of Letters, and other Sciences. And do not we know that our Bards and Druids are as ancient as those Gauls, and that they sent their sons hither to be by them instructed in all kind of learning?  
Lastly, whereas others bestow this invention on Moses, the same hath no probability at all, for he lived at such time as learning and arts flourished most, both in Egypt, and Assyria, and he himself was brought up in all the learning of the Egyptians, from his infancy.  
But true it is that letters were invented by those excellent Spirits of the first age, and before the general flood: either by Seth, or Enos, or by whom else God knows; from whom all wisdom and understanding hath proceeded. And as the same infinite God is present with all his Creatures, so hath he given the same invention to divers Nations: whereof the one hath not had commerce with the other; as well in this as in many other knowledges: for even in Mexico, when it was first discovered, there was found written Books after the manner of those Hieroglyphics, anciently used by the Egyptians, and other Nations: and so had those Americans a kind of Heraldry; and their Princes differing in Arms and Scutcheons, like unto those used by the Kings and Nobility of other Nations. jura naturalia communia, & generalia, etc. 
〈◊〉.  Natural Laws are common and general.   

§. II Of the Kings of tire.  
But whatsoever remaineth of the story and Kings of Phoenicia (the books of Zeno, Sachoniatho, Mnaseas, and others of that Nation, being no where found) the same is to be gathered out of the Scriptures, josephus, and Theophilus Antiochenus.  
Agenor lived at once with josua, to whom succeeded Phoenix, of whom that part of Canaan, and so far towards the North as Aradus, took the name of Phoenicia: what King succeeded Phoenix it doth not appear: but at such time as the Grecians besieged Troy, Phasis governed Phoenicia.  
In Hieremies' time and while jehotakim ruled in juda, the Tyrians had a King apart: for Hieremie speaketh of the Kings of Zidon, of tire, of Edom, etc. as of several 
jehoiakim. 27. v. 3.  Kings.  
In Xerxes time, and when he prepared that incredible Army wherewith he invaded Greece, Tetramnestus ruled that part of Phoenicia, about tire, and Zidon: who commanded, as some Writers affirm, Xerxes fleet, or rather, as I suppose, those 300. Galleys, which himself brought to his aid: for at this time it seemeth, that the Phoenicians were Tributaries to the Persian: for being broken into Reguli, and petty Kings in Hieremies' time, they were subjecteth by Nabuchodonosor; of whose conquests in the Chapter before remembered, Hieremie prophesied.  
tens, though not immediately, succeeded Tetramnestus: remembered by D. Siculus in his 14. Book.  
Strato, his successor, and King of Zidon, Alexander Macedon threw out, because of his dependency upon Darius, and that his Predecessors had served the East Empire against the Grecians. But divers Kings, of whom there is no memory, come between tens and Strato. For there were consumed 130. years and somewhat more between Xerxes and Alexander Macedon. And this man was by Alexander esteemed the more unworthy of restitution, because (saith Curtius) he rather submitted 
L. 4.  himself by the instigation of his Subjects (who foresaw their utter ruin by resistance) than that hec had any disposition thereunto, or bore any good affection towards the Maecedonians.  
Of this Strato, Athenaeus out of Theopompus reporteth, that he was a man of ill 
〈◊〉. l. 12. c. 13  living: and most voluptuous; also that he appointed certain games and prizes for Women dancers, and singers: whom he to this end chief invited, and assembled: that having beheld the most beautiful and lively among them, he might recover them for his own use and delights. Of the strange accident about the death of one Strato King of these colts, S. Hierome and others make mention: who having heard 
Hieron. l. 1. count jovin.  that the Persians' were near him with an Army too weighty for his strength, and finding that he was to hope for little grace, because of his falling away from that Empire, and his adhering to the Egyptians: he determining to kill himself, but fainting in the 〈◊〉, his wife being present wrested the sword out of his hand and slew him: which done she also therewith pierced her own body, and died.  
After Alexander was possessed of Zidon, and the other Sprato driven thence, He gave the Kingdom to Hephaestion, to dispose of: who having received great entertainment of one of the Citizens, in whose house he lodged, offered to recompense him therewith; and willingly offered to establish him therein: but this Citizen no less virtuous than rich, desired Hephaestion that this Honour might be inferred on some one of the blood and race of their ancient Kings: and presented unto him Balonymus, whom Curtius calls Abdolominus, JUSTINE Abdolomius, and Plutarch Alynomus: who at the very hour that he was called to this regal Estate, was with his own hands working in his Garden, setting herbs, and roots, for his relief and sustenance: though otherwise a wise man and exceeding just.  
These were the ancient Kings of Zidon: whose estate being afterward changed into Popular or Aristocratical: and by times and turns subjecteth to the Emperors of the East: there remaineth no farther memory of them, than that which is formerly delivered in the Tribe of Asser.  
The Kings of tire, who they were before Samuel's time, it doth not appear: josephus the Historian, as is said, had many things wherewith he garnished his Antiquities from the Tyrian Chronicles: and out of josephus, and Theophilus Antiochenus, there may be gathered a descent of some twenty Kings of the Tyrians, but these Authors, though they both pretend to writ out of Menander Ephelius, do in no sort agreed in the times of their reigns; nor in other particulars.  
Abibalus is the first King of the Tyrians, that josephus and Theophilus remember: whom Theophtlus calls Abemalus: the same perchance that the son of Sirach mentioneth 
C. 46.  in his forty and sixth Chapter, speaking of the Princes of the Tyrians.  
To this Abibalus, Suron succeeded, if he be not one and the same with Abibalus. David (saith Eusebius out of Eupolemus) constrained this Suron to pay him Tribute, of 
Praep. evang. l. 9 c. 4.  whom also David complaineth Psal. 83.  
Hiram succeeded Suron, whom josephus calls Irom, and Theophilus sometime Hieromenus, sometime Hieromus, but Tatian and Zonaras Chiram. He entered into a league with David, and sent him Cedars with Masons, and Carpenters, to perform his buildings in Jerusalem: after he had beaten thence the jebusites. The same was he that so greatly assisted Solomon: whom he not only furnished with Cedars, and other Materials towards the raising of the Temple, and with great sums of money, but also he joined with him in his enterprise of the East India, and of Ophir: and furnished Solomon with Mariners and Pilots: the Tyrians being of all Nations the most excellent Navigators: and lent him 120. talents of gold. Of this Hiram there is not only mention in divers places of Scripture, but in josephus in his Antiquities the 7. and 8. 
2. Sam. 5. etc.  chap. 2. & 3. in Theophilus his 3d book, in Tatianus his Oration against the Greeks': and 
2. Sam. c. 5.  in Zonaras Tom the first. This Prince seemed to be very mighty and magnificent, 
1. King. c. 1. 9 20  
1. Chron. 14.  he despised the 20. towns which Solomon offered him: he defended himself against 
2. Chron. 2. 8. 9  that victorious King David 〈◊〉 gave his Daughter in marriage to Solomon, called the Zidonian: for whose sake he was contented to worship Asteroth, the Idol of the 
1. King. 11.  Phoenicians. Hiram lived 53. years.  
Baleastartus whom Theoph. Antiochenus, calleth Bazorus, succeeded Hiram, King of 
Theoph. 17. years.  tire and Zidon, and reigned 7. years according to josephus.  
Abdastartus the eldest son of Baleastartus, governed 9 years, and lived but 20. years according to josephus: but after 〈◊〉 he reigned 12. year, and lived 54. who being slain by the four sons of his own Nurse, the eldest of them held the Kingdom 12. years.  
Astartus brother to Abdastartus, recovered the Kingdom from this Usurper, and reigned 12. years.  
Astarimus, or Atharimus, after Theophilus, a third brother followed Astartus, and 
Ioseph. 54.  ruled 9 years, and lived in all 54. 
Theoph. 58.   
Phelles the fourth son of Baleastartus, and brother to the three former Kings, 
Theoph.  slew Astarimus, and reigned 8. Months; lived 50. years.  
Ithobalus (or juthobalus, in Theophilus) son to the third brother Astarimus, who was the chief Priest of the Goddess Astarta, which was a dignity next unto the King, revenged the death of his father, and slaughtered his Uncle Phelles: and reigned 32. 
Ioseph. 32.  years, the same which in the first of Kings chap. 16. is called Ethbaal, whose Daughter 
Theoph. 12.  jezabel, Achab married.  
Badezor or Bazor the son of Ithobalus or Ethbaal, brother to jezabel, succeeded his 
1. King. 16. v. 31  Father, and reigned 6. years, and lived in all 45. 
joseph 6. years   
Mettimus succeeded Badezor, and reigned but 9 years, (saith josephus) he had two 
Theoph. 26.  
Ioseph. 9  sons Pygmalion and Barca, and two Daughters Elisa and Anna. 
Theoph. 29.   
Pygmalion reigned after Mettimus his Father 40. years, and lived 56: In the 7. year of whose reign, Elisa sailed into Africa, and built Carthago, 143. years and 8. Months, after the Temple of Solomon: which by our account was 289. years after Troy taken, and 143. before Rome: and therefore that fiction by Virgil of Aeneas and Dido must be far out of square. For Pygmalion covetous of Sichaeus his riches, who had married his sister Elisa, slew him traitorously as he accompanied him in hunting: or if we believe justine and Virgil, at the Altar: whereupon Elisa fearing 
justin. l. 11.  to be despoiled of her husband's treasure, fled by Sea into Africa as aforesaid: whom 
Virgil. l. 1.  when Pygmalion prepared to pursue, he was by his Mother's tears, and by threats from the Oracle arrested. Barca accompanied his sister, and assisted her, in the erection of Carthage: and from him sprang that noble Family of the Barcae in Africa, of which race descended many famous Captains, and the great Hannibal. Seruins interprets this name of Dido by Virago, because of her manlike acts, others from jedidia, a surname of Solomon.  
Eluleus succeeded Pygmalion: and reigned 36. years: the same that overthrew the fleet of Salmanassar, in the Port of tire: notwithstanding which he continued his siege before it on the Land side five years, but in vain.  
After Eluleus, Ethobales governed the Tyrians, who vaunted himself to be as wise as Daniel: and that he knew all secrets (saith Ezekiel) of whom the Prophet writeth at large in his 28. Chapter: out of whom it is gathered, that this Prince died, or was slain in that long siege of Nabuchodonosor: who serrounded and attempted tire 13: years together, ere he prevailed.  
Baal followed Ethobales, and reigned 10. years a tributary, perchance, to Nabuchodonosor: for after his death it was governed by divers judges, succeeding each other: First, by Ecnibalus, then by Chelbis, Abarus the Priest, Mittonus, and Gerastus, who held it among them some 7. years, and odd Months: after whom Balatorus commanded therein as a King for one year: after him Merbalus sent from Babylon 4. years: after him Irom sent thence also, 20. years. In the 17. of whose reign Cyrus began to govern Persia.   

§. III Of BOZIUS his conceit that the Edumaeins inhabiting along the Read Sea, were the Progenitors of the Tyrians, and that the Tyrtans from them received and brought into Phoenicia the knowledge of the true GOD.  
OF the great mutations of this Kingdom and State of the Tyrians, mixed with a discourse of divers other Nations, there is one Bozius that hath written a Tract at large, entitled de ruinis Gentium. And although the great, and many alterations found in this and other Cities, yea in all things under Heaven; have proceeded from his ordinance who only is unchangeable, and the same for ever; yet whereas the said Bozius, enforcing here-hence, that the prosperity and 〈◊〉 of the Tyrians were first-fruits of their embracing or for saking the true Religion, to prove this his assertion, supposeth the Tyrians to have been Edumaeans, descended from Esau, jacobs' brother: first, it can hardly be believed that tire, when it flourished most in her ancient glory, was in any sort truly devout and religious. But to this end (besides the proof which the Scriptures give of Hiram's good affection when Solomon built the Temple) he brings many conjectural arguments: 
Boz. de ruin. Gent. l. 5. 6. 7.  whereof the strongest is their pedigree and descent: it being likely in his opinion, that the posterity of Esau received from him by Tradition the Religion of Abraham and Isaeac. That the Tyrtans were Edumaeans, he endeavours to show, partly by weak reasons, painfully strained from some affinity of names, which are arguments of more delight than weight: partly by authority. For Strabo, 〈◊〉, Pliny, and others witness, that the Tyrians come from the Read Sea, in which there were three islands, called Tyrus, Aradus, and Sidon: which very names (as he thinketh) were afterwards given to the Cities of Phoenicia. Considering therefore that all the coast of the Read Sea, was (in his opinion) under the Edumaeans: as Elah and Esiongaber; or under the 〈◊〉, who descended of Amalec the Nephew of Esau, whose chief City was Madian, so called of Madian the son of Abraham by Cethura, whose posterity did people it: the consequence appears good (as he takes it) that the Tyrians originally were Edomites: differing little or nothing in Religion from the children of Israel. Hereunto he adds that Cadmus and his Companions brought not into Greece the worship of Astartis, the Idol of the Sidonians. That the Parents of Thales and Pherecydes being Phoenicians, themselves differed much in their Philosophy from the Idolatrous 〈◊〉 of the Greeks'. That in Teman, a Town of the Edumaeans, was an University, wherein as may appear by Eliphas the Temanite, who disputed with job, Religion was sincerely taught.  
Such is the discourse of Bozius, who labouring to prove one Paradox by an other, deserves in both very little credit. For neither doth it follow, that if the Tyrians were Edumaeans, they were then of the true Religion, or well affected to God and his People: neither is it true that they, were Edumaeans at all. In what Religion Esau brought up his children it is no where found written, but that himself was a profane man, and disavowed by God, the Scriptures in plain terms express. That his posterity were Idolaters, is directly proved in the fiuc and twentieth Chapter of the second book of Chronicles. That the Edomites were perpetual enemies to the House of Israel, save only when David and some of his race, Kings of juda, held them in subjection, who knows not? or who is ignorant of David's unfriendly behaviour amongst them, when first they were subdued? Surely it was not any argument of Kindred or Alliance, between Tyrus and Mount Seir, that Hiram held such good correspondence with David: even than when joab slew all the Males of Edom: neither was it for their devotion to God, and good affection to Israel, that the Edomites were so ill entreated. It seemeth that the piety and ancient wisdom of Eliphaz the Themanite was then forgotten, and the Edumaeans punished, for being such as David in his own days found them. Although indeed the City of Teman whence Eliphaz come to reason with job, is not that in Edumaea, but another of the same name, lying East from the Sea of Galilee, and 〈◊〉 to Hus, the Country of job: and to 〈◊〉 the City of Bildad the Suhite, as both such Chorographers who best knew those parts, do plainly show, and the holy T ext makes 〈◊〉. For job is said to have exceeded in riches; and Solomon in wisdom, all the people of the East; not the inhabitants of Mount Seir, which lay due South from Palestina. True it is that Eliphaz the son of Esau had a son called Teman: but that Fathers were wont in those days to take name of their sons, I no where find. And Ishmael also had a son called Thema: of whom it is not unlike that Theman in the East had the name: for as much as in the seventh Chapter of the book of judges, the Midianites, Amalekites, and all they of the East are called Ismaelites. And he that well considers how great and strong a Nation Amalec was, which durst give battle to the Host of Israel, wherein were 600000. able men, will hardly believe that such a people were descended from one of Esau his grandchildren. For how powerful and numberless must the forces of all Edom have been: if one Tribe of them, yea one Family of a Tribe had been so great? surely Mount Seir and all the Regions adjoining could not have held them. But we no where find that Edom had to do with 〈◊〉: or assisted the Amalekites: when Saul went to root them out. For Amalec is no where in Scripture named as a Tribe of Edom: but a Nation of itself, if distinct from the 〈◊〉. The like may be said of Midian, that the Founder thereof being son to Abraham by Cethura, doubtless was no Edomite. And thus much in general for all the Signiory of the Read Sea-coast, which Bozius imagines the 〈◊〉 to have held: if the Edomites in aftertimes held some places as Elan and Esiongaber on the Read Sea shore, yet in Moses time, which was long after the building of tire, they held them not. For Moses himself saith, that Israel did compass all the borders of Edom: within which limits had Midian stood, Moses must needs have known it: because he had sojourned long in that Country: and there had left his Wife and Children, when he went into Egypt.  
But conjectural Arguments, how probable soever, are needless in so manifest a case. For in the 83. Psal. Edom, Amalec, and tire, are named as distinct Nations: yea the Tyrians and Sidonians being one people, as all good Authors show, and Bozius himself confesseth, were Canaanites, as appears, Gen. c. 10. v. 15. & 19 appointed by God to have been destroyed, and their Lands given to the children of Asser jos. 29. because they were ever Idolaters, and of the cursed seed of Canaan, not Cousins to Israel, nor professors of the same Religion. For though Hiram said, Blessed be God that hath sent King DAVID a wise son, we cannot infer that he was of David's Religion. The Turk hath said as much of Christian Princes, his confederates. Certain it is that the Sidonians then worshipped Astaroth; and drew Solomon also to the same Idolatry.  
Whereas Hiram aided Solomon in building the Temple, he did it for his own ends, receiving therefore of Solomon great provision of Corn, and Oil, and the offer of twenty Towns or Villages in Galilee. And if we rightly consider things, it will appear that Hiram, in all points, dealt Merchantlike with Solomon, He allowed him Timber, with which Libanus was, and yet is over-pestered: being otherwise apt to yield silks: as the Andarine silks which come from thence, and other good commodities. For Corn and Oil, which hec wanted, he gave that which he could well spare to Solomon. Also gold for Land: wherein Solomon was the wiser: who having got the gold first, gave to Hiram the worst Villages that he had: with which the Tyrian was ill pleased. But it was a necessary policy which enforced Tyrus to hold league with Israel. For David had subdued Moab, Ammon, Edom, the Aramites, and a great part of Arabia, even to Euphrates: through which Countries the Tyrians were wont to carry and recarrie their Wares on Cammells, to their fleets on the Read Sea; and back again to Tyrus: so that Solomon being Lord of all the Countries through which they were to pass, could have cut off their Trade.  
But the Israelites were no Seamen, and therefore glad to share with the Tyrians in their adventures. Yet Solomon as Lord of the Sea-towns, which his Father had taken from the Philistines, might have greatly distressed the Tyrians, and perhaps have brought them even into subjection. Which Hiram knowing, was glad (and no marvel) that Solomon rather meant as a man of peace to employ his Father's treasure, in magnificent works, than in pursuing the conquest of all Syria. Therefore he willingly aided him, and sent him cunning workmen, to increase his delight in goodly buildings, imageries, and instruments of pleasure.  
As these passages between Solomon and Hiram, are no strong Arguments of piety in the Tyrians: so those other proofs which Bozius frames negatively upon particular examples, are very weak. For what the Religion of Cadmus was, I think, no man knows. It seems to me, that having more cunning than the Greeks', and being very ambitious, he would feign have purchased divine honours: which his Daughters, Nephews, and others of his house obtained, but his own many misfortunes beguiled him of such hopes, if he had any. Thales and Pherecydes are but single examples. Every salvage Nation hath some whose wisdom excelleth the Vulgar, even of civil people. Neither did the moral wisdom of these men express any true knowledge of the true God. Only they made no good mention of the Gods of Greece: whom being newly come thither, they knew not. It is no good argument to say, that Cadmus and Thales being Tyrians, are not known to have taught Idolatry, therefore the Tyrians were not Idolaters. But this is of force, That Carthage, Utica, Leptis, Cadiz, and all Colonies of the Tyrians (of which, I think, the islands before mentioned in the Read Sea to have been, for they traded in all Seas) were Idolaters, even from their first beginnings: therefore, the Tyrians who planted them, and to whom they had reference, were so likewise.  
This their Idolatry from Salomon's time on-wards is acknowledged by Bozius, who would have us think them to have been formerly a strange kind of denout Edomites. In which fancy he is so peremptory, that he styleth men of contrary opinion, impios politicos, as if it were impiety to think that God (who even among the Heathen, which have not known his name, doth favour Virtue and hate Vice) hath often rewarded moral honesty, with temporal happiness. Doubtless this doctrine of Bozius would better have agreed with julian the Apostata, than with Cyril. For if the Assyrians, Greeks', Romans, and all those Nations of the Gentiles, did then prospero most, when they drew necrest unto the true Religion: what may be said of the soul Idolatry which grew in Rome, as fast as Rome itself grew: and was enlarged with some new superstition, almost upon every new victory? How few great battles did the Romans win, in which they vowed not either a Temple to some new God, or some new Honour to one of their old Gods? yea, what one Nation, save only that of the jews, was subdued by them, whose Gods they did not afterward entertain in their City? Only the true God, which was the God of the jews, they rejected, upbraiding the jews with him, as if he were unworthy of the Roman Majesty: shall we hereupon enforce the lewd and foolish conclusion, which Heathen writers used against the Christians in the Primitive Church: That such Idolatry had caused the City of Rome to flourish, and that the decay of those abominations did also bring with it the decay of the Empire? It might well be thought so, if prosperity were a sign or effect of true Religion. Such is the blind zeal of Bozius, who writing against those whom he falsely terms impious, gives strength to such as are impious indeed. But such indiscretion is usually found among men of his humour; who having once either foolishly embraced the dreams of others, or vainly fashioned in their own brains any strange Chimaeras of Divinitic, condemn all suchin the pride of their zeal, as Athetsts and Infidels, that are not transported with the like intemperate ignorance. Great pity it is that such mad Dogs are oftentimes encouraged by those, who having the command of many tongues, when they themselves cannot touch a man in open and generous opposition, will wound him secretly by the malicious virtue of an Hypocrite.    

CHAP. IX.. Of the Tribe of EPHRAIM, and of the Kings of the ten Tribes, whose head was EPHRAIM.  

§. I. Of the memorable places in the Tribe of EPHRAIM.  
HAVING now past over Phoenicia, we come to the next Territory adjoining: which is that of Ephraim: sometime taken per excellentiam for the whole Kingdom 
Psal. 5 9 78. 108 Par. 〈◊〉.  of the ten Tribes. Ephraim was the second son of joseph, whose issues when they left Egypt were in number 45000. all which dying in the Deserts (〈◊〉 excepted) there entered the Holy Land of their children grown to be able men 32500. who sat down on the West side of jordan, between Manasse, and Benjamin: who bounded Ephraim by the North and South; as jordan, and the Mediterran Sea, did by the East and West:  
The first and chief City which Ephraim had, was Samaria, the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Israel, built by Amris or Homri King thereof, and seated on the top of the Mountain 〈◊〉, which over-looketh all the bottom, and as far as the Sea-coast. It was afterward called Sebaste, or Augusta, in honour of August. Caesar. This City is often remembered in the Scriptures: and magnificent it was in the first building; for as Brochard observeth, the ruins which yet remain, and which Brochard found greater than those of Jerusalem, tell those that behold them, what it was when it stood upright: for to this day there are found great store of goodly marble pillars, with other hewn and carved stone in great abundance, among the rubble.  
It was beaten to the ground by the Sons of Hircanus the high Priest: restored and built by the first Herod the son of Antipater: who to flatter Caesar called it Sebaste. Herein were the Prophets Helisaeus, and Abdias buried: and so was john Baptist. It now hath nothing but a few Cottages filled with Graecian Monks.  
Near Samaria toward the South, is the Hill of Bethel, and a town of that name: on the top of which Mountain jeroboam erected one of his golden Calves, to be worshipped: with which he seduced the Israelites.  
In sight of this Mountain of Bethel, was that ancient City of Sichem; after the restoration called Neapolis, now Pelosa, and Napolasa: It was destroyed by Simeon and 
〈◊〉. joh. 4. 5. Maborthan.  Levi, in revenge of the ravishment of their sister Dina: and after that by Abimelec 
joseph. 11. 〈◊〉. 1.  cuened with the soil. jeroboam raised it up again: and the Damascens a third time cast it down.  
Under Sichem toward the Sea standeth Pharaton or Pirhathon on the Mountain 
judg. 12. 15.  Amelec, the City of Abdon judge of Israel. And under it Bethoron of the Levites, 
2. King. 13.  built as it is said by Sara, the Daughter of Ephraim. Near to this City judas Macchabaeus overthrew Seron and Lysias, Lieutenants to Antiochus. This City had Solomon formerly repaired and fortified.  
Between Bethoron and the Sea, standeth Samir, of which jos. 10. And Saron whose King was slain by josua: it is also mentioned Acts 9 35. and of this Saron the 
jos. c. 12. 18.  Valley taketh name, which beginning at Caesarea Palaestinae, extendeth itself alongst the coast as far as jop, saith Adrichome. Though indeed the name Sarona is not particularly given to this Valley, but to every fruitful plain Region; for not only this Valley is so called, to wit, between Caesarea and joppe, but that also between the Mountain Tabor and the Sea of Galilee: for so S. Hierome upon the five and thirtieth Chapter of Easie interprets the word Saron: and so doth the same Father in his Commentaries upon Abdia, read Saron for Assaron: understanding thereby a Plain near Lidda: which Lidda in his time was called Diospolis, or the City of jupiter, one of the Toparchies of judaea, the fist in dignity (or the third after Pliny) where Saint PETER (non suased Christi virtute) cured Aeneas. Niger calls all that Region from 
Act. 6.  
Luc. 23.  Anti-libanus to joppe Sarona. This joppe was burnt to the ground by the Romans, 
Niger. Comm. 4.  those Ravens and spoilers of all Estates, disturbers of Commonweals, usurpers of 
Asiae. fol. 503. 14.  other Prince's Kingdoms; who with no other respect led than to amplify their own glory, troubled the whole world: and themselves, after murdering one another, become a prey to the most salvage and barbarous Nations.  
In Diospolis (saith William. of tire) was S. George beheaded, and buried: in whose honour 
Of this Saint George see more above in this second Book.  and memory justinian the Emperor caused a fair Church to be built over his Tomb, these be Tyrius his words: Relicta à dextris locis maritimis Antipatride, & joppe, per latè patentem planitiem Eleutheriam pertranseuntes, 〈◊〉 quae est Diospolis, 
C. 7. §. 3. †. 5.  ubi & egregij Martyris GEORGIJ usque hodtè Sepulchrum ostenditur, pervenerunt, eius Ecclesiam quum ad honorem eiusdem Martyris pius & orthodoxus Princeps Romanorum, AUGUSTUS JUSTINIANUS multo studio & devotione prompta aedificari praeceperat, etc. They having left (saith he) on the right hand, the Sea Towns Antipatris, and joppe, passing over the great open plain of Eleutheria, come to Lidda, which is Diospolis: where the sumptuous Tomb of the famous Martyr S. GEORGE is at this day showed; whose Church, when the Godly and Orthodox Prince of the Romans, High and Mighty JUSTINIAN had commanded to be built, with great earnestness and present devotion, etc. Thus far Tyrius, by whose testimony we may conjecture that this S. George was not that Arrian Bishop of Alexandria; but rather some better Christian: for this of Alexandria was slain there in an uproar of the people, and his ashes cast into the Sea, as Ammianus Marcellinus reports. And yet also it may be, that this Georgius 
〈◊〉 22. c. 11.  was a better Christian, than he is commonly thought: for his words of the Temple of GENIUS, How long shall this Sepulchre stand? occasioned the uproar of the people against him: as fearing jest he would give attempt to overthrow that beautiful Temple. This also Marcellinus reports; who though he say that this Georgius was also deadly hated of the Christians, who else might have rescued him: yet he addeth that his ashes, with the ashes of two others, were therefore cast into the Sea, jest if their Relics had been gathered up, Churches should be built for them, as for others. But for my part, I rather think that it was not this Georgius, whose name lives in the right honourable Order of our Knights of the Garter, but rather another, whom Tyrius, above cited, witnesseth to have been buried at Lidda or Diospolis. The same also is confirmed by Vitriac. S. Hierome affirms that it was 
Salig. Tom. 6. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉  sometime called Tigrida, and while the Christians inhabited the Holy Land, it had a Bishop Suffragan.  
Near to Lidda or Diospolis standeth Ramatha of the Levites, or Aramathia: afterward Rama, and Ramula, the native City of joseph, which buried the body of Christ. There are many places which bear this name of Rama; one they set in the Tribe of 
See in the Tribe of Benjamin, cap. 12. §. 1.  juda near Thecua in the way of Hcbron; another in Nephtalim, not far from Sephet; a third in Zabulon, which, they say, adjoineth to Sephoris; a fourth, which they make the same with Silo, 〈◊〉 a fifth, which is this Rama, in the Hills of Ephraim, called Rama-Sophim, where Samuel lived; and wherein he is buried. 
Sam. 1. 6. 25. v. 5   
From hence to the North alongst the coast are Helon, or Aialon of the Levites, of which 1. Chron 6. Apollonia, of which josephus in his Antiquities, and in the War of 
Ant. 13. 21. de Bell. Ind. 1. 6.  the jews. Also Balsalisa (for which Innius, 2. Reg. 4. 42. reads planities Shalistae) they place hereabout in this Tribe of Epbraim; but junius upon 1. Sam. 6. where we read of the Land of 〈◊〉, findeth it in Benjamin.  
On the other side of the Mountains of Ephraim standeth Gosna, one of the Toparchies or Cities of government, the second in dignity, of which the Country about it taketh name.  
Than Thamnath-sara, or according to the Hebrew, Thimnath-Serach: one also of the 
judge 2. 9 It is called Thimnath Chores.  ten Toparchies or 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, which they call Thamnitica; a goodly City and strong, seated on one of the high Hills of Ephraim; on the North of the Hill called 
〈◊〉. 19 50.  Gaas; which City and Territory Israel gave unto their Leader josua; who also amplified it with buildings, near which he was buried. His Sepulchre remained in S. 
Hieron, in locis Hebr.  Hierome's time, and over it the Sun engraven, in memory of that greatest of wonders, which God wrought in Iosua's time.  
In the places adjoining standeth Adarsa, or Adasa; where judas Maccabeus with 3000. jews overthrew the Army of Nicanor, Lieutenant of Syria; near to Gazer or 
Maccab. 1. 7. 40.  Gezer which josua took, and hung their King; a City of the Levites. It was afterward taken by Pharaoh of Egypt; the people all slain, and the City razed; Solomon rebuilt it.  
To the East of this place is the Frontier City of jefleti, of which jos. 16. 3. otherwise Pelethi, whence David had part of his Praetorian Soldiers, under the charge of Benaia. Than that high and famous Mountain and City of Silo, whereon the Ark of God 〈◊〉 kept so many years, till the Philistines got it.  
To this they join the City of Machmas or Michmas: in which jonathas 
See in Benjamin.  Micchabaeus inhabited, a place often remembered in the Scriptures. It standeth 
Maccab. 1. 9 v. ult.  in the common way from Samaria towards Jerusalem: and is now called Byra.  
Than the Village of Naioth where Saul prophesied; and ncere it Ephron, one of 
King. 1. c. 4. and see Rana in Benjamin.  those Cities which Abijah recovered from jeroboam; after the great overthrow given him. Than Kibtsaim of the Levites, of which josua 21. 22. which junius thinks to be the same with jokmeham, of which 1. Chro. 6. 28. As for Absalom's Baalasor, which they find hereabout, junius reads it the Plain of Chatzor; and finds it in the Tribe of juda; as jos. 15. we read of two Chatzors in that Tribe; one near Kedesh v. 23. and the other the same as Chetzron v. 25.  
In this Tribe also they find the City of Melo; whose Citizens, they say, joined with the 〈◊〉 in making the Bastard Abimelec King: adding that for the building thereof with other Cities, Solomon raised a Tribute upon the people. But it seems that 〈◊〉 or Millo is a common name of a strong Fort or Citadel: and so junius 
jud. 9 v. 6. & 20  for domus Millo, reads incolae munitionis, and for Salomo aedificabit Millo, he reads 
1. Reg. 11. 27.  aedificabat munitionem, and so the Septuagint read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that place. And without 
Vatablus expounds Millo in this place, locum publicum neccessarium 〈◊〉 jerosolymitanis atque Israelitis.  doubt the Millo which Solomon built, cannot be that of Sichem, but another in Jerusalem.  
The other Cities of mark in Ephraim, are Taphuach, whose King was slain by josua; and 〈◊〉 or janoah spoiled by Teglatphalassar; Pekah then governing Israel; with divers others, but of no great fame.  
The Mountains of Ephraim sometime signify the greatest part of the Land of 
2. King. 15. 29.  the Sons of joseph, on the West of jordan: several parts whereof are the Hill of 
jos. 17. v. 15. 16.  Samron or Samaria, 1. Reg. 16. 24. 
* 〈◊〉 the Hill of 〈◊〉, where Eleazar the high Priest the son of Aaron, was buried, jos. 24. 33. And the two tops of Hills, Gerizzim where the blessings, & Hebal where the cursings were to be read to the people: of which Deut. 11 & 17. & jos. 8.  the Hill of Gahas, judg. 2. 9 the Hill of Tsalmon or Salmon, judg. 9 48. the Hills of the Region of Tsuph or Tsophim, judg. 9 5. where Rama-Tsophim stood, which was the City of Samuel.  
The great plenty of fruitful Vines upon the sides of the Mountains, was the occasion that jacob in the Spirit of Prophecy, Genes. 49. 22. compared josephs' two branches, Ephraim and Manasse, to the branches of a fruitful Vine planted by the Weil side, and spreading her 
a It seemeth that jacob in this prophecy the rather useth the word Daughters for branches, thereby the more plainly to signify Colonies: which in the Hebrew phrase are called Daughters of the Metropolis: as in 〈◊〉 and elsewhere 〈◊〉.  Daughter-branches along the Wall: which Allegory also Ezekiel c. 22. in his Lamentation for Ephraim (that is, for the ten Tribes, whose head was Ephraim) prosecutes: as also in his Lamentation for juda, he follows the other Allegory of jacob, Gen. 49. 9 comparing juda to a Lyon. Upon the top of one of the highest of these Hills of 〈◊〉, which over-looketh all the plains on both sides of jordan, they find the Castle called Dok: which they make to be the same with Dagon, of which joseph. 1. Bell. judg. c. 2. in which Castle as it is 1. Maccab. 16 Ptolemy most traitorously, at a banquet, slew Simon Maccabeus his Father-in-Law.  
Among the Rivers of this Tribe of Ephraim, they name Gaas, remembered in the second of Samuel, c. 23. v. 30. where though 〈◊〉 read Hiddai ex una vallium Gahasi: yet the Vulgar and Vatablus read 〈◊〉 of the River of Gaas. Also in this Tribe they place. the River of Carith, by which the Prophet Eltas abode during the great drought: where he was 
b 1. Reg. 17. 3. 1. Reg. 17.  fed with the Ravens: and after that the River was dried up, he travailed (by the Spirit of God guided) towards Sidon: where he was relieved by the poor Widow of Zarepta, whose dead son he revived, and increased her pittance of Meal and Oil: whereby she sustained her life.   

§. II Of the Kings of the ten Tribes from JEROBOAM to ACHAB.  
OF the first Kings of Israel, I omit in this place to speak: and reserve it to the Catalogue of the Kings of juda: of whom hereafter.  
Touching the acts of the Kings of the ten Tribes, but briefly, beginning after the division from juda and Beniamm, now it follows to speak. The first of these Kings was jeroboam, the son of Nebat, an Ephrathite of Zereda, who being a man of strength and courage, was by Solomon made overseer of the buildings of the Millo or Munition in Jerusalem, for as much as belonged to the charge of the Tribes of Ephraim and Manasse: and so many of them as wrought in those works. During which time as he went from Jerusalem, he encountered the Prophet Ahijah: who made him know that he was by God destinied to be King of Israel: and to command ten of the twelve Tribes. After this fearing that those things might come to Salomon's knowledge, he fled into Egypt to Shishak, whom Eusebius calleth Osochores, whose Daughter he married: the Predecessor of which Shishak (if not the same) did likewise entertain Adad the Idumaean, when he was carried young into Egypt from the fury of David, and his Captain joab; which Adad, the King of Egypt married to his wives sister Taphnes'; using both him and jeroboam as instruments to shake the Kingdom of judaea; that himself might the 
1. Reg. 14.  easilier spoil it, as he did: for in the fifth year of Rehoboam, Shishak sacked the City of Jerusalem, and carried thence all the treasure of David and Solomon, and all the spoils which David took from Adadezer of Soba, with the presents of Tohu, King of Hamath, which were of an inestimable value.  
This jeroboam after the death of Solomon become Lord of the ten Tribes: and though he were permitted by God to govern the Israelites, and from a mean man exalted to that state: yet preferring the policies of the world before the service and honour of God (as fearing that if the Tribes under his rule should repair to Jerusalem to do their usual Sacrifices, they might be drawn from him by degrees) he erected two golden Calves, one in Dan, and another in Bethel, for the people to worship (an imitation of the Egyptian Apis, saith S. Ambrose, or rather of Aaron's Calf 
Ambrose upon the 1. Chap. of the Epistle to the Romans.  in Horeb) further he made election of his Priests out of the basest and unlearned people. This King made his chief seat and Palace at Sichem: He despised the warning of the judaean Prophet, whom josephus calleth Adonis, and Glycas joel: His hand thereafter withered, and was again restored: but continuing in his Idolatry, and hardened upon occasion that the Prophet returning was slain by a Lion, Ahijah makes him know, that God purposed to root out his posterity.  
He was afterward overthrown by Abia King of juda, and died after he had governed 
1. King. 11. 12. 13. 14.  two and twenty years; whom Nadab his son succeeded: who in the second 
15. Chron. 13.  year of his reign, together with all the race of jeroboam was slain, and rooted out by Baasha, who reigned in his stead: so Nadab lived King but two years.  
Baasha the son of Ahijah, the third King after the partition, made war with Asa King of juda: he seated himself in Thersa: and fortified Rama against juda, to restrain their excursions. Hereupon Asa entertained Benhadad of Damascus against him, who invaded Nephtalim, and destroyed many places therein: the mean while Asa carried away the Materials, with which Baasha intended to fortify Rama; but being an Idolater, he was threatened by jehu the Prophet, that it should befall his 
1. Kin. 15. & 16  race, as it did to jeroboam: which afterward come to pass: He ruled four and twenty years and died.  
To Baasha succeeded Ela his son, who at a feast at his Palace of Thersa, was in his cups slain by Zambris after he had reigned two years: and in him the prophecy of jehu was fulfilled.  
Zambris succeeded Ela, and assumed the name of a King seven days; But Ambris in revenge of the King's Murder, set upon Zambris, or Zimri; and enclosed him 
1. King. 16.  in Thersa, and forced him to burn himself.  
Ambris or Homri succeeded Ela, and transferred the Regal seat from Thersa to Samaria: which he bought of Shemer, built, and fortified it. This Ambris was also 
1. King. 16.  an Idolater, no less impious than the rest: and therefore subjecteth to Tabremmon, King of Syria; the Father of Benadad according to Eusebius, Nicephorus, and Zonaras: but how this should stand, I do not well conceive; seeing Benadad the Son of Tabremmon was invited by Asa King of juda, to assail Baasha King of Israel, the Father 
〈◊〉. King. 15.  of Ela who forwent Ambris. This Ambris reigned twelve years, six in Thersa, and six in Samaria, and left two children, Achab and Athalia.   

§. III Of ACHAB and his Successors, with the captivity of the ten Tribes.  
ACHAB or Ahab succeeded Omri, who not only up-held the Idolatry of jeroboam, borrowed of the Egyptians: but he married jezabel the Zidonian: and as jeroboam followed the Religion of his Egyptian Wife: so did Achab of his Zidonian: and erected an Altar and a Grove to Baal in Samaria. He suffered 〈◊〉 to kill the Prophets of the most high God. GOD sent famine on the Land of Israel. Achab met Elias: Elias prevailed in the trial of the Sacrifice, and killeth the false prophets: and afterward flieth for fear of jezabel.  
Benadad, not long after, besieged Samaria: and taken by Achab, was by him set at liberty: for which the Prophet (whom Glycas calleth Michaeas) reproveth him: afterward he caused Naboth by a false accusation to be stoned. Than joining with josaphat in the war for the recovery of Ramoth, he was slain as Michaeas had foretold him.  
He had three sons named in the Scripture, Ochozias, joram, and joas: besides seventy other sons by sundry wives and Concubines.  
Ochozias succeeded his sather Achab. The Moabites fell from his obedience: he 
Beelse-bub was the same with Belus and Pluto, saith Viginere upon 〈◊〉.  bruised himself by a fall: and sent for counsel to Beel- 〈◊〉 the God of Acheron. Eliah the Prophet meeteth the messenger on the way: and misliking that Ochozias sought help from that dead Idol, asked the messenger, If there were not a God in Israel? Ochozias sendeth two Captains, and with each fifty soldiers to bring Eliah unto him, both which with their Attendants were consumed with fire. The third Captain besought mercy at Eliah's hands, and he spared him, and went with him to the king; avowing it to the king that he must then die, which come to pass in the second year of his reign.  
joram the brother of Ochozias by jezabel, succeeded: He alured josaphat king of juda, and the king of Edom to assist him against the Moabites, who refused to pay him the tribute of 20000 sheep. The three kings wanted water, for themselves and their horses, in the Deserts. The Prophet Elisha causeth the ditches to flow. The Moabites 
2. King. 3.  are overthrown: their king flieth to Kirharaseth, and being besieged, according to some Expositors, burnt his son on the walls as a Sacrifice, whereat the three kings moved with compassion returned and left Moab, wasting and spoiling that Region. Others, as it seems with better reason, understand the Text to speak of the son of the king of Edom, whom they suppose in this irruption to have been taken prisoner, by the Moabites, and that the king of Moab showed him over the walls, threatening, unless the siege were dissolved, that he would offer him in sacrifice to his Gods. Whereupon the king of Edom besought those of juda and Israel to break off the siege for the safety of his son: which when the other kings refused to yield unto, and that Moab according to his former threatening had burnt the king of Edom's son upon the rampire, that all the assailants might discern it, the king of Edom being by this sad spectacle enraged, forsook the party of the other kings; for want of whose assistance the siege was broken up.  
After this the king of Aram sent to joram, to heal Naaman the Captain of his Army of the leprosy. The answer of joram was; Am I God to kill, and to give life, that he doth sand to heal a man from his leprosy? adding, that the Aramite sought but matter of quarrel against him. Elisha hearing thereof, willed the king to sand Naaman to him; promising that he should know that there was a Prophet in Israel, and so Naaman was healed by washing himself seven times in jordan. Elisha refused the gifts of Naaman. But his servant Gehazi accepted a part thereof: from whence the sellers of spiritual gifts are called Gehazites, as the buyers are Simonians 
2. King. 1. 5.  of Simon Magus.  
Afterwards Benhadad king of Aram or Damascus, having heard that this Prophet did discover to the king of Israel whatsoever the Aramite consulted in his secretest council, sent a troop of horse to take Elisha: all whom Elisha struck blind, and brought them captives into Samaria: joram then ask leave of the Prophet to slay them, Elisha forbade him to harm them: but caused them to be fed and sent back to their own Prince in safety.  
The king of Aram notwithstanding these benefits, did again attempt Samaria, and brought the Citizens to extreme famine. joram imputeth the cause thereof to the Prophet Elisha. Elisha by prayer caused a noise of Chariots and armour to sounded in the air, whereby the Aramites affrighted, fled away, and left the siege; an act of great admiration as the same is written in the second of Kings. After this, when 
2. King. 7.  Azael obtained the kingdom of Syria by the death of his Master, joram entering upon his frontier took Ramoth Gilead: in which war he received divers wounds, and returned to jesrael to be cured. But whilst he lay there, jehu (who commanding the army of joram in Gilead, was anointed king by one of the children of the Prophets sent by Elisha) surprised and slew both him and all that belonged unto him, rooting out the whole posterity of Ahab.  
〈◊〉 who reigned after jehoram, destroyed not only the race of his 〈◊〉, but also their Religion; for which he received a promise from God, That his seed should occupy the Throne unto the fourth generation. Yet he upheld the idolatry of jeroboam, for which he was plagued with grievous war, wherein he was beaten by Hazael the Aramite, who spoilt all the Countries to the East of jordan: 
Pag. 86.  in which war he was slain, saith Cedrenus: whereof the Scriptures are silent. jehu reigned 28. years.  
joachaz or 〈◊〉 the son of jehu succeeded his father, whom Azael and his son Benhadad often invaded, and in the end subjecteth, leaving him only 50. horse, 20. chariots, and 10000 foot; and as it is written in the Scriptures, he made them 
2. King. 13.  like dust beaten into powder. joachaz reigned 17. years.  
After joachaz joas his son governed Israel, who when he repaired to Elisha the Prophet as he lay in his deathbed, the Prophet promised him three victories over the Aramites: and first commanded him to lay his hand on his bow, and Elisha covered the king's hands with his, and bade him open the window westward (which was toward Damascus) and then shoot an arrow thence out. He again willed him to beaten the ground with his arrows, who smote it thrice, and ceased: The Prophet then told him, that he should have smitten five or six times, and then he should have had so many victories over the Aramites as he gave strokes. And so it succeeded with joas, who overthrew the Aramites in three battles, and recovered the Cities and Territory from 〈◊〉 the son of Azael, which his father joachaz had lost. He also overthrew Amazia king of juda, who provoked him to make the war, whereupon he entered Jerusalem, and sacked it with the Temple. This joas 
2. King. 14.  reigned sixteen years and died; in whose time also the Prophet Elisha exchanged this life for a better.  
jeroboam the third from jehu, followed joas his father, an Idolater as his predecessors; but he recovered all the rest of the lands belonging to Israel, from Hamath which is near Libanus, to the dead Sea, and reigned one and forty years.  
Zacharias the fift and last of the house of jehu, 〈◊〉 by Shallum his vassal, who reigned in his stead, governed six months. Shallum held the kingdom but one month, being slaughtered by 〈◊〉 of the Gadites.  
Menahem who took revenge of Shallum, used great cruelty to those that did not acknowledge him: ripping the bellies of those that were with child. This Menahem being invaded by Phul, bought his peace with ten thousand talents of silver, which 
2. King. 16. 19  he exacted by a Tribute of fifty shckels from every man of wealth in Israel. Menahem governed twenty years.  
Pekahiah or Phaceia, or after Zonar as Phacesia, succeeded, and after he had ruled two years, he was slain by Phaca or Pekah the Commander of his army, who reigned in his place. In this Pekahs' time Phulassar or Tiglat-Phylassar invaded the kingdom of Israel, and wan jion, Abel-Bethmaaca, janoach, Kedesh, Hasor, and Gilead, with all the Cities of Galilee, carrying them captives into Assyria: he was drawn 
2. King. 〈◊〉. 29.  in by Achas king of 〈◊〉 against Pekah and Rezin, the last of the Adades. For Achas being wasted by Pekah of Israel and by Rezin of Damascus, did a third time borrow the Church riches, and therewith engaged the Assyrian, who first suppressed the Monarchy of Syria and Damascus, and then of Israel: and this inviting of the great Assyrian, was the utter ruin of both States, of Israel and of 〈◊〉. Pekah reigned twenty years.  
Than Hoshea or Osea, who slew Pekah, become the vassal of Salmanassar; but hoping to shake off the Assyrian yoke, he sought aid from So, or Sua, or Sebicus king of Egypt: which being known to the Assyrian, he cast him into prison, besieged Samaria, and mastered it: carried the ten idolatrous. Tribes into Niniveh in Assyria, and into Rages in Media, and into other Eastern Regions, and there dispersed them; and replanted Samaria with divers Nations, and chief with the Cuthaes (inhabiting about 〈◊〉 a River in Persia, or rather in Arabia Deserta) and with the people Catanei 
Ptol. l. 5.  bounding upon Syria, and with those of Sepharuaijm (a people of Sephar in Mesopotamia 
Esai. 37.  upon Euphrates, of whose conquest Senacherib vaunteth) also with those of Aua: which were of the ancient Auins who inhabited the Land of the Philistines in Abraham's time, dwelling near unto Gaza, whom the Caphtorims rooted out: and at this time they were of Arabia the Desert, called 〈◊〉, willing to return to their ancient seats. To these he added those of Chamath or 〈◊〉, the ancient enemies of the Israelites, and sometime the Vassals of the Adads' of Damascus, which so often afflicted them. And thus did this Assyrian advise himself better than the Romans did. For after Titus and Vespasian had wasted the Cities of 〈◊〉, and Jerusalem, they carried the people away captive: but left no others in their places, but a very few simple labourers, besides their own thin Garrisons, which soon decayed: and thereby they gave that dangerous entrance to the Arabians and Saracens, who never could be driven thence again to this day.  
And this transmigration, plantation, and displantation, happened in the year of the world 3292. the sixth year of Ezekia King of 〈◊〉: and the ninth of Hosea the last King of Israel.  

A Catalogue of the Kings of the ten TRIBES.  1. jeroboam, Reigned 22 Years. 2. Nadab, 2 Years. 3. Baasha, 24. Years. 4. Ela, 20. Years. 5. Zambris, 7. Days. 6. Omri, 11. Years. 7. Achab, 22. Years. 8. Ochozias, 2. Years. 9 joram, 12. Years. 10. jehu, 28. Years. 11. joachaz, 17. Years. 12. joas, 16. Years. 13. jeroboam, 41. Years. 14. Zacharias, 6. Months. 15. Shallum, 1. month. 16. Menahem, 10. Years. 17. Pekahia, 2. Years. 18. Phaca, 20. Years. 19 Hosea. 9 Years, about whose time writers differ.    

CHAP. X. Of the memorable places of DAN, SIMEON, JUDA, REUBEN, GAD, and the other half of MANASSE.  

§ I Of DAN, where of joppe, Gath, Accaron, Azotus, and other Towns.  
NOw following the coast of the Mediterran Sea, that portion of Land assigned to the Tribe of Dan, joineth to Ephraim, whereof I spoke last: of which family there were numbered at Mount Sinai 62700. fight men, all which leaving their bodies with the rest in the Deserts, there entered the Holy Land of their sons 66400. bearing arms. The first famous City in this Tribe on the Sea coast was joppe, or japho, as in the 
V 46.  19 of josua: one of the most ancientest of the World, and the most famous of others on that coast, because it was the Port of Jerusalem. From hence jonas embarked himself when he fled from the service of God, towards Tharsis in Cilicia. In the time of the Macchabees this City received many changes: and while judas 〈◊〉 governed the jews, the Syrians that were Garrisond in joppe, having their fleet in the Port, invited 200. principal Citizens aboard them, and cast them all into the Sea: which judas revenged by 
Macc. 2. 12.  firing their fleet, and putting the companies which sought to escape to the sword.  
It was twice taken by the Romans, and by Cestius the Lieutenant utterly burnt and ruined. But in the year of Christ 1250. Lodovick the French King gave it new Walls and Towers: It is now the Turks, and called jaffa. There are certain Rocks in that Port, whereunto it is reported that Andromeda was fastried with chains: and from thence delivered from the Sea-Monster by Perseus. This fable (for so I take it) is confirmed by josephus, Solinus, and Pliny. Marcus Scaurus during his office of 
L. 3. 1. 15. de bell. 〈◊〉. Solin. c. 47.  Aedileship, showed the bones of this Monster to the people of Rome. S. Hierome 
〈◊〉. l. 5. c. 9  upon jonas speaks of it indifferently.  
The next unto joppe was jamnia, where judas Macchabaeus 〈◊〉 the rest of the Syrian 
2. Macc. 12.  fleet: the fire and flame whereof was seen at Jerusalem 240. furlongs off. It 
De Bell. sacr.  had sometime a Bishops seat, saith William. of tire; But there is no sign of it at this time that such a place there was.  
After jamnia is the City of Geth or Gath, sometime Anthedon, saith Volaterran. And so Montanus seems to understand it. For he sets it next to Egypt, of all the Philistim 
〈◊〉. 244.  Cities, and in the place of Anthedon. But Volaterran gives neither reason nor authority for his opinion; for Ptolemy sets Anthedon far to the South of joppe: And Geth was the first and not the last (beginning from the North) of all the great Cities of the Philistines: and about sixteen miles from joppe; where St. Hierome in his time found a great Village of the same name. It was sometime the Habitation and Seminary of the Anakims: strong and Giant-like-men, whom josua could not expel, 
Hieron. in Micheam.  nor the Danites after him: nor any of the Israelites, till David's time: who slew Goliath, as his Captains did divers others not much inferior in strength and stature unto Goliath.  
Roboam the Son of Solomon rebuilt Geth: Ozias the son of Amazia destroyed it again. It was also laid waste by Azael King of Syria. 〈◊〉 the fourth King of Jerusalem, built a Castle in the same place out of the old ruins. Whither this Geth was the same that William. of tire in the holy War calls Ibijlin, I much doubt: the 
L. 21. c. 18.  error growing by taking Gath for Anthedon.  
Not far from Geth or Gath standeth 〈◊〉 or the house of the Sun. In the fields adjoining to this City (as is thought) was the Ark of God brought by a yoke of two Kines, turned lose by the Philistines: and the Bethsemites presuming to look 
Sam. 1. c. 6. v. 18.  therein, there were slain of the Elders 70. and of the people 50000 by the ordinance of God. After which slaughter and the great lamentation of the people: it was called the great 
* Or rather not the city it self, but the great stone in the field, upon which stone the Philistines set the Ark, the change being easy from Eben or Aben, which signifieth a stone, to Abel which signifieth mourning.  Abel, saith St. Hierome. Benedictus Theologus finds three other Cities of this name; one in 
a See in Nepth. C. 7. §. 4. †. 6. 2. King. 1.  Nepthalim: another in juda: and another in Isachar. Hierome finds a fifth in Benjamin.  
Keeping the Sea-coast, the strong City of Accaron offereth itself, sometime one of the five Satrapies, or Governments of the Philistines. St. Hierome makes it the same with Caesaria Palaestinae. Pliny confounds it with Apollonia: It was one of those that defended itself against the Danites and judaeans. It worshipped Beel-zebub the God of Hornets or Flies. To which Idol it was that Ahaziah King of Israel sent to inquire of his health: whose Messengers Eliah meeting by the way caused them to return, with a sorrowful answer to their Master. This City is remembered in many places of Scripture.  
Christianus Schrot placeth Azotus next to Geth, and then Accaron or Ekron. This Azotus or Asdod was also an habitation of the Anakims, whom josua 
b It was besieged by Psammetichus the father of 〈◊〉 Neco for 29 years together whence jeremy 25. v. 20. speaks of the residue of Ashdod, to wit, the greatest part having perished in this siege.  failed to destroy, though he once possessed their City. Herein stood a sumptuous Temple dedicated to the 
c 1. Sam. 5. 4.  Idol Dagon: the same Idol which fell twice to the ground of itself, after the Ark of God was by the Philistines carried into their Temple; and in the second fall it was utterly broken and defaced. Near it was that famous 
d Macc. 1. c. 9  judas Machabaeus slain by Bacchides and Alcimus, the Lieutenants of Demetrius. Afterwards it was taken by jonathas: and the rest of the Citizens being put to the sword, all that fled into the Temple of Dagon, were with their Idol therein consumed with fire: near which also he overthrew Apollonius.  
Gabinius the Roman rebuilt it. It had a Bishops seat while Christianity flourished in those parts. But in St. Hieromes' time it was yet a fair Village. And this was the last of the Sea-towns within the Tribe of Dan.  
The Cities which are within the Land Eastward from Azotus, and beyond the Fountain of Aethiopia, wherein Philip the Apostle baptised the Eunuch, are Tsorah, 
Macc. 1. c. 10.  or Sarara, and Esthaol, and between them Castra Danis near Hebron: though this 
jos. 19 41.  
jud. 13. 25, etc. 18. v. 2.  place where Samson was borne, may seem by the words jud. 18. 12. to be in the Tribe of judah, as the other also were bordering Towns between Dan and 〈◊〉.  
After these within the bounds of juda, but belonging to the Danites, they find Gedor, or as it is 1. Mac. 15. Cedron, which Cendebaeus the Lieutenant of Antiochus fortified against the jews, and near which himself was by the Macchabees overthrown. 
1. Macc. 15. 16.   
Than Modin the Native City of the Macchabees: and wherein they were buried, on whose Sepulchre the seven Marble Pillars, which were erected of that height as they served for a mark to the Seamen, remained many hundreds of years after their first setting up, as Brochard and Breidenbach witness.  
There are beside these the City of Cariathiarim, that is, the City of the woods: 
Alias 〈◊〉 and Baal, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Sam. 7. 1. & 〈◊〉 Sam. 6. 2.  seated in the border of juda, Benjamin, and Dan, wherein the Ark of God remained twenty years in the house of Aminadab: till such time as David carried it thence to Jerusalem: Of this place (as they say) was Zacharias the son of Barachias, or lehoida, who was slain between the Temple and the Altar: also Urias whom joachim 
2. Chron. 24. 22.  
Mat. 23. 33.  King of Jerusalem slaughtered as we find in jeremy. Many other places which 
jer. 26. 20.  they place in this Tribe, rather as I take it upon presumption than warrant, I omit: as that of Caspin taken with great slaughter by judas Machabaeus: and Lachis, whose 
2. Macc. 12. 13. jos. 12. 11.  King was slain by josua, in which also Amazias was slain: The same which Senacherib 
2. Reg. 14. 19  took, Ezechias reigning in juda.  
Of other Cities belonging to this Tribe, see in josua c. 19 from the Verse 41. where also it is added that the Danites portion was too little for their number of Families: and therefore that they invaded Leshem, and inhabited it: which City after amplified by Philip the brother of Herod Antipas, was called Caesarea Philippi, as before, and made the Metropolis of Ituraea, and Trachonitis: of which coasts this Philip was Tetrarch: but of this City see more in Nepthalim. In this Tribe there are no Mountains of fame.  
It hath two Rivers or Torrents: the Norther-most riseth out of the Mountains 
Hieron. in Easie. & Micheam. 1.  of juda: and passing by Modin, falleth into the Sea by Sachrona. The other hath the name of Sorek or Sored, whose banks are plentiful of Vines which have no 
broach.  seeds or stones: The wine they yield is read, of excellent colour, taste, and savour, 
〈◊〉.  etc. In this Valley of Sorek, so called from the River, inhabited Dalila whom Samson loved. 
〈◊〉. 16. 4.    

§. II THE TRIBE OF SIMEON.  
THe Tribe of Simeon takes up the rest of the Sea-coast of Canaan, to the border of Egypt: who being the second Son of jacob by Lea, there were increased of that family while they abode in Egypt, as they were numbered at Mount Sinai, 59300. able men, all which ending their lives in the Deserts, there entered the Land of Promise of their issues 22200. bearing arms, who were 
* And therefore no marvel that divers pla ces named, jos. 15. in the large portion of juda be reckoned in this Tribe: see jos. 19 v. 1. & 9 where 〈◊〉 much is expressly noted. Volat. Geog. l. 11 fol. 244.  in part mixed with juda, and in part severed, inhabiting a small Territory on the Sea-coast, belonging to Edumaea, of which the first City adjoining to Dan, was Ascalon.  
The Reguli or petty Kings thereof were called Ascalonitae: of which Volaterran out of Xanthus, in the History of the Lydians, reports, that Tantalus and Ascalus were the sons of Hymenaeus: and that Ascalus being employed by Aciamus King of the Lydians, with an Army in Syria, falling in love with a young Woman of that Country, built this City and called it after his own name: the same hath Nicolaus in his History, saith Volaterran.  
Diodorus Siculus in his third Book remembreth a Lake near Ascalon, wherein there hath been a Temple dedicated to Derceto, the Goddess of the Syrians: having the face of a Woman and the body of a Fish: who, as I have said before, in the story of Ninus, was the Mother of Semiramis, feigned to be cast into this Lake, and fed and relieved by Doves. And therefore was the Dove worshipped both in Babylonia and Syria, of which Tibullus the Poet:  Alba Palaestino sancta Columba Syro. The white Dove is for holy held, in Syria Palaesline. 
It was one of the chiefest and strongest Cities of the Philistines. It bred many learned men (saith Volaterran) as Antiochus, Sosus, Cygnus, Dorotheus the Historian, and Artemidorus who wrote the story of Bythinia. 
Vol. ut supra.   
In Ascalon, as some say, was that wicked Herod borne, that seeking after our Saviour, caused all the Male-children of two years old and under to be slain. In the Christian times it had a Bishop, and after that when it was by the Saladine defaced, Richard King of England, while he made War in the holy Land, gave it a new wall and many buildings. Eius muros cum SALADINUS diruisset, RICHARDUS Anglorum 
Adrich. in Trib. Simeon.  Rex instauravit, saith Adrichomius.  
In David's time it was one of the most renowned Cities of the Philistines: sore he nameth Gath and Ascalon only, when he lamenteth the death of Saul, and 〈◊〉, 
2. Sam. 1.  not speaking of the other three. Tell it not in Gath, nor publish it not in the streets of Ascalon: It is now called Scalone. Gabinius restored it as he did Azotus and 〈◊〉.  
Next to Ascalon stood Gaza or Gazera, which the Hebrews call Hazza, the Syrians Azan: of Azonus (as they say) the son of Hercules. Other profane writers affirm, that it was built by jupiter. Pomp. Mela gives the building thereof to Cambyses the Persian: because belike he rebuilt it, and Gaza in the Persian tongue is as much to say as Treasure. This Gaza was the first of the five Satrapies of the Philistines: and the 
Vol. l. 11.  South bound of the Land of Canaan towards Egypt. But this City was far more ancient than Cambyses, as it is proved by many Scriptures. It was once taken by Caleb: but the strength of the Anakims put him from it. At such time as Alexander Macedon 
Steph. de Vrb. jud. 1. 6. 16.  invaded the Empire of Persia, it received a Garrison for Darius: in despite whereof it was by the Macedonians after a long siege demolished, and was called Gaza 
1. King. 6. & alib.  of the Desert.  
Alexander janneus King of the jews surprised it: and slew 500 Senators in the 
josep. 13. ant. 19  Temple of Apollo which fled thither for Sanctuary: but this Gaza was not set up in the same place again, to wit, on the foundations which Alexander Macedon had over-turned, but somewhat nearer the Sea side: though the other was but two mile off. It was a Town of great account in the time of the Maccabees, and gave many wounds to the jews till it was forced by Simon: of which he made so great account as he purposed to reside therein himself, 〈◊〉 in his absence left john his Son and Successor 
Macc. 1. 15. broach. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉  to be Governor. In Brochard his time it was still a goodly City, and known by the name of Gazara.  
At the very outlet of the River of Besor, standeth Maioma the Port of Gaza: to which the privilege of a City was given by the great Constantine, and the place called Constance after the name of the emperors Son. But julian the Apostata soon 
Hist. trip. l. 6. c. 4. Niceph. 10. hist. cap. 4.  after favouring the Gazeans, made it subject unto them, and commanded it to be called Gaza maritima.  
On the other side of Besor, standeth Anthedon, defaced by Alexander janneus, restored 
josep. 13. ant. 19 21.  by Herod, and called Agrippias, after the name of Agrippa, the favourite of Augustus.  
Than Raphia, where Philopater overthrew the great Antiochus: and beyond it Rhinocura, 
josep. 13 〈◊〉. 19 21. 14. etc.  whose Torrent is known in the Scriptures by the name 
* junius calls it Vallis Aegypti the name of the stream seems to be Shichor. See in Asser, Chap. 7. §. 3. †. 8. in the margin  of the Torrent of Egypt, till the Septuagint converted it by Rinocura: to difference it, Es. 27. 12. giving the name of the City to the Torrent that watereth it. Pliny calls it Rhinocolura; and josephus, Rhinocorura: 
a Epiph. tom. 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉. Manich & in Ancorato. Go. 10. 19  Epiphanius reports it as a Tradition, that at this place the world was divided by lots, between the three Sons of Noah.  
Within the Land and upon the River of Besor they place Gerar: which the Scripture placeth between Kadesh and Shur, Gene. 20. 1. That it was near to the Wilderness of Beer-shebah, it appears Gene. 20. 31. and therefore no marvel that as elsewhere Beer-shebah, so sometime Gerar, be made the South bound of Canaan. It was of old a distinct Kingdom from the Philistim Satrapies, the Kings by one common name were called Abimeleches; Saint Hierome saith that afterward it was called Regio salutaris; the healthy Country: so that it was no marvel that Abraham and Isaac lived much in these parts. Of King Asa's conquest of the Cities about Gerar, see 2. Chron. 14. 14.  
Moore within the Land was Siceleg or Tsiglak, which was burnt by the Amalekites, when David in his flying from Saul to the Philistines had left his carriages there, 
1. Sam. 30.  but David followed them over the River of Besor, and put them to the slaughter, and recovered the prey.  
Next Dabir sometime Cariath-Sepher, the City of Letters, the University, as they 
josep. 10. 11. 12.  say, or Academy of old Palestine. In St. Hieromes' time it seems it had the name of Daema: josua 15. 49. it is called Vrbs Sannae: from the name, as it seems, of some of the Anakims, as Hebron was called Vrbs Arbahi. For even hence also were these Giants expelled. It was taken chief by Othoniel, encouraged by Caleb's promise 
jos. 11. v. 21.  of his Daughter in marriage: but that josua and the Host of Israel were at the surprise, it appears jos. 10. 39 This City jos. 21. 15. is named among those which out of Simeon and juda were given to the Levites. And hence it seems they attribute it to this Tribe.  
Besides these, there are many others in the Tribe of Simeon, but of less fame, as Haijn, of which jos. 19 7. which also jos. 21. 16. is reckoned for one of the Cities of the Levites, given out of the portion of 〈◊〉 and Simeon (for which junius thinks Hasham is named 1. Chron. 6. 59 though 
* And also 1. Chron. 4. 32.  in the place of josua these two are distinguished) also Tholad so named 1. Chron. 4. 29. for which josua 19 4. we have Eltholad. Chatzar-Susa so named josua 19 5. for which josua 15. we have ChatzarGadda, both names agreeing in signification: for Gadda is Turma, and Susa Equitatus.  
In the same places of josua and of the Chronicles Chorma is named, which they think to be the same with that of which Numb. 14. 45. to which the Amalekites and Canaanites pursued the Israelites. But that Chorma cannot be in Simeon, nor within the Mountains of Edumaea. For Israel fled not that way: but back again to the Camp, which lay to the South of Edumaea, in the Desert. 
Deut. 1.   
The same places also name Beersheba in this Tribe: so called of the Oath between Abraham and 〈◊〉: near unto which Hagar wandered with her Son 
Gen. 21. 31.  Ismael. It was also called the City of Isaac, because he dwelled long there. While the Christians held the Holy Land, they laboured much to strengthen this place, standing on the border of the Arabian Desert, and in the South bound of Canaan. It hath now the name of Gibelin. The other Cities of Simeon which are named in the places of josua, and of the Chronicles, above noted, because they help us nothing in story, I omit them. In the time of Ezekia King of juda, certain of this Tribe being straightened in their own Territories, passed to 
* As it seems in the Land of juda. See in the first Paragraphe of this Chapter in the Cities of Dan. jud. 16. 3.  Gedor, as it is 1. Chron. 4. 39 (the same place which jos. 15. 36. is called Gedera and Gederothaima) which at that time was inhabited by the issue of Cham: where they seated themselves: as also five hundred others of this Tribe, destroyed the Relics of Amalec in the Mountains of Edom, and dwelled in their places.  
The Mountains within this Tribe are few, and that of Samson the chiefest: unto which he carried the Gate-post of Gaza. The Rivers are Besor, and the Torrent of Egypt called Shichar, as is noted in Asser.   

§. III THE TRIBE OF JUDA.  
OF juda the fourth Son of jacob by Lea, there were multiplied in Egypt 74600. all which (Caleb excepted) perished in the Deserts. And of their sons there entered the Land of Canaan 76500. bearing arms: Agreeable to the greatness of this number was the greatest Territory given, called afterward judaea: within the bounds whereof were the portions allotted to Dan and Simeon included. And many Cities named in these Tribes, did first, as they say, belong unto the children of juda: who had a kind of Sovereignty over them: as Succoth, Cariathiarim, Lachis, Bethsemes, Tsiglag, Beersheba, and others. The multitude of people within this small Province (if it be meated by that ground given to this Tribe only) were uncredible, if the witness of the Scriptures had not warranted the report. For when David numbered the people, they were found five hundred thousand fight men.  
The Cities of juda were many. But I will remember the chiefest of them: beginning with Arad, or Horma, which standeth in the entrance of judaea from Idumaea: whose King first surprised the Israclites as they passed by the border of Canaan towards 
Num. 21. v. 3.  Moab, and took from them some spoils, and many prisoners: who being 
jos. 12. v. 14.  
jud. 1. v. 16.  afterward overthrown by the Israelites, the sons of Keni, the Kinsmen of Moses, obtained a possession in that Territory: who before the coming of the Israelites, dwelled between Madian and Amalek.  
Following this Frontier towards Idumaea and the South, Ascensus Scorpionis, or 
Num. 34. 4.  
Deut. 8. 15.  Acrabbim is placed, the next to Arad: so called because of Scorpions, which are said to be in that place: from which name of Acrabbim, Hierome thinks that the name of the Toparchie called Acrabathena was denominated: of which we have spoken in Manasses. On the South side also of judaea they place the Cities of jagur, Dimona, Adada, Cedes, Ashna, jethnam, and Asor or Chatsor, most of them Frontier Towns.  
And then Ziph: of which there are two places so called: one besides this in the body of juda, of which the Desert and Forest adjoining took name: where David hid himself from Saul. After these are the Cities of Esron, Adar, Karkah and Asemona, or Hatsmon, of no great fame.  
Turning now from Idumaea towards the North, we find the Cities of Danna, Shemah, Amam, the other Asor, or Chatsor, Behaloth, and the two Sochoes: of all which see jos. 15. also Carioth by josua c. 15. v. 25. called Kerioth: whence judas the Traitor 
judg. 15. 8. 1. Chron. 11. 6. jun. out of the 1. Chron. 4. 32.  was called Is-carioth, as it were a man of Carioth. Than Hetham the abode of Samson which Rehoboam re-edified. Beyond these towards the North border, and towards Eleutheropolis, is the City of jethar, or jatthir, belonging to the Levites. In Saint 
notes that this Hetham though it were within the bounds of juda belonged to Simeon.  Hieromes' time it was called jethira: and inhabited altogether with Christians: near unto this City was that remarkable battle fought between Asa King of juda, and Zara King of the Arabians, who brought into the field a Million of fight men: and was notwithstanding beaten and put to flight: Asa following the victory as far as 
jos. 15. 48.  Gerar, which at the same time he recovered. 
Hieron. in loc, Hebr.   
Not far from jether, standeth jarmuth, whose King was slain by josua, and the City overturned. Next unto it is Maresa the native City of the Prophet Michaea: Between it and Odolla, judas Macchabaeus overthrew Gorgias: and sent thence ten 
2. Macc. 12. 35.  thousand Dragmas of silver to be offered for Sacrifice.  
Odolla or Hadullam itself was an ancient and magnificent City, taken by josua, 
Gen. 38. v. 1.  
jos. 12. 15.  and the King thereof slain. jonathas Macchabaeus beautified it greatly. Than Ceila or Keila afterward Echela, where David sometime hid himself: and which 
1. Sam. 23. 1.  afterward he delivered from the assaults of the Philistines: near which the Prophet Abacuc was buried: whose monument remained and was seen by St. Hierome.  
Near it is Hebron sometime called the City of Arbah, for which the Vulgar hath Cariatharbe: the reason of this name they give as if it signified the City of four: because the four Patriarches, Adam, Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, were therein buried, but of Adam it is but supposed: and it is plain by the places josua 14. 14. and 15. 13. and 20. 11. that Arbah here doth not signify four, but that it was the name of the Father of the Giants called Anakim, whose son as it seems Anak was: and Achiman, Sheshai, and Talmai (whom Caleb expelled jos. 15.) were the sons of this Anak, Num. 13. 23. The name of Anak signifieth Torquem, a chain worn for ornament: and it seems that this Anak enriched by the spoils which himself and his Father got, wore a chain of gold, and so got this name: and leaving the custom to his posterity, left also the name: so that in Latin the name of Anakim may not amiss be expounded by Torquati.  
The City Hebron was one of the 〈◊〉 Cities of Canaan, built seven years before Tsoan or Tanis in Egypt: and it was the head and chief City of the Anakims, whom Caleb expelled: to whom it was in part given, to wit, the Villages adjoining, and the rest to the Levites. It had a Bishop in the Christian times, and a magnificent Temple built by Helen the Mother of Constantine.  
Not far hence they find Eleutheropolis or the free City, remembered often by St. Hierome. Than Eglon whose King Dabir associated with the other four Kings of the Amorites, to wit, of Jerusalem, Hebron, jarmuth, and Lachis, besieging the 〈◊〉, 
jos. 10. v. 11.  were by josua utterly overthrown. From hence the next City of fame was Emaus, afterward Nicopolis, one of the Cities of Government or Praesidencies of judaea. In sight of this City judas Macchabaeus (after he had formerly beaten both Apollonius and Seron) gave a third overthrow to Gorgias Lieutenant to Antiochus. 
Macc. 1. 3.   
In the year 1301. it was over-turned by an earthquake, saith Eusebius. In the 
Euseb. in Chron. broach. Itin. 6.  Christian times it had a Bishops seat of the Diocese of Caesaria of Palestine.  
From Emaus toward the West Sea there are the Cities of Nahama, Bethdagon, and Gader or Gedera, or Gederothaima, of which and of Gederoth 
* Also 1. Chron. 4. 39 as is above remembered in the Tribe of Simeon.  jos. 15. v. 36. & 41. Than Azecha, to which josua followed the slaughter of the five Kings before named, a City of great strength in the Valley of 
a junius 〈◊〉 in Valle 〈◊〉 hath in valle querceti.  Terebinth or Turpentine, as the Vulgar readeth 1. Sam. 17. 2. whence (as it seems) they seat it near unto Soco, and unto Lebna of the Levites. It revolted from the subjection of the jews while joram the son of josaphat ruled in Jerusalem: And next unto this standeth Maceda, which josua utterly dispeopled.  
On the other side of 〈◊〉 towards the East standeth Bethsur, otherwise Bethsora, 
Vatablus keeps the Hebrew reading in valle Elah.  and Bethsor: one of the strongest and most sought for places in all juda. It is seated on a high Hill; and therefore called Bethsur (the house on the Rock, or of strength) It was fortified by Roboam, and afterward by judas Macchabaeus. Lysias forced it, and Antiochus 
josep. 13. ant. 9 Macc. 1. 6.  Eupator by famine: jonathas regained it: and it was by Simon exceedingly fortified against the Syrian Kings.  
Bethleem is the next unto it within six miles of Jerusalem, otherwise Lehem: 
Genes. 53. 48.  sometime Ephrata; which name, they say, it had of Caleb's wife, when as it is so called by Moses before Caleb was famous in those parts Gen. 38. 16. Of this City was Abessan or Ibzan, judge of Israel, after jephtah, famous for the thirty Sons and thirty Daughters, begotten by him. Elimelec was also a Bethlemite, who with his wife 〈◊〉 sojourned in Moab during the famine of juda in the time of the judges, with whom Ruth the daughter in law of Naomi returned to Bethleem: and married Booz, of whom 
Ruth. 1.  Obed, of whom Ishai, of whom David. It had also the honour to be the native City of our Saviour jesus Christ; and therefore shall the memory thereof never end.  
In Zabulon of Galilee there was also a City of the same name: and therefore was 
Hicron. in comm. super 〈◊〉. c. 2.  this of our Saviour called Bethleem juda. 
Math. 2. 1.   
From Bethleem some four or five mile standeth Thecua, the City of Amos the 
Amos 1. v. 1.  Prophet: and to this place adjoining is the City of Bethzacaria, in the way between 
1. Macc. 6. 32.  Bethsura and Jerusalem: on whose Hills adjoining the glorious gilt shields of Antiochus 
joseph. Ant. 12. c. 14.  shined like lamps of fire in the eyes of the lewis. The City of 
* See in Manass.  Bezek was also 
1. Macc. 6. v. 〈◊〉.  near unto Bethleem, which Adoni-bezec commanded; who had during his reign tortured 70. Kings, by cutting off the joints of their Fingers and Toes: and made 
C. 7. §. 7 †. 1.  them gather bread under his Table: but at length the same end befell himself by 
judg. 1. v. 6. & 7  the sons of juda, after they had taken him prisoner.  
The rest of the Cities in this part (most of them of no great estimation) we may pass by until we come to the magnificent Castle of Herodium, which Herod erected on a Hill, mounting thereunto with 200. Marble steps, exceeding beautiful and 
josep. 14. ant. 22.  strong. And towards the Dead Sea, and adjoining to the Desert of 〈◊〉, between it and Tekoa, is that 〈◊〉 floridus, where in the time of jehosaphat, the jews stood and 
2. Chro. 20. v. 16. 〈◊〉 26.  looked on the Moabites, Ammonites, and Edomites, massacring one another, when they had purposed to join against juda: near which place is the Valley of blessing, where the jews the fourth day after, solemnly come and blessed God for so strange deliverance.  
Now the Cities of juda which border the Dead Sea, are these; 〈◊〉 beautified 
2. Chron. 11.  by Roboam: and Tsohar which the 〈◊〉 calleth 
* Some call it 〈◊〉 and Vitula 〈◊〉. See in Gad c. 10. §. 5. post 〈◊〉 in Harober.  Segor: so called because Lot in his 〈◊〉 for it urged that it was but a little one: whence it was called Tsohar, which signifieth a little one: when as the old name was Belah, as it is Gen. 14. 2. In the Romans times it had a Garrison, and was called (as they say) Pannier: in Hieromes' time Balezona. Than Engaddi or Hen-gaddi, first Asasonthamar: near unto which are the Gardens of Balsamum, the best that the world had called 〈◊〉: the most part 
Gen. 19 20.  of all which Trees Cleopatra Queen of Egypt sent for out of judaea, and Herod who 
〈◊〉 on. in Ose. Hebr. 〈◊〉- thamar.  either feared or loved Anthony her husband, caused them to be rooted up and presented unto her: which she replanted near Heliopolis in Egypt. This City was 
2. Chron. 20. 2.  first taken by Chedorlaomer, and the Amorites thence expelled. It was one of the most 
Gen. 14. 7.  remarkable Cities of judaea: and one of the Praesidencies thereof.  
The rest of the Cities are many in the Inland, and among them jesrael; not that 
1. Reg. 21.  which was the City of Naboth, of which already: but another of the same name, the City of Achinoan, the wife of David, the mother of that Ammon, whom 〈◊〉 
2. Sam. 17. 25.  slew: also as some think the City of Amasa, Absalom's Lieutenant, and the commander of his Army. But this seemeth to be an error grounded upon the nearness of the words, Israel and jesrael: and because the 2. Sam. 17. 25. Amasaes' father is called a jisraelite, who first of the Chron. 2. 17. is called an 〈◊〉: indeed the Hebrew Orthography showeth that Amasaes' Father is not said to be of the City jesrael, but an Israelite in Religion, though otherwise an Ismaelite.  
In this Tribe there were many high Hills or Mountains, as those of Engaddi upon the Dead Sea: and the Mountains of juda, which begin to rise by Emaus, and end near Taphna, and these part juda from Dan and Simeon. Of others which stand single there is that of Hebron: at the foot whereof was that Oak of Mambre, where the three Angels appeared to Abraham, which St. Hierome calleth a Fir-tree; and 
Hieron. in loc. Hebr. & quaest. Hebr.  saith, that it stood till the time of Constantine the younger. There is also that Mountain called Collis Achillae, on the South side of Ziph: on the top whereof the great 
josep. 14. Ant. c. 20.  Herod, enclosing the old Castle, erected by jonathas 〈◊〉, and called Massada, garnished it with seven and twenty high and strong Towers: and therein left Armour and furniture for an hundredth thousand men; being as it seemeth a place unaccessable, and of incomparable strength.  
In the Valley afterward called the Dead Sea, or the Lake Asphaltitis, this Country had four Cities, Adama, Sodom, Seboim, and Gomorra, destroyed with fire from Heaven for their unnatural sins.   

§. FOUR THE TRIBE OF REUBEN and his Borderers.  

†. I The seats and bounds of Midian, Moab, and Ammon, part whereof the Reubenites wan from SEHON King of Hesbon.  
ON the other side of the Dead Sea, Reuben the eldest of jacobs' sons inhabited: of whose children there were numbered at Mount Sinai 46000. who dying with the rest in the Deserts, there remained to possess the Land promised 43700. bearing arms. But before we speak of these or the rest that inhabited the East side of jordan, something of their borderers: to wit, Midian, Moab, and Ammon, whose land in our writers are confusedly described, and not easily distinguished. And first we are to remember that out of Abraham's kindred come many mighty Families: as by Isaac and jacob the Nation called Israel, and afterward lewis: by Esau or Edom the Idumaeans: by Ishmael the eldest son of Abraham, the 〈◊〉: and by Keturah his last wife the Midianites. And again by Lot, Abraham's brothers son, those two valiant Nations of the Moabites, and Ammonites: all which being but strangers in the Land of Canaan (formerly possessed by the Canaanites, and by the Families of them descended) these issues and alliances of Abraham, all but jacob, whose children were bred in Egypt, inhabited the frontier places adjoining.  
Esau and his sons held Idumaea, which bounded Canaan on the South. Ishmael took from the Southeast part of the Dead Sea; stretching his possession over all Arabia Petraea, and a part of Arabia the Desert, as far as the River of Tigris, from Sur to 〈◊〉.  
Moab took the rest of the coast of the Dead Sea, leaving a part to Midian, and passing over Arnon, inhabited the plains between jordan and the Hills of Abarim or Arnon, as far North as Essebon, or Chesbon.  
Ammon sat down on the northeast side of Arnon, and possessed the Tract from Rabath afterward Philadelphia, both within the Mountains of Gilhead, and without 
josua. 13.  them as farforth as Arroer, though in Moses time he had nothing left him in all that Valley: for the Amorites had thrust him over the River of jaboc, as they had done 
Num. 〈◊〉. v. 24.  Moab over Arnon. As these Nations compassed 〈◊〉 parts of Canaan, so the border between the River of jaboc and Damascus was held by the Amorites themselves, with other mixed Nations: all which Territory on the East side of jordan, and on the 
〈◊〉  East side of the Dead Sea, was granted by Moses to the Tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasse; whereof that part which Moab had, was first possessed by the Emims a 
Gen. 14.  Nation of Giants weakened and broken by Chedorlahomer, after expulsed by the Moabites, as before remembered. That which the Ammonites held, was the Territory and ancient possession of the Zamzummims or Zuraei, who were also beaten at the same time by Chedorlahomer, Amraphel, and the rest: and by them an easy way of conquest was prepared for the Ammonites.  
Now where it is written that Arnon was the border of Moab, the same is to be understood according to the time when Moses wrote. For then had Sehon or his ancestor beaten the Moabites out of the plain Countries, between Abarim and jordan, and driven them thence from Hesbon over Arnon, and this happened not long before Moses arrival upon that border, when Vaheb governed the Moabites. For he that ruled Moab when Moses past Arnon, was not the son of Vaheb, but his name was Balac the son of Zippor. And it may be that those Kings were elective, as the Edumaeans anciently were.  
Now all that part of Moab between Arnon and jordan, as far North as Essebon was inhabited by Reuben. And when Israel arrived there out of Egypt, it was in the possession of Sehon, of the race of Canaan by Amoreus: and therefore did jephtah the judge of Israel justly defend the regaining of those Countries against the claim of the Ammonites: because (as he alleged) Moses found them in the possession of the Amorites, and not in the hands of Moab or Ammon: who (saith 
judg. 11.  lephtab) had three hundred years time to recover them, and did not: whence he inserreth that they aught not to claim them now.  
And left any should marvel why the Ammonites in jephtah his time should make claim to these Countries: whereas Moses in the place Numb. 21. verse 26. rather accounts them to have been the ancient possession of the Moabites then of the Ammonites: it is to be noted that Deut. 3. 11. when it is said that the iron bed of Og was to be seen at Rabbath, the chief City of the Ammonites, it is also signified, that much of the Land of Og, which the Israelites possessed, was by him or his Ancestors got from the Ammonites, as much of Sehons' was from the Moabites.  
And as the Canaanite Nations were seated so confusedly together that it was hard to distinguish them: so also were the sons of Moab and Ammon, Midian, Amalek, 
jos. 13. vers. 25.  
junius notes that the one half of the Land of Hammon which in this place of josua is said to have been given to the Gadites, was taken first from the Ammonites by Sehon: but the place Deu. 3. 11 proveth that aswell Og, as Sehon, had gotten Lands out of the hands of the Ammonites.  and Ishmael. Yet the reason seemeth plain enough why Ammon commanded in chief, in jephtahs' time; for sometime the one Nation, sometime the other of all those borderers acquired the Sovereignty: and again that one part of the Land which Gad held, namely within the Mountains of Galaad, or Gilhead, and as far 〈◊〉 as Arroer belonged to the Ammonites. And therefore taking advantage of the time, they then sought to recover it again. Yet at such time as Moses overthrew Sehon at jahaz, the Ammonites had lost to the Amorites, all that part of their possession which lay about Arroer, and between it and jaboc: Sehon and Og two Kings of the Amorites having displanted both Moab and Ammon of all within the Mountains. For it is written in the one and twentieth of Numb. v. 24. that Israel conquered the Land of Sehon from Arnon unto jaboc, even unto the children of Ammon, so as at this time the River of jaboc was the South bound of Ammon, within the Mountains, when as anciently they had also possessions over laboc which at length the Gadites possessed, as in the thirteenth chapter of josua vers. 25. it appears.   

†. II Of the memorable places of the Rubenites.  
THe chief Cities belonging to Reuben were these, Kedemoth, for which the Vulgar, without any show of warrant, readeth jethson. The Vulgar or Hierome followed 
〈◊〉. 21. 37.  the Septuagint those two verses 36. and 37. and 21. jos. being wanting in the old Hebrew Copies, and the Septuagint read Kedson for Kedmoth, which Kedson by writing slipped into jethson.  
This City which they gave to the Levites, imparts her name to the Desert adjoining: 
Deut. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  from whence Moses sent his Embassage to Sehon. In the same place of 
It was a marginal note out of the 3. Deut. where the 70. kept the word Misor, signifying a plain which after crept into the Text.  josua where this Kedemoth is mentioned, the Vulgar for Betser & villa eius, reads Bosor in solitudine Misor, without any ground from the Hebrew: whence Adrichomius makes a Town called Misor, in the border between Reuben and Gad. Farther from Kedemoth near the Dead Sea (for the Country between being Mountainous hath few Cities) they place two Towns of note, Lasa or Leshah of which Genesis 10. vers. 19 the Greeks' call it 〈◊〉: near which there is a Hill, from whence there floweth Springs both of hot and cold, 
josep. 17. ant. c. 9 & 〈◊〉. in qu. est. 〈◊〉. in Gen.  bitter and sweet water, all which soon after their rising, being joined in one stream, do make a very wholesome bath, especially for all contractions of sinews: to which Herod the elder, when he was desperate of all other help, repaired, but in vain. Others say that these Springs arise out of the hills of Machaerus in this Tribe. The like fountains are found in the Pyrenyes: and in Peru, called the Baths of the 〈◊〉 
Acosta. l. 3.  or Kings. The other town is Machaerus the next between Lasa and jordan: of all that 
josep. 13. ant. c. 〈◊〉. & 14. ant. c. 10. & alibi.  part of the world the strongest Inland City and Castle, standing upon a mountain every way unaccessible. It was first fortified by Alexander 〈◊〉, who made it a 
josep. bell. Iud l. 7. c. 25.  frontier against the Arabians: but it was demolished by Gabinius, in the war with 〈◊〉, saith josephus. It was thither (saith josephus) that Herod sent john Baptist, and wherein he was slain: his army soon after being utterly overthrown by 〈◊〉 king of Arabia, and himself after this murder never prospering. Not 
Deut. 4. 43.  far from Machaerus was Bosor or Bozra, a town of refuge, and belonging to the Levites, 
jos. 〈◊〉 8.  and near it Livias' upon jordan, which Herod built in honour of Livia the mother 
Euseb. in Chron. Hier. in loc. hebr.  of Tiberius Caesar.  
To the North of Livias' is Setim, or Sittim: where the children of Israel embraced the daughters of Midian, or Moab: and where Phineas pierced the body of Zimri 
Num. 〈◊〉. 1.  and Cosbi with his spear bringing due vengeance upon them, when they were in the midst of their sin: and from hence josua sent the Discoverers to view jerico, staying here until he went over 〈◊〉. As for the Torrent Setim, which in this 
jos. 3. 1.  place Adrichomius dreams of, reading jocl 3. 18. irrigabit torrentem Setim: The vulgar hath torrentem spinarum: and 〈◊〉 vallem Cedrorum: expounding it not for any particular place in Canaan: but for the Church, in which the just being placed, grow as the Cedars, as it is Psal. 92. 13.  
The plain Country hereabout, by Moses called The Plains of Moab, where he expounded the Book of Deuteronomte to the people, a little before his death, is in the 
Deut. 34. 1.  beginning of the same book precisely bounded by Moses. On the South it had the great Desert of Paran: where they had long wandered. On the East it had Chatseroth, and Dizahab (of which two the former is that Gazorus, of which Ptolemy in Palaestina, the later was a Tract belonging to the Nabathaei in Arabia Petraea, where was 
* The same as it seems which Num. 21. 30. is called Medeba, whence we read of the plains of Mcdeba, jos. 13. v. 9 16. of which also we read in the wars of David against Hanum the 〈◊〉. 1. Chron. 19 7. Also 1. Macc. 9 36.  Mezahab, of which Gen. 36. 39) by the Geographers called Medava and Medaba. On the West it had jordan: and on the North it had Laban (in junius Edition, by the fault of the Print, Lamban Deuteron. 1. 1.) the same which the Geographers call Libias: and some confounded it with 〈◊〉, of which even now we spoke.  
Also on the same North side towards the confines of Coelesyrea, it had Thophel: whereabout sometime Pella of Coelesyria stood: which was in the region of Decapolis, and as Stephanus saith, was sometime called Butis. It is also noted in Moses to be over against or near unto Suph, for which the Vulgar hath the read Sea, as also Num. 2. 14. it translateth the word Suphah in like manner: whereas in this place of Deuteronomy there is no addition of any word in the Hebrew to signify the Sea: and yet the Scripture, when this word is so to be taken, useth the addition of Mara, thereby to distinguish 
Esai. 16. 2.  it from the region of Suph or Suphah: which doubtless was about these Plains 
See before, c. 5. §. 7.  of Moab towards the dead Sea: where the Country being full of reeds, was therefore thus called: as also the read Sea was called Mare Suph, for like reason.  
The place in these large plains of Moab, where Moses made those divine exhortations, some say was Bethabara where john baptised, which in the Story of Gedeon 
job. 1. 28.  is called Beth-bara. josephus says it was where after the City Abila stood, near jordan, 
jud. 7. 24.  in a place set with Palm trees: which sure was the same as Abel-sittim in the 
josep. ant. 4. 7.  Plains of Moab, Numb. 33. 49. (that some call Abel sathaim and Bel-sathim) which is reckoned by Moses in that place of Numbers for the 42. and last place of the Israelites encamping in the time of Moses: This place is also called Sittim; which word if we 
Num. 25. 1.  should interpret, we should rather bring it from Cedars, than from Thorns, with 
Exod. 25. 10.  Adrichomius and others. It was the wood of which the Ark of the Tabernacle was made.  
Toward the East of these plains of Moab, they place the Cities, Nebo, Baal-Meon, 
Num. 31. v. 37.  Sibma and Hesbon the chief City of Sehon, and Elhahel, and Kiriathaima the seat of 
Gen. 14. v. 5.  the Giants Emim. Of the two first of these Moses seems to give a note that the 
Num. 32.  names were to be changed: because they tasted of the Moabites 
* Exod. 23. 13. Nomen deorum alienorum ne recordamini, ne audiatur in ore tuo. Ps. 16. 4. non assumpturus sum nominaeorum in labijs meis Host 2 17. 〈◊〉 nomina Babalimorum ab ore eius.  Idolatry. For Nebo (in stead of which junius Es. 46. 1. reads Deus vaticinus) was the name of their Idoll-Oracle, and Baal-meon is the habitation of Baal. Of the same Idol was the Hill 〈◊〉 in these parts denominated: from whose top; which the common Translators call Phasgah, Moses before his death seen all the Land of Canaan beyond jordan. In which story junius doth not take Phasgah or Pisgah, for any proper name: but for an appellative, signifying a Hill: and so also Vatablus in some places; as Num. 21. 20. where he noteth that some call Pisgah that top which looketh to jericho, and Hair as it looketh to 〈◊〉, which opinion may be somewhat strengthened by the name of 
What name they used for Nebo it doth not appear: but Baal-meon it seems they named sometime Baijth, as Es. 15. 2. & sometime Beth-meon.  a 〈◊〉 of Reuben mentioned jos. 13. 20. called Ashdoth-Pisga, which is as much as 〈◊〉 Pisgae: to wit, where the waters did run down from Pisga. In the same place of josua there is also named Beth-peor, as belonging to Reuben: so called from the Hill Peor: from whence also Baal the Idol was called Baal-Peor, which they say was the same as Priapus: the chief place of whose worship seems to have been 〈◊〉- 〈◊〉, of which also jos. 13. in the Cities of Reuben: for which Num. 22. 41. they read the high places of Baal (for so the word signifieth) to which place Balaak first brought Balaam to curse the Israelites. 
Esai. 48. 23.    

†. III Of divers places bordering Reuben belonging to Midian, Moab or Edom.  
THere were beside these divers places of note over Arnon, which adjoined to Reuben: amongst which they place Gallim, the City of Phalti: to whom Saul 
1. Sam. 25. v. ult.  gave his Daughter Michol from David: but 〈◊〉 thinks this Town to be in Benjamin: gathering so much out of Easie 10. vers. 29. where it is named among the Cities of Benjamin. With better reason perhaps out of Numb. 21. v. 19 we may say that Mathana and Nahaliel were in these confines of Reuben: through which places the Israelites passed after they had left the Well called Beer: Than Deblathaim which the Prophet 〈◊〉 threateneth with the rest of the Cities of 
Hierem. 48.  Moab.  
Madian also is found in these parts, the chief City of the Madianites in Moab: but not that Midian or Madian by the Read Sea; wherein jethro inhabited. For of the Madianites there were two Nations, of which these of Moab become Idolaters, and received an exceeding overthrow by a Regiment of twelve thousand Israelites, sent by Moses out of the plains of Moab: at such time as Israel began to accompany their Daughters: their five Kings with Balaam the Soothsayer were then slain: and their Regal City with the rest destroyed. The other Madianites over whom jethro was Prince, or Priest, forgot not the God of Abraham their Ancestor; but relieved and assisted the Israelites in their painful travails, through the Deserts: and were in all that passage their guides. In the South border of Moab adjoining to Edom, and sometime reckoned as the chief City of Edom, there is 
Esa. 16. 1.  that Petra which in the Scriptures is called Selah, which is as much as rupes or petra. 
1. Reg. 14. 7.  It was also called joctheel, as appears by the place 2. Reg. 14. It was built (saith 
Lib. 4. Ant. 7.  josephus) by Recem, one of those five Kings of the Madianites slain as before is said: after whom it was called Recem: Now they say it is called Crac and Mozera.  
The Sultan's of Egypt, for the exceeding strength thereof, kept therein all their treasures of Egypt and Arabia: of which it is the first and strongest City: the same perhaps which Plivie and Strabo call Nabathea, whence also the Province adjoining took name: which name seems to have been taken at first from Nabaioth the son of Abraham by Kethura. For Nabathea is no where understood for all Arabia Petraea, (at 〈◊〉 where it is not misunderstood) but it is that Province which neighboureth judaea. For Pharan inhabited by Ishmael, whose people Ptolemy calleth Pharanites, in stead of Ismaelites, and all those Territories of the Cusites, Madianites, Amalekites, ismaelites, Edomites, or Idumaeans, the Lands of Moab, Ammon, Hus, Sin, and of Og King of Basan, were parts of Arabia Petraea: though it be also true, that some part of Arabia the Desert belonged to the Amalekites, and Ismaelites: all which Nations the Scriptures in 
1. 〈◊〉. 5. v. 19 & 20.  the first of Chronicles the fifth calleth Hagarims of Hagar.  
This City Petra, Scaurus besieged with the Roman Army; and finding the place in show impregnable, he was content by the persuasion of Antipater, to take a composition of money, and to quit it. Yet Amasias king of juda (after he had slaughtered 10000 of the Arabians in the valley called Salinarum) wan also this City. S. Hierome finds Ruth the Moabite to be natural of this City. In the time when the Christians held the Kingdom of Jerusalem, it had a Latin Bishop, having before been under the Greek 
Gul. Tyr. 20. bell. sacr. 3.  Church. It is seated not far from Hor where Aaron died, and on the other side towards 
Num. 21.  the North is the river of Zared or Zered, by which Moses encamped in the 38. Station. 
Deut. 2. 13.  Adrichome describeth the waters of Memrim, or rather Nemrim, in his Map of Reuben, not far hence, and between Zared and Arnon: and so he doth the Valley of 〈◊〉: but the waters of Nimra or Beth-Nimra (for which it seems Adrichomius writ Nemrim) 
Num. 32. 3.  refresh the plains of Moab: and the confluence of those waters of Nimra are in the 
jos. 13. 27.  Tribe of Gad. Save also cannot be found in this place, that is, to the South of Arnon, 
Esa. 15. 21.  and under Midian. For after Abraham returned from the pursuit of the Assyrian and Persian Princes, the King of Sodom met him in the Valley of Save, or 〈◊〉, which is the King's Dale, where Absalon set up his Monument, as it seems, not far from Jerusalem. And at the same time Melchizedec King of Salem also encountered him. But Abraham coming from the North, and Melchizedec inhabiting, either near Bethsan 
Gen. 14.  otherwise Scythopolis in the half Tribe of Manasse, or in Jerusalem (both places lying to the West of jordan) could not encounter each other in Arabia: and therefore Save which was also called the King's Dale, could not be in these parts.   

†. FOUR Of the Dead Sea.  
NOw because the Sea of Sodom or the Dead Sea, called also the Lake of Asphaltitis, and the salt Sea (in distinction from the Sea of Tiberias which was fresh water) also the Sea of the Wilderness, or rather the Sea 
* So lunius reads for the Hebrew Haraboth everywhere, and so also the edition of Vatablus, Deuter. 3. 17. though Deuter. 4. 44. it hath mare solitudinis as also 2. Reg. 14 25. the reason of this name seems to be, because it joins to the plains of Moab which are called Harboth Moab Deut. 34. 1. as also we have Cesuloth in Harbath, that is in the plains, to wit, of Zabulon. 1. Maccab. 9 2. whence Adrichomius imagines a City in Zabulon called Araba.  of the plains, is often remembered in the Scriptures, and in this story also, therefore I think it not impertinent, to speak somewhat thereof. For it is like unto the Caspian Sea, which hath no outlet or disburdening. The length of this Lake josephus makes 180 furlongs (which make two and twenty miles and a half of ours) and about 150. in breadth which make eighteen of our miles and somewhat more. Pliny makes it a great deal less. But those that have of late years seen this Sea, did accounted it (saith 
a Deser. terr. Sancta.  Weissenburg) eight Dutch miles (which is two and thirty of ours) in length: and two and a half of theirs (which is ten of ours) in breadth. Of this Lake or Sea Tacitus maketh this report: Lacus est immenso ambitu, specie maris, sapore corruptior, gravitate odoris accolis pestifer: neque vento impellitur, neque pisces aut suet as aquis volucres patitur, incertum undè superiecta ut solido feruntur periti imperitique nandi perinde attolluntur, etc. That it is very great, and (as it were) a Sea of a corrupt taste: of smell infectious, and pestilent to the borderers. It is neither moved nor raised by the wind: nor endureth fish to live in it, or fowl to swim in it. Those things that are cast into it, and the unskilful of swimming, aswell as the skilful, are borne up by this water. At one time of the year it casteth up Bitumen: the Art of gathering which, Experience (the finder of other things) hath also taught. It is used in the trimming of ships, and the like businesses.  
And then of the Land, he speaketh in this sort: The fields not far from this Lake, which were sometime fruitful and adorned with great Cities were burnt with lightning: of which the ruins remain, the ground looking with a sad face as having lost her fruitfulness: for whatsoever doth either grow or is set thereon, be it first-fruits or flowers, when they come to ripeness, have nothing within them, but moulder into ashes :Thus far Tacitus. And it is found by experience, that those Pomegranates and other Apples or Oranges, which do still grow on the banks of this cursed Lake, do look fair and are of good colour on the outside, but being cut have nothing but dust within. Of the Bitumen which this Lake casteth up, it was by the Greeks' called Asphaltitis. 〈◊〉 desirous to be satisfied of these reports, went of purpose to see this Lake, and caused certain Captives to be cast into it, who were not only unskilful in swimming, but had their hands also bound behind them, and notwithstanding they were carried on the face of the waters, and could not sink.   

†. V Of the Kings of Moab, much of whose Country within Arnon REUBEN possessed.  
OF the Kings of Moab, whose Country (within Arnon) Reuben possessed (though not taken from Moab but from Sehon the Amorite) few are known. junius in the 21. of Numbers verse 14. nameth Vaheb, which seemeth to be the Ancestor or Predecessor of Balac, the son of Zippor: which Balac sent for Balaam to curse Israel. For fearing to contend with Moses by arms by the examples of Sehon and Og, he hoped by the help of Balaam's cursings or enchantments, to take from them all strength and courage, and to cast on them some pestilent diseases. And though Balaam 
Num. 21. 22. 23. 24. jos. 24.  at the first moved by the Spirit of God, blest Israel contrary to the hope and desire of Moab: yet being desirous in some sort to satisfy him, and to do him service, he advised Moab to sand Madianitish Women among the Israelites: hoping by them, as by fit instruments of mischief, to draw them to the Idolatry of the Heathen: but in the end he received the reward of his falling from God, and of his evil counsel, and was slain among the rest of the Princes of Midian.  
After these times the Kings of the Moabites are not named: saving that we find in the first of Chron. the fourth, that jokim, and the men of Chozeba, and joash, and Sareph, all being of the issue of juda, sometime had the Dominion in Moab: but as it is written in the same Verse, These also are ancient things: to wit, as some expound it, 
V 22.  the particulars of these men's Governments are no where extant or remaining: or as others, haec prius fuere, these Families of juda were once thus famous: but now their posterity choose rather to abide in Babylon, and be Clay-workers to the King there.  
Than we find Eglon King of Moab, who with the help of Ammon, and Amalec, 
judg. 3.  mastered Israel and commanded them eighteen years: which Eglon, Ehud slew in his own house, and afterward 10000 of his Nation. What name the King of Moab had unto whom David fled fearing Saul, it doth not appear: or whither it 
1. Sam. 22.  were the same against whom Saul made War, it is not manifest, for neither are named. But in respect that this Moabite was an enemy to Saul, he received David, 
1. Sam. 14.  and relieved him: knowing that Saul sought his life.  
After this, David himself entered the Region of Moab, but not likely in the same 
2. Sam. 8.  King's time: for he slaughtered two parts of the people; and made the third part 
〈◊〉. Chron. 18.  〈◊〉: whereupon it was said of DAVID, Moab is my wash-pot, over Edom will I 
Psal. 60. v. 10.  cast my shoe: meaning that he would reduce them to such an abjection, and appoint them for base services: And that he would tread down the Idumaeans.  
The next King 〈◊〉 David's time, of the Moabites, whose name liveth, was Mesha: who falling from juda, (perhaps in remembrance of the severity of David) fastened 
〈◊〉. Reg. 3.  himself to the Kings of 〈◊〉, and paid tribute to Ahab 100000. Lambs, and 200000. Rams, with the wool: who revolting again from Israel after the death of Ahab, was invaded by 〈◊〉: with whom joined the Kings of juda and Idumaea: and being by these three Kings priest and broken, he fled to Kir-hareseth, as is elsewhere 〈◊〉. There is also mention made of the Moabites without the King's name: when that Nation, 〈◊〉 by the Ammonites and Idumaeans, invaded Ichoshaphat: and by reason of some private quarrels among themselves, the Moabites and Ammonites set upon the Idumaeans, and slaughtered them: and than one against another; so as 〈◊〉 had a notorious victory over them all, without either blood 
〈◊〉. Chron. 20.  or wound. Also in the time of Hieremie the Prophet, there was a King of Moab which is not named, which was after Mesha of Moab many descents: for Mesha 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. 27.  with 〈◊〉, and this Moabite in Zedekias time, fourteen Kings of 〈◊〉 coming between, who wasted three hundred and odd years.    

§. V Of the memorable places of the Gadites, and the bordering places of Ammon.  
THe Territory adjoining to Reuben, is that of Gad: whereof all that part which joined to the Mountains, was sometime in the possession of the Ammonites, as far to the South as Aroer. Of the children of Gad the 〈◊〉 son of jacob by Zelpha, the handmaid of Lea, there 
Gen. 30.  parted out of Egypt, and died in the Deserts 45550. and of their 
Num. 1. 32. 26. jos. 13.  sons there entered the Land promised 45000. bearing arms: from the half Tribe of Manasse the River of jaboc divided them: from Reuben the Cities of Hesbon, Elhele, and 〈◊〉.  
The chief 〈◊〉 of Gad was Aroer: which they make to be the same with Ar, or 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  Rabbath Moab, the great or commanding Moab. But the learned 〈◊〉, attending diligently to those words of Moses, Deut. 2. 36. Ab 〈◊〉, quae est in ripa fluminis Arnon, & 〈◊〉 ipsa quae cst in flumine; Where the City in the River is distinguished from the City upon the bank of the River, (as also in like manner jos. c. 12. v. 2. and c. 13. v. 9) thinketh that Haroher which doubtless belonged to the Gadites (as Num. 32. 34. it is said that they built it) was indeed seated near Har of the 〈◊〉, but diverse from it. For that Har was never possessed by Moses, it is plain Deut. 2. 9 where God forbidding Moses to touch it, saith he hath given Har for an inheritance to the sons of Lot. Now 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉, which in divers places is said to be within and in the middle of the River of Arnon (and so distinguished from Haroher, which is said in the same places to be on the bank of Arnon) is Har of the Moabites, the same junius proveth out of Num. 21. 15. where Arnon is said to be divided into divers streams, where or among which Har is seated: And the same is confirmed by the place of jos. 13. 25. where Haroher is said to be seated before Rabbah: which Rabbah, as it seems, cannot be the Rabbah of the Ammonites (for they seat not Haroher near it, nor in sight of it) and therefore by Rabbah here we must understand Rabbah of Moab, which they make to be 〈◊〉 or Har: and so we must needs distinguish it from Haroher. And as for 
* Deut. 2. 9 Out of which place the words, Num. 21. 28. 〈◊〉 to be expounded not that the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, but the coast adjoining was wasted by 〈◊〉.  Har (which also gave the name to the coast adjoining) it seems it continued in the possession of the Moabites after they had once expelled the Giantlike people called Emims, 〈◊〉 weakened by Chedorlaomer and his Associates: but 〈◊〉 by the interchange of times suffered many ancient changes, as being won from the Moabites by Sehon, and from him by the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 from them, as it seems in the stóry of 〈◊〉, by the 〈◊〉: and from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Israelites under the conduct of 〈◊〉. In S. 〈◊〉 time the greatest part of this 〈◊〉 perished by an earthquake, as also Zoar, in which Lot saved himself, in the destruction of Sodom, seated not far hence: which they say was therefore called 
Gen. 14. 5. jud. 11. 35.  Vitula 〈◊〉, because as a wanton 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, she was thrice overthrown with earthquake: for which cause 〈◊〉 Hierome seems to think that this 
Higher in 〈◊〉. Paul & in 〈◊〉. & loc. 〈◊〉. see 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 upon 1. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 2. where he makes Shalisha a plain Country in 〈◊〉, and the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2. Reg. 4. 〈◊〉 where he expounds Bal or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be as much as planities.  Zoar was called Salissa, or Bal-salissa, as if Bal had been a remainder of the old name 〈◊〉, or Belah, (of which Gen. 14. 2.) and 〈◊〉 which hath a signification of the 〈◊〉 number, had alluded to the three earthquakes.  
Brochard takes Haroher to be Petra, but erroneously, as before it is noted; seeing that Petra was in the South border of Moab, adjoining to Edom, whereas Haroher is in the northeast border. 〈◊〉 Haroher and 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 Dibon, which is attributed to the Gadites, because they are said to 〈◊〉 built it, Num. 32. 34. though josua 13. v. 17. it is said that Moses gave it to the 〈◊〉. Of this City among the rest of Moab, both Easie and 〈◊〉 prophesied, that it should 〈◊〉: and the Lakes about it run with the blood of the Inhabitants. It was a great Village near 〈◊〉 in S. Hieromes' time.  
Keeping the banks of Arnon, one of the next Cities of fame to Aroer, was Bethnimrah, 
Esa. 15. Hier. 48  of which Easie prophesieth, That the waters thereof should be dried up: and all 
Esa. 15. 21.  the vale of Moab withered. Not far from 〈◊〉 in this Tribe Adrichomius placeth jogbeha, and Nobach or Nobe: of both which we read in the story of Gedcon: 
〈◊〉. 8. 11.  and that jogbeha was in Gad, built by the Gadites, it appears Num. 32. 35. and therefore Nobach also must needs be in these parts; but whither in Gad or Manasse it is not certain: only that it was anciently called Kenath, Moses witnesseth. NOBACH also (saith he) went and took Kenath with her Towns, and called it Nobach of his own 
Num. 〈◊〉. 35.  name, where because the verses precedent speak of the 〈◊〉, and because it is not likely that Moses would 〈◊〉 severed this seat of the Gadites from the rest, of which he spoke before, v. 34. 35. 36. therefore it may seem that this 
* Num. 21. 30. It is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and placed in the border of the king doom of Schon, towards Basan, and therefore it is not altogether unprobable that it was in Gad.  Nobach was in that part of Manasse, which was in the East of jordan: though 〈◊〉 place it in Gad. For whereas he supposeth it to be the same with Nob, which Saul destroyed, of this 〈◊〉 shall speak 
a Chap. 12. § 1 judg. 8. 10.  in the tribe of 〈◊〉. And as for that Karkor where Zebach and Salmunah rested themselves in their flight from 〈◊〉, to which place Gedeon marched through this Nobach and jogbeha, though some place it in Gad, and make it the same with Kir-chares, of which Easie 15. and 2. Reg. 3. 25. yet there can be no certainty that it was in Gad: and if it 〈◊〉 the same with Kir-chares, it is certain that it was a principal City held still by the Moabites, and not in the Tribe of Gad.  
In the body of this Tribe of Gad they place Hataroth: of which name the Scripture witnesseth that two Cities were builded by the Gadites; the former simply called 
Num. 32. 34. 35.  Hataroth, the later Hatroth-Shophan: for which later the Vulgar makes two Cities, Roth and Shophan: the name Hataroth, is as much as Corona.  
In the Valley of the Kingdom of 〈◊〉, together with 〈◊〉, of which we have spoken, josua c. 13. v. 27. nameth Beth-haram and Succoth: the former, Num. 32. 36. (where it is called Beth-Haram) together with 〈◊〉, is said to have been built by the Gadites, which (perhaps the rather, because in josua it is called Beth-Haram) some take to be Betaramptha, (of which 
b 〈◊〉. 1. ant. 18. cap. 3.  josephus) after by Herod called julias'. But whither this Betaramptha were corrupted from Beth-Haram, or from Beth-Aramatha, (of which Aramatha there is mention in 
c 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Codex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Metropolis 〈◊〉  josephus) or from Beth-Remphan (of which Remphan, an Idol of those Countries, we read, Act. 7. 43. and to which junius refers the name of the City Rephan, 1. Maccab. 37.) of this question it were hard to resolve. But touching julius (according to josephus sometimes Bataramptha) the same josephus placeth in the Region of Peraea, beyond jordan, which Regio 〈◊〉, as the Greek word signifieth, is no more than Regio ulterior, the Country beyond the River; and therefore they which labour to set down the bounds of this Peraea, take more pains than needs. Fourteen Villages this julias' had belonging unto it, 
Ant. 20. 11.  according to josephus. He makes it to have been built by Herod Antipas, and named julias', in honour of the adoption of Livia, Augustus his Wife, into the julian family: by which adoption she was called julia. Another julias', he saith, was built by 
josep. Ant. 18. 3. & Bell. jud. 2. 8.  Philip the brother of Herod, in the lower 〈◊〉, which, he saith, is the same as Bethsaida.  
Upon the Sea of Galilee near to julias' in Peraea, (that is, in the Region over jordan) they find Vetezobra, as it is called in josephus, for Beth-ezob, which is as much as domus 
joseph. de Bell. jud. l. 7. c. 8.  〈◊〉. Of a noble woman of this City, which for safeguard in the time of War with the Romans, come with many others into Jerusalem, and was there besieged, josephus in the place 〈◊〉, reports a lamentable History; how for hunger she 〈◊〉 her own child, with other Tragical accidents hereupon ensuing.  
Of Succoth (which we said jos 13. is placed with Beth-haran, in the Valley of the Kingdom of Sehon) it is plain by the story of Gedeon that it is near unto jordan: 
jud. 8. 5.  where it is said, that as he was past jordan with his three hundredth, weary in the pursuit of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, he requested relief of the men of Succoth: who denying him, and that with contempt 〈◊〉 Gedeon's return were by him tortured, as it seems under a threshing Car of Tribulum, between which and their flesh he put Thorns to tear their flesh as they were priest and trod under the Tribulum, and after which 〈◊〉 also David used some of the 〈◊〉, though not with Thorns, 
2. Sam. 12. 31.  but with iron teeth of the Tribulum. As for the name of Succoth, which signifieth such Tabernacles as were made in haste, either for Men or cattle, Moses, Gen. 33. 17. witnesseth that the original of the name was from such harbours, which jacob in his return from 〈◊〉 built in that place: as also the place beyond the Read Sea, 
Exod. 12. 37.  where the children of Israel, as they come from Rameses in Egypt, had their first Station, was upon like reason called Succoth: because there they set up their first Tabernacles or Tents: which they used after for forty years in the Wilderness. In remembrance 
Levit. 23. 43.  〈◊〉 of, the Feast of Succoth, or Tabernacles was instituted.  
Other four Cities of Gad are named, jos. 21. 38. Ramoth in Gilehad, Machanaijm, Chesbon, and jahzer, all of them by the Gadites given to the Levites, of which jahzer, as Chesbon or Hesbon was a chief City of Sehon, whence Num. 32. 1. his Country is called the Land of jahzer. It was taken by Moses, having first sent spies to view it. 
Num. 22. 32. 1. 〈◊〉. 27. 31.  In the first of the Chronicles it is made part of Gilehad. In later times (as it may be gathered by the prophecy of Easie, touching Moab) it was possessed by the Moabites: 
Esai. 6. 8.  to which place of Easie also Hieremie in a like prophecy alludes. It was at length regained 
Hierem. 48. 92.  (but as it seems from the Ammonites) by judas 〈◊〉: as it is, 1. Mac. 5. 8. where junius out of josephus reads 〈◊〉, though the Greek hath Gazer. For Gazer or Gezer (as he gathereth out of 〈◊〉 16. 3. & 8. and 〈◊〉. 1. 29.) was far from these Countries of Sehon, seated in the West border of Ephraim, not possessed by the Israelites, until Salomon's time, for whom the King of Egypt won it from the 〈◊〉, and gave it him as a Dowry with his Daughter.  
Of Chesbon it may be marveled that in the place of josua, and 1. Chron. 6. 81. it should be said to have been given to the Levites by the Gadites, seeing josua 13. v. 17. it is reckoned for a principal City of the Reubenites: Adrichomius and such as little trouble themselves with such 〈◊〉, finding Casbon, 1. 〈◊〉. 5. 36. among the Cities of Gilehad, taken by judas 〈◊〉, makes two Cities of one: as if this Casbon had been the Chesbon of Gad: and that of Reuben distinct from it: but the better reconciliation is, that it being a bordering City, between Gad and Reuben, was common to both, and that the Gadites gave their part to the Levites: for so also it seemeth that in like reason Dibon is said in one place built by the Gadites, and in another given to Reuben, as before is noted. Of Machanaijm, which word signifieth a double Army, we read Gen. 32. 2. that it was therefore so called, because the Angels of God in that place met jacob in manner of another Host or company, to join with his for his defence: as also Luke 2. 13. we read of a multitude of the Host of Heaven, which appeared to the sheep- 〈◊〉, at the time of our saviours birth: and so unto the Godly King Oswald of Northumberland, when he was soon after to join battle with the Pagan Penda of middle- England, 〈◊〉 reports, that the like comfort appeared: whence the field where the battle was 〈◊〉 in the North-parts of England, is called Heaven-field. In this City of Machanaijm David abode during the rebellion of Absalon: and the same for the strength thereof Abner chose for the seat of Ishboseth, during the war between David and the house of Saul.  
Of the fourth Town which was Ramoth in Gilehad, we read often in the Scripture, for the recovering of which King Achab lost his life. junius thinks that Ramatha-Mitspae, of which josua 13. 26. was this Ramoth in Gilehad. Concerning the place where Laban and jacob swore one to the other, as it was called Gilehad, which is as much as a witnessing heap, because of the heap of stones which Laban and his sons left for a monument; so also that it was called Mitspah, which signifieth overlooking (because there they called God to oversee and be witness to their covenant) it is plain by the place, Gen. 31. 49. that in these parts there was not only a Town, but likewise a Region called Mitspa, it appears, jos. 11. 3. where we read of the Chiwites under Hermon, in the Country of Mitspa, 
* Of other towns of this name, see in the Tribe of 〈◊〉.  the Town of Mitspa, as it seems both by this place, and in the eighth verse following, being not in the Hill Country, but in the valley. But seeing that jephta the judge of Israel, who after he come home from Tob, (wither his brethren had driven him) dwelled in this Town of Mitspa, who doubtless was of the Tribe of Manasse, and thence at first expelled 
jud. 11. 36.  by his brethren, it may seem that they 〈◊〉 not well which place this Town of Mitspa rather in Gad, than in Manasse. By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Town of Mitspa (whither in Gad or in Manasse) was utterly spoiled and burnt, and all the males of it 
1. Macc. 5. 35.  slain: for it was then possessed of the Ammonites.  
Between Succoth (of which we have spoken) and the River jaboc was that Peniel or Penuel, which name signifieth Locum faciei Dei; A place where the face of God was 
Gen. 32. 30.  seen: so called for memory of the Angels appearing to jacob, and wrestling with him there: the churlishness of which City, in refusing to relieve Gideon, was the 
judg. 8. 17.  cause that in his return he overthrew their Tower, and slew the chief Aldermen thereof. To these places of the Gadites, they add Rogelim, the City of that great and faithful subject Barzallai, as it seems, not far from 〈◊〉, where he sustained 
2. Sam. 19 33.  King David, during Absalom's rebellion. To these they add the Towns of Gaddi, Arnon, and Alimis, of which Gaddi, being in Hebrew no more than Gaddita, is ignorantly made a name of a place. Arnon also no where appears to be the name of a Town, but still of a River. Alimis Adrichomius frames of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1. Macc. 5. 26. so that the name should rather be Alema, but junius out of josephus reads Mallae, for this in Alimis: and understanding Mallae to be put for Millo, and to be as much 
Deut. 3. 14.  as Munitio, (as we have showed touching the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉) he takes this 
jos. 12. 5.  〈◊〉, to be Mitspa Moabitarum, of which 1. Sam. 22. 3. As for that Mageth which Adrichomius finds in this Tribe of Gad, it is that 〈◊〉, which Moses 〈◊〉 to be as far as the furthest of Manasses, out of the bounds of this Tribe. So also Dathema, of which 1. Mac. 5. 10. (which junius takes to be 
a The letters D. and R. in the 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 like, so that one is 〈◊〉 mistaken for another, & sometime without mistaking one is put for another: as for Rodanim, 1. 〈◊〉. 7. we have Dodanim. Gen. 10. 4.  Rithma, of which Num. 33. 18. a place of strength in the Territory of the Ammonites) and in like manner Minnith, and Abel vinearum, though by some they be attributed to the Gadites, or to their borders, yet they are found farther off. For of the two last we read in 〈◊〉 pursuit of the Ammonites: seated as it seems by that place of the book of judges, the former of them in the South border, and the other in the East border, both far removed from the Gadites. But the chief City of the Ammonites was nearer, and not far from from the borders of Gad. It is called in the Scriptures sometime Rabbath, as Deut. 3. 11. but more often Rabath. It is supposed to be that 
* Other names of this City according to Stephanus were Ammana and Astarte: but in this later perhaps he mistook, which might seem to be the same Astaroth one of the chief Cities of Og, of which in that which remaineth to be spoken of Manasses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it was also called Vrbs aquarum, because of the river jabocs winding about it, but in the place 2. Sam. v. 27. whence he gathers this opinion, junius reads intercepi ab urbe aquam, if we must read with others, cepi 〈◊〉 aquarum, yet it cannot be taken of Rabath itself, but of some Fort adjoining.  Philadelphia which Ptolemy finds in Coelosyria. Hierome and 〈◊〉 in Arabia. It was conquered by Og from the Ammonites: but as it seems never possessed by the Israelites, after the overthrow of Og, but left to the Ammonites: whereupon at length it become the Regal seat of the Ammonites, but of old it was the possession of the Zamzummims: which is as much to say, as men for all manner of craft and wickedness infamous. The same were also called Raphaim, of whom was Og, which recovered much of that which the Ammonites had got from his Ancestors: who having been first beaten by the Assyrians, and their assistants (as the 〈◊〉 in Moab, and the Horims in Seir had been) were afterward the easier conquered by the Ammonites, as the Emims were by Moab, and the Horims by the Idumaeans. Yet did the races of Emoreus, of whom these Giants were descended, contend with the Conquerors for their ancient inheritance: and as Sehon of Hesbon had dispossessed Moab, so had Og of Basan the Ammonites, and between them recovered the best part of all the Valley, between the Mountains and jordan. For this Og was also master of Rabath or Philadelphia: And in the possession of the one or the other of these two, Moses and Israel found all those Cities and Countries which were given to Reuben, Gad, and the half Tribe of Manasse. So that though it were 450. years since that these Zamzummims or Raphaims were expelled, yet they did not forget their ancient inheritance: but having these two Kings of one kindred, and both valiant and undertaking men, to wit, Og and Sehon, both Amorites, they recovered again much of their 〈◊〉 possessions, and thrust the sons of Lot over the mountains, and into the Deserts. And as the Kings or Captains of Persia and Assyria, (remembered 
a Gen. 14.  in the 14. of Genesis) made way for Ammon, 〈◊〉, and Edom, so by that great conquest which Moses had over those two Amorites, Og and Sehon, did the Moabites and Ammonites take opportunity to look back again into those plains, and when the Reubenites, Gadites, and Manassites forsook the worship of the living God, and become slothful and licentious, they taking the advantage invaded them, and cast them out of their possessions: and were sometime their masters, sometime their tributaries, as they pleased or displeased God: and according to the wisdom and virtue of their Commanders.  
In this City of Rabath, was the iron bed of Og found, nine cubits of length, and 
Deut. 3.  four of breadth. The City was taken in David's time, and the inhabitants slain with great severity, and by divers torments. At the first assault thereof Urias was shot to death, having been by direction from David appointed to be employed in the leading of an assault, where he could not escape: wherein also many of the best of the Army perished: and wherein David so displased God, as his affairs had ill success afterward, 〈◊〉 to his dying day. From hence had David the weighty and rich crown of gold, which the Kings of Ammon ware: or which as some expound it, was used to be set on the head of their Idol, weighing a talon, which is 60. pound 
2. Sam. 12.  weight after the common talon. In the time of Christians it had a Metropolitan Bishop, 
〈◊〉. Tyr. Bell. Sacr. 13. cap. 12.  and under him twelve others.  
The Mountains which are described within this 〈◊〉, and that of Manasse, with a part of Reuben, are those which Ptolemy calleth the hills of Hippus, a City of 
〈◊〉. Strab. l. 16.  Coelosyria: and Strabo 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is, locus asper & salebrosus: whence it appears that Trachonitis regio in these parts was properly the hill country Deut. 3. v. 9 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  Trachones: the same which continued from near Damascus unto the Deserts of Moab: and receive divers names, as commonly mountains do, which neighbour and bound divers Countries: For from the South part, as far Northwards as Asteroth, the chief City of Og, they are called Galaad or Gilead, from thence Northward they are known by the name of Hermon, for so Moses calleth them: The Sidonians name them Shirion, but the Amorites Shenir, others Seir: of which name all those Hills also were called, which part judaea and Idumaea: and lastly, they are called Libanus, for so the Prophet Hieremie makes them all one, calling the high mountains of Galaad, the head of Libanus. These mountains are vere fruitful, and full of good pastures, and have many trees which yield Balsamum, and many other 
Hier. 8. & in  medicinable drugs. The Rivers of this Tribe are the waters of Nimrah, and Dibon, and the Riner 〈◊〉: Others do also fancy another River, which rising out of the Rocks of Arnon, falleth into jordan.   

§. VI Of the Ammonites, part of whose Territories the 〈◊〉 e s wan from OG the King of Basan.  
THis Tribe of Gad possessed half the Country of the Ammonites, who together with the Moabites, held that part of Arabia Petraea called Nabat 〈◊〉, as well within as without the mountains of Gilead: though at this time when the Gadites won it, it was in the possession of Sehon and Og, Amorites: and therefore Moses did not expel the Ammonites, but 〈◊〉 Amorites, who had thrust the issues of Lot over the mountains Tracbones or 〈◊〉, as before. After the death of Othoniel the first judge of Israel, the Ammonites joined with the Moabites against the Hebrews, and so continued long. jephta judge 
jud. 10.  of Israel had a great conquest over one of the Kings of Ammon, but his name is omitted. In the time of Samuel they were at peace with them again.  
Afterwards we found that cruel King of the Ammonites, called 〈◊〉: who besieging 
1. Sam. 11.  jabes Gilead, gave them no other conditions but the pulling out of their right eyes. The reason why he tendered so hard a composition, was (besides this desire to bring shame upon Israel) because those Gileadites using to carry a Target on their left arms, which could not but shadow their left eyes, should by losing their right, be utterly disabled to defend themselves: but Saul come to their rescue, and delivered them from that danger. This Nahas, as it may, seem, become the confederate of David, having friended him in Saul's time, though josephus thinks that this Nahas 
josep. l. 6. Ant. c. 5. etc.  was slain in the battle, when Saul raised the siege of 〈◊〉, who affirmeth that 
2. Sam. 10. 4. 18.  there were three Kings of the Moabites of that name. 
〈◊〉, that is the men 〈◊〉 Thob: Thob is a small Territory under Arnon hills.   
Hanun succeeded Nahas: to whom when David sent to congratulate his establishment, and to confirm the former friendship which he had with his Father, he most contemptuously and proudly cut off the Ambassadors garments to the knees, and 
〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 between Hazor & Sidon, in the North bound of Canaan, Num. 13. 22. of which see in the tribe of Asser.  shaved the half of their 〈◊〉. But afterward notwithstanding the aids received from the Aramites subject to Adadezer, and from the Reguli of Rehob, and Maacah, and from Istob, yet all those Arabians, together with the Ammonites, were over-turned: their chief City of Rabath, after Philadelphia, was taken, the Crown which weighed a talon of gold was set on David's head, all such as were prisoners, David excuted with strange severity; for with Saws and Harrows he tare them in pieces, and cast the rest into Lime-kills. 
〈◊〉. 40. & 41.   
josaphat governing juda, they assisted the Moabites their neighbours against him, 
2. Chron. 20.  and perished together. Osias made them Tributaries, and they were again by 〈◊〉 
2. Chron. 〈◊〉.  enforced to continued that Tribute, and to increase it, to wit, a hundredth talents of 
2. Chron. 26.  silver, ten thousand measures of wheat, and ten thousand of barley: which the Ammonites 
2. Chron. v. 27.  continued two years.  
The fift King of the Ammonites, of whose name we read was Baalis, the confederate of Zedechia: after whose taking by Nabuchodonosor, Baalis 〈◊〉 Ishmael of the blood of the Kings of juda, to slay Gedaliah, who served Nabuchodonosor.   

§. VII. Of the other half of MANASSE.  
THe rest of the Land of Gilead, and of the Kingdom of Og in Basan, with the Land of Hus, and Argob, or Trachonitis (wherein also were part of the small Territories of 
* Another territory adjoining to Manasse, whose limits were confounded with some of these, was that Thishbitis, the country of Elias, as it is the 1. Kin. 16. 1. and of Tobias, Tob. 1 2. it lay on the East to the tribe of Neph. on the right hand of it, as in Tob. 1. 2. and was possessed by Colonies of the Israelites in the time of Saul after his victory over the Amalekites & Ismaelits in those parts, as it is gathered out of the 1. Chr. 5-10. whence it appears that it was part of 〈◊〉, of which chap. 7. §. 4. †. 5. and 6.  Batanea, Gaulonitis, Gessuri, Machati, and Auranitis) was given to the half Tribe of Manasse over jordan, of which those three later Provinces defended themselves against them, for many ages. But Batanea Ptolemy setteth farther off, and to the northeast, as a skirt of Arabia the Desert: and all these other Provinces before named with 〈◊〉, and Ituraea, he nameth but as part of Coelosyria; as far South as Rabath or Philadelphia: likewise all the rest which belonged to Gad, and Reuben, saving the Land near the Dead Sea, he makes a part of drabia Petraea: for many of these small Kingdoms take not much more ground than the County of Kent.  
Basan, or after the Septuagint, Basanitis, stretcheth itself from the River of 〈◊〉 to the 
a So they call them of Mahacath, of which Mabacath somewhat hath been spoken toward the end of the fift Paragraph of this Chapter, see the 1. Mac. 5. 36. and Deut. 3. 14. & jos. 12. 5  Machati and Gessuri: and from the Mountains to jordan, a Region exceeding fertile; by reason whereof it abounded in all sorts of cattle. It had also the goodliest woods of all that part of the world: especially of Oakes, which bear 〈◊〉 (of which the Prophet Zacharias, howl, OH ice Oakes of Bashan) and by reason hereof they bred so many Swine, as 
b Mar. 5. 13.  2000 in one Herd were carried headlong into the Sea, by the unclean spirits which Christ had cast out of one of the Gadarens. It had in it threescore Cities walled and defenced: all which, after Og and his sons were slain, jair descended of Manasse conquered, and called the Country after his own name, 〈◊〉 jair, or the Cities of jair.  
The principal cities of this half Tribe (for I will omit the rest) are these; Pella sometimes 
c Anciently as it seems it was called Tophel, see above in the bounds of More ab in this chapter. §. 4. †. 2.  But is, otherwise Berenice; by Seleucus King of 〈◊〉, it is said to have been called 〈◊〉, after the name of that Pella in Macedon: in which both Philip the Father, and his Son Alexander the Great 〈◊〉 borne. It was taken, and in part demolished by Alexander jannaeus King of the jews: because it refused to obey the jews laws: but it was repaired by 〈◊〉, and annexed to the Government of Syria. It is now but a Village, saith Niger. 〈◊〉 by the River of jaboc, taken by 
d 1. Macc. 5.  judas Macchabaeus: where he set on fire the 
e joseph. 12. Ant. 12.  Temple of their Idols: together with all those that fled thereinto for Sanctuary; and 〈◊〉 it they place the Castle of Carnion, of which 2. Macc. 12. 22. Than the strong City of 
f 1. Mac. 5.  Ephron near 〈◊〉: which refusing to yield passage to 
g 2. Mac. 12. 27  judas Macchabeus, was forced by him by assault, and taken and burnt with great slaughter.  
jabes Gilead, or jabesus, was another of the Cities of this half Tribe, which being besieged by Nahas 
h 1. Sam. 11.  King of the Ammonites,, was delivered by Saul, as is 
i jos. 6. ant. 5.  elsewhere mentioned. In memory whereof these Citizens 
k 1. Sam. 31.  recovered, embalmed, and buried the bodies of Saul and his Sons: which hung despitefully over the walls of Bethsan or Scythopolis. 
l 1. Chron. 10.  Gaddara or Gadara, is next to be named, seated by Pliny on a Hill near the River Hieromiace, which River Ortelius seems to think to be jaboc. At the foot of the Hill there spring forth also hot baths, as at Machaerus. Alexander jannaeus after ten 〈◊〉 siege wan it, and subverted it. Pompey restored it: and Gahinius 
m joseph. 14. Ant. 13.  made it one of the five Courts of justice in Palestine. Jerusalem being the first, Gadara the second, Emath or Amathus the third, 〈◊〉, and Sephora in Galilee, the fourth and fift. The Citizens impatiently bearing the tyranny of Herod, surnamed Ascalonita, accused him to julius Caesar of many crimes: but perceiving that they could not prevail, and that Herod was highly favoured of Caesar, fearing the terrible 
n joseph. 15. Ant. 13.  〈◊〉 of Herod, they slew themselves: some by strangling, others by leaping over high Towers, others by drowning themselves.  
To the East of 〈◊〉 they place Sebei, 
o Of Mitspa in Gilehad, the City of 〈◊〉, see in the Tribe of Gad.  in which josephus ant. 5. 13. saith, jephtha was buried: whence others reading with the Vulgar, 〈◊〉. 12. 7. Sepultus est in Civitate sua Gilehad, (for in una Civitatum Gilehad) imagine Gilehad to be the name of a City, and to be the same with Sebei. In like manner following the Vulgar, 1. Macc. 5. 26. where it readeth 〈◊〉 for Chesbon; the same Adrichomius imagineth it to be ampla & firma Gilehaditarum Civitas, so of one City Hesbon or Chesbon, which they call Essebon, the chief City of Sehon, in the Tribe of Reuben, he imagineth two more: this Casphor in Manasses, and a City in Gad which he calleth Casbon, of which we have admonished the Reader heretofore. Of Gamala (so called, because the Hill on which it stood, was in fashion like the back of a Camel) which josephus placeth not far from Gadara, in the lower Gaulanitis over against Tarichea, which is on the West side of the Sea or Lake of Tiberias, see this josephus in his 〈◊〉 book 
Cap. 1. & 3.  of the jewish war: where he describes the place by nature to be almost invincible: and in the story of the siege, shows how Vespasian with much danger of his own person, entering it, was at first repulsed, with other very memorable accidents: and how at length after the coming of Titus, when it was taken, many leaping down the rocks with their wives and children, to the number of five thousand, thus perished: besides four thousand slain by the Romans: so that noon escaped, save only two women that hide themselves.  
About four mile's West from Gadara, and as much East from 〈◊〉 (which is on the otherside of the Lake) josephus placeth Hippus, or Hippene, whence Ptolemy 
In vitasua.  gives the name to the hills that compass the plains in which it standeth: so that it may seem to have been of no small note. It is seated far from the hill Country: on the East of the Lake, as also Pliny noteth lib. 5. cap. 15. It was restored by Pompey: after by Augustus added to Herod's Tetrarchte: It was wasted by the jews, in the 
joseph. Bell. jud. l. 2. c. 19  beginning of their rebellion: when by many massacres of their Nation, they were enraged against their borderers.  
The next City of note, but of more ancient fame, is Edrehi or Edrai, wherein Og 
Of an other 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉. see jos. 19 37.  King of Basan chief abode, when Moses and Israel invaded him: and near unto this his Regal City, it was that he lost the battle and his life. It stood in S. Hieromes' 
Deut. 3. 1. & 10.  time: and had the name of Adar or Adara. Not far from these Towns near jordan, 
Item. jos. 13. 31.  in this valley stood Gerassa or Gergessa, inhabited by the Gergesites, descended of the fift son of Canaan. Of these Gergesites we read Mat. 8. 28. that Christ coming 
Matt. 8. 28.  from the other side of the Lake of Tiberias, landed in their coasts: where casting the Devils out of the possessed, he permitted them to enter into the herd of Hogs: in 
Mar. 5.  which story for Gergesites or Gergesins, S. Luke and S. Mark have Gadarens: not as if 
〈◊〉. 8.  these were all one (for Gergessa or Gerassa is a distinct Town in these parts from Gadera) but the bounds being confounded, and the Cities neighbours, either might well be named in this story. This City received many changes and calamities: of which josephus hath often mention. For besides other adventures, it was taken by L. Annius Lieutenant to Vespasian: and 1000 of the ablest young men put to the sword, and the City burnt. In the year 1120. it was rebuilt by Baldwine King of Damascus: and in the same year recovered by Baldwine de Burgo King of Jerusalem: and by him utterly razed. Near unto Gerasa is the village of Magedan, or after the Syriake Magedu, or after the Greek Magdala, where the Pharisees and Sadducees desired 
Matt. 15.  of our Saviour a sign from heaven: the same place or some adjoining to it, which S. Mark calleth Dalmanutha. By the circumstances of which story it appears that 
Marc. 8. broach. 〈◊〉. 2.  this coast lay between the Lake of Tiberias and the Country of 〈◊〉. Brochard 
Of this 〈◊〉 see in 〈◊〉.  makes both these places to be one: and finds it to be Phiale, the fountain of jordan according to josephus: but this Phiale is too far from the Sea of Galilee, and from 
C. 7. §. 4. †. 3.  Bethsaida, to be either Magdala or Dalmanutha. For as it appears by the story, not far 
Matt. 14.  hence towards the North was the Desert of Bethsaida, where Christ filled 5000. 
Marc. 6.  people with the five Barley loaves and two Fish. 
Luc. 11.  
〈◊〉. 6.   
On the North of this Bethsaida they place julias', not that which was built by Herod, but the other by Philip, which boundeth the Region Trachonitis towards the South. It was sometime a Village, and not long after the birth of Christ it was compassed with a wall by Philip the Tetrarch of 〈◊〉 and Trachonitis: and after the name 
Ioseph. 18. aut. 3. & alibi.  of 〈◊〉, the wife of Tiberius, called 〈◊〉, as hath been farther spoken in the Tribe of Gad: where it was noted that josephus makes this julias', to be the same as Bethsaida. Upon the East side of the same Lake of Tiberias 〈◊〉 Corozaim, or Corazim, of which Christ in Matthew; Woe be unto thee Corazim.  
But the principal City of all these in ancient time was Asteroth: sometime peopled with the Giants Raphaim: and therefore the Country adjoining called the Land of Giants, of whose race was Og, King of Basan. In Genesis this City is called Asteroth 
Gen. 14. 5.  of Carnaim, whence I Mac. 5. 26 it is called simply Carnaim, as jos. 13. 21. it is called Asteroth without the addition of Carnaim. The word Carnaim signifieth a pair of Horns, which agreed well with the name of their Idol Astoreth, which was the Image 
See chap. 7. §. 3. †. 2.  of a sheep, as it is elsewhere noted, that Astaroth in Deut. signifieth sheep. Others from the ambiguity of the Hebrew take Karnaim, to have been the name of the people which inhabited this City: and expound it heroes 
* Because Horn when it is 〈◊〉 shineth: hence it is that the verb of this Noun is sometime Lucere: as it were corneum esse: whereupon the Vulgar, Exod. 34. 29. reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or lucidam faciem, gave occasion to the fabulous painters to paint Moses with Horns.  radiantes. For of old the Raphaei which inhabited this City (Gen. 14. 5.) were Giantlike men, as appears by comparing the words Deut. 3. 11. Og ex residuo gigantum, with the words jos. 13. 12. Og ex reliquijs Raphaaeorum: but if the 〈◊〉 (or Karnaijm) were these Raphaei, the word would not have been in the dual number: neither would Moses in the place of Genesis have said the Raphaei in Asteroth of the 〈◊〉, but either the Raphaei in Asteroth of the Raphaei, or some other way fittest for perspicuity: for this naming of both thus in the same clause, distinguisheth one from the other.  
Not far from Asteroth Adrichomius out of Brochard and Breidenbachius placeth Cedar, in the way out of Syria into Galilee, four miles from Corazin. This City (saith he) is remembered in the Canticles, and in the book of judith, and there are that of this City understand David in his 120. Psalm: and here the Sepulchre of job is yet to be seen, saith Breidenbach.  
Now concerning the Texts which he citeth, it is so that the Greek hath Galaad in stead of the word Cedar, which the Vulgar doth use in that place of judith, and joineth Carmel and 〈◊〉. The Canticles and the 120. Psalm do rather prove that 
judith. 1. 8.  Cedar was not here about, than any way help Adrichomius. For that they speak of 
1. Cant. 5.  Scenitae Cedareni, it is apparent, and as evident by the place in the Canticles that they were decolores, much more than any under the Climates of the land of Canaan: whence junius out of Lampridius and Pliny placeth them in Arabia Petraea, far from these parts. Touching the Sepulchre of job, it is certain that the Arabians and 〈◊〉 (holding those places) feign many things to abuse the Christians, and to get money. 
Rup. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. in Gen. Bell. in Com. lib. 1. de ver. Dei. S. Amb. 〈◊〉. Ep. ad Rom. Aug. de civi. Dei l. 18. c. 4. 〈◊〉. 2. De patientia job. Greg. come. in job.  Further, it may well be affirmed that many (if not all) the historical circumstances of job are so obscure, that we should rather by finding his Country seek to get some knowledge of him, than by any presumptions founded upon him, infer what his Country was, and build unto him a City by conjecture.  
Of job himself whither he were the same jobab remembered in the 36. of Genesis, descended from Esau, and King also of Idumaea, though Rupertus, Lyranus, Oleaster, and 〈◊〉 are of another opinion, yet S. Ambrose, Augustine, Chrusostom, and 
For 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 are often changed one into the other: whence they used Ausitis for Ousitis, etc. Hence also by 〈◊〉 and others it is called Ausanitis, & so as it seems they read it in the Septuagint. 〈◊〉 Gen. 10. 23.  Gregory, with Athanasius, Hippolytus, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apollinar 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 & other, cited by S. Hierom in his 126. Epist. to Euagrius, take him for the same.  
The Land of Huts or Hus wherein job dwelled is from the Greek 〈◊〉, which the Septuagint use for the word Huts, translated by the Vulgar sometime Hus, as job 1. v. 1. sometime Ausitis, as Hieromc 25. 20. This Land is placed by junius between Palaestina and Caelesyria, besides Chamatha (or Hamath) under Palmyrene in the Country called by Ptolemy Trachonitis. or Bathanaea, the bounds of which Countries are confounded with Basan in this half Tribe of Manasses. And that this Land of Hus was thus seated, it may in part be gathered out of the place of jeremy the 25. 20. where he reckons the Hushites among the promiscuous borderers of the Israelites, whom he therefore calleth promiscuous or miscellaneam turbam, because their bounds were not only joined but confounded, and their signiories mingled one with the other, but of this place the words of Hieremie, Lamentations 4. 21. speaking of the same prophesy, of which he speaketh in the five and twentieth Chapter, must needs be expounded: as junius reads them, distinguishing the Land of Hus from Edom: OH filia 〈◊〉, ô quae habitas in terra Hutzi; OH Daughter of Edom, OH thou which dwellest in the Land of Hus. Now because the Vulgar doth not so distinguish, but readeth Filiae Edom quae habitas in terra Hus; Daughter of Edom which dwellest in the Land of Hus: Hence, as it seems, some of the learned have thought that job was an Edomite, as we have said, and King of Edom, which if they understand by it Idumaea or Edom, so called in Moses 
Deut. 3. 9  time, they are greatly mistaken, making this Land of Hus to be in Edumaea. For it is very probable that Esau when he first parted from jacob, did not seat himself in Edom, or Seir, which lieth on the South border of judaea, but in habited Seir far to the East of 〈◊〉, and held a part of those Mountains otherwise called Galaad, and Hermon, which by corruption the Sidonians call Shirion, and the Amorites Shenir for Seir, and from this his habitation did Esau encounter jacob when he returned out of Mesopotamia, who passed by the very border of Esau his abiding. It is true that at such time as Moses wandered in the Deserts, that the posterity of Esau inhabited Seir to the South of judaea: for it is like that the Amorites who had beaten both Ammon and Moab, did also drive the Edomites out of those parts, who thenceforward seated themselves to the South of judaea, bordering the Desert Paran, and stretched their habitations over the Deserts as far as Hor where Aram died.  
Now for this Hus which gave the name to a part of the Land of Trachonitis, whither it were Hus the son of Aram, as junius thinks in his note upon Gen. 10. 23. or rather Hus the son of Nachor, Abraham's brother, the question is doubtful. For my part I rather incline to think, that it was Hus the son of Nachor: partly because these Families of Aram seem long before to have been lost: and partly because in job c. 32. 2. Elihu the fourth of jobs friends, which seems to be of jobs own Country, is called a Buzite, of Buz, the brother of Hus, the son of Nachor: as also 
Whence the Septuagint call him ex regione Ausitide.  〈◊〉 25. in the same continuation (though some other Nations named between) where Hus is spoken of, there Buz is also named. Neither doth it hinder our conjecture, that in the place of job 32. Elihu the Buzite is said to be of the Family of Ram: (which junius expounds to be as much as of the Family of Aram) for that by this Aram we are not to understand Aram the son of Sem, junius himself maketh it plain, both in his annotation upon the beginning of his book, where he saith that one of jobs friends (which must needs be this Ellihu) was of the posterity of Nachor (as also in this place he confesseth so much expressly) and in as much as he readeth not è familiâ Aram, or Ram, but è familia Syra; like as elsewhere Laban who sprung of Nachor is called a Syrian.  
As for the other three of jobs friends (of whom by this note of Elihu his being of 
See Sixtus 〈◊〉.  the Syrian Family, or of the Family of Nachor) it is implied that they were of other kindreds; as also by the Septuagints addition, that this Elihu was of the Land of Hus, or Ausitis, it is implied that they thought only Elihu to have been of jobs own Country.  
Franciscus Brochard the Monk, in his description of the holy Land in the journey from Acon Eastward, findeth Suetha, and Theman on the East of the Sea of 〈◊〉: both very near to the Land of Hus: whereof the one may seem to have denominated Bildad the Shuchit; the other Eliphaz the Themanite: two of the three friends of job, of the which job 2. 11. But junius thinks that the Shuchits were inhabitants of Arabia the Desert, descended of Shuach the son of Abraham and Ketura: of whom Gen. 52. 2. perhaps, saith he, the same whom Pliny calls Saccaei. So also he thinketh the Themanites of whom Eliphaz was, to have been of Arabia the Desert: and 〈◊〉 himself to have been of the posterity of Theman the son of Eliphaz, which was the son of Esau. And so also 〈◊〉 whence Tsophar the third of jobs friends (which in this place of job. c. 2. v. 11. are mentioned) is by the same learned expositor thought either to be named of Thimnath by transposition of letters (which Thimnah Gen. 36. 40. is named among the sons of Esau that gave denomination to the places where they were seated) or else to be the same Nahamah, which jos. 15. 41. is reckoned for a City of 〈◊〉 in the border, as he thinks, of Edom. And yet I deny not but that near to the Land of Hus, in Basan, as it seems, in the Tribe of Manasses, there is a Region which at lest in latter times was called Suitis, or of some like name. For this is evident by the Historic of 〈◊〉 Tyrius, which reports of 
De Bell. Sacr. l. 22. c. 15. & 21.  a Fort in this Region of 〈◊〉 or Suits (as he calls it diversly) of exceeding great strength and use for the retaining of the whole Country: which, in the time of Baldwine the second King of Jerusalem, was with great digging through rocks recovered by the Christians: having not long before been lost to the great disadvantage of the Country, while it was in the hands of the Saracens. The situation of this Fort is by Tyrius described to be sixteen miles from the City Tiberias, on the East of jordan: by Adrichomius four miles Northward from the place where jordan enters the Lake Tiberias at Corazin.  
Other Cities of this part of Manasses named in the Scripture are these: Golan, Beheshthera, 〈◊〉 of Gilead, and Kenath, which after the coming of the Israelites was called Nobach. Of Nobach or Kenath, and Mitspa of Gilehad, we have spoken by occasion among the Cities of Gad: The two other were given to the Levites, and 〈◊〉 
jos. 21. 27. Deut. 4. 43.  made one of the Cities of refuge: from which Golan we have both Gaulanitis superior and inferior, often in josephus. Beheshthera is accounted the chief City of Basan by some, but the writers corrupting the name into Bozra, it is confounded with Betser or Bozra of Reuben, and with Bozra of Edom. Argob is often named for a Region in this Tract, and hence Hierome hath Arga, a name of a City placed by some about the waters of Merom (as they are called by josua) which make the Lake 〈◊〉, as josephus calls it. This Lake being as it were in the midst between Coesaria Philippi and Tiberias, through which as through the Lake of Tiberias, jordan runneth, boundeth part of this half Tribe on the West. When the snow of Libanus melteth, it is very large, saith Brochard: otherwise more contract, leaving the marish ground on both sides, for Lions and other wild beasts, which harbour in the shrubs that plentifully grow there.  
Adjoining to this Lake in this Country of Manasses, josephus names two places of strength fortified by himself in the beginning of the jews rebellion: Seleucia the one and Sogane the other. In the North side of this half Tribe of Manasse, and in the northeast, the Scripture nameth divers bordering places toward Damascus, as Tsedad, Chauran, and Chatsar-Henan, lying in a line drawn from the West; of which three Cities we read Ezek. 47. 15. with which also agrees the place Numb. 34. 8. where for Chauram, between Tsedad, and Chatsar-Henan, Ziphron is named. From this Chauram is the name of Auranitis regio, in josephus and 〈◊〉, whose bounds (as also the bounds of Gessur and 〈◊〉 or Macati, which were like wise borderers to Manasses toward the northeast) are unknown: only that Gessur was of might, it appears in that David married Mahaca the Daughter of Tholmay King of Gessur: by whom he had the most beautiful, 
〈◊〉. 3. 2.  but wicked, and unfortunate Absalon.    

CHAP. XI. The History of the Syrians the chief borderers of the Jsraelites that dwelled on the East of Jordan.  

§. I. Of the City of Damascus and the divers fortunes thereof.  
DAMASCUS of all other in this border, and of that part of the world, was the most famous, excelling in beauty, antiquity, and riches, and was therefore called the City of 〈◊〉 or gladness; and the House of pleasure; and is not only remembered in many places of Scripture, but by the best Historians and Cosmographers. The Hebrews, saith josephus, think it to have been built by 
Ioseph. 1. 14.  Hus the son of Aram: of which opinion S. Hierome upon Esai seemeth to be: though in his Hebrew questions 
In Isai. 17.  he affirmeth that it was founded by Damascus, the son of Eliezer Abraham's Steward, a thing very 
Gen. 15. 2.  unlikely, seeing the city was formerly known by that name, as appears by Abraham's calling this his Steward Eliezer of Damascus. 〈◊〉 was the first that subjecteth it to the Kingdom of juda, after the overthrow of Adadezer their King, but in Salomon's time, Rezon recovered it again, though he had no title at all or right to that principality: but David having overthrown Hadadezer king of Sophena, (otherwise Syria Soba or Zobah) Razon or Rezon with the remainder of that broken army, invaded 〈◊〉, and possessed Damoscus itself, and become an enemy to Solomon all 
1. Reg. 11. v. 40.  his life.  
The next King of Damascus was Adad the Edomite, who flying into Egypt from 
1. Reg. 11.  David, and joab, when they slew all the males in Edom, was there entertained, and married 〈◊〉 the King of Egypt's wives sister: of whom Taphnes' in Egypt was so called. This Adad returning again, become an enemy to Solomon all his life, and (as some writers affirm) invaded Damascus, and thrust Rezon thence-out. In the line of Adad that Kingdom continued nine descents (as hereafter may be showed in the catalogue of those Kings of Syria) to whom the Assyrians & then the 〈◊〉 succeeded. This city was exceeding strong, compassed with waters from the rivers of Abanah, and Parphar: whereof one of them profane writers call Chrysorrhoas the 
2. Reg. 5.  golden river. junius takes it for Adonis. The country adjoining is very fruitful of excellent wines and wheats, and all manner of excellent first-fruits. It had in it a very strong Castle, built as it seems by the Florentines, after it become Christian: the lilies 
〈◊〉. 6. 〈◊〉. Sacr.  being found cut in many marbles in that Citadel. Against this City the Prophets Amos, Esai, Hieremy and Zacharias, prophesied that it should be taken, burnt, demolished, 
1. 3. 8. 10. & 17. 49. & 9  and made a heap of stones. In the time of the last Rezon and tenth King of the Damascens, Teglatphalassar invited by Achaz king of juda, carried away the naturals 
2. Reg. 16.  of Damascus into the East: leaving of his own nation to inhabit it. After that it was utterly ruined by the Babylonians, saith 〈◊〉 upon Esai: which thing 
Esai. 17.  was performed by Salmanasar, according to junius in his note upon that place, five years after the 〈◊〉. In time it was restored by the Macedonians, and the Ptolemy's; but long after when Syria fell into the hands of the Romans, it was taken 
joseph. ant. 〈◊〉.  by Metellus and Lollius. In the time of the 〈◊〉 it had an Archbishop: S. 〈◊〉 living, as he affirmeth upon the Acts, it was the Metropolis of the Saraecens: being taken by Haomar their King from the Romans, in the year of our redemption 636. And in the year 1147. Conrade the third, Emperor of Rome, Lewes' King of 
〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  France, Baldwine the third King of Jerusalem, Henry Duke of Austria, brother to Conrade, Frederick Barbarossa afterward Emperor, Theodoric Earl of Flanders, and 
Vitri c. 46. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. Bell. Sac. l. 17. c. 1. 23. 4. 5.  other Princes assembled at Ptolomais Acon, on the sea coast, determined to recover Damascus: but being betrayed by the Syrians, they failed of the enterprise.  
In the year 1262. Halon the Bohemian-tartar encompassed it, and having formerly taken the King, brought him under the walls, and threatened extreme torture unto him, except 
Herold. Bell. Sac. 4. c. 14.  the Citizens rendered the place: but they refusing it, the King was torn asunder before them, and in fine the City taken, Agab the son of Halon was by his father made King thereof.  
In the year 1400. Tamburlaine Emperor of the Parthians, invaded that region, 
Herold. l. 6. c. 4.  and besieged the city with an army of 1200000. (if the number be not mistaken) He entered it and put all to the sword, filling the ditch with his prisoners, those that retired into the Castle which seemed a place impregnable, he overtopped with another Castle adjoining: he forbore the demolishing of the city in respect of the beauty of the Church, garnished with 40. gates or sumptuous porches. It had within it 9000. lanterns of gold & silver: but while he invaded Egypt, they again surprised Damascus. Lastly in his return after three months siege he forced it: the Mahometans prostrating themselves with their priests, desired mercy: But Tamburlaine commanding them to enter the Church, he burned them, and it, to the number of 30000 and did so demolish it, as those that come afterwards to see their houses, knew them not by the foundations. And as a Trophy of his victory he raised three towers with great Art, builded with the heads of those whom he had slaughtered. After this it was restored and repossessed by the Sultan of Egypt, with a garrison of Mammalukes: And in the year 1517. Selimus Emperor of the Turks wrested it out of the hands of the Egyptians: in whose possession it now remaineth inhabited with Mahometans, and Christians, of all neighbouring nations.   

§. II Of the first Kings of Damascus, and of the growing up of their power:  
NOw be it that Damascus were founded by Hus the son of Aram, or by Damascus the son of Eliezer Abraham's steward, we find no relation of their Kings, or Common wealth till David's time. For it stood without the bounds of Canaan: and therefore neglected by Moses, josua, and the judges, as impertinent to that Story: But were it so that it had some reguli, or petty Kings over it, as all the Cities of those parts had, yet noon of them become famous for aught that is left to writing, till such time as David overthrew Adadezer prince of Sophena or Syria Zoba: the same Nation which Pliny calleth 〈◊〉, inhabiting between Batanea and Euphrates. Now the better to 
〈◊〉. l. 6. c. 28.  understand the story of those Syrian Princes, whom soon after the Kings of 〈◊〉 made their vassals, the reader may inform himself, That on the northeast parts of the holy land there were three chief principalities whereof the Kings or Commanders greatly vexed or disturbed the State or Commonwealth of Israel, namely Damascus or Aram, Sophena or Syria Zoba, and Chamath, or Chamath-Zoba, of which these were the Princes in David's and Salomon's times: Razon or Rezon of Damascus, Adadezer of Syria Zoba, and Tohu of Chamath. But it seemeth that Damascus 
1. Sam. 14. 47.  was one of the cities subject to Adadezer when David invaded him, though when Saul made war against Zoba, Damascus was not named. And as josephus affirmeth, the leader of those succours, which were levied and sent to Hadad-Hezer from Damascus, 
2. Sam. 8.  had the name of 〈◊〉: who was in that battle slain with 22000. Aramites of Damascus: whereof, as of the overthrow of Adadezer, Rezon, the Commander of his army, taking advantage, made himself King of Damascus: Adadezer and Adad of Damascus being both slain. About the same time 〈◊〉 King of Chamath or 〈◊〉, 
1. Reg. 11.  hearing that his neighbour and enemy Adadezer was utterly overthrown, sendeth for peace to David, and presenteth him with rich gifts, but in dolo saith S. Hierome; it was craftily done of him. Now to the North of the Holy Land, and to the West of Damascus, the Tyrians and Zidonians inhabited: but they for the most part were in league and peace with the judaeans and Israelites. But to return to the kings of Syria, I mean of Syria, as it is taken in the Scriptures, containing Damascena, 〈◊〉 or Zoba, and Chamath, or 〈◊〉, to which I may add Geshur, because it is so accounted in the 2. of Sam. 15. as joining in the Territory to Damascus (for Syria at large is far greater, of which Palestina itself is but a Province, as I have noted in the beginning of this Tract.) It is not agreed among the Historians of former times, nor of our later writers, who was the first of those Adads' of Syria Zoba, and Damascus.  
Someacount Rezon, other Adad of Idumaea: of whom it is written in the first of Kings, that David having invaded that Region, and left joab therein to destroy all the male childreen thereof: Adad of the King's seed, fled into Egypt; and was there married to Taphnes' the Queen's sister, as before, who hearing of David's death, and of the death of his Captain joab (whom indeed all the bordering Nations feared) he turned again, and as Bunting thinketh, this Adad did expel Rezon out of 〈◊〉; and was the first of the Syrian Kings. To me it seemeth otherwise. For as 
2. Sam. 8. 3. and 12.  I take it, Adadezer the son of Rehob, whom Saul invaded, was the founder of that 
1. Sam. 14. 47.  Principality: and the first of Adads', who forsaking his Father's name, as he grew powerful, took upon him the style of Adad, the great God of the Assyrians, saith Macrobius, which signified oneness or Unity. I also find a City called Adada in the same part of Syria: of which, whither these Princes took the name, or gave it, I am ignorant. For Adad-ezer, Ben-adad, Eliadad were the same in name, with the differences of Ezer, Ben, and Eli, adjoined. And that Adadezer was of greatest power, it appeareth first, because it is against him, that David undertook the war: secondly, because he levied 22000. Aramites out of the Territory of Damascus: as out of his proper Dominions: for had the Damascens had a King apart, it is probable that the Scriptures would have given us his name; thirdly, because Syria Zoba, of the most of 
Plin. l. 6. c. 18.  which Adadezer was King, was an exceeding large Territory, and contained of Arabia the Desert as far as to Euphrates, according to Pliny: and the greatest part of Arabia Petraea according to Niger. Whosoever was the first, whither 〈◊〉, or Adad of Idumaea, 
1. Reg. 11.  Rezon was the second: Who was an enemy to Israel all the days of SALOMON. 〈◊〉 the evil that Adad did, the evil that Hadad did, seemeth to be referred to Hadad of Idumaea, lately returned out of Egypt: to wit, 23. years after he was carried thither.  
The third king of Damascus, and of Zobah both, was Hezion, to Hezion succeeded Tabrimmon, or Tabremmon, to him Benhadad, as is proved in the first of Kings. For 
1. King. 15. 18.  Asa King of juda the son of Abiam, the son of Roboam, the son of Solomon, being vexed and invaded by Baasha, the successor of Nadab, the son of jeroboam, sent to Benhadad the son of Tabrimmon the son of Hezion, King of Aram, that dwelled at Damascus, to invade Israel (while Baasha sought to fortify Rama against Asa: thereby to block him up, that he should not enter into any of the 〈◊〉 of Israel) who according to the desire of Asa, having received his presents, willingly invaded the Country of Nepthalim, and took divers Cities, and spoils thence: Asa in the mean while carrying away all the Materials, which 〈◊〉 had brought to fortify 
1. Reg. 15. v. 18.  Rama withal, and converted them to his own use.  
This Benhadad's Father Tabremmon was in league with Asa: and so was his Father Hezion; for Asa requireth the continuance of that friendship from Benhadad, his son: though it seemeth that the gold and silver sent him out of the Temple, was the most forcible argument. And that this Tabremmon invaded Israel, before the enterprise of his son Benhadad, it is conjectured. For Benhadad when he was prisoner with Achab, spoke as follows. The Cities which my Father took from thy Father, I will 
1. Reg. 20. v. 34.  restore: and 〈◊〉 shalt make streets or keepers of the borders, for thee in Damascus: as my father did in Santaria. And herein there ariseth a great doubt (if the argument itself were of much importance) because Tabremmon was Father indeed to Benhadad which invaded Baasha, at the request of Asa; But this Benhadad that twice entered upon Achab, and was the second time taken prisoner, was rather the son of Benhadid, 
1. Reg. 〈◊〉.  the first of that name, the confederate of Asa and Abiam, as before, than the son of Tabremmon. For between the invasion of Benhadad the first, in 〈◊〉 time, and the siege of Samaria, and the overthrow of Benhadad by Achab, there past 49. years, as may be gathered out of the reigns of the Kings of Israel. So that if we allow 30. years of age to Benhadad, when he invaded Baasha, and after that 49. years, ere he was taken by 〈◊〉, which make eighty lacking one, it is unlikely that Benhadad at such an age would make war. Besides all this, the first Benhadad come with no such pomp; but the second Benhadad vaunteth, that he was followed with 32. King's: and therefore I resolve, that Benhadad the son of Tabremmon invaded Baasha and Omri, and Benhadad the second invaded Achab, at whose hands this Benhadand received two notorious overthrows: the first at Samaria, by a sally of 700. Israelites: the second at Aphec, where, with the like number in effect the Israelites slaughtered 100000. of the Aramites; besides 27000. which were crushed by the fall of the 
1. Reg. 20.  wall of Aphec. And this Benhadad, Achab again setteth at liberty: to whom he rendereth those towns, that his father had taken from the Predecessor of Achab, but being returned, he refuseth to tender Ramoth Gilead, a frontier town, and of great importance. Now three years after (for so long the league lasted) Ramoth not being 
1. Reg. 22.  delivered, Achab invadeth Gilead, and assiegeth the City, being assisted by josaphat. The Aramites come to secure and fight: in which Achab is wounded, and dieth that night. After this, Benhadad sendeth the commander of his forces called Naaman, to joram the son of Achab to be healed of the leprosy, and though Elizeus 
2. Reg. 5.  had healed him, yet he picketh quarrel against joram: and when joram by Elizeus 
2. Reg. 6.  his intelligence, had escaped his plot, he sent men, and Chariots to take the 〈◊〉, as is aforesaid. After Benhadad besiegeth Samaria again, and being terrified thence 
2. Reg. 6.  from heaven, he departeth home, and sickeneth, and sendeth Azael with great gifts 
2. Reg. 7.  to Elizeus, to know his estate, if he might live. Azael returning, smoothereth him. Zonaras and Cedrenus call this Benhadad Adar, and the son of Adar: Amos and 〈◊〉 mention the towers of Benhadad. josephus writeth that Benhadad and his successor 
Amo. 1. Hier. 49.  〈◊〉 were worshipped for Gods by the Syrians to his time, for the sumptuous Temples which they built in Damascus. The Syrians also boasted much of their 
Ant. l. 8. c. 8.  antiquity, ignorant, saith he, that scarce yet 1100 years are complete since their wars with the 〈◊〉.  
Hazael or Azael, the first King of the race of the Adads' of Damascus, was anointed by Elisha, or Elizeus, when he was sent by Benhadad to the Prophet, to know whither Benhadad should recover his present sickness: He waged war with joram; who received divers wounds at the encounter at Ramoth in Gilead: from whence returning to be cured at jesrael, he and the King of juda, Ahaziah, or Ochozias, are slain by jehu, as before is said. After the death of joram, Azael continued the war against jehu, and wasted Gilead, and all those portions of Gad, Reuben, and Manasse, over jordan. He then invaded juda, and took Gath, but by gifts from joas he was 
2. Reg. 12. 17.  averted from attempting Jerusalem: for 〈◊〉 presented him all the hallowed things which JEHOSAPHAT, JEHORAM, and AHAZIAH his fathers, Kings of 〈◊〉 
2. Reg. 12.  dedicated; and which he himself had dedicated: and all the gold which was found in the treasuries of the Lord, and in the King's house. This was the second time that the Temple was spoiled to please the Adads' of Damascus. For Asa did present Benhadad 
1. Reg. 15.  with those treasures, when he invited him to war upon Baasha King of Israel. And notwithstanding this composition between joas and Azael, yet a part of his Army spoiled the other Provinces of judaea, and slaughtered many principal persons. Lastly, Azael vexed joahas the son of jehu, and brought him to that 
2. King. 13. v. 7.  extremity, as he left him but fifty horsemen, ten Chariots, and ten thousand footmen of all his people.   

§. III Of the later Kings, and decay and overthrow of their power.  
AFter Hazael, Benhadad the second, or rather the third of that name, the son of Hazael, reigned in Damascus: who fought against Israel, with ill success: for joas King of Israel, the son of the unhappy joachaz, 
2. Reg. 13.  as he was foretold by Elisha the Prophet, beaten Benhadad in three 
joseph. ant. c. 〈◊〉  several battles: and he lost all those Cities to Israel, which his Father Hazael had taken violently from joachaz.  
After this Benhadad the son of Hazael, there succeeded three others of the 
joseph. Ant. l. 7. c. 6.  same name, of whom the Stories are lost, only Nicholaus Damascenus cited by josephus, makes mention of them: and in one of these King's times it was that jeroboam the second, the son of joas recovered Damascus itself, to judah saith the Geneva, 
2. King. 14. 28.  but better in JUNIUS, utque recuperabat Damascum, & Chamatham jehudae pro Israele; that is, And how be recovered for Israel, Damascus and Chamatha of judea; for these Cities sometimes conquered by David, did of right belong to the Tribe of juda.  
And it is likely that this conquest upon the Adads' was performed: the first of these three Adads' then living, of whom there is no Story. For when as jehoas the King of the ten Tribes had thrice overcome the Syrians in the time of Benhadad the son of Hazael, and had recovered the Cities which Hazael had won from Israel; and so left his Kingdom to his son jeroboam the second, it seemeth that this 〈◊〉 without delay, and having nothing else left for him to enterprise, instantly followed his father's good fortune, and invaded Damascus.  
〈◊〉, or Rezin, after josephus Races, after Zonar as Raason, the 10. Adad, maketh league with Pekah, or Phacas King of Israel, against Achaz King of juda; both carry away a great number of prisoners. After this they both besiege Achaz in Jerusalem: but in vain. Than Adad alone invadeth Elath, and beating out the jews, maketh 
2. King. 16. 5.  it a Colony of Syrians. Wherhfore Achaz brought 〈◊〉 against Razin, who 
〈◊〉. 7.  took him, and beheaded him, and won Damascus: with whom ended the line of 
joseph. Ant. l. 〈◊〉. c. 〈◊〉.  the Adads' and the Kingdom of Damascus: the Assyrians becoming masters both of that and Israel. These Adads' as they reigned in order are thus reckoned.  

1 Adadezer the son of Rehob.  
2 Rezin the son of Eliadad, or Razin.  
3 Hezion.  
4 Tabremmon.  
5 Benhadad, who invaded Baasha.  
6 Benhadad the second, taken prisoner by Achab.  
7 Hazael, whom Elisha foretold, with tears, of his advancement; the same who overthrew joram King of Israel, at Ramoth Gilead. And that there was a second Hazael which preceded Benhadad the third, it is not improbable, because that Hazael which took Geth, and compounded the war with 〈◊〉, made the Expedition thirty 〈◊〉, and perchance more, after the first Hazael which stifled his master 〈◊〉, and had slain joram the son of Achab King of Israel. For joas began to reign in the 7. year of jehu King of Israel; and after he had reigned 23. years, the Temple was not yet repaired, after which (and how long we know not) it is said that Hazael took Geth, and turned his face towards jerusalem. It is also some proof that Hazael which took Geth, was not the same with Hazael that murdered Benhadad, because he could not at that time but be of good years, being as it seemeth the second person in the kingdom, and Commander of Benhadad's men of war. To 〈◊〉 Hazael, be he the first or second, succeeded  
8 Benhadad the third, whom joash King of Israel thrice overthrew.  
9 Resin or Rezin the last, who joined with Pekah King of Israel, against 〈◊〉, at which time Achaz King of juda waged for his defence Teglatphalassar.   
Now between Benhadad the third, and Rezin the last, Nicholaus Damascenus finds three other Kings of the Adads', which make twelve in all.  
For the rest of the Princes of 〈◊〉, which were but reguli, as those of Emath, and Gessur, we find that Tohu was King of Emath or Chamath in David's time, to whom he 
2. Sam. 8. 9  sent his son joram with presents, after David's victory against Adadezer. Also 〈◊〉 
Esai 37.  speaketh of a King of Emath, but names him not.   

§. FOUR Of other lesser Kingdoms of the Syrians, which being brought under the Assyrians, never recovered themselves again.  
OF Gessur we find two Kings named; to wit, Talmai, and his Father Ammihur. To Talmai, whose daughter David married, it was that Absalon fled, who was his maternal grandfather. Of the Kings of Sophena or Syria, Soba or Coelosyria, there are two named, Rehob or 〈◊〉 the Father of Adadezer, and Adadezer himself, and it is plain that after his death the seat of the Kings of Soba was transferred to Damascus, a City better fitting their greatness. After Rezin become Lord of both Principalities. And the race of these Kings of Syria, (which become so potent, and joined Soba, Damascus, Emath, and the Desert of Arabia with other Provinces into one, under Rezin the second of the Adads') as it began with David, so it ended at once with the Kingdom of Israel. For Ahaz King of juda waged the Assyrian Teglatphalassar against Pekah King of Israel, and against Rezin the last King of Damascus: which Teglath first invaded Damascena, and the region of Soba, and took Damascus itself, and did put to death Rezin the last, carrying the inhabitants captive. This was the second time that the Assyrians attempted Israel. For first, Phul Belochus entered the borders thereof (Menahem governing Israel) who stopped the enterprise of Phul with a thousand talents of silver: for this Phul Belochus, whose pedigree we will examine hereafter, being scarce warm as yet in his seat at Babylon, which 〈◊〉, with the help of his companion Arbaces, had wrested from Sardanapalus: having besides this King of Syria in his way, who seemed to be a great and strong Prince, was content to take the composition of a thousand talents of the King of Israel for that present time. But his son Teglath following the purpose of his Father Belochus, and finding so excellent an occasion, as the war begun between Israel and juda, Pekah commanding in the one, and Achaz in the other, his neighbour Rezin being also wrapped in that war, and wasted in strength thereby, did willingly accept the offer of Achaz King of juda, his impressed and entertainment. So, first attempting Damascus, which lay in his path towards Israel, he carried it (as is before remembered) and then with great ease possessed himself of the Cities of Nephthalim; leading with him a great part of the people captive. And his son Salmanassar, whom Ptolemy calleth 〈◊〉, after the revolt of Hosea, forced Samaria: and rend that Kingdom asunder. So as the line and race of Ninus in Sardanapalus, whom Belochus supplanted; the race and Monarchy of the Syrian 〈◊〉 in Rezin: whom Teglath slaughtered; the Kingdom of Israel in Hosea, whom Salmanassar overturned; happened 〈◊〉 about a time: that of Ninus in the days of Belochus, and the other two in the days of Teglatphalassar, and Salmanassar his son. For Sardanapalus perished, Osia ruling juda; and the other two Kingdoms were dissolved, Achaz yet living.  
Lastly, the Kingdom of juda itself, being attempted by 〈◊〉, the son of Salmanassar in vain, and preserved for the time by God miraculously, was at length utterly overturned. Jerusalem and the Temple burned 132. years after the captivity of Israel, and Samaria: the destruction of Israel being in the ninth year of Hosea: that of juda in the 〈◊〉 of Zedechia. Now the Emperors of Assyria and Babylon held also the Kingdom of Syria, from the eight year of Salmanassar, to the last of Baltassar, whom 〈◊〉 calleth Labynitus: in all about 200. years. After these the Persians' from Cyrus to Darius their last King, held Syria about 200. years.  
Than Alexander Maccdon took this among other Provinces of the Persian Empire, and his successors the Seleucidae reigned therein, till it become subject unto the power of the Romans, from whom it was wrested long after by the Saracens, and remaineth now in possession of the Turk, as shall be showed in due place. Thus much of the nations bordering upon the Israelites, with whom they had most to do both in war and peace, being the only people, whose History in those ancient times carried an assured face of truth.    

CHAP. XII. Of the Tribe of BENJAMIN, and of Jerusalem.  

§. I. Of divers memorable places in the Tribe of Benjamin, whereof 〈◊〉, Gilgal, Mitspa, Bethel, Rama, Gobah and Gibha.  
OF the Tribe of Benjamin, the twelfth and youngest son of jacob, whom he had by Rachel, there were mustered at Mount Sinai 35000. able bodies: all which perishing in the Deserts, there entered the holy Land of their Issues 45600. fit to 〈◊〉 Arms: and these had their Territory on this side jordan, between juda and Ephraim: The Cities within this Tribe 〈◊〉 jordan, are Lod, 〈◊〉, and Ono: of which Lod and Ono were built by Shemed a Beniamite: 
1. 〈◊〉. 8. 12.  they were all three reinhabited with Beniamites, after the return out of Captivity, as is mentioned, Nehem. 11. 35. and Esd. 2. 35. where Adrichomius reading Lod, Hadid, Ono, makes beside Hadid in Nehemia, a City called Lodhadid: This Hadid or Chadid was rebuilt by Simon 
Macc. 12. 38.  Macchabaeus.  
Samarim or Tsemaraim, named of Tsemary one of the sons of Canaan, was another of their Cities; and further into the Land standeth lericho, one of the Toparchies, and the last of juda; seated in a most fruitful valley, adorned with many palm 
1. Reg. 17. 36.  trees: and therefore elsewhere called the city of Palms. From the time of JOSVA, 
jos. 6. 29.  who utterly destroyed it, it lay waste until the time of Achab: in whose days Chel of Bethel laid the new foundation of it, in the loss of Abiram his eldest son, and built the gates of it in the loss of his youngest son Segub: according to the curse of JOSVA: in which and other respects, Host 12. 14. calleth JOSVA a Prophet. In aftertimes it was destroyed by 〈◊〉, and rebuilt by Adrian.  
To the Southeast of jericho stood 
* 1. Chron. 6. 60. This Halmon is called 〈◊〉, whence 〈◊〉 make a new City 〈◊〉, as if this Tribe had given five Cities to the 〈◊〉.  Halmon of the Levites, of which jos. 21. 18. To the South Betharaba, of which jos. c. 15. and c. 18. Than that Gilgal of which there is so much mention in the Scripture, where josua first ate of the first-fruits of the land, circumcised all those borne in the Deserts, and celebrated the Passeover.  
The reason of the name, or rather a memorable application of the Etymology of this name (for it seems by the place, Deut. 11. 30. that the name was known before the coming of the Israclites into Canaan) is noted jos. 5. 9 Ob 〈◊〉 probri Aegyptiaci, because their foreskinnes (the people being there circumcised) were tumbled down the Hill: which from thence was called Collis praeputiorum. This Gilgal was also called Geliloth, as appears by comparing the places, jos. 15. 7. and 18. 17. for it was in the borders of jordan, of which jos. 22. 13. and Geliloth signifieth borders. 
* 〈◊〉. 11. 30.  It stood (though in some distance) directly Eastward, over against the two Hills Garizim and Hebal: upon the one of which the blessings, and on the other the cursings were to be read to the people, both being the 〈◊〉 of Ephraim. Further, for the situation of this Gilgal, it is to be noted, that both it, and Mitspa of Benjamin (of which also we read 〈◊〉 in the Scripture) were seated about the midst of the length of the land of Canaan: for which reason 
* 1. Sam. 7. 15.  Samuel chose these two places, to either of which he come yearly to give judgement to the Israelites; of which two, Gilgal (as is said) was near jordan on the 〈◊〉 side of this Tribe; and Mitspa near the West Sea, towards the land of the Philistines.  
The third place, which is named with these two, wither also Samuel used yearly to come, is 
* junius in this place, for Bethel reads Domum Dei fortis, and interprets it, Kiriath-icharim where the Ark abode. For (saith he) by the Law, Exod. 23. 17. the greatest meetings in their annual feasts were to be, where the Ark was, but this place doth not speak of 〈◊〉, but of iudiclall meetings: and besides the Priests did use to bring the Ark to their great meetings wheresoever they were, as appears 1. Sam. 12. v. 11. & c. 14. v. 18. neither is it easy to expound Bethel otherwise then for the City Bethel: though junius also take it for the place where the Ark was, 1. Sam. 10. 3.  Bethel: which also was seated in this Tribe of Benjamin. But to return to Gilgal which was the first place, where the Ark resided, after they passed over jordan (from whence it was carried to Silo, and thence to Kiriath-ieharim, & at length to Jerusalem) here in Gilgal it was that josua pitched up the twelve stones, which were taken out of the channel of jordan, when it was dry, that the Israelites might pass over it: by which Story, as it is set down jos. 4. it appears, that the same day that they passed over jordan; they lodged at Gilgal. At the same Gilgal, to omit many other memorable things, it was that Samuel hewed Agag the King of the Amalekites in pieces. And as for Mitspa, wither also Samuel come yearly to give judgement, there also were often the greatest meetings held: as that for the revenge of the Levites wife against Gibha, and the Beniamites, jud. 20. 1. and another against the Philistines, 1. Sam. 7. 12. Thither also judas Maccabaeus gathered the jews, (when 〈◊〉 was possessed by the Heathen) as it is 1. Macc. 3. 47. in which place this reason of their meeting is added; Quia locus Orationifuerat Mitspaeanteà Israeli. Touching this Mitspa, to avoid confusion, it is to be remembered, that the Scriptures mention four places of this name: Mitspa of juda, of which jos. 15. 38. 
* It was no other than this 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, of which jos. 11. 8. as appears by that which is added Versus orietem, for josua notes the three quarters North, West, and East, to which he followed the Canaanites, though Adrichomius & others out of this place imagine a Mitspa or Maspba (as 〈◊〉 writ it) in the Tribe of 〈◊〉.  Mitspa of Gilead, of which we have spoken already in the Tribe of Gad: Mitspa of the Moabites, where David for a while held himself, commending his parents to the King of Moab, 1. Sam. 22. 3. and lastly, this chief Mitspa of the Beniamites. And as in this place the chief meetings were held both before Jerusalem was recovered from the jebusites, and also in the time of the Macchabees (as we have said) when Jerusalem was held by the wicked under Antiochus, so also in the time of Hieremie, after the destruction of the Temple by the Chaldeys, 〈◊〉 whom Nabuchodonosor left in jewry, as Governor over those that were left in the land, held his abiding in this place: until (to the great hurt of the jews) he was slain by the treason of Ishmael, one of the royal blood of juda, as it is Hierem 14.  
Near unto this Mitspa, the 
* 1. Sam. 7. 11. jos. 16. 1.  Scripture mentioneth Beth-car, after called 〈◊〉, that is, the Stone of help: where Samuel pitched up the pillar or Stone, for a Trophy against the Philistines.  
Touching Bethel which (as it seems) was the third place where Samuel held his chief meetings for the ministering of justice, that it was anciently called Luz, and how it was taken by the issue of joseph (though it belonged to the portion of Benjamin, as it is Nehem. 11. 31. and jos. 18. 22.) and how another City called Luz * near adjoining to it, was built by the man of the City which showed the entrance to the Spies, as it is judg. 1. and of the occasion of the name from jacobs' vision: and how jeroboam, by erecting one of his calves here, of Bethel (which signifieth the house of God) made it 
* Borrowing the name 〈◊〉 a neighbour town in the confines of the Kingdoms of juda and Israel between Hai and Bethel. jos. 7. 2. and 18. 12.  Beth-aven, that is, the house of Vanity, Host 4. 15. and 10. 5. as also other memorable things of this place, they are so well known, out of the Histories of the Scripture, that we may well pass them over.  
The territory of Bethel, which at the first belonged to the Kingdom of the ten Tribes, from the time of the great victory of Abia against jeroboam (of which 2. Chr. 13.) was taken from them, and adjoined to the Kingdom of juda: and so it continued, as appears by the Story of 〈◊〉: which performed the Prophecies against the altar of Bethel, 2. Reg. 23. whence those coasts 1. Macc. 11. 34. are called Aphaerema, which Greek word signifieth as much as, A thing taken away, to wit, from the ten Tribes. It was one of the three signiories or Praesectures which 〈◊〉 in his Epistle mentioneth, as added by him to the Dition of the jews, out of the Samaritan Country. A part of it, as appears 2. Chron. 13. 19 was Hephravin, which jos. 18. 23. is called Hophram, belonging to this Tribe of 〈◊〉.  
Not far from this Bethel, in this Tribe, we find three other Cities often mentioned in the Scriptures, Rama, Gibha, and Gebah. Of the name Rama, 
* See c. 9 §. 1.  it is noted already, in the description of Ephraim, that there were many towns so called, because of their high situation. But whereas they find out Rama in the Tribe of juda (as it seems because Mat. 2. it appears that it bordered Bethlehem) and also out of Brochard and Breidenbach make Silo to have been called Rama, and find yet another Rama in Zabulon; these three have no warrant in the Scripture. Of Rama in the Tribe of Asser, as it seems, we have testimony jos. 19 29. and of another in Nephthalim, jos. 19 36. of a third Rama, where Samuel dwelled in Mount Ephraim 1. Sam. 25. 1. which more often is called 
* Of this Ramatha I understand the place 1. Macc. 11. 34. where it is named for one of the three Praefectures which Demetrius yields to the jews out of the country of Samaria, this lying toward the East to 〈◊〉: and Lydda toward the West: and 〈◊〉 (of which even now we spoke) lying in the midst between the two other. A sixt Rama it seems there was in the Tribe of Simeon toward the South, which jos. 19 8. is called Rama of the South, and otherwise Bahalath-beer.  Ramatha, and 1. Sam. 1. 1. Ramathaim Tsophim: for which the Septuagint have Aramathaim-sophim, taking the Article affixed in the beginning, for a part of the word, whence they think joseph of 〈◊〉 Matt. 27. 57 was denominated.  
Of a fourth Rama we read 2. Reg. 8. 29. which is Ramoth in Gilehad. The first, which is most often mentioned, is Rama of 〈◊〉, seated as we said, near Bethel the uttermost South-border of the Kingdom of the ten Tribes: for which cause Baasha in the time of Asa King of juda, fortified it, to hinder those that did fly from him to Asa. Of this Rama or Ramatha I should rather think joseph was, that buried Christ: because it was nearer to Jerusalem, and after the captivity belonged to 〈◊〉, as it appears Esd. 2. 26. where in that it is joined with Gebah, it is plain that he speaketh of that Rama with whose stones (after Baasha had ceased to build it) Asa (as it is 1. Reg. 25. 22.) built Gebah adjoining to it: both being in Benjamin. And as Rama was the South-border of the ten Tribes, so was Gebah the North-border of the Kingdom of juda: whence 2. Reg. 23. 8. we read that josiah through all his Kingdom, even from 〈◊〉, which was the North-border, to Beer-sheba which was the South-border, destroyed the places of Idolatry.  
The third City Gibha which was the City of Saul (the wickedness of which City in the time of the judges had almost utterly rooted out this Tribe) Adrichomius confounds with Gebah, making one of two (as they are evidently distinguished Esai. 10. 27. of which word 
* Gibha in construction, that is, Governing a genitive case is 〈◊〉: whence the Vulgar out of the Septuaginst 〈◊〉 Ios. 24. 33 〈◊〉 Phinees. for which junius hath Collis Phincasi (for this word is often times an Ap pellative signifying a Hill) but 〈◊〉 taking notice of this, builds his City Gabaath upon this Text & placeth it in Benjamin, when as the words adjoined, note that this Hill was in the Mountains of Ephraim.  Gibba, in another form Gibbath, he imagineth Gabaath another City in this Tribe, making two of one. The vicinity of this city also to Rama of Benjamin, appears jud. 19 13. where the Levite with his wife not able to reach to Rama, took up his lodging at Gibha. By that place of 1. Sa. 22. 6. it seems that there was in this Gibha some tower or Citadel called Rama: where junius reads in excelso, for in Rama: but it may be that the name of the King's place in this city, was Rama: as it seems that in Rama of Samuel, the name of the chief place where Samuel with the College of Prophets abode, was Naioth. The great City of Hai overthrown by jos. which jos. 7. 2. is placed near Beth-aven upon the East of Bethel, was in this Tribe, as is proved Nehe. 7. 10. 30. though it be not named by 〈◊〉. 18. for it was burned by him and laid desolate, as it is jos. 8. 28. In solitudinem in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Another City of chief note reckoned jos. 18. 25. in this Tribe was Gibhon, the chief City of the 〈◊〉: whose cunning to bind the Israelites by oath to save their lives, is set down jos. 9 whence they were reckoned among the 
* The word 〈◊〉 or Nethinaei, is as much as dati (as it were a Deo dati) 〈◊〉 as junius expounds it 〈◊〉, it is used, 1. chr. 9 2. and in Esdras and Nebemias often.  Nethinaei or Proselytes: and were bound to certain public services in the house of God: which oath of saving these Gibeonites broken in part after by Saul, was by God punished by a famine 2. Sam. 21. 1. This Gibeon or Gibhon with Almon and jebah (of both which we have spoken) and with Hanothoth the natal place of Hieremie the Prophet, were said jos. 21. 28. to be given to the Levites by the Beniamites. Near to this Hanothoth was Nob, as appears. 1. Reg. 2 26. where 〈◊〉 the Priest, which was of Nob before it was destroyed by Saul, is sent to his grounds at Hanothoth: It is reckoned in the Tribe of Benjamin, Nehem. 9 31. and though in the time of Saul the residing place of the Ark was at Kiriath-icarim: yet by the lamentable tragedy of bloodshed, which Saul raised in this place (as it is set down 1. Sam. 21. and 22.) in the judgement of junius, it is proved that the Tabernacle was there for a time.  
Micmas also in this Tribe Nehem. 9 31. was a place of fame, of which Esai. 10. 28. where also he nameth Gallim, and Migrom in this Tribe. In Micmas Saul had his Camp 1. Sam. 13. 2. (when he left Gibha to jonathan) and there also was jonathan Macchabaeus his abode. 1. Macc 9 73. Of Giscala in Galilee josephus makes often mention, but of any here in Benjamin, which they make the natal place of S. Paul, whence (they say) when it was taken by the Romans, he sailed with his parents to Tharsis, of this I find no good warrant. Other places of less importance 〈◊〉, and come to the City of Jerusalem, and the Princes and Governors of this City: A great part whereof was in the Tribe of Benjamin, whence jos. 18. 28. it is named among the Cities of Benjamin.   

§. II Of divers memorable things concerning Jerusalem.  
AT what time Jerusalem was built (which afterward become the Princess of all Cities) it doth not appear. Some there are who imagine that Melchisedec was the founder thereof in Abraham's time. But 
* See in the hither half of Manasse.  according to others, that City out of which Melchisedec encountered Abraham (in his return from the overthrow of the 〈◊〉 and Persian Kings or Captains, when Lot was made prisoner) standeth by the river of jordan, in the half Tribe of Manasse bordering Zabulon, which was also called Salem, and by the Greeks' Solima.  
Jerusalem (whensoever or by whomsoever built) was a principal City in josua his time: yet not so renowned as Hazor the Metropolis (in those days and before) of all the Canaanites. 〈◊〉 (whom josua slew) was then King of Jerusalem. That it was belonging to the jebusites it is manifest: for how long soever they held it before Moses time, they were Masters and Lords thereof almost 400. years after him: 〈◊〉 till David wan it: and therefore in all likelihood, it was by the 〈◊〉 (the children of Icbusaeus the son of Canaan) built; after whom it was called jebus. And so much did that Nation rely on the strength of the place, as when David attempted 
2. Sam. 5. v. 6.  it, they bragged that their lame, and blind, and impotent people should defend it.  
David, after he had by God's assistance possessed it, and turned out the jebusites, gave it an exceeding great increase of circuit: strengthened it with a 〈◊〉 or Castle: and beautified it with many Palaces, and other buildings: changing the name from jebussalem, the City of the jebusites, to Jerusalem, which the Greeks' call Hierosolima. After David's time Solomon amplified, beautified and strengthened it exceedingly. For besides the work of the Temple, which was no less admirable than renowned 
〈◊〉 count App. l. 1 Strag. geog. l. 16.  among all Nations, the Palaces, gates, and walls, could not any where in the world be exampled: and besides that it had 150000. inhabitants, the women and children not accounted. The ditch had 60. foot of depth, cut out of the very rock: and 250. foot of breadth: whereof the like hath seldom been heard of, either since or before.  
After the death of Solomon, and that the Kingdom of the jews was cut asunder, Shishac King of Egypt, and his 〈◊〉, having bred up for that purpose, Adad 
2. Chron. 12.  the 〈◊〉, and jeroboam, Salomon's servant; and both married to Egyptians: the 
2. King. 14.  State by the one disturbed, by the other broken: Sishac first invaded the Territory of juda, entered Jerusalem, and sack it, and become Master not only of the riches of Solomon, but of all those spoils which David had gotten from Adadezer, Tohu, the Ammonites, and other Nations. It was again sacked and a part of the wall thrown down by joas King of Israel; while Amasia the 〈◊〉 King thereof governed 
2. King. 16.  juda.  
Not long after Achaz the fifteenth King of juda impoverished the Temple, and presented Teglatphalassar with the treasures thereof. And Manasse the son of 
1. Chron. 5. 26.  Ezekiah, the son of Achaz, by the vaunts made by Ezekiah, to the Ambassadors 
2. King. 25.  of Merodach, lost the remain, and the very bottom of their treasures. It was again spoiled by the Babylonians, 〈◊〉 then reigning. But this ungrateful, Idolatrous, and rebellious Nation, taking no warning by these Gods gentle corrections and afflictions, but persisting in all kind of impiety, filling the City even to the mouth with 
2. King. 〈◊〉.  innocent blood, God raised up that great Babylonian King Nabuchodonosor, as his 
2. Par. 18.  scourge and revenger, who making this glorious City and Temple with all the Palaces therein, and the walls and towers which embraced them, even and 〈◊〉 with the dust, carried away the spoils with the Princes and people, and crushed them with the heavy yoke of bondage and servitude full 70. years, insomuch as Zion 
Mich. 3. Hicr. 25. 26. 29.  was not only become as a torn and plowed-up field, Jerusalem a heap of stone, and rubble, the mountain of the Temple as a grove, or wood of thorns and briars, but (as Hierome speaketh) Even the birds of the air scorned to fly over it, or the beasts to tread on that defiled soil.  
Than 70. years being expired, according to the Prophecy of Daniel, and the jews 
Hier. to 3. trad. 〈◊〉.  by the grace of Cyrus returned: the Temple was again built, though with interruption and difficulty enough: and the City meanly inhabited, and without walls or other defences, for some 60. and odd years, till 〈◊〉 by the favour of Artaxerxes rebuilt them. Than again was the Temple and City spoiled by Bagoses, 
Nehem. 12. 34. etc.  or Vagoses, the Lieutenant of Artaxerxes: after by 
* The first of the Egyptian Kings after Alexander Macedon, who dissembling his Religion, come up to Jerusalem to offer 〈◊〉. jos. 12. ant. 1.  Ptolomaeus the first; then by Antiochus Epiphanes: and again by Apollonius his Lieutenant. By Pompey it was taken long after, but not destroyed, nor rob, though Crassus in his Parthian expedition took as much as he could of that which Pompey spared.  
But the damages which it sustained by the violence of 〈◊〉 Tyrants, were commonly recompensed by the industry or 〈◊〉 of good Princes, the voluntary contribution of the people, and the liberality of strangers. Before the captivity, the people of the land through the exhortation of godly Kings, made many and large offerings to repair the Temple of Solomon. The wrong done by Ptolomaeus Lagi to the second Temple, was required by the bounty of his son Ptolomaeus Philadelphus. The mischief wrought by Antiochus Epiphanes and his followers, was amended partly by the great Offerings which were sent to Jerusalem out of other Nations. Finally all the losses, which either the City or Temple had endured, might well 
M. T. C. pro Scylla.  seem forgotten in the reign of Herod that usurping and wicked, but magnificent King, who amplified the City, new built the Temple, and with many sumptuous works did so adorn them, that he left them far more stately and glorious than they had been in the days of Solomon.   

§. III Of the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans.  
IN this flourishing estate, it was at the coming of our 〈◊〉 Christ jesus: and after his death and ascension, it so continued about 40. years. But then did Titus the Roman, being stirred up, by God, to be the revenger of Christ his death; and to punish the jews sinful ingratitude, encompass it with the Roman army, and become Lord thereof. He began the siege at such time as the jews, from all parts, were come up to the celebration of the Passeover: so as the City was then filled with many hundreds of thousands of all sorts; and no manner of provision or store for any such multitudes. An extreme famine, with the civil dissension, oppressed them within the walls; a forcible enemy assailed them without. The Idumaeans also, who lay in wait for the destruction of the jews Kingdom, thrust themselves into the City, of purpose to betray it: who also burnt the Temple, when 〈◊〉 took it. And to be short, there perished of all sorts, from the first besieging to the consummation of the victoric, eleven hundred thousand souls: and the City was so beaten down, and demolished, 
Esd. 1. c. 4. v. 45.  as those which come afterward to see the desolation thereof, could hardly believe that there had been any such place or habitation. Only the three Herodian towers (works most magnificent, and overtopping the rest) were spared, aswell for lodgings for the Roman garrisons, as that thereby their victory might be the more notorious and famous: for by those buildings of strength and State remaining, after-ages might judge what the rest were; and their honour be the greater and more shining that thereover become victorious.  
After this; such jews as were scattered here and there in judaea, and other Provinces, began again to inhabit some part of the City; and by degrees to rebuild it, and strengthen it as they could, being then at pcace, and tributaries to the Roman State: but after 65. years, when they again offered to revolt, and rebel, Aelius Adrianus the Emperor slaughtered many thousands of them, and overturned those three Herodian Towers, with all the rest, making it good which Christ himself had foretold; That there should not stand one stone upon another, of that ungrateful City. Afterwards, when his fury was appeased, and the Prophecy accomplished, he took one part without the wall, wherein stood Mount 〈◊〉, and the Sepulchre of Christ, and exciuding of the rest the greatest portion, he again made it a City of great capacity, and called it after his own name, Aelia Capitolia. In the gate toward 〈◊〉, he caused a Sow to be cut in marble, and set in the front thereof, which he did in despite of the jews Nation: making an Edict, that they should not from 〈◊〉 ever enter into the City, neither should they dare so much as to behold it from any other high place overtopping it.  
But the Christian Religion flourishing in Palaestina, it was inhabited at length, by all 
Gul. Tir. Bel. Sa. l. 14. c. 12.  Nations, and especially by Christians; and so it continued 500 years.  
It was afterward in the 636. year after Christ, taken by the Egyptian Saracens, 
Onuphrius Cbro.  who held it 400 and odd years.  
In the year 1099 it was regained by Godfrey of Buillon, by assault, with an exceeding slaughter of the Saracens, which Godfrey, when he was elected King thereof, refused to be crowned with a Crown of gold, because Christ, for whom he 
G. Tir. l. 8. c. 5. 18. 19 etc.  fought, was therein crowned with thorns. After this recovery, it remained under the successors of Godfrey 88 years: till in the year 1197. it was regained by Saladine of Egypt: and lastly, in the year 1517. in the time of 〈◊〉, the Turks cast out the Egyptians, who now hold it, and call it Cuzumbarec, or the Holy City. Neither was it jerusalem alone that hath so oftentimes been beaten down and made desolate, but all the great Cities of the world have with their inhabitants, in several times and ages, suffered the same shipwreck. And it hath been God's just will, to the end others might take warning, if they would, not only to punish the impiety of men, by famine, by the sword, by fire, and by slavery; but he hath revenged himself of the very places they possessed; of the walls and buildings, yea of the soil and the beasts that fed thereon.  
For, even that land, sometime called holy, hath in effect, lost all her fertility, and fruitfulness; witness the many hundreds of thousands which it fed in the days of the Kings of juda and Israel; it being at this time all over, in effect, exceeding stony and barren. It also pleased God, not only to consume with fire from heaven, the Cities of the Sodomites; but the very soilc itself hath felt, and doth feel the hand of God to this day. God would not spare the beast that belonged to Amalek, not not any small number of them to be sacrificed to himself, neither was it enough that Achan himself was stoned, but that his movables were also consumed and brought to ashes.   

§. FOUR Of the vain and malicious reports of Heathen writers, touching the ancient jews.  
OF the original of the jews, profane writers have conccived diversly and injuriously. Quintilian speaks infamously of them; and of their leader; who (saith he) gathered together a pernicious Nation. Diodore and 〈◊〉 make them Egyptians. Others affirm that while Isis governed Egypt, the people were so increased, as jerosolymus, and judas led thence a great multitude of that Nation, with whom they planted the neighbour Regions; which might be meant by Moses and Aaron: for the name of Moses was accidental, because he was taken up and saved out of the waters. But justine, of all other most malicious, doth derive the jews from the Syrian Kings; of 
Justin. l. 36.  whom, Damascus, saith he, was the first: and to him succeeded Abraham, Moses, and Israel. He again supposeth (somewhat contrary to himself) that Israel had ten sons, among whom he divided the land of juda; so called of judas his eldest, who had the greatest portion. The youngest of the sons of Israel he calleth joseph: who being brought up in Egypt, become learned in magical Arts, and in the interpretations of Dreams, and signs prodigious, and this joseph (saith he) was father to Moses: who with the rest, by reason of their soul diseases, and jest they should infect others, were banished Egypt. Further, he telleth how these men thus banished, when in the Deserts they suffered extreme thirst and famine, and therein found relief the seventh day, for this cause ever after observed the seventh day, and kept it Holy; making it a Law among themselves, which afterward become a branch of their Religion. He addeth also that they might not marry out of their own Tribes, left discovering their uncleanness, they might also be expelled by other Nations, as they were by the Egyptians. These and like fables hath justine.  
Cornelius Tacitus doth as 〈◊〉 bely them, in affirming, That in the inmost Oratory of their Temple, they had the golden head of an Ass, which they adored. But herein Tacitus forgetteth himself, having in the fift book of his own History truly confessed of the jews, that they worshipped one only God: and thought it most profane to represent the Deitic by any material figure, by the shape of a man, or any other creature; and they had therefore in their Temples, no Image or representation, not not so much as in any City by them inhabited. Somewhat like this hath Alexander Polyhistor, in Stephanus; who also makes judas with 〈◊〉, the first parents of the jews.  
〈◊〉 jolaus draws them from 〈◊〉, whose parents were Sparton and Thebis; 
Cited by 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  whence it come that the Spartans' or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kindred of the Hebrews: but they did it as descended of Abraham, saith josephus. Some of these reports seem to have been gathered out of divine letters; though wrested and 〈◊〉, according to the custom of the Heathen. For so have they 〈◊〉 and altered the Story of the Creation, of Paradise, of the Flood; and given new names to the children of Adam in the first age: to Noah and his sons, in the 〈◊〉: and so to Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, Moses, and the rest of the fathers, and leaders of the Hebrews: all which feign, as touching the jews and their originals, josephus against 
Tert. in 〈◊〉.  Appion, and Tertullian have sufficiently answered. For that the Hebrews were the Children of Arphaxad and Heber, no man doubteth: and so 〈◊〉 originally, taking name either of Heber, the son of Sale, or else (saith Montanus) of wandering, as is before remembered. And therefore doth Stephanus, the 〈◊〉 Grammarian, derive the Hebrews or 〈◊〉, from Abrabon; having mistaken the name of Abraham, 
〈◊〉. f. 63.  who was the son of Heber, in the sixt descent. Their ancient names were first changed by the two grandchildren of Abram: for after jacob, otherwise Israel, the chief part were called Israel, another part after Esau or Edom, Edomites; at length the remnant of jacob, being most of the Tribe of juda, honoured the name of judas, the son of jacob, and become 〈◊〉 or jews: as also for a time in the name of Ephraim the son of joseph, the chief of the patriarchs of the ten Tribes; the rest of the ten Tribes were comprehended: but were first rooted out when the Kingdom of Israel fell. The judaeans continued their names, though they suffered the same seruitnde not long after, under 〈◊〉.  
The government which this Nation underwent, was first paternal: which continued till they served the 〈◊〉. They were secondly ruled by their Captains and leaders, Moses and josua, by a policy Divine. Thirdly, they subjecteth themselves to judges. Fourthly, they desired a King, and had Saul for the first: Of whom and his successors, before we entreat, we are first to speak of their Government under judges, after the death of josua: with somewhat of the things of Fame in other Nations about these times.    

CHAP. XIII. Of the memorable things that happened in the world, from the death of JOSVA to the War of Troy: which was about the time of JEPHTHA.  

§. I. Of the interregnum after IOSVA'S death: and of OTHONIEL.  
WHEN josua was now dead, who with the advice of the 70. Elders, and the high Priest, held authority over the people, and ordered that Commonweal: It pleased God to direct the Tribe of juda (in whom the Kingdom was afterward established) to undertake the War against the Canaanites, over whom (with God's favour, and the assistance of Simeon) they become victorious.  
In the first attempt which they made, they not only slew ten thousand, but made Adonibezek prisoner: the greatest and cruelest Commander, both of the 〈◊〉 and Perizites. This tyrants cruelty as elsewhere hath been signified, they returned in the same kind upon his own head: and so by the torments which he now 〈◊〉 in his 〈◊〉 person (before no otherwise known unto him but by his malicious imagination) made him confess and acknowledge God's 〈◊〉 judgement against himself.  
The tribes of juda and Simeon did also master and possess during this interregnum (or as some think, before the death of josua) the Cities of Azotus, Askalon, Ekron and Jerusalem, which they burnt, and the jebusites afterward recdified. They took also the Cities of Hebron, Debir, or Kiriathsepher, and Zephath, afterwards Horma. And although it be not set down in express words that any one person commanded in chief over the people, as Moses and josua did: yet it seemeth that Caleb was of greatest authority among them: and that he with the advice of Phinees directed and ordered their wars. For if any think that they proceeded without a chief, the good success which followed their undertakings witnesseth the contrary. And it was Caleb 〈◊〉 while josua 〈◊〉, as appears jos. 10. 39 that propounded the attempt of Debir, to the rest of the Captains: for the performance of which enterprise, he promised his Daughter Achsah: which he performed to 〈◊〉 his younger brother after the conquest: whose behaviour in that service was such, as (next unto the ordinance of God) it gave him the greatest reputation among them, and may be esteemed the second cause of his preferment and election for their first judge soon after. But while those of juda made war with their borderers, from whom they only 〈◊〉 the mountainous Countries (for they could not drive out the inhabitants of the Valleys, because they had Chariots of iron) 
〈◊〉. 1. 19  The rest of the Tribes sought also to enlarge and establish their own Territories: in which war they laboured with variable success: for as the house of joseph recovered Bethel, or Luz, from the Hittites, so did the Amorites recover from Dan all 
〈◊〉. 1. 25.  the plain Countries, and forced them to save themselves in the Mountains. And 
〈◊〉. 1. 32.  now the 〈◊〉 unmindful of God's benefits, and how often he had miraculously a-fore-time defended them, and made them victorious over their enemies (the Elders being also consumed, who better advised them in the interregnum) did not only join themselves in marriage with the Heathen Nations: but (that which was more detestable) they served the Idols of Baal, and 〈◊〉, with other the dead gods of the 〈◊〉 and Amorites. And therefore did the Lord God whom they had provoked with their Idolatry, deliver them into the hands of the 〈◊〉 of Mesopotamia: whom Chushan Rishathaim at that time commanded. But after they had felt the smart of God's displeasure against them eight years, it pleased him to have compassion on his people, and to raise up Othoniel to be their judge and 
jud. 3. 10.  Leader: who by God assisted, delivered his brethren from oppression: and enforced the Aramites to return into their own Deserts, and into Mesopotamia adjoining, after which the Israelites had peace forty years, during all the time of 〈◊〉 government. 
2608.  This Othoniel is thought by Tostatus to have been the younger brother 
2648.  of Caleb, for as much as in the book of judges he is twice called Othoniel the Son of Cenaz, Caleb's younger brother. Others do rather interpret those words (〈◊〉 younger brother) as if they signified the 〈◊〉 of his kindred. Indeed it is not likely, that Caleb's Daughter should marry with her own Uncle; yet it follows not therefore that Othoniel should have been the meanest of the kindred. Wherhfore we may better think that he was the Nephew of Caleb, (as some learned men expound it) and as the very words of Scripture seem to enforce. For Caleb was the son of jephunneth, and Othoniel the son of Cenas, Caleb's younger brother; that is, he was not brother to Caleb, but his younger brother's son; to whom it was not only lawful, but commendable to marry with his Cousin German Caleb's daughter.  
How long it was from the death of josuah to the government of Othoniel, it cannot be found: but it seems to have been no short time. For many Wars were made in that space against the people of the Land. 〈◊〉 was then taken (as is thought) by the Danites; and the best writers are of opinion, that between the times of josua and 〈◊〉 that civil war broke out between the 〈◊〉 and the rest of Israel, for the forcing to death of the Levites wife. For it is written that in 
jud. 17. & 18. & 19  those days there was no King in Israel, but every man did that which was good in his own eyes. And as juda led the people against the Canaanites during the interregnum, so was he commanded to do against Benjamin, even by the Lord God, whose direction they craved, as wanting a judge to appoint what should be done, which showeth it to have been when josuah was dead, and before the government of Otheniel, especially considering, that all other times wherein they wanted Governors, were spent under such oppression of strangers, as would have given them no leave to have attended such a civil War, if their power had been as great, as it was in the managing of this action, wherein they so weakened the body of their estate, by effusion of blood, that in many ages they could not bring into the field such numbers as formerly they had mustered against their bordering enemies.   

§. II Of the memorable things of this Age in other Nations: and of the difficulty in the computation of times.  
THere lived in this Age of Othoniel, Pandion or Pandareus, according to Homer, the 〈◊〉 King of Athens: who began to rule in the twentieth year of Othoniel, and governed forty years. He was Father to Erictheus: his Daughters were 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, so greatly mentioned in fables.  
Cadmus also about this time obtained Thebes: of whose Daughter Semele was borne Dionysius, or Liber 〈◊〉 under whom Linus the Musician lived. In his time also the Cities of 〈◊〉, Paphus, and Tharsus, were built.  
Ida and Dactylus flourished in this age, who are said to have found out the use of iron: but Genesis hath taught us the contrary, and that 〈◊〉 long before 
Gen. 4. 22.  wrought cunningly both in iron and brass. Not long after this time, Amphton and 
Whence come the name of Vulcan by 〈◊〉 of the two first letters.  Zethus governed Thebes: whom divers Chronologers find in Ehud's time. But S. Augustine making a repetition of those fables, which were 〈◊〉 among the Grecians and other Nations, during the government of the judges, gins with Triptolemus, of whose parentage there is a little agreement. Vives upon the thirteenth Chapter 
Aug. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉, l. 18. c. 13.  of S. Augustine de 〈◊〉 Dei, and the eighteenth book, hath gathered all the opinions of this man's progeny, where he that desires his pedigree may find it. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 make him native of Attica: and the son of 〈◊〉 King of Eleusina: which Eleusius by careful industry had fed the people of that T erritorie in the time of a great famine. This, when upon the like occasion Triptolemus could not perform, fearing the fury of the people, he fled thence by Sca in a kind of Galley or long Boat, which carried in her Prow a graven or carved Serpent; who because he made exceeding great speed to return and to relicue his people with 〈◊〉, from some neighbour Nation: it was feigned by the Poets, that his Coach was carried by Serpents through the air.  
Whither the times of these Kings which lived together with Othoniel, and after him with the rest of the judges and Kings of Israel and juda, be precisely set down, I cannot avow; for the Chronologers, both of the former and latter times, differ in many particulars, to examine all which would require the whole time of a long life: and therefore I desire to be excused, if in these comparisons I err with others of better judgement. For whither Eusebius and all that follow him, or his opposites (who make themselves so conversant with these ancient Kings, and with the very year when they began to rule) have hit the mark of time of all other the farthest off and most defaced, I cannot but greatly doubt. First, because the Authors themselves, from whom the ancientest Chronologers have borrowed light, had nothing for the warrant of their own works, but conjecture: Secondly, because their own disagreement and contention in those elder days, with that of our own age among the labourers in times, is such, as no man among them hath yet so edified any man's understanding, save his own, but that he is greatly distracted, after what pattern to erect his buildings.  
This disagreement is found not only in the reigns of Heathen Kings and Princes; but 〈◊〉 in computation of those times which the indisputable authority of holy Scripture hath summed up, as in that of Abraham's birth; and after in the times of the judges and the oppressions of Israel, in the times from the egression to the building of Salomon's Temple, in the Persian Empire, the seventy Weeks, and in what not? Wheresoever the account of times may suffer examination, the arguments are opposite, and contentions are such, as for aught that I see, men have sought by so many ways to uncover the Sun, that the days thereby are made more dark, and the clouds more condenst than before: I can therefore give no other warrant, than other men have done in these computations: and therefore that such and such Kings and Kingdoms took beginning in this or that year, I avow it no otherwise than as a borrowed knowledge, or at lest as a private opinion: which I submit to better judgements. 〈◊〉 in priscis rebus veritas non ad unguem 〈◊〉; In ancient things we are not to require an exact narration of the truth, says Diodore.   

§. III Of EHUDS time, and of 〈◊〉, ORITHYA, TEREUS, TANTALUS, TITYUS, ADMETUS, and others that lived about those times.  
AFter the death of Othoniel, when Israel fell back to their former Idolatry, God encouraged Moab to invade and suppress them: to perform which he joined the forces of Ammon, and Amalec unto his own, and so (as all kind of misery readily findeth out those whom God hath abandoned, or for a time withdrawn his help from, thereby to make them feel the difference between his grace and his displeasure) these Heathen neighbouring Nations had an easy conquest over Israel: whom God himself exposed to those perils: within which they were so speedily folded up. In this miserable estate they continued full eighteen years under Eglon King of the Moabites, and his confederates. Yet as the mercies of God are infinite, he turned not his ears from their crying repentance: but raised up Ehud the son of 〈◊〉 to deliver them: by which weak man, though maimed in his right hand, yet confident in the justness of his quarrel, and fearing that the Israelites were too few in numbers to contend with the Head of those valiant Nations, he resolved to attempt upon the person of 〈◊〉, whom if he could but extinguish, he assured himself of the following victory: especially giving his Nation no time to re-establish their government, or to choose a King to command, and direct them in the Wars. According to which resolution, Ebud went on as an Ambassador to Eglon, loaden with presents from the Israelites, as to appease him, and obtaining private access upon the pretence of some secret to be revealed, he pierced his body with a Poniard, made of purpose with a double edge: and shutting the doors of his closet upon him, escaped.  
It may seem that being confident of his good success, he had prepared the strength of Israel in readiness. For suddenly after his return, he did repass jordan; and invading the Territory of Moab, overthrew their Army consisting of 10000 able and strong men: whereof not any one escaped. After which victory, and that Samgar his Successor had miraculously slain 600. Philistines with an Ox goad: the Land and People of Israel lived in peace unto the end of fourscore years from the death of Othoniel, which term expired in the World's year 2691.  
In the days of Ehud, Naomi with Elimelech her husband, and with her two sons, travailed into Moab, and so the story of Ruth is to be referred to this time. About the beginning of the fourscore years which are given to Ehud, it was that Orcus King of the Molossians: otherwise Pluto, 〈◊〉 Proserpina, as she walked to gather flowers in 
Paus. in Att.  the fields of Hipponium in Sicilia: or (according to Pausanias) by the River Cephisus, which elsewhere he calleth Chemer, if he mean not two distinct Rivers. This stealth being made known to Pirithous, with whom Hercules and Theseus joined themselves, they agreed together to recover her: but Pluto or Orcus (whom others call Aidonius) had (as they say) a very huge Dog, which fastened on Pirithous; and tare him in pieces, and had also worried Theseus, but that Hercules speedily rescued him: and by strength took and mastered the Dog Cerberus: whereof grew the fable of Hercules his delivering of Thescus out of Hell. But Zezes; as I take it, hath written this story somewhat more according to the truth. For Thescus and Pirithous, saith he, attempted to 〈◊〉 Proserpina Daughter to Aidonius, King of the Molossians, who had Ceres to Wife, the mother of Proserpina. Proserpina being a general name also for all fair women. This purpose of theirs being known to Aidonius, Thescus and Pirithous were both taken; and because Pirithous was the principal in this conspiracy, and Theseus drawn on by a kind of affection or enforcement, the one was given for food to Aidonius his great Dog Cerberus, the other held prisoner, till Hercules by the instigation of Euristheus delivered him by strong hand. The Molossi which Stephanus writes with a single (S) were a people of Epirus inhabititing near the Mountains of Pindus: of which Mountains Oeta is one of the most famous, where Hercules burnt himself. The River of Acheron (which the Poets describe to be in Hell) riseth out of the same Hills. There is another Nation of the Molossi in Thessali: but these are neighbours to the Cassiopaei, saith Plutarch in his Greek questions.  
The rape of Orithya the Daughter of Erictheus, King of Athens, taken away by Boreas of Thrace, is referred to the time of Ehud. The Poets ascribe this rape to the North wind, because Thrace is situate North from Athens. In his time also Tereus ravished Philomela, of which the fable was devised of her conversion into a Nightingale. For Tereus having married her sister Progne, conducting Philomela from Athens to see her sister, forced her in the passage, and withal cut out her tongue, that she might not complain; persuading Progne his Wife, that Philomela died in the midway: all which her brother in law's merciless behaviour towards her, Philomela expressed by her needle upon cloth, and sent it Progne. In revenge whereof Progne caused her only son Itys to be cut in pieces, and set before Tereus her husband, so dressed as it appeared to be some other ordinary food: of which when he had eaten his fill, she caused his head, hands, and feet, to be presented unto him: and then fled away with such speed towards Athens where her Father Pandion yet lived, as the Poets feigned, that she was turned into a Swallow. The place where it was performed, Strabo finds to be Daulis in Phocis: and the Tomb of Tercus, Pausanias 
L. 9  
Pau. in Att.  hath built near the Rocks Mergi, in the Territory of Athens. By which, as also by the name Daulis, where these things are supposed to have been done (whence also 
Thue. l. 2.  Philomela is called Daulias ales) it appears that it is true, which Thucydides notes by way of digression in his Peloponnesian War, That this Tereus was not King in that which is now called Thracia, or in Odrysae, (as the Poets call him Odrysius) but that Phocis a Country in Greece not far from 〈◊〉 a City whereof is called Daulia, was in Pandions' time inhabited by Thracians: of which this Tereus was King: whence Pandion, to have amity with his neighbours, made him his son in law: as it is good to believe, faith Thucydides, that Pandion King of Athens made that alliance with a neighbour King, from whom he might have succour, rather than with any Tereus, that should have held the Kingdom of Odrysae, which was greatly distant from thence. The occasion that the Poets chose a Swallow for Progne to be turned into, may seem to have been partly because, as Pausanias says; Daulide nec nidificant, nec habitant in tota circum regione Hirundines; As if a Swallow, remembering the wrong that was there done to her, and to her sister, did for ever hate that place.  
Near this time Melampus (who is said to have understood the voices of Birds and Beasts) flourished, being also esteemed for an excellent Physician. He restored to their former health the Daughters of Praetus King of the 〈◊〉, who (as the 
Paus. l. 1.  Poets please) were made mad by juno: and thinking themselves to be Kines, fled into 
〈◊〉. Odiss 11  the Woods, fearing to be constrained to the Plough: for in those Countries, where the ground was light, they did use often to plough with Kines.  
In the 47. year of Ehud, Tros began to reign in Dardania, and gave it his own 
Paus.  name; about which time Phemone the chief Priest of Apollo in Delphos, devised the Heroical Verse.  
Of the same date was Tantalus, King of Lydia: whom Eusebius makes King of 〈◊〉: and also of that part of which the people were anciently Maeones. Of Tantalus was devised the fable that some Poets have applied to the passion of love: and 
Euseb. praep. evang. l. 2. Zezes 〈◊〉. 10. Chil. 5.  some to the covetous that dare not enjoy his riches. Eusebius calls this Tantalus the son of jupiter, by the Nymph Pleta: Diaconus and Didymus in 〈◊〉, give him another Mother. He was said to be the son of jupiter: as some will have it; because he had that Planet in his ascendent, betokening wisdom and riches. It is said that when he made a feast to the Gods, having nothing more precious: he caused his own Son to be slain and dressed for the banquet: of whom Ceres ate part of one of the shoulders: whereby was signified that those men which seek after Divine knowledge, prefer nothing on earth before it: no not the care of their own children, of all else the most dearest. And where it was devised, that he had always Water and Fruit offered to his lips, and yet suffered the torment of hunger and thirst, it was meant thereby, that though he abounded (by reason of his riches) in all delicacy of the world, yet his mind being otherwise and to higher desires transported, he enjoyed no pleasure at all by the rest. Of whom Ovid:  

Quaerit aquas in aquis, & poma fugacia captat  
TANTALUS, hoc illi garrula lingua dedit.   

Here TANTALUS in water seeks for water, and doth miss  
The fleeting fruit he catcheth at: His long tongue brought him this.   
This punishment, they say, was inflicted upon him, for that he discovered the secrets of the Gods: that is, because he taught wisdom and virtue to mortal men: which story Cornelius Gallus hath elegantly expressed in Verse. Others expound this fable otherwise and say, That Tantalus, though he excelled in riches, yet being thirsty of more abundance, was never satisfied. Of whom Horace against covetousness:  

TANTALUS à labijs sitiens fugientia captat  
Flumina quidrides? mutato nomine de te Fabula narratur.   

The thirsting TANTALUS doth catch at streams that from him flee.  
Why laughest thou? the name but changed, the tale is told of thee.   
Others conceive where it is feigned of Tantalus, that he gave the Nectar and Ambrosia of the Gods to vain and unworthy men, that he was therefore by them in that sort punished. Of which Natalis out of Pindarus:  

Immortalitatem quòd furatus,  
Coëtanijs convivis  
Nectar 〈◊〉 dedit.   

Because that stealing immortality,  
He did both Nectar and Ambrosia give  
To guest's of his own age to make them live.   
Whereby it was meant, that the secrets of Divinity aught not to be imparted to the unpure Vulgar. For as the cleanest meats in a soul 〈◊〉, are therein corrupted, so the most high and reserved mysteries are often perverted by an unclean and 〈◊〉 mind.  
To you it is given (saith Christ in MARK) to know the mystery of the Kingdom of 
Mark. 4. 11.  God, but unto them that are without, all things be done in parables. So is it said of him, that he expounded all things to his Disciples apart. And therefore doth Gregory Nazianzene 
Mark. 4. 34.  infer upon a place of S. PAUL: Quod si PAULO licuisset effari ea, quorum 
Greg. in Orat. de recta ratione dis. de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. Cor. 12.  ipsi cognitionem coelum tertium & usque ad illud progressio suppeditavit, fortasse de Deo, nobis aliquid amplius constaret; If PAUL might have uttered the things, the knowledge whereof the third heavens, and his going thither did bring unto him, peradventure we might know somewhat more of God.  
Pythagor as, saith Reuclin, thought it not the part of a wise man, Asino lyram exponere, aut mysteria, quae it a reciperet, ut Sus tubam, & fidem graculus, & unguenta Scarabaeus: quare silentium indixit discipulis, ne vulgo divinorum arcana patefacerent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quàm loquendo apprehendantur; To set an Ass to a harp, or to learn mysteries: which he would handle as a Swine doth a trumpet, or a jay a vial, or Scarabies and unclean flies sovereign ointment. Wherhfore he commanded silence to his disciples, that they should not disclose divine mysteries to the common sort, which are easier learned by meditation than by babbling. And therefore did the Egyptians communicate their mysteries among their Priests in certain Hieroglyphic letters, to the end that their secrets might be hidden from the Vulgar: and that they might bestow the more time in the contemplation of their covered meanings.  
But to proceed with the contemporaries of 〈◊〉, or Ehud, with him it is also said, that Tityus lived whom Apollo slew, because he sought to force his Mother Latona. Euphorion hath it thus, that Tityus was the Son of Elara, the Daughter of Orchomenus; which Elara being beloved of jupiter, to avoid Juno's revenge, he hide Elara in the earth, where she was delivered of Tityus: whose Mother dying, and himself therein nourished, he was therefore called the son of the earth. Pausanias' speaking of the grave of this Giant, affirms that his body occupied the third part of a furlong. But Tibullus hath a louder lie of his stature out of Homer.  

〈◊〉 novem TITYUS per iugera terrae, 
〈◊〉. Od. 11.   
〈◊〉 atro viscere pascit aves.   

Nine furlongs stretched lies TITYUS, who for his wicked deeds,  
The hungry birds with his renewing liver daily feeds.   
This Strabo doth thus expound; that Apollo kill this cruel and wicked Tyrant of 〈◊〉, a City in Phocis, it was feigned by the Poets to the terror of others, that he was still eaten in Hell by birds, and yet still lived, and had his flesh renewed.  
Admetus' King of Thessaly lived also in this Age, whom it is said that Apollo first served as a Herd-man, and afterward for his excellent wit was by him advanced; but having slain Hyacinthus, he crossed the 〈◊〉, and fled into Phrygia: where together with Neptune, he was entertained by Laomedon, and got his bread by working in brick, for building of the walls of Troy, not by making the bricks leap into their places by playing on his Harp: according to him in Ovid, which saith:  

Ilium 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 turribus altis  
Moenia, APOLLINEAE, structa canore lyrae.   

Strong Ilium thou shalt see with walls and towers high  
Built with the harp of wise APOLLO'S Harmony.   
Thus the Poets: but others, that he laboured with his hands, as hired in this work. And that he also laboured at the building of the Labyrinth in Greece, all the Megariens witness, saith Pausanias. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉   
In these days also of Ehud, or (as some find it) in the days of Deborah, lived Perseus, the son of jupiter and Danae, by whose Soldiers (as they sailed out of Peloponnesus, to seek their adventure on Africa side) Medusa, the Daughter and Successor of Phorcus, being weakly accompanied as she hunted, near the Lake Triton, was surprised and slain: whose beauty, when Perseus beheld, he caused her 
Triton a Lake of Africa, which 〈◊〉 calleth Pallantias.  head to be embalm, and carried into Greece: the beauty whereof was such and so much admired, and the beholders so astonished which beheld it, as thereof grew the fiction, that all that looked on Medusa's head, were turned into 
〈◊〉. in peregHist.  stones. 〈◊〉, the second of that name and 7. King of Athens, and Acrisius the 13. or after Eusebius, the 14. King of the 〈◊〉, began also their reigns, as it is said, in 
〈◊〉. in Chron.  the time of this judge: of which the first ruled 40. years, and the second 31 years. Also Bellerophon lived in this age, being the son of 〈◊〉, the son of 〈◊〉: who enticed by Antea or Sthenobia, the wife of 〈◊〉 of the Argives, to accompany her, but refuling it, shce accused him to her husband that he offered to force her: whereupon Praetus sent Bellerophon into Lycia, about some affairs of weight, between him and his Son in law jobates: giving secret order to jobates to dispatch him: but jobates thinking it dishonourable to lay violent hands on him, employed him against Chimaera, a Monster, vomiting or breathing fire. Now the Gods (as the report is) pitying his innocency, sent him the winged Horse Pegasus, sprung up of the blood of Medusa, formerly slain by the Soldiers of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉, to transport him, a horse that noon other could master or bridle but Minerva: upon which beast Bellerophon over-came Chimaera: and performed the other services given him in charge: which done, as he returned toward Lycia, the Lycians lay in ambush to have slain him: but being victorious also over all those, he arrived to jobates in safety: whom jobates for his eminent virtues honoured, first with one of his Daughters: and afterward with his Kingdom: after which he grew so insolent, as he attempted to fly up to heaven upon his Pegasus: whose pride jupiter disdaining, caused one of his stinging flies so to vex Pegasus, as he cast off 〈◊〉 from his back, into the Valley of Cilicia, where he died blind: of which burden Pegasus being discharged (as the fable goeth) flew back to heaven: and being fed in 〈◊〉 own stable, Aurora begged him of jupiter to ride on before the Sun. This tale is diversly expounded, as first by some, That it pleaseth God to relieve men in their innocent and undeserved adversity, and to cast down those which are too high minded: according to that which is said of Bellerophon: that when he was exposed to extreme hazard, or rather certain death, he found both deliverance and honour: but waxing over-proud and presumptuous in his glorious fortunes, he was again thrown down into the extremity of sorrow, and ever-during misery. Secondly by others, That under the name of Chimaera, was meant a cruel Pirate of the Lycians, whose ship had in her prow, a Lion, a Goat in the mid- 〈◊〉, and a Dragon in the stern, of which three 
〈◊〉. in claris 〈◊〉.  beasts this Monster Chimaera was said to be compounded, whom Bellerophon pursued with a kind of Galley of such swiftness, that it was called the flying Horse: to whom the invention of sails (the wings of a ship) are also attributed. Many other expositions are made of this tale by other Authors: but it is not unlikely, that Chimaera was the name of a ship, for so Virgil calleth one of the greatest ships of 
L. 5. Aeneid.  Aeneas.  
jon also, from whom the Athenians (being ignorant of the antiquity of their parent javan) derive their name of jones, is said to have been about Ehud's time: Homer 
Homer. in bymno ad Apoll.  calls them jaones, which hath a near resemblance to the word javan. Perhaps 
Lib 18. c. 12. de Ci Dei, l. 18. c. 15  it might be so that jon himself took name from javan: it being a custom observable in the Histories of all times, to revive the ancient name of a forefather, in some the principal of his issue.  
The invasion of India by Liber Pater, is by some reported as done in this age: but S. Augustme makes him far more ancient: placing him between the coming out of Egypt, and the death of josua.  
About the end of the 80. years, ascribed to Ehud, and Samgar, Pelops flourished: who gave name to Peloponnesus in Greece, now called Morea.   

§. FOUR Of DEBORAH and her Contemporaries.  
AFter Israel had lived in peace and plenty to the end of these 80. years, they again began to forget the giver of all goodness, and many of those being worn out, which were witnesses of the former misery, and of God's deliverance by Ehud, and after him by Samgar, the rest began to return to their former neglect of God's commandments. For as Plenty and Peace are the parents of idle security; so is security as fruitful in begetting and bringing forth both danger and subversion: of which all estates in the world have tasted by interchange of times. Therefore when their sins were again ripe for punishment, jabin King of Hazor, after the death of Ehud, invaded the Territory of Israel, and having in his service 〈◊〉. iron Chariots, besides the rest of his forces, he held them in subjection twenty years, till it pleased God to raise up Deborah, the Prophetess, who encouraged Barac to levy a force out of Nepthalim, and Zabulon, to encounter the Canaanites. That the men of Nepthalim were more forward than the rest in this action, it may seem to have proceeded partly from the authority that Barac had among them, being of the same Tribe; and partly from their feeling of the common grievance, which in them was more sensible, than in others, because Hazor and Haroseth the chief holds of jahin, were in Nepthalim. So in the days of jeptha the Gileadites took the greatest care, because the Ammonites with whom the War was, pressed most upon them, as being their borderers. Now as it pleased God by the left hand of Ehud to deliver Israel from the Moabite: and by the counsel and courage of a woman, to free them from the yoke of Canaan, and to kill the valiant Sisera by jael the Kenites wife: so was it his will at other times, to work the like great things by the weakest means. For the mighty Assyrian Nabuchodonosor, who was a King of Kings, and resiftlesse, he overthrew by his own imaginations, the causers of his brutish melancholy: and changed his matchless pride into the base humility of a Beast. And to approve that he is the Lord of all power, he sometime punisheth by invisible strength, as when he slaughtered the Army of Senacherib by his Angel: or as he did the Egyptians in Moses time: sometime by dead bodies, as when he drowned Pharaoh by the waves of the Sea: and the Canaanites by hailstones in the time of josua: sometimes by the ministery of men, as when he overthrew the four Kings of the East, Chedorlaomer, and his companions, by the household servants of Abraham. He caused the Moabites and Ammonites to set upon their own confederate the Army of the Edomites; and having slain them to kill one another in the sight of jehosaphat: and of the like to these a volume 
Chron. 2. 20.  of examples may be gathered. And to this effect did Deborah the Prophetess speak unto Barac in these words: But this journey that thou takest, shall not be for thy honour, 
Jud. 4. 9  for the Lord shall cell SISERA into the hands of a Woman. In which victory all the strength of the Canaanite jabin fell to the ground, even to the last man: in the end of which War it seemeth that jabin himself also perished, as appeareth by the last Verse of the fourth of judges.  
After all which Deborah giveth thanks to God, and after the acknowledgement of all his powerfulness, and great mercies, she showeth the weak estate whereinto Israel was brought for their Idolatry by the Canaanites, and other bordering Nations, in these words: Was there a shield or spear seen among forty thousand of Israel? 
jud. 5. v. 〈◊〉.  she also showeth how the Israelites were severed and amazed, some of them confined over jordan, and durst not join themselves to the rest; as those of Reuben in Gtlead: 
V 17.  that the Asherites kept the Sea-coast, and forsook their habitations towards the Land, and the children of Dan who neighboured the Sea, crept into their ships for safety, showing thereby that all were dispersed, and all in effect lost. She then curseth the inhabitants of Meroz, who dwelling near the place of the battle (belike fearing the success) come not out to assist Israel, and then blesseth jael the wife of Heber the Kenite, who nailed Sisera in her Tent: showing the ancient affection of that race to the Israelites. For though the Family of Heber were enforced in that miserable time of subjection, to hold correspondency with jabin the Canaanite, yet when occasion offered them means, they witnessed their love and faith to their ancient friends. Lastly, she derideth the Mother of Sisera who promised her son the victory in her own hopes: and fancied to herself, and described the spoils both of Garments and Maidens by him gotten. For conclusion, she directeth her praises and thanks to God only victorious.  
From the beginning of jabins' oppression to the end of that peace, which Deborath and Barac purchased unto Israel, there passed 40. years. In which time the Kingdom of Argos which had continued 544. years was translated to Mycaenae: The translation of this Kingdom Vives out of Pausanias writeth to this effect: After 〈◊〉, Lynceus succeeded in Argos, after whom the children of Abas the son of Lynceus divide the Kingdom: of which Acrisius being eldest held Argos itself: Praetus his brother possessed Epbyra or Corinth, and Tirynthos, and other Cities with all the Territory towards the Sea, there being many monuments in Tirynthos, which witness 
Pau. in Corinthiacis.  Praetus possession, saith Pausanias.  
Now Acrisius was foretold by an Oracle, that he should be slain by the son of his Daughter Danae: whereupon he caused her to be enclosed in a Tower, to the end that no man might accompany her. But the Lady being exceeding fair, it is feigned that jupiter turned himself into a golden shower: which falling into her lap, begat her with child: the meaning whereof was, that some King's son, or other Worthy man, corrupted her keepers with gold: and enjoyed her, of whom Perseus was borne; who when he grew to man's estate, either by chance (saith Ctesias) or in showing his grandfather the invention of the discus, or leaden ball, slew him unwillingly. After this Perseus, to avoid the infamy of Patricide in Argos, changed Kingdoms with his Uncle Praetus: and built Mycoenae. This imprisonment of Danae, Sophoeles reporteth otherwise: and that she was enclosed in a brazen vault, under the King's Hall with her Nurse and Keepers. Upon this close custody Horace hath this witty observation.  

Inclusam DANAEN, turris 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 fores, & vigilum Canum  
Tristes excubiae, munierant satis  
Nocturnis ab adulteris:  
Si non ACRISIUM Virginis abditae  
Custodem pavidum, JUPITER & VENUS  
Risissent, fore enim tutum iter & patens,  
Conuer so in pretium Deo.  
Aurum per medios ire satellites,  
Et perrumpere amat saxa, potentius  
Ictu fulmineo.—   

The brazen Tower with doors close barred,  
And watchful bandogs frightful guard,  
Kept safe the Maidenhead  
Of DANAE from secret love:  
Till smiling VENUS, and wise JOVE  
Beguiled her Father's dread.  
For changed into a golden shower,  
The God into her lap did power  
Himself, and took his pleasure.  
Through guards, and stony walls to break,  
The thunderbolt is far more weak,  
Than is a golden treasure.   

The first Kings of the Argives were these.  
〈◊〉 the first King, who began to 〈◊〉 in the first year of Jacob, and the 61 of 〈◊〉: from which 〈◊〉 to the end of 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 misreckoneth 400. years. This Kingdom before the translation, Eusebius accounteth to have stood 544 years, others but at 417. 〈◊〉 was the Daughter of this Inachus: whom the Egyptians called 〈◊〉.  

〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉,  
Argus,  
〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉,  
Triopas,  
Crotopus,  
Sthenelus,  
Danaus,  
Lynceus,  
Abas,  
Acrisius,  
Pelops.   

After the translation to Mycenae, Mar. 〈◊〉 finds these Kings.  
Perseus,  
Sthenelus,  
Euristeus,  


The sons of Pelops by Hippodamia: 〈◊〉 by Europe had Agamemnon and Menelaus.  
Atreus and  
Thyestes    
Agamemnon,  
Aegysthus,  
Orestes,  
Tisamenus,  
Penthilus and  
Comets.   
Of these Kings Mercator and Bunting leave out the two first, and the last: beginning with Euristeus: and ending with Penthilus. In Tisamenus time the Heraclidae returned into Peloponnesus: of which hereafter.  
The Contemporaries of Barac and 〈◊〉, were Midas who reigned in Phrygia: and Ilus who built Ilium: with others mentioned in our Chronological table, as contemporaries with Deborah.    

§. V Of GIDEON, and of DAEDALUS, SPHINX, MINOS, and others that lived in this Age.  
DEBORAH and Barac being dead: the Midianites assisted by the Amalekites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For when under a judge who had held them in the fear of the Lord, they had enjoyed any quiet or prosperity: the judge was no sooner dead, than they turned to their former impious Idolatry. Therefore now the neighbouring Nations did so master them in a short time (the hand of God being withheld from their defence) as to save themselves, they crept into caves of the mountains, and other the like places of hardest access: their enemies possessing 〈◊〉 the plains and fruitful valleys: and in harvest 
Jud. 6.  time by themselves, and the multitude of their cattles, destroying all that grew up: covering the 〈◊〉 as thiek as 〈◊〉: which servitude lasted seven years.  
Than the Lord by his Angel stirred up 〈◊〉 the son of joash, afterward called 
〈◊〉 6. v. 5.  jerubbaal: whose fear and unwillingness, and how it pleased God to hearten him in his enterprise, it is both largely and precisely 〈◊〉 down in the holy Scriptures: 
jud. c. 6. & 7.  as also now it pleased God by a few select persons, namely 300. out of 32000. men, to make them know that he only was the Lord of Hosts; Each of these 300. by Gideon's appointment carried a trumpet, and light in a pitcher, instruments of more terror than force, with which he gave the great Army of their enemies an alarm: who hearing so loud a noise, and seeing (at the crack of so many pitchers broken) so many lights about them, esteemed the Army of Israel to be infinite, and strucken with a sudden fear, they all fled without a stroke stricken: and were slaughtered in great numbers: two of their Princes being made prisoners and slain. In his return the Ephramites began to quarrel with Gideon, because he made war without their assistance, being then greedy of glory, the victory being gotten: who (if Gideon had failed and fallen in the enterprise) would no doubt have held themselves happy by being neglected. But Gideon appeasing them with a mild answer, followed after the enemy, in which pursuit being tired with travail, and weary even with the slaughtering of his enemies, he desired relief from the inhabitants of Succoth, to the end, that (his men being refreshed) he might overtake the other two Kings of the Midianites: which had saved themselves by flight. For they were four Princes of the Nations, which had invaded and wasted Israel: to wit, Oreb and Seeb, which were taken already, and Zebah and Salmunna which fled.  
Gideon being denied by them of Succoth, sought the like relief from the inhabitants of Penuel, who in like sort refused to secure him. To both of these places he threatened therefore the revenge, which in his return from the prosecution of the other two Princes, he performed: to wit, that he would tear the flesh of those of Succoth with Thorns and Briars, and destroy the Inhabitants and City of 〈◊〉: Now why the people of these two Cities should refuse relief to their brethren the 〈◊〉, especially after so great a victory: if I may presume to make conjecture; it seems likely, first that those Cities set over jordan, and in the way of all invasions, to be made by the Moabites, and Ammonites, and Midianites, into Israel, had either made their own peace with those Nations, and were not spoiled by them: or else they knowing that Zeba and Salmunna were escaped with a great part of their army, might fear their revenge in the future. Secondly, it may be laid to the condition and dispositions of these men: as it is not rare to find of the like humour in all ages. For there are multitudes of men, especially of those which follow the war, that both envy and malign others, if they perform any praiseworthy actions, for the honour and safety of their own Country, though themselves may be assured to bear a part of the smart of contrary success. And such malicious hearts can rather be contented that their Prince and Country should suffer hazard, and want, than that such men as they mislike, should be the authors or actors of any glory or good to either.  
Now Gideon, how or wheresoever it were that he refreshed himself and his weary and hungry Soldiers, yet he followed the opportunity, and pursued his former victory to the uttermost: and finding Zebah and Salmunna in Karkor (suspecting 
A place in 〈◊〉, as it is thought.  no farther attempt upon them) he again surprised them, & slaughtered those 15000. remaining: having put to the sword in the former attempt 120000. and 
jud. 8. 10.  withal he took Zebah and Salmunna prisoners: whom because themselves had executed Gideon's brethren before at Tabor, he caused them both to be slain: or (as it is written) at their own request slew them with his own hands: his Son whom he first commanded to do it, refusing it; and in his return from the consummation of this marvelous victory, he took revenge of the Elders of Succoth, and of the Citizens of Penuel: forgiving no offence committed against him: either by strangers or 〈◊〉 his brethren the Israelites. But such mercy as he showed to others, his own children 〈◊〉 soon after his death, according to that which hath been said before. The debts of cruelty and mercy are never left unsatisfied: for as he slew the 70. Elders of Succoth, with great and unusual torments, so were his own 70. sons all, but one, murdered by his own bastard Abimilec. The like Analogy is observed by the Rabbins, in the greatest of the plagues which God brought upon the Egyptians, who having caused the male children of the Hebrews to be slain, others of them to be cast into the river and drowned: God rewarded them even with the like measure, destroying their own first borne by his Angel, and drowning Pharaoh and his army in the read sea. And hereof a world of examples might be given, both out of the Scriptures and other Histories.  
In the end so much did the people reverence Gideon in the present for this victory, and their own deliverance, as they offered him the Sovereignty over them, 
jud. 8. 23.  and to establish him in the Government; which he refused, answering; I will not reign over you, neither shall my child reign over you, but the Lord shall, etc. But he desired the people that they would bestow on him the golden ear-rings, which every man had gotten. For the Ismaelites, neighbours, and mixed with the Midianites, used to wear them: the weight of all which was a thousand and seven hundred Shekels of gold, which makes of ours 2380. 〈◊〉. if we follow the account of the Shekle vulgar. 
Exod. 28.  And because he converted that gold into an Ephod, a garment of gold, blue silk, purple, 
judg. 8. 28.  scarlet, and fine linen, belonging to the High Priest only, and set up the same in his own City of Ophra or Ephra, which drew Israel to Idolatry, the same was the destruction of Gideon and his house.  
There was another kind of Ephod besides this of the High Priests, which the Levites used, and so did David when he danced before the Ark: and Samuel, while he was yet young, which was made of linen only.  
Now if any man demand how it was possible for Gideon with 300. men to destroy 120000. of their enemies, and afterward 15000. which remained, we may remember that although Gideon with 300. gave the first alarm, and put the Midianites in rout and disorder: yet all the rest of the army come into the slaughter, and pursuit, for it is written; That the men of Israel being gathered together out 
jud. c. 7. v. 〈◊〉.  of Nephtalie, and out of Asher, and out of Manasse, pursued after the Midianites: for this army Gideon left in tents behind him, when he went down to view the army of his enemies, who with the noise of his 300. trumpets come after him to the execution.  
There lived with Gideon, Aegeus, the son of Pandion, who reigned in Athens: 〈◊〉 King of Mycenae: Atreus and Thyestes the sons of Pelops, who bore dominion over a great part of Peloponnesus, and after the death of Euristheus, the Kingdom of Mycenae fell into the hand of Atreus. This is that Atreus, who holding his brother in jealousy, as an attempter, both of his wife and crown, slew the children of Thyestes, and causing their flesh to be dressed, did therewith feast their father. But this cruelty was not unrevenged. For both Atreus and his son 〈◊〉 were slain by a base son of Thyestes, yea the grandchildren, and all the lineage of Atreus died by the same sword.  
In Gideon's time also those things were supposed to have been done, which are written of Daedalus and Icarus. Daedalus, they say, having slain his Nephew Attalus, fled to Minos, King of Crete, for succour, where for his excellent workmanship he was greatly esteemed, having made for Minos a Labyrinth, like unto that of Egypt. Afterwards he was said to have framed an artificial Cow for Pasiphae the Queen, that she, being in love with a fair Bull, might by putting herself into the Cow, satisfy her lust, a thing no less unnatural than incredible, had not that shameless Emperor Domitian exhibited the like beastly spectacle, openly before the people of Rome, in his Amphitheatre; of purpose, as may seem, to verify the old fable. For so it appears by those verses of Martial, wherein the flattering Poet magnifieth the abominable show, as a goodly Pageant, in those vicious times.  

junctam Pasiphaen Dicteo 〈◊〉 Tauro  
Vidimus, accepit fabula prisca fidem.  
Nec se miratur Caesar longeva vetustas  
Quicquid 〈◊〉, donat arena tibi.   
But concerning that which is reported of Pasiphae, Servius makes a less unhonest construction of it, thinking that Daedalus was of her counsel, and her Pander for the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 of Minos called Taurus, which signifieth a Bull, who begat her with child, and that she being delivered of two sons, the one resembling Taurus, the other her husband Minos, it was feigned that she was delivered of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, half a Man and half a Bull. But this practice being discovered, and 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 appointed to be slain, he fled 〈◊〉 of Crete to Cocalus King of Sicily: in which passage he made such expedition, as it was feigned that he fashioned wings for himself and his 〈◊〉 to transport them. For whereas Minos pursued him with boats which had oars only, Daedalus framed sails both for his own boat, and for his 〈◊〉, by which he outwent those that had him in chase. Upon which new invention, 〈◊〉 bearing himself overbold, was overborne and drowned.  
It is also written of Daedilus, that he made Images that could move themselves, and go, because he carved them with legs, arms and hands, whereas those that preceded him, could only present the body and head of those men, whom they cared to counterfeit, and yet the workmanship was esteemed very rare. But Plutarch, who had seen some of those that were called the Images of Daedalus, found them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
With 〈◊〉 also flourished 〈◊〉 the Theban, the son of Apollo, and Terpsichore, 
Herind. Plat. Paus. lib. 9  who instructed 〈◊〉, Orpheus, and 〈◊〉. He wrote of the Creation, of the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and of the generation of living Creatures, but in the end he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 his scholar with his own harp.  
Again, in this age those things spoken of Sphinx and Oedipus, are thought to have been performed. This Sphinx being a great robber by sea and land, was by the 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. l. 9  Army, led by Oedipus, overcome. But that which was written of her propounding of riddles, to those whom she mastered, was meant by the rocky and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which she defended, and by Oedipus dissolving her problem his victory over her. She was painted with wings, because exceeding swift, and 〈◊〉 the body of a Lion for her cruelty. But that which 〈◊〉 reports of 〈◊〉, were more probable, did not the time disprove it, for he calls her an 〈◊〉, and the wife of 〈◊〉: who when by her help he had cast Draco out of 〈◊〉 (〈◊〉 her) he married the sister of Draco, which Sphinx taking in 〈◊〉 part, with her own troup she held the mountain by Thebes, from whence she continued a sharp war upon the Thebans, till by Oedipus overthrown. About this time did Minos thrust his brother out of Crete, and held sharp war with the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, because his son Androgeus was slain by them. He possessed himself of Megara, by the treason of Scylla, daughter of Nisus the King. He was long Master of the 〈◊〉, and brought the Athenians to the tribute of 〈◊〉 him every 〈◊〉 seven of their sons: which tribute Theseus released, as shall be showed, when I come to the time of the next judge 〈◊〉. In the end he was slain at 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 in Sicilia by Cocalus the King, while he pursued Daedalus: 
〈◊〉. pol. l. 1.  and was esteemed by some to be the first law giver to those islands.  
To this time are referred many deeds of Hercules, as the kill of Antaeus the giant, who was said to have 60. and odd cubits of length, which though Plutarch doth confirm, reporting that there was such a body found by Sertorius the Roman, in Lybia, where Hercules slew Antaeus: yet for myself, I think it but a loud lie. That Antaeus was of great strength, and a cunning wrestler, Ensebius affirmeth: and because 
〈◊〉. in Cbr.  he cast so many men to the ground, he was feigned to be the son of the Earth. Pliny saith, that he inhabited near the gardens Hesperides in Mauritania. S. Augustine affirms that this Hercules was not of Greece, but of Lybia: and the Hydra 
Aug. de ci. dei, l. 18. c. 12.  also which he overcame, Plato expoundeth to be a subtle Sophister. 
〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉.    

§. VI Of the expedition of the Argonauts.  
ABout the eleventh year of Gideon, was that famous expedition of the Argonauts: of which many fabulous discourses have been written, the sum of which is this.  
Pelias the son of 〈◊〉, brother by the mother's side to Aeson, who was jasons father, reigning in jolcus a town of Thessaly, was warned by the Oracle of Apollo to take heed of him that ware but one shoe. This 〈◊〉 afterward sacrificing to Neptune, invited jason to him, who coming hastily, lost one shoe in passing over a brook: whereupon Pelias demanded of him what course he would take (supposing he were able) against one of whom an Oracle should advise him to take heed: to which question when jason had briefly answered, that he would sand him to Colchos, to fetch the golden fleece, Pelias immediately commanded him to undertake that service. Therefore jason prepared for the voyage, having a ship built by Argus, the son of Phryxus, by the Counsel of Pallas: wherein he procured all the bravest men of Greece to sail with him: as Typhis the Master of the ship, Orpheus the famous Poet, Castor and Pollux the sons of Tyndarus, Telamon and Peleus, sons of Aeacus, and fathers of ajax and Achilles, Hercules, Theseus, Zetes and Calais the two winged sons of Boreas, Amphiaraus the great Soothsayer, Meleager of Calydon that slew the great wild boar: Ascalaphus and jalmenus or Almenus the sons of Mars, who were afterwards at the last war of Troy, Laertes the father of Ulysses, Atalanta a warlike virgin, Idas and Lynceus the sons of 〈◊〉, who afterwards in fight with Castor and Pollux slew Castor, and wounded Pollux, but were slain themselves: Lynceus by Pollux, Idas by jupiter with lightning.  
These and many other went with jason in the ship 〈◊〉: in whose prow was a table of the beech of Dodona, which could speak. They arrived first at Lemnos; the women of which Island, having slain all the males, purposing to led an Amazonian life, were nevertheless contented to take their pleasure of the Argonauts. Hence they come to the Country about Cyzicus: where dwelled a people called Doliones: over whom then reigned one Cyzicus: who entertained them friendly: but it so fell out, that losing thence by night they were 〈◊〉 by contrary winds back into his port, neither knowing that it was the same Haven, nor being known by the Doliones, to be the same men: but rather taken for some of their bordering enemies: by which means they fell to blows, insomuch that the Argonauts slew the most part of the Doliones together with their King Cyzicus: which when by day light they perceived, with many tears they solemnised his funeral. Than departed they again and arrived shortly in Mysia, where they left Hercules and Polyphemus the son of Elates, who went to seek Hylas the darling of Hercules, that was ravished by the Nymphs.  
Poliphemus built a town in Mysia, called Cios, wherein he reigned. Hercules returned to Argos. From Mysia the Argonauts sailed into Bythinia, which then was peopled by the Bebryces, the ancient inhabitants of the Country, over whom Amycus the son of Neptune was then King. He being a strong man, compelled all strangers to fight with him, at whorlebattes, in which kind of fight he had slain many, and was now himself slain by Pollux. The Bebryces in revenge of his death flew all upon Pollux, but his companions rescued him, with great slaughter of the people. They sailed from hence to Salmydessus, a town in Thrace (somewhat out of their way) wherein Phineus a Soothsayer dwelled, who was blind 〈◊〉 vexed with the Harpies. The Harpies were said to be a kind of birds, which had the faces of women and soul long claws, very filthy creatures, which when the table was furnished for Phineus, come flying in, and devouring or carrying away the greater part of the victuals, did so defile the rest, that they could not be endured. When therefore the Argonauts craved his advise, and direction for their voyage: you shall do well (quoth he) first of all to deliver me from the Harpies, and then afterwards to ask my Counsel. Whereupon they caused the table to be covered, and meat set on; which was no sooner set down, then that presently in come the Harpies, and played their accustomed pranks: when Zetes and Calais the winged young men seen this, they drew their swords, and pursued them through the air; some say that both the Harpies and the young men died of weariness in the flight, and pursuit. But Apollonius saith that the Harpies did covenant with the youths, to do no more harm to Phineus, and were thereupon dismissed. For this good turn Phineus gave them informations of the way, and advertised them withal of the dangerous rocks, called Symplegades, which by force of winds running together, did shut up the passage: wherefore he willed them to put a pigeon before them into the passage: and if that passed safe, then to adventure after her: if not, then by no means to hazard themselves in vain. They did so, and perceiving that the pigeon had only lost a piece of her tail, they observed the next opening of the rocks, and then rowing with all their might, passed through safe, only the end of the poop was bruised.  
From thence forward, (as the tale goeth) the Symplegadeses have stood still: for the Gods, say they, had decreed that after the passage of a ship, they should be fixed. Thence the Argonauts come to the Mariandyni, a people inhabiting about the mouth of the river Parthenius, where Lycus the King entertained them courteously. Here Idmon a Soothsayer of their company was slain by a wild boar; also here Typhis died: and Ancaeus undertook to steer the ship. So they passed by the river Thermodon, and mount Caucasus, and come to the river Phasis, which tons through the land of Colchos. When they were entered the haven, jason went to Aeetes the King of Colchos, and told him the Commandment of Pelias, and cause of his coming, desiring him to deliver the golden Fleece, which Aeetes, as the Fable goeth, promised to do, if he alone would yoke together two brazen host bulls, and ploughing the ground with them, sow dragons teeth, which Minerva had given to him, being part of those which Cadmus did sow at Thebes. These bulls were great and fierce, and breathed out fire: Vulcan had given them to Aeetes.  
Whilst jason was in a great perplexity about this task, Medea the daughter of Aeetes, fell into a most vehement love of him, so far forth, that being excellent in Magic, she come privily to him, promising her help, if he would assure her of his marriage. To this jason agreed, and confirmed his promise by oath. Than gave she to him a medicine wherewith she bade him to anoint both his body and his armour, which would preserve him from their violence: further she told him, that armed men would arise out from the ground, from the teeth which he should sow, and set upon him. To remedy which inconvenience, she bade him throw stones amongst them as soon as they come up thick, whereupon they would fall together to blows, in such wise that he might easily slay them. jason followed her counsel; whereto when the event had answered, he again demanded the Fleece. But Aeetes was so far from approving such his desire, that he devised how to destroy the Argonauts, and burn their ship, which Medea perceiving, went to jason, and brought him by night to the Fleece, which hung upon an Oak in the grove of Mars, where they say it was kept by a Dragon, that never slept. This Dragon was by the Magic of Medea cast into a sleep: so taking away the golden Fleece, she went with jason into the ship Argo; having with her, her brother Absyrtus.  
Aeetes understanding the practices of Medea, provided to pursue the ship, whom when Medea perceived to be at hand, she slew her brother, & cutting him in pieces, she scattered his limbs in divers places, of which Aeetes finding some, was 〈◊〉 to seek out the rest, and suffer his daughter to pass: the parts of his son he 〈◊〉 in a place, which thereupon he called Tomi; the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Afterwards he sent many of his subjects to seek the ship Argo, threatening that if they brought not back c Medea, they should suffer in her stead. In the mean while the Argonauts were driven about the Seas, and were come to the River Eridanus, which is Po in Italy.  
jupiter, offended with the slaughter of Absyrtus, vexed them with a great tempest, and carried them they knew not wither; when they come to the islands Absyrtideses, there the ship Argo (that there might want no incredible thing in this Fable) spoke to them, and said, that the anger of jupiter should not cease, till they come to Ausonia, and were cleansed by Circe, from the murder of Absyrtus. Now, they thereupon sailing between the coasts of Lybia, and 〈◊〉, and passing through the sea of Sardinia and along the coast of 〈◊〉, come to the Isle of Aeea, wherein Circe dwelled, who cleansed them. Thence they sailed by the coast of the Sirens, who sang to allure them into danger: but Orpheus on the other side sang so well that he stayed them. Only Butes swam out unto them, whom 〈◊〉 ravished, and carried to Lylibaeum in Sicily to devil.  
〈◊〉 past the Sirens, they come between Scylla and Charybdis, and the straggling rocks which seemed to cast out great store of flames and smoke. But Thetis and the Nereids, conucyed them safe through at the appointment of juno. So they coasted Sicily where the beeves of the Sun were, and touched at 〈◊〉, the Island of the Phaeaces, where King Alcinous reigned. Mean while, the men of Colchos, that had been sent by Aeetes in quest of the ship Argo, hearing no news of it, and fearing his anger, if they fulfilled not his will, betook themselves to new habitations: some of them dwelled in the mountains of Corcyra, others in the islands Absyrtideses, and some coming to the Phaeaces, there found the ship Argo, and demanded Medea of Alcinous: whereto Alcinous made answer, that if she were not jasons wife, they should have her, but if she were already married, he would not take her from her husband. Arete, the wife of Alcinous, hearing this, married them: wherefore they of Colthos not daring to return home, stayed with the Phaeaces; so the Argonauts departed thence, and after a while come to Crete. In this Island, Minos reigned, who had a man of brass given to him (as some of the Fablers say) by Vulcan. This man had one vein in his body reaching from the neck to the heel, the end whereof was closed up with a brazen nail, his name was Talus: his custom was to run thrice a day about the Island for the defence of it. When he seen the ship Argo pass by, he threw stones at it, but Medea with her Magic destroyed him. Some say that she slew him by potions, which made him mad; others, that promising to make him immortal, she drew out the nail that stopped his vein, by which means all his blood ran out, and he died; others there are that say he was slain by Paean, who wounded him with an arrow in the heel. From hence the Argonauts sailed to Aegina, where they were feign to fight for fresh water. And lastly, from Aegina they sailed by Eubaea and 〈◊〉 home to jolcos', where they arrived, having spent four whole months in the expedition.  
Some there are that by this journey of jason understand the mystery of the Philosopher's stone, called the golden Fleece, to which also, other super-fine Chemists draw the twelve labours of Hercules. Suidas thinks that by the golden Fleece, was meant a book of Parchment, which is of sheepskin, and therefore called golden, because it was taught therein how other metals might be transmuted. Others would signify by jason, wisdom, and moderation, which overcommeth all perils: but that which is most probable is the opinion of Dercilus, that the story of such a passage was true, and that jason with the rest went indeed to rob Colchos, to which they might arrive by boat. For not far from 〈◊〉 there are certain steep falling torrents which wash down many grains of gold, as in many other parts of the world, and the people there inhabiting use to set many fleeces of wool in those descents of waters, in which the grains of gold remain, and the water passeth through, which Strabo witnesseth to be true. The many rocks, straitss, sands, and Currents, in the passage between Greece and the bottom of Pontus, are Poetically converted into those fiery bulls, the armed men rising out of the ground, the Dragon cast asleep, and the like. The man of brass, the Sirens, Scylla and Charybdis, were other hazards and adventures which they fell into in the Mediterran sea, disguised, as the rest, by Orpheus, under poetical morals: all which Homer afterward used (the man of brass excepted) in the description of Ulysses his travails, on the same Inland-seas.   

§. VII. Of ABIMELECH, THOLAH, and JAIR, and of the Lapythae, and of THESEUS, HIPPOLYTUS, etc.  
AFter the death of Gideon, Abimelech his base son begotten on a Concubine of the Sechemites, remembering what offers had been made to his father by the people, who desired to make him and his their perpetual Princes; and as it seemeth, supposing (notwithstanding his father's religious modesty) that some of his brethren might take on them the Sovereignty, practised with the inhabitants of Sechem (of which his mother was native) to make election of himself, who being easily moved with the glory, to have a King of their own, readily condescended and the better to enable Abimelech, they borrowed 70. pieces of silver of their Idol Baalberith, with which 
〈◊〉. 9 4.  treasure he hired a company of lose and desperate vagabonds, to assist his first detestable enterprise, to wit, the slaughter of his 70. brethren, the sons of Gideon, begotten on his wives, of which he had many, of all which noon escaped but jotham the youngest, who hid himself from his present fury: all which he executed on 
Vers. 5.  one stone, a cruelty exceeding all that hath been written of in any age. Such is human ambition, a monster that neither feareth God (though all-powerful, and whose revenges are without date and for everlasting) neither hath it respect to nature, which laboureth the preservation of every being: but it rageth also against her, though garnished with beauty which never dieth, and with love that hath no end. All other passions and affections, by which the souls of men are tormented, are by their contraries oftentimes resisted or qualified. But ambition, which begetteth every vice, and is itself the child and darling of Satan, looketh only towards the ends by itself set down, forgetting nothing (how fearful and inhuman soever) which may serve it: remembering nothing, whatsoever justice, piety, right or religion can offer and allege on the contrary. It ascribeth the lamentable effects of like attempts, to the error or weakness of the undertakers, and rather praiseth the adventure than feareth the like success. It was the first sin that the world had, and began in Angels: for which they were cast into hell, without hope of redemption. It was more ancient than man, and therefore no part of his natural corruption. The punishment also preceded his creation, yet hath the Devil which felt the smart thereof, taught him to forget the one as out of date, and to practise the other, as befitting every age, and man's condition.  
jotham, the youngest of Gideon's sons, having escaped the present peril, sought by his best persuasions to alienate the Sechemites, from the assisting of this merciless tyrant, letting them know, that those which were virtuous, and whom reason and religion had taught the safe and happy estate of moderate subjection, had refused to receive as unlawful, what others had not power to give, without direction from the King of Kings: who from the beginning (as to his own peculiar people) had appointed them by whom and how to be governed. This he taught them by the Olive, which contented itself with its fatness, the Fig tree with sweetness, and the Vine with the good juice it had: the Bramble only, who was most base, cut down all the rest, and accepted the Soveraigntic. He also foretold them by a Prophetical spirit; what should befall them in the end, and how a fire should come out of the Bramble, and consume the Cedars of Libanon.  
Now (as it is an casie matter to call those men back whom rage without right led on) 〈◊〉 the son of Ebed withdrew the Citizens of Sechem, from the service of Abimelech: who therefore after some assaults entered the place, and mastered it; and in conclusion fired the town, wherein their Idol Baalberith was worshipped, and put all the people of all sorts to the slaughter. Lastly, in the assault of the Castle or Tower of Teber, himself was wounded in the head with a stone thrown over the wall by a woman, and finding himself mortally bruised, he commanded his own page to pierce his body, thereby to avoid the dishonour of being slain by so feeble a hand.  
While Abimelech usurped the Government, the 〈◊〉 and Centaurs made war against the Thebans. These Nations were descended of Apollo, and were the first in those parts that 〈◊〉 to manage horses, to bridle and to sit them: in somuch as when they first come down from the mountains of Pindus, into the plains, those which had never scene horsemen before, thought them creatures compounded of men and horses; so did the Mexicans when Ferdinando Cortes the 〈◊〉 first invaded 
〈◊〉 l. 1. de incredib.  that Empire.  
After the death of Abimelech, Thola of Issachar governed Israel 23. years, and after him jair the Gileadite 22. years, who 〈◊〉 to be descended of jair the son of Manasse, who in Moses time conquered a great part of Gilead, and called the same after 
Deut. 3. 14.  his own name, Haboth jair. For to this jair there remained thirty of those Cities, 
Num. 12. 41.  which his ancestor had recovered from the Amorites. Of these judges, because there is nothing else written, it is an argument that during all their times, Israel lived without 
judg. 10.  disturbance and in peace.  
When jair judged Israel, Priamus began to reign in Troy, who at such time as 
2901.  Hercules sacked 〈◊〉, was carried away captive with his sister Hesione into Greece, and being afterward redeemed for ransom, he rebuilt and greatly 〈◊〉, and adorned Troy; and so sarre enlarged his Dominions, as he become the supreme Lord in effect of all Asia the less. He married Hecuba the daughter of Cisseus King 
In Tusc.  of Thrace, and had in all (saith Cicero) fifty sons, whereof seventeen by Hecuba, of whom Paris was one; who attempting to recover his aunt Hesione, took Helena the wife of Menelaus the cause of the war which followed.  
Theseus the tenth King of Athens began likewise to reign in the beginning of jair: some writers call him the son of and Neptune and Aethra: but Plutark in the Story of his life finds him begotten by Aegeus, of whom the 〈◊〉 sea between it and Asia the less took name. For when Minos had mastered the Athenians, so far as he forced them to pay him seven of their sons every year for tribute, whom he enclosed within a Labyrinth, to be devoured by the monster Minotaur: because be like the sons of Taurus, which be begat on Pasiphae the Queen, had the charge of them: Among these seven Theseus thrust himself, not doubting by his valour to deliver the rest, and to free his Country of that slavery occasioned for the death of Androgeus, Minos his son.  
And having possessed himself of Ariadne's affection, who was Minos daughter, he received from her a bottom of thread, by which he conducted himself through all the crooked and inextricable turnings of the Labyrinth, made in all like that of the City of Crocodiles in Egypt; by mean whereof having stain Minotaur, he found a ready way to return. But whereas his father Aegeus had given order, that if he come back with victory and in safety, he should use a white sail in sign thereof, and not that mournful black sail, under which they left the port of Athens. This instruction being either forgotten or neglected, Aegeus descrying the ship of Theseus with a black sail, cast himself over the rocks into the Sea, afterward called of his name 〈◊〉.  
One of the first famous acts of Theseus, was the kill of Scyron, who kept a passage between Megara and the Peloponnesian Isthmos, and threw all whom he mastered into the Sea, from the high rocks. Afterwards he did the like to certion, by wrestling, who used by that Art to kill others. He also rid the Country of Procrustes, who used to bend down the strong limbs of two trees, and fastened by cords such as he took, part of them to one and part to the other bough, and by their springing back tare them asunder. So did he root out Periphetes and other mischievous thieves and murderers. He overthrew the army of the Amazons, who after many victories and vastations, entered the Territory of Athens. Theseus having taken their Queen Hyppolita prisoner, begat on her Hippolytus; with whom afterward his mother in law Phaedra, falling in love, and he refusing to abuse his father's bed, Phaedra persuaded Theseus that his son offered to force her: after which it is feigned, that Theseus besought Neptune to revenge this wrong of his sons, by some violent death. Neptune taking a time of advantage, sent out his Sea-Calues, as Hippolytus passed by the sea shore, and so affrighted his horses, as casting the Coach over, he was (by being entangled therein) torn in pieces. Which miserable and undeserved destiny, when Phaedra had heard of, she strangled herself. After which it is feigned, that Diana entreated Aesculapius to set Hippolytus his pieces together, and to restore him to life: which done, because he was chaste, she led him with her into Italy, to accompany her in her hunting, and field sports.  
It is probable that Hippolytus, when his father sought his life, thinking to escape by Sea, was affronted thereat, and received many wounds in forcing his passage and escape; which wounds Aesculapius, to wit, some skilful Physician, or Chirurgeon healed again, after which he past into Italy, where he lived with Diana, that is, the life of a hunter, in which he most delighted. But of these ancient profane Stories, Plutarch saith well, that as Cosmographers in their descriptions of the world, where they find many vast places whereof they know nothing, fill the same with strange beasts, birds, and fishes, and with Mathematical lines, so do the Grecian Historians and Poets embroider and intermix the tales of ancient times, with a world of fictions and fabulous discourses. True it is, that Theseus did many great things in imitation of Hercules, whom he made his pattern, and was the first that gathered the Athenians, from being dispersed in thin and ragged villages: in recompense whereof, and for devising them laws to live under, and in order, he was by the beggarly, mutable, and ungrateful multitude, in the end banished. Some say per Ostracismum, by the Law of Lots, or names written on shells, which was a device of his own.  
He stole Helen (as they say) when she was 50. years old, from Aphidna, which City Castor and Pollux overturned, when they followed after Theseus to recover their sister. Erasistratus and Pausanias writ that Theseus begat her with child at Argos, 
Strab. lib. 9  where she erected a Temple to Lucina: but her age makes that tale unlikely to 
Paus. in Con.  be true, and so doth Ovid, Nòn tamen ex facto fructum tulit ille petitum, etc. The 
In Epist. Helen.  rape Eusebius finds in the first of jair, who governed Israel 22. years, to whom succeeded jephta or jepte six years, to whom Ibzan who ruled seven years, and 
jud. 10. 3.  then 〈◊〉 eight year: in whose time was the fall of Troy. So as, if Thescus had a child by her in the first of 〈◊〉, (at which time we must count her no less than fifteen year old, for the women did not commonly begin so young as they do now) she was then at lest two and fifty year old at the destruction of Troy: and when she was stolen by Paris eight and thirty: but herein the Chronologers do not agreed. Yet Eusebius and Bunting with Halicarnasseus do in effect consent, that the City was entered, and burnt in the first year of Demophoon King of Athens, the successor of Mnestheus, the successor of Theseus, seventeen days before the Summer Tropic, and that about the eleventh of September following, the Troyans' 〈◊〉 the Hellespont into Thrace, & wintered there, and in 
Bunt. Chron.  the next spring that they navigated into Sicilia, where wintering the second year, the 
Euseb. Chron.  next summer they arrived at Laurentum, and builded Lavinium. But S. Augustine hath 
Hal. l. 1.  otherwise, that when Polyphides governed Sition, Mnestheus Athens, Tautanes Assyria, Habdon Israel, than Aeneas arrived in Italy, transporting with him in twenty 
Aug. de. Ciu. Dei li. 18. c. 19  ships the remainder of the Troyans': but the difference is not great: and hereof more at large in the story of Troy at hand.  
In Sicyonia Phaestus the two and twentieth King, reigned eight years, beginning by the common account in the time of Thola. His successors, Adrastus, who reigned four years, and Polyphides who reigned thirteen, are accounted to the time of jair, so is also Mnestheus King of Athens, and Atreus, who held a great part of Peloponnesus. In Assyria, during the government of these two peaceable judges, 〈◊〉 and after him Tautanes reigned. In Egypt Amenophis, the son of Ramses, and afterwards Annemenes.   

§. VII. Of the war of Thebes which was in this age.  
IN this age was the war of Thebes, the most ancient that ever Greek Poet or Historian wrote of: Wherhfore the Roman Poet Lucretius, affirming (as the Epicures in this point held truly against the Peripatetics) that the world had a beginning, urgeth them with this objection.  

— Si nulla fuit genitalis origo  
〈◊〉 & mundi, semperque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Cur suprà bellum Thebanum, & funera 〈◊〉,  
Nòn alias aly quoqueres cecinere poetae?   

If all this world had no original,  
But things have ever been as now they are:  
Before the siege of Thebes or Troy's last fall,  
Why did no Poet sing some elder war?   
It is true that in these times Greece was very salvage, the inhabitants being often chased from place to place, by the captains of greater Tribes: and no man thinking the ground whereon he dwelled his own longer than he could hold it by strong hand. Wherhfore merchandise and other intercourse they used little, neither did they plant many trees, or sow more corn than was necessary for their sustenance. Money they had little or noon, for it is thought that the name of money was not heard in Greece, when Homer did writ, who measures the value of gold and brass by the worth in cattle; saying that the golden armour of Glaucus, was worth 100 beeves, and the copper armour of Diomedes worth nine.  
Robberies by land and sea were common and without shame, and to steal horses or kines was the usual exercise of their great men. Their towns were not many, whereof those that were walled were very few, and not great. For Mycenae the principal City in Peloponnesus was a very little thing, and it may well be thought that the rest were proportionable: briefly, Greece was then in her infancy, and though in some small towns of that half Isle of Peloponnesus, the inhabitants might have enjoyed quietness within their narrow bounds; as likewise did the Athenians because their Country was so barren, that noon did care to take it from them: yet that the land in general was very rude, it will easily appear to such as consider, what Thucydides the greatest of their Historians hath written to this effect, in the preface to his History. Wherhfore, as in these latter times, idle Chroniclers use when they want good matter, to fill whole books with reports of great frosts, or dry summers, and other such things which no man cares to read, so did they who spoke of Greece in her beginnings, remember only the great floods which were in the times of Ogyges, and Deucalion: or else rehearse fables of men changed into birds, of strange monsters, of adultery committed by their Gods, and the mighty men which they begat, without writing aught that savoured of humanity before the time of the war of Thebes: the brief whereof is this.  
OEdipus the son of Laius King of Thebes, having been cast forth when he was an infant, because an Oracle foretold what evil should come to pass by him, did afterwards in a narrow passage contending for the way, slay his own father, not knowing either then or long after, who he was. Afterwards he become King of Thebes, by marriage of the Queen 〈◊〉, called by Homer Epicaste: on whom, 
Hom. Odyss. 11.  not knowing her to be his mother, he begat two sons, Eteocles and Polynices. But when in process of time, finding out by good circumstances, who were his parents, he understood the gricuous murder and incest he had committed, he tore out his own eyes for grief, and left the City. His wife and mother did hung herself. Some say, that OEdipus having his eyes pulled out, was expelled Thebes, bitterly cursing his sons, because they 〈◊〉 their father to be cast out of the Town, and aided him not. Howsoever it were, his two 〈◊〉 made this agreement, that the one of them should reign one year, and the other another year; and so by course rule interchangeably. But this appointment was ill observed. For when Polynices had after a years Government resigned the Kingdom to his brother: or (according to others) when Eteocles had reigned the first year, he refused to give over the rule to Polynices. Hereupon Polynices fled unto Argos, where Adrastus the son of Talaus then reigned, unto whose palace coming by night, he was driven to seek lodging in an outhouse, on the backside.  
There he met with Tydeus the son of OEneus, who was fled from Calydon: with whom striving about their lodging, he fell to blows. Adrastus' hearing the noise, come forth and took up the quarrel. At which time perceiving in the shield of Tydeus a Boar, in that of Polynices a Lion, he remembered an old Oracle, by which he was advised to give his two daughters in marriage, to a Lion and a Boar: and accordingly he did bestow his daughter Argia upon Tydeus, and Deipyle upon Polynices, promising to restore them both to their Countries. To this purpose levying an army, and assembling as many valiant Captains as he could draw to follow him, he was desirous among others to carry Amphiaraus the son of Oicleus a great Soothsayer, and a valiant man, along with him. But Amphiaraus, who is said to have foreseen all things, knowing well that noon of the Captains should escape, save only Adrastus, did both utterly refuse to be one in that expedition, and persuaded others to stay at home. Polynices therefore dealt with Eriphyle the wife of 〈◊〉, offering unto her a very fair bracelet, upon condition that she should 'cause her husband to assist him. The Soothsayer knowing what should work his destiny, forbade his wife to take any gift of Polynices. But the bracelet was in her eye so precious a jewel, that she could not refuse it. Therefore whereas a great controversy, between Amphiaraus and Adrastus, was by way of compromise put unto the decision of Eryphile, either of them being bound by solemn oath to stand to her appointment: she ordered the matter so, as a woman should, that loved a bracelet better than her husband. He now finding that it was more easy to foresee than avoid destiny, sought such comfort as revenge might afford, giving in charge to his sons, that when they come to full age, they should kill their mother and make strong war upon the Thebans.  
Now had Adrastus assembled all his forces, of which, the seven chief leaders were, himself, Amphiaraus, 〈◊〉, and Hippomedon (in stead of whom some name 〈◊〉) all Argives, with Polynices the Theban, 〈◊〉 the Aetolian, and 〈◊〉 the Arcadian son of Meleager and Atalanta. When the army come to the Nemaean wood, they met a woman whom they desired to help them to some water, she having a child in her arms, laid it down, and led the 〈◊〉 to a spring: but ere she returned, a Serpent had stain the child. This woman was Hypsipyle the daughter of Thoas the Lemnian, whom she would have saved when the women of the Isle slew all the males by conspiracy, intending to led an Amazoman life. For such her 〈◊〉, the Lemnian wives did cell her to Pirates, and the Pirates to Lycurgus Lord of the Country about Nemaea, whose young sons Opheltes or Archemorus, she did nurse, and lost as is showed before. When upon the child's death she hid herself for fear of her master, Amphiaraus told her sons where they should find her: and the Argives did both kill the Serpent which had slain the child, and in memory of the chance, did institute solemn 〈◊〉 games called 〈◊〉, wherein Adrastus wan the prize with his swift horse Arion, Tydeus with whorlebats, 〈◊〉 at running and quoiting, Poly nies at wrestling, Parthenopaeus at shooting, and one Laodocus in darting. This was the first institution of the Nemaean games, which continued after famous in Greece for very many ages. There are, who think that they were ordained in honour of one Opheltus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some say by Hercules, when 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 slain the Nemaean Lion: but the common opinion agrees with that which is here set down.  
From 〈◊〉 the Argives marching onwards, arrived at Cithaeron, whence Tydeus was by them sent Ambassador to Thebes, to require of Eteocles the performance of 〈◊〉 between him and Polynices. This message was nothing agreeable to Eteocles, who was thoroughly resolved to hold what he had, as long 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could: which Tydaeus perceiving and intending partly to get honour, partly to try what mettle was in the 〈◊〉, he made many challenges, and obtained victory in all of them, not without much 〈◊〉 and malice of the people, who laid 〈◊〉 men in ambush to intercept him at his return to the army, of which fifty he 〈◊〉 all but one, whom 〈◊〉 sent back to the City as a reporter and witness of his valour. When the Argives understood how resolved Eteocles was, they presented themselves before the City, and encamped round about it. Thebes is said to have had at that time seven gates, which belike stood not far asunder, seeing that the 〈◊〉 (who afterward when they were very far stronger, could 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 up more thousands then Thebes had gates) did compass the town. Adrastus' quartered before the gate Homolydeses, Capaneus before the Ogygian, Tydeus before Crenis, Amphiaraus at Proëtis, 〈◊〉 at Anchsis, Parthenopaeus at Electra, and Polynices at Hypsista. In the mean season, Eteocles having armed his men, and appointed Commanders unto them, took advice of 〈◊〉 esias the Soothsayer, who promised victory to the Thebans, if 〈◊〉 the son of Creon a principal man of the City, would vow himself to be slain in honour of Mars the God of war. So full of malice and pride is the Devil, and so envious at his Creator's glory, that he not only challengeth honours due to God alone, as oblations and sacrifice with all Divine worship, but commandeth us to offer ourselves, and our children unto him, when he hath sufficiently clouded men's understanding, and bewitched their wills with ignorance and blind 〈◊〉. And such abominable sacrifice of men, maids, and children hath he exacted of the Syrians, Carthaginians, Galls, Germans, Cyprians, Egyptians, and of many other, if not of all Nations, when through ignorance or fear they were most filled with superstition. But as they 〈◊〉 more wise, so did he wax less impudent in cunning, though not less malicious in desiring the continuance of such barbarous inhumanity. For King Diphilus in Cypress without advice of any Oracle, made the Idol of that Country 〈◊〉 contented with an Ox in stead of a man. Tiberius for bad human sacrifices in Africa, and crucified the Priests in the groves where they had practised them. Hercules taught the Italians to drown men of hay in stead of the living: yet among the saluages in the West Indies these cruel offerings have been practised of late ages: which as it is a sufficient argument that Satan's malice is only covered and hidden by this subtlety among civil people: so may it serve as a probable Conjecture of the barbarisms then reigning in Greece. For Menaecius, as soon as he understood that his death might purchase victory to his people, 〈◊〉 himself (as he thought) upon Mars, kill himself before the gates of the City. Than was a battle fought, wherein the Argives prevailed so far at the first, that Capaneus advancing ladders to the walls, got up upon the rampart: whence, when he fell or was cast down, or (as writers have it) was stricken down by jupiter with a thunderbolt, the Argives fled. Many on each part were slain in this battle, which caused both sides to desire that Eteocles and Polynices might try out the quarrel in single fight: whereto the two brethren according, slew 〈◊〉 other.  
Another battle was fought after their death, wherein the sons of Astacus behaved themselves very valiantly: 〈◊〉 one of the sons slew 〈◊〉 which was one of the seven Princes: Parthenopaeus being another of the seven (who was said to have been so fair that noon would hurt him when his face was bore) was slain by Amphidicus, or as some say, by Periclymenus the son of Neptune: and the valiant Tydeus by 〈◊〉: yet ere Tydeus died, the head of Menalippus was brought unto him by Amphiaraus, which he cruelly tore open and swallowed up the brains. Upon which fact, it is said, that Pallas, who had brought from jupiter such remedy for his wound, as should have made him immortal, refused to bestow it upon him: whereby perhaps was meant that his honour which might have continued immortal, did perish through the beastly rage that he showed at his death.  
The host of the Argives being wholly discomfited, Adrastus and 〈◊〉 fled: of whom Amphiaraus is said to have been swallowed quick into the earth, near to the river Ismenus, together with his Chariot, and so lost out of men's sight, being peradventure overwhelmed with dead carcases or drowned in the river: and his body never found nor greatly sought for. Adrastus' escaped on his good horse Arion, and come to Athens; where sitting at an Altar called the Altar of Mercy, he made supplication for their aid to recover their bodies. For Creon having obtained the Government of Thebes, after the death of 〈◊〉, would not suffer the bodies of the Argives to be buried: but caused Antigone, the only daughter then living of OEdipus, to be buried quick, because she had sought out and 〈◊〉 the body of her brother Polynices, contrary to Creon's Edict. The Athenians condescending to the request of Adrastus, did sand forth an army under the Conduct of Theseus, which took Thebes, and restored the bodies of the Argives to Sepulture: at which time Euadne the wife of Capaneus, threw herself into the funeral fire, and was burnt willingly with her husband. But it little contented the sons of those Captains which were slain at Thebes, that any less revenge should be taken of their father's death, than the 〈◊〉 of the City: wherefore ten years after having levied forces, Aegialeus the son of Adrastus, Diomedes of Tydeus, Promachus of Parthenopaeus, Sthenelus of Capaneus, Thersander of Polynices, and Euripylus of Mecisteus, marched thither under the conduct of Alcmaeon the son of Amphiaraus: with whom also went his brother Amphiloctus. Apollo promised victory if Alcmaeon were their Captain, whom afterward by another Oracle he commanded to kill his own mother.  
When they come to the city, they were inconntred by Laodamas the son of Eteocles then King of the Thebans, (for Creon was only Tutor to Laodamas) who though he did valiantly in the battle, and slew Aegialeus, yet was he put to the worst, and 〈◊〉 to fly, or (according to Apollodorus) 〈◊〉 by Alcmaeon. After this disaster the citizens began to desire composition; but in the mean time they conveyed themselves with their wives and children away from thence by night, and so began to wander up and down, till at length they built the Town called Estiaea. The 〈◊〉, when they perceived that their enemies had quitted the Town, entering into it, sacked it, threw down the walls, and laid it waste; howbeit it is reported by some that the Town was saved by Thirsander, the son of Polynices, who causing the Citizens to return, did there reign over them. That he saved the City from utter destruction, it is very likely, for he reigned there, and led the Thebans to the War of Troy, which very shortly after ensued.   

§. VIII. Of JEPHTA, and how the three hundred years which he speaketh of, IVD. 11. v. 28. are to be reconciled with the places, ACT. 13. 20. 1. REG. 6. 1. together with some other things touching Chronologie about these times.  
AFter the death of jair (near about whose times these things happened in Greece, and during whose government, and that of Thola, Israel lived in peace and in order) they revolted again from the law, and service of God, and become more wicked and Idolatrous than ever. For whereas in the former times they worshipped Baal and Asteroth, they now become followers of all the Heathen Nations adjoining, and embraced the Idols of the Aramites, of the Zidonians, Moabites and Ammonites: with those of the 
jud. 10.  〈◊〉. And as before it pleased God to correct them by the Aramites, by the Amalekites, and Midianites: so now he scourged them by the Ammonites, and afterward 
The persecution of the Ammonites lasted 18. years, and ended in the year of the World 2820. in which year 〈◊〉 began. jud. 11.  by the Philistines.  
Now among the Israelites, those of Gilead being most oppressed, because they bordered upon the Ammonites, they were enforced to seek 〈◊〉, whom they had formerly despised and cast from them, because he was base borne; but he (not withstanding those former injuries) participating more of godly compassion, than of devilish hatred and revenge, was content to lead the Gileadites to the War, upon condition that they should establish him their Governor after victory. And when he had disputed with Ammon for the Land, disproved Ammon's right, and fortified the title of Israel by many arguments, the same prevailing nothing, he began the war; and being strengthened by God, overthrew them: and did not only beaten them out of the plains, but forced them over the mountains of Arabia, even to Minnith, 
jud. 11. 33.  and Abel of the vineyards, Cities expressed heretofore in the description of the holy Land. After which victory it is said, that he performed the vain vow, which he made, to sacrifice the first living creature he encountered, coming out of his house to meet him; which happened to be his own daughter, and only child, who with all patience submitted her 〈◊〉, and only desired two months time to bewail her Virginity on the mountains of Gilead; because in her the issues of her Father ended: but the other opinion that she was not offered, is more probable, which 
Bor. in jud.  Borrhaeus and others prove sufficiently.  
After these things the children of Israel, of the Tribe of Ephraim, either envious of Iephta's victory, or otherwise making way to their future calamity, and to the most grievous slavery that ever Israel suffered, quarreled with jephta, that they were not called to the War, as before time they had contested with Gideon. jephta hereupon enforced to defend himself against their fury, in the encounter slew of them two and forty thousand, which so weakened the body of the Land, as the Philistines 
jud. 12.  had an easy conquest of them all not long 〈◊〉: jephta, after he had judged Israel six years, died: to whom succeeded 〈◊〉, who ruled seven years: after him Elon was 
2925.  their judge ten years: in all which time Israel had peace. Eusebius finds not Elon, 
2942.  whom he calleth Adonis, for in the Septuagint, approved in his time, this judge was omitted.  
Now before I go on with the rest, it shall be necessary upon the occasion of Iephta's account of the times jud. 11. 28. (where he says that Israel had then possessed the East side of jordan 300. years) to speak somewhat of the 〈◊〉 of the judges, and of the differing opinions among the Divines and Chronologers: there being found three places of Scriptures touching this point seeming repugnant, or disagreeing: 
jud. 11. 28.  the first is in this dispute between jephta and Ammon, for the right and possession of 〈◊〉: the second is that of S. Paul, Act. 13. the third that which is in the 
Act. 13. 20.  first of Kings. jephta here challengeth the possession of Gilead for 300. years: Saint 
1. King. 6. 1.  Paul giveth to the judges, as it seems, from the end of josua, to the last of Heli, 450. years. In the first of Kings it is taught, that from the departing of Israel out of Egypt, to the foundation of Salomon's Temple, there were consumed 480. years. To the first Beroaldus findeth Iephta's 300. years to be but 266. years, to wit, 18. of josua, 40. of Othoniel, 80. of Aod and Samgar, 40. of Deborah, 40. of Gideon, 3. of Abimelech, 23. of Thola, and 22. of jair: But jephta (saith Beroaldus) putteth or proposeth 
Idfacit numero 〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉, proposito.  a certain number, for an uncertain: Sic ut dicat annum agi propè trecentesimum, ex quo nullus litem ea de re moverit Israeli; So he speaketh (saith he) as meaning, that then it was about or well-nigh the three hundredth year, since Israel possessed those Countries, no man making question of their right. Codoman on the contrary finds more years than jephta named by 65. to wit, 365. whereof 71. were spent in Israel's captivity, at several times, of which (as Codoman thinketh) jephta forbore to repeat the whole sum or any great part, 〈◊〉 the Ammonite should have justly objected, that 71. of those years, the Israelites were in captivity and vassals to their neighbour Princes, and therefore knowing that to name 300. years it was enough for prescription, he omitted the rest.  
To justify this account of 365. years, besides the 71. years of captivity or affliction, to be added to 〈◊〉 his 266. he addeth also 28. years more, and so maketh up the sum of 365. These 28. years he findeth out thus: 20. years he gives to the Seniors between josua and Othoniel: and where Beroaldus alloweth but 18. years to josua his government, Codoman accounts that his rule lasted 26. according to josephus; whereas S. Augustine and Eusebius give him 27. Melanchton 32. The truth is, that this addition of 28. years is far more doubtful than the other of 71. But though we admit not of this addition, yet by accounting of some part of the years of affliction (to wit, 34. years of the 71.) if we add them to the 266. years of Beroaldus, which reckoneth noon of these, we have the just number of 300. years. Neither is it strange that jephta should leave out more than half of these years of affliction: seeing as it is already said, the Ammonites might except against these 71. years, and say, that during these years, or at lest a good part of them, the Israelites had no quiet possession of the Countries in question. Martin Luther is the Author of a third opinion, making those 300. years remembered by jephta, to be 306. which odd years, saith he, jephta omitteth. But because the years of every judge as they reigned, cannot make up this number of 306. but do only compound 266. therefore doth Luther add to this number, the whole time which Moses spent in the Deserts of Arabia 〈◊〉; which sortie years of Moses added to the number which Beroaldus findeth of 266. make indeed 306.  
But I see nothing in the Text to warrant Luther's judgement herein: for in the dispute between jephta and Ammon for the Land of Gilead, it is written in the person of Ammon in these words: Because Israel took my Land, when they come up from Egypt 
jud. 11. 28.  from Arnon 〈◊〉 jaboc, etc. now therefore restore those Lands quietly or in peace. So by this place it is plain that the time is not to be accounted from Moses departure out of Egypt: but from the time that the Land was possessed. For it is said, Quià 〈◊〉 Israel terram meam; Because Israel took my Land: and therefore the beginning of this account is to be referred to the time of the taking: which jephtas answer also confirmeth in these words: When Israel dwelled in Heshbon, and in her Towns, and in Aroer and in her Towns, and in all the Cities that are by the coast of Arnon 300. years: why did ye not then recover them in that space? so as this place speaks it directly, that Israel had inhabited and dwelled in the Cities of Gilead 300. years: and therefore to accounted the times from the hopes or intents, that Israel had to possess it, it seemeth somewhat strained to me; for we do not use to reckon the time of our conquests in France, from our Prince's intents or purposes, but from their victories and possessions.  
junius nevert helesse likes the opinion of Luther, and says, that this time of 300. years hath reference, and is to take beginning from the first of lephtas narration: when he makes a brief repetition of Moses whole journey: to wit, at the sixteenth Verse of the eleventh Chapter of judges, in our translation in these words: But when Israel come up from Egypt, etc. and therefore Moses his forty years (as he thinks) 
junius in the 11 of jud. not.  are to be accounted, which make the number of 305. years: and not only the time in which Israel possessed Gilead, according to the Text and jephtas own words: of which I leave the judgement to others; to whom also I leave to judge, whither we may not begin the 480. years, from the deliverance out of Egypt to the Temple, even from the first departure out of Egypt, and yet find a more probable reconciliation of S. Paul's and jephtas account with this reckoning: than any of those that as yet have been signified. For first, touching jephtas 300. years of possession of the East side of jordan, it is to be remembered, that for a good while before the Israelites possessed it, Sehon and Og had dispossessed Moab and Ammon thereof: so that when the Israelites had conquered Sehon and Og, the right of possession which they had, passed to Israel; and so jephta might say that they had possessed those Countries 300. years, reckoning 266. years of their own possession, and the rest of the possession of the two Kings Sehon and Og, whose right the Israelites had by the law of conquest.  
The second place disputed is this of S. Paul, Act. 13. that from the end of josua to 
Reáde the 24. of josua, and the 2. jud. 7.  the beginning of Samuel, there past 450. years. And this place Luther understandeth also besides the letter (as I find his opinion cited by Functius Krentzhemius, and 
Funct. Chrens. fol. 4. 〈◊〉 in his Annotations upon the 13. of the Act. 〈◊〉. 20  Beza) for I have not read his Commentaries. For be accounteth from the death of Moses, to the last year of Heli, but 357. years: and this he doth the better to approve the times from the egression out of Egypt to the building of the Temple, which in the first King. 6. is said to be 480. years.  
Now forasmuch as S. Paul (as it seems) finds 450. years from the death of josua, to the last of Heli, and leaves but 30. years for Saul and Samuel, who governed 40. for David who ruled 40. and for Solomon who ware the Crown three whole years ere the foundation of the Temple was laid; therefore Luther takes it, that there was error in the Scribe, who wrote out this piece of Scripture of S. Paul: to wit, Than afterward he gave unto them judges about 450. years, 〈◊〉 the time of SAMVEL 
Act. 13. 20.  the Prophet: the words than afterward, being clearly referred to the death or after the death of josua, as shall be hereafter proved. But where S. Luke rehearsing the words of S. Paul, wrote 350. years (saith Luther) the Scribe in the transcription being deceived by the affinity of those two Greek words, whereof the one signifieth 300. and the other 400. wrote Tetracosicis, for Triacosiois; 400. years, for 300. years; and 450. for 350. This he seeketh to strengthen by many arguments: to which opinion Beza in his great annotations adhereth. A contrary judgement to this hath Codoman: where Luther and Beza begin at Moses death, he takes his account from the death of josua, and from thence to the beginning of Samuel he makes 430. years: to wit, of the judges (not reckoning Samson's years) 319. and of years of servitude and affliction under strangers 111. The reason why he doth not reckon Samson's 20. years, is because he thinks that they were part of the 40. years, in which the Philistines are said to have oppressed Israel. For it is plain that duringall 
jud. 13.  Samsons time they were Lords over Israel. So then of the judges, besides thee 111. 
jud. 15. 11.  years of servitude, Codoman reckoneth (as I have said) 319. years, which two sums put together make 430. years, and whereas S. Paul nameth 450. years, he finds 20. years to make up S. Paul's number, to have been spent after the death of josua by the Seniors, before the 〈◊〉 of Cushan, or the election of Othoniel: which 20. years added to 430. make 550. according to S. Paul To approve this time of the Elders, he citeth two places of Scriptures, namely the 24. of josua, and the second of judges, in each of which places it is written, that Israel served the Lord all the days of JOSVA, and all the days of the Elders that over-lived JOSVA: so as to these times of the Elders, Codoman giveth 20. years, which make as before 450. according to S. Paul Neither would it breed any great difficulty in this opinion, if here also the 20. years of the Seniors, between josua and Othoniel, should be denied. For they which deny these years, and make Othoniels 40. to begin presently upon the death of josua, as in the beginning of this reckoning they have 20. years less than Codoman, so toward the end of it (when they reckon the years of affliction apart from the years of the judges) in the number of Samson's years, and of the 40. years of the Philistines oppressing the Israelites, they have 20. years more than Codoman. For they reckon these 40. years of oppression all of them apart from Samson's 20. but Codoman, as is said, makes Samson's 20. to be the one half of the 40. of the Philistines oppressions; so that if the 20. years of the Seniors, be not allowed to Codoman, than he may reckon (as the letter of the Text seems to enforce) that the Philistines in an interregnum, before Samson judged Israel, vexed the Israelites 40. years, besides the 20. while Samson was their judge, and so the reckoning will come to 450. years between the end of josua, and the beginning of Samuel, though we admit not of any interregnum of the Seniors, between josua and Othoniel: For if the times of their affliction be summed, they make 111. years, to which if we add the years 〈◊〉 the judges, which are 339. we have the just sum of 450. And this computation either one way or other, may seem to be much more probable, than theirs that correct the Text, although we should admit of their correction thereof, and read with them 350. for 450. For whereas they 〈◊〉 that this time of 350. years, is to begin immediately, or soon after the death of Moses: certainly the place of S. Paul doth evidently teach the contrary, though it be received for true that there was vitium scriptoris in the rest. For these be S. Paul's words: And about the time of 40. years, God suffered their manners in the wilderness: And he destroyed seven Nations in the Land of Canaan, and divided their Land to them by lot. Than afterward he gave unto them judges about 450. years, unto the time of SAMVEL the Prophet. So as first in the eighteenth verse he speaketh of Moses and of his years spent in the wilderness, then in the nineteenth verse he cometh to the acts of josua; which were that he destroyed seven Nations in the Land of Canaan, and divided their Land 
jos. 14. 1.  to them by lot. In the twentieth verse it follows: Than afterward he gave them judges about 450. years, etc. and therefore to reckon from the death of Moses, is wide of S. Paul's meaning, so far as my weak understanding can pierce it. The only inconvenience of any weight in opinion of Codoman touching this place, in the Acts is that it seems irreconcilable with the account, 1. Reg. 6. 11. For if indeed there were spent 450. years between the end of josua and the beginning of Samuel, certainly there must needs be much more than 480. years between the beginning of the Israelites journeying from Egypt, and the 〈◊〉 of the Temple by Solomon. To this difficulty Codoman answereth, that these 480. years, 1. Reg. 6. 1. must begin to be reckoned, not in the beginning, but in the ending of their journeying from Egypt, which he makes to be 25. years after the beginning of Othoniels government; from whence if we cast the years of the judges, with the years of servitude (which sums according to his account, of which we have already spoken, make 397. years) and so to these years add the 40. of Samuel, and Saul, and the 40. of David, and the 3. of Solomon, we shall have the just sum of 480. years. Neither is it hard (saith he) that the annus egressionis, 1. Reg. 6. 1. should be understood egressionis non incipientis sedfinitae, the year of their coming out of 〈◊〉 (for so it is in the original) or the year after they come out of Egypt, may well be understood for the year after they were come out thence, that is, after they had ended their wandering from thence. For so we find that things which were done 40. years after they had set foot out of Egypt, are said to have been done in their going out of Egypt, as Psal. 114. When Israel come out of Egypt, jordan was 〈◊〉 back, and Deut. 4. 45. These are the testimonies which MOSES spoke when they come out of Egypt. And thus far it seems we may very well agreed with Codoman, for the interpretation of the word ab 〈◊〉, to be as much as quùm 〈◊〉, or ab exitu finito: for if 〈◊〉 Deut. 4. 45. do well read quum exivissent, for in 〈◊〉, as it seems that herein he doth well, why may not we also, to avoid contradiction in the Scripture, expound ab exitu to be, postquàm exivissent?  
The next point to be 〈◊〉, is how their journeying should be said not to have had end until the 25. year after the victory of Othoniel. To this Codoman answereth, that then it had no end till when all the Tribes had obtained their portions, which happened not until this time: at which time the Danites at length seated themselves, as it is declared jud. 18. For doubtless to this time the expedition may most conveniently be referred. And thus without any great inconvenience to him appearing doth Codoman reconcile the account of jephta, and S. Paul, with that in the first of Kings, c. 6. Now whereas it is said that the expedition of the Danites was when 
jud. 18. 1.  there was no King in Israel: to this Codoman answereth, that it is not necessary that we should suppose that Othoniel lived all those 40. years of rest, of which jud. 3. 11. so that by the 25. year after his victory, either he might have been dead, or a lest, as Gideon did, he might have refused all sovereignty, and so either way it might truly be said that at this time (to wit, the 25. year after Othoniels victory) there was no King in Israel. This opinion of Codoman, if it were as consonant to other Chrenologers grounding their opinions on the plain Text, where it is indisputable, as it is in itself round enough and coherent, might perhaps be received as good: especially considering, that the speeches of S. Paul have not otherwise found any interpretation, maintaining them as absolutely true, in such manner as they sounded, and are set down. But seeing that he wanteth all help of authority, we may justly suspect the supposition whereupon his opinion is grounded; it being such as the consent of many Authors would hardly suffice to make very probable. For who hath told Codoman, that the conquest of Laish, by the Tribe of Dan, was performed in the five and twentieth year of Othoniel? Or what other probability hath he than his own conjecture, to show that Othoniel did so renounce the office of a judge after five and twenty years, that it might then be truly said there was no King in Israel, but every man did that which was good in his own eyes?  
Now concerning the rehearsal of the Law by Moses, and the stopping of jordan, they might indeed be properly said to have been, when Israel come out of Egypt; like as we say that King Edward the first was crowned when he come out of the holy Land, for so all journeys with their accidents commonly take name from the place either whence or wither they tend. But I think he can find no such phrase of speech in Scripture as limiteth a journey by an accident, or saith by converting the proposition, when jordan was turning back, Israel come out of Egypt. Indeed most unproper it were to give date unto actions commenced long after, from an expedition finished long before, namely to say, that King Edward at his arrival out of Palestina, did win Scotland, or died at Carlisle. How may we then believe that enterprise performed so many years after the division of the Land (which followed the conquest at the journeys end) should be said to have been at the time of the departure out of Egypt? Or who will not think it most strange, that the most notable account of time, serving as the only guide for certain ages in sacred Chronologie, should not take name and beginning, from that illustrious deliverance out of Egypt, rehearsed often by God himself among the principal of his benefits to Israel, whereof the very day and month are recorded in Scripture (as likewise are the year and month wherein it expired) and the form of the year upon that occasion changed; but should have reference to the surprising of a Town by 600. men, that rob a Chapel by the way, and stole from thence Idols to be their guides, as not going to work in God's name? For this accident whereupon Codoman buildeth, hath either no time given to it, or a time far different from that which he supposeth, and is indeed rather by him placed in such a year, because it best stood with his interpretation so to have it, than for any certainty or likelihood of the thing itself.  
Wherhfore we may best agreed with such as affirm that the 〈◊〉 Saint Paul did not herein labour to set down the course of time exactly (a thing no way concerning his purpose) but only to show that God, who had chosen Israel to be his people, delivered them out of bondage, and ruled them by judges, and Prophets, unto the time of Saul, did raise up our Lord jesus Christ out of the seed of David the King, in whose succession the Crown was established, and promise' made of a Kingdom that should have no end. Now in rehearsing briefly thus much which tended as a Preface to the declaration following (wherein he showeth Christ to have been the true Messtas) the Apostle was so far from labouring to make an exact calculation of times (the History being so well known and believed of the jews to whom he preached) that he spoke as it were at large of the 40. years consumed in the wilderness, whereof no man doubted, saying that God suffered their manners in the wilderness about 40. years. In like manner he proceeded, saying, that from the division of the Land unto the days of Samuel the Prophet, in whose time they required to have a King, there passed about 450. years. Neither did he stand to tell them, that an hundred and eleven years of bondage mentioned in this middle while, were by exact computation to be included within the 339. years of the judges: for this had been an impertinent digression from the argument which he had in hand. Wherhfore it is a work not so needful as laborious, to search out of this place that which the Apostle did not here intent to teach, when the sum of 480. years is so expressly and purposely set down.  
Now that the words of S. Paul (if there be no fault in the Copy through error of some Scribe) are not so curiously to be examined in matter of Chronologie, but must be taken, as having reference to the memory and apprehension of the vulgar, it is evident by his ascribing in the same place 40. years to the reign of Saul: whereas 
〈◊〉. 13.  it is 〈◊〉 that those years were divided between Saul and Samuel, yea, that far the greater part of them were spent under the government of the Prophet, how soever they are here included in the reign of the King. As for those that with so much cunning for sake the general opinion, when it favoureth not such exposition as they bring out of a good mind, to help where the nenede is not overgreat; I had rather commend their diligence, than follow their example. The words of S. Paul were sufficiently justified by Beroaldus, as having reference to a common opinion among the Scribes in those days, that the 111. years of servitude were to be reckoned apart from the 339 years ascribed to the judges; which account the Apostle would not in this place stand to contradict, but rather chose to speak as the vulgar, qualifying it with a quasi, where he saith, quasi quadringentis & quinquaginta annis; As it were four hundred and fifty years. But Codoman being not thus contented, would needs have it to be so indeed, and therefore disjoines the members to make the 〈◊〉 even. In so doing he dasheth himself against a notable Text, whereupon 
1. King. 6.  all Authors have builded (as well they might and aught) that purposely and precisely doth cast up the years from the departure out of Egypt, unto the building of Solomon's Temple, not omitting the very month itself.  
Now (as commonly the first apprehensions are strongest) having already given faith to his own interpretation of S. Paul, he thinketh it more needful to found some new exposition for that which is of itself most plain, than to examine his own conjecture upon a place that is full of controversy. Thus by expounding, after a strange method, that which is manifest by that which is obscure, he loseth himself in those ways wherein before him never man walked. Surely if one should urge him to give reason of these new opinions, he must needs answer, That Othoniel could not govern above 25. years, because then was the taking of Laish, at which time there was no King in Israel; That the Danites must needs have taken Laish at that time, because else we could not reckon backwards from the foundation of the Temple to any action that might be termed the coming of Israel out of Egypt, without excluding the years of servitude; And that the years of servitude must needs be included, for that otherwise he himself should have spent his time vainly, in seeking to pleasure S. Paul with an exposition. Whither this ground be strong enough to uphold a Paradox, I leave it to the decision of any judicious Reader.  
And now to proceed in our story. To the time of jephta 〈◊〉 referred the death of Hercules, the rape of Helen by Paris, and the provisions which her husband Menelaus, reigning then in Sparta, and his brother Agamemnon King of Mycenae, made for her recovery. Others refer this rape of Helen to the fourth year of Ibzan: from which time, if the War of Troy (as they suppose) did not begin till the third of Ailon or Elon, yet the Greeks' had six years to prepare themselves: the rule holding not true in this War, long a praeparatio belli celerem affert victortam; That a long preparation begets a speedy victory: for the Greeks' consumed ten years in the attempt: and Troy as it seems was entered, sacked and burnt in the third year of Habdon.  
Three years after Troy taken, which was in the sixt year of Habdon, Aeneas arrived in Italy. Habdon in the eighth year of his rule died, after he had been the Father of 40. sons and 30. grandchildren. And whereas it is supposed, that the 
jud. 12. 14.  40. years of Israel's oppression by the Philistines (of which jud. 13. v. 1.) took beginning from the ninth year of jair, and ended with the last of Habdon: I see no great reason for that opinion. For Ephraim had had little cause of quarrel against jephta, for not calling them to War over 〈◊〉, if the Philistines had held them in servitude in their own Territories: and if Ephraim could have brought 42000. armed men into the field, it is not likely that they were then oppressed: and had it been true that they were, who will doubt but that they would rather have fought against the Philistines with so powerful an Army for their own deliverance, than against their own brethren the Israelites? But Ammon being overthrown, it seemed at that time, that they feared no other enemy. And therefore these 40. years must either be supplied elsewhere, as in the time of Samson and afterward: or else they must be referred to the interregnum between the death of Habdon, and the deliverance of Israel by Samson, such as it was.    

CHAP. XIIII. Of the War of Troy.  

§. I. Of the Genealogy of the Kings of Troy, with a note touching the ancient Poets how they have observed Historical truth.  
THE War at Troy with other Stories hereupon depending (because the ruin of this City, by most Chronologers is found in the time of Habdon, judge of Israel, whom in the last place I have mentioned) I rather choose here to entreat of in one entire narration, beginning with the 〈◊〉 descent of their Princes, than to break the Story into pieces by rehearsing apart in divers years the diversity of occurrents.  
The History of the ancient Kings of Troy is uncertain, in regard both of their original, and of their continuance. It is commonly held that Teucer and 〈◊〉 were the two founders of that Kingdom. This is the opinion of Virgil: which if he (as Reineccius thinks) took from Berosus, it is the more probable: if Annius borrowed it from him, than it rests upon the authority of Virgil, who saith thus:  

Creta JOVIS magni medio jacet insula Ponto: 
AEneid. 3.   
Mons 〈◊〉 ubt, & 〈◊〉 cunabula nostrae.  
Centum Vrbes habitant magnas, uberrima regna:  
Maximus 〈◊〉 Pater (si rite audita recordor)  
〈◊〉 Rhoeteas primum est advectus ad or as:  
Optavitque locum regno. Nondum Ilium & arces  
Pergameae steterant: habitabant vallibus imis.  
Hinc Mater Cultrix Cybele, 〈◊〉 aera,  
〈◊〉 nemus.   

In the main Sea the Isle of Crete doth lie:  
Where JOVE was borne, thence is our progenic.  
There is mount Ida: there in fruitful Land  
An hundredth great and goodly Cities stand.  
Thence (if I follow not mistaken fame)  
TEUCER the eldest of our grandsires come  
To the Rhoetean shores: and reigned there  
E'er yet fair Ilium was built, and 〈◊〉  
The 〈◊〉 of Troy: their dwelling place they sought  
In lowest vales. Hence CYBEL'S rites were brought:  
Hence Corybantian Cymbales did remove:  
And hence the name of our Idaean grove.   
Thus it seemeth by Virgil, who followed surely good authority, that Teucer first gave name to that Country, wherein he reigned 〈◊〉 Troy was built by Dardanus: of which Dardanus in the same book he speaks thus:  

Est locus Hesperiam Graij cognomine dicunt:  
Terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glebae.  
OEnotrij coluere viri; nuuc fama minores  
Italiam dixisse, ducis de nomine gentem.  
Hae nobis propriae sedes: hinc DARDANUS ortus:  
jasiusque Pater, 〈◊〉 à quo Principe nostrum.   

Hesperia the Grecians call the place:  
An ancient fruitful Land, a warlike race.  
OEnotrians held it, now the later progeny  
Gives it their captains name, and calls it Italy;  
This seat belongs to us, 〈◊〉 DARDANUS,  
Hence come the Author of our stock, jasius.   

Atque equidem memini (fama est obscurior annis) 
Also Aeneid. l. 7.   
Aurunces itaferre senes, hic ortus ut agris  
DARDANUS Ideas Phrygiae penetravit ad urbes,  
Threiciamque Samum, quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fertur.  
Hinc illum Coryti Tyrrbena ab sede profectum,  
〈◊〉 nunc solio stellantis regia coeli  
Accipit, etc.   

Some old Auruncans, I remember well,  
(Though time have made the fame obscure) would tell  
Of DARDANUS, how borne in 〈◊〉:  
From hence he into Phrygia did fly.  
And leaving Tuscaine (where he 〈◊〉 had place)  
With Corytus did sail to Samothrace;  
But now enthronized he sits 〈◊〉 high,  
In golden Palace of the starry 〈◊〉.   
But contrary to this, and to so many Authors, approving and confirming it, 〈◊〉 thinks that these names, Troes, Teucri, and Thrace's, are derived from Tiras or Their as the son of japhet: and that the Dardanians, 〈◊〉, and Ascanians, mixed with the Troyans', were German Nations, descended from Ashkenaz, the son of Gomer: of whom the Country, Lake, and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in Asia took name. That Ashkenaz gave name to those 〈◊〉 and people, it is not unlikely: neither is it unlikely, that the 〈◊〉, Dardani, and many others, did in aftertimes pass into Europe: that the name of Teucer come of Tiras, the conjecture is somewhat hardConcerning Teucer, whereas Halicarnassaeus makes him an Athenian, I find noon that follow him in the same opinion. Virgil (as is before showed) reporteth him to be of Crete, whose authority is the more to be regarded, because he had good means to find the truth, which it is probable that he carefully sought, and in this did follow: seeing it no way concerned Augustus (whom otherwhiles he did flatter) whither Teucer were of Crete or no. Reineccius doth rather embrace the opinion of Diodorus, and others, that think him a Phrygian, by which report he was the Son of Scamander and Ida, Lord of the Country, not founder of the City; and his Daughter or Niece 〈◊〉 was the second wife of Dardanus, founder of Troy. Reineccius further thinks that Atlas reigned in Samothracia, and gave his Daughter Electra to Corytus, or Coritus: and that these were Parents to Chryse, first wife to Dardanus. Virgil holds otherwise, and the common Tradition of Poets makes Dardanus the son of Electra by jupiter, which Electra was the Daughter of Atlas, and wife to Coritus King of 〈◊〉, to whom she bore jasius. Annius out of his Berosus finds the name of Camboblascon, to whom he gives the addition of Coritus, as a Title of dignity, making him Father of Dardanus and jasius; and further telling us very particularly of the faction between these Brethrens, which grew to such heat, that finally Dardanus killed his Brother, and thereupon fled into Samothrace. The obscurity of the history gives leave to Annius of saying what he list. I that love not to use such liberty, will forbear to determine any thing 〈◊〉. But if Dardanus were the Son of jupiter, it must have been of some elder jupiter than the Father of those that lived about the War of Troy. So it is likewise probable that Atlas the Father of Electra was rather an Italian than an African, which also is the opinion of Boccace. For (as 
〈◊〉, de gen. 〈◊〉. l. 4. c. 31.  hath often been said) there were many jupiters', and many of almost every name of the Gods; but it was the custom to ascribe to some one the acts of the rest, with all belonging to them. Therefore I will not greatly trouble myself with making any narrow search into these fabulous antiquities, but set down the 〈◊〉 according to the general fame; allowing to Teucer such Parents as Diodorus gives, because others give him noon, and carrying the line of Dardanus in manner following.  
Concerning the beginning and continuance of the Trojan Kingdom, with the length of every King's reign, I have chosen good Authors to be my guides, that in a History, whereon depends the most ancient computation of times among the Greeks', I might not follow incertainties, ill cohering with the consent of Writers, and general passage of things elsewhere done. And first for the destruction of Troy, which was of greater note than any accident befalling that City whilst it stood, it is reckoned by Diodorus to be 780. years more ancient than 
〈◊〉. l. 14.  the beginning of the 94th. Olympiad. Whereas therefore 372. did pass between the beginning of the Olympiads, and the first year of the 94th it is manifest that the remainder of 780. years, that is, 408. years went between the destruction of Troy, and the first institution of those games by Iphitus, if the authority of 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Diodorus be good proof, who elsewhere tells us, that the return of the Heraclidae, which was 80. years after the fall of Troy, was 328. years before the first Olympiad. 
〈◊〉. Halic. 〈◊〉. l. 2.   
Hereunto agrees the authority of Dionysius Halicarnasseus, who placing the foundation of Rome in the first of the seventh Olympiad, that is, four and twenty years after the beginning of those games, accounts it 432. later than the fall of Troy. 
Solin. Polihist. c. 2  Solinus in express words, makes the institution of the Olympiads by Iphitus, whom he calleth Iphiclus, 480. years later than the destruction of Troy. The sum is 〈◊〉 collected by necessary inference out of divers other places in the same 
Euseb. de praep. evang. l. 10. c. 3. 〈◊〉. Alex. storm. lib. 1.  book. Hereunto doth Eusebius reckoning exclusively agreed: and Eratosthenes, (as he is cited by Clemens Alexandrinus) makes up out of many particulars, the same total sum, wanting but one year, as reckoning likewise exclusively.  
The other collections of divers Writers that are cited by 〈◊〉 in the same place, do neither cohere any way, nor depend upon any collateral History, by which they may be verified.  
The destruction of Troy being in the year before the Olympiads four hundred and eight: we must seek the continuance of that from the beginning to the end, out of Eusebius, who leads us from Dardanus on-wards through the reigns of four Kings, by the space of two hundred and five and twenty years, and after of Priamus, with whom also at length it ended. As for the time which passed under Laomcdon, we are feign to do, as others have done before us, and take it upon trust from Annius his Authors; believing Manetho so much the rather, for that in his account of the former Kings reigns, and of Priamus, he is found to agreed with 〈◊〉, which may give us leave to think that Annius hath not herein corrupted him. But in this point we need not to be very scrupulous: for seeing that no History or account of time depends upon the 〈◊〉 of the former Kings, but only upon the ruin of the City under Priamus, it may suffice that we are careful to place that memorable accident in the due year.  
True it is, that some objections appearing weighty, may be alleged in maintenance of different computations, which with the answers I purposely omit, as not willing to dispute of those years, wherein the Greeks' knew no good form of a year; but rather to make narration of the actions which were memorable, and acknowledged by all Writers, whereof this destruction of Troy was one of the most renowned.  
The first enterprise that was under-taken by general consent of all Greece, was the last war of Troy, which hath been famous even to this day, for the numbers of Princes, and valiant Commanders there assembled: the great battles fought with variable success: the long endurance of the siege; the destruction of that great City; and the many Colonies planted in sundry Countries, as well by the remainder of the Troyans', as by the victorious Greeks' after their unfortunate return. All which things with innumerable circumstances of especial note, have been delivered unto posterity, by the excellent wits of many writers, especially by the Poems of that great Homer, whose verses have given immortality to the action, which might else perhaps have been buried in oblivion, among other worthy deeds, done both before and since that time. For it is true which Horace saith;  

Vixere fortes ante AGAMEMNONA  
Multi, sed omnes illachrimabiles  
Vrgentur, ignotique longa  
Nocte: carent quia vate sacro.   

Many by valour 〈◊〉 deserved renown  
E'er AGAMEMNON: yet lyc all oppressed  
Under long night, unwept for, and unknown:  
For with no sacred Poet were they blest.   
Yet so it is, that whilst these writers have with strange fables, or (to speak the best of them) with Allegories far strained, go about to in large the commendations of those noble undertakers: they have both drawn into suspicion that great virtue which they sought to adorn, and filled after-ages with almost as much ignorance of the History, as admiration of the persons. Wherhfore it is expedient that we seek for the knowledge of such actions, in Histories; learning their qualities who did menage them, of Poets, in whose works are both profit & delight: yet small profit to those which are delighted overmuch; but such as can either interpret their fables, or separate them from the naked truth, shall find matter in Poems, not unworthy to be regarded of Historians. For those things excepted which are gathered out of Homer, there is very little, and not without much disagreement of Authors, written of this great war. All writers consent with Homer; that the rape of Helen by Paris the son of Priamus, was the cause of taking arms: but how he was hereunto emboldened it is doubtful.   

§. II Of the Rape of HELEN: and strength of both sides for the war.  
HErodotus fetcheth the cause of this rape from very far; saying, That whereas the Phoenicians had ravished Io, and carried her into Egypt, the Greeks' to be revenged on the Barbarians, did first ravish Europa, whom they brought out of Phoenicia into Creta, and afterward Medea, whom they fetched from Colchos, denying to restore her to her father, till such time as they might be satisfied for the rape of Io. By these deeds of the Greeks', Paris (as the same Herodotus affirms) was emboldened to do the like; not fearing such revenge as ensued. But all this narration seems frivolous. For what had the King of Colchos to do with the injury of the Phoenicians? Or how could the Greeks', as in revenge of Io, plead any quarrel against him, that never had heard the name of Phoenicians? Thucydides a writer of unquestionable sincerity, maketh it plain, that the name of Barbarians was not used at all in Homer's time, which was long after the war of Troy; and that the Greeks' themselves were not then called all by one name, Hellenes, as afterwards. So that it were unreasonable to think, that they should have sought revenge upon all Nations, as barbarous, for the injury received by one: or that all people else should have esteemed of the Greeks', as of a people opposed to all the world; and that even then when as the Greeks' had not yet one common name among themselves. Others with more probability say, that the rape of Helen was to procure the redelivery of Hesione, King Priamus his sister, taken formerly by Hercules, and given to Telamon. This may have been true. for Telamon (as it seems) was a cruel man, seeing 〈◊〉 own son 〈◊〉 durst not come in his sight, after the war of Troy, but fled into Cypress, only because his brother ajax (which Teucer could not remedy) had slain himself. Yet, were it so, that Hesione was ill entreated by Telamon, it was not therefore likely, that Priamus her brother would seek to take her from her husband, with whom she had lived about thirty years, and to whom she had borne children which were to succeed in his Dominion. Whereupon I think that Paris had no regard, either to the rape of Europa, Medoea, or Hesione: but was merely incited by Venus, that is, by his lust, to do that which in those days was very common. For not only 〈◊〉 from Barbarians, and Barbarians from Greeks', as Herodotus discourseth, but all people were accustomed to steal women and cattle, if they could by strong hand or power get them; and having stolen them, either to cell them away in some far Country, or keep them to their own use. So did Theseus, and Pirythous attempt Proserpina; and so did Theseus (long before Paris) ravish Helen. And these practices, as it appears in Thucydides, were so common, that noon durst inhabit near unto the Sea, for fear of piracy, which was accounted a trade of life no less lawful than merchandise: wherefore Tyndareus the father of Helen, considering the beauty of his daughter, and the rape which Theseus had made, caused all her wooers, who were most of the principal men in Greece, to bind themselves by solemn oath, that if she were taken from her husband, they should with all their might help to recover her. This done, he gave free choice of a husband to his daughter, who chose Menelaus, brother to Agamemnon. So the cause which drew the Greeks' unto Troy in revenge of Helen's rape, was partly the oath which so many Princes had made unto her father Tyndareus. Hereunto the great power of Agamemnon was not a little helping; for Agamemnon, besides his great Dominions in Peloponnesus, was Lord of many islands: he was also rich in money, and therefore the Arcadians were well contented to follow his pay, whom he embarked for Troy in his own ships, which were more than any other of the Greek Princes brought to that expedition.  
Thus did all Greece, either as bound by oath, or led by the reputation and power of the two brethren, 〈◊〉 and Menelaus; or desirous to partake of the profit and honour in that great enterprise; take arms against the Troyans'. The Greeks' Fleet was (by Homer's account) 1200. sail, or thereabouts: but the vessels were not great: for it was not then the manner to build ships with decks; only they used (as Thucydides saith) small ships, meet for robbing on the Sea; the left of which carried fifty men, the greatest 120. every man (except the Captains) being both a Mariner and a Soldier. By this proportion it appears that the Graecian army consisted of 100000. men, or thereabouts. This was the greatest army that ever was raised out of Greece: and the greatness of this army doth well declare the strength and power of Troy, which ten whole years did stand out against such forces: yet were the Troyans' which inhabited the City, not the tenth part of this number, as Agamemnon said in the second of Homer's Iliads; but their followers and aids were very many and strong. For all Phrygia, Lycia, Mijsia, and the greatest part of Asia the less, took part with the 〈◊〉. The Amazons also brought them secure. And Rhesus out of Thrace, and Memnon out of Assyria (though some think out of Aethiopia) come to their defence.   

§. III Of the Grecians journey, and Embassage to Troy, and of Helenaes' being detained in Egypt; and of the Sacrificing of Iphigenia.  
WHerefore the Greeks' unwilling to come to trial of arms, if things might be compounded by treaty, sent Menclaus and 〈◊〉 Ambassadors to Troy; who demanded Helen and the goods were taken with her out of Menelaus his house. What answer the Troyans' made hereunto it is uncertain. Herodotus from the report of the Egyptian Priests makes it very probable, that Helen was taken from Paris before his return to Troy. The sum of his discourse is this.  
Paris in his return with Helena, being driven by soul weather unto the coast of Egypt, was accused for the rape of Helen by some bondmen of his, that had taken Sanctuaric. Proteus then King of Egypt, finding the accusation true by examination, detained Helen, and the goods taken with her, till her husband should require them: dismissing Paris without further punishment, because he was a stranger. When therefore the Greeks' demanding Helen had answer, that she was in Egypt, they thought themselves deluded, and thereupon made the war, which ended with the ruin of Troy. But when after the City taken, they perceived indeed she had not been there, they returned home, sending 〈◊〉 to ask his wife of Proteus. Homer and the whole Nation of Poets (except Eurypides) vary from this Historic, thinking it a matter more magnificent and more graceful to their Poems, for the retaining of a fair Lady, than that they endured all by force, because it lay not in their power to redeliver her. Yet in the fourth of his Odysseus, Homer speaks of Menelaus his being in Egypt, before he returned home to Sparta; which voyage it were not easily believed, that he made for pleasure: and if he were driven thither by contrary winds, much more may we think that Paris was likely to have been driven thither by soul weather. For Paris immediately upon the rape committed, was enforced to fly, taking such winds as 〈◊〉 could get, and rather enduring any storm, than to commit himself to any Haven in the Greek seas; whereas Menelaus might have put into any port in Greece, and there have remained with good entertainment, until such time as the wind had come about, and served for his Navigation.  
One great argument Herodotus brings to confirm the saying of the Egyptian Priests, which is, that if Helen had been at Troy, it had been utter madness for Priamus to see so many miseries befall him, during the war, and so many of his sons slain for the pleasure of one, who neither was heir to the Kingdom (for Hector was elder) nor equal in virtue to many of the rest. Besides, it may seem that Lucian spoke not more pleasantly than truly, when he said that Helen, at the war of Troy, was almost as old as Queen Hecuba, considering that she had been ravished by Theseus the companion of Hercules, who took Troy when Priamus was very young; and considering further, that she was sister to Castor and 〈◊〉 (she and Pollux being said by some to have been twins) who sailed with the Argonauts, having Telamon the father of ajax in their company before the time that Hesione was taken; on whom Telamon begat ajax, that was a principal Commander in the Trojan war. But whither it were so, that the Troyans' could not, or would not restore Helen, so it was that the Ambassadors returned ill contented, and not very well entreated; for there wanted not some that advised to have them 〈◊〉. The Greeks' hereupon 〈◊〉, made all haste towards Troy: at which time Calchas (whom some say to have been a runagate Trojan, though no such thing be found in Homer) filled the Captains and all the Host with many trouble some answers and divinations. For he would have Agamemnon's daughter sacrificed to appease Diana, whose anger he said withstood their passage. Whither the young Lady were sacrificed, or whither (as some writ) the Goddess was contented with a Hind, it is not needful here to be disputed of. Sure it is, that the malice of the devil, which awaits for all opportunities, is never more importunate, than where men's ignorance is most. 〈◊〉 also told the Greeks', that the taking of Troy was impossible, till some fatal 〈◊〉 were removed: and that till 〈◊〉 years were past, the town should hold out against them. All which notwithstanding the Greeks' proceeded in their enterprise, under the command of Agamemnon, who was accompanied with his brother 〈◊〉; Achilles the most 〈◊〉 of all the Greeks', his friend Patroclus, and his Tutor Phoenix; ajax and Teucer, the sons of Telamon; Idomeneus, and his companion Meriones; Nestor, and his sons Antilochus, and Thrasymedes; Ulysses; Mnestheus the son of Petreus, Captain of the Athenians: Diomedes the son of 〈◊〉, a man of singular courage; the wise and learned Palamedes, Ascalaphus, and jalmenus, the sons of Mars, who had sailed with the Argonauts; 〈◊〉 also the son of Poean, who had the arrows of Hercules, without which Calchas said, that the City could not be taken; ajax the son of Oileus, 〈◊〉, Thoas, 〈◊〉, Tysandrus, Euripilus, Athamas, 〈◊〉, Tlepolemus the son of 〈◊〉; Podalyrius, and Machaon, the sons of 〈◊〉: Epeus, who is said to have made the wooden horse, by which the town was taken, and 〈◊〉, who first leapt on shore, neglecting the Oracle that threatened death to him that landed first.   

§. FOUR Of the Acts of the 〈◊〉 at the siege.  
THese, and many other of less note, arriving at Troy, sounded such sharp entertainment, as might easily persuade them to think that the war would be more than one years work. For in the first encounter, they lost Protesilaus, whom Hector slew, and many other, without any great harm done to the Troyans': save only that by their numbers of men, they won ground enough to encamp themselves in, as appeareth in Thucydides. The principal impediment which the Greeks' found, was want of victuals, which grew upon them by reason of their multitude, and the smallness of their vessels, wherein they could not carry necessaries for such an army. Hereupon they were compelled to sand some part of their men, to labour the ground in 〈◊〉: others to rob upon the Sea for the 〈◊〉 of the Campe. Thus was the war protracted nine whole years, and either nothing done, or if any skirmishes were, yet could the town receive little loss by them, having equal numbers to maintain the field against such Greeks' as continued the siege, and a more safe retreat if the enemy got the better.  
Wherhfore Ovid saith, that from the first year, till the tenth, there was no fight at all: and Heraclides commends as very credible, the report of Herodicus; That the Greeks' did not lie before Troy the first nine years: but only did beaten up and down the seas, exercising their men, and 〈◊〉 themselves, and so by wasting the enemies Country, did block up the town, unto which they returned not, until the fatal time drew near when it should be subverted.  
This is confirmed by the inquiry which 〈◊〉 made, when the Greek Princes come into the field, the tenth year, for he knew noon of them; and therefore sitting upon an high tower (as Homer tells) he learned their names of Helen: which though 
Hom. Iliad. 〈◊〉.  it is like to be a fiction, yet could it not at all have been supposed that 〈◊〉 should be ignorant of them, 〈◊〉 they had showed themselves before the town so many years together. Between these relations of 〈◊〉 and Herodicus, the difference is not much, the one saying that a few of the 〈◊〉 remained in the Camp before Troy, whilst the rest made purveyance by land and sea: the other, that the whole army did spend the time in wasting the sea-coastes. Neither do the Poets greatly disagree from these authors: for they make report of many towns and islands wasted, and the people carried into Captivity; in which actions 〈◊〉 was employed, whom the army could not well, nor would bane spared, if any service of importance had been to be performed before the City. 〈◊〉 it was, this is agreed by general consent, that in the beginning of that Summer, in which Troy was taken, great booties were brought into the Camp, and a great 〈◊〉 arose among the Greeks': which Homer saith that Apollo sent in revenge of his Priest's daughter, whom Agamemnon had refused to let go, for any ransom: but 〈◊〉 interpreting the place, saith that by Apollo was meant the Sun: who raised pestilent fogs, by which the army was infected, being lodged in a moorish piece of ground. And it might well be that the camp was over-pestered with those, who had been abroad, and now were lodged all close together: having also grounded their ships within the fortifications.  
About the same time arose much contention between Agamemnon and Achilles about the booty, whereof Agamemnon, as General, having first chosen for his part a captive woman, and Achilles in the second place chosen for himself another, than 〈◊〉, Ulysses, and so the rest of the Chieftains in order: When the Soothsayer Calchas had willed that 〈◊〉 woman should be restored to her father, Apollo's Priest, that so the Pestilence might cease, then did Agamemnon greatly rage and say, that he alone would not loose his part of the spoil, but would either take that which had been given to Achilles, or that which had fallen to 〈◊〉, or to Ulysses. Hereupon Achilles defied him, but was feign to suffer all patiently, as not able to hold his Concubine by strong hand, nor to 〈◊〉 her loss, otherwise than by refusing to fight, or to sand forth his Companies. But the Greeks' encouraged by their Captains, presented themselves before the City without him and his troops.  
The Troyans' were now relieved with great succours, all the neighbour Countries háuing sent them aid: partly drawn to that war by their Commanders, who 〈◊〉 Priamus for money, wherewith he abounded when the war began (as appears by his words in Homer) or for love of himself and his sons, or hope of marriage with some of his many and fair daughters; partly also (as we may well guess) incited by the wrongs received of the Greeks', when they wasted the Countries adjoining unto Troy. So that when Hector islued out of the town, he was little inferior to his enemies in numbers of men, or quality of their Leaders. The principal Captains in the Trojan army, were Hector, Paris, Deiphobus, Helenus and the other sons of Priamus: Aeneas, Antenor, and his sons, 〈◊〉, Sarpedon, Glaucus, Asius, and the sons of Panthus, besides Rhosus, who was slain the first night of his arrival, 〈◊〉, Queen Penthesilea, and others who come towards the end of the war. Between these and the Greeks' were many battles fought: the greatest of which were, that at the tomb of King Ilus upon the plain; and another at the very trenches of the Camp, wherein Hector broke through the sortifications of the Greeks', and began to fire their ships; at which time ajax, the son of Telamon with his brother Teucer, were in a manner the only men of note that remaining unwounded, made head against Hector, when the state of the Greeks' was almost desperate.  
Another battle (for so antiquitic calls it) or rather the same renewed, was fought by Patroclus, who having obtained leave, drew forth Achilles' troops, relieving the weary Greeks' with a fresh supply. Agamemnon, Diomedes, Ulysses, and the rest of the Princes, though sore wounded, yet were driven to put on armour, and with help of Patroclus, repelled the Troyans' very hardly. For in that fight Patroclus was lost, and his body, with much contention recovered by his friends, was brought back into the Camp: the armour of Acbilles' which he had put on, being torn from him by Hector. It was the manner of those wars, having slain a man, to 〈◊〉 him and hale away his body, not restoring it without ransom, if he were one of mark. Of the vulgar little reckoning was made: for they fought all on foot, slightly armed, and commonly followed the success of their Captains; who road not upon horses, but in Chariots, drawn by two or three horses, which were guided by some trusty followers of theirs, which drove up and down the field, as they were directed by the Captains, who by the swiftness of their horses presenting themselves where need required, threw first their javelins, and then alighting fought on foot, with swords and battleaxes, retiring into the ranks of the footmen, or else returning to their Chariots when they found cause, and so began again with a new dart as they could get it, if their old were lost, or broken. Their arms 〈◊〉 were helmets, breastplates, boots of brass or other metal, and shields commonly of leather, plated over. The offensive were swords and battleaxes at hand; and stones, arrows or darts when they fought at any distance. The use of their Chariots (besides the swiftness) was to keep them from weariness, whereto the leaders were much subject, because of their armour, which the strongest and stoutest ware heaviest: also that from them they might throw their javelins downwards, with the more violence. Of which weapon I find not that any carried more than one or two into the field: wherefore they were often driven to return to their Tents for a new one, when the old was go. Likewise of armours they had little change or noon; every man (speaking of the chief) carried his own complete, of which if any piece were lost or broken, he was driven to repair it with the like if he had any fitting, taken from some Captain whom he had slain, and stripped: or else to borrow of them that had by such means gotten some to spare. Whereas therefore Achilles had lost his armour which Hector (as is said before) had taken from the body of Patroclus, he was feign to await the making of new, ere he could enter the fight: whereof he become very 〈◊〉, that he might revenge the death of Patroclus his dear friend.  
At this time Agamemnon reconciled himself unto Achilles, not only restoring his 〈◊〉 Brise is, but giving him very great gifts, and excusing former matters as well as he might. In the next battle Achilles did so behave himself, that he did not only put the Troyans' to the worst, but also slew the valiant Hector, whom (if Homer may herein be believed) he chased three times about the walls of Troy. But great question may be made of Homer's truth in this narration. For it is not likely that Hector would stay alone without the City (as Homer doth report of him) when all the Troyans' were fled into it: nor that he could leap over the rivers of Xanthus and Simois, as he must have done in that flight: nor that the Troyans' perceiving Hector in such an extremity, would have forborn to open some of their gates and let him in. But this is reported only to grace Achilles, who having (by what means soever) slain the noble Hector, did not only carry away his dead body, as the custom then was, but boring holes in his feet, and thrusting leathern thongs into them, tied him to his Chariot, and dragged him shamefully about the field, selling the dead body to his father Priamus for a very great ransom. But his cruelty and covetousness were not long unrevenged; for he was shortly after slain with an arrow by Paris, as Homer says, in the 〈◊〉 gate, or as others in the Temple of Apollo, wither he come to have married Polyxena the daughter of Priamus, with whom he was too far in love, having slain so many of her brethren, and his body was ransomed (as Lycophron saith) at the selfsame rate that Hector's was by him sold for. Not long after this, Penthesilea Queen of the Amazons arrived at Troy; who after some proof given of her valour, was slain by Pyrrhus the son of Achilles.   

§. V Of the taking of Troy, the wooden Horse, the Book of DARES and DYCTIS, the Colonies of the relics of Troy.  
FInally after the death of many worthy persons, on each side, the City was taken by night, as all writers agreed: but whither by the treason of Aeneas and Antenor; or by a wooden Horse, as the Poets, and common same (which followed the Poets) have delivered, it is uncertain. Some writ that upon one of the gates of Troy called 〈◊〉, was the image of a horse, and that the Greeks' entering by that gate, gave occasion to the report, that the City was taken by an artificial horse. It may well be that with some wooden engine, which they called an Horse, they either did batter the walls, as the Romans in aftertimes used to do with the Ram: or scaled the walls upon the sudden, and so took the City. As for the hiding of men in the hollow body of a wooden horse, it had been a desperate adventure, and serving to no purpose. For either the Troyans' might have perceived the deceit, and slain all those Princes of Greece, that were enclosed in it (which also by such as maintain this report they are said to have thought upon) or they might have left it a few days without the City (for it was unlikely, that they should the very first day both conclude upon the bringing it into the town, and break down their walls upon the sudden to do it) by which means they who were shut into it, must have perished for hunger, if they had not by issuing forth unseasonably discovered the 〈◊〉. Whereas further it is said, that this horse was built so high and great, that it could not be brought into the town through any of the gates, and that therefore the Troyans' were 〈◊〉 to pull down a part of their wall to make way for it, through which breach the Greeks' did afterwards enter: it is hereby manifest that the enclosing of so many principal men was altogether needless, considering that without their help there was way sufficient for the army, so that the surprising of any gate by them was now to no purpose.  
john Baptista Gramay in his History of Asia, discoursing of this war, saith that the Greeks' did both batter the wall with a wooden engine, and were also let into the City by Antenor, at the 〈◊〉 gate: the townsmen sleeping and drinking without fear or care, because the fleet of the Groecians had hoist sail, and was go the day before to the Isle of Tenedos, thereby to bring the Troyans' into security. That the City was betrayed, the books of Dares and Dictys must prove, which whither we now have the same that were by them written, it may be suspected; for surely they who have made mention of these writers in ancient times, would not, as they did, have followed the reports of Homer and others quite contradictory in most points to these two authors, without once taking notice of the opposition, which they having served in that war made against the Common report: had it not been that either those books were even in those times thought frivolous; or else contained no such repugnancy to the other authors as now is found in them.  
Also concerning the number of men slain in this war, which Dares and Dyctis say to have been above 600000, on the Trojan side, and more than 800000. of the Greeks', it is a report merely fabulous; forasmuch as the whole fleet of the Greeks' was reckoned by Homer, who extolled their army and deeds as much as he could, to be somewhat less than 1200. sail, and the army therein transported over the Greek seas, not much above 100000. men according to the rate formerly mentioned. But it is the common fashion of men to extol the deeds of their Ancients: for which cause both Homer magnified the Captains of the Greeks', that served in the war, and Virgil with others were as diligent in commending & extolling the Troyans' and their City, from which the Romans descended. Yea the Athenians long after in the war which Xerxes the Persian King made against all Greece, did not sorbeare to vaunt of the great cunning which Mnesteus the son of Peteus had showed, in marshalling the Grecian army before Troy: whereupon, as if it had been a matter of much consequence, they were so proud, that they 〈◊〉 to yield unto Gelon King of almost all 〈◊〉, the Admiralty of their Seas, notwith standing that he promised to bring 200 good fight ships, and 30000 men for their defence.  
The like vanitic possessed many other Cities of Greece, and many Nations in these parts of the world, which have striven to bring their descent from some of the Princes, that warred at Troy: all difficulties or unlikelihoods in such their Pedigree notwithstanding. But those Nations which indeed, or in most probability come of the Troyans', were the Albans in Italy; and from them the Romans, brought into that Country by Aeneas: the Venetians first seated in Milan, and the Country adjoining by Antenor: the Chaonians planted in Epirus by Helenus, the son of King Priamus. To which Hellanicus addeth that the posterity of Hector did resemble such of the Troyans' as were left, and reigned over them about Troy.   

§. VI Of the distresses and dispersions of the Greeks' returning from Troy.  
COncerning the Greeks', they tasted as much misery as they had brought upon the Troyans'. For 〈◊〉 notes, that by reason of their long abode at the siege, they found many alterations when they returned: so that many were driven by their borderers from their ancient seats: many were expelled their Countries by faction: some were slain anon after their arrival: others were debarred from the Sovereignty among their people, by such as had stayed at home. The cause of all which may seem to have been the dispersion of the 〈◊〉, which weakened much by the calamitics of that long war, was of little force to repelliniuries, being divided into so many pieces under several Commanders, not very well agreeing. For (besides other quarrels arising upon the division of the booty, and the like occasions) at the time when they should have set sail, Agamemnon and his brother fell out, the one being desirous to departed immediately, the other to stay and perform some sacrifices to Minerva. Hereupon they fell to hot words, half the fleet remaining with Agamemnon, the rest of them sailing to the Isle of Tenedos; where when they arrived, they could not agreed among themselves, but some returned back to Agamemnon; others were dispersed, each holding his own course. But the whole Fleet was sore vexed with tempests: for Pallas (as Homer saith) would not be persuaded in haste.  
They who returned safe were Nestor, and Pyrrhus, whom Orestes afterward slew: also Idomeneus, and Philoctetes, who nevertheless, as Virgil tells, were drinen soon after to seek new seats: 〈◊〉 among the Salentines, and Philoctetes at Petilia in Italy. Agamemnon like wise returned home, but was forth with 〈◊〉 by his wife and by the adulterer Aegysthus, who for a while after usurped his Kingdom. 〈◊〉 wandering long upon the Seas, come into Egypt, either with Helen, or (as may rather seem) to fetch her. 〈◊〉, after ten years, having lost all his company, got home in poor estate, with much ado recovering the mastership of his own house. All the rest either perished by the way, or were driven into 〈◊〉, and feign to seek out new habitations.  
ajax the son 〈◊〉 was drowned; 〈◊〉 fled into Cyprus; Diomedes to King 〈◊〉, who was Lord of the japyges in Apulia; some of the Locrians were driven into 〈◊〉, others into Italy, all the East part whereof was called Magna 〈◊〉, by reason of so many towns which the Greeks' were driven to 〈◊〉 upon that coast. Finally; it appears in 〈◊〉, that the Grecian Ladies, whose husbands had been at the war of Troy, were wont to call it; The place where the Greeks' suffered misery, and the unlucky City not to be mentioned. And thus much for Troy and those that warred there: the overthrow of which City, as hath been said, happened in the time of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Israel, whom Samson after a variance or 〈◊〉 for certain years succeeded.    

CHAP. XU Of SAMSON, ELI, and SAMVEL.  

§. I. Of SAMSON.  
THE birth and acts of Samson are written at large in the 13. 14. 15. and 16. of judges; and therefore I shall not need to make a repetition thereof. But these things I gather out of that Story. First, that the 〈◊〉 of God for bad the wife of 〈◊〉 the mother of Samson, to drink wine or strong drink, or to eat any unclean meat, after she was conceived with child, because those strong liquors hinder the strength, and as it were whither and shrink the child in the mother's womb. Though this were 〈◊〉 the counsel of God himself, and 〈◊〉 by his Angel, yet it seemeth that many women of this age have not read, or at lest will not 〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉: the most part for bearing nor drinks, nor meats, how strong or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, filling themselves with all sorts of 〈◊〉, and with artificial drinks far more 〈◊〉: by reason whereof, so many wretched feeble bodies are borne into the world, and the races of the able and strong men in effect decayed.  
Secondly, it is to be noted, that the 〈◊〉 of God refused the sacrifice which 〈◊〉 would have offered him, commanding him to present it unto the Lord: and therefore those that profess divination by the help of 〈◊〉, to whom also they sacrifice, may assuredly know that they are Devils who accept thereof, and not good Angels, who 〈◊〉 no worship that is proper to God.  
Thirdly, this Samson was twice 〈◊〉 by his wives, to wit, by their importunity and deceitful 〈◊〉: by the first he lost but a part of his goods: by the second his life. 〈◊〉 nulla vis super are potuit, 〈◊〉 cuertit; Whom no force could 〈◊〉, Voluptuousness overturned.  
Fourthly, we may note, that he did not in all deliver Israel from the oppression of the Philistines; though in some sort he revenged, and defended them: for notwithstanding that he had slain 30. of them in his first attempt, burnt their Corn in harvest time, and given them a great overthrow instantly upon it: yet so much did Israel fear the Philistines, as they assembled 3000. men out of 〈◊〉, to besiege Samson in the rock or mountain of Etam, using these words: Knowest not thou that the Philistines are 〈◊〉 over us? etc. After which they bound him, and delivered him unto the Philistines, for fear of their revenge; though he was no sooner loosened, but he gave them another overthrow, and slew 1000 with the jawbone of an Ass.  
Lastly, being made blind, and a prisoner by the treason of his wife, he was content to end his own life, to be avenged of his enemies, when he pulled down the pillars of the house at the feast whereto they sent for Samson, to deride him, till which time he bore his affliction with patience: but it was truly said of 〈◊〉; Patientia saepe laesa vertitur in furorem, Patience often wounded, is 〈◊〉 into fury: neither is it at any time so much wounded by pain and loss, as by derision and contumely.   

§. II Of ELI and of the Ark taken, and of DAGONS' fall, and the sending back of the Ark.  
THe Story of Eli the Priest, who succeeded Samson, is written in the beginning of Samuel; who foretold him of the destruction of his house, for the wickedness of his sons, which he suppressed not, neither did he punish them according to their deserts: whose 
1. 〈◊〉. 2. 22.  sins were horrible, both in abusing the Sacrifice, and profaning and polluting the holy places: though Levi Ben 〈◊〉, to 〈◊〉 this filthy offence of forcing the women by the sons of Eli, hath a contrary opinion. In this time therefore it pleased God to cast the Israelites under the swords of the Philistines; of whom there perished in the first encounter 4000 and in the second battle 30000. footmen; among whom the sons of Eli being slain, their father (hearing the lamentable success) by falling from his chair, broke his neck. He was the first that obtained the High-Priesthood of the stock of Ithamar the son of Aaron, before whose time it continued successively in the race of 〈◊〉 the eldest brother of Ithamar: for Aaron was the first, Eleazar the second, Phinees the son of Eleazar the third, Abisue the son of Phinees the fourth, his son Bocci the fift, Ozi the son of Bocci the sixt, and then Eli, as josephus and Lyranus out of divers Hebrew authors have conceived. In the race of Ithamar the 〈◊〉 continued 
1. King. 〈◊〉. 2. 27. and 1. Chron. 6.  after Eli to the time of Solomon who cast out Abiathar, and established Sadock and Achimaas and their successors. The Ark of God which Israel brought into the field, was in this battle taken by the Philistines. For as David witnesseth, God 
Psal. 78.  greatly abhorred Israel, so that he for sook the habitation of Shilo: even the Tabernacle where he dwelled among men, and 〈◊〉 his power into captivity, etc.  
Now as it pleased God at this time, that the Ark whereby himself was represented, should fall into the hands of the Heathen, for the offences of the Priests and people: so did he permit the Chaldaeans to destroy the Temple built by Solomon; the Romans to overthrow the second Temple; and the Turks to overthrow the Christian Churches in Asia and Europe. And had not the Israelites put more confidence in the sacrament, or representation which was the Ark, then in God himself, they would have observed his Laws, and served him only: which whensoever they did, they were then victorious. For after the captivity they had no Ark 
1. Sam. 5. v. 6.  at all, nor in the times of the Macchabees: and yet for their piety it pleased God to make that family as victorious, as any that guarded themselves by the sign in stead of the substance. And that the Ark was not made to the end to be carried into the field as an ensign; David witnessed when he fled from Absalon. For when the Priests would have carried the Ark with him; he for bad it, and caused it to be returned into the City, using these words: If I shall find favour in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me 
2. Sam. 15.  again: if not, let him do to me as seemeth good in his eyes.  
The Troyans' believed that while their Palladium or the image of 〈◊〉 was kept in Troy, the City should never be overturned: so did the 〈◊〉 in the last fatal battle against Saladine carry into the field, as they were made believe, the very Cross whereon Christ died, and yet they lost the battle, their bodies and the wood. But Chrusostom upon Saint Matthew (if that be his work) giveth a good judgement, speaking of those that ware a part of Saint john's Gospel about their necks, for an amulet or preservative: Si tibi ea nòn prosunt in auribus 〈◊〉 proderunt in Collo? If those words do not profit men in their ears, (to wit, the hearing of the Gospel preached) how should it profit them by hanging it about their necks? For it was neither the wood of the Ark, nor the wood of the Cross, but the reverence of the Father that gave the one for a memory of his Covenant: and the Faith in his Son, which shed his blood on the other for redemption, that could or can profit them and us, either in this life or after it.  
The Philistines returning with the greatest victory and glory which ever they obtained, carried the Ark of God with them to Azotus, and set it up in the house of Dagon their Idol: but that night the Idol fell out of his place, from above to the ground, and lay under the Ark. The morning following they took it up, and set it up, and set it again in his place. And it fell the second time, and the head broke from the body, and the hands from the arms, showing that it had nor power, nor understanding in the presence of God; for the head fell off, which is the seat of reason, and knowledge, and the hands (by which we execute strength) were sundered from the arms. For God and the Devil inhabit not in one house, nor in one heart. And if this I doll could not endure the representation of the true God, it is not to be marveled, that at such time as it pleased him to cover his only begotten with flesh, and sent him into the world, that all the Oracles, wherein the Devil derided and betrayed mortal men, lost power, speech, and operation at the instant. For when that true light which had never beginning of brightness, broke through the clouds of a virgins body, shining upon the earth which had been long obscured by Idolatry, all those soul and stinking vapours vanished. Plutarch rehearseth a memorable accident in that age concerning the death of the great god Pan, as he styleth him; where (as ignorant of the true cause) he searcheth his brains for many reasons of so great an alteration: yet finds he noon out but frivolous. For not only this old Devil did then die as he supposed, but all the rest, as Apollo, jupiter, Diana, and the whole rabble become speechless.  
Now while the Philistines triumphed after this victory, God struck them with the grievous disease of the hemorrhoids of which they perished in great numbers. For it is written that the Lord destroyed them. It was therefore by general consent ordered, that the Ark should be removed from Azotus to Gath or Geth another of the five great Cities of the Philistines; to 〈◊〉, as it seemeth, whither this disease were fallen on them by accident, or by the hand of God immediately: but when it was brought to Gath and received by them, the plague was yet more grievous and mortal. For the hand of the Lord was against this City with a very great 〈◊〉, and he 
1. Sam. 4. v. 9  smote the men of the City both small and great, etc. And being not yet satisfied, they of Gath sent the Ark to Ekron or Accaron, a third City of the Philistines: but they also felt the same smart, and cried out that themselves and their people should be slain thereby; For there was a destruction and death throughout all the City. In the end, by the advice of their Priests, the Prince of the Philistines did not only resolve to return the Ark, but to offer gifts unto the God of Israel, remembering the plague which had fallen on the Egyptians, when their hearts were hardened to hold the people of God from their inheritance, and from his service by strong hand. Wherhfore confessing the power of the God of Israel to 〈◊〉 almighty, and that their own Idols were subject thereunto, they agreed to offer a sin offering, using these words; So 
C. 6. v. 5.  ye shall give glory to the God of Israel, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 take his hand from you, and from your gods and from your land. And what can be a more excellent witnessing, than where an enemy doth approve our cause? according to Aristotle; Pulchrum est testimonium, quo nostra probantur ab hostibus. So did Pharaoh confess the living God, when he was plagued in Egypt: and Nabuchodonosor, and Darius, when they had seen his miracles by Daniel.  
This counsel therefore of the Priests being embraced, and the golden Haemorhoides, and the golden Mice prepared, they caused two milk kines to be chosen, such as had not been yoked, and a new Cart or carriage to be framed: but they durst not drive or direct it to any place certain, thereby to make trial whither it were indeed the hand of God that had strucken them. 〈◊〉 if the Ark of God were carried towards Bethshemesh and into the territory of Israel: then they should resolve that from God only come their late destruction. For the Philistines knew that the milk Kines which drew the Ark, could not be forced from their Calves, but that 〈◊〉 would have followed them wheresoever; much less when they were 〈◊〉 to themselves would they 〈◊〉 a contrary way. For in the darkest night in 〈◊〉 world if calves be removed from their dams, the 〈◊〉 will follow them through woods, and deserts by the foot, till they find them. But the kines 〈◊〉 directly towards Bethshemesh: and when they come into the fields thereof, to wit, of one josua of the same 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 stood still there; which 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the Philistines perceived, they returned to Ekron: After which, God spared not his 〈◊〉 people the Bethshemites, in that they presumed to 〈◊〉 into the Ark. And because they knew God and his commandments and had been taught accordingly: he struck them more grievously than he did the Heathen, for there perished of them fifty thousand and 〈◊〉. From hence the Ark was carried to Kirriath-iearim and placed in the house of Abinadab; where it is written that it 〈◊〉 twenty year in the charge of Eleazar his son, until David brought it to Jerusalem.  
Now whereas it is said, that in the mean while the Ark was in Nob, Mispah, 
2. Sam. c. 6. and  
1. Chron. c. 12.  and Galgala, it was the Tabernacle, which was at this time severed from the Ark: or at lest, it was for the 
a See in this book changed 12. S. 1. in the 〈◊〉.  present occasion brought to these places, and anon returned to Kiriath-iearim.   

§. III Of SAMVEL, and of his Government.  
THese Tragedies overpast and ended, Samuel, to whom God appeared while 〈◊〉 was yet a child, become now judge and 〈◊〉 of Israel. He was descended of the family of 
b 1. Chro. 6. 22.  Chore or 〈◊〉. For Levi had three sons; Gerson, Cheath, and Merari: Cheath had Amram, and Izaar; of Amram come Moses and Aaron; of Izaar, Chore: and of the family of Chore, Samnel. His father Eleana a Levite, was called an 〈◊〉, not that the Levites had any proper inheritance, but because he was of 
c Which region was called 〈◊〉, as appeareth, 〈◊〉. 12 〈◊〉. whence for 〈◊〉 we read 〈◊〉. 1. 2.  Mount Ephraim, like as jesse, David's father was called an 〈◊〉, because borne at 〈◊〉, or Bethelem. Hannah his mother being long fruitless, obtained him of God by prayers and tears: it being an exceeding shame to the jewish women, to be called barren in respect of the blessing of God both to Abraham that his seed should multiply, as the Stars of Heaven, and the sands of the Sea, as in the beginning to Adam, Increase and multiply, etc., and in Deuteronomy the seventh; There shall be neither male 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the town 〈◊〉 which is 〈◊〉 in juda, Gen. 35. 19 from the region of 〈◊〉, which is in Mount 〈◊〉, whence Psal. 132. v. 6. 〈◊〉 is put for Silo, which was in the tribe of 〈◊〉.  nor female barren among you.  
Samuel was no sooner borne, but that his mother, according to her former vow, dedicated him to God, and his service, to which she delivered him even from the 〈◊〉. For as the first borne of all that were called Nazarites, might be redeemed till they were five years old for five shackles, and between five years and twenty for twenty shackles: so was it not required by the Law that any of the race of the Levites should be called to serve about the Tabernacle, till they were five and twenty years old.  
Saint Peter reckons in the Acts the Prophets from Samuel, who was the first of the writers of holy Scriptures, to whom usually this name of a Prophet was given, and yet did Moses accounted himself such a one, as in the 18. of Deuteronomy. The Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a Prophel like unto me, etc. But he is distinguished from those that preceded him, who were called Seers; as, Beforetime in Israel, when a 
Vers. 15.  man went to seek an answer of God, thus he spoke; Come and let us go to the Seer: 
1. Sam. 9  for he that is now called a Prophet, was in old time called a Seer. And although it pleased God to appear by his Angels to Moses, as before to Abraham, 〈◊〉, and jacob; yet in the time of Eli, there was no manifest vision; not that God had altogether 
Sam. 13.  withdrawn his grace from Israel: but as the Chaldaean Paraphrast hath it, those 〈◊〉 before Samuel's time, were more clouded and obscure. The places wherein 
See in this book, c. 12. §. 1.  Samuel judged were Maspha or Mitspa, seated on a hill in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: also Gilgal, and Bethel, of which we have spoken elsewhere.  
The Philistines taking knowledge of the assembly and preparation for War at 〈◊〉 in the beginning of Samuel's government, gathered their 〈◊〉 and marched towards the City: at whose approach the Israelites strucken with fear, and with the memory of their former slaughters and servitude, besought Samuel to pray to God for them; who was 
* Plutarch reports of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 King of Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 it was told him that the enemies approached, he nothing dismayed, answered, Ego autem sacrifico.  then performing his sacrifice when the 〈◊〉 were in view. But God being moved with Samuel's prayers (as he was by those of Moses, when 〈◊〉 fought against the Amalekites at their first entrance into Arabia) It pleased him with thunder and tempest to disperse and beaten down the Army of the Philistines, according to the prophecy of Hanna, Samuel's Mother. The Lord's adversaries shall be destroyed, and out of heaven shall be thunder upon them etc. josephus affirms, that a part of the Philistines were swallowed with an earthquake: and that Samuel himself led the Israelites in the prosecution of their victory. After which Samuel erected a Monument in memory of this happy success, obtained by the miraculous hand of God, which josephus called, Lapidem fortem: Samuel, Ebenezer, or the stone of assistance: 
1. Sam. 2. 10.  and then following the opportunity and advantage of the victory, the Israelites recovered divers Cities of their own formerly lost, and held long in possession of the Philistines, who for a long time after did not offer any invasion or revenge. And the better to attended their purposes, and to withstand any of their attempts: the Israelites made peace with the Amorites, or Canaanites, which lay on their backs, and to the North of them, that they might not be assaulted from divers parts at once; having the Philistines towards the West and Sea-coast, the Canaanite toward the North and East, and the Idumite on the South. The estate being thus settled, Samuel for the ease of the people gave audience and judgement in divers places by 〈◊〉, as hath been elsewhere said.    

CHAP. XVI. Of SAUL.  

§. I. Of the deliberation to change the government into a Kingdom.  
BUT when age now began to overtake Samuel, and that he was not able to undergo the burden of so careful a government, he put off from himself the weight of the affairs on his Sons, joel and Abijah, who judged the people at Beersheba, a City, the very utmost towards the South of 〈◊〉. And as the place was inconvenient and far away, so were themselves no less removed from the justice and virtue of their Father: For the thirst of covetousness, the more it swalloweth, the more it drieth, and desireth, finding taste in nothing but gain; to recover which, they set the Law at a price, and sold justice and judgement to the best Chapmen. Which when the Elders of Israel observed, and seen that Samuel as a natural man (though a Prophet) could not so well discern the 〈◊〉 of his own, they prayed him to consent to their change of government, and to make them a King, by whom they might be judged as other Nations were; who might also lead them to the War and defend them against their enemies. For after the ill and lamentable success which followed the 〈◊〉 of Eli his sons, when those of Samuel by their first blossoms promised to yield fruit no less bitter, they seen no way to put the government from out his race, whom they so much reverenced, but by the choice of a King.  
In a cause of so great consequence and alteration, Samuel sought counsel from God: which surely he did not for the establishing of his own Sons; who being as they were, God would not have approved his election. Now as it appears by the Text, this speech or motion displeasing him, he used his best arguments to dehort them: which when he perceived to be over-feeble, he delivered unto them from God's revelation, the inconveniences and miseries which should befall them. And yet, all which he foreshowed was not intolerable, but such as hath been borne, and is so still by free consent of the Subjects towards their Princes. For first he makes them know that the King will use their sons in his own service to make them his Horsemen, Charioteers, and Footmen; which is not only not 〈◊〉, but by the Vassals of all Kings according to their birth and condition desired: it being very agreeable to subjects of the best quality to command for the King in his Wars, and to till the ground no less proper and appertaining to those that are thereto bred and brought up: so are likewise the offices of woman-servants to dress meat, to bake 〈◊〉, and the like. But whereas immediately it is threatened; He will take up your Fields, and your Vineyards, and your best 〈◊〉 trees, and give them to his servants; with other oppressions; this hath given, and gives daily occasion to such as would be ruled by their own 〈◊〉, to affirm that Samuel describeth here unto them the power of a King, governed by his own affections, and not a King that feareth God. But others upon further examination construe this Text far otherwise, as teaching us what Subjects aught with patience to bear at their Sovereign's hand. The former opinion is grounded first upon that place of Deuteronomy, 
〈◊〉. 17.  where God foreshoweth this change of government from judges to Kings, and after he had forbidden many things unto the Kings, as many wives, covetousness, and the like: he commandeth that the Kings which were to reign over Israel, should writ the Law of Deuteronomy, or 'cause it to be written: and to show how greatly the King should honour the Law, he addeth, It shall be with him, and he shall read therein all the days of his life: that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep all the words of this Law, and these ordinances for to do them: that he may prolong his days in his Kingdom, he and his Sons. But to take away any other man's field, say they, is contrary to the laws of God: in the same book written. For it is said, That which is just and right shalt thou follow, that thou mayest live. Now if it be not permitted to 
〈◊〉. 6.  carry away grapes more than thou 〈◊〉 eat out of another man's vineyard, but forbidden by God: it is much less lawful to take the vineyard itself from the owner, and give it to another. Neither are the words of the Text (say they) such as 
〈◊〉. 23. v. 24. 〈◊〉.  do warrant the Kings of Israel, or make it proper unto them, to take at will any thing from their vassals. For it is not said that it shall be lawful for the King, or the King may do this or that: but it is written, that the King will take your Sons: and again, This shall be the manner of the King that shall reign over you. God thereby foreshowing what power severed from piety, (because it is accountable to God only) will do in the future. And hereof we find the first example in Achab, who took from Naboth both his Vineyard and his life, contrary to the trust which God had put in him, of governing well his people. For God commanded, That his 
〈◊〉. 16.  people should be judged with righteous judgement. Wherhfore, though the King had 〈◊〉 unto Naboth composition, as a Vineyard of better value, or the worth in money which he refused: yet because he was falsely accused, and unjustly condemned (though by colour of law) how grievously Achab was punished by God, the Scriptures tell us. Neither was it a plea sufficient for Achab against the all-righteous God, to say that it was done without his consent, and by the Elders of Israel. For God had not then left his people to the Elders, but to the King, who is called a living Law, even as David testifieth of himself: Posuisti me in caput gentium: For this of S. Augustine is very true: Simulata innocentia, non est innocentia: simulata aequitas non est aequitas: sed duplicatur peccatum in quo est iniquit as & simulatio; 〈◊〉 innocence, and feigned equity, are neither the one nor the other: but the fault or offence is there doubled, in which there is both iniquity and dissimulation. Such in effect is their disputation, who think this place to contain the description of a Tyrant. But the arguments on the contrary side, as they are many and forcible, so are they well known to all; being excellently handled in that Princely discourse of The true Law of free Monarchies, which Treatise I may not presume to abridge, much less here to insert. Only thus much I will say, that if practice do show the greatness of authority, even the best Kings of juda and Israel were not so tied by any laws, but that they did what soever they pleased in the greatest things; and commanded some of their own Princes, and of their own brethren to be slain without any trial of law, being sometime by Prophets reprehended, sometime not. For though David confessed his offence for the death of Uriah, yet Solomon kill his elder brother and others, the same was not imputed unto him as any offence.  
That the state of Israel should receive this change of government, it was not only foretold by Moses in Deuteronomy, but 〈◊〉 of by jacob in this Scripture: The 
Gen. 49.  〈◊〉 shall not departed from juda, etc. It was also promised by God to Abraham for a 
Gen. 15.  blessing: For it was not only assured that his issues should in number equal the 
Gen. 17.  Stars in heaven, but that Kings should proceed of him: Which state seeing it is framed from the pattern of his sole rule, who is Lord of the Universal; and the excellency thereof in respect of all other governments, hath been by many judicious men handled and proved, I shall not need to over-paint that which is garnished with better colours already, that I can lay on.  
In the time of the judges every man hath observed what civil War Israel had: what 〈◊〉 slaughters they committed upon each other: in what miserable servitude they lived for many years: and when it fared best with them, they did but defend their own 〈◊〉, or recover some parts thereof formerly lost. The 〈◊〉 dwelled in the best valleys of the Country. The Ammonites held much of Gilead over jordan; the Philistines the Seacoasts: and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itself, till David's time: all which that King did not 〈◊〉 conquer and establish, but he mastered and subjecteth all the neighbour Nations, and Kings, and made them his tributaries and vassals. But whither it were for that the Israelites were moved by those reasons, which allure the most of all Nations to live under a Monarch, or whither by this means they sought to be cleared from the sons of Samuel, they become 
1. Sam. 8.  deaf to all the 〈◊〉 and threats which Samuel used, insisting upon this point that they would have a King, both to judge them and defend them: whereunto when Samuel had warrant from God to consent, he sent every man to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and abiding.   

§. II Of the election of SAUL.  
AFter that Samuel had dismissed the assembly at 〈◊〉, he forbore the election of a King, till such time as he was therein directed by God: who foretold him the day before, that he would present unto him a man of the Land of Benjamin, whom he commanded Samuel to anoint. So Samuel went unto Ramath Sophim, to make a feast for the entertainment of Saul (whom yet he knew not, but knew the truth of God's promises) and Saul also having wandered divers days to seek his Father's Asses, at length by the advice of his servant travailed towards Ramath, to find out a Seer or Prophet, hoping from him to be told what way to take, to find his beasts. In which journey it pleased God (who doth many times order the greatest things by the simplest passages and persons) to elect Saul, who sought an ass, and not a Kingdom: like as formerly it had pleased him to call Moses, while he fed the sheep of 〈◊〉; and after to make choice of David the youngest of eight sons, and by the Scriptures called a little one, who 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 16.  was then keeping of beasts, and changed his sheephook into a Sceptre, making him of all other the most victorious King of juda and Israel. So john and jacob were taken from casting their nets, to become fishers of men, and honoured with the titles of Apostles, a dignitic that died not in the 〈◊〉, as all worldly Honours do: but permanent and everlasting in God's endless Kingdom.  
When Samuel was entered into Ramath, he prepared a banquet for the King, whom he expected and stayed his arrival at the gate. Not long after come Saul, whom God showed to Samuel, and made him know that it was the same whom he had foretold him of, that he should rule the people of God. Saul finding Samuel in the gate, but knowing him not, though a Prophet and judge of Israel, much less knowing the Honour which attended him, asked Samuel in what part of the City the Seer dwelled. Samuel answered that himself was the man he sought, and prayed Saul to go before him to the high place, where Samuel setting him according to his degree, above all that were invited, conferred with him afterwards of the affairs of the Kingdom, and of God's graces to be bestowed on him, and the morning following anointed him King of Israel.  
After this he told him all that should happen him in the way homeward; that two men should encounter him by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who should tell him that his Asses were found, and that his Father's cares were changed from the fear of losing his beasts, to doubt the loss of his Son: that he should then meet three other men in the plain of Tabor; then a company of Prophets: and that he should be partaker of God's spirit, and prophecy with them: and that thereby his condition and disposition should be changed from the vulgar, into that which become a King elected and favoured by God.  
But the Prophets here spoken of, men endued with spiritual gifts, were not of the first and most reverenced number, who by divine revelation foretold things to come, reprehended without fear the errors of their Kings, and wrought miracles; 
Chrys. in psal. 43  of which number were Moses, josua, Samuel, and after them Gad, Nathan, Abias', Elias, Elisaeus, Isaiah, jeremy, and the rest; for these Prophets, saith S. Chrusostom, Omnia tempora percurrunt, praeterita, presentia, & futura: but they were of those of whom S. Paul speaketh of, 1. Cor. 1. 14. who enriched with spiritual gifts, expounded the Scriptures and the Law.  
At Mispeth Samuel assembled the people, that he might present Saul to them, who as yet knew nothing of his election: neither did Saul acquaint his own Uncle therewith, when he asked him what had past between him and Samuel: for either he thought his estate not yet assured, or else that it might be dangerous for him to reveal it, till he were confirmed by general consent. When the Tribes were assembled at Mizpeth, the general opinion is, that he was chosen by lot. Chimbi thinks by the answer of 
* The 〈◊〉 and Thumim in the ornaments of the High 〈◊〉 were inserted within the 〈◊〉, which therefore was 〈◊〉, they 〈◊〉 placed in the pector. 〈◊〉 over against the hart of the High Priest. It is plain that they were not the precious stones nor any thing made by the 〈◊〉. See Exod. c. 38.  urim and Thumim: that is, by the answer of the Priest, wearing that mystery upon his breast when he asked counsel of the Lord. But the casting of lots was not only much used among the jews, but by many others, if not by all nations. The Land of promise was divided by lot: God commanded lots to be cast on the two Goats, which should be sacrificed, and which turned off: a figure of Christ's suffering, and our deliverance, for whose garments the jews also 
〈◊〉. de divin. 〈◊〉. in Mes.  cast lots. Cicero, Plautus, Pausaniaes', and others have remembered divers sorts of lots, used by the Romans, Grecians, and other Nations: as in the division of grounds or honours; and in things to be under-taken: the two first kinds were called divisorie; the third, divinatory; and into one of these three all may be reduced: all which kinds how soever they may seem chanceful, are yet ordered and directed by God: as in the Proverbs: The lot is cast into the lap, But the whole disposition is of the Lord. And in like sort fell the Kingdom of Israel on Saul, not by chance, but by God's ordinance, who gave Samuel former knowledge of his election: from which election Saul withdrew himself in modesty, as both josephus consters it, and as it may be gathered by his former answers to Samuel, when he acknowledged himself the lest of the lest Tribe. But Samuel enlightened by God, found where Saul was hidden, and brought him among the people, and he was taller than all the rest by the shoulders. And Samuel made them know that he was the chosen King of Israel, whereupon all the multitude saluted him King, and prayed for him; yet some there were that envied his glory (as in all estates there are such) who did not acknowledge him by offering him presents, as the manner was: of whom Saul, to avoid sedition, took no 
1. Sam. c. 10.  notice.   

§. III Of the establishing of SAUL by his first victories.  
NOT sooner was Saul placed in the Kingdom, but that he received knowledge that Nahas King of the Ammonites prepared to besiege jabes Gilead: which Nation since the great overthrow given them by jephta, never durst attempt any thing upon the Israelites, till the beginning of Saul his rule. And although the Ammonites did always attended upon the advantage of time, to recover those Territories which first the Amorite, and then Israel dispossessed them of; which they made the ground of their invasion in Iephta's time; yet they never persuaded themselves of more advantage than at this present. For first they knew that there were many of the Israelites that did not willingly submit themselves to this new King: secondly, they were remembered that the Philistines had not long before 〈◊〉 34000. of their men of War: and beside had used great care and policy that they should have no Smiths to make them swords or spears: neither was it long before that of the Bethshemesites and places adjoining, there perished by the hand of God more than 50000. and therefore in these respects, even occasion itself invited them to enlarge their Dominions upon their borderers: jabes Gilead being one of the nearest. Besides it may further be conictured, that the Ammonites were emboldened against jabes Gilead, in respect of their weakness: since the Israelites destroyed a great part of them, for not 
〈◊〉. 21.  joining with them against the Beniamites: at which time they did not only slaughter the men and male-children, but took from them their young women, and gave them to the Beniamites: and therefore they were not likely to have been increased to any great numbers: and if they had recovered themselves of this great calamity, yet the Ammonite might flatter himself with the opinion, that 〈◊〉 having for long time been disarmed by the Philistines, was not apt to secure those whom they had so deeply wounded and destroyed. But contrariwise, when the tidings come to Saul of their danger, and that the Ammonites would give them no other condition to ransom themselves, but by pulling out their right eyes, by which they should be utterly disabled for the War, as elsewhere hath been spoken: Saul, both to value himself in his first years reign, and because perchance he was descended of one of those 400. Maids taken from the Gileadites, and given to the 〈◊〉, gave order to assemble the forces of 〈◊〉, he wing a yoke of Oxen into pieces, and sending them by messengers over all the coasts, protesting thus: 〈◊〉 whosoever come not forth after SAUL and after SAMVEL, so should his Oxen be served: threatening the people by their goods, and not by their lives at the first. Seven days had Saul to assemble an Army, by reason that the Gileadites had obtained the respite of these seven days to give Nahas the Ammonite an answer: who, could they have obtained any reasonable condition, were contented to have severed themselves from Israel, and to become Vassals and Tributaries to the Heathen. In the mean while Saul assembled the forces which repaired unto him at Bezec, near jordan, that he might readily pass the River; which done, he might in one day with a speedy march arrive at jabes, under the Hills of Gilead.  
The Army by Saul led, consisting of three hundred and thirty thousand, hereturned 
1. Sam. 11. 8.  an answer to those of jabes, that they should assure themselves of succour by the next day at noon. For, as it seemeth, Saul marched away in the latter part of the day, and went on all night; for in the morning watch he surprised the Army of Nahas the Ammonite. And to the end that he might set on them on all sides, he divided his force in three parts, putting them to the sword until the heat of the day, and the weariness of Saul's troop enforced them to give over the pursuit. Now the Ammonites were become the more careless and secure, in that those of jabes promised the next morning to tender themselves and their City to their mercy. After this happy success the people were so far in love with their new King, that they would have slain all those Israelites that murmured against his election, had not himself forbidden and resisted their resolutions. Such is the condition of worldly men, as they are violent lovers of the prosperous, and base Vassals of the time that flourisheth: and as despiteful and cruel without cause against those, whom any misadventure, or other worldly accident hath thrown down.  
After the Army removed, Samuel summoned the people to meet at Gilgal, where 
1. Sam. 11.  Saul was now a third time acknowledged, and as some Commenters affirm, anointed King: and here Samuel used an exhortation to all the assembly, containing precepts, and a rehearsal of his own justice, during the beginning of his government 
1. Sam. 12.  to that day. After Saul had now reigned one year before he was established in Gilgal, or Galgala, he strengthened himself with a good guard of 3000. chosen men, of which he assigned 1000 to attended on jonathan his son at 〈◊〉, the City of his nativity: the rest he kept about his own person in Micmas; and in the Hill of Bethel.   

§. FOUR Of SAUL'S disobedience in his proceed in the Wars with the Philistines and Amalekites, which caused his final rejection.  
JONATHAN with his small Army or Regiment that attended him, taking a time of advantage, surprised a Garrison of Philistines: the same, as some think, which Saul passed by, when he come from Rama, where he was first anointed by Samuel, which they think to have been Cariath-iearim: because a place where the Philistines had a Garrison, 1. Sam. 10. is called the Hill of God, which they understand of Cariath-iearim: but junius understands this Garrison to have been at Gebab in Benjamin near Gibha, where jonathan abode with his thousand followers. Howsoever by this it appeareth that the Philistines held some strong places, both in the times of Samuel, and of Saul, within the Territory of Israel: and now being greatly enraged by this surprise, they assembled 30000. armed Chariots, and 6000. Horse, wherewith they invaded judaea, 
1. Sam. 13. 5.  and encamped at Machmas, or Michmas, a City of Benjamin, in the direct way from Samaria to Jerusalem, and in the midst of the Land between the Sea and 〈◊〉. With this sudden invasion the Israelites were strucken in so great a fear, as some of them hid themselves in the caves of the mountains, other fled over jordan into Gad and Gilead: Saul himself with some 2000 men of ordinary, and many other people, stayed at Galgala in Benjamin, not far from the passage of josua when he led Israel oucr jordan. Hear Saul by Samuel's appointment was to attended the coming of Samuel seven days: but when the last day was in part spent, and that Saul perccived his forces to diminish greatly, he presumed (as some expound the place 1. Sam. 13. 9) to exercise the office which appertained not unto him, and to offer a burnt offering and a peace offering unto God, contrary to the Ecclesiastical laws of the Hebrews, and God's Commandments: others expound the word, obtulit, in this place, by obtulit per Sacerdotem, and so make the sin of Saul not to have been any intrusion into the Priest's office, but first a disobedience to God's Commandment, in not staying according to the appointment 1. Sam. 10. 8. secondly a diffidence or mistrust in God's help, and too great relying upon the strength of the people, whose departing from him he could not bear patiently; and lastly a Contempt of the holy Prophet Samuel, and of the help which the prayers of so godly a man 
1. Sam. c. 13.  might procure him. But whatsoever was his sin, not withstanding his excuses, he was by Samuel reprehended most sharply, in terms unfitting his estate, had not extraordinary warrant been given to Samuel so to do, from God himself, at which time also Samuel feared not to let him know, that the Kingdom should be conferred to another (a man after God's own heart) both from Saul and his posterity. 
Vers. 14.   
After this Samuel and Saul returned to Gibeah, where Saul, when he had taken view of his army, found it to consist of 600. men: for the most were fled from him and scattered, yea and among those that stayed, there was not any that had either sword or spear, but Saul and his son jonathan only. For the Philistines had not left them any Smyth in all Israel, that made weapons; beside, they that come to Saul come hastily, 
1. Sam. 13. 7.  and left such weapons and armour as they had, behind them in the garrisons: for if they had had noon at all, it might be much doubted how Saul should be able the year before, or in some part of this very year, to secure jabes Gilead with 300. and thirty thousand men, if there had not now been any iron weapon to defend themselves withal, save only in the hand of Saul and jonathan his son. But howsoever, all the rest of the people were formerly disarmed by the Philistines, and all those craftsmen carried out of the land that made weapons: there being left unto the Israelites only files to sharpen and amend such stuff as served for the Plough, and for naught else: yet that they had some kind of arms it is manifest, or else they durst not have attempted upon the Philistines as they did. And it is not said in the Text that there was not any sword in all Israel, but only that there was not any found amongst those 600. soldiers which stayed with Saul after Samuel's departure: 
1. Sam. 13. 22.  and it seemeth that when Samuel had publicly reprehended Saul, that his own guards forsook him, having but 600. remaining of his 3000. 〈◊〉 soldiers, and of all the rest that repaired unto him, of which many were fled from him before Samuel 〈◊〉.  
With this small troop he held himself to his own City of Gibeah, as a place of more strength and better assured unto him, than Gilgal was. Neither is it obscure how it should come to pass that the Philistines should thus disarm the most part of the Israelites, howsoever in the time of Samuel much had been done against them. For the victories of Samuel were not got by sword or spear, but by thunder from heaven: and when these craftsmen were once rooted out of the Cities of Israel, no marvel if they could not in a short peace under Samuel be replanted again. For this tyranny of the Philistines is to be understood, rather of the precedent times, than under Samuel: and yet under him it is to be thought that by their crafts they proceeded in the policy, not suffering their artificers to teach the Israelites, and so even to the times of Saul kept them from having any store of armour. The same policy did Nabuchodonosor use after his Conquest in judaea: 〈◊〉 in Sicily; and many other Princes elsewhere in all ages. But these lost weapons in part the Israelites might repair in Gilead, for over jordan the Philistines had not invaded. The rest of their defences were such as antiquity used, and their present necessity ministered unto them; to wit, clubs, bows, and slings. For the Beniamites exceeded in casting stones in slings: and that these were the natural weapons, and the first of all nations, it is manifest; and so in the first of Chronicles the twelfth Chapter, it is written of those that come to secure David against Saul, while he lurked at Siklag, That they were weaponed with bows, and could use the right and the 〈◊〉 hand with stones; and with a sling it was, that David himself slew the Giant 〈◊〉.  
While the State of Israel stood in these hard terms, the Philistines having parted their army into three troops, that they might spoil and destroy many parts at once; jonathan strengthened by God, and followed with his Esquire only, scaled a mountain, whereon a company of Philistines were lodged: the rest of their army 
1. Sam. 14. 12.  (as may be gathered by the success) being encamped in the plain adjoining. And though he were discovered before he come to the hill top, and in a kind of derision called up by his enemies: yet he so behaved himself, as with the assistance of God he slew twenty of the first Philistines that he encountered. Whereupon the next companies taking the alarm, and being ignorant of the cause, 〈◊〉 away amazed altogether. In which confusion, fear, and jealousy, they slaughtered one another in stead of 〈◊〉: whereupon those Hebrews which become of their party, because they feared to be spoiled by them, took the advantage of their destruction, and slew of them in great numbers. And lastly, Saul himself taking knowledge of the rout and disorder, together with those Israelites that shrouded themselves 
1. Sam. 14.  in mount Ephraim, set upon them and obtained (contrary to all hope and expectation) a most happy and glorious victory over them. Hear was that prophecy in Deuteronomy fulfilled by jonathan, That one of those which feared God, should kill a thousand, and two of them ten thousand.  
This done, the small army of Israel made retreat from the pursuit. And though Saul had bound the people by an oath not to take food till the evening, yet his son jonathan being enfeebled with extreme labour and emptiness, tasted a drop of honey in his passage: for which Saul his father would have put him to death, had not the people delivered him from his 〈◊〉.  
The late miraculous victory of Saul and jonathan, seems to have reduced unto the 〈◊〉 remembrance their former overthrow likewise miraculous in the 〈◊〉 of Samuel; so that for some space of time they held themselves quiet. In the mean while Saul being now greatly encouraged, undertook by turns all his bordering enemies; namely, the Moabits, Ammonits', Edomits, and the Arabians of 〈◊〉, 
1. Sam. 14.  against all which he prevailed. He then assembled all the forces he could make, to wit, 210000. men, and receiving the commandment of God by Samuel, he invaded Amalec, wasting and destroying all that part of Arabia 〈◊〉, and the desert, belonging to the Amalekits, from Havilah towards Tigris unto Shur, which bordereth Egypt; in which war he took Agag their King prisoner. But whereas he was instructed by Samuel to follow this Nation without compassion, because they 
〈◊〉. 17.  first of all other attempted Israel, when they left Egypt in Moses time: he notwithstanding did not only spare the life of Agag, but reserved the best of the beasts and spoil of the Country, with pretence to offer them in sacrifice to the living God. Therefore did Samuel now a second time make him know, that God would cast him from his royal estate to which he was raised, when he was of base condition, and as the Text hath it, little in his own eyes. And though the offence was great in Saul for not obeying the voice of God by Samuel, had there been no former precept to that effect: yet seeing Saul could not be ignorant how severely it pleased God to enjoin the 〈◊〉 to revenge themselves upon that Nation, he was in all unexcusable. For 
〈◊〉. 25. 15.  God had commanded that the Israelites should put out the remembrance of AMALEC from under heaven. For the cruelty which the 〈◊〉 of this Agag used against the Israelites, especially on those which were over wearied, faint, sick, and aged people, was now to be revenged on him, & his Nation above 400. years afterward; and now he was to pay the debt of blood, which his forefathers borrowed from the innocent: himself having also sinned in the same kind, as these words of Samuel witness: As thy sword hath made other women childless, so shall thy mother be childless 
1. Sam. 15. 33.  among other women; at which time Samuel himself (after he had been by many bootless entreaties persuaded to stay awhile with Saul) did cut Agag in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal, and soon after he departed to Ramath, and come no more to see SAUL, until the day of his death.   

§. V Of the 〈◊〉 between the rejection of SAUL and his death.  
NOw while Samuel mourned for Saul, God commanded him to choose a King for Israel, among the sons of Ishai: which Samuel (doubting the violent hand of Saul) feared in a sort to perform, till it pleased God to direct him, how he might avoid both the suspicion, and the danger. And if Samuel knew that it was no way derogating from the providence of God, that by his cautious care and wisdom he sought to avoid the inconvenience or dangers of this life, then do those men mistake the nature of his divine ordinance, who neglecting the reason that God hath given them, do no otherwise avoid the perils and dangers thereof, than as men 〈◊〉 in the opinion of fate, or destiny, neglecting either to beg counsel at God's hand by prayer, or to exercise that wisdom or foresight, wherewith God hath enriched the mind of man, for his preservation. Neither did the all-powerful God (who made and could destroy the world in an instant) disdain here to instruct Samuel, to avoid the fury of Saul, by the accustomed cautious ways of the world.  
Of the sons of Ishai, Samuel by God directed, made choice of David, the youngest, having refused Eliab, the first borne: who though he were a man of a comely person and great strength; yet unto such outward appearance the Lord had no respect. For as it is written, God 〈◊〉 not as man seethe, etc. but the Lord beholdeth the heart. He also refusing the other six brethren, made choice of one whom his Father had altogether 
1. Sam. 26.  neglected, and left in the field to attended his flock, for of him the Lord said to SAMVEL, Arise and anoint him, for this is he: which done, Samuel departed & went to Ramath. Neither was it long after this that Saul began to seek the life of David: in which bloody mind he continued till he died, overcome in battle by the Philistines.  
The Philistines having well considered (as it seems) the increase of Saul his power through many victories by him obtained, whilst they had sitten still and for borne to give impediment unto his prosperous courses, thought it good to make new trial of their fortune, as justly fearing that the wrongs which they had done to Israel might be repaid with advantage, if ever opportunity should serve their often injured neighbours against 〈◊〉, as lately it had done against Moab, Ammon, and the rest of their ancient enemies. Now for the quality of their Soldiers, and all Warlike provisions, the Philistines had reason to think themselves equal, if not superiors to Israel. The success of their former wars had for the most part been agreeable to their own wishes; as for late disasters, they might, according to human wisdom, impute them to second causes, as to a tempest happening by chance, and to a mistaken alarm, whereby their Army possessed with a needless fear had fallen to rout. Having therefore 〈◊〉 their forces and taken the field, encamping so near to the Army which King Saul drew forth against them, that they could not easily departed without the trial of a battle, each part kept their ground of advantage for a while, not joining in gross, but maintaining some skirmishos, as refusing both of them to pass the valley that lay between their Camps. Just causes of fear they had on both sides; especially the Philistines, whose late attempts had been confounded by the angry hand of God. Upon this occasion perhaps it was, that they sought to decide the matter by single combat, as willing to try in one man's person, whither any stroke from heaven were to be feared. 〈◊〉 of Gath a strong Giant, fearing neither God nor man, undertook to defy the whole host of Israel, provoking them with despiteful words, to appoint a Champion that might fight with him hand to hand, offering condition, that the party vanquished in Champion, should hold itself as overcome in gross, and become vassal to the other. This gave occasion to young David, whom Samuel by God's appointment had anointed, to make a famous entrance into public notice of the people. For no man durst expose himself to encounter the great 〈◊〉 of Goliath, until David (sent by his father of an errand to the camp) accepted the combat, and obtained the victory, without other arms offensive or defensive than a 〈◊〉, wherewith he overthrew that haughty Giant, and after with his own sword struck off his head. Hereupon the Philistines, who should have yielded themselves as subjects to the Conqueror, according to the covenant on their own side propounded, fled without stay; and were pursued and slaughtered even to their own gates. By this victory the Philistines were not so broken, that either any of their towns were lost, or their people discouraged from 〈◊〉 the Territories of Israel. But David, by whom God had wrought this victory, fell into the grievous indignation of his master Saul, through the honour purchased by his well deserving. For after such time as the spirit of God departed from Saul and come upon David, he then become a cruel Tyrant, faithless, and irreligious. Because the high Priest 〈◊〉 fed David 
1. Sam. 16. v. 13.  in his necessity with hallowed bread, and armed him with the sword of his own conquest taken from 〈◊〉; Saul not only by his wicked Edomite Doeg murdered this Abimelech and 85. Priests of Nob, but also he destroyed the City, and smote with 
1. Sam. 22. 18.  the edge of the sword both man and woman, both child and suckling, both Ox and Ass, and sheep. And he that had compassion on Agag the 〈◊〉, who was an enemy to God and his people, and also spared and preserved the best of his cattle, contrary to the Commandment and ordinance of God, both by Moses and Samuel, had not now any mercy in store, for the innocent, for the Lord's servants the Priests of Israel. Yea he would have slain his own son jonathan, for pitying and pleading David's innocency, as also once before for tasting the honey, when his fainting for hunger made him forget his father's unreasonable commination. The companions 
1. Sam. 24. 23.  of cruelty are breach of faith towards men, and impiety towards God. The former he showed in denying David his daughter, whom he had promised him: and again in taking her away from him, to whom he had given her; also in that when as David had twice spared his life in the Territory of Ziph, and Saul twice sworn to do him no hurt, and 〈◊〉 his errors, yet he sought still to destroy him, by all the means he could. His impiety towards God he showed, in that he sought counsel of the witch of 〈◊〉, which was the last preparative for his destruction. For whereas when he sought counsel from God he had been always victorious: from the Oracle of the Devil this success followed, that both himself, and his three sons, with his nearest and faithfullest servants, were all slaughtered by the 〈◊〉: his body with the bodies of his sons (as a spectacle of shame and dishonour) were hung over the walls of Bethsan: and there had remained till they had found burial in the bowels of ravenous birds, had not the grateful 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their carcases thence and interred them. This was the end of Saul, after he had governed Israel, together with Samuel 40. years, and by himself after Samuel 20. years, according to 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and josephus. But yet it seemeth to me, that after the death of 
Act. 13. 21.  
〈◊〉. pa. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 3. p. 3. 〈◊〉. l. 28.  Samuel, Saul did not rule very long. For in the beginning of the 25. chapter, it is written that Samuel died: and in the rest of the same chapter the passages are written of David, Nabal, and Abigail, after which the death of Saul quickly ensued.  
An exceeding valiant man he was, and gave a fair entrance to all those victories which David afterward obtained, for he had beaten the Ammonites with their neighbouring Nations; crushed the Syrians, and their adherents; broken the strength of the Amalekites; and greatly wasted the power and pride of the Philistines.   

§. VI Of such as lived with SAMVEL and SAUL; of HELEN and HERCULES, and of their issues: upon occasion of the DOORS, with the HERACLIDAE, entering PELOPONESUS about this time.  
IN the second year of Samuel, according to Eusebius, was David borne: after Codoman later, and in the ninth year: after Bunting in the tenth. For David, saith he, was thirty years old when he began to reign: whence it follows, that he was borne in the tenth of the forty years, which are given to Samuel and Saul. About the eleventh of Samuel, Aeneas silvius the son of Posthumus began his reign over the Latins in Alba, who governed that State 31. years. There are who place before him Latinus silvius, as brother to Posthumus, calling him the fifth from Aeneas, and fourth King of Alba, whereof I will not stand to dispute. In the eleventh of Samuel, Dercilus sat in the Throne of Assyria, being the one and thirtieth King; he ruled that Empire 40. years. In this age of Samuel the doors obtained Peloponnesus, and at once with the Heraclidae, who then led and commanded the Nation, possessed a great part thereof 328. years before the first Olympiad, according to Diodorus and Eratosthenes. For all Greece was anciently possessed by three Tribes or Kindreds, viz. the jonians, Dorians, and 〈◊〉: at length it was called Helles, and the people Hellenes, of Helen, the son of Deucalton, Lord of the Country of Pthiotis in Thessaly. But before the time of this Helen, yea and long after, Greece had no name common to all the inhabitants, neither were the people called Hellenes, till such time as partly by trading in all parts of the Land, partly by the plantation of many Colonies, and sundry great victories obtained, the issues of Helen had reduced much of the Country under their obedience, calling themselves generally by one name, and yet every several Nation after some one of the posterity of Helen, who had reigned over it. And because this is the furthest antiquity of Greece, it will not be amiss to recount the Pedigree of her first planters.  
japetus (as the Poet's fable) was the son of Heaven and Earth, so accounted, either because the names of his Parents, had in the Greek tongue such signification: or perhaps for his knowledge in Astronomy and Philosophy.  
japetus begat Prometheus, and Epimetheus: of whom all men have read that have read Poets. Prometheus begat Deucalion: and Epimetheus, Pyrrha. Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha reigned in Thessaly, which then was called Pyrrha (as Cretensis Rhianus affirmeth) of Pyrrha the Queen. In Deucalion's time was that great flood, of which we have spoken elsewhere. Deucalion begat Helen: whose sons were Xuthus, Dorus, and Aeolus: of Dorus and Aeolus, the Doors and Aeolians had name. The Aeolus inhabited Boeotia. The Doors having first inhabited sundry parts of Thessaly, did afterward seat themselves about Parnassus, and finally become Lords of the Countries about Lacedaemon: Xuthus the eldest son of Helen, being banished by his brethren, for having diverted from them to his own use some part of their Father's goods, come to Athens: where marrying the Daughter of King Erictheus, he begat on her two sons, Achaeus and jon. Of these two, Achaeus, for a slaughter by him committed, fled into Peloponnesus: and seating himself in Laconia, gave name to that region: from whence (as some writ) he afterwards departed; and levying an Army, recovered the Kingdom of his Grandfather in Thessaly.  
jon being General for the Athenians, when Eumolpus the 〈◊〉 invaded Atlica, did obtain a great victory, and thereby such love and honour of the people, that they committed the ordering of their State into his hands. He divided the Citizens into Tribes, appointing every one to some occupation, or good course of life. When the people multiplied, he planted Colonies in Sycionia, then called Aegialos, or Aegialia: In which Country Solinus then reigning, thought it safer to give his Daughter Helice in marriage to jon, and make him his Heir, than to contend with him. So jon married Helice, and built a Town called by his wives name in Aegialia, where he and his posterity reigned long, and (though not obliterating the old name) gave to that Land the denomination. But in aftertimes the Doors assisting the Nephews of Hercules, invaded Peloponnesus, and overcoming the Achaeans, possessed Laconia, and all those parts which the Achaei had formerly occupied. Hereupon the Achaei driven to seek a new seat, come unto the jones, desiring to inhabit Aegialia with them, and alleging in vain, that jon and Achaeus had been brethren. When this request could not be obtained, they sought by force to expel the jonians, which they performed; but they lost their King Tisamenes, the son of Orestes, in that War.  
Thus were the jones driven out of Peloponnesus, and compelled to remove into Attica, from whence after a while they sailed into Asia, and peopled the 〈◊〉 coast thereof, on which they built twelve Cities, inhabited by them, even to this day, at the lest without any universal or memorable transmigration. This expedition of the jones into Asia hath been mentioned of all which have written of that Age, and is commonly placed 140. years after the war of Troy, and 60. years after the descent of the Heraclidae into Peloponnesus. These Heraclidae were they of whom the Kings of Sparta issued; which race held that Kingdom about 700. years. Of their Father Hercules many strange things are delivered unto us by the Poets, of which some are like to have been true, others perhaps must be allegorically understood. But the most approved Writers think that there were many called Hercules, all whose exploits were by the Greeks' ascribed to the son of Alcmene, who is said to have performed these twelve great labours.  
First, he slew the Nemaean Lion: secondly, he slew the Serpent Hydra, which had nine heads, whereof one being cut off, two grew in the place: The third was the overtaking a very swift Hare: The fourth was the taking of a wild Boar alive, which haunted mount Erymanthus in Arcady: The fift was the cleansing of Augias' his Oxe-ftall in one day, which he performed by turning the River Alpheus into it: The 〈◊〉 was the chase away of the Birds from the Lake Stymphalis: The seventh was the fetching a Bull from Crete: The eighth was the taking of the Mares which Diomedes King of Thrace fed with human flesh: The ninth was to fetch a Girdle of the Queen of the Amazons: The three last were, to fetch Gerion's beeves from Gades; the golden Apples of the Hesperides; and Cerberus from hell. The mythological interpretation of these I purposely omit, as both overlong to be here set down, and no less perplexed than the labours themselves. For some by Hercules understand Fortitude, Prudence, and Constancy, interpreting the Monsters, Vices. Others make Hercules the Sun, and his travails to be the twelve signs of the Zodiac. There are others who apply his works historically to their own conceits; as well assured, that the exposition cannot have more unlikelihood, than the fables: That he took Elis, Pylus, OEchalia, and other Towns, being assisted by such as either admired his virtues, or were beholding unto him. Also that he slew many thieves, and Tyrants, I take to be truly written, without addition of Poetical vanity: His travails through most parts of the world are, or may seem, borrowed from Hercules Libycus. But sure it is that many Cities in Greece were 〈◊〉 bound to him: for that he (bending all his endeavours to the common good) delivered the Land from much oppression. But after his death no City of Greece (Athens excepted) requited the virtue and deserts of Hercules, with constant protection of his children, persecuted by the King Euristeus. This Euristeus was son of 〈◊〉, and grandchild of Perseus; he reigned in Mycena, the mightiest City then in Greece. He it was that imposed those hard tasks upon Hercules, who was bound to obey him (as Poets report) for expiation of that Murder, which in his madness he had committed upon his own Children; but as others say, because he was his Subject and Servant: wherefore there are who commend Euristeus for employing the strength of Hercules to so good a purpose. But it is generally agreed by the best writers, that Hercules was also of the stock of Perseus, and holden in great jealousy by Euristeus because of his virtue, which appeared more and more in the dangerous services, wherein he was employed, so that he grew great in reputation and power through all Greece; and had by many wives and Concubines above threescore children. These children Euristeus would feign have got into his power, when Hercules was dead: but they fled unto Ceyx's King of Trachinia, and from him (for he durst not withstand Euristeus) to Athens. The 〈◊〉 not only gave them entertainment, but lent them aid, wherewith they encountered Euristeus. jolaus the brother's son of Hercules, who had assisted him in many of his travels, was captain of the Heraclidae. It is said of him, that being dead, he obtained leave of Pluto to live again till he might revenge the injuries done by Euristeus: whom when he had slain in battle, he died again. It seems to me, that whereas he had led Colonies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and abode there a long time forgotten: he come again into Greece to assist his cousins, and afterwards returned back. When the Peloponnesians understood that Euristeus was slain, they took Atreus the son of Pelops to their King: for he was rich, mighty, and favourcd of the people. Against him the Heraclidae marched under Hyllus the son of Hercules. But to avoid effusion of blood, it was agreed, that Hyllus should fight with Echenus King of the Tegeatae a people of Arcadia, who assisted Atreus, with condition, that if Hyllus were victor, he should peaceably enjoy what he challenged as his right: otherwise the Heraclidae should not enter Peloponnesus in 100 years. In that combat Hyllus was slain, and the Heraclidae compelled to forbear their Country, till the third generation: at which 〈◊〉 they returned under Aristodemus (as the best authority shows, though some have said, that they come under the conduct of his children) and brought with them the Doors, whom they planted in that country, as is before showed, having expelled the Achaei, over whom the issue of Pelops had reigned after the death of Euristeus four generations.   

§. VII. Of HOMER and HESIOD, and many changes in the world, that happened about this age:  
ABout this time that excellent learned Poet Homer lived, as many of the best 〈◊〉 affirm. He was by race of the Maeones, descended (as Functius imagineth) of Berosus his Anamaeon, who gave name to that people. But this Functius imagineth Homer the Poet to have 
Funct. Chro. 〈◊〉. 11 col. D.  been long after these times, rashly framing his 〈◊〉 according to 
a This author set out with Berosus and others, first at Basil, and after with Friar Annius his Comment at Antwerp is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Archilochus in the tract, or rather fragment de temporibus; and makes seven more of this name to have flourished in divers Cities in Greece. Whence, perhaps, sprang the diversity of opinions, both of the time and of the native City of Homer. According to this Archilochus, Functius finds Homer about the time of Manasse King of juda, and Numa of Rome. He was called Melesigenes from the place of his birth, and at length Homer, because blind men follow a guide, which signification among others, is in the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for this Homer in his lattter time was blind. 
* Stromatum l. 5  Clemens 〈◊〉 recites 
〈◊〉. f. 147. placeth Homer in the 32. generation in the time of Samuel.  many different opinions touching the question of the time when Homer lived. So also 
b Nat 〈◊〉. l. 3. c. 11. item. l. 17. c. 21.  Aulus Gellius, and 〈◊〉 Assyrius in his Oration ad gentes. Paterculus reckons that Homer flourished 950. yecres before the Consulship of Marcus Vinutius: which Mercator casteth up in the world's year 3046. and after Troy taken, about 260. years: and about 250. years before the building of Rome, making him to have flourished about the time of Ichosaphat King of juda. But Clemens Alexandrinus and Tatianus above named, mention authors that make him much ancienter. The difference of which authors in this point is not 〈◊〉 the readers consideration, that by this one instance he may guess of the difficulty, and so pardon the 〈◊〉 in the computations of ancient time: seeing in such diversity of opinions a man may hardly find out what to follow. For Crates the Grammarien (as Clemens Alexandrinus reports) gave being to Homer about 80. years after Troy taken, near the time that the Heraclidae returned into Peloponnesus: and 
* As both 〈◊〉. Alex. and Tatian. Assyr. report his opinion rerum 〈◊〉. 41.  Eratosthenes after Troy 100 years. Theopompus 500 years after the army of Greece sailed into 〈◊〉 for the war of Troy. 〈◊〉 makes him contemporarie with Gyges, who began to reign in the 18. Olympiad (which was 45. years after Rome was built) and Sosibius saith, that he was 90. years before the first Olympiad: which 〈◊〉 seeks to 
Ros. in disc. temporum.  prove by the times of Charilus and his son Nicander; Philocorus placeth him 180. after Troy: Aristarchus 140. in the time of the seating of the Colonies in jonia. Apollodorus 
Phil. in comm. in 〈◊〉.  affirms that he lived while Agesilaus governed 〈◊〉; and that Lycurgus in his young years, about 100 years after the Ionian plantations, come to visit him, near 240. years after Troy taken. Herodotus finds Homer flourishing 622. 
Herald in vita 〈◊〉.  years before Xerxes enterprise against the Grecians: which Beroaldus accounteth at 168. years after the Trojan war. Eusebius seems to make him to have been about the time of joas King of juda 124 years before Rome built: though elsewhere in his Chronologie he notes, that some place him in the time of Samuel, and others in the end of David, and others in other ages. In his evangelical preparation, where out of Tatianus Assyrius he citeth sundry opinions touching the time when Homer lived, he reckoneth many other Greek writers more ancient than Homer; as Linus, Philammon, Epimenides, Phemius, Aristaeus, Orpheus, Musaeus, Thamyras, Amphion, and others.  
Now whither Homer or Hesiodus were the elder, it is also much disputed. Aulus 
Noct. Attic. l. 3. c. 11.  Gellius reports that Philochorus and Xenophanes affirm, that Homer preceded Hesiod: and on the contrary, that Luc. Accius the Poet, and Ephorus the Historian make Hesiod of an elder time than Homer. Varro leaves it uncertain which of these learned 
Varro de imag. lib. 1.  fablers was first borne: but he finds that they lived together some certain years, wherein he confirms himself by an Epigram, written upon a Trevit, and left by Hesion in Helicon.  
Cornelius Nepos reports that they both lived 160. years before Rome built: while 
Nep. in Chron. 〈◊〉. l. 1. annal.  the 〈◊〉 reigned in Alba, about 
a This number 〈◊〉 corrects, & reads 240. for it.  140. years after the fall of Troy. 
b Euthy. in 〈◊〉. apud Clem. Alex. Strom. 5.  Euthimenes finds them both 200. 〈◊〉 after Troy taken, in the time of Acastus the son of Pelias, King of Thessaly. For myself, I am not much troubled when this Poet lived; neither would I offend the Reader with these opinions, but only to show the uncertainty and disagreement of Historians, aswell in this particular, as in all other questions and dispute of time. For the curiosity of this man's age is no less ridiculous, than the inquisition why he began his Iliads with the word Menin, as perhaps containing some great mystery. In derision whereof Lucian feigning himself to have been in hell, and to have spoken with Homer, there asked him the cause why he began his book with that word: who answered, That he began in that sort, because it come in his head so to do.  
It seemeth that Senyes, or after Macrobius Senemires, ruled Egypt at this time: for Tanephersobris was his successor, who preceded Vaphres, father in law to Solomon.  
About the end of Saul's government, or in the beginning of David's time according 
Eus. & Cass. in. Chron.  to Cassiodorus, the Amazons with the Cymmerians invaded Asia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then ruling in Italy. And besides the overthrow of that famous State of Troy (which fell 103. years before David's time) there were many other changes in the middle part of the world, not only by reason of those Northern Nations: but there sprung up, somewhat nearly together, 〈◊〉 Kingdoms into greatness not before erected. In Italy, that of the Latins: in the South part of Greece, those of Lacedaemon, 〈◊〉, and the Achaei. In Arabia, Syrja Soba, and Damascus, the Adads' made themselves Princes, of which there were ten Kings, which began and ended with the King of Israel in effect: and somewhat before these, the State of the Israeelites having now altered their form of Government, began to flourish under Kings, of which David, in a few years, become master of all those neighbouring Nations, who by interchange of times had subjecteth the judaeans, corrupted their religion, and held them under in a most abject, and grievous slavery; to wit, the Edumaeans, Moabites, Ammonites, Midianites, Ituraeans, and the rest of the Arabians, with the Philistines, jebusites, Geshurites, Machathites, all which acknowledged David for their Sovereign Lord, and paid him tribute.    

CHAP. XVII. Of DAVID.  

§. I. Of DAVID'S estate in the time of SAUL.  
THE hazards which David ran into while he was yet only designed King, and living as a private man, expected the Empire, were very many. The first personal act of fame, was his kill of Goliath in the view of both armies, whereby 〈◊〉 become known to Saul, and so highly affected of jonathan the son of Saul, that he loved him as his own soul: In so much as when Saul sought to persuade his son, that David would assuredly be the ruin of his house, and estate, and offered him violence when he pleaded his cause, jonathan could never be persuaded, never forced, nor 〈◊〉 wearied from the care of David's life, and well doing. It was not long after this signal act of David's, but that Saul become exceeding jealous of him, though he were become as his household servant, and his Esquire, or armour-bearer. Saul being vexed with an evil spirit, was advised to procure some cunning Musician to play before him upon the Harp; whereby it was thought that he might find ease; which come to pass accordingly. He entertained David for this purpose, and began to favour him, giving him a place of Command among the men of war. But the jealous tyrant soon waxed weary of his good affections, and sought to kill David, being thereunto moved only through envy of his virtue. This passion first broke forth in the midst of his raving fit, at which time he threw a spear at David that was then playing on his Harp to do him ease.  
Censorinus remembreth one Asclepius a Physician, who practised the curing of 
Cens. c. 12. & 14  the Frenzy, by the like Music: and tempered thereby those diseases which grew from passion. That Pythagor as did also the like by such a kind of harmony, Seneca in his third book of anger witnesseth. But the madness of Saul come from the cause of causes, and was thereby incurable, howsoever it sometimes left him, and yielded unto that Music, which God had ordained to be a mean of more good to the Musician than to the King.  
Saul having failed in such open attempts, gave unto David the Commandment of 1000 soldiers, to confront the Philistines withal. For he durst not trust him as before, about his person, fearing his revenge. Now the better to cover his hatred towards him, he promised him his daughter Merab to wife: but having married her to Adriel, he gave to David his younger daughter Michol, but with a condition, to present him with an hundred foreskinnes of the Philistines: hoping 〈◊〉 (in respect of the valour of that Nation, that the Philistines would take David's head, than he their foreskinnes. This hope failing, when as now David's victories begat new fears and jealousies in Saul, he practised with jonathan, and afterwards with his own hands attempted his life, but his purposes were still frustrated. After all this he sought to murder him in his own house, but Michol his wife delivered him. So David sought Samuel at Ramah, and being pursued by Saul, fled thence unto Nob in Benjamin, to 〈◊〉, then to Achis the Philistine, Prince of Geth: where to obscure 
1. Sam. 19  himself, he was forced to sergeant both simplicity and distraction. But being ill assured among the Philistines, he covered himself in the Cave of Adullam: 
1. Sam. 21.  and after conveying such of his kinsfolks as were not fit to follow him into Moab, he hide himself in the deserts of Ziph, Maon, and the hills of Engaddi, where he cut 
1. Sam. 24.  off the lap of Saul's garments, and spared his 〈◊〉: as he did a second time in the desert 
1. Sam. 26.  of 〈◊〉, after his passage with Nabal and Abigail. After which he repaired to Achis of Geth the second time, and was kindly entertained in regard of the 〈◊〉, with which his master Saul was known to prosecute him. 
jansen in Psal.   
Of Achis David obtained 
* It seemeth that Simeon never obtained Siglag till this time, for it is said in the 1. of Sam. c. 27. v. 6. therefore Siglag pertaineth unto the King of juda unto this day.  Siklag in Simeon, pretending to invade judoea: but he bent his forces another way and struck the Amalekites, with other enemies of Israel, letting noon live to complain upon him. Achis supposing that David had drawn blood of his own Nation, thought himself assured of him: and therefore preparing to invade Israel, summoneth David to assist him, who dissembling his intent, seemeth very willing thereto. But the rest of the Philistim Princes knowing his valour, and doubting his disposition, liked not his company, and therefore he withdrew himself to Siklag. At his return he found the town burnt, his two wives with the wives and children of his people taken by the Amalekites: Hereupon his fellows mutined, but God gave him comfort, and assurance to recover all again: which he did.  
This army of the Philistines commanded by Achis, encountered Saul at Gilboa, in which he and his three sons were slain. The news with Saul's Crown and bracelets were brought to David at Siklag, in his return from being victorious over Amalech, by a man of the same Nation, who avowed (though falsely) that himself at Saul's request had slain him. David, because he had accused himself, made no scruple to 'cause him to be slain at the instant: and the sooner, because the probabilities 〈◊〉 strong evidence withal. Otherwise it follows not that 〈◊〉 man 
2. Sam. 1.  aught to be believed of himself to his own prejudice. For it is held in the law; Confessio reorum non habenda est pro explorato crimine, nisi approbatio alia instruit religionem 
In F. de quoest. l. prim.  cognoscentis. The prisoners confession must not be taken for an evidence of the crime, unless some other proof inform the conscience of the judge. For a man may confess those things of himself, that the judge by examination may know to be impossible. But because it is otherwise determined in the title de custodia reorum l. si confessus, et in cap. de poenis l. qui sententiam, therefore doth the Gloss reconcile these two places in this sort: Si quis in judicio sponte de seipso confiteatur, & posteà maneat in confessione, id est satis. If any man in judgement do confess of himself, of his own accord, and after doth persevere in his confession, it is enough. That David greatly bewailed Saul it is not improbable, for death 〈◊〉 asunder all 〈◊〉: and the lamentable 〈◊〉 that befell him, being a King, with whom in effect the strength of Israel also fell, could not but stir up sorrow, and move compassion in the heart of David.  
The victory which the Philistines had gotten was so great, that some towns of the Israelites, even beyond the river of jordan, were abandoned by the inhabitants, and left unto the enemy, who took possession of them without any resistance made. Wherhfore it may seem strange, that a Nation so warlike and ambitious as were the Philtstims, did not follow their fortune with all diligence, and seek to make the Conquest entire. Most like it seems, that the Civil war immediately breaking out between David and the house of Saul, wherein juda was divided from the rest of Israel, gave them hope of an easy victory over both; and thereby caused them to attempt nothing at the present, jest by so doing they should enforce their 〈◊〉 enemies to a necessary reconciliation; but rather to permit that the one part should consume the other, by which means, both the victors, and the vanquished, would become a prey to the violence of such as had beaten them, when their forces were united.   

§. II Of the beginning of DAVID'S reign, and the war made by ABNER for ISBOSETH.  
AFter the death of Saul, Abner, who commanded for Saul in the war, sought to advance Isboseth (or jebostus according to josephus) though he had no right to the Kingdom of Israel: for Mephiboseth the first son of jonathan lived. Against this Abner, and Isboseth, David made a defensive war, till Abner past jordan, and entered the border of juda; at which time he sent joab with such forces as he had, to resist Abner: Isboseth remaining in Gilead, and David in Hebron. The armies encountered each other near 〈◊〉, where it seemeth, that Abner made the offer to try the quarrel by the hands of a few; like to that Combat between the Lacedoemonians, and the Argives, remembered by Herodotus, 300. being chosen of each Nation, of which number three persons were only left unslain. The like trial by a far less number was performed by the Horatij and Curiatij for the Romans and Latins. The same challenge Goliath the Philistine made, whom David slew: a custom very ancient. Edward the third offered the like trial in his own person to the French King; and Francis the French King to Charles the Emperor. There were twelve chosen of each part, in this war of David with the house of Saul, to wit, so many of Benjamin, and as many of juda: whose force and valour was so equal, as there survived not any one to challenge the victory. But the quarrel 〈◊〉 not here: for the army of juda priest Abner in 〈◊〉, and broke him. Three hundredth and 〈◊〉 men of Abner's companions were slain, and but twenty of juda; whereof Asabel the brother of joab was one: who when he would needs pursue Abner, and by Abner's persuasions could not 
2. Sam. 2.  be moved to quit him, he was forced to turn upon him, wounding him to death, with the stroke of his spear. For though Asahel were an excellent footman, and as it is written in the Text, as light as a wild Roe, and as josephus reporteth, contended not only with men, but with horses; and hoped to have gotten great same, if he could have mastered Abner (who as Asahel persuaded himself, had by being overthrown and flying away lost his courage) yet here it fell out true; That the race 
Eccles.  is not to the swift.  
That this civil war lasted two years, we find it written in the second of Samuel the second Chapter; though in the beginning of the third it is again made 
Vers. 10.  probable, that this contention dured longer; and therefore the matter resteth still in dispute, and some of the Rabbins conceive that Isboseth had then reigned two years, when this was written, the war as yet continuing a longer time. For Abner held for the party of Isboseth after this, and till such time as there grew jealousy between him and Isboseth for Saul's concubine: neither did the death of Isboseth instantly follow; but how long after the murder of Abner it happened, the same doth not certainly appear.   

§. III Of the death of ABNER slain by JOAB, and of ISBOSETH by RECHAB and BAANAH.  
ABner, reconciled to David, was anon by joab murdered; for joab could 
2. Sam. 3. 27.  not endure a companion in David's favour, and in the commandment of his forces, by which he was grown so powerful, as David forbore to call him to accounted; for thus much he confesseth of himself: I am this day weak, and these men the sons of ZERVIAH be too 
2. Sam. 3. 39  hard for me. In this sort David complained after Abner's death; and to make it clear that he hated this fact of joab, he followed him with this public imprecation; Let the blood fall on the head of JOAB, and on all his father's house: and let them be subject 
Vers. 29.  to ulcers, to the leprosy, to lameness, to the sword, and to poverty, etc. For could any thing have withstood the ordinance of God, this murder committed by joab might greatly have endangered David's estate, Abner being the mouth and trust of all the rest of the Tribes, not yet reconciled. This mischance therefore David openly bewailed, so that all Israel perceived him to be innocent of that fact. The place which Abner held, being General of the men of war, was of such importance, that the Kings themselves were feign to give them great respect, as hath been 〈◊〉 showed more at large. This office joab held in the army of juda, & thought himself worthy to hold the place 〈◊〉, if once his Lord might obtain the whole Kingdom. For he was near to David in kindred, and had been partaker of all his 〈◊〉; wherefore he did not think it meet, that an old enemy should in reward of new benefits, be made his partner. Indeed he was by nature so 〈◊〉 of his dignity and place, that he afterward slew Amasa his own kinsman, and the Kings, upon the same quarrel, taking it in high 〈◊〉 to see him joined with himself as captain of the 〈◊〉 of juda; much less could 〈◊〉 brook a superior, and such a one as had 〈◊〉 his brother, and been beaten himself in battle. But howsoever 〈◊〉 did hate or despise Abner, David esteemed highly of him as of a Prince, and a great man in Israel, excusing the oversight by which he might seem to have perished, by affirming that 〈◊〉 died not like a fool, nor a man vanquished, But as a man falleth before wicked men, so (said he) didst thou fall. And certainly it is 
2. Sam. 3.  no error of wit, nor want of valour and virtue in him whom a stronger hand destroyeth 
Vers. 34.  unawares, or whom subtlety in free trust bringeth to confusion. For all under the Sun are subject to worldly miseries and misadventures. Howsoever Isboseth meant to have dealt with Abner, yet when he heard of his death, he despaired greatly of his estate, and with him all Israel were possessed with great fear: insomuch as two of Isboseths' own Captains, Rechab and Baanah, murdered Isboseth, 
2. Sam. 4.  and presenting his head to David, received the same reward that the Amalekite lately did, for pretending to have slain Saul. Isboseth being dead, all the Elders of Israel repaired to David at Hebron, where he was the third and last time anointed by general consent.   

§. FOUR Of the flourishing time of DAVID'S Kingdom, the taking of jerusalem, with two overthrows given to the Philistines, and the conduction of the Ark to the City of DAVID.  
WHen David was now established in the Kingdom, his first enterprise was upon the 〈◊〉, who in derision of his force, and 〈◊〉 in the strength of the place (as is thought) manned their walls with the blind and lame of their City; which David soon after entered: all 
2. Sam. 5.  their other forces notwithstanding. For having mastered the fort of Zion (which was afterward the City of David) he become Lord of Jerusalem, without any great danger, expelling thence the jebusites, who had held it from the foundation, to the times of Moses and josua, and after them almost 400. years. There are who expound this place otherwise: Except thou take away the blind and the lame, thou shalt not come in hither. For some think that it was meant by the Idols of the jebusites: others, that it had 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 made long before with Isaac, and 〈◊〉: the one blind by nature and age, the other made lame by wrestling with the Angel, and that therefore till those (that is, till that 〈◊〉) be broken, David aught not to molest them. But for myself I take it with josephus, that they armed their walls with certain impotent people at first, in scorn of David's attempt. For they that had held their City about 400. years against all the children of Israel, josua, the judges, and Saul, did not doubt but to defend it also against David.  
When he had now possessed himself of the very heart and Centre of the Kingdom, and received congratulatory Ambassadors & presents from Hiram King of tire: he entertained divers other concubines & married more wives, by whom he had ten sons in jerusalem, and by his former wives he had six in Hebron where he reigned 7 years.  
The Philistines hearing that David was now anointed king, as well of juda as of Israel, they thought to try him in the beginning, before he was fully warm in his seat. And being encountered by David at two several times in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, or of 
2. Sam. 5.  the Giants, they were at both times overthrown. After which he called the place Baalperazim.  
Than David assembled 30000. choice Israelites to conduct the Ark of God from the house of Abinadab in 〈◊〉, to the City of David, which business was interrupted by the death of Uzzah the son of Aminadab, whom the Lord slew for presuming to touch the Ark, though it were with intent to stay it from taking harm, when it was shaken. But after three years it was with great solemnity brought into the City with sacrifices, music, dances, and all signs of joyfulness, in which David himself gladly bore a part. Hereupon 〈◊〉 derided him for dancing before the Ark, and afterward told him in scorn, That he was uncovered as a fool in the eyes of the maidens his servants; namely that 〈◊〉 forgot his regal dignity both in apparel and behaviour; and mixed himself among the base multitude, dancing as fools do in the ways and streets: not that she disliked David's behaviour (as I take it) though she made it the colour of her derision. But rather the abundant grief, which this spectacle stirred up, beholding, the glory of her husband to whom she was delivered lastly by force, and remembering the miserable end of her father and brethren, out of whose ruins she conceived that the son of 〈◊〉 had built this his greatness, together with the many new wives and concubines embraced since his possession of jerusalem, made her break out in those despiteful terms, for which she remained barren to her death.  
This done, David consulted with the Prophet Nathan for the building of the 
1. Chron. c. v. 3.  Temple or house of God: but was forbidden it, because he was a man of war, and had shed blood. So greatly doth the Lord and King of 〈◊〉 detest homicide; having threatened, not in vain, that he would require the blood of man, at the hand of man and beast. The wars which David had made were just, and the blood therein shed was of the enemies of God, and his Church: yet for this cause it was not permitted that his hands should lay the foundation of that holy Temple. Hereby it appears how greatly those Princes deceive themselves, who think by bloodshed and terror of their wars, to make themselves in greatness like to the Almighty, which is a damnable pride; not caring to imitate 〈◊〉 mercy and goodness, or seek the blessedness promised by our Saviour unto the peacemakers.  
Now although it was not pleasing to the Lord to accept a Temple of David's founding, yet was his religious intent so well accepted, that hereupon he received both a confirmation of the Kingdom to him and his heirs, and that happy promise of the everlasting throne, that should be established in his seed.   

§. V The 〈◊〉 of the Philistines and Moabites.  
Soon after this David overthrew the Philistines, which made them altogether 
2. Sam. 8. v. 1.  powerless, and unable to make any invasion upon Israel in haste. For it is written, Accepit 〈◊〉 Amgaris è manu Philisthoeorum; which place our English Geneva converts in these words, And DAVID took the 〈◊〉 of bondage out of the hand of the Philistines. The Latin of junius giveth another and a better sense; for by that bridle of Amgar was meant the strong City of Gath, or Geth, and so the Geneva hath it in the marginal note. This City of Gath was the same which was afterward 〈◊〉, set on the frontier of Paloestina at the entrance into 〈◊〉 and Ephraim. From thence they made their incursions, and thereinto their retreat in all their invasions, which being taken by 〈◊〉 and demolished, there was left no such frontier town of equal strength to the Philistines on that part. The hill whereon Geth or Gath stood, the Hebrews call Ammoe, 
〈◊〉 in 8 c. of the second of Sam.  whereof and of the word Gar is made Amgar, of which Pliny in his first book, and thirteenth Chap. This exposition is made plain and confirmed in the first of Chro. the 18.  
There was no nation bordering the jews that so greatly afflicted them as the Philistines did, who before the time of Saul, (to the end they might not sharpen any weapon against them) did not leave one Smith in all their Cities & villages of that kind, but enforced them to come down into their territory, for all iron work whatsoever they needed; so as the 〈◊〉 till this time of David were seldom free from paying 
1. Sam. 13.  tribute to the Philistines.  
After this he gave them four other overthrows: but the war of the 〈◊〉 and Arabians come between. In the first of which he was endangered by 〈◊〉, the head of whose spear weighed 300. shickles of brass, which make nine pound three quarters of our poizes: at which time 〈◊〉 succoured David and slew the Philistine, whereupon the Councillors and Captains of David (jest the light of Israel might 
2. Sam. 21. v. 17.  by his loss be quenched) vowed that he should not thenceforth hazard himself in any battle. The second and third encounter and overthrow of the Philistines was at Gobrias a place near Gesar, and the last at Gath or Geth. And being now better assured of the Philistines by the taking of Geth, he invaded Moab, from whom notwithstanding in his adversity he sought succour and left his parents with him in trust. But whither it were the same King or no it is not known.  
The Rabines 〈◊〉 that Moab slew those kinsfolks of 〈◊〉, which lived under his protection in 〈◊〉 time, but questionless 〈◊〉 well knew how that Nation had been always enemies to Israel, and took all the occasions to vex them that were offered. And he also remembered that in the 23. of Deuter. God commanded Israel not to seek the peace or 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉, which David well observed, for he destroyed two parts of all the people, leaving a third to till the ground. This victory obtained, he led his army by the border of Ammon towards 〈◊〉 Zobah, the region of Adadezer the son of Rehob King thereof. The place is set down in the description of the holy Land: to which I refer the Reader.   

§. VI The war which DAVID made upon the Syrians.  
IT is written in the Text: DAVID smote also HADADEZER etc. as he went to recover his border at the river Euphrates. Now whither the words (as he went to recover his border) be referred to David or 〈◊〉 it is not agreed upon. junius thinks that the article (he) hath relation to David, who finding Tohu oppressed by 〈◊〉, overthrew the one and succoured the other. But the ancient and most received opinion, that this recovery hath reference to the Syrian, is more probable. For if David had intended any such enterprise towards 〈◊〉, he was in far better case to have proceeded after his victory than before: seeing that (〈◊〉 being taken) he had now left no enemy on his back, either to pursue him, to take victuals and supplies from him, or to stop the passages of the mountains upon him at his return.  
Again, seeing David was either to pass through a part of Arabia the desert, or by the plains of 〈◊〉, his army consisting of footmen, for the most, if not all: He had now both horse and chariots good store to carry his provisions through those uncultived places, by which he was to have marched before he could have reached Euphrates or any part thereof. But we found that David returned to 〈◊〉, after he had twice overthrown the 〈◊〉 army, not bending his course towards the river Euphrates, but seeking to establish his purchases already made. Whereby it may appear, that it was the Syrian, and not King David, that was going to enlarge his border, as afore is said.  
The king of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and of 〈◊〉, whereof that region is so called, hearing that 〈◊〉 was overthrown by the 〈◊〉, fearing his own estate, & the loss of his own country which adjoined to 〈◊〉 Zobah of 〈◊〉, sent for an army of 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 to his succour: but these, as it appeareth, come too late for 〈◊〉, and too soon for themselves: for there perished of those supplies 22000. This king of Damascus, josephus (out of 〈◊〉 an ancient Historian) calleth Adad, who was also of the same name & family as all those other Adads' were: which now began to grow up in greatness, and so continued for ten descents, till they were extinguished by the Assyrians, as is showed heretofore. David having now reduced Damascus under his obedience, left a garrison therein, as he did in Edom: having also sacked the adjoining cities of Betah, and Berati, belonging to Adadezer, of which Cities Ptolemy calleth Betah, Tauba: and Berathi he nameth Barathena. Tohu or Thoi whose country of Hamath joined to Adadezer (as in the description of the Holy land the reader may perceive) sent his son joram to congratulate this success of David: partly because he had war with Adadezer, and partly because he feared David now victorious. He also presented David with vessels of gold, silver, and brass, all which together with the golden shields of the Aramites, and the best of all the spoils of other Nations, David 
2. Sam. 8.  dedicated unto God at his return. junius translated the words (〈◊〉 aureos) by umboes, as if all the parts of the targets were not of gold but the bosses only. The Septuagint call them bracelets: Aquils', golden chains. But because Roboam made shields of brass in place of these of 〈◊〉, at such time as 〈◊〉 the Egyptian sacked the Temple of Jerusalem, it may be gathered thereby, that those of Adadezer were golden shields.  
This done, David sent Ambassadors to Hanum King of the Ammonites to congratulate 
2. Sam. 1.  his establishment in his father's Kingdom: for David in the time of his affliction under Saul, had been relieved by Nahash, the father of Hanum. But this Ammonite being ill advised, and 〈◊〉 of his estate, used David's messengers so barbarously, and contemptuously (by curtailing their beards, and their garments) as he thereby drew a war upon himself, which neither his own strength, nor all the aids purchased could put off, or sustain. For notwithstanding that 〈◊〉 had waged three and thirty thousand Soldiers of the Amalekites, and their confederates; to wit, of the vassals of Adadezer twenty thousand, and of Maachah 
Maachah the North part of Traconitis remembered in Deut 3. 14.  and Ishtob thirteen thousand (for which he disbursed a thousand talents of silver) yet all these great armies together with the strength of the Ammonites, were by 〈◊〉 and his brother Abishai casily broken and put to ruin: and that without 
Ishtob or 〈◊〉 a country near Gad under the rocks of Arnon.  any great loss or slaughter at that time. And it is written that when the Aramites fled, the Ammonites also retraited into their Cities, the one holding themselves within the walls, the other in their deserts adjoining, till joab was returned to Jerusalem. 
2. Sam. 10.   
〈◊〉 hearing that joab had dismissed his army, assembled his forces again, and sent for all the companies that he could levy out of Mesopotamia, who under the command of Shobach passed Euphrates, and encamped at Helam, on the South side thereof. David hearing of this new preparation, assembled all the 〈◊〉 men of Israel, 
Helam or Chelam which Ptolemy calleth Alamatha near the fords of 〈◊〉.  and 〈◊〉 towards the Syrian 〈◊〉 in Palmyrena, not yet entered into Arabia; to wit, at Helam, a place no less distant from Damascus, towards the North-east, than Jerusalem was towards the South-west. Now David (speaking humanly) might with the more confidence go on towards Euphrates (which was the farthest-off journey 
2. Sam. 10.  that ever he made) because he was now Lord of Damascus, which lay in the midway. He also possessed himself of 
* See c. 18. §. 2.  Thadmor or Palmyrena, which Solomon afterward strongly fortified, and this City was but one days journey from Helam, and the river Euphrates. So had he two safe retraites, the one to Thadmor, and the next from thence to Damascus. In this encounter between David and the Syrians, they lost 40000 horsemen, and 700. chariots, together with Shobach General of their army. The Chronicles call these 40000. soldiers footmen, and so junius converts it, and so is it very probable. For the army of Israel consisting of footmen, could hardly have slaughtered 40000. horsemen, except they quitted their horse and fought on foot. So are the chariots taken in this battle, numbered at 7000. in the first of Chron. the 9 in which number, as I conceive, all the Soldiers that served in them with the conductors are included: so as there died of the Syrians in this war against David, before he 〈◊〉 them to tribute; 100000. footmen, besides all their horsemen and wagoners, and besides all those that joab slew, when they fled at the first encounter, together with the Ammonites before Rabath. Notwithstanding all which, the Adads' in following ages gathered strength again, and afflicted the Kings of juda often: but the Kings of Israel they impoverished even to the last end of that State.  
David having now beaten the Arabians and 〈◊〉 from the party and confederacy of 〈◊〉: He sent out joab the Lieutenant of his armies to forage and destroy their territory, and to besiege Rabbah, afterward Philadelphia, which after a while the Israelites mastered and possessed. The King's crown which weighed a talon of gold, garnished with precious stones, David set on his 〈◊〉, and carried away with him the rest of the riches and spoil of the City. And though David stayed at Jerusalem, following the war of Uriah- his wife, till such time as the City was brought to extremity, and ready to be entered: yet joab in honour of David forbore the last assault, and entrance thereof, till his master's arrival. To the people he used extreme rigour (if we may so call it being exercised against heathen Idolaters) for some of them he tare with harrows, some he sawed asunder, others he cast into burning kills, in which he baked tile and brick.   

§. VII. Of DAVID'S troubles in his reign, and of his forces.  
But as victory begetteth security, and our present worldly felicity a forgetfulness of our former miseries, and many times of God himself the giver of all goodness: so did these changes, in the fortune and state of this good King, change also the zealous care which 〈◊〉 he had to please God in the precise observation of his Laws and Commandments. For having now no dangerous 〈◊〉 enemy (against whom he was wont to ask counsel from the Lord) he began to be advised by his own human affections and vain desires. For he was not only satisfied to take Uriah's wife from him, and to use her by stealth: but he embroidered his adultery with Uriah's slaughter, giving order to his trusty 〈◊〉 joab to marshal him in the front or point of those Israelites, which gave an assault 
2. Sam. 11. 〈◊〉.  upon the suburbs of Rabath, when there was not as yet any possibility of prevailing. And, that which could no less displease God than the rest, he was content that many others of his best servants and Soldiers should perish together with Uriah, hoping thereby to cover his particular ill intent 〈◊〉 him. After which he began by degrees to fall from the highest of happiness; and his days then to come were filled with joys and woes interchangeable, his trodden-downe sorrows began again to spring; and those perils which he had pulled up by the roots (as he hoped) gave him an after-haruest of many cares and discontentments. And if it had pleased God to take the witness of David's own mouth against him, as David himself did against the Amalekite, which pretended to have slain Saul, he had then appeared as worthy of reprehension as the other was of the death he suffered. For when Nathan the Prophet propounded unto him his own error, in the person of another, to wit, of him that took the poor man's sheep that had noon else, the bereaver being Lord of many: He then vowed it to the 〈◊〉 Lord, that such a one should die the death. And hereof, although it pleased God to pardon David, for his life, which remission the Prophet Nathan pronounced: yet he delivered him God's justice together with his mercy in the tenor following; Now therefore the sword shall never departed from thy 
2. Sam. 12.  house, etc. Because thou hast taken his wife to be thy wife, and hast slain URIAH with the 
vers. 9 and 10.  sword of the children of Ammon. Soon after this David lost the child of adultery which he begot on Bersheba. Secondly, his own son Amnon being in love with his half sister Thamar, by the advice of his Cousin german the son of Shimeah David's brother, possessed her by force: which when he had performed, he thrust her from him in a careless and despiteful manner. Two years after which soul and incestuous act, Absalon caused him to be 〈◊〉, at the feast of his sheep-shearing; not perchance in revenge of Thamar's ravishment alone: but having it in his heart to usurp the Kingdom; in which, because he could not in any sort be assured of Amnon, he thought his affair greatly advanced by his destruction. So the one brother having ravished his own sister, and then despised her; the other after along dissembled malice, first, made his own brother drunken, and then slaughtered him; which done he fled away, and lived under the safeguard of Talmai King of Gessur, near Damascus, who was his grandfather by the mother, but a heathen King. 
2. Sam. 17.  Thirdly, when Absalon by the invention of joab, (but chief because of the great affection of David towards his son) was brought again: first to the King's favour, 
2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and then to his presence: He began instantly to practise against David his father, seeking by the pretence of common justice, and by lowly and 〈◊〉 manner to all men, and by detracting from his father's equity, to win unto himself a popular reputation. Here began the great affliction, threatened by the Lord as a punishment of David's sin.  
The company which Absalon gathered at the first were but 200. men: which 
2. Sam. 15.  he carried with him from Jerusalem to Hebron; pretending, though impiously, the performance of a vow to God. There when 〈◊〉 repaired unto him, and many troops of people from all places, he proclaimed himself King, and was by the people (whose hearts God had turned from their lawful Prince) accepted so readily, that David doubting to be set upon on the sudden, durst not trust himself in his own City of Jerusalem, nor in any other walled town for fear of surprise: but encamped in the fields, & deserts with some 600. of his guards, and few else. The priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Jerusalem with the Ark of God, from whom he desired to be advertised of those things that chanced, to whom he directed Hushai his trusty friend, and servant, praying him to make himself in all his outward actions and counsels of 〈◊〉 
2. Sam. 15.  party and confederacy, thereby the better to discover unto him the purposes of Achitophel, a revolted Counsellor, whose practices he greatly doubted. And now when treason was in fashion, Ziba also sought to betray his master 〈◊〉 the son of jonathan: And Shimei of the house of Saul (the fire of whose hatred David's prosperity had smothered, but his 〈◊〉 enlightened) holding himself upon the advantage of a mountain side, cast stones at David, and most despitefully cursed him to his face: but David attending no 〈◊〉 
2. Sam. 16.  〈◊〉, for bad Abishai to pursue him for the present, yet left him among others in the roll of his revenge, to his son Solomon. Absalon being now 〈◊〉 of Jerusalem, was advised by 〈◊〉 to use his father's concubines in some such public place, as all Israel might assure themselves, that he was irreconcilable to his father: whereof being persuaded, they would then resolvedly adhere to Absalon and his cause, without fear of being given up upon a 〈◊〉 between them. This salvage and impious (though crafty counsel) Achitophel indeed urged 
2. Sam. 17.  for his own respect, as fearing that this rebellion might take end to his destruction; who most of all other inflamed Absalon against his father. And now was it fulfilled that Nathan had directly foretold David: I will raise up evil against thee out of thy own 〈◊〉, and will take thy wives before thy eyes, and give them unto thy neighbour, 
2. Sam. c. 12. v. 11.  and he shall lie with thy wives in the sight of the Sun: for thou didst it secretly, but I will 〈◊〉 this thing before all Israel, and before the Sun. He also gave advice to Absalon, that himself with an army of 12000. men might be employed at the instant 
2. Sam. 17. v. 14.  for the suprizing of David, which had willingly been embraced by Absalon, had not 〈◊〉 David's faithful servant given counter-aduice, and swayed it: persuading Absalon, that it was fit and more safe for him with all the strength of Israel, to pursue his father, then by such a troup, which David's valour and those of his attendants might either endanger or resist. This delay in Absalon, and advantage of time gained by 〈◊〉, was indeed, after God, the loss of the one and 〈◊〉 of the other. Whereupon Achitophel rightly fearing (by the occasion foreshowed) the 
2. Sam. 17. 23.  success which followed, disposed of his own estate, and then forsook both the 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 of Absalon, and of his own life.  
David being advertised of this enterprise against him, marched away all night, and past jordan, possessing himself of Mahanaim in the tribe of Gad: the same wherein Isboseth himself in the war against David after Saul's death seated himself. To which place there repaired unto him 〈◊〉, the son of 〈◊〉 the Ammonite, whom David loved, the same which josephus calleth Shiphar. And though it be greatly disputed, what this Shobi was, yet the most general and probable opinion makes him a second brother to Hanum, whom David for his father's sake established in the Kingdom, after Hanums overthrow. In thankfulness whereof he relieved David in this his extremity. There come also to David's assistance Machir of Lodabar, Guardian in former times to Mephiboseth, and among others Barzillai the Gileadite, who willingly fed David and all his company.  
In the mean time both the King and Absalon prepared to fight; Absalon made Amasa Commander of the army of Israel, the same place which joab held with David; an office next the King himself, like unto that of the Majors of the Palace anciently in France. David, persuaded by his company, stayed in Mahanaim, and disposed the forces 〈◊〉 had to joab, Abishai, and Ittai, giving them charge in the hearing of all that issued out of the port of Mahanaim, that they should spare the life of 〈◊〉. But joab, besides that he was very cruel by nature, remembered that Absalon had lately disposed of his Government to Amasa, and therefore the victory being obtained, and news brought him that Absalon 〈◊〉 by the hair of his 
15  
16  head on a tree, when he could not persuade the messenger to return and kill him, 
2. Sam. 18. 14.  he himself with his own servants dispatched him. It appeared also by the sequel 
2. Sam. 18.  that joab affected 〈◊〉 whom he afterward acknowledged, 〈◊〉 yet living; and fearing the disposition of Absalon, he embraced the present advantage offered.  
Hereof, together with news of the victory, when knowledge was brought to David, he mourned and sorrowed, not only as a man that had lost a son, but as one that had outlived all his worldly joys, and seen every delight of life interred. For he so hid himself from his people, as those which hoped for honour and reward after so great a victory, covered themselves also in the City, as if they had committed the greatest offences, and had rather deserved death than 〈◊〉. Whereupon joab presenting himself before David, persuaded him to dissemble his sorrow for the present, and to show himself to the Army. For first he told him that he had discountenanced his faithful servants, who had that day preserved his life; inferring that nothing could be more dangerous to a King, than not only to not acknowledge so great a love and constancy in his people, who being but 〈◊〉 in number, did yet resolvedly expose themselves to great perils for his sake: but on the contrary grieve and lament at their good success. For, no doubt, they might all have bought their peace of Absalon at an easy rate. Secondly, he urged that it was generally believed, that he loved his enemies and hated his friends, and that he witnessed by this his mourning, that he had not any respect of his Princes, and others his faithful servants, but would more have joyed if they had all perished, and Absalon lived, than in the victory by their faithfulness and approved valour gotten.  
Lastly, he used this prevalent argument, that 〈◊〉 the King come not out and showed himself publicly to his men of war, that they would all that very night abandon him, and return: concluding with this fearful threatening: And that will be worse 
2. Sam. 19  unto thee than all the evil that fell on thee from thy youth 〈◊〉. By these overbold and arrogant speeches (though perchance uttered with a good intent) joab raised David from his bed of sorrow, and brought him to the gates of the City among the people, whom he assured of his love and affection, especially Amasa, who commanded the Army of Absalon, to whom he promised the office of Lieutenantship; the same which Absalon had given him, and which joab now enjoyed. For David doubted, that if Amasa were not satisfied, he might draw from him a great part of the strength of Israel, now under his commandment.  
This done, the King marched towards jordan homeward, where in his passage he pardoned 〈◊〉, who had lately reviled him to his face; but this remission was but 
2. Sam. 19 23.  external, as appeared afterward. He also accepted of Mephibosheth his excuse, whom Ziba had formerly falsely accused and betrayed.  
He also entreated Barzillai the Gileadite, his late liberal Oast, to follow him to jerusalem, 
2. Sam. 19 38.  that he might reward his service done him; who excusing himself by his age, appointed his 〈◊〉 Chimham to attended the King.  
At Gilgal on this side jordan, all the Tribes assembled, and after some contention which of them aught to have most interest in David, the Army broke, and David returned to jerusalem. But Sheba the son of Bichri, a Beniamite, of the faction of the house of 〈◊〉, finding some discontentment among the Israelites, withdrew them from David, as from a stranger in whom they had no interest, and it seemeth that many of the people of the out Tribes, and in effect of all but juda, bore still a good affection to the issues of their first King. David employed his reconciled Captain Amasa, to give him contentment, and to witness his trust, as also because 〈◊〉 conceived that Amasa had interest in those revolts of Israel more than joab had. He 〈◊〉 commandment from David to assemble the Army within three days, which he foreslowed: but being onward on his way, 〈◊〉, joabs brother, was sent after him, with David's guard and best Soldiers, whom also joab accompanied: and overtaking Amasa near Gibeon, pretending to embrace him, gave him a wound, whereof he fell dead, being no less jealous of Amasa than he was of Abner, whom he murdered 
2. Same 20. 10.  in the same manner, and out of the same impatient ambition. This done, he pursued Sheba, and finding him enclosed in 〈◊〉, assaulted the City with that fury, 
2. Sam. 20. 22.  that the Citizens by the persuasions of a wise woman there inhabiting, cut off Sheba his head, and flnng it to joab 〈◊〉 the walls: which done, he retraited his 〈◊〉 to jerusalem, and commanded, as before, all the 〈◊〉 of Israel.  
The next act of David's, was the delivery of Saul's sons or kinsmen to the 〈◊〉, whom those Citizens hung up in revenge of their Father's 〈◊〉. David had knowledge from the Oracle of God, that a famine which had continued on the land three years, come by reason of Saul and his house; to wit, for the slaughter of the Gibeonites: and therefore he willingly yielded to give them this satisfaction, both because he had warrant from God himself, as also if we may judge humanly, to rid himself of Saul's line, by whom he and his might, as well in the present as in the future, be greatly molested and endangered; only he spared Mephibosheth the son of jonathan, both for the love he bore to his father, as for his oath and vow to God.  
Now where it is written in the Text; The King took the two sons of RISPAH, whom she bore unto SAUL, and the five sons of MICHOL the daughter of SAUL, whom 
2. Sam. 21.  〈◊〉 bore to ADRIEL, and delivered them to the Gibeonites:  
junius calls this 〈◊〉 the sister of her that was David's wife, she whom Saul married to Phaltiel; but 〈◊〉 here named had Adriel to her husband: the same which is named Merab in the first of Samuel the eighteenth, who was first promised to David, when he slew Goliath in the valley of 〈◊〉: and because it is written that Michol loved David, which perchance Merab did not, whither David had any human respect in the delivery of her children, it is only known to God.  
Now whereas the 〈◊〉 nameth Michol for Merab the wife of Adriel: the better translation were out of the Hebrew word here used, having an eclipsis or defect, and signifieth, as I am informed, one of the same kindred, as in the 19 verse of the same 21. Chapter it is said of Goliath whose spear was weighty as a weavers beam, when as by the same Eclipsis it must be understood by the brother of Goliath: Goliath himself being formerly slain.  
As by the death of Saul's children God secured the house of David, leaving no head unto rebellion; so did he strengthen both the King and Nation against foreign enemies, by the valour of many brave Commanders, the like of whom, for number and quality, that people of Israel is not known to have had at any time before or after. Thirty Captains of thousands there were, all men of mark, and great reputation in war. Over these were six Colonels, whose valour was so extraordinary, that it might be well held as miraculous. These Colonels had some difference of place and honour, which seemeth to have been given upon mere consideration of their virtue. For Abishai the brother of 〈◊〉, who in the war against the 〈◊〉 and Aramites was Lieutenant, and commanded half the army, could not attain to the honour of the first rank, but was feign to rest contented with being principal of the three Colonels of the second order, notwithstanding his 〈◊〉 in blood unto the King, the flourishing estate of his own house, and his well approved services. All these Colonels and Captains, with the Companies belonging to them, may seem to have been such as were continually retained, or at the 〈◊〉 kept in readiness for any occasion, considering that the numbers which were mustered and drawn out, if need required into the field, very far exceeded thirty thousand, yea, or thirty times as many. They were most of them such as had followed the King in Saul's time, and been hardened with his adversities. Others there were very many, and principal men in their several Tribes, that repaired unto him after the death of Saul; but these Captains and Colonels, (who with joab, that was General of all the King's forces, make up the number of 37.) were the especial men 
2. Sam. c. 〈◊〉 v. 39  of war, and reckoned as David's Worthies. The long reign of David, as it is known to have consumed many of these excellent men of war, so may it probably be guessed to have wasted the most of those whose deaths 〈◊〉 find nowhere mentioned. For the sons of Zervia, who had been too hard for David, were worn away, and only joab left in the beginning of Solomon, who wanted his brother Abishai to stand by his side in his last extremity.  
By the actions forepast in the time of David, it is gathered that he had 〈◊〉 now 33. years, or thereabouts; when the posterity of Saul was rooted out, so that he enjoyed about seven years of entire quiet and security, wherein it pleased God to remove all impediments that might have troubled the succession of Solomon in his Father's 〈◊〉. In this time also David having established all things in juda and Israel, and the borders thereof, he again displeased God by numbering the people, as in ostentation of his power: in which he employed joab, with other Captains of his army, who after nine months and twenty days travel, returned with the account and register of all the people, able and fit to bear Arms, and they amounted to the number of thirteen hundred thousand, besides 〈◊〉 and Benjamin, 
2. Sam. 24.  
1. Chron. c. 21.  whereof in juda and the Cities thereof five hundred thousand, and in Israel eight hundred thousand.  
For this, when by the Prophet Gad he was offered from God the choice of three punishments, whereof he might submit himself to which he pleased; to wit, seven years famine; three months war, wherein he should be 〈◊〉 in all attempts, and be chased by his enemies; or a general pestilence to last three days: David made choice to bow himself under the hand of God only, and left himself subject to that cruel disease, which bathe no compassion or respect of persons, of which there perished seventy thousand. And hereby he hath taught all that live, that it is better to fall into the hands of God than of men; whereof he giveth us this divine reason; For his mercies are great. 
2. Sam. 〈◊〉.    

§. VIII. Of the last acts of DAVID; ADONIAHS' faction; the 〈◊〉 upon JOAB and SHIMEI.  
LAstly, when he grew weak and feeble, and past the acts and knowledge of women, he was yet advised to lie in the arms of a young and well complexioned maiden, to keep him warm. In this his weak estate of body, when he was in a manner bedrid, Adonijah his eldest son (Amnon and Absalon being now dead) having drawn unto his party that 〈◊〉, renowned and feared joab, with 〈◊〉 the Priest, began manifestly to prepare for his establishment in the Kingdom after his father. For being the eldest now living of 〈◊〉 sons, and a man of a goodly parsonage, Solomon yet young, and borne of a mother formerly attainted with adultery, for which her name was omitted by S. Matthew (as Beda, Hugo, Thomas, and others suppose) he presumed to carry the matter without resistance. Hereof when David had knowledge by Bersabe the mother of Solomon, who did put him in mind of his faithful promise, that Solomon her son should reign after him (Nathan the Prophet affirming the same thing unto the King, and seconding her report of Adonijah his presumption) the King calling unto him Zadoc the Priest, Nathan the Prophet, and 〈◊〉 the Captain of his guard, gave charge and commission to anoint Solomon, and to set him on the 〈◊〉 whereon himself 〈◊〉 to ride in his greatest state: which done, Solomon attended, and strongly guarded by the ordinary and choice men of war, the 〈◊〉 and Pelethites, showed himself to the people. Those tidings being reported to Adonijah, he presently abandoned his assistants, and for the safety of his life he held by the horns of the Altar, whom for the present Solomon pardoned. After 
1. King's 1.  this, David had remaining two especial cares, whereof he was desirous to discharge his thoughts; the one concerning the peace of the land, which might be disturbed by some rebellion against Solomon; the other concerning the building of the Temple, which he sought by all means to advance, and make the business public. To bring these intentions to good effect, he summoned a Parliament, consisting of all the 
〈◊〉. c. 28 〈◊〉.  Princes of Israel, the Princes of the several Tribes, all the Captains and Officers, with all the mighty, and men of power; who repaired unto 〈◊〉.  
In this assembly the King stood up, and signified his purpose of building the Temple, showing how the Lord had approved the motion. Herein he took occasion to lay open his own title to the Crown, showing that the Kingdom was by God's ordinance due to the Tribe of luda (as jaacob in his blessing prophetically bequeathed it) and that God himself was pleased to make choice of him among all his father's sons. In like manner he said that God himself had appointed Solomon by name to be his successor: whereupon he earneftly charged both the people and his son, to conform themselves unto all that God had commanded, and particularly to go forward in this work of the Lord's house, which Solomon was chosen to build. Than produced he the pattern of the work according to the form which 
1. 〈◊〉. 29. 9  God himself had appointed; and so laying open his own preparations, he exhorted all others to a voluntary contribution.  
The King's proposition was so well approved by the Princes and people, that whereas he himself had given three thousand talents of gold, and seven thousand of silver, they added unto it 〈◊〉 thousand of gold, and ten thousand of silver, besides brass, iron and jewels, hearty rejoicing in the advancement of so religious a work. This business being well dispatched, a solemn feast with great sacrifice was made, at which time Solomon was again anointed King, and 〈◊〉 fealty of all the Princes and people of the Land, and of all the Princes his brethren, the sons of King David. Solomon being thus established King, his Father 〈◊〉 finding himself even in the hands of death, first exhorted his son to exercise the same courage and strength of mind, which himself had done in all his attempts, and to the end that a happy end might follow the beginning of all his enterprises, he uttered these mighty words; Take heed to the charge of the Lord thy God, to walk 
1. 〈◊〉. 2. 3.  in his ways, and keep his statutes and his commandments, and his judgements, and his testimonies, as it is 〈◊〉 in the Law of MOSES, etc. to the performance of which God fastened the succession, and prosperity of his issues. For this done (saith God 〈◊〉) Thou shalt not want one of thy posterity to sit upon the Throne of 
1. Kin. 1. 20.  Israel.  
Secondly, he advised him concerning joab, who out of doubt had served David from the first assault of jerusalem to the last of his wars, with incomparable valour and fidelity, saving that he fastened himself to Adonijah (his mafter yet living) and thereby vexed him in his feeble age. But as God hath never left cruelty unrevenged, so was it his will that joab should drink of the same cup, whereof he had enforced other men to taste, and suffer the same violence which himself had 〈◊〉 strooken others withal, qui gladio percutit, gladio peribit: for he had bereaved Abner and Amasa of their lives, having against the one the pretence only of his brother's 〈◊〉, whom Abner had slain in the time of war, and could not 〈◊〉 him: against the other but a mere jealousy of his growing great in the favour of David. And though joab assured himself that Abner and Amasa being dead, there was noon left either to equal him or supplant him, yet God (deriding the policies of wicked men) raised up Benhaiah the son of jehoiadah, to pull him from the Sanctuary, and to cut him in pieces. For David giveth this cause to Solomon against joab, that he slew the Captains of the host of Israel, and shed blood of battle in 
1. King. 2.  peace; and to this apparent and just cause, it is not improbable but that David remembered the ill affection of joab towards Solomon, which joab made manifest by the untimely setting up of Adonijah, David yet living. Some other offence joab had committed against David, of which in these words he put his son Solomon in mind; Thou knowest also what JOAB the son of 〈◊〉 did to me, etc. Now whither 
1. King. 〈◊〉.  this were meant by the kill of Absalon, contrary to the King's desire, or by the proud words used to him when he mourned in Mahanaim for Absalon; or whither it were the publishing of David's letter unto him for the kill of Uriah, thereby to disgrace Solomon as descended of such a mother, the Scriptures are silent. True it is, that those great men of war do oftentimes behave themselves exceeding insolently towards their Princes, both in respect of their service done, as also because they flatter themselves with an opinion, that either their masters cannot miss them, or that they dare not offend them. But this kind of pride hath overthrown many a worthy man otherwise deserving great honour and respect.  
He also gave order to Solomon, to rid himself of Shimei, who not long before had cast stones at David, and cursed him to his face. And albeit by reason of his oath and promise David spared Shimei all the time himself lived, yet being dust and in the grave, he slew him by the hand of Solomon his Son. Hence it seemeth that King 
1. King. 2.  Henry the seventh of England had his pattern, when he gave order to Henry the eight to execute Pool as soon as himself was buried, having made promise to the King of Spain when he delivered Pool unto him, that while he lived he would never put him to death, nor suffer violent hands to be laid upon him.  
And yet did not the execution of joab yield unto Solomon any such great 〈◊〉 or assurance as he hoped for. For he found a young Adad of Idumaea, and Rezin of Damascus to vex him: who, as the Scriptures witness, were emboldened to enterprise 
1. King. 11.  upon Solomon, hearing that David slept with his fathers, and that joab the Captain of the host was dead. Now when David had reigned in all forty years, to wit, in Hebron seven years, and in jerusalem three and thirty, he died.  
For his person, he was of small stature, but exceeding strong. For his internal gifts and graces he so far exceeded all other men, as putting his human frailty apart, he was said by God himself to be a man according to his own heart. The Psalms which he wrote witness his piety, and his excellent learning: of whom Hierome to 〈◊〉: DAVID SIMONIDES noster, PINDARUS & ALCAEUS, FLACCUS, quoque CATULLUS, & SERENUS, Christum lyra personat, & in dechachor do Psalterio ab inferis suscitat resurgentem; DAVID (saith he) our SIMONIDES, PINDARUS, ALCAEUS, HORACE, GATULLUS and SERENUS, he playeth Christ on his harp, and on a ten stringed Psalter he raiseth him up rising from the dead. And being both a King and a Prophet, he foretelleth Christ more lightsomely and lively than all the rest.  
The book of the Psalms, saith Glycas, was divided, ordered and distinguished by Ezekias: but whither all the Psalms were written by David, it is diversly disputed. For Athanasius, Cyprian, Lyranus, and others conceive divers Authors, answering 
〈◊〉. in Synop. Hier. 〈◊〉. 134. Lyr. in exp. i. ps.  the titles of the several Psalms, as Moses, Solomon, and the rest hereafter named, and that only 73. Psalms were composed by David himself, namely, those which are entitled ipsius David. For the 50. and the 72. with the ten that follow, are bestowed on Asaph the son of Barachia, eleven other on the sons of Korah, and eleven are ascribed to Moses, to wit, the 89 and the ten following, and so they are entitled in the old Hebrew Copies, though the vulgar and Septuagint (three excepted) style them otherwise. The supposed nine Authors of these Psalms which David wrote not. Sixt: Senensis nameth as follows; Solomon, Moses, (whom Aben Ezra, contrary 
Vid. Sixt. Senen. Bib. sanct. l. 1. fol. 10. & 11.  to Hierome, maketh one of David's singers) Asaph, Ethan-Eziachi, Eman-Eziaira, Idithum, and the three sons of Chore. But S. Chrusostom makes David the sole Author 
Aug. de Ci. Dei, l. 13. c. 14.  of all the Psalms, and so doth S. Augustine, reasoning in this manner: Although (saith he) some there are that ascribe those Psalms only to David, which are overwritten ipsius David, and the 〈◊〉 entitled ipsi David, to others, this opinion (saith he) Voce evangelica salvatoris ipsius refutatur, ubi ait quòdipse DAVID in 〈◊〉 Christum dixerit esse suum Dominum, quoniam Psalmus 109. sic incipit, Dixit Dominus Domino 〈◊〉, Sede à dextris meis, etc. The voice of the Gospel refutes this opinion, where it saith, that David himself in the spirit called Christ his Lord, because the 109. Psalm begins thus: The Lord said unto my Lord, Sat thou at my right hand, etc. Lastly, his 〈◊〉 are used both by Christ and the Apostles, and he was as a pattern to all the Kings and Princes that succeeded him.  
His Story and all his particular actions, were written by the Prophets, Samuel, Nathan and Gad, as it is in the first of Chron. 29. ver. 19 For the several parts of the books of Samuel which entreat chief of 〈◊〉, were as it seems written by these three holy men.  
Constantine Manasses hath an opinion, that the Troyans' during the time of the siege, 
c. 17. §. 6. 7.  sought for succour from David, and that he stayed neuter in that war. But it seemeth 
In his annals translated out of Greek 〈◊〉 Latin by joannes Leunclaius.  that Manasses did miscast the time twixt David and the Trojan war. For it is generally received that Troy fell between the times of Abdon and Samson judges of Israel, about the world's year 2848 and David died in the year 2991.   

§. IX.. Of the treasures of DAVID and SALOMON.  
HIs treasures were exceeding great. For it is written in the 22. of the first 
Vers. 14.  of Chronicles, that he left Solomon for the building of the Temple a hundred thousand talents of Gold, and a thousand thousand talents of silver, and of brass and iron passing all weight, which is more than any King of the world possessed besides himself, and his son to whom he left it. For it amounteth to three thousand three hundred thirty and three cartload and a third of a cartload of silver, allowing two thousand weight of silver or six thousand pound sterling to every cartload, besides threescore and seventeen millions of French Crowns, or of our money twenty three millions and a thousand pound: a matter, but for the testimony of the Scriptures, exceeding all belief. For that any riches were left him it doth not appear, seeing that the judges had not any treasure, nor any sovereign power to make levies: but when they went to the wars, they were followed by such voluntaries as the several tribes by turns gave them: seeing also that Saul who was of a mean Parentage, and perpetually vexed and invaded by the 〈◊〉, could not in all likelihood gather great riches (if any at all) his Territories being exceeding narrow, and thereof the better part 〈◊〉 by his enemies.  
Therefore it were not amiss to consider how David within the space of not very many years, might amass up such mighty treasures. For though parsimony be itself a great revenue, yet needs there must have been some other great means. It seems that he made the uttermost profit of all that he had, that was profitable. Eusebius in his ninth book and last Chapter de praeparatione evangelica, citeth the words of Eupolemus, who reporteth that David, among other preparations for the Temple, built a navy in Melanis (or as Villalpandus corrects it, Achanis) a City of Arabia, and from thence sent men to dig for gold in the Island Vrphe, which Ortelius thinks, was Ophir, though Eupolemus in his place of Eusebius (crring perhaps in this circumstance) saith that this Island is in the read Sea; from whence, saith this Eupolemus, they brought gold into jury. Pineda lib. 4. de rebus Salomonis c. 1. thinks that David did this way also enrich himself, and citeth this testimony of Eupolemus: and yet certainly David had many other ways to gather great riches. Much Land doubtless he gained by conquest, from the Canaanites and Philistines, besides those fruitful valleys near jordan in Trachonitis and Basan, and the best of Syria, and other Countries bordering the Israelites. These domains belike he kept in his own hands, and with his infinite number of captives, which he took in his wars, which were not able to redeem themselves, husbanded those grounds for his greatest advantage. For it is written, 1. Chron. 17. that jehonathan was over his treasures in the field, in the villages, in the Cities, in the towns; that Ezri was over the labourers, that tilled his ground; Simei over the vineyards; and Sabdi over the store of the wine; Baal Hanan over the olive trees, and joash over the store of the oil, also that he had herdsmen that had charge over his cattle, both in the high Lands, and in the plains, over his sheep, camels, and asses. And this custom of enriching themselves by husbandry and cattle, the ancient Kings every where held, both before and after David's time. For we read of Pharaoh, that he spoke to joseph to appoint 
Gen. 47.  some of his brethren or of their servants, to be Rulers over his cattle. We read of 
2. Chron. 26.  Vzzia, that he loved husbandry, had much cattle, and plough- 〈◊〉, and dresters of Vines: likewise we read it in all Greek Poets, that the wealth of the ancient Kings did especially consist in their Herds and flocks, whereof it were needless to cite Augeas and Admetus or any other for examples, the rule holding true in all. Now concerning David it is not unlikely, but that those captives which were not imploicd in husbandry, were many of them used by him in all sorts of gainful professions, as the ancient Romans in like manner used their slaves.  
To these profits (besides the tributes and impositions which doubtless were great, and besides the innumerable presents which yearly were brought him, or extraordinarily sent him, by Tehu and others) we may add the great spoils which he found in the Cities and Countries which he conquered: also the head money which was gathered per legem capitationis; By the law of capitation or head money, every man rich or poor paying half a sickle of the Sanctuary, which is about as much as fourteen pence, and so in all it amounted to a wondrous sum in that Kingdom: wherein one thousand thousand five hundred and seventy thousand fight men 
1. Chron. 21.  were numbered by joab. Now although this Law of capitation be thought by some very learned not to have been perpetual (which opinion of theirs nevertheless they confess is against the Hebrew expositions) yet David upon this occasion is not unlikely to have put it in practise. And by these means might he be able to leave those huge treasures to Solomon. Yet it may seem that 〈◊〉 this great mass of gold and silver left by David, the lest part was his own in private, and so will it appear the less wonderful that he left so much. Of his own liberality we find, that he gave to the building of the Temple three thousand talents of gold, and seven thousand talents of silver, a great sum: but holding a very small proportion to the other. Wherhfore we are to consider, that the treasures of the Sanctuary itself were exceeding great, as needs they must have been, having received continual increase, without any loss or diminution ever since the time of Moses and josuah. The revenues of the Sanctuary (besides all manner of tithes and oblations, which defrayed the daily expenses, and maintained the Priest and Levites) were partly raised out of the head money before mentioned; partly out of the spoils gotten in war. For all the booty was divided into two parts, whereof the Soldiers had one, and 
Numb. 31. 27.  the People which remained at home, had the other half; whereby all the Country received benefit of the victory, yet so, that the Soldiers had a far greater proportion than the rest, as being fewer, and therefore receiving more for every single share.  
Out of this purchase was deducted the Lord's tribute, which was one in fifty, of that which the people received, and one in five hundred, of that which was given to the Soldiers; namely one hundred and one thousand part of the whole booty. So in the spoil of Midian, thirty two thousand women being taken, the army had sixteen thousand of them for slaves, and the Congregation had other sixteen thousand; 
〈◊〉. 31. 40.  but out of the sixteen thousand given to the Army, were exempted two and thirty for the Lord's tribute. Out of the people's number were taken three hundred and twenty. By this means, the lesser that the Army was which had exposed itself to danger, the greater profit had every Soldier; but when it consisted of many hands, they who remaining at home were feign to undergo more than ordinary travail in domestical affairs, did receive by so much the greater portion. But the Lord's tribute was always certain, yea many times it was increased, either by some especial commandment, as when all the gold, and silver, and other metals found in 〈◊〉, were consecrated unto God; or by thankfulness of the Rulers and 
jos. 6. 19  People, as when after the victory obtained against the Midianites without the loss of one man, all jewels, Bracelets, ear-rings, and the like, were offered up, as voluntary 
〈◊〉. 31. 50.  presents.  
Now howsoever the Israelites were many times oppressed, and trodden down by other Nations, yet were not these treasures rob or spoiled; for the 〈◊〉 never got possession of the Tabernacle that was in Shilo. 〈◊〉 it cannot otherwise be, than that the wealth of the Sanctuary must have been exceeding great; as containing above one hundredth part of all the 〈◊〉 and other goods found by the Israelites in the whole Land of Canaan; and of all that was purchased by so many 
1. Chron. c. 26. v. 27. & 28.  victories, as they obtained against the bordering Nations. For that this treasury was not defrauded of the due portion, it is evident; seeing that before the time of David and his Lieutenant joab, it is recorded that Saul and Abner, and before them Samuel, had used to dedicated of the spoils obtained in war, to maintain the house of the Lord: the like whereof may be well presumed of the former judges and Captains in other Ages. Certain it is, that the Conquest of David brought into the Land far greater abundance of riches, than any former victories had purchased, those of josua perhaps excepted: but these vast sums of an hundred thousand Talents of silver, may seem rather to have been made up, by the addition of his win and liberality, to the treasures laid up in many former Ages, than to have been the mere first-fruits of his own industry.  
Now concerning the riches of Solomon, it is more manifest how he gathered them, for he received of yearly revenues with his tributes six hundred sixty six Talents 
A Talon of gold is 770. french crowns. 1. King. 10. 14.  of gold, besides the Customs of Spices. He had also six rich Returns from the East India, which greatly increased his store. For his ships performed that voyage every three years, and he began that trade in the two and twentieth year of his reign, and ruled forty years. Besides this, all judaea and Israel were now mastered to his hands; all the Arabians his borderers, the Syrians of Zobah, of Damascena, of Palmyra, of Ituraea; all of Idumaea, Moab, and Ammon, paid him tribute; as likewise did 
1. King. c. 9 v. 20 & 〈◊〉. 10. v. 29.  the Hittites, who with the Perizzites, Hevites, jebusites, and other races of the Canaanites, were not as yet extinguished, though subjected.  
Into this flourishing estate was the Kingdom of Israel reduced by David, who after forty years reign, and seventy years of life, died in a good age, full of days, riches, and 〈◊〉 and was buried in the City of David. It is written by josephus 
1. Chron. 29. 28.  that there was hid in David's Tomb a marvelous quantity of treasures, in so much as Hyrcanus (who first of the Chasmanaei, or race of the Maccabees, called himself 
〈◊〉. Antiq. l. 7.  King) one thousand and three hundred years after, drew thence three thousand Talents, to rid himself of Antiochus then besieging jerusalem, and afterward Herod opening another Cell, had also an exceeding mass of gold and silver therein. And it was an ancient custom to bury treasure with the dead. So the Peruvians and other Americans did the like, which being discovered by the Spaniards, they enriched themselves by nothing so much in their first Conquest. That Solomon did bury so much treasure in his father's grave, it would hardly be believed, in regard of the great exactions with which he was feign to burden the people, notwithstanding all the riches which he got otherwise, or which were left unto him: were it not withal considered that his want of money grew from such magnificent employments. Particularly of the Sepulchre of David the Scriptures have no mention, but only the sepulchres of the Kings of juda, as of an honourable place of burial. Yet the Monuments of those Kings, as (by Relation of the Duke of Vlika) they remained within 
Peregrinat. 〈◊〉. D. N. Ch. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 2.  these thirty years, and are like to remain still, are able to make any report credible, of the cost bestowed upon them.   

§. X. Of the Philistines, whom DAVID absolutely mastered: and of sundry other contemporaries with DAVID.  
OF the Philistines, whose pride David was the first that absolutely mastered, in this conclusion of David's time somewhat here may be spoken.  
They descended of Casloim, who, according to Isydor and josephus, 
Isid. l. 9 19  was one of the sons of Misraim, and was surnamed Philistim, as Esau 
jos. l. 1. ant. 17.  was surnamed Edom, and jacob Israel. There were of them five Cities of petty principalities; namely, Azotus, or Asdod, Gaza or Aczaph, Ascalon, Geth or Gath, and Accaron. 
1. Sam. 6.  It seemeth that Casloim was the first founder of this nation, because of his kindred on either hand, the Canaanites and the Egyptians.  
The first King of these Philistines, which the Scriptures have named, was that 
Gen. 20.  Abimelech which loved Sara, Abraham's wife.  
The second Abimelech lived at once with Isaac, to whom Isaac repaired in the time of famine, Abimelech then residing at Gerar in the border of 〈◊〉, which Abimelech 
Gen. 26.  fancied Isaac his wife: as his father had done Sara.  
After Abimelech the second, the Philistines Kings are not remembered in the Scriptures, till David's time: perhaps the government was turned into Aristocratical. For they are afterwards named Princes of the Philistines, howsoever Achis be named 
jud. 16. 1. Sam. 18. 20.  king of Gath, the same to whom David fled, and who again gave him Siklag to inhabit 
1. Sam. 21. 11. 1. King. 2.  in Saul's time.  
After him we read of another 〈◊〉 who lived with Solomon, to whom Semei travailed to fetch back his fugitive servant, what time the seeking of his servant was the loss of his life. jeremy the Prophet speaketh of the Kings of Palaestin or Philistim. Amos nameth the King of Ascalon: Zacharias, a King of Gaza. The rest of the wars of the Philistines are remembered in the Catalogue of the judges, of Sanl and David, and therefore I shall not need to collect the particulars in this place.  
There lived at once with David, the third of the Siluij King of Alba, called Latinus silvius, who is said to have ruled that part of Italy fifty years. And about his fourteenth year Codrus the last King of the Athenians died, to whom succeeded the first Prince of those, who being called after Medon, Medontidae, without regal name governed Athens during their life.  
The reasons which moved the Athenians to change their government, were not drawn from any inconvenience found in the rule of Sovereignty, but in honour of Codrus only. For when the Grecians of Doris, a region between Phocis and the mountain of Oeta, sought counsel from the Oracle, for their success in the wars against the 〈◊〉, it was answered, that then undoubtedly they should prevail and become Lords of that State, when they could obtain any victory against the Nation, and yet preserve the Athenian King living. Codrus by some intelligence being informed of this answer, withdrew himself from his own forces, and putting on the habit of a common soldier, entered the Camp of the Dorians, and kill the first he encountered, was himself forthwith cut in pieces.  
〈◊〉 the 31. King of Assyria, which others accounted but the 30. began to rule that Empire, about the 13. year of David, and held it 38. years.  
Near the same time began Ixion the second King of the Heraclidae, the son of Eurysthenes in Corinth; and Agis the second of the Heraclidae in Lacedaemon: in honour of which Agis, his successors were called Agidae, for many years after. He restored the Laconians to their former liberty: he overcame the Citizens of Helos in Laconia, who had refused to pay him tribute: he condemned them and theirs to perpetual slavery; whereof it come, that all the Messenians, whom at length they brought into the like bondage, were after called Helotes.  
In like sort from the 〈◊〉 come the word Slave. For when that Nation issuing out of 〈◊〉, now called Russia, had seized upon the country of Illyria and made it their own by Conquest, their victory pleased them so highly, that thereupon they called themselves by a new name, Slavos, which is in their language glorious. But in aftertimes (that warmer Climate having thawed their northern hardiness, and not ripened their wits) when they were trodden down, and made servants to their neighbours; the Italians which kept many of them in bondage, began to call all their bondmen Slaves, using the word as a name of reproach: in which sense it is now currant through many countries.  
Other Chronologers make this Agis, the third King of Sparta, and somewhat later, about the 23. year of David, and say, that Achestratus was the fourth King of this race, the same whom Eusebius calls Labotes, and sets him in the thirteenth year 
Euseb. in Chron.  of Solomon.  
In the tenth year of Achestratus, Androclus the third son of Codrus assisted by the jones, built Ephesus in Caria, who after the adjoining of the Isle of Samos to his territory, was slain by the Carians whose country he usurped. He was buried (saith Pausanias) in one of the gates of Ephesus called Magnetes, his armed Statue being set 
The East-gate of Ephesus toward Magnesia upon the river Mocander.  over him. 〈◊〉 reports that after Androclus had subdued the jonians (the next province to Ephesus on the sea coast of Asia the less) he enlarged his Dominions upon the Aeolus, which joineth to jonia: and that his posterity governed the Cities of Ephesus and Erythrae by the name of Basilidae in Strabo his own time. Of the expedition 
Arist. l. 5. pol. c. 6.  of the jones how they come hither out of Peloponesus, I have 
* See Ch. in this 17. Ch. 9 1. post. medium.  spoken already upon occasion of the return of the Heraclidae into Peloponesus, wherein with the Doors, they expelled the Achaei, and inhabited their places in that land: though this of the jones succeeded that of the Heraclidae 100 years.  
The City of Ephesus become exceeding famous: first, for the temple of Diana therein built: which had in length 425. foot, and 220. in breadth, sustained with 127. pillars of marble, of 70. foot high: whereof 27. were most curiously graven, 
Plin. l. 2. c. 58. & l. 7. c. 37.  and all the rest of choice marble polished, the work being first set out by Ctesiphon of 〈◊〉. Secondly, it become renowned by being one of the first that received the Christian faith, of which Timothy was Bishop; to whom, and to the Ephesians, Saint Paul wrote his Epistles so entitled. The other City possessed by Androclus in Aeolis was also univerfally spoken of by reason of Sibylla, surnamed Erythraea: who lived seven hundred and forty years before Christ borne. Saint Augustine avoweth that a Roman Proconsul showed him in an ancient Greek copy certain verses of this Prophetess: which began (as Saint Augustine changed them into Latin) in these words: jesus Christus Dei filius salvator. jesus Christ son of God the Saviour.  
About the time that joab besieged Rabath in Moab, Vaphres began to govern in Egypt, the same that was father in Law to Solomon, whose Epistles to Solomon, and his to Vaphres, are remembered by Eusebius out of Polemon. In the 21. of David, was the City of Magnesia in Asia the less founded, the same which is seated upon the river Moeander, where Scipio gave the great overthrow to Antiochus. In this territory are the best Horses of the lesser Asia bred, whereof Lucan:  
Et Magnetis equis, Minyaegens cognita remis.  
About the same time Cuma in Campania was built by the inhabitants of Chalcis in 
〈◊〉. in AEneid. 3. Strabo. l. 5.  Euboea, according to Servius, with whom Strabo joineth the Cumaeans of Aeolis, saying, that to the one of these people the government was given, with condition that the other should give name to the City. Of this Cuma was Ephorus the famous scholar of Isocrates.  
Eusebius and 〈◊〉 find the building of Carthage at this time, to wit, in the 31. year of David, but much mistaken. For the father of Dido was Metinus the son of Badezor brother to jezabel, who married Achab King of Israel; and between the death of David, and the first of Achab, there were wasted about 95. years.  
In this time also Acastus lived, the second of the Athenian Princes after Codrus, 
Euseb. in Chron.  of which there were thirteen in descent before the State changed into a Magistracy 
〈◊〉. in vit.  of ten years. Some writers make it probable that the Aeolians led by Graus, 
Hom. & Strab. 1. 14.  the grand nephew of Orestes, possessed the City and Island of Lesbos about this time. In 
Antiq. 8. & count Ap. l. 1.  the 32. year of David, Hiram began to reign in tire, according to josephus, who saith, that in his twelfth year Solomon began the work of the Temple. But it is a familiar error in josephus, to misreckon times, which in this point he doth so strangely, as if he knew not how at all to cast any account. For it is manifest that Hiram sent messengers, and Cedars to David, soon after his taking of jerusalem, which was in the very beginning of David's reign over Israel, when as yet he had reigned only seven years in Hebron, over the house of juda. Wherhfore it must 
Sam. 5.  needs be that Hiram had reigned above 30. years before Solomon; unless more credit should be given to those Tyrian records which are cited by josephus, than to the plain words of Scripture contradicting them. For that it was the same Hiram which lived both with David and with Solomon, the Scriptures make it plainly manifest.    

CHAP. XVIII. Of SALOMON.  

§ I Of the establishing of SALOMON: of birthright, and of the cause of ADONIAHS' death, and of SALOMON'S Wisdom.  
SALOMON, who was brought up under the Prophet Nathan, began to reign over juda and Israel, in the year of the world 2991. He was called Solomon by the appointment of God: he was also called jediddia, or Theophilus, by Nathan, because the Lord loved him.  
Hiram King of tire, after Salomon's anointing, dispatched Ambassadors toward him, congratulating his establishment: a custom between Princes very ancient. Whence we read that David did in like sort salute Hanum King of the Ammonites, after 
2. Sam. 10.  his obtaining the Kingdom.  
The beginning of Solomon was in blood, though his reign were peaceable. For soon after David's death, he caused his brother Adonijah to be slain by Benaiah the son of jehoiada, taking occasion from Adonijah his desiring by Bersheba, that the young maid Abishag (which lay in David's bosom in his latter days, to keep him warm) might be given to him. Whatsoever he pretended, it was enough that Adonijah was his elder brother, and sought the kingdom contrary to the will of David, whom God inclined towards Solomon. And yet it is said that a word is enough to the wise, and he that sees but the claw, may know whither it be a lion or no: so it may seem that to the quicksighted wisdom of Solomon, this motion of 〈◊〉, was a demonstration of a new treason. For they which had been concubines to a King, might not after be touched but by a King: whence Achitophel 
2. Sam. 16. 21.  wished Absalon to take his Father's Concubines as a part of the Royalty. And David after that wrong, determining to touch them no more, did not give them to any other, but shut them up, and they remained widowed until their death. And this it seems was the depth of Isbosheths' quarrel against Abner, for having his Father's 
2. Sam. 20. 3.  Concubine. And some signification of this custom may seem too in the words of God by 〈◊〉 to David; I have given thee thy master's house, and thy master's 
1. Sam. 20. 30.  wives. And in the words of Saul, upbraiding jonathan, that he had chosen David to the shame of the nakedness of his Mother. 〈◊〉 perhaps was some reference in this purpose of 〈◊〉, to marry with her that was 〈◊〉 present with David in his latter days, and who belike knew all that was past, for the conveying of the Kingdom to Solomon. There might be 〈◊〉 farther occasions, as either that he would learn such things by her as might be for the advantage of his ambition, or that he would persuade her to forge some strange tale about David's last Testament, or any thing else that might prejudice the title of Solomon.  
As for the right of an elder brother which 〈◊〉 pretended, though generally 
1. King. 〈◊〉. 15.  it agreed both with the law of Nations, and with the customs of the jews: yet the Kings of the jews were so absolute, as they did therein, and in all else what they pleased. Some examples also they had (though not of Kings) which taught them to use this paternal authority in transferring the birthright to a younger son: namely, of jacobs' disheriting 〈◊〉, and giving the birthright (which was twice as much as any portion of the other brethren) to joseph: of whom he made two 
Deut. 21. 15.  
Filium 〈◊〉 agnoscito, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 portionem duorum: 〈◊〉 ipsius est ius primogenitorum. 1. Reg. 1. v. 17. & 20. & 〈◊〉. 29. & 34.  tribes. And that it was generally acknowledged that this power was in David, it appears by the words of Bersabe and Nathan to David, and of jonathan to 〈◊〉. For as for popular election, that it was necessary to confirm, or that the refusal of the people had authority to frustrate the elder brothers right to the Kingdom, it now here appears in the stories of the jews. It is said indeed that the people made Saul King at Gilgal: that is, they acknowledged and established him. For that he was 
1. King. 1. 1. v. 20 & 27.  King long before no man can doubt. In like manner elsewhere the phrase of choosing or making their King, is to be expounded: as where in the prohibition, that they 
1. Sam. 11. 14. Deut. 28. 30.  should not make themselves a King, it is said, Thou shalt make him King whom the Lord shall choose.  
But to proceed with the acts of Solomon: at the same time that he put 〈◊〉 to death, he rid himself also of joab, and three years after of Shimei, as David had advised him: he displaced also the Priest Abiathar, who took part with 〈◊〉 against him: but in respect of his office, and that he followed David in all his afflictions; 
1. King. 2.  and because he had borne the Ark of God before his Father, he spared his life. And thus being established in his Kingdom, he took the daughter of Vaphres King of Egypt to Wife: for so Eusebius out of Eupolemus calls him. 〈◊〉 offered a thousand Sacrifices at Gibeon, where God appearing unto him in a dream, bade him ask what he would at his hands; SALOMON chooseth wisdom, which pleased God. And God said unto him, Because thou hast asked this thing, and hast not asked for thyself long life, neither hast thou asked riches for thyself, nor hast asked the life of thy enemies, behold, I have done according to thy words: by which we may inform ourselves what desires are most pleasing to God, and what not. For the coveting after long life, in respect of ourselves, cannot but proceed of self-love, which is the root of all impietic: the desire of private riches is an affection of covetousness which God abhorreth; to affect revenge, is as much as to take the sword out of God's hand, & to distrust his justice. And in that it pleased God to make Solomon know that it liked him, that he had not asked the life of his enemies, it could not but put him in mind of his brother's slaughter, for which he had not any warrant either from David, or from the Law of God. But because Solomon desired wisdom only, which 〈◊〉 him both to obey God, and to rule men, it pleased God to give him withal that which he desired not. And I have also given thee (saith God) that which thou hast not asked, both riches and honour. This gift of wisdom our Commentators stretch to almost all kinds of learning: but that it comprehended the knowledge of the nature of plants and living creatures the Scripture testifieth, though no doubt the 
1. King. 4. 33.  
1. King. 3. 9  chief excellency of Salomon's wisdom, was in the knowledge of governing his kingdom: whence, as it were for an example of his wisdom, the Scripture telleth how soon he judged the controversy between the two harlots.   

§. II Of Salomons' buildings and glory.  
HE then entered into league with Hiram King of tire, from whom he had much of his materials, for the King's Palace and the Temple of God: for the building whereof he had received a double charge, one from his father David, and another from God. For like as it is written of David, that He called SALOMON his son, and charged him to build a house for the Lord God of Israel: so doth Tostatus give the force of a divine precept 
1. Chron. 22. 6.  
〈◊〉. 9 26. in 1. Chron.  to these words, Behold; a son is borne unto thee, etc. He shall build an house for my name.  
He began the work of the Temple, in the beginning of the fourth year of his 
1. King. c. 6.  reign, at which time also he prepared his fleet at Esiongaber to trade for gold in the East Indies, that nothing might be wanting to supply the charge of so great a work. For that the Temple was in building, while his fleets were passing to and fro it is manifest. For the pillars of the Temple were made of the Almaggim trees brought from Ophir. Of this most glorious building, of all the particulars (whereof 
1. Chron. 28. 29.  the form and example was given by God himself) many learned men have written, as Salmeron, Montanus, Ribera, Barradas, Azorius, Villalpandus, Pineda, and others, to whom I refer the Reader.  
For the cutting and squaring of the Cedars which served that building, Solomon employed thirty thousand Carpenters, ten thousand every month by course: he also used eighty thousand Masons in the mountain, and seventy thousand labourers that bore burdens, which it is conceived, he selected out of the Proselytes, 
1. King. 5.  besides three thousand three hundred masters of his work, so as he paid and employed in all one hundred eighty three thousand and three hundred men, in which number the Zidonians which were more skilful in hewing timber than the Israelites, may (as I think) be included. For Hiram caused his servants to bring down the Cedars and Firres from 〈◊〉 to the sea, and thence sent them in raffes to joppe, 
1. King. 5. v. 9  or the next port to Jerusalem. For in the second of Chronicles the second Chapter, it is plain that all but the thirty thousand Carpenters, and the overseers, were strangers, and as it seemeth the vassals of Hiram, and of Vaphres King of Egypt. In recompense 
1. King. 5. 11.  of all this timber and stone, Solomon gave Hiram twenty thousand measures of wheat, and twenty measures of pure oil yearly. Eusebius out of Eupolemus in the ninth book of his preparation the last Chapter, hath left us a Copy of Salomon's Letter to Suron (which was the same as Huram or Hiram) King of tire in these words:  
REx SALOMON 〈◊〉, Tyri, Sydonis, atque 〈◊〉 regi. Amico 〈◊〉 salutem. Scias me à Deo magno DAVID patris meiregnum accepisse, cumque mihi pater 〈◊〉 templum Deo, qui ter ram creavit, condere, ut etiam ad te scriberem 〈◊〉: Scribo igitur, & peto à 〈◊〉 ut artifices atque fabros ad aedificandum Templum Dei mittere velis.  
KIng SALOMON to King SURON, of tire, Sydon, and Phoenicia King, and my father's friend, sendeth greeting; You may understand that I have received of the great God of my father DAVID, the Kingdom: and when my father commanded me to build a Temple to God which created heaven and earth, he commanded also that I should writ to you. I writ therefore to you, and beseech you, that you would be pleased to sand me Artificers and Carpenters to build the Temple of God.  To which the King Suron made this answer. 
SURON, Tyri, Sydonis, & Phoeniciae rex, SALOMONI regi salutem. Lectis literis gratias egi Deo, qui tibi regnum patris tradidit: & quoniam scribis fabres 〈◊〉 ad condendum Templum esse tibi mittendos, misi ad te millia hominum octoginta, & Architectum Tyrium hominem ex matre judaea, virum in rebus architecturae mirabilem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut 〈◊〉 non egeant, & Templo Dei condito ad nos redeant.  
SURON of tire, Sidon and Phoenicia King, to King SALOMON greeting: when I read your letters, I gave God thanks, who hath installed you in your father's Kingdom. And because you writ, that carpenters and workmen may be sent to build God's Temple, I have sent unto you fourscore thousand men, and a Master-builder a Tyrian, borne of a jewish woman, a man admirable in building. You will be careful that all necessaries be provided for them, and when the Temple of God is built, that they come home to us. 
jos. Ant. l. 8. c. 2.   
The Copies of these letters were extant in josephus time as himself affirmeth, and to be seen, saith he, Tam in nostris quàm in Tyriorum annalibus, as well in our own as in the Tyrian annals. But he delivereth them somewhat in different terms, as the Reader may find in his Antiquities. But were this intercourse between Solomon and Hiram either by message or by writing, it is somewhat otherwise delivered in 
1. King. 5. from the 1. v. to the 9  the Scriptures, than either Eupolemus or josephus set it down, but so, that in substance there is little difference between the one and the other.  
The like letter in effect Solomon is said to have written to Vaphres King of Egypt, and was answered as from Hiram.  
But whereas some Commentors upon Solomon find that Hiram King of tire, and 〈◊〉 King of Egypt, gave Solomon the title of Rex magnus, and cite Eupolemon in Eusebius, I do not find any such addition of magnus in Eusebius in the last chapter of that ninth book; neither is it in josephus in the eight book and second chapter of the jews antiquities: it being a vain title used by some of the Assyrian and Persian Kings, and used likewise by the Parthians, and many other after them, insomuch as in latter times it grew common, and was usurped by mean persons in respect of the great 〈◊〉 the first, which was honoured by that name for his noble qualities, as much or more than for his mightiness.  
After the finishing and dedication of the Temple and house of the Lord, Solomon fortified jerusalem with a triple wall, and repaired Hazor which had been the ancient Metropolis of the Canaanites, before 〈◊〉 time: so did he Gaza of the Philistines: he built Bethoron, Gerar and the Millo or munition of Jerusalem. For Pharaoh 
jos. 〈◊〉. l. 8. c. 2.  (as it seemeth in favour of Solomon) come up into the edge of Ephraim, and took Gerar, which the Canaanites yet held, and put them to the sword, and burnt their City. The place and territory he gave Salomon's wife for a dowry. And it is probable that because Solomon was then busied in his magnificent buildings, and could not attended the war, that he entreated his father in law to rid him of those neighbours, which 〈◊〉 performed. But he thereby taught the Egyptians to visit those parts again before they were sent for; and in his son Rehoboam's time Sheshack this man's successor did sack jerusalem itself.  
Solomon also built Megiddo in Manasse, on this side jordan; and Balah in Dan: also 
jos. l. 〈◊〉. ant. c. 2.  Thadmor, which may be either Ptolemy's Thamoron in the desert of 〈◊〉 (or as josephus thinks Palmyra in the desert of Syria, which Palmyra because it stood on the utmost border of Salomon's dominion to the north-east of Libanus, and was of David's conquest when he won 〈◊〉; it may seem that Solomon therefore bestowed 
joseph. l. 8. ant. c. 2.  thereon the most cost, and fortified it with the best art that that age had. josephus calls this place 〈◊〉, by which 〈◊〉 (saith he) given by Solomon, the Syrians as yet call it. 〈◊〉 in his book of Hebrew places calls it Thermeth. In aftertimes, when it was rebuilt by Adrian the Emperor, it was honoured with his name, and called Adrianopolis. In respect of this great charge of building Solomon raised tribute through all his Dominions, besides an hundred and twenty talents of gold received from Hiram's servants, Solomon offered Hiram twenty towns in or near the upper Galilee, but because they stood in an unfruitful and marish ground, Hiram refused them, and thereof was the territory called Chabul.  
These towns, as it is supposed, lay in 〈◊〉 of the Gentiles, Non quod gentes ibi 〈◊〉: sed quia sub ditione regis gentilis er at, Not that it was 〈◊〉 by Gentilcs (saith Nauclerus) but because it was under the rule of a King that was a Gentle. Howsoever it were, it is true that Solomon in his 21. year fortified those places, which Hiram refused. Further, he made a 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 Zobah, and established his tributes; the first and last war (if in that expedition 〈◊〉 were driven to fight) that he made in person in all his life. He then visited the border of all his Dominions, passing from Thadmor to the North of Palmyrena, and so to the Deserts of 〈◊〉, from whence he visited Eziongaber and Eloth, the uttermost place of the South of all his territories, bordering to the read sea: which Cities I have described in the Story of Moses.   

§. III Of Salomons' sending to Ophir, and of some seeming contradictions about Salomons' riches, and of PINEDAES' conceit of two strange passages about Africa.  
HEre Solomon prepared his 〈◊〉 of Ships for India, with whom Hiram joined in that voyage, and furnished him with Mariners and Pilots, the Tyrians being of all other the most expert seamen. From this part of Arabia, which at this time belonged to Edom, and was conquered by David, did the 〈◊〉 pass on to the East India, which was not far off, namely to Ophir, one of the Islands of the Moluccas, a place exceeding rich in gold: witness the Spaniards, who notwithstanding all the abundance which they gather in Peru, do yet plant in those Islands of the East at Manilia, and recover a great quantity from thence, and with less labour than they do in any one part of Peru, or new Spain.  
The return which was made by these Ships amounted to four hundred and twenty talents, but in the second of Chronicles the eight, it is written four hundred and fifty talents: whereof thirty talents went in expense for the charge of the fleet, and wages of men, and four hundred and twenty talents, which makes 〈◊〉 and twenty hundred and twenty thousand Crowns come clear. And thus must those two places be reconciled. As for the place 1. Reg. 10. 14. which speaketh of six hundred sixty and six talents of gold, that sum, as I take it, is of other receipts of Salomon's which were yearly, and which come to him besides these profits from Ophir.  
My opinion of the land of Ophir, that it is not Peru in America (as divers have thought) but a country in the East Indieses; with some reason why at those times they could not make more speedy return to jerusalem from the East Indies then in 
C. 8. § 9 10. * 5. Lib. 4. de rebus Salomonis c. 6. & 15.  three years; and that 〈◊〉 in Scripture is divers times taken for the Ocean, hath been already declared in the first book.  
Only it remaineth that I should speak somewhat of Pineda his strange conceits, who being a Spaniard of Baetica, would feign have Gades or Calis-malis, in old times called Tartessus, which is the South west corner of that Province, to be the Tharsis from whence Solomon fetched his gold; for no other reason, as it seems, but for love of his own country, and because of some affinity of sound between Tharsis and Tartessus. For whereas it may seem strange that it should be three year 〈◊〉 they, that took ship in the read sea, should return from the East Indies to jerusalem, this hath been in part answered already. And further the intelligent may conceive of sundry lets, in the digging and refining of the metal, and in their other traffic, and in their land-carriages between jerusalem and the read sea, and perhaps also elsewhere: so that we have no need to make Salomon's men to go many thousand miles out of their way to Gades, round about all Africa, that so they might belong a coming home.  
For the direct way to Gades (which if Solomon and the Israclites knew not, the Tyrians which went with them, could not have been ignorant of) was along the Mediterran sea, and so (besides many wonderful 〈◊〉 and terrible navigation in rounding Africa) they should have escaped the troublesome land-carriage between jerusalem and the read sea through dry, desert, and thoevish Countries: and within 30. mile of jerusalem at joppe, or some other haven in Salomon's own Country, have laden and unladen their ships.  
But this direct course they could not hold (saith Pineda) because the huge Island of Atlantis in largeness greater than all Africa and Asia being swallowed up in the Atlantic Ocean 〈◊〉 Salomon's ships from passing through the straitss of Gibraltar: for this he allegeth Plato in Timaeo. But that this calamity happened about Salomon's time, or that thereby the Straitss of Gades were filled with mud and made unpassable, that there could be no coming to Gades by the Mediterran sea: or that this indraught where the sea runneth most violently, and most easily scoureth his channel, should be filled with mud, and not also the great Ocean in like manner, where this huge Island is supposed to have stood: or that Salomon's ships being in the read sea, should neglect the golden mines of the East Indies (which were infinitely better and 〈◊〉 to the read sea, than any in Spain) to seek gold at Cadyz by the way of compassing Africa, it is most ridiculous to imagine. For the Spaniard himself that hath also the rich Peru in the West, 〈◊〉 in the East Indies, and inhabits some part thereof, as in Manilia, finding in those parts no less 〈◊〉 of gold (the small territory which he there possesseth considered) than in Peru.  
The same Pineda hath another strange passage round about all Africa, which elsewhere 
〈◊〉 Sal. l. 4. c. 12. 11.  he dreams of: supposing whereas jonas sailing to Tharsis the City of Cilicia, 
As it appears he 〈◊〉 ship at 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉. c. 1. v. 3.  was cast out in the Mediterran sea, and taken up there by a Whale, that this Whale in three days swimming above twelve thousand English miles, along the Mediterran seas, and so through the straits of Gades, and along all the huge seas round about Africa, cast up 〈◊〉 upon the shore of the read sea, that so he might have perhaps some six miles the shorter (though much the worse) way to Niniveh. This conceit he grounds only upon the ambiguity of the word Suph, which oftentimes is an Epitheton of the read sea (as if we should call it mare algosum, the sea full of weeds) for the read sea. But in jonas 2. 5. it is generally taken in the proper signification for weeds, and not as Pineda would have it, who in this place against his own rule (which elsewhere he giveth us) supposeth strange miracles without any need. For this long voyage of the Whale finished in three days, is a greater miracle, than the very preservation of jonas in the belly of the Whale: and therefore seeing there is no necessity of this miracle, we sand it back unto him, keeping his own rule which in this place he forgets; Miracula non sunt multiplicanda. And again, Non sunt 〈◊〉 
Ing. F.  danda, nec pro arbitrio 〈◊〉, Miracles are not to be multiplied without 〈◊〉, nor delivered without cause, nor feigned at pleasure. Therefore to leave this man in his dreams, which (were he not otherwise very learned and judicious) might be thought unworthy the mentioning. But to proceed with our Story of Solomon.  
The Queen of Saba's coming from far to Solomon, (as it seems from Arabia foelix, and not as some think from Aethiopia) and her rich presents, and Salomon's reciprocal magnificence, and his resolving of her difficult 〈◊〉, those are set down at large in the text. But herein josephus is greatly mistaken, who calls this Queen of Saba Nicaules, the successor (saith he out of Herodotus) of those thirty and eight Egyptian Kings which succeeded Mineus the founder of Memphis; adding that after 〈◊〉 Egyptian, and the father in Law of Solomon, the name of Pharaoh was 
jos. ant. 8. 1. 2.  left off in Egypt. For as it is elsewhere proved that the Queen was of Arabia, not of Egypt and Aethiopia; so were there other Pharaohs after the father in Law of Solomon. 
2. King. c. 23. & 2. Chron. c. 25.  Yea, above three hundred years after Solomon, Pharaoh 〈◊〉 slew josias King of juda. 
〈◊〉. c. 46. v. 2.   
It is also written of Solomon, that he kept in garrisons 〈◊〉 thousand Chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen, that he spent in Court every day thirty measures of fine flower, threescore measures of wheat, one hundred sheep, besides stags and fallow dear, bugles and fowl; four thousand stalls of horses he had for his chariots and other uses, and for the twelve thousand horsemen of his guard. For, the ten thousand stalls in the first of Kings the fourth, are to be taken but for so many horses, whence in the second of Chronicles the ninth, it is written but four thousand stalls or teems, and in every team ten horses, as junius and the Geneva understand 
1. King. 4. 31.  it. He was said to be wiser than any man, yea than were Ethan the Ezrahite, than Heman, Chalcal, or than Darda, to which junius addeth a fift, to wit, Ezrak. For the Geneva maketh Ethan an Ezrahite by Nation. josephus writes them Athan, Aeman, Chalceus and Donan the sons of Hemon. He spoke three thousand Proverbs, and his songs were one thousand and five, whereof either the most part perished in the 〈◊〉 of Babylon, or else because many acts of Salomon's were written and kept among the public Records of Civil causes and not Ecclesiastical, therefore they were not thought necessary to be inserted into God's book.   

§. FOUR Of the fall of SALOMON, and how long he lived.  
NOw as he had plenty of all other things, so had he no scarcity of women. For besides his seven hundred Wives, he kept three hundred Concubines, and (forgetting that God had commanded that noon of his people should accompany the daughters of Idolators) he took Wives out of Egypt, Edom, Moab, Ammon, Zidon and Heth: and when he fell a doting, his Wives turned his heart after other Gods, as Asteroth of the Zidonians, Milcom or Molech of the Ammonites, and Chemosh of Moab.  
These things God punished by Adad of Idumaea, Rezin of Damascus, and by 〈◊〉 his own servant, and one of the masters of his works, who by the ordinance of God tare from his son Roboam, ten of the twelve parts of all the territory he had. Deus dum in peccatores animaduertit, aliorum peccatis utitur, quae ipse non fecit. God in punishing sinners, useth the sins of others, which he himself wrought 
P. 〈◊〉.  not.  
In the reign of Solomon (as in times of long peace) were 〈◊〉 memorable actions by him performed, excepting his buildings with other works of magnificence and that great Indian voyage already mentioned. Forty years he reigned: how many he lived, it is not written, and must therefore be found only by conjecture. The most likely way to guess at the truth in this case, is by considering the actions of David before and after Salomon's birth, whereby we may best make estimation of the years which they consumed, and consequently learn the true, or most likely year of his nativity. Seven years David reigned in Hebron: in his eighth year he took jerusalem, and warred with the Philistines, who also troubled him the year following. The bringing home of the Ark seems to have been in the tenth year of David, and his intention to build the Temple in the year ensuing, at which time 
1. 〈◊〉. c. 7. v. 1.  he had sufficient leisure, living in rest. After this he had wars with the Philistines, 〈◊〉, Aramites and Edomites, which must needs have held him five years, considered that the Aramites of Damascus raised war against him, after such time as he had 〈◊〉 Hadadezer; and that in every of these wars he had the entire 〈◊〉. Neither is it likely that these services occupied any longer time, because 
2. 〈◊〉. c. 11. v. 1.  in those days and places there were no wintering camps in use, but at convenient seasons of the year Kings went forth to war, dispatching all with violence, rather than with temporising; as maintaining their armies, partly upon the spoil of the enemies country, partly upon the private provision which every soldier made for himself. The 17. year of David, in which he took Mephiboseth the son of 
1. Sam. c. 17. v. 17. & 18.  jonathan into his Court, appeareth to have passed away in quiet; and the year following to have begun the war with Ammon; but somewhat late in the end of Summer perhaps, it come to trial of a battle (for joab after the victory, returned immediately to jerusalem) the causes and preparations for that war have taken up all the Summer. David's personal expedition against the Aramites wherein he brought all the tributaries of Hadadezer under his own allegiance, appears manifestly to have been the next years work, wherein he did cut off all means of 〈◊〉 from the Ammonites; all Syria, Moab and 〈◊〉 being now at his own devotion. By this reckoning it must have been the 20. year of David's reign, and about the fiftieth of his life, in which he sent forth joab to besiege Rabath, and finished the war of Ammon: wherein also fell out the matter of Uriah's wife. So one half of David's reign was very prosperous: in the other half he felt great sorrow by the expectation, execution, and sad remembrance of that heavy judgement laid upon 〈◊〉 by God for his soul and bloody offence.  
Now very manifest it is, that in the year after the death of that child which was begotten in 〈◊〉, Solomon was borne, who must needs therefore have been 〈◊〉 years old or thereabouts, when he began to reign at the decease of his father, as being begotten in the 21. year of his father's reign, who reigned in all forty.  
This account hath also good coherence with the following times of David, as may be collected out of ensuing actions: for two years passed 〈◊〉 Absalon slew his brother Ammon; three years 〈◊〉 his father pardoned him; and two years more 〈◊〉 he come into the King's presence. After this he prepared horses and men, and laid the foundation of his rebellion, which seems to have been one years work. So the rebellion itself with all that happened thereupon, as the 〈◊〉 made by Sheba, the death of Amasa and the rest, may well seem to have been in the 30. year of David's reign.  
Whither the three years of famine should be reckoned apart from the last years of war with the Philistines, or confounded with them, it were more hard than needful to conjecture. Plain enough it is, that in the ten remaining years of David there was time sufficient, and to spare, both for three years of famine, for four years of war, and for numbering the people, with the 〈◊〉 ensuing; as also for his own last infirmity, and disposing of the Kingdom. Yet indeed it seems that the war with the Philistines, was but one years work, and ended in three or four fights, of which the two or three former were at Gob or Nob near unto Gezer, and the last at Gath. This war the Philistines undertook, as it seemeth, upon confidence gathered out of the 〈◊〉 in Israel, and perhaps emboldened by David's old age, for he fainted now in the battle, and was afterwards hindered by his men from exposing himself unto danger any more. So David had six or seven years of rest, in which time it is likely, that many of his great men of War died (being of his own age) whereby the stirring spirit of Adonijah found little succour in the broken party of joab the son of Zeruta.  
At this time it might both truly be said by David to Solomon, Thou art a wise man, 
1. 〈◊〉. c. 2. v. 9 etc. 3. v. 7.  and by Solomon to God, I am but a 〈◊〉 child; for nineteen years of age might well agreed with either of these two speeches.  
Nevertheless there 〈◊〉 some that gather out of Salomon's professing himself a child, that he was but eleven 〈◊〉 old when he began to reign. Of these Rabbi Solomon seems the first Author, whom other of great learning and judgement have herein followed: grounding themselves perhaps upon that which is said of Absalon's rebellion, that it was after 〈◊〉 years, which they understand as years 
2. Sam. 15. 7.  of David's reign. But whereas Rehoboam the son of 〈◊〉 was 41. years old when he began to reign, it would follow hereby that his 〈◊〉 had begotten him, being 〈◊〉 but a child of nine or ten years old; the difference 〈◊〉 their ages being no greater, if Solomon (who reigned forty years) were but eleven years old when his reign began. To 〈◊〉 this inconvenience, josephus allows 80. years 〈◊〉 reign to Solomon; a report so disagreeing with the Scriptures, that it needs no 〈◊〉. Some indeed 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 of this opinion construed the words of 〈◊〉, as if they included all the years of Salomon's life. But by such reckoning he should have been 40. years old at his Father's death; and 〈◊〉 should have been borne long before his Father had won jerusalem; which is a manifest untruth. Wherhfore the 40. years remembered in Absalon's rebellion, may either seem to have reference to the space between David's first anointment, and the trouble which God brought upon him for his wickedness, or perhaps be read (according 〈◊〉 josephus, Theodoret, and the Latin translation) four years; which passed between the return of Absalon to jerusalem, and his breaking out.   

§. V Of SALOMON'S 〈◊〉.  
THere remain of Salomon's works, the Proverbs, the Preacher, and the Song of Solomon. In the first he 〈◊〉 good life and correcteth manners, in the second, the vanity of human nature, in the third he singeth as it were the Epithalamion of Christ and his Church. For the Book entitled The wisdom of Solomon, (which some give unto Solomon, and some make the elder Philo the Author thereof) Hierome and many others of the best 〈◊〉 make us think it was not Solomon that wrote it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Hier. ad Cromasium.  (saith JEROME) qui SALOMONIS inscribitur, 〈◊〉 redolet eloquentiam; The 〈◊〉 of the book of wisdom, which is ascribed to SALOMON, 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and of the same opinion was S. Augustine, and yet he confesseth in the 〈◊〉 Book and twentieth Chapter of the City of God, that the Author of that Book hath a direct foretelling of the Passion of Christ in these words: Circumueniamus justum quoniam 〈◊〉 est nobis, etc. Let us cirumvent the righteous, 
〈◊〉. 2.  for he is 〈◊〉 to us, he is contrary to our doings, he checketh us for offending against the Law, he makes his boast to have the knowledge of God, and he calleth himself the Son of the Lord, etc. and so doth the course of all the following words point directly at Christ. The Books of Ecclesiastes, Proverbs, and 〈◊〉 Canticorum, Rabbi Moses 
S. Sen. fol. 62.  Kimchi ascribeth to Isaiah the Prophet. Suidas and Cedrenus report that Solomon wrote of the remedies of all diseases, and graved the same on the sides of the 〈◊〉 of the 
Reinecc. in jul. 〈◊〉.  Temple, which they say Ezechias pulled down, because the people 〈◊〉 help from God by prayer, repaired thither for their recoucries.  
Of Salomon's books of Invocations and Enchantments to cure diseases, and expel evil spirits, josephus hath written at large, though as I conceive, rather out of his own invention, or from some uncertain report, than truly.  
He also speaketh of one Eliazarus, who by the root in Salomon's ring dispossessed divers persons of evil spirits in the presence of 〈◊〉, and many others, which I will not stand to examine.  
Certainly so strange an example of human frailty hath never been read of as this King: who having received wisdom from God himself, in honour of whom, and for his only service, he built the first and most glorious Temple of the world: he that was made King of Israel and 〈◊〉, not by the law of Nature, but by the love of God, and become the 〈◊〉, richest, and happiest of all Kings, did in the end, by the persuasion of a few weak and wretched Idolatrous Women, forget and forsake the Lord of all the world, and the giver of all goodness, of which he was more liberal to this King, than to any that ever the world had. Of whom Siracides writeth in this manner: SALOMON reigned in a peaceable time and was glorious, for God made all quiet round about, that he might build a house to his name, and prepare the Sanctuary for ever; How wise wast thou in thy youth, and waste filled with understanding, as with a flood: Thy mind covered the whole earth, and hath filled it with grave and dark sentences. Thy name went abroadin the Isles, and for thy peace thou wast beloved, etc. but thus he concludeth: Thou didst bow thy loins to Women, and waste overcome by thy body, thou didst stain thy honour, and 〈◊〉 defiled thy posterity, and hast brought wrath upon thy children, and felt sorrow for thy folly. cap. 27.   

§. VI Of the Contemporaries of SALOMON.  
〈◊〉 the beginning of Salomon's reign, 〈◊〉 the third of the Heraclidae in Corinth; Labotes in Lacedaemon; and soon after Silvius Alba the fourth of the 〈◊〉, swayed those Kingdoms: Laosthenes then governing Assyria: Agastus and 〈◊〉 the second and third Princes after Codrus ruling the Athenians.  
In the six and twentieth of Salomon's reign Hiram of tire died, to whom Baliastrus succeeded, and reigned seventeen years, after Mercator's account, who reckons the time of his rule by the age of his sons. josephus gives him fewer years. 
〈◊〉. 3.  Theophilus Antiochenus against Autolicus findcs Bozorius the next after Hiram, if there be not some Kings omitted beweene the death of Hiram, and the reign of Bozorius.  
Vaphres being dead, about the twentieth of Solomon, Sesac or Shisak (as our English 〈◊〉 terms him) began to govern in Egypt, being the same with him whom Diodorus calleth 〈◊〉; josephus, 〈◊〉; Cedrenus, Susesinus; Euscbius in the column of the Egyptian Kings Smendes, and in that of the Hebrews Susac. josephus in the eight of his Antiquities reproveth it as an error in Herodotus, that he ascribeth the acts of Susac to Sesostris, which perchance Herodotiss might have done by comparison, accounting Sesac another Sesostris, for the great things he did.  
Of the great acts and virtues of King Sesostris I have spoken already in the 〈◊〉 of the Egyptian Princes: only in this he was reproved, that he caused four of his captive Kings to draw his Caroche, when he was disposed to be seen, and to ride in trumph: one of which four, saith Eutropius, at such time as Sesostris was carried out to take the air, cast his head continually back upon the two fore-most wheels next him; which Sesostris perceiving, asked him what he found worthy the admiration in that motion? to whom the captive King answered, that in those he beheld the instability of all worldly things; for that both the lowest part of the wheel was suddenly carried about, and become the highest, and the upmost part was as suddenly turned downward and under all: which when 
Hist. 〈◊〉. l. 17  Sesostris had judiciously weighed, he dismissed those Princes, and all other from the like servitude in the future. Of this Sesostris, and that he could not be taken for Sesac, I have spoken at large in that part of the Egyptian Kings preceding.    

CHAP. XIX. Of SALOMON'S Successors until the end of JEHOSAPHAT.  

§. I. Of REHOBOAM his beginnings: the defection of the ten Tribes, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
REHOBOAM the Son of Solomon by 〈◊〉 an Ammonitesse, now forty years old, succeeded his Father Solomon, and was anointed at Sichem, where the ten Tribes of Israel were assembled: who attended a while the return of 〈◊〉 as yet in Egypt, since he fled thither fearing Solomon. After his arrival the people presented a Petition to Rehoboam, to be eased of those great Tributes laid on them by his Father. Sic 〈◊〉 firmius ci fore Imperium, si 〈◊〉 mallet quàm 
Ant. l. 8. c. 3.  metui; So should his Empire (saith JOSEPHUS) be more assured, if he desired rather to be beloved than feared: whereof he took three days to deliberate before his answer, of whom therefore it could not be said as of David, that he was wiser than all his Teachers. For as of himself he knew not how to resolve, so had he not the judgement to discern of counsels, which is the very test of wisdom in Princes, and in all men else. But notwithstanding that he had consulted with those grave and advised men, that served his Father, who persuaded him by all means to satisfy the multitude: he was transported by his familiars and favourites, not only to continued on the backs of his subjects those burdens which greatly crushed them; but (vaunting falsely of greatness exceeding his Fathers) he threatened in sharp, or rather in terrible terms, to lay yet heavier, and more unsupportable loads on them. But as it appeared by the success, those younger advisors greatly mistook the nature of severitic, which without the temper of clemency is no other than cruelty itself: they also were ignorant that it aught to be used for the help, and not for the harm of subjects. For what is the strength of a King left by his people? and what cords or fetters have ever lasted long, but those which have been twisted and forged by love only? His witless parasites could well judge of the King's disposition: and being well learned therein, though ignorant in all things else, it sufficed and enabled them sufficiently for the places they held. But this answer of Rehoboam did nor a little advance jeroboams designs. For being foretold by the Prophet Achiah of his future advancement, these the King's threats (changing the people's love into fury) confirmed and gave courage to his hopes. For he was no sooner arrived, than elected King of Israel: the people crying out, What portion have we in David? we have no inheritance in the Son of Ishai. Now though themselves, even all the Tribes of Israel, had consented to David's anointing at Hebron the second time, acknowledging 
2. 〈◊〉. c. 5. 1.  that they were his bones and his flesh: yet now after the manner of rebels, they forgot both the bonds of nature, and their duty to God, and, as all alienated resolved hearts do, they served themselves for the present with impudent excuses. And now over-late, and after time, Rehoboam sent Adoram, one of the Taxers of the people, a man most hateful to all his Subjects, to pacify them: whom they instantly beaten to death with stones. Whereupon the King affrighted, got him from Sichem with all speed, and recovered jerusalem, where preparing to invade Israel, 
1. King. 12. 21.  with an hundred and fourscore thousand chosen men, Shemai in the person of God commanding to the contrary, all was stayed for the present. In the mean time jeroboam the new King fortified Sechem on this side, and 〈◊〉 on the other side of jordan; and fearing that the Union and exercise of one Religion would also join the people's hearts again to the House of David; and having in all likelihood also promised the Egyptians to follow their Idolatry: he set up two Calves of gold for the Children of Israel to worship, impiously persuading them that those were the Gods, or at lest by these he represented those Gods, which delivered them out of Egypt: and refusing the service of the Levites, he made Pricsts fit for such Gods. It must needs be that by banishing the Levites which served David and Solomon through all Israel, jeroboam greatly enriched himself: as taking into his hands all those Cities which were given them by Moses and josua, for as it is written, The Levites left their suburbs, and their possession, and come to juda, etc. This irreligious policy of jeroboam (which was the foundation of an Idolatry that never could be rooted out, until Israel for it was rooted out of the Land) was by prophecy and miracles impugned sufficiently when it first began; but the affections maintaining it, were so strong, that neither Prophecy nor Miracle could make them yield. 〈◊〉 could not be moved now by the authority of Ahia, who 
1. King. 13. v. 4.  from the Lord had first promised unto him the Kingdom; nor by the withering of his own hand as he stretched it over the Altar, which also clave asunder, according to the sign, which the man of God had given by the commandment of 
V 5.  God, who again recovered and cured him of that defect; yet he continued as obstinate 
V 6.  an Idolater as before, for he held it the safest course in policy to proceed as he had begun. This impious invention of jeroboam, who forsook God, and the Religion of his forefathers, by God and his Ministers taught them, was by a modern Historian compared with the policies of late Ages, observing well the practice of his Nation, being an Italian borne. Sic qui hodiè (saith he) politici vocantur, & propria commoda, 〈◊〉 utilitates sibi tanquàm ultimum finem constituunt, causam quam vocant status in capite omnium ponunt: pro ipsatuenda, promonenda, conseruanda, amplianda, nihil non 〈◊〉 putant. Si iniuriaproximoirroganda, si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leges subvertendae, si religio ipsa pessundanda, si 〈◊〉 omnia iura divina, & humana violanda, nihilintentatum, nihil per fas 〈◊〉 relinquendum censent, 〈◊〉 ruant, omnia pereant, nihil adipsos, modòid, quod è re sua esse sibi 〈◊〉, obtineant, ac si nullus sit 〈◊〉 curet, castigareuè possit Deus; So they who are now called Politicians, propounding to themselves, as their utmost end and scope, their own commodity and present profit; are wont to allege the case of state forsooth, as the principal point to be regarded: for the good of the state, for advancing, preserving, or increasing of the state, they think that they may do any thing. If they mean to oppress their neighbour, to overturn all laws of justice and honesty, if religion itself must go to wrack, yea if all rights of God and Man must be violated, they will try all courses, be it right, be it wrong, they will do any thing; let all go to ruin, what care they, so long as they may have what they would; as who should say, there were no God that would offer to meddle in such matters, or had power to correct them.  
Indeed this allegation of raggione del stato, did serve as well to up-hold, as at the first it had done to bring in this vile Idolatry of the ten Tribes. Upon this ground Amazia the Priest of Bethel, counseled the Prophet Amos, not to prophecy at Bethel; 
Amot. 7. 13.  For (said he) it is the Kings Court. Upon this ground even 〈◊〉 that had massacred 
2. King's 10. 16.  the Priests of Baal, in zeal for the Lord, yet would not in any wise depart from that politic sin of jeroboam the son of Nebat, which made Israel to sin. It 
2. King's 10. 20.  was reason of state that persuaded the last famous French King Henry the fourth to change his Religion, yet the Protestant's whom he for sook, obeyed him, but some of the Papists whom he followed, murdered him. So strongly doth the painted vizzor of wise proceeding delude even those that know the soul face of impiety lurking under it, and behold the wretched ends that have ever followed it; whereof jehu and all the Kings of Israel had, and were themselves very great examples.   

§. II Of REHOBOAM his impiety; for which he was punished by SESAC: of his end and Contemporaries.  
WHile jeroboam was occupied in setting up his new Religion, Rehoboam on the other side, having now little hope to recover the Provinces lost, strengthened the principal places remaining with all endeavour: for he fortified and victualled fifteen Cities of 〈◊〉 and Bcniamin: 
2. Cbron. 21.  not that he feared jeroboam alone, but the Egyptians, to whom jeroboam had not only fastened himself, but withal invited them to invade judaea: laying perchance before them the incountable riches of David and Solomon, which might now easily be had, seeing ten of the twelve Tribes were revolted, and become enemies to the judaeans. So as by those two ways (of late years often trodden) to wit, change of Religion, and invitation of foreign force, jeroboam hoped to settle himself in the seat of Israel, whom yet the powerful God for his Idolatry in a few years after rooted out, with all his. Rehoboam also, having as he thought, by fortifying divers places, assured his estate, forsook the Law of the living God, 
1. King's 14. 13.  and made high Places, and Images, and Groves on every high Hill, and under every green Tree.  
And therefore in the fifth year of his reign, Sesac or Shishac before spoken of, being now King of Egypt, and with whom as well Adad of 〈◊〉, as jeroboam, were familiar, and his instruments, entered judaea with twelve thousand Chariots, and 
2. Chron. 12. 3.  three score thousand Horse, besides footmen, which josephus numbers at four 
jos. Ant. 8. c. 4.  hundred thousand. This Army was compounded of four Nations; Egyptians, Lubaeans, Succaeans, and 〈◊〉. The Lubaeans were Lybaeans, the next bordering Region to Egypt, on the West side. The 〈◊〉 were of Petraea, and of the Desert Arabia, which afterward followed Zerah against 〈◊〉 King of juda. The Succaeans according 
2. Chron. 12.  to junius his opinion, were of Succoth, which signifieth Tents: he doth suppose 
2. King's 14.  
Annot. in 12. Cbron.  that they were the Trogloditae, mentioned often in 〈◊〉, Ptolemy, and other Authors. The Troglodytes inhabited not far from the banks of the read Sea, in 22. 
Plin. l. 6. c. 29. Ptol. 〈◊〉. 3.  degrees from the line Northward, about six hundred English mile from the best and Maritimate part of Egypt: and therefore I do not think that the Succims, or 〈◊〉 were those Trogloditae, but rather those Arabians which Ptolemy calls Arabes 〈◊〉, or, Ichthyophagi, which possess that part of Egypt between the mountains called Alabastrini, and the read Sea far nearer Egypt, and readier to be levied then 
Cap. 47. v. 13.  those removed Savages of the Troglodytae.  
With this great and powerful Army, Sesac invaded judaea, and (besides many other strong Cities) wan jerusalem itself; of which, and of the Temple, and King's house, he took the spoil, carrying away (besides other treasures) the golden shields which Solomon had made, 〈◊〉 imitation of those which David recovered from Adidezer, in the Syrian war: these Rehoboam supplied with Targets of brass, which were fit enough to guard a King of his quality: whom Syracides calleth, The foolishness of the people.  
From this time forward the Kings of Egypt claimed the sovereignty of judaea, and held the jews as their Tributaries: Sesac, as it seems, rendering up to Rehoboam his places on that condition. So much may be gathered out of the words of God, where promising the deliverance of juda after their humiliation, he doth notwithstanding leave them under the yoke of Egypt, in these words: Nevertheless, they (to wit, the 〈◊〉) shall be his servants, that is, the servants of SESAC.  
After this overthrow and dishonour, Rehoboam reigned twelve years, and his losses received by Sesac notwithstanding, he continued the war against jeroboam all his life time. After his death jeroboam governed Israel four years.  
Rehoboam lived 58. years, and reigned 17. his story was written at large by Shemeiah and Hiddon the Prophets, but the same perished with that of Nathan & the rest.  
With Rehoboam, Archippus, and Tersippus, the third and fourth Archontes or Governors for life after Codrus, governed in Athens. Abdastrartus, or Abstrartus, in tire. Doristhus the fift of the Heraclidae in Sparta, according to Eusebius (others make 
Euseb. Chron.  him the sixth) and Priminas the fourth in Corinth. Over the Latins reigned Silvius Alba, and Silvius Atys, the fourth and fifth of the Syluij.  
About the 12. of Rehoboam, Abdastrartus King of tire was murdered by his Nurse's sons, or foster brethren, the elder of which usurped the Kingdom twelve years.  
Towards his latter times Periciades, or Pyrithiades, began to govern Assyria, the 34. King thereof: and not long after Astartus, the son of Baleastartus recovered the Kingdom of tire from the Usurpers.   

§. III Of the great battle between JEROBOAM and ABIA, with a Corolary of the examples of God's judgements.  
ABIJAH the Son of Rehoboam, inherited his Father's Kingdom, and his vices. He raised an Army of four hundred thousand, with which he invaded jeroboam, who encountered him with a double number of eight hundred thousand, both Armies joined near to the Mount Ephraim, where jeroboam was utterly overthrown, and the strength of Israel broken; for there fell of that side five hundred thousand, the greatest overthrow that ever was given or received of those Nations. Abijah being now master of the field, recovered Bethel, jeshanah, and Ephron, soon after which discomfiture, jeroboam died: who reigned in all 22. years. Abijah, the better to strengthen himself, entered into league with Hesion, the third of the Adads' of Syria; as may be gathered out of the 2. of Chron. he reigned but three years, and then died: the particulars 
〈◊〉. Chron. 16. 23.  of his acts were written by Iddo the Prophet, as some part of his Fathers were.  
Hear we see how it pleased God to punish the sins of Solomon in his Son Rehoboam: first, by an Idolater and a Traitor: and then by the successor of that Egyptian, whose daughter Solomon had married, thereby the better to assure his estate, which while he served God, was by God assured against all and the greatest neighbouring Kings, and when he forsook him, it was torn asunder by his meanest Vassals; Not that the Father wanted strength to defend him from the Egyptian Sesac. For the son Abijah was able to levy four hundred thousand men, and with the same number he overthrew eight hundred thousand Israelites, and slew of them five hundred thousand, God giving spirit, courage, and invention, when, and where it pleaseth him. And as in those times the causes were expressed, why it pleased God to punish both Kings and their People: the same being both before, and at the instant delivered by Prophets; so the same just God, who liveth and governeth all things for ever, doth in these our times give victory, courage, and discourage, raise, and throw down Kings, 〈◊〉, Cities, and Nations, for the same offences which were committed of old, and are committed in the present: for which reason, in these and other the afflictions of Israel, always 
2. Sam. 27. 1.  the causes are set down, that they might be as precedents to succeeding ages. They were punished with famine in David's time for three years, For Saul and his bloody house, etc. And David towards his latter end suffered all sorts of afflictions, and sorrows in effect, for Uriah. Solomon had ten tribes of twelve 〈◊〉 from his son for his idolatry. Rehoboam was spoiled of his riches and honour by Sesac of Egypt, because the people of juda made images, high places, and groves, etc. And because they suffered Sodomites in the land. jeroboam was punished in himself & his posterity, for the golden Calves that he erected. joram had all his sons slain by the Philistines, and his very bowels torn out of his body by an 〈◊〉 flix, for murdering his brethren. Ahab and jezebel were slain, the blood of the one, the body of the other eaten with dogs: for the false accusing and kill of Naboth. So also hath God punished the same and the like sins in all aftertimes, and in these our days by the same famine, plagues, war, loss, vexation, death, sickness, and calamities, howsoever the wise men of the world raise these effects no higher than to second causes, and such other accidents; which, as being next their eyes and ears, seem to them to work every alteration that happeneth.   

§. FOUR Of ASA and his Contemporaries.  
TO Abijah succeeded Asa, who enjoyed peace for his first ten years, 
2. Chron. 14.  in which time he established the Church of God, breaking down the altars dedicated to strange gods, with their images, cutting down their groves, and taking away their high places. He also spared not his own mother, who was an Idolatress, but deposing her 
2. Chron. 15. 16.  from her regency, broke her Idol, stamped it, and burnt it. He also fortified many Cities, and other places, providing (as provident Kings do) for the 〈◊〉 of war in the leisure of peace. For not long after he was invaded by Zerah, who then commanded all the Arabians bordering 〈◊〉, and with such a multitude entered the territory of Asa, as (for any thing that I have read) were never assembled of that Nation, either before or since. For it is written, that there come against the judeans Zerah of Aethiopia, with an host of ten hundred thousand, and three 〈◊〉 
2. Chron. 14. 9  Chariots; which Asa encountered with an army of 〈◊〉 hundred and sourescore thousand, levied out of those two tribes of judae and Benjamin, which obeyed him, and with which he overthrew this fearful multitude, and had the spoil both of their Cities and Campe.  
That this Zerah was not an Aethiopian, I have 
* In the formet book c. 4. §. 14. item c. 8. §. 10. * 6.  proved already, & were it but the length between Aethiopia and judaea, & the strong flourishing Regions of Egypt interjacent (who would not suffer a million of strangers to pass through them) it were sufficient to make it appear how foolish the opinion is, that these invaders were Aethiopians. But in that the Scriptures acknowledge that Gerar was belonging to Zerah, and the Cities thereabouts were spoiled by the judaeans, in following their victory, as places belonging to Zerah, and that all men know that Gerar standeth upon the torrent of Besor, which David passed over when he surprised 〈◊〉 Amalekites or Arabians; 
2. Chron. 14.  this proveth sufficiently, that Zerah was leader of the Arabians, and that Gerar was a frontier town, 〈◊〉 on the uttermost South-border of all judea, from all parts of Aethiopia six hundred miles. Also the spoils which Asa took, as the cattle, Camels, and sheep, whereof he sacrisiced five thousand, show them to be Arabians adjoining and not far off, and not unknown Aethiopians. And if it be objected that these desert countries can hardly yield a million of men fit for the wars, I answer, that it is as like that Arabia Petraea, and the Desert which compass two parts of the holy Land, should yield ten hundred thousand, as that two tribes of the twelve, should arm five hundred and four score thousand. Besides, it answereth to the promise of God to Abraham, that these nations should exceed in number; for God spoke it of Israel, that he would make him fruitful, and multiply him exceedingly, that he should beget twelve Princes, etc.  
Baasha a king of Israel began to reign in the third of Asa, and fearing the greatness of Asa 〈◊〉 his great victory, entertained Benhadad King of Syria, of the race of Adadezer, to join with him against Asa; and to the end to block him up, he fortified Rama, which lieth in the way from jerusalem towards Samaria.  
This war began according to the letter of the Scriptures in the 36. year of Asa his reign: but because in the first of Kings the 16. it is said that Baasha died in the 
2. Chron. 16. v. 1.  26. year of Asa; therefore could not Baasha begin this war in the 35. of Asa his reign, but in the 35. year of the division of juda and Israel: for so many years it was from the first of Rehoboam, who reigned 17. years, to the 16. of Asa. It may seem strange, that Asa being able to bring into the field an Army of five hundred and four score thousand good Soldiers, did not easily drive away Baasha, and defeat him of his purposes, the victories of Abia against jeroboam, and of Asa himself 〈◊〉 Zerah, being yet fresh in mind, which might well have emboldened the men of juda, and as much disheartened the enemies. Questionless there were some important Circumstances, omitted in the text, which caused Asa to fight at this time with money. It may be that the employment of so many hundred thousands of hands, in the late service against Zerah, had caused many men's private businesses to lie undispatched, whereby the people being now intentive to the culture of their lands and other trades, might be unwilling to stir against the Israelites, choosing rather to wink at apparent inconvenience, which the building of Rama would bring upon them in aftertimes. Such backwardness of the people might have deterred Asa from adventuring himself with the lest part of his forces, and committing the success into the hands of God. Howsoever it were, he took the treasures remaining in the Temple, with which he waged Benhadad the Syrian against Baasha, whose employments Benhadad readily accepted, and broke off confederacy with Baasha. For the Israelites were his borderers, and next neighbours, whom neither 〈◊〉 (after his invasion) nor his successors after him ever gave over, till they had made themselves masters of that Kingdom. So Benhadad being now entered into Nephthalim, 
2. Chron. 16. 4.  without resistance, he spoiled divers principal Cities thereof, and enforced Baasha to quit 〈◊〉, and to leave the same to Asa, with all the materials which he had brought 
1. King's 15.  thither, to fortify the same: which done, Benhadad, who loved neither party, being 〈◊〉 with the spoils of Israel, and the treasures of juda, returned to Damascus. After this, when Hanani the Prophet reprehended Asa, in that he now relied on the strength of Syria, and did not rest himself on the favour and assistance of God, he not only caused Hanani to be imprisoned, but he began to burden and oppress his people, and was therefore strooken with the grievous pains of the gout in his 
2. Chron. 16.  feet, wherewith after he had been two years continually tormented, he gave up the ghost when he had reigned 41. years.  
There lived with Asa, Agesilaus the sixt of the Heraclidae, and Bacis the fift King of the same race in Corinth, of whom his successors were afterward called Bacidae. Astartus, 
Euseb. in Chron.  and Astarimus were Kings in tire. Astarimus took revenge on his brother Phelletes, for the murder of Ithobalus Priest of the goddess Astarta, whom Solomon in dotage worshipped. Atys and Capys ruled the Latins. Pirithiades and Ophrateus the Assyrians: Tersippus and Phorbas the Athenians: Chemmis reigned in Egypt; who dying in the 36. year of Asa, left Cheops his successor, that reigned fifty six years, even to the 16. of joas.   

§. V Of the great alteration falling out in the ten Tribes during the reign of ASA.  
IN the reign of Asa, the Kingdom of Israel felt great and violent commotions, which might have reduced the ten Tribes unto their former allegiance to the house of David, if the wisdom of God had not otherwise determined. The wickedness of jeroboam had in his latter days, the sentence of heavy vengeance laid upon it, by the mouth 〈◊〉 Ahia, the same Prophet which had foretold the division of Israel, for the sin of Solomon, and his reign over the ten Tribes. One son jeroboam had among others, in whom only God found so much piety, as (though it sufficed not to withhold his wrath from that Family) it procured unto him a peaceable end; an 〈◊〉 testimony of the people's love, by their general mourning and lamentation at his death, and (wherein he was most happy) the favourable approbation of God himself.  
After the loss of this good son, the ungodly father was soon taken away: a miserable creature, so conscious of his vile unthankfulness to God, that he durst not suffer his own name to be used in consulting with an holy Prophet, assured of the ruin hanging over him and his, yea, 〈◊〉 God's extreme hatred; yet sorbearing to destroy those accursed Idols that wrought his confusion. So loathe he was to forsake his worldly wisdom, when the world was ready to forsake him, and all belonging to him, his hateful memory excepted.  
Nadab the son of jeroboam, reigned in the second and third years of Asa, which are reckoned as two years, though indeed his father's last year of two and twenty did run along (how far is uncertain) with the second of Asa, whose third 
1. King. 15. 25.  year was the first of Baasha, so that perhaps this Nadab enjoyed not his Kingdom one whole year. He did not altar his father's courses, neither did God altar his sentence. It seems that he little feared the judgements denounced against his father's house: for as a Prince that was secure of his own estate, he armed all Israel against the Philistines, and besieged one of their Towns. There (whither it were so, that the people were offended with his ill success, and recalled to mind their grievous loss of five hundred thousand under jeroboam, counting it an unlucky family to the Nation; or whither by some particular indiscretion, he exasperated them) slain he was by Baasha, whom the Army did willingly accept for King in his stead. Baasha was no sooner proclaimed King, than he began to take order with the house of jeroboam, that noon of them might molest him, putting all of them, without mercy, to the sword. That he did this for private respects, and not in regard of God's will to have it so, it is evident by his continuing in the same form of Idolatry which jeroboam had begun. Wherhfore he received the same sentence from God that had been laid upon jeroboam; which was executed upon him also in the same sort. He began to infeft Asa, by fortifying Ramah; but was diverted from thence by the Syrian Benhadad, who did waste his Country, destroying all the Land of Nephthalim. Four and twenty years he reigned: and then dying, left the Crown to Ela his son; who enjoyed it, as Nadab the son of jeroboam had done, two years currant, perhaps not one complete.  
Ela was as much an idolater as his father: and withal a riotous person. He sent an Army against Gibbethon, the same Town of the 〈◊〉, before which Nadab the son of jeroboam perished; but he sat at home the whilst, feasting and drinking with his Minions, whereby he gave such advantage against himself, as was not neglected. Zimri, an ambitious man, remaining with the King at Tirza, finding his Master so dissolute, and his behaviour so contemptible, conceived hope of the like fortune as Baasha had found, by doing as Baasha had done. Wherhfore he did set upon Ela in his drunkenness, and slew him. Presently upon which fact, he styled himself King of Israel: and began his reign with massacring all the house of Baasha; extending his cruelty not only to his children, and kinsfolk, but unto all his friends in Tirza. These news were quickly blown to the Camp at Gibbethon, where they were not welcomed according to Zimri his expectation. For the Soldiers in stead of proclaiming him King, proclaimed him Traitor: and being led by Omri, whom they saluted King, they (quitting the siege of Gibbethon) presented themselves before Tirza; which in short space they may seem to have forced. Zimri wanting strength to descend the City, not courage to keep himself from falling alive into his enemy's hands, did set fire on the Palace, consuming it and himself together to ashes. Seven days he is said to have reigned: accounting (as is most likely) to the time that Omri was proclaimed in the Campe. For Zimri was also an idolater, Walking 
1. Kin. 16. 19  in the way of JEROBOAM; and therefore is likely to have had more time wherein to declare himself, than the reign of seven days, and those consumed partly in 〈◊〉 the friends of Baasha, partly in seeking to have defended his own life. After the death of Ela, there arose another King to oppose the faction of Omri; whereby it may seem, that Zimri had made his party strong, as being able to set up a new head, who doubtless would never have appeared, if there had not been ready to his hand, some strength, not unlikely to resist and vanquish the Army which maintained Omri. How long this Tibni, the new Competitor of Omri, held out, I do not find; only it appears that his side was decayed, and so he died, leaving no other Successor than his concurrent.   

§. VI A conjecture of the causes hindering the reunion of Israel with juda, which might have been effected by these troubles.  
ANy man that shall consider the state of Israel in those times, may justly wonder how it come to pass, that either the whole Nation, 〈◊〉 with the calamities already suffered under these unfortunate Princes, and with the present civil wars, did not return to their ancient Kings, and reunite themselves with the mighty Tribes of juda and Benjamin; or that Zimri and Tibni, with their oppressed factions, did not call in Asa, but rather cheese the one to endure a desperate necessity of yielding, or burning himself, the other to languish away, a man forsaken: than to have recourse unto a remedy, so sure, so ready, and so honourable. To say that God was pleased to have it so, were a true, but an idle answer (for his secret will is the cause of all things) unless it could be proved, that he had forbidden Asa to deal in that business, as he forbade 〈◊〉 to force the rebellious people to obedience. That the restraint laid by God upon 〈◊〉, did only bind his hands from attempting the suppression of that present insurrection, it appears by the War continued between Israel and juda, so many years following: wherein Abia so far prevailed, that he wan a great battle, and recovered some Towns belonging to the other Tribes, which he annexed to his own Dominion. Wherhfore we may boldly look into the second causes, moving the People and Leaders of the ten Tribes, to suffer any thing under new upstarts, rather than to cast their eyes upon that Royal house of David, from which the succession of five Kings in lineal descent, had taken away all imputation, that might formerly have been laid upon the mean beginnings thereof: To think that Omri had prevented his Competitors, in making peace with Asa, were a conjecture more bold than probable. For Omri was not only an 
1. King. 16. 25.  Idolater, but did worse than all that were before him, which as it might serve alone to prove, that Asa, being a godly King, would not adhere to him, so the course which he professed to take at the very first, of revenging the massacre committed upon the family and friends of Baasha, (Asa his mortal enemy) gives manifest reason, why Zimri, who had wrought that great execution, should more justly than he, have expected the friendship of juda in that quarrel. Wherhfore, in searching out the reason of this back wardness in the ten tribes (which was such that they may seem to have never thought upon the matter) to submit themselves to their true Princes; it were not amiss to examine the causes, moving the people to revenge the death of Ela, an idle drunkard, rather than of 〈◊〉 the son of jeroboam, who followed the wars in person, as a man of spirit and courage. Surely it is apparent, that the very first defection of the ten Tribes, was (if we look upon human reason) occasioned by desire of breaking that 〈◊〉 yoke of bondage wherewith Solomon had galled their necks. Their desire was to have a King that should not oppress them; not to have no King at all. And therefore when the arrogant folly of 〈◊〉 had caused them to renounce him, they did immediately choose jeroboam in his stead, as a man likely to afford that liberty unto them, for which he had 〈◊〉 in their behalf. Neither were they (as it seems) herein altogether deceived. For his affectation of popularity appears in his building of decayed towns, and in the institution of his new devised idolatry; where he told the people, that it was too much for them, to travail so far as to jerusalem. But whither it were so, that his moderation, being voluntary, began to cease, towards the latter end of his reign, and in the reign of his son, when long time of possession had confirmed his title, which at the first was only good by courtesy of the people: or whither the people (as often happens in such cases) were more offended by some prerogatives of a King that he still retained in his own hands, than pleased with his remission of other burdens: it is clearly apparent, that the whole army of all Israel joined with Baasha, taking in good part the death of Nadab, and cradication of jeroboams house.  
Now the reign of Baasha himself, was (for aught that remaineth in writing of it) every way unfortunate; his labour and cost at Rama was cast away; the other side of his Kingdom harried by the Syrians; neither did he win that one town of Gibbethon from the Philistines, but left that business to his son, who likewise appears an unprofitable 〈◊〉. Wherhfore it must needs be, that the favour of the people toward the house of Baasha grew from his good form of Civil government, which happily he reduced to a more temperate method than jeroboam ever meant to 〈◊〉. And surely he that shall take pains to look into those examples, which are extant of the different courses, held by the Kings of Israel and juda, in administration of justice, will find it most probable, that upon this ground it was that the ten Tribes continued so aucrse from the line of David; as to think all adversity more tolerable, than the weighty Sceptre of that house. For the death of joab and Shimei was indeed by them deserved; yet in that they suffered it without form of judgement, they suffered like unto men innocent. The death of Adonijah was both without judgement, and without any crime objected, other than the King's jealousy: out of which by the same rule of arbitrary justice (under which it may be supposed that many were cast away) he would have 〈◊〉 jeroboam (if he could have caught him) before he had yet committed any offence, as appears by his confident return out of Egypt, like one that was known to have endured wrong, having not offered any.  
The like and much more barbarous execution, to wit, without law, jehoram did upon his brethren, and upon sundry of his greatest men; as also joash did so put to death Zachariah, the son of 〈◊〉, who had made him King, even in the court of 
2. 〈◊〉. 24. 21.  the house of the Lord: and MANASSES did shedinnocent blood exceeding much, till hereplenished jerusalem from corner to corner: and this was imputed to him as another fault; 
2. King. 21. 16.  besides his sin, wherewith he made juda to sin. Contrariwise, among the kings of Israel we find no monument of such arbitrary proceeding, unless perhaps the words of jehoram the son of Ahab (which were but words) may be taken for an instance, when he said, God do so to me, and more also, if the head of ELISHA the 
〈◊〉 King. 6. 31.  son of SHAPHAT shall stand on him this day: whereby it is not plain whither he meant to kill him without more ado, or to have him condemned as a false prophet, that had made them hold out against the Aramites, till they were feign to eat their own children, which he thought a sufficient argument to prove, that it was not God's purpose to deliver them. The death of Naboth showeth rather the liberty which the Israelites enjoyed, than any peremptory execution of the Kings william. For Naboth did not 〈◊〉 to stand upon his own right, though Ahab were even sick for anger, neither was he for that cause put to death, as upon commandment, but made away by conspiracy, the matter being handled after a judicial form, which might give satisfaction to the people, ignorant of the device, though to God it could not.  
The murder of the Prophets is continually ascribed to jezabel, an impudent woman, and not unto the King her husband. Neither is it certain, that there was no Law made whereby their lives were taken from them; but certain it is, that the 
〈◊〉. King. 19 10.  people, being idolaters were both pleased with their death, and laboured in the execution. So that the doings of the Kings of juda (such as are registered) prove them to have used a more absolute manner of command, than the Kings of the ten Tribes. Neither do their sufferings witness the contrary. For of those which reigned over juda, from the division of the Kingdom, to the captivity of the ten tribes, three were slain by the people, and two were denied a place of burial amongst their ancestors. Yea, the death of Ahazia and his brethren, slain by jehu, with the destruction of all the Royal seed by Athalia, did not (for aught that we can read) stir up in the people any such thirst of revenge, as might by the suddenness and uniformity testify the affection to be general, and proceeding from a loving remembrance of their Princes; unless we should think that the death of Athalia, after seven years reign, were occasioned rather by the memory of her ill purchasing, than by the present sense of her tyrannical abusing the government, whereon she had seized. On the other side, such of the Kings of Israel as perished by treason (which were seven of the twenty) were all slain by conspiracy of the great men, who aspired by treason to the Crown: the people being so far from imbruing their hands in the blood of their Sovereigns, that (after Nadab) they did never forbear to revenge the death of their Kings, when it lay in their power; nor approve the good success of treason, unless fear compelled them. So that the death of two Kings, being thoroughly revenged upon other two, namely the death of Ela and Zacharia, upon 〈◊〉 and Shallum, who traitorously got and usurped, for a little while, their places; only three of the seven remain, whose ends how the people took, it may be doubtful. Though indeed it is precisely said of the slaughter, committed on Ahab's children by 〈◊〉, that the people durst not fight with him that did it, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 10. 4.  because they were exceedingly afraid: and the same fear might be in them at the death of Peka, whose history (as others of that time) is cursorily passed over. The like may be pronounced, and more absolutely, of the Kings of England, that never any of them perished by 〈◊〉 of the people, but by treason of such as did succeed them, neither was there any motive urging so forcibly the death of King Edward and King Richard when they were in prison, as fear jest the people should stir in their quarrel. And certainly (how soever all that the law calls treason, be interpreted, as tending finally to the King's destruction) in those treasonable insurrections of the vulgar, which have here most prevailed, the fury of the multitude hath quenched itself with the blood of some great Officers; no such rebellions, howsoever wicked and barbarous otherwise, thirsting after the ruin of their natural Sovereign, but rather forbearing the advantages gotten upon his Royal person: which if any man impute unto gross ignorance, another may more charitably, and I think, more truly, ascribe to a reverent affection. Wherhfore that fable of Briareus, who, being loosened by Pallas, did with his hundred hands give assistance to jupiter, when all the rest of the Gods conspired against him, is very fitly expounded by Sir Francis Bacon, as signifying, that monarchs need not to fear any courbing of their absoluteness by mighty subjects, as long as by wisdom they keep the hearts of the people, who will be sure to come in on their side. Though indeed the Story might very well have borne the same interpretation, as it is rehearsed by Homer, who tells us that Pallas was one of the conspiracy, and that Thetis alone did mar all their practice, by loosening Briarcus. For a good form of government sufficeth by itself to retain the people, not only without assistance of a laborious Wit, but even against all devices of the greatest and shrewdest politicians: every Sheriff and Constable, being sooner able to arm the multitude, in the King's behalf, than any 〈◊〉- weening Rebel how mighty soever, can against him.  
This declaration of the people's love, being seldom found in juda, makes it very likely, that the rule itself of government there was such, as neither gave occasion of contentment unto the subjects, nor of confidence in their good affection, to the Kings. Upon which reasons it may seem that the multitude was kept usually disarmed. For otherwise it would have been almost impossible, that Athalia the sister of Ahab, a stranger to the royal blood of juda, should by the only authority of a Queen mother have destroyed all the seed of David, and usurped the Kingdom very near seven years without finding any resistance. Yea when jehoiada the high Priest had agreed with the Captains and principal men of the land to set up joash their lawful King, whereunto the whole nation were generally well affected; he was feign to give to these Captains and their men, the spears and the shields that were King DAVID'S, and were in the house of the Lord. But we need not enter into such particulars. Questionless, the Tribes which thought obedience to their Princes to be a part of their duty toward God, would endure much more with patience, than they which had Kings of their own choice or admission, holding the Crown by a more uncertain tenure.  
And this, in my opinion, was the reason, why the ten tribes did never seek to return to their ancient Lords: but after the destruction of their six first Kings, which died in the reign of Asa, admitted a seventh of a new family, rather than they would consubiect themselves, with those of juda and 〈◊〉, under a more honourable, but more heavy yoke.  
So, Asa having seen the death of seven kings of Israel, died himself after one and forty years reign, leaving jehosaphat his son to deal with Ahab the son of Omri, who was the eight King over the ten tribes.   

§. VII. Of JEHOSAPHAT and his contemporaries.  
JEHOSAPHAT, who succeeded Asa, was a Prince religious and happy; he destroyed all the Groves, Altars, and high places dedicated to idolatry, and sent searchers to all places and people wanting instruction; he recovered the Tribute due unto him by the Arabians and Philistines: from the one he had silver, from the other sheep and goats to the number of fifteen thousand and four hundred. The numbers of his men of war were more than admirable: for it is written that Adnah had the command of three hundred 
2. 〈◊〉. 17.  thousand, jehohanam of two hundred and fourscore thousand, and Amasia of two hundred thousand; also that he had, besides these, in Benjamin of those that bore shields, which we call Targeteers, and of Archers under Eliada two hundred thousand, and under the commandment of jehozabad a hundred and fourscore thousand: which numbered together, make eleven hundred and sixty thousand, all which are said to have waited upon the King, besides his garrisons.  
That juda and Benjamin, a territory not much exceeding the County of Kent, should muster eleven hundred and sixty thousand fight men, it is very strange, 
2. 〈◊〉. 14. 4.  and the number far greater than it was found upon any other view. joab in David's time found five hundred thousand: Rehoboam found but an hundred and fourscore thousand: Abia four hundred and eight thousand: Asa five hundred and fourscore thousand: 〈◊〉 enrolled all that could bear arms, and they amounted to three hundred thousand: Uzziah three hundred and seven thousand and five hundred. Surely, whereas it is written that when news was brought to jehosaphat that Moab and Ammon were entered his territory to the West of jordan, and that their numbers were many, he feared (to wit) the multitude, it is not likely that he would have feared even the army of Xerxes, if he could have brought into the field eleven hundred and threescore thousand fight men, leaving all his strong Cities manned. I am therefore of opinion (referring myself to better judgement) that these numbers specified in the second of Chronicles the seventeenth, distributed to several leaders, were not all at one time, but that the three hundred thousand under Adnah, and the two hundred and fourscore thousand under jehohanam, were afterward commanded and mustered by Amasiah, Eliada, and jehosabad: for the gross and total is not in that place set down, as it was under the other Kings formerly named. Again as the aids which jehosaphat brought to Ahab did not show that he was a Prince of extraordinary power, so the Moabites and 〈◊〉 which he feared could never make the one half of those numbers, which he that commanded lest among Iehoshaphats leaders had under him.  
This mighty Prince notwithstanding his greatness, yet he joined in friendship with Ahab King of Israel, who had married that wicked woman jezabel. Him josaphat visited at Samaria, and caused his son joram to marry Athalia, this Achab's daughter.  
Ahab persuaded josaphat to assift him in the war against the Syrians, who held the City of Ramoth Gilead from him, and called together four hundred of his Prophets, or Baalites to foretell the success: who promised him victory. But jehosaphat 〈◊〉 nothing at all in those diviners, but resolved first of all to confer with some one Prophet of the Lord God of Israel. Hereupon Achab made answer that he had one called Michaiah, but he hated that Prophet, because he always foretold of evil, and never of any good towards him. Yet sent for Michaiah was to the King but by the way the messenger prayed him to consent with the rest of the Prophets: and to promise' victory unto them as they did. But Michaiah spoke the truth, and repeated his vision to both Kings, which was that God asked who shall persuade AHAB, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth Gilead? to whom a spirit that stood before the Lord answered, that he would enter into his prophets, and be in them a false spirit to delude. For as it is said by Christ: Non 〈◊〉 vos estis qui loquimini, sed spiritus patris vestri loquitur in vobis: It is not you that speak, but the spirit of your father speaks in you: so in a contrary kind did the devil in the prophets of Baal, or Satan, encourage Achab to his destruction. And as P. Martyr upon this place well observeth, these evil spirits are the ministers of God's vengeance, and are used as the hangmen and tormentors, which Princes sometime employ. For as it pleaseth God by his good Angels, to save and deliver from destruction, of which the Scriptures have many examples: so on the contrary, it is by the evil that he punisheth and destroyeth, both which are said to perform the will of their Creator licet non eodem animo. Ecclesiasticus remembreth a second sort of malignant natures, but they are everywhere visible. There are spirits, saith he, created for vengeance, which in their rigour lay on sure strokes. In the time of destruction they show forth their power, and accomplish the wrath of him that made them.  
Now Michaias having by this his revelation greatly displeased the King, and the Prophets whose spirit he discovered, was strooken by Zidkiah one of Baal's prophets, and by Achab himself committed to prison: where he appointed him to be reserved and fed with bread of affliction till he returned in peace. But Michaiah, not fearing to reply, answered, If thou returns in peace, the Lord hath not spoken by me. Nevertheless Achab went on in that war, and was wounded to death. jehosaphat returned to jerusalem, where he was reprehended by jehu the Prophet for assisting an idolatrous Prince, and one that hated God. 
2. 〈◊〉.   
After this the Aramites or Damascens, joined with the Moabites, Ammonites and Idumaeans to invade judaea: who pass jordan and encamp at Engaddi, and when jehosaphat gathered his army, the Prophet 〈◊〉 forctolde him of the victory, which should be obtained without any bloodshed of his part: and so when jehosaphat approached, this assembly of nations, the Ammonites and Moabites, disagreeing with the Idumaeans, and quarreling for some causes among themselves, those of Ammon and Moab set upon the Idumaeans, and broke them utterly: which done they also invaded each other; in which broil jehosaphat arriving took the spoil of 
2. Chron. 10,  them all without any loss of his part, as it was foretold and promised by God. Notwithstanding this victory, jehosaphat forgetting that he was formerly reprehended for assisting an Idolatrous King, did notwithstanding join with Ochazias, the son of Achab, in preparing a Fleet to sand to Ophir, hoping of the like return which Solomon had: but as Eliezor the Prophet foretold him, his ships perished and were broken in the port of Ezion 〈◊〉, and so that enterprise was overthrown. 
2. Chron. 20.   
Yet he taketh part with jehoram the brother of Ochazias, against the Moabites, with which Kings of juda and Israel the 〈◊〉 join their forces, not forgetting, it seems, that the Moabites, assisted by the Ammonites, had not long before destroyed their army.  
The Moabites, subjects to David and Solomon, forsaking the Kings of juda, gave themselves for vassals to jeroboam, and so they continued to his successors till the death of Achab: but jehosaphat, notwithstanding the Idolatry of his Colleague, 〈◊〉 as it seemeth, he was drawn into this war both to be avenged of the Moabites for their defection from juda to Israel, as also because they had lately joined themselves with the Syrians against josaphat, and thirdly, to punish their double 〈◊〉 who first forsook juda and now Israel.  
Both Kings resolved to pass by the way of Idumaea, thereby the better to assure that nation, for we find that both Moab, Ammon and Edom were all in the field together at Engaddi against jehosaphat: But whither they had then declared themselves against jehosaphat, it is not certain, for in the 2. of Chronicles. II vers. 8. it is written that in the time of jehoram, the son of jehosaphat, Edom rebelled, and therefore it seemeth to me that the Edomites, when they were slain by Moab and Ammon, not finding themselves satisfied in such conditions as they required, offered to turn from them, and to join themselves with the army of juda. For that they were numbered among the enemies of josaphat, it is plain in the 2. of Chron. the 20. and as plain c. 2. v. 8. that they were not declared, nor had made them a King, till Iehosaphats death. Now in the passage of these Kings towards Moab, whither it were by the extraordinary heat of the year, or whither the Idumaeans having a purpose to rebel, misled the army of juda and Israel with intent to enfeeble them for want of water; true it is, that they suffered the same, if not a greater thirst than the armies of Crassus and M. Antonius did in their Parthian expeditions; and had, in all likelihood, utterly perished, had not Elisha taught them to cut trenches whereinto the water sprang, by which not only Ichosaphat and his arm, but jehoram King of Israel an Idolater was relieved: the great mercy and goodness of God, having ever been prove to save the evil for the good, whereas he never destroyed the good for the evil.  
The miserable issue of this war, and how Moab burned his son, or the son 
2. Kin. 3.  of the King of Edom, for sacrifice on the rampire of his own City, I have already written in the life of jehoram among the Kings of Israel. jehosaphat reigned twenty 
2. Chron. 20.  five years and died, he was buried in the valley of jehosaphat, and a part of the Pyramid 
〈◊〉. ter. sanct.  set over his grave is yet to be seen, saith Brochard. His acts are written at large by jehu the son of Hanani.  
There lived with jehosaphat, Ophratenes in Assyria, Capetus and Tiberinus Kings of the Alban in Italy; of the latter the river Tiber (formerly Albula) took name.  
In Iehosaphats time also ruled Mecades or Mezades in Athens: Agelas or Agesilaus in Corinth; and Archilaus of the same race, of the Heraclidae the seventh in Lacedaemon. Badesorus ruled the Tyrians; Achab, Ochazias and jehoram the Israelites.    

CHAP. XX. Of JEHORAM the son of JEHOSAPHAT, and AHAZIA.  

§. I. That JEHORAM was made King sundry times.  
JEHORAM the son of jehosaphat King of juda began to reign at thirty two years of age, and lived until he was forty years old, being eight years a King: but of these eight years, which jehoram is said to have reigned, four are to be reckoned in the life of his father, who going to the Syrian war with Ahab, left this jehoram King in his stead, as Ahab did his son Ahazia. This appears by the several beginnings, 
1. 〈◊〉. 22. v. 51.  which are given in Scripture to the two jehorams kings of Israel and juda, and to Ahazia the eldest son of Ahab. For Ahazia is said to have begun his reign, in the seventeenth year of jehosaphat. jehoram the brother of Ahazia succeeded him in the second year of JEHORAM the son of JEHOSAPHAT King of juda, that is, in 
2. Kin. 1. 17.  the next year after that jehoram of juda was designed king by his father; it being (as we find elsewhere) the eighteenth year of JEHOSAPHAT himself, who went 
2. Kin. 3. v. 1. and 9  with the Israelite against Moab. Hereby it appears that the full power and execution of the royal office was retained still by jehosaphat, who governed absolutely by himself, not communicating the rule with his son. But in the fist year of JEHORAM King of Israel, which was the two and twentieth of 〈◊〉, the old 
2. Kin. 8 16.  King took unto him, as partner in the Government, this his eldest son, who was at that time thirty two years old, his Father being fifty seven. Now forasmuch as JEHOSAPHAT reigned twenty five years, it is cuident that his son did not reign alone till the eighth of 〈◊〉 King of Israel. The like regard is to be 
1. Kin. 32. 42.  had in accounting the times of other Kings of juda and Israel, who did not always reign precisely so long as the bore letter of the text may seem at first to affirm: but their years were sometimes complete, sometimes only current, sometimes confounded with the years of their successors or foregoers, and must therefore be sounded by comparing their times with the years of those others, with whom they did begin and end.  
It were perhaps a thing less needful than curious, to inquire into the reasons moving jehosaphat either to assume unto him his son as partner in the Kingdom, whilst he was able himself to command both in peace and in war, the like having never been done by any of his progenitors, or having once (in the seventeenth of his reign) vouchsated unto him that honour, to resume it unto himself, or at leastwise to defer the confirmation of it, until four or five years were passed. Yet forasmuch as to enter into the examination of these passages, may be a mean to found some light, whereby we may more clearly discover the causes of much extraordinary business ensuing, I hold it not amiss to make such conjecture, as the circumstances of the Story briefly handled in the Scriptures may seem to approve.  
We are therefore to consider, that this King jehosaphat was the first of Rehoboam's issue that ever entered into any strength league with the Kings of the ten Tribes. All that reigned in juda before him, had with much labour and long war, tired themselves in vain, making small profit of the greatest advantages that could be wished. Wherhfore jehosaphat thought it the wisest way, to make a league offensive and defensive between Israel and juda, whereby each might enjoy their own in quiet.  
This confederacy made by a religious King, with one that did hate the Lord, 
2. Chro. 19 v. 2. and 3.  could not long prospero, as not issuing from the true root and fountain of all wisdom: yet as a piece of sounded policy, doubtless it wanted not fair pretences of much common good thereby likely to arise, with mutual fortification of both those kingdoms, against the uncircumcised nations their ancient enemies. This apparent benefit, being so inestimable a jewel, that it might not easily be lost, but continued as hereditary from father to son, it was thought a very good course to have it confirmed by some sure bond of affinity, and thereupon was Athalia the daughter of Omri and sister of 〈◊〉 King of Israel, given in marriage to jehoram, who was son and heir apparent to the King of juda. This Lady was of a masculine spirit, and had learned so much of Queen jezabel her brother's wife, that she durst undertake, and could thoroughly perform a great deal more in jerusalem, than the other knew how to compass in Samaria. She was indeed a firebrand, ordained by God to consume a great part of the noblest houses in juda, and perhaps of those men or their children, whose worldly wisdom, regardless of God's pleasure, had brought her in.  
The first first-fruits of this great league, was the Syrian war at Ramoth Gilead, wherein juda and Israel did adventure equally, but the profit of the victory should have redounded wholly to Ahab: as godly Princes very seldom thrive by matching with Idolators, but rather serve the turns of those false friends, who being ill affected to God himself, cannot be well affected to his servants. Before their setting forth Ahab designed, as King, his son Ahazia; not so much perhaps in regard of the uncertain events of war (for noon of his predecessors had ever done the like upon the like occasions) nor as fearing the threatenings of the Prophet Micaia (for he despised them) as inviting jehosaphat by his own example, to take the same course, wherein he prevailed.   

§. II Probable conjectures of the motives inducing the old King JEHOSAPHAT to change his purpose often, in making his son JEHORAM King.  
MAny arguments do very strongly prove jehoram to have been wholly overruled by his wife; especially for his forsaking the religion of his godly Ancestors, and following the abominable superstitions of the house of Achab.  
That she was a woman of intolerable pride, and abhorring to live a private life, the whole course of her actions witnesseth at large. Much vain matter she was able to produce, whereby to make her husband think that his brethren and kindred were but mean and unworthy persons in comparison of him, and of his children, which were begotten upon the daughter and sister of two great Kings, not upon base women and mere subiccts. The Court of Ahab, and his famous victories obtained against the Syrian Benhadad, were matter sufficient to make an insolent man think highly of himself, as being allied so honourably; who could otherwise have found in his heart well enough, to despise all his brethren, as being the eldest, and heir apparent to the Crown, whereof already he had, in a manner, the possession.  
How soon his vices broke out, or how long he dissembled them and his idolatrous religion, it cannot certainly be known. Like enough it is, that some smoke, out of the hidden fire, did very soon make his father's eyes to water; who thereupon caused the young man to know himself better, by making him fall back into rank among his younger brethren. And surely the doings of jehosaphat about the same time, argue no small distemper of the whole country, through the misgovernment of his ungodly son. For the good old King was feign to make his progress round about the land, 〈◊〉 the people unto the service of God, and appointing judges throughout all the strong Cities of juda City by City. This had been a needless 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 v. 4. 5, etc.  labour, if the religion taught and strongly maintained by Asa, and by himself, had not suffered alteration, and the course of justice been perverted, by the power of such as had borne authority. But the necessity that then was of reformation, appears by the charge which the King did give to the judges; and by his commission given to one of the 〈◊〉 in spiritual causes, and to the steward of his house in temporal matters, to be general overseers.  
This was not till after the death of Ahazia the son of Ahab; but how long after it is uncertain. For jehoram the brother of Ahazia began his reign (as hath been already noted) in the eighteenth of jehosaphat, which was then accounted the second of jehoram, Iehosaphats son, though afterward this jehoram of juda had another first and second year, even in his father's time, before he reigned alone, as the best Chronologers and expositors of the holy text agreed. So he continued in private estate, until the two and twentieth of his father's reign, at which time, though the occasions inducing his restitution to former dignity are not set down, yet we may not think, that motives thereto, appearing substantial, were wanting. jehoram of Israel held the same correspondency with jehosaphat that his father had 〈◊〉; and made use of it. He drew the judaean into the war of Moab, at which time it might well be, that the young Prince of juda was again ordained King by his father, as in the 〈◊〉 expedition he had been. Or if we aught rather to think, that the preparations for the enterprise against Moab did not occupy so much time, as from the eighteenth of jehosaphat, in which year that nation rebelled against Israel, unto his two and twentieth; yet the daily negotiations between the two Kings of juda and Israel, and the affinity between them contracted in the person of jehoram, might offer some good occasions thereunto. Neither is it certain how the behaviour of the younger sons, in their elder brother's disgrace, might 'cause their Father to put him in possession for fear of tumult after his death; or the 〈◊〉 dissimulation of jehoram himself might win the good opinion both of his Father and Brethrens; it being a thing usual in mischievous fell natures, to be as abject and servile in time of adversity, as insolent and bloody upon advantage. This is manifest, that being repossessed of his former estate, he demeaned himself in such wise towards his brethren, as caused their Father to enable them, not only with store of silver, and of gold, and of precious things, (which kind of liberality other Kings doubtless had 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 3.  used unto their younger sons) but with the custody of strong Cities in juda, to assure them, if it might have been by unwonted means, against unwonted 〈◊〉.   

§. III The doings of JEHORAM when he reigned alone; and the rebellion of Edom and Libna.  
But all this providence availed nothing; for an higher providence had otherwise determined of the sequel. When once the good old man, their Father, was dead, the younger sons of jehosaphat found strong Cities, a weak defence, against the power of him to whom the Citizens were obedient. If they come in upon the summons of the King their brother, then had 〈◊〉 them without more ado; if they stood upon their guard, then were they Traitors, and so unable to hold out against him, who besides his own power, was able to bring the forces of the Israelitish Kingdom against them, so that the apparent likelihood of their final overthrow, sufficed to make all forsake them in the very beginning. Howsoever it was, they were all taken and slain, and with them for company many great men of the Land; such belike, as either had taken their part, when the Tyrant sought their lives, or had been appointed Rulers of the Country, when jehoram was deposed from his Government; in which Office they, without forbearing to do justice, could hardly avoid the doing of many things, derogatory to their young Master, which if he would now call treason, saying that he was then King, who durst say the contrary?  
After this, jehoram took upon him, as being now Lord alone, to make innovations in Religion: wherein he was not contented as other sdolatrous Princes, to 〈◊〉 way and safe conduct unto Superstition and Idolatry, 〈◊〉 to provoke and encourage the people to that sin, whereto it is wonderful that they were so much 〈◊〉, having such knowledge of God, and of his 〈◊〉 that above all other sins; but he used compulsion, and was (if not the very first) the first that is registered, to have set up Irreligion by force.  
Whilst he was thus busied at home, in doing what he listed, the Edomites his Tributaries rebelled against him abroad; and having 〈◊〉 since 〈◊〉 time, been governed by a Viceroy, did now make unto themselves a King. Against these jehoram in person made an expedition, taking along with him his Princes, and all his Chariots, with which he obtained victory in the field compelling the Rebels to fly into their places of advantage, whereof he 〈◊〉 no one, but went away contented with the honour that he had gotten in beating and kill some of those whom he should have subdued, and kept his servants. Now began the prophecy of Isaac to take effect, wherein he foretold, that Esau in 〈◊〉 of time should break the yoke of jacob. For after this the Edomites could never be reclaimed by any of the Kings of juda, but held their own so well, that when, after many civil and foreign wars, the jews by sundry Nations had been brought low; Antipater the Edomite, with Herod his Son, and others of that race following them, become Lords of the 〈◊〉, in the decrepit age of Israel, and reigned as Kings, even in jerusalem itself.  
The freedom of the Edomites, though purchased somewhat dearly, encouraged Libna, a great City within juda, which in the time of josua had a peculiar King, to rebel against jehoram, and set itself at liberty. Libna stood in the confines of Benjamin and of Dan, far from the assistance of any bordering enemies to juda, and therefore so unlikely it was to have maintained itself in liberty, that it may seem strange how it could escape from utter destruction, or at the lest from some terrible vengeance, most likely to have been taken, by their powerful, cruel, and thoroughly incensed Lord. The Israelite held such good intelligence at that time with juda, that he would not have accepted the Town, had it offered itself unto him: neither do we read that it sought how to cast itself into a new subjection, but continued a free estate. The rebellion of it against jehoram, was, Because he had forsaken 
2. 〈◊〉 1. 10.  the Lord God of his Fathers; which I take to have not only been the first and remote cause, but even the next and immediate reason, moving the inhabitants to do as they did: for it was a Town of the Levites: who must needs be driven into great extremities, when a religion contrary to God's Law, had not only some allowance to countenance it by the King, but compulsive authority to force unto it all that were unwilling. As for the use of the Temple at jerusalem (which being devout men they might fear to loose by this rebellion) it was never denied to those of the ten revolted Tribes by any of the Religious Kings, who rather invited the Israelites thither, and gave them kind entertainment: under Idolaters they must have been without 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 30.  it whither they lived free or in subjection. Yet it seems that private reasons were not wanting, which might move them rather to do than to suffer that which was unwarrantable. For in the general visitation before remembered, wherein 〈◊〉 reformed his Kingdom, the good old King appointing new Governors, and giving them especial charge to do justice without respect of persons, used these words, The Levites shall be Officers before you; Be of good courage, and do it, and the Lord shall be with the good. By these phrases, it seems, that he encouraged them against the more powerful, than just proceed of his son; whom if the Levites did (according to the trust reposed in them) neglect in discharging their duties, likely it is that he meant to be even with them, and make them now to feel, as many Princes of the Land had done, his heavy indignation. How it happened that Libna was not hereupon destroyed, yea, that it was not (for aught that we can read) so much as 〈◊〉 or molested, may justly seem very strange. And the more strange it is in regard of the mighty Armies which jehosaphat was able to raise, being sufficient to have overwhelmed any one Town, and buried it under the earth, which they might in one month have cast into it with shovels, by ordinary approaches.  
But it seems that of these great numbers which his Father could have levied, there were not many whom jehoram could well trust; and therefore perhaps he thought it an easier loss, to let one Town go, then to put weapons into their hands, who were more likely to follow the example of Libna, than to punish it. So desperate is the condition of Tyrants, who thinking it a greater happiness to be feared, than to be loved; are feign themselves to stand in fear of those, by whom they might have been dreadful unto others.   

§. FOUR Of the miseries falling upon JEHORAM, and of his death.  
THese afflictions not sufficing to make any impression of God's displeasure in the mind of the wicked Prince; a Prophecy in writing was delivered unto him, which threatened both his people, his children, his wives, and his own body. Hereby likewise it appears that he was a cruel Persecutor of God's servants; in as much as the Prophets durst not reprove him to his face, as they had done many of his Predecessors, both good and evil Kings, but were feign to denounce God's judgements against him by letters, keeping themselves close and far from him. This Epistle is said to have 
2. Chron. 21. 12.  been sent unto him from Elias the Prophet. But Elias was translated, and Elizeus prophesied in his stead before this time, even in the days of jehosaphat. Wherhfore 
2. Kin. c. 2. and c. 3. v. 11.  it may be that Elias left this prophecy in writing behind him, or that (as some conjecture) the error of one letter in writing, was the occasion that we read Elias for Elizeus. Indeed any thing may 〈◊〉 be believed than the Tradition held by some of the jewish Rabbins, that Elias from heaven did sand this Epistle; a tale somewhat like to the fable of our Lady's letters, devised by Erasmus, or of the Verse that was sent from heaven to S. Giles.  
But whosoever was the Author of this threatening Epistle, the accomplishment of the prophecy was as terrible, as the sentence. For the 〈◊〉 and Arabians broke into judaea, and took the King's house, wherein they found all, or many of his children, and wives, all which they slew, or carried away, with great part of his goods. These Philistines had not presumed since the time of David, to make any offensive war till now; for they were by him almost consumed, and had lost the best of their Towns, maintaining themselves in the rest of their small Territory, by defensive arms, to which they were constrained at Gibbethon by the Israelites. The Arabians were likely to have been then as they are now, a naked people, all horsemen, and ill appointed; their Country affording no other furniture, than such as might make them fit to rob and spoil in the open fields, than to offend strong Cities such as were thick set in juda. True it is that in ages long after following, they 〈◊〉 all the South parts of the world then known, in a very short space of time, destroying some, and building other some very stately Cities. But it must be considered; that this was when they had learned of the Romans the Art of War; and that the provisions which they found, together with the Arts which they learned, in one subdued Province, did make them able and skilful in pursuing their conquest, and going onward into Regions far removed from them. At this day having lost in effect all that they had gotten, such of them as live in Arabia itself are good horsemen, but ill appointed, very dangerous to passengets, but unable to deal with good Soldiers, as riding stark naked, and rather trusting in the swiftness of their horses, than in any other means of resistance, where they are well opposed. And such, or little better, may they seem to have been, that spoiled judaea in the time of jehoram. For their Country was always barren and desert, wanting manual Arts whereby to supply the naturals with furniture: neither are these bands named as chief in that action, but rather adherents of the Philistines. Out of this we may infer, that one half, yea or one quarter of the numbers found in the lest muster of juda and Benjamin under jehosaphat (wherein were enrolled three hundred and eighty thousand fight men) had been enough to have driven away far greater forces than these enemies are likely to have brought into the field, had not the people been unable to deal with them, for lack of weapons, which were now kept from them by their Prince's jealousy, as in Saul's time by the policy of the Philistines.  
It may seem that the house of the King which these invaders took, was not his Palace in jerusalem, but rather some other house of his abroad in the Country, where his wives and children at that time lay for their recreation: because we read not that they did sack the City, or spoil the Temple, which would have invited them as a more commodious booty, had they got possession thereof. Yet perhaps they took jerusalem itself by surprise, the people being disarmed, and the King's guards too weak to keep them out; yet had not the courage to hold it, because it was so large and populous; and therefore having done what spoil they could, withdrew themselves with such purchase as they were able safely to convey away.  
The slaughter committed by jehu upon the two and forty brethren of Ahazia, or (as they are called elsewhere) so many of his brother's Sons, and the cruel massacre wherein all the Royal seed perished (only joas excepted) under the tyranny of Athalia, following within two years after this invasion of the Philistines, and Arabians, make it seem probable, that the 〈◊〉 of jehoram were not all 〈◊〉 at once, but that rather the first murder began in his own time, and was seconded by many other heavy blows, wherewith his house was incessantly stricken, until it was in a manner quite hewed down.  
After these calamities, the hand of God was extended against the body of this wicked King, smiting him with a grievous disease in his bowels, which left him not until his guts fell out, and his wretched soul departed from his miserable carcase. The people of the Land, as they had small cause of comfort in his life, so had they not the good manners to pretend sorrow for his death; wherefore he was denied a place of burial among his Ancestors the Kings of juda, though his own son succeeded him in the Kingdom, who was guided by the same spirits that had been his Father's evil Angels. Athalia had other matters to trouble her head, than the pompous enterring of a dead husband. She was thinking how to provide for the future, to maintain her own greatness, to retain her favourites in their authority, and to place about her Son such counsellors, of the house of AHAB, as were fittest 
2. 〈◊〉. 22. 4.  for her turn. Wherhfore she thought it unseasonable to make much ado about a thing of nothing, and offend the people's eyes, with a stately funeral of a man by them detested: but rather chose to let the blame of things passed be laid upon the dead, than to procure an ill opinion of herself and hers, which it now did concern her to avoid. Such is the quality of wicked 〈◊〉, having made 〈◊〉 use of bad employments, to charge, not only with his own vices, but with their faults also, the man whose evil inclinations their 〈◊〉 counsels have made worse, when once he is go, and can profit them no longer. The death of jehoram fell out indeed in a busy time; when his friend and cozen the Israelite, who had the same name, was entangled in a difficult war against the Aramite; and therefore could have had no better leisure to help Athalia, in setting of things according to her own mind, than he had (perhaps through the same 〈◊〉) to help her husband, when he was distressed by the Philistines. Yea rather he needed and craved the assistance of the men of juda, for the taking in of Ramoth Gilead, where they had not sped so well the last time, that they should willingly run thither again, unless they were very fairly entreated.  
The acts of this wicked man I have thought good to handle the more particularly (pursuing the examination of all occurrences, as far as the circumstances remembered in holy Scripture, would guide me by their directions) to the end that it might more plainly appear, how the corrupted affections of men, impugning the revealed will of God, accomplish nevertheless his hidden purpose, and without miraculous means, confounded themselves in the seeming wise devices of their own folly: as likewise to the end that all men might learn, to submit their judgements to the ordinance of God, rather than to think, that they may safely dispense with his commandments, and follow the prudent conceits which worldly wisdom dictateth unto them. For in such kind of unhappy subtleties, it is manifest that Athalia was able to furnish both her Husband and her Son, but the issue of them partly hath appeared already, and partly will appear, in that which immediately follows.   

§. V Of the reign of AHAZIA, and his business with the King of Israel.  
OCHAZIAS, or Ahazia, the son of Ichoram and Athalia, began his reign over juda in the twelfth year of jehoram, the son of Ahab King of Israel, and reigned but that one year. Touching his age, it is a point of more difficulty than importance to know it; yet hath it bred much disputation, whereof I see no more probable conclusion, than that of Torniellus, alleging the Edition of the 〈◊〉 at Rome, Anno Domini 1588. which saith that he was twenty years old in the beginning of his Kingdom, and the Annotations thereupon, which cite other Copies, that give him two years more. Like enough he is to have been young: for he was governed by his Mother, and her Ministers, who gave him counsel by which he perished. In matter of Religion he altered noon of his Father's courses. In matter of State, he likewise up held the league 〈◊〉 with the house of Ahab. He was much busied in doing little, and that with ill success. He accompanied his Cousin the Israelite against Ramoth Gilead, which they wan, but not without blows: for the Aramites fought so well, that the King of Israel was feign to adventure his own person, which scaped not unwounded. The Town being won was manned strongly, in expectation of some attempt likely to be made by Hazael king of Aram: which done, jeboram King of Israel withdrew himself to the City of Izreel, where with more 〈◊〉 he might attended the curing of his wounds; and Ahazia returned to jerusalem. It seems that he was but newly come home (for he reigned in all scantly one year, whereof the former expedition, with the preparations for it, 〈◊〉 taken up a great part) when he made a new journey, as it were for good manners sake, to visit the King of Israel, who lay sore of his wounds. Belike Athalia was brewing some new plots, which his presence would have hindered, and therefore sought every occasion to thrust him abroad: for otherwise it was but a vain piece of work so to leave his kingdom, having no other business than by way of compliment to go see one whom he had seen yesterday. Certain it is that the Lord had resolved at this time to put in execution that heavy judgement, which he had laid by the mouth of Elias the Prophet upon the house of 〈◊〉. And hereunto at this time had he disposed not only the concurrence of all other things, which in man's eyes might seem to have been accidental; but the very thoughts and affections of such persons, as intended nothing less than the fulfilling of his high pleasure. Of these Athalia doubtless was one; whose mischievous purposes it will shortly be needful for explanation of some difficulties arising, that we diligently consider and examine.   

§. VI How AHAZIA perished with the house of AHAB: and how that Family was destroyed by JEHV.  
THe whole Army of Israel, with all the principal Captains lying in Ramoth Gilead, a Disciple of Elizeus the Prophet come in among the Captains that were sitting together, who calling out from among them jehu, a principal man, took him apart, and anointed him King over Israel, rehearsing unto him the prophecy of Elias against the house of Ahab, and letting him understand that it was the pleasure of God to make him executioner of that sentence. The fashion of the Messenger was such as bred in the Captains a desire to know his 〈◊〉, which jehu thought meet to let them know, as doubting whither they had overheard all the talk or no. When he had acquainted them with the whole matter, they made no delay, but forthwith proclaimed him King. For the prophecy of Elias was well known among them, neither durst any one oppose himself against him, that was by God ordained to perform it.  
jehu, who had upon the sudden this great honour thrown upon him, was not slow to put himself in possession of it, but used the first heat of their affections who joined with him, in setting on foot the business which nearly concerned him, and was not to be foreslowed, being no more his own than Gods.  
The first care taken was that no news of the revolt might be carried to Izreel, whereby the King might have had warning either to fight or flee: this being foreseen, he marched swiftly away, to take the Court while it was yet secure. King jehoram was now so well recovered of his wounds, that he could endure to ride abroad, for which cause it seems that there was much feasting, and joy made, especially by Queen jezabel, who kept her state so well, that the brethren of Ahazia coming thither at this time, did make it as well their errand to salute the Queen, as to visit the King.  
Certain it is, that since the rebellion of Moab against Israel, the house of Ahab did never so much flourish as at this time. Seventy Princes of the blood Royal there were that lived in Samaria; jehoram the son of Queen jezabel had won Ramoth Gilead, which his Father had attempted in vain, with loss of his life; and he won it by valiant fight, wherein he received wounds, of which the danger was now past, but the honour likely to continued. The 〈◊〉 was so great between Israel and juda, that it might suffice to daunt all their common enemies, leaving no hope of success, to any rebellious enterpriser: so that now the prophecy of Elias might be forgotten, or no otherwise remembered, than as an unlikely tale by them that 〈◊〉 held the majestical face of the Court, wherein so great a friend as the King of juda was entertained, and forty Princes of his blood expected.  
In the midst of this security, whilst these great Estates were (perhaps) either consulting obout prosecution of their intents, first against the Aramites, and then against Moab, Edom, and other rebels and enemies: or else were triumphing in joy of that which was already well achieved, and the Queen Mother dressing herself in the bravest manner to come down amongst them; tidings were brought in, that the watchman had from a Tower discovered a company coming. These news were not very troublesome: for the Army that lay in Ramoth Gilead, to be ready against all attempts of the Aramites, was likely enough to be discharged upon some notice taken that the enemy would not, or could not stir. Only the King sent out an Horseman to know what the matter was, and to bring him word. The messenger coming to jehu, and ask whither all were well, was retained by him, who intended to give the King as little warning as might be. The seeming negligence of this fellow in not returning with an answer, might argue the matter to be of small importance: yet the King to be satisfied, sent out another that should bring him word how all went; and he was likewise detained by jehu. These dumb shows bred some suspicion in jehoram, whom the watchmen certified of all that happened. And now the company drew so near, that they might, though not perfectly, be 〈◊〉, and notice taken of jehu himself by the furious manner of his marching. Wherhfore the King that was loathe to discover any 〈◊〉, caused his Chariot to be made ready, and issued forth with 〈◊〉 King of juda in his company, whose presence added majesty to his train, when strength to resist, or expedition to flee had been more needful. This could not be 〈◊〉 so hastily, but that jehu was come even to the Towns end, and there they met each other in the field of Naboth. jehoram began to salute jehu with terms of peace, but receiving a bitter answer, his heart failed him, so that crying out upon the treason to his fellow King, he turned away to have fled. But jehu soon overtook him with an arrow, wherewith he struck him dead, and threw his carcase into that field, which, purchased with the blood of the rightful owner, was to be watered with blood of the unjust possessor. Neither did Ahazia escape so well, but that he was arrested by a wound, which held him till death did seize upon him.  
The King's Palace was joining to the wall, by the gate of the City, where jezabel might soon be advertised of this calamity, if she did not with her own eyes behold it. Now it was high time for her to call to God for mercy, whose judgement, pronounced against her long before, had overtaken her, when she least expected it. But she, full of indignation, and proud thoughts, made herself ready in all haste, and painted her face, hoping with her stately and imperious looks to daunt the Traitor, or at the lest to utter some Apothegm, that should express her brave spirit, and brand him with such a reproach as might make him odious for ever. Little did she think upon the hungry dogs, that were ordained to devour her, whose paunches the 〈◊〉, with which she besmeared her eyes, would more offend, than the scolding language wherewith she armed her tongue, could trouble the ears of him that had her in his power. As jehu drew near, she opened her window, and looking out upon him, began to put him in mind of Zimri, that had not long enjoined the first-fruits of his treason, and murder of the King his Master. This was in mere human valuation stoutly spoken, but was indeed a part of miserable 〈◊〉, as are all things, howsoever laudable, if they have an ill relation to God the Lord of all. Her own eunuchs that stood by and heard her, were not affected so much as with any compassion of her fortune; much less was her enemy daunted with her proud spirit. When jehu seen that she did use the little remainder of her life in seeking to vex him; he made her presently to understand her own estate, by deeds and not by words. He only called to her servants to know which of them would be of his side, and soon found them ready to offer their service, before the very face of their proud Lady. Hereupon he commanded them to cast her down headlong: which immediately they performed without all regard of her greatness and estate, wherein she had a few hours before shined so gloriously in the eyes of men; of men that considered not the judgements of God that had been denounced against her.  
So perished this accursed woman by the rude hands of her own servants, at the commandment of her greatest enemy, that was yesterday her subject, but now her Lord: and she perished miserably struggling in vain with base grooms, who contumeliously did hale and thrust her, whilst her insulting enemy sat on horseback, adding indignity to her grief by scornful beholding the shameful manner of her fall, and trampling her body under foot. Her dead carcase that was left without the walls was devoured by dogs, and her very memory was odious. Thus the vengeance of God rewarded her Idolatry, murder, and oppression, with slow, but sure payment, and full interest.  
Ahazia King of juda fleeing apace from jehu, was overtaken by the way where he lurked; and receiving his deadly wound in the Kingdom of Samaria, was suffered to get him go (which he did in all haste) and seek his burial in his own kingdom: and this favour he obtained for his grandfathers sake, not for his fathers, nor his own. He died at 〈◊〉, and was thence carried to jerusalem, where he was interred with his Ancestors, having reigned about one year.    

CHAP. XXI. Of ATHALIA, and whose Son he was that succeeded unto her.  

§. I. Of ATHALIA her usurping the Kingdom, and what pretences she might forge.  
AFTER the death of Ahazia, it is said that his house was not able to retain the Kingdom: which note, and the proceed of Athalia upon the death of her 
2. Chron. 22. 9  Son, have given occasion to divers opinions concerning the Pedigree of joas, who reigned shortly after. For Athalia being thus despoiled of her Son, under whose name she had ruled at her pleasure, did forthwith lay hold upon all the Princes of the blood, and slew them, that so she might occupy the Royal Throne herself, and reign as Queen, rather than live a Subject. She had beforehand put into great place, and made Counsellors unto her son, such as were fittest for her purpose, and ready at all times to execute her will: that she kept a strong guard about her it is very likely; and as likely it is that the great execution done by jehoram, upon the Princes, and many of the Nobility, had made the people tame, and fearful to 〈◊〉, whatsoever they seen or heard.  
Yet ambition, how violent soever it be, is seldom or never so shameless as torefuse the commodity of goodly pretences offering themselves; but rather scrapes together all that will any way serve to colour her proceed. Wherhfore it were not absurd for us to think, that Athalia, when she seen the Princes of the Royal blood, all of them in a manner, slain by her husband, and afterwards his own children destroyed by the Philistines, began even then to play her own game, reducing by artificial practice, into fair likelihoods, those possibilities wherewith her husband's bad fortune had presented her. Not without great show of reason, either by her own mouth, or by some trustic creature of hers, might she give him to understand, how needful it were to take the best order whilst as yet he might, for fear of the worst that might happen. If the issue of David, which now remained only in his Family, should by any accident fail (as woeful experience had already showed what might after come to pass) the people of juda were not unlikely to choose a King of some new stock, a popular seditious man peradventure, one that to countenance his own unworthiness, would not care what aspersions he laid upon that Royal house, which was fallen down. And who could assure him, that some ambitious spirit, foreseeing what might be gotten thereby, did not already contrive the destruction of him, and all his seed? Wherhfore it were tho wisest way to design by his authority, not only his Successor, but also the reversioner, and so to provide, that the Crown might never be subject to any rifeling, but remain in the disposition of them that loved him best, if the worst that might be feared coming to pass, his own posteritic could not retain it.  
Such persuasions being urged, and earnestly followed, by the importunate solicitation of her that governed his affections, were able to make the jealous Tyrant think that the only way to frustrate all devices of such as gaped after a change, was to make her Heir the last and youngest of his house, whom it most concerned, as being the Queen-mother, to up-hold the first and eldest.  
If Athalia took no such course as this in her husband's times, yet might she do it in her Sons. For Ahazia (besides that he was wholly ruled by his Mother) was not likely to take much care for the security of his halfe-brethrens, or their children; as accounting his Fathers other wives, in respect of his own high borneMother, little better than Concubines, and their children basely begotten. But if this mischievous woman forgot herself so far in her wicked policy, that she lost all opportunity which the weakness of her husband and son did afford, of procuring to herself some seeming Title; yet could she afterwards feign some such matter, as boldly she might: being sure that noon would ask to see her evidence, for fear of being sent to learn the certainty of her son or husband in another world. But I rather think that she took order for her affairs before hand. For though she had no reason to suspect or fear the sudden death of her son, yet it was the wisest way to provide betimes against all that might happen, whilst her husband's issue by other women was young and unable to resist. We plainly found that the Brethrens or Nephews of Ahazia, to the number of two and forty, were sent to the Court of Israel, only to salute the children of the King, and the children of the Queen. The slender occasion of which long journey, considered together with the quality of these persons (being in effect all the stock of jehoram that could be grown to any strength) makes it very suspicious that their entertainment in jezabels' house would only have been more formal, but little differing in substance, from that which they found at the hand of 〈◊〉. He that looks into the courses held both before and after by these two Queens, will find cause enough to think no less. Of such as have aspired unto Lordships not belonging to them, and thrust out the right Heirs by pretence of Testaments, that had no other validity than the sword of such as claimed by them could give, Histories of late, yea of many Ages, afford plentiful examples: and the rule of Solomon is true: Is there any thing 
Eccles. 1. 10.  whereof one may say, Behold, this is new? it hath been already in the old time that was before us. That a King might shed his brother's blood, was proved by Solomon upon Adonia; that he might alien the Crown from his natural Heirs, David had given proof: but these had good ground of their doings. They which follow examples that please them, will neglect the reasons of those examples, if they please them not, and rest contented with the practice, as more willingly showing what they may do, than acknowledging why Solomon slew his brother that had begun one rebellion, and was entering into another. JEHORAM slew all his brethren, which were better than 
2. Chro. 21. v. 13.  he: DAVID purchased the Kingdom, and might the more freely dispose of it, yet he disposed of it as the Lord appointed; if jehoram, who had lost much and gotten nothing, thought that he might alien the remainder at his pleasure; or if Abazia sought to cut off the succession of his brethren, or of their issue: either of these was to be answered with the words which jehoiada the Priest used afterwards, in declaring the title of JOASH: Behold, the King's 〈◊〉 must reign; as the Lord 〈◊〉 said of the sons of DAVID. Wherhfore though I hold it very probable, that Athalia did pretend some title, whatsoever it might be, to the Crown of juda; yet is it most certain that she had thereunto no right at all, but only got it by treachery, murder, and open violence; and so she held it six whole years, and a part of the seventh, in good seeming-securitie.   

§. II How JEHV spent his time in Israel, so that he could not molest ATHALIA.  
IN all this time jehu did never go about to disturb her; which in reason he was likely to desire, being an enemy to her whole House. But he was occupied at the first in establishing himself, rooting out the posterity of Ahab, and reforming somewhat in Religion: afterwards in wars against the Aramite, wherein he was so far overcharged, that hardly he could retain his own, much less attempt upon others. Of the line of Ahab there were seventy living in Samaria, out of which number jehu by letter advised the Citizens to set up some one as King, and to prepare themselves to fight in his defence. Hereby might they gather how confident he was, which they well understood to proceed from greater power about him, than they could gather to resist him. Wherhfore they took example by the two Kings whom he had slain, and being exceedingly afraid of him, they offered him their service, wherein they so readily showed themselves obedient, that in less than one days warning, they sent him the heads of all those Princes, as they were enjoined by a second letter from him. After this he surprised all the Priests of Baal by a subtlety, feigning a great sacrifice to their god, by which means he drew them altogether into one Temple, where he slew them; and in the same zeal to God utterly demolished all the monuments of that impiety.  
Concerning the Ido latrie devised by jerohoam, no King of Israel had ever greater reason than jehu to destroy it. For he needed not to fear jest the people should be alured unto the house of David; it was (in appearance) quite rooted up, and the Crown of juda in the possession of a cruel Tyranness: he had received his kingdom by the unexpected grace of God; and further, in regard of his zeal expressed in destroying Baal out of Israel, he was promised, notwithstanding his following the sin of jeroboam, that the Kingdom should remain in his Family, to the fourth Generation. But all this would not serve; he would needs help to piece out God's providence with his own circumspection; doing therein like a foolish greedy gamester, who by stealing a needless Card to assure himself of winning a stake, forfeits his whole rest. He had questionless displeased many, by that which he did against Baal; and many more he should offend by taking from them the use of a superstition, so long practised as was that Idolatry of jeroboam. Yet all these, how many soever they were, had never once thought upon making him King, if God, whom, to retain them, he now forsook, had not given him the Crown, when more difficulties appeared in the way of getting it, than could at any time after be found in the means of holding it.  
This ingratitude of jehu drew terrible vengeance of God upon Israel, whereof Hazael King of Damascus was the Executioner. The 〈◊〉 of this barbarous Prnce we may find in the prophecy of Elizeus, who foretold it, saying: Their 
2. King. 8. v. 12.  strong Cities shalt thonset on fire, and their young men shalt thou slay with the sword, and shalt dash their Infants against the stones, and rend in pieces their women with child. So did not only the wickedness of Ahab cause the ruin of his whole house, but the obstinate Idolatry of the people bring a lamentable misery upon all the Land. For the fury of Hazael's victory was not quenched with the destruction of a few Towns, nor wearied with one invasion; but he smote them in all the coasts of Israel, and wasted 
2. King. 10. v. 32  all the Country beyond the River of jordan. Notwithstanding all these calamities, it seems that the people repent not of their Idolatry; (For in those days the Lord began to loathe Israel,) but rather it is likely, that they bemoaned the noble House of Ahab, under which they had beaten those enemies to whom they were now a prey, and had bravely fought for the conquest of Syria, where they had enlarged their border, by winning Ramoth Gilead, and compelled Benhadad to restore the Cities which his Father had won: whereas now they were feign to make woeful shifts, living under a Lord that had better fortune and courage in murdering his Master that had put him in trust, than in defending his people from their cruel enemies. Thus it commonly falls out, that they who can find all manner of difficulties in serving him, to whom nothing is difficult, are, in stead of the ease and pleasure to themselves propounded by contrary courses, overwhelmed with the troubles which they sought to avoid, and therein by God whom they first forsook, forsaken, and left unto the wretched labours of their own blind wisdom, wherein they had reposed all their confidence.   

§. III Of ATHALIAH'S Government.  
THese calamities falling upon Israel, kept Athalia safe on that side, giving her leisure to look to things at home; as having little to do abroad, unless it were so that she held some correspondency with Hazael, pretending therein to imitate her husband's grandfather King Asa, who had done the like. And some probability that she did so may be gathered out of that which is recorded of her doings. For we find, that this wicked ATHALIA and her children broke up the house of God, and all things that were 
2. Chro. 24. v: 7.  dedicated for the house of the Lord did they bestow upon BAALIM. Such a sacrilege, though it proceeded from a desire to set out her own Idolatry, with such pomp as might make it the more glorious in the 〈◊〉 eyes, was not likely to want some fair pretext of necessity of the State so requiring: in which case others before her had made bold with that holy place, and her next successor was 〈◊〉 to do the like, being thereunto forced by Hazael, who perhaps was delighted with the taste of that which was formerly thence extracted for his sake.  
Under this impious government of Athalia, the devotion of the Priests and Levites was very notable, and served (no doubt) very much to 〈◊〉 the people in the religion taught by God himself, how soever the Queen's proceed advanced the contrary. For the poverty of that sacred Tribe of 〈◊〉 must needs have been exceeding great at this time; all their lands and possessions in the ten Tribes being utterly lost, the oblations and other perquisites, by which they lived, being now very few, and small; and the store laid up in better times under godly Kings, being all taken away by shameful robbery. Yet they up-held in all this 〈◊〉 the service of God, and the daily sacrifice, keeping duly their courses, and performing obedience to the high Priest, no less than in those days wherein their entertainment was far better.   

§. FOUR Of the preservation of JOAS.  
JEHOIADA then occupied the high Priesthood, an honourable, wise and religious man. To his carefulness it may be ascribed, that the state of the Church was in some slender sort up-held in those unhappy times. His wife was jehoshabeth, who was daughter of King jehoram, and sister to Ahazia, a godly Lady and virtuous, whose piety makes it seem that Athalia was not her Mother, though her access to the Courtargue the contrary: but her discreet carriage might more easily procure her welcome to her own Father's house, than the education under such a Mother could have 〈◊〉 her to be such as she was. By her care joash the young Prince that reigned soon after, was conveyed out of the nursery, when Athalia destroyed all the King's children, and was carried secretly into the Temple, whereas secretly he was brought up. How it come to pass that this young child was not hunted out, when his body was missing, nor any great reckoning (for aught that we find) made of his escape, I will not stand to examine: for it was not good in policy, that the people should hear say, that one 〈◊〉 the children had avoided that cruel blow; it might have made them harken after innovations, and so be the less conformable to the present government. So joash was delivered out of that slaughter, he and his Nurse being go no man could tell wither, and might be thought peradventure to be cast away, as having no other guard than a poor woman that gave him suck, who foolishly doubting that she herself should have been slain, was fled away with him into some desolate places, where it was like enough that she and he should perish. In such cases flatterers, or men desirous of reward, easily coin such tales, and rather swear them to be true in their own knowledge, than they will loose the thanks due to their joyful tidings.   

§. V Whose Son JOAS was.  

†. I Whither JOAS may be thought likely to have been the Son of AHAZIA.  
NOw concerning this joash, whose son 〈◊〉 was, it is a thing of much difficulty to affirm, and hath caused much controversy among writers. 
2. 〈◊〉 11. 2. 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉. 22. v. 11.  The places of Scripture, which call him the son of AHAZIA, seem plain enough. How any figure of the Hebrew language might give that title of Son unto him, in regard that he was his Successor, I neither by myself can find, nor can by any help of Authors 〈◊〉 how to answer the difficulties appearing in the contrary opinions of them, that think him to have been, or not, the natural Son of Ahazia. For whereas it is said, that the house of AHAZIA was not able to retain the Kingdom; some do infer that 
2. 〈◊〉. 22. v. 9  this joash was not properly called his Son, but was the next of his kindred, and therefore succeeded him, as a son in the inheritance of his Father. And hereunto the murder committed by Athalia, doth very well agreed. For she perceiving that the Kingdom was to fall into their hands, in whom she had no interest, might easily find cause to fear, that the tyranny exercised by her husband, at her instigation upon so many noble Houses, would now be revenged upon herself. The ruin of her Idolatrous religion might in this case terrify both her and her Minions; the sentence of the Law rewarding that offence with death; and the Tragedy of 〈◊〉 teaching her what might happen to another Queen. All this had little concerned her, if her own grandchild had been heir to the Crown; for she that had power enough to make herself Queen, could with more ease, and less envy, have taken upon her the office of a Protector, by which authority she might have done her pleasure, and been the more both obeyed by others, and secure of her own estate, as not wanting an Heir. Wherhfore it was not needful, that she should be so unnatural, as to destroy the child of her own son, of whose life she might have made greater use, than she could of his death: whereas indeed, the love of grandmothers to their Nephews, is little less than that of Mothers to their children.  
This argument is very strong. For it may seem incredible, that all natural affection should be cast aside, when as neither necessity urgeth, nor any commodity thereby gotten requireth it, yea when all human policy doth teach one the same, which nature without reason would have persuaded.   

†. II That JOAS did not descend from NATHAN.  
But (as it is more easy to find a difficulty in that which is related, than to show how it might have otherwise been) the pedigree of this joash is, by them which think him not the son of Ahazia, set down in such sort that it may very justly be suspected. They say that he descended from Nathan the son of David, and not from Solomon, to which purpose they bring a Historic (I know not whence) of two families of the race of David, saying that the line of Solomon held the kingdom with this condition, that if at any time it failed, the family of Nathan should succeed it. Concerning this Nathan the son of David there are that would have him to be Nathan the Prophet, who, as they think, was by David adopted. And of this opinion was Origen, as also S. Augustine sometime was, but after ward he revoked it, as was meet; for this Nathan is reckoned among the sons of David, by 〈◊〉 the daughter 
1. Chron. 3. 5.  of Ammes, and therefore could not be the Prophet. Gregory Nazianzen (as I find him cited by Peter Martyr) and after him, Erasmus, and Faber Stapulensis, have likewise held the same of joash, deriving him from Nathan. But Nathan, and those other brethren of Solomon by the same mother, are thought, upon good likelihoods, to have been the children of Vria the Hittite: and so are they accounted by sundry of the fathers, and by Lyra, and Abulensis, who follow the Hebrew expositors of that place in the first of Chronicles. The words of Solomon calling himself the only begotten of his mother, do approve this exposition: for we read of no more than two sons which Bathshua or Bathsheba did bear unto David, whereof the one, begotten in adultery, died an infant, and Solomon only of her children by the King did live. So that the rest must needs have been the children of Vria, and are thought to have been David's only by adoption. Wherhfore, if joas had not been the son of Ahazia, then must that pedigree have been false, wherein S. Matthew deriveth him lineally from Solomon; yea, then had not our blessed Saviour issued from the loins of David, according to the flesh, but had only been of his line by courtesy of the Nation, and form of Law, as any other might have been. As for the authority of Philo, which hath drawn many late writers into the opinion that joash was not of the posterity of Solomon, it is enough to say, that this was Friar Annius his Philo: for no other edition of Philo hath any such matter; but Annius can make Authors to speak what he list.   

†. III That JOAS may probably be thought to have been the son of JEHORAM.  
IN so doubtful a case, if it seem lawful to hold an opinion that no man hath yet thought upon, methinks it were not amiss to lay open at once, and peruse together two places of Scripture, whereof the one telling the wickedness of 〈◊〉 
2. King. 8. v. 19  the son of jehosaphat King of juda, for which he and his children perished, rehearseth it as one of God's mercies towards the house of David, that according to his promise he would give him alight, and to his children for ever: the other doth say, that for the offences of the same JEHORAM, there was not a son left him, save JEHOAHA s the youngest of his sons. Now, if it were in regard of God's promise to David, that after those massacres of jehoram, upon all his brethren, and of the Philistines, and Arabians upon the children of jehoram, one of the seed of David escaped; why may it not be thought that he was said to have escaped, in whom the line of David was preserved? for had all the race of Solomon been rooted up in these woeful Tragedies, and the progeny of Nathan succeeded in place thereof; like enough it is that some 〈◊〉 more particular would have been extant, of an event so memorable. That the race of Nathan was not extinguished, it is indeed apparent by the Genealogy of our Lord; as it is recounted by S. Luke: but the 〈◊〉 of the house of David, mentioned in the books of Kings and Chronicles, was performed in the person of jehoahas, in whom the Royal branch of Solomon, the natural, and not only legal issue remaining of David, was kept alive. Wherhfore it may be thought that this joash, who followed 〈◊〉 in the Kingdom, was the youngest son of 〈◊〉, whose life Athalia as a stepdame, was not likely to pursue. For it were not easily understood, why the preservation of David's line, by God's especial mercy, in regard of his promise made, should peritaine rather to that time, when besides Ahazia himself, there were two and forty of his brethren, or (as in another 
2. King. 10. 13.  place they are called) sons of his brethren remaining alive, which afterwards were all slain by jebu; than have reference to the lamentable destruction and little 
2. Chron. 22. v. 8.  less than extirpation of that progeny, wherein one only did escape. Certainly that inhuman murder which jehoram committed upon his brethren, if it were (as appeareth in the History) revenged upon his own children; then was not this vengeance of God accomplished by the Philistines and Arabians, but being only begun by them, was afterwards prosecuted by Ichu, and finally took effect by the hands of that same wicked woman, at whose instigation he had committed such barbarous outrage. And from this execution of God's heavy judgement laid upon jehoram and all his children, only jehoahas his youngest son was exempted; whom therefore 
2. Chron. 21. 14.  if I should affirm to be the same with joas, which is called the son of Ahazia, I should not want good probability. Some further appearance of necessity there is, which doth argue that it could no otherwise have been. For it was the youngest son of jehoram in whom the race was preserved; which could not in any likelihood be Ahazia, seeing that he was twenty years old at the lest (as is already noted) when he began to reign, and consequently, was borne in the eighteenth or twentieth year of his Father's age. Now, I know not whither of the two is more unlikely, either that jehoram should have begotten many children before 〈◊〉 was eighteen years old, or that having (as 〈◊〉 had) many wives and children, he should upon the sudden, at his eighteenth year, become unfruitful, and beget no more in twenty years following: each of which must have been true, if this werc true that Ahazia was the same 〈◊〉, which was his youngest son. But this inconvenience is taken away, and those other doubts arising from the causeless 〈◊〉 of Athalia, in seeking the life of joas, are 〈◊〉 cleared, if joas and 〈◊〉 were one. Neither doth his agc with stand this opinion. For he was seven years old when 
2. Chron. 24. 1.  he began to reign; which if we understand of years complete, he might have been a year old at the death of jehoram, being begotten somewhat after the beginning of his sickness. Neither is it more absurd to say that he was the natural son of jehoram, though called the son of Ahazia, than it were to say, as great Authors have done, this difficulty not withstanding, that he was of the posterity of Nathan. One thing indeed I know not how to answer; which, had it concurred with the rest, might have served as the very foundation of this opinion. The name of jehoahas, that soundeth much more near to joas, than to Ahazia, in an English ear, doth in the Hebrew (as I am informed by some, skilful in that language) through the diversity of certain letters, differ much from that which it most resembleth in our Western 
2. 〈◊〉. 22. 6.  manner of writing, and little from the other. Now, although it be so that Ahazia himself be also called Azaria, and must have had three names, if he were the same with jehoahas; in which manner joas might also have had several names; yet, bccause I find no other warrant hereof than a bore possibility, I will not presume to build an opinion upon the weak foundatation of my own conjecture, but leave all to the consideration of such as have more ability to judge, and leisure to consider of this point.   

†. FOUR Upon 〈◊〉 reasons ATHALIA might 〈◊〉 to destroy JOAS, if he were her own 〈◊〉.  
IF therefore we shall follow that which is commonly received, and interpret the text according to the letter, it may be said, that Athalia was not only blinded by the passions of ambition and 〈◊〉 to her 〈◊〉 worship of 〈◊〉, but pursued the accomplishment of some natural desires, in seeking the 〈◊〉 of her grandchild, and the rest of the blood Royal. For whither it were so that Athalia (as proud and cruel women are not always chaste) had imitated the liberty of jezabel 
2. 〈◊〉. c. 9 v. 22.  her sister in law, whose 〈◊〉 were upbraided by jehu to her son; or whither she had children by some former husband, before she was married unto jehoram (which is not unlikely in regard of her age, who was daughter of Omri, and sister to Ahab) 〈◊〉 it is that she had sons of her own, and those old enough to be employed, as they were, in robbing of the Temple. So it is not greatly to be wondered at, that to 〈◊〉 the Crown upon her own children, she did seek to cut off, by wicked policy, all other claims. As for joas, if she were his grandmother, yet she might mistrust the interest which his mother would have in him, left when he come to years, it might withdraw him from her devotion. And hereof (besides that women do commonly better love their daughter's husbands, than their sons wives) there is some 〈◊〉 in the reign of her son: for she made him spend all his time in idle journeys, to no other apparent end, than that she might rule at home; and he living abroad be estranged from his 〈◊〉, and entertain some new fancies, wherein jezabel had cunning enough to be his tutoresse. But when the sword of jehu had rudely cut in sunder all these fine devices, then was Athalia feign to go roundly to work, and do as she did, whereby she thought to make all sure. Otherwise, if (as I could rather think) she were only stepdame to joas, we need not seek into the reasons moving her to take away his life; her own hatred was cause enough to dispatch him among the first.    

§. VI 〈◊〉, wherein is maintained the liberty of using conjecture in Histories.  
THus much concerning the person of joas, from whom, as from a new root, the tree of David was propagated into many branches. In handling of which matter, the more I consider the nature of this History, and the diversity between it and others, the less me thinks I need to suspect my own presumption, as deserving blame, for 〈◊〉 in matter of doubt, or boldness in liberty of conjecture. For all Histories do give us information of human counsels and events, as far forth as the knowledge and faith of the writers can afford; but of God's will, by which all things are ordered, they speak only at random, and many times 〈◊〉. This we often find in profane writers, who ascribe the ill success of great undertakings to the neglect of some impious Rites, whereof indeed God 〈◊〉 the performance as vehemently, as they thought him to be highly offended with the omission. Hereat we may the less wonder, if we consider the answer made by the jews in 〈◊〉 unto jeremy the Prophet reprehending their idolatry. For, 〈◊〉 the written Law of God was known unto the people, and his punishments laid upon them for contempt thereof were very terrible, and even then but newly executed; yet were they so obstinately bend unto their own wills, that they would not by any means be drawn to acknowledge the true cause of their affliction. But they told the Prophet roundly, that they would worship the Queen of 〈◊〉, as they and their Fathers, their Kings and their Princes had used to do; For then (said they) had we 
jer. 44. v. 17. and 18.  plenty of victuals, and were well, and felt no evil: adding that all manner of miseries were befallen them, since they 〈◊〉 off that service of the Queen of Heaven. So blind is the wisdom of man, in looking into the counsel of God, which to find out there is no better nor other guide than his own written will not perverted by vain additions.  
But this History of the Kings of Israel and juda hath herein a singular prerogative above all that have been written by the most sufficient of merely human authors: it setteth down expressly the true, and first causes of all that happened; not in imputing the death of Ahab to his over-forwardnesse in battle; the ruin of his family, to the security of jeroboam in Izreel; nor the victories of Hazael, to the great commotions raised in Israel, by the coming of 〈◊〉; but referring all unto the will of God, I mean, to his revealed will: from which that his hidden purposes do not vary, this story, by many great examples, gives most notable proof. True it is, that the concurrence of second causes with their effects, is in these books nothing largely described; nor perhaps exactly in any of those Histories that are in these points most copious. For it was well noted by that worthy Gentleman, Sir 
S. Phil. Sid. in his Apol. for Poetry.  PHILIP SIDNIE, that Historians do borrow of Poets, not only much of their ornament, but somewhat of their substance. Informations are often false, records not always true, and notorious actions commonly insufficient to discover the passions which did set them first on foot. Wherhfore they are feign (I speak of the best, and in that which is allowed; for to take out of Livy every one circumstance of Claudius his journey against Asdrubal in Italy, fitting all to another business, or any practice of that kind, is neither Historical nor Poetical) to search into the particular humour of Princes, and of those which have governed their affections, or the instruments by which they wrought, from whence they 〈◊〉 collect the most likely motives, or impediments of every business; and so figuring as 〈◊〉 to the life as they can imagine, the matter in hand, they judiciously consider the defects in counsel, or obliquity in proceeding.  
Yet all this, for the most part, is not enough to give assurance, howsoever it may give satisfaction. For the heart of man is 〈◊〉: and Princes, howsoever their intents be seldom hidden from some of those many eyes which pry both into them, and into such as live about them; yet sometimes either by their own close temper, or by some subtle 〈◊〉, they conceal the truth from all reports. Yea, many times the affections themselves lie dead, and buried in oblivion, when the preparations which they begat, are converted to another use. The industry of an Historian, having so many things to weary it, may well be excused, when finding apparent cause enough of things done, it forbeareth to make further search; though it often fall out, where sundry occasions work to the same end, that one small matter in a weak mind is more effectual, than many that seems far greater. So comes it many times to pass, that great fires, which consume whole houses or Towns, begin with a few straws, that are wasted or not seen; when the flame is discovered, having fastened upon some wood-pile, that catcheth all about it. Questionless it is, that the war commenced by Darius, and pursued by Xerxes against the Greeks', 
Hero. l. 1.  proceeded from desire of the Persians' to enlarge their Empire: howsoever the enterprise of the Athenians upon Sardes, was noised abroad as the ground of that quarrel: yet Herodotus telleth us, that the wanton 〈◊〉 of Queen Atossa, to have the Graecian dames her bondwomen, did first move Darius to prepare for this war before he had received any injury; and when he did not yet so much desire to get more, as to enjoy what was already gotten.  
I will not here stand to argue whither Herodotus be more justly reprehended by some, or defended by others, for alleging the vain appetite, and secret speech of the Queen in bed with her husband, as the cause of those great evils following; this I may boldly affirm, (having I think, in every estate some sufficient witnesses) that matter of much consequence, founded in all seeming upon substantial reasons, have issued indeed from such petty trifles, as no Historian would either think upon, or could well search out.  
Therefore it was a good answer that Sixtus Quintus the Pope made to a certain 〈◊〉, coming to visit him in his Popedom, as having long before in his meaner estate, been his familiar friend. This poor 〈◊〉, being emboldened by the Pope to use his old liberty of speech, adventured to tell him, that he very much wondered how it was possible for his Holiness, whom he rather took for a direct honest man, than any cunning politician, to attain unto the Papacy; in compassing of which, all the subtlety (said he) of the most crafty brains, find work enough: and therefore the more I think upon the Art of the conclave, and your unaptness thereto, the more I needs must wonder. Pope Sixtus to satisfy the plain dealing Friar, dealt with him again as plainly, saying, Hadst thou lived abroad as I have done, and seen by what folly this world is governed, thou wouldst wonder at nothing.  
Surely, if this be referred unto those exorbitant engines, by which the course of affairs is moved; the Pope said true. For the 〈◊〉 of men are not without their vanities, which requiring and finding mutual toleration, work more 〈◊〉, and earnestly, than right reason either needs or can. But if we lift up our thoughts to that supreme Governor, of whose Empire all that is true, which by the Poet was said of jupiter:  

Qui terram inertem, qui mare temper at  
Ventosum, & urbes, regnaque tristia  
Divosque, mortalesque turmas,  
〈◊〉 regit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

Who rules the duller earth, the wind-swolne streams,  
The civil Cities, and th'infernal realms,  
Who th'host of heaven and the mortal band,  
Alone doth govern by his just command.   
Than shall we find the quite contrary. In him there is no uncertainty nor change; he forseeth all things, and all things disposeth to his own honour; He neither deceiveth nor can be deceived, but continuing one and the same for ever, doth constantly govern all creatures by that law, which he hath prescribed and will never altar. The vanities of men beguile their vain contrivers, and the prosperity of the wicked, is the way leading to their destruction: yea, this broad and headlong passage to hell, is not so delightful as it seemeth at the first entrance, but hath growing in it, besides the poisons which infect the soul, many cruel thorns deeply wounding the body, all which, if any few escape, they have only this miserable advantage of others, that their descent was the more swift and expedite. But the service of God is the path guiding us to perfect happiness, and hath in it a true, though not complete felicity, yielding such abundance of joy to the conscience, as doth easily countervail all afflictions whatsoever; though indeed those brambles that sometimes tear the skin of such as walk in this blessed way, do commonly lay hold upon them at such time as they sit down to take their ease, and make them wish themselves at their journeys end, in the presence of their Lord whom they faithfully serve, in whose presence is the fullness of joy, and at whoseright hand are pleasures 
Psal. 16. v. 11.  for evermore.  
Wherefore it being the end and scope of all History, to teach by example of times past, such wisdom as may guide our desires and actions, we should not marvel though the Chronicles of the Kings of juda and Israel, being written by men inspired with the Spirit of God, instruct us chief, in that which is most requisite for us to know, as the means to attain unto true felicity, both here, and hereafter, propounding examples which illustrate this 〈◊〉 rule, The fear of the Lord is the beginning of Wisdom. Had the expedition of 〈◊〉 (as it was foretold by Daniel) been written by some Prophet after the captivity: we may well 〈◊〉 that the counsel of God therein, and the executioners of his righteous will, should have occupied either the whole or the principal room in that narration. Yet had not the purpose of Darius, the desire of his Wife, and the business at Sardes, with other occurrents, been the less true, though they might have been omitted, as the less material: but these things it had been lawful for any man to gather out of profane Histories, or out of circumstances otherwise appearing, wherein he should not have done injury to the Sacred Write, as long as he had forborn to derogate from the first causes, by ascribing to the second more than was due.  
Such, or little different, is the business that I have now in hand: wherein I cannot believe that any man of judgement will tax me, as either fabulous or presumptuous. For he doth not 〈◊〉, that rehearseth probabilities as bore conjectures; neither doth he deprave the Text, that seeketh to illustrate and make good in human reason, those things, which authority alone, without further circumstance, aught to have confirmed in every man's belief. And this may suffice in defence of the liberty, which I have used in conjectures, and may hereafter use when occasion shall require, as neither unlawful, nor mis-beseeming an Historian.   

§. VII. The conspiracy against ATHALIA.  
WHen Athalia had now six years and longer worn the Crown of juda, and had found neither any foreign enemy, nor domestical adversary to disturb her possession, suddenly the period of her glory, and reward of her wickedness meeting together, took her away without any warning, by a violent and shameful death. For the growth of the young Prince began to be such, as permitted him no longer to be concealed, and it had been very unfitting that his education should be simple, to make him seem the child of some poor man (as for his safety it was requisite,) when his capacity required to 〈◊〉 been endued with the stomach and qualities meet for a King. All this 〈◊〉 the Priest considered, and withal, the great increase of impiety, which taking deep root in the Court, was likely to spread itself over all the Country, if care were not used to weed it up very speedily. Wherhfore he associated unto himself five of the Captains, in whose fidelity he had best assurance, and having taken an oath of them, and showed them the King's son, he made a Covenant with them, to advance him to the Kingdom. These drew in others of the principal men, to countenance the action, procuring at the first only that they should repair to jerusalem, where they were further acquainted with the whole matter. There needed not many persuasions to win them to the business: the promise of the Lord unto the house of David, was enough to assure them, that the action was both lawful, and likely to 〈◊〉 as they desired.  
But in compassing their intent some difficulties appeared: For it was not to be hoped, that with open force they should bring their purpose to good issue; neither were the Captains, and other associates of jehoiada able by close working, to draw together so many trusty and serviceable hands as would suffice to manage the business. To help in this case, the Priest gave order to such of the Levites, as had finished their courses in waiting on the Divine service at the Temple, and were now relieved by others that succeeded in their turns, that they should not departed until they knew his further pleasure. So by admitting the new comers, and not discharging the old, he had, without any noise, made up such a number, as would be able to deal with the Queen's ordinary Guard, and that was enough, for if the Tyranness did not prevail against them at the first brunt, the favour of the People was like to show itself on their side, who made head against her. These Levites were placed in the inner Court of the Temple, about the person of the King, who as yet was kept close; the followers of the Captains, and other adherents, were bestowed in the utter Courts: As for weapons, the Temple itself had store enough; King David had left an armory to the place, which was now employed in defence of his issue.  
All things being in a readiness, and the day come, wherein this high design was to be put in execution; 〈◊〉 delivered unto the Captains, Armour for them and their adherents; appointed a guard unto the King's person; produced him openly, and gave unto him the Crown; using all ceremonies accustomed in such solemnities, with great applause of the people. Of these doings, the Queen was the last that heard any word; which is not so strange as it may seem: for insolent natures, by dealing outrageously with such as bring them ill tidings, do commonly lose the benefit of hearing what is to be feared, whilst yet it may be prevented, and have no information of danger, till their own eyes, amazed with the suddenness, behold it in the shape of inevitable mischief.  
All 〈◊〉 was full of the rumour, and entertained it with very good liking. Some carried home the news, others ran forth to see, and the common joy was so great, that without apprehension of peril, under the windows of the Court, were the people running and praising the King. Athalia hearing and beholding the 
2. 〈◊〉. 23. 12.  extraordinary concourse, and noise, of folks in the streets, making towards the Temple, with much unusual passion in their looks, did presently conceive, that somewhat worthy of her care was happened; though, what it might be, she did not apprehended. Howsoever it were, she meant to use her own wisdom in looking into the matter, and ordering all as the occasion might happen to require. It may be, that she thought it some especial solemnity used in the Divine 〈◊〉, which caused this much ado; and hereof the unaccustomed number of Levites, and of other devout men, about the town, might give some presumption.  
Many things argue that she little thought upon her own Tragedy; although josephus would make it seem otherwise. For we find in the Text, She come to the 
2 Chron 23. 12. & 13. & 2.  people into the house of the Lord (which was near to her Palace) and that when she 
King. c. 11. v. 13. & 14.  looked and seen the King stand by his pillar, as the manner was, with the Princes, or great men of the Land by him, and the Trumpeters proclaiming him, she rend her clotheses, and cried, Treason, Treason. Hereby it appears that she was quietly going, without any mistrust or fear, to take her place, which when she found occupied by another, than she begun to afflict herself, as one cast away, and cried out in vain upon the Treason, whereby she seen that she must perish. But that she come with a guard of armed men to the Temple, (as josephus reporteth) and that her company being beaten back, she entered alone, and commanded the people to kill the young Tyrant, I find no where in Scripture, neither do I hold it credible. For had she truly known how things went, she would surely have gathered her friends about her, and used those forces in defence of her Crown, by which she got it, and hitherto had held it. Certainly, if it were granted, that she, like a new Semiramis, did march in the head of her troop, yet it had been mere madness in her, to enter the place alone, when her assistants were kept out; but if she perceiving that neither her authority, nor their own weapons, could prevail to let in her guard, would nevertheless take upon her to command the death of the new King, calling a child of seven years old a Conspirator, and bidding them to kill him, whom she seen to be armed in his defence, may we not think that she was mad in the most extreme degree? Certain it is that the counsel of God would have taken effect, in her destruction, had she used the most likely means to disappoint it: yet we need not so cut her throat with any moral impossibilities. It is enough to say, that the godly zeal of jehotada found more easy success, through her indiscretion, than otherwise could have been expected; so that at his appointment, she was without more ado, carried out of the Temple and slain, yea so, that no blood, save her own, was shed in that quarrel; her small train, that she brought along with her, not daring to stand in her defence.   

§. VIII. The death of ATHALIA, with a comparison of her and JEZABEL.  
MOst like it is, that Athalia had many times, with great indignation, bewailed the rashness of her Nephew jehoram the 〈◊〉, who did foolishly cast himself into the very throat of danger, gaping upon him, only through his eager desire of quickly knowing what the matter meant: yet, she herself, by the like bait, was taken in the like trap, and having lived such a life as jezabel had done, was rewarded with a suitable death. These two Queens were in many points much alike, each of them was Daughter, Wife, and Mother to a King; each of them ruled her husband; was an Idolatress, and a Murderess. The only difference appearing in their conditions, is, that jezabel is more noted as incontinent of body, Athalia as ambitious: So that each of them surviving her husband about eight years, did spend the time in satisfying her own affections; the one using tyranny, as the exercise of her haughty mind; the other painting her face, for the ornament of her unchaste body. In the manner of their death little difference there was, or in those things which may seem in this world to pertain unto the dead when they are go. Each of them was taken on the sudden by Conspirators, and each of them exclaiming upon the Treason, received sentence from the mouth of one that had lived under her subjection; in execution whereof, jezabel was trampled under the feet of her enemy's horses; Athalia slain at her own horse-gate; the death of Athalia having (though not much) the more leisure to vex her proud heart; that of jezabel, the more indignity, and shame of body. Touching their burial, jezabel was 〈◊〉 by Dogs, as the Lord had threatened by the Prophet Elias; what become of 〈◊〉 we do not find. Like enough it is, that she was buried, as having not persecuted and slain the Lord's Prophets, but suffered the Priests to exercise their function; yet of her burial there is no monument; for she was a Church robber. The service of Baal erected by these two Queens, was destroyed as soon as they were go, and their Chaplains, the Priests of that Religion, slain. Herein also it come to pass, alike, as touching them both when they were dead; the Kings who slew them, were afterwards 〈◊〉, both of them by the same hand of Hazael the Syrian; in which point Athalia had the greater honour, if the Syrian (who seems to have been her good friend) pretended her revenge, as any part of his quarrel to juda. Concerning children, all belonging to jezabel, perished in few days after her: whither Athalia left any behind her, it is uncertain; she had sons living after she was Queen, of whom, or of any other, that they were slain with her, we do not find.  
This is a matter not unworthy of consideration, in regard of much that may depend upon it. For if the children of Athalia had been in jerusalem when their Mother fell, their death would surely have followed hers as nearly, and been registered, as well as the death of Mattan the Priest of Baal. That Law by which God 
Deut. 24. 16.  sorbade that the children should die for the fathers, could not have saved these ungracious Imps, whom the clause following would have cut off, which commands, that every man shall die for his own sin. Seeing therefore that they had been professors & advancers of that vile and Idolatrous worship of Baal, yea had rob the Temple of the Lord, and enriched the house of Baal with the spoil of it; likely it is, that they should not have escaped with life, if jehoiada the Priest could have gotten them into his hands. As there was lawful cause enough requiring their death, so the security of the King and his friends, that is, of all the Land, craved as much, and that very earnestly. For these had been esteemed as heirs of their mother's Crown, and being reckoned as her assistants in that particular business of robbing the Temple, may be thought to have carried a great sway in other matters, as Princes and fellows with their Mother in the Kingdom. Therefore it is evident, that either they were now dead, or (perhaps following Hazael in his wars against jehu) absent from jerusalem; whereby jehoiada might, with the more confidence, adventure to take Arms against their Mother, that was desolate.    

CHAP. XXII. Of JOAS and AMASIA, with their Contemporaries; where somewhat of the building of Carthage.  

§. I. Of JOAS his doings, whilst JEHOIADA the Priest lived.  
BY the death of Athalia, the whole Country of 〈◊〉 was filled with great joy and quietness; wherein joas a child of seven years old or thereabout, began his reign, which continued almost forty years. During his minority, he lived under the protection of that honourable man jehoiada the Priest, who did as faithfully govern the Kingdom, as he had before carefully preserved the King's life, and restored him unto the Throne of his ancestors. When he come to man's estate, he took by appointment of jehoiada two wives, and begat Sons and Daughters, repairing the family of David, which was almost worn out. The first Act that he took in hand, when he began to rule without a Protector, was the reparation of the Temple. It was a needful piece of work, in regard of the decay wherein that holy Place was fallen, through the wickedness of ungodly Tyrants; and requisite it was that he should up-hold the Temple, whom the Temple had up-held. This business he followed with so earnest a zeal, that not only the 〈◊〉 were more slack than he, but even jehoiada was feign to be quickened by his admonition. Money was gathered for the charges of the work, partly out of the tax imposed by Moses, partly out of the liberality of the people: who gave so freely, that the Temple, 
2. Chron. 〈◊〉. 14.  besides all reparations was enriched with vessels ofgold and silver, and with all other Vtensiles. The sacrifices likewise were offered, as under godly Kings they had been, and the service of God was magnificently celebrated.   

§. II The death of JEHOIADA, and Apostasy of JOAS.  
But this endured no longer than the life of jehoiada the Priest: who having lived an hundred and thirty years, died before his Country could have spared him. He was buried among the Kings of 〈◊〉, as he well deserved, having preserved the race of them, and restored the true Religion, which the late Princes of that house, by attempting to eradicate, failed but a little, of rooting up themselves, and all their issue. Yet his honourable Funeral seems to have been given to him, at the motion of the people; it being said, They buried him in the City of DAVID. As for the King himself, who did own to him no less than his Crown and life, he is not likely to have been Author of it, seeing that he was as easily comforted after his death, as if he had thereby been discharged of some heavy debt.  
For after the death of jehoiada, when the Princes of juda began to flatter their King, he soon forgot, not only the benefits, received by this worthy man his old councillor, but also the good precepts which he had received from him, yea and God himself, the Author of all goodness. These Princes drew him to the worship of Idols, wherewith jehoram and Athalia had so infected the Country, in fifteen or sixteen years; that thirty years, or thereabout, of the reign of joas, wherein the true Religion was exercised, were not able to clear it from that mischief. The King himself, when once he was entered into these courses, ran on headlong, as one that thought it a roken of his liberty, to despise the service of God; and a manifest proof of his being now King indeed, that he regarded no longer the sour admonitions of devout Priests. Hereby it appears, that his former zeal was only counterfeited, wherein like an actor upon the stage, he had striven to express much more lively affection, than they could show, that were indeed religious.   

§. III The 〈◊〉 and time of the Syrians invading juda in the days of JOAS.  
But God, from whom he was broken lose, gave him over into the hands of men, that would not easily be shaken off. Hazael King of Aram, having taken Gath a Town of the 〈◊〉, addressed himself towards jerusalem, wither the little distance of way, and great hope of a rich booty, did invite him. He had an Army heartened by many victories, to hope for more; and for ground of the war (if his ambition cared for pretences) it was enough, that the Kings of juda had assisted the Israelites, in their enterprises upon Aram, at Ramoth Gilead. Yet I think he did not want some further instigation. For if the Kingdom of juda had molested the Aramites, in the time of his predecessor, this was thoroughly recompensed, by forbearing to secure Israel, and leaving the ten Tribes in their extreme misery, to the fury of Hazael himself. Neither is it likely, that Hazael should have go about to awake a sleeping Dog, and stir up against himself a powerful enemy, before he had assured the conquest of Israel, that 〈◊〉 between jerusalem and his own Kingdom, if some opportunity had not promised such easy and good success, as might rather advance, than any way disturb, his future proceed against the ten Tribes. Wherhfore I hold it probable, that the sons of Athalia, mentioned before, were with him in this action, promising (as men expelled their Countries usually do) to draw many partakers of their own to his side; and not to remain, as joas did, a neutral in the war between him and Israel, but to join all their forces with his, as they had cause, for the rooting out of jehu his posterity, who, like a bloody Traitor, had utterly destroyed all the kindred of the Queens, their mother, even the whole house of Ahab, to which he was a subject. If this were so, Hazael had the more apparent reason to invade the Kingdom of juda. Howsoever it were, we find it plainly, that joas was afraid of him, and therefore took all the hallowed things, and all the gold 
2. King. 12. 18.  that was found in the treasures of the house of the Lord or in his own house, with which present he redeemed his peace: the Syrian (questionless) thinking it a better bargain, to get so much readily paid into his hand for nothing, than to hazard the assurance of this, for the possibility of not much more. So Hazael departed with a rich booty of unhappy treasure which, belonging to the living God, remained a small while in the possession of this mighty, yet corruptible man, but sent him quickly to the grave. For in the thirty seventh of joas, which was the fifteenth of jehoahaz, he made this purchase; but in the same or the very next year he died, leaving all that he had unto his Son Benhadad, with whom these treasures prospered noon otherwise, than ill-gotten goods are wont.  
This enterprise of Hazael is, by some, confounded with that war of the 〈◊〉 upon juda, mentioned in the second Book of Chronicles. But the reasons alleged by them that hold the contrary opinion, do forcibly prove, that it was not all one war. For the former was compounded without blood shed or fight; in the later, joas tried the fortune of a battle, wherein being put to the worst, he lost all his Princes, and hardly escaped with life: In the one, Hazael himself was present; in the other, he was not named: but contrariwise, the King of Aram then reigning (who may seem to have then been the Son of Hazael) is said to have been at 〈◊〉. The first Atmie come to conquer, and was so great, that it terrified the King of juda; The second was a small company of men, which did animate joas (in 
2. 〈◊〉. 24. 24.  vain, for God was against him) to deal with them, as having a very great Army.  
Now, concerning the time of this former invasion, I cannot perceive that God forsook him, till he had first forsaken God. There are indeed some, very learned, who think that this expedition of Hazael was in the time of jehoiada the Priest, because that story is joined unto the restoration of the Temple. This had been probable, if the death of jehoiada had been afterwards mentioned in that place of the second Book of Kings, or if the Apostasy of joas or any other matter implying so much, had followed in the relation. For it is not indeed to be doubted, that the Lord of all may dispose of all things, according to his own will and pleasure, neither was he more unjust in the afflictions of job that righteous man, or the death of josias that godly King, than in the plagues which he laid upon Pharaoh, or his judgements upon the house of Ahab. But it appears plainly, that the rich furniture of the Temple, and the magnificent service of God therewithal, which are joined together, were used in the house of the Lord continually, all the days of JEHOIADA; soon 
2. 〈◊〉. 24. 14.  after whose death, if not immediately upon it, that is (as some very learnedly collect) in the six, or thirty seventh year of this 〈◊〉 his reign, the King falling away from the God of his Father, become a soul Idolater.  
And indeed we commonly observe, that the crosses which it hath pleased God sometimes to lay upon his servants, without any cause notorious in the eyes of men, have always tended unto the bettering of their good. In which respect, even the sufferings of the blessed Martyrs (the death of his Saints being precious in the sight 
Psal. 115. 15.  of the Lord) are to their great advantage. But with 〈◊〉 and rebellious men, God keepeth a more even, and more strict account; permitting usually their faults to get the start of their punishment, and either delaying his vengeance (as with the 〈◊〉) till their wickedness be full: or not working their amendment by his correction, but suffering them to run on in their wicked courses, to their greater misery. So hath he dealt with many; and so it appears that he dealt with joas. For this unhappy man did not only continued an obstinate Idolater, but grew so 〈◊〉 of God and all goodness, as if he had striven to exceed the wickedness of all that went before him, and to leave such a villainous pattern unto others, as few or noon of the most barbarous Tyrants should endure to imitate.   

§. FOUR How ZACHARIA was murdered by JOAS.  
Sundry Prophets having laboured in vaineto reclaim the people from their superstition, Zacharia the son of jehoiada the Priest, was stirred up at length by the Spirit of God, to admonish them of their wickedness, and make them understand the punishment due unto it, whereof they stood in danger. This 〈◊〉 was a man so honourable, and son to a man so exceeding beloved in his life time, and reverenced, that if joas had reputed him (as Ahab did Elias) his open enemy, yet aught he in common honesty, to have cloaked his ill affection, and have used at lest some part of the respect that was due to such a person: On the other side, the singular affection which he and his father had borne unto the King, and the unrecountable benefits, which they had done unto him, from his first infancy, were such, as should have placed Zacharia in the most hearty and assured love of joas, yea though he had been otherwise a man of very small mark, and not very good condition. The truth is, that the message of a Prophet sent from God, should be heard with reverence, how simple soever he appears that brings it. But this King joas, having already scorned the admonitions and protestations of such Prophets as first were sent, did now deal with Zacharia, like as the wicked husbandman in that parable of our Saviour, dealt with the heir of the Vineyard; who said, This is the heir, come let us kill him, that the Inheritance may be ours. By kill Zacharia he thought to become an absolute Commander, 
Luke 20. 14.  supposing belike that he was no free Prince, as long as any one durst tell him the plain truth, how great soever that man's deserving were, that did so, yea though God's commandment required it. So they conspired against this holy Prophet, and stoned him to death at the King's appointment; but whither by any form of open Law, as was practised upon Naboth; or whither surprising him by any close treachery, I do neither read nor can conjecture. The dignity of his person, considered together with their treacherous conspiracy, makes it probable, that they durst not call him into public judgement, though the manner of his death, being such as was commonly, by order of Law, inflicted upon malefactors, may argue the contrary. Most likely it is, that the King's commandment, by which he suffered, took place in stead of Law: which exercise of mere power (as hath been already noted) was nothing strange among the Kings of juda.   

§. V How JOAS was shamefully beaten by the Aramites, and of his death.  
THis odious murder, committed by an unthankful snake upon the man in whose bosom he had been fostered, as of itself alone it sufficed, to make the wretched Tyrant hateful to men of his own time, and his memory detested in all ages; so had it the well described curse of the blessed Martyr, to accompany it unto the throne of God, and to call for vengeance from thence, which fell down swiftly, and heavily upon the head of that ungrateful monster. It was the last year of his reign; the end of his time coming then upon him, when he thought himself beginning to live how he listed without controlment. When that year was expired, the Aramites come into the Country, rather as may seem to get pillage, than to perform any great action; for they come with a small company of men: but God had intended to do more 
2. Chron. 24. 24.  by them, than they themselves did hope for.  
That joas naturally was a coward, his bloody malice against his best friend, is, in my judgement proof sufficient: though otherwise his base composition with Hazael, when he might have 〈◊〉 (as his 〈◊〉 after him did muster) three hundred thousand chosen men for the war, doth well enough show his temper. Yet now he would needs be valiant and make his people know, how stout of disposition their King was, when he might have his own william. But his timorous heart was not well cloaked. For to encounter with a few bands of rovers, he took a very great Army, so that wisemen might well perceive, that he knew what he did, making show as if he would fight for his Country, and expose his person to danger of war, when as indeed all was mere ostentation, and no peril to be feared; he going forth so strongly appointed, against so weak enemies. Thus might wisemen think, and laugh at him in secret; considering what ado he made about that, which in all 〈◊〉 reason was (as they say) a thing of nothing. But God, before whom the wisdom of this world is foolishness, did laugh not only at this vainglorious King, but at them that thought their King secure, by reason of the multitude that he drew along with him.  
When the Aramites and King joas met, whither it were by some folly of the leaders, or by some amazement happening among the Soldiers, or by whatsoever means it pleased God to work, so it was, that that great Army of juda received a notable overthrow, and all the Princes were destroyed: the Princes of juda, at whose persuasion the King had become a Rebel to the King of Kings. As for joas himself (as Abulensis and others expound the story) he was sorely beaten and hurt by them, being (as they think) taken and shamefully tormented, to wring out of him an excessive ransom.  
And surely, all circumstances do greatly strengthen this conjecture. For the text (in the old translation) saith, they exercised upon joas ignominious judgements; and that departing from him, they dismissed him in great languor. All which argues, that they had him in their hands, and handled him ill- 〈◊〉. Now at that time joas the son of 〈◊〉 reigned over Israel, and Benhadad the son of Hazael over the Syrians in 〈◊〉; the one a valiant undertaking Prince, raised up by God to restore the State of his miserable Country; the other inferior every way to his father, of whose purchases he lost a great part, for want of skill to keep it. The difference in condition found between these two Princes, promising no other event than such as after followed, might have given to the King of juda good cause to be bold, and pluck up his spirits, which Hazael had beaten down, if God had not been against him. But his fearful heart being likely to quake upon any apprehension of danger, was able to put the Syrian King in hope, that by terrifying him with some show of war at his doors, it were easy to make him crave any tolerable conditions of peace. The unexpected good success hereof, already related, and the (perhaps as inexpected) ill success, which the Aramites found in their following wars against the King of Israel, showeth plainly the weakness of all earthly might, resisting the power of the Almighty. For by his ordinance, both the Kingdom of juda, after more than forty years time of gathering strength, was unable to drive out a small company of enemies; and the Kingdom of Israel, having so been trodden down by Hazael, that only fifty Horsemen, ten Chariots, and ten thousand Footmen were left, prevailed against his Son, and recovered all from the victorious Aramites. But examples hereof are everywhere found, and therefore I will not insist upon this; though indeed we should not, if we be God's children, think it more tedious to hear long and frequent reports of our heavenly Father's honour, than of the noble acts performed by our fore father upon earth.  
When the Aramites had what they listed, and seen that they were not able, being so few, to take any possession of the Country, they departed out of 〈◊〉 laden with spoil, which they sent to Damascus, themselves belike falling upon the ten Tribes, where it is to be thought that they sped not half so well. The King of juda being in ill case, was killed on his bed when he come home, by the sons of an Ammonitesse, and of a Moabitesse, whom some (because only their Mother's names being strangers, are expressed) think to have been bondmen. Whither it were contempt of his fortune, or fear, jest (as Tyrants use) he should revenge his disaster upon them, imputing it to their fault, or whatsoever else it were that animated them to murder their King; the Scripture tells us plainly, that, sore the blood of the 
2. 〈◊〉. 24. 25.  children of JEHOIADA, this befell him. And the same appears to have been used as the pretence of their conspiracy, in excuse of the fact when it was done. For Amazia, the son and successor of joas, durst not punish them, till his Kingdom was established; but contrariwise, his body was judged unworthy of burial in the Sepulchers of the Kings: whereby it appears, that the death of 〈◊〉 caused the treason, wrought against the King, to found more approbation, than was requisite, among the people, though afterwards it was recompensed by his Son, upon the Traitors, with well-deserued death.   

§. VI Of the Princes living in the time of JOAS: Of the time when Carthage was built; and of DIDO.  
THere lived with joas, Mezades and Diognetus in Athens: Eudemus and Aristomedes in Corinth: about which time Agrippa Silvius, and after him Silvius Alladius, were Kings of the Alban in Italy. Ocrazapes, commonly called Anacyndaraxes, the thirty seventh King succeeding unto Ophratanes, began his reign over the Assyrians, about the eighteenth year of joas, which lasted forty two years. In the sixteenth of joas, Cephrenes, the fourth from Sesac, succeeded unto Cheops in the Kingdom of Egypt, and held it fifty years.  
In this time of joas, was likewise the reign of Pygmalion in tire, and the foundation of Carthage by Dido; the building of which City is, by divers Authors, placed in divers ages, some reporting it to be seventy years younger than Rome, others above four hundred years elder, few or noon of them giving any reason of their assertions, but leaving us uncertain whom to follow: 〈◊〉, who had read the Annals of tire, counting one hundred forty and three years and eight months from the building of Salomon's Temple, in the twelfth year of Hyram King of tire, 
josep. Cont. App. lib. 1.  to the founding of Carthage by Dido, in the seventh of Pygmalion. The particulars of this account (which is not rare in josephus) are very perplexed, and serve not very well to make clear the total sum. But whither it were so that josephus did omit, or else that he did mis-write, some number of the years, which he reckoneth in Fractions, as they were divided among the Kings of tire, from Hyram to Pygmalion; we may well enough believe, that the Tyrian writers, out of whose Books he gives us the whole sum, had good means to know the truth, and could rightly reckon the difference of time, between two works no longer following one the other, than the memory of three or four generations might easily reach. This hundred forty and four years current, after the building of Salomon's Temple, being the eleventh year of joas, was a hundred forty and three years before the birth of Rome and after the destruction of Troy, two hundred eighty and nine: a time so long after the death of Aeneas, that we might truly conclude all to be fabulous which Virgil hath written of Dido, as Ausonius noteth, who doth honour her Statua with this Epigram.  

ILLA ego sum DIDO vultu quam conspicis hospes, 
Auson. Ep. 117.   
Assimulata modis 〈◊〉 mirificis.  
Talis eram, sed non MARO quam mihi finxit er at mens,  
Vita nec 〈◊〉 laeta cupidinibus  
(〈◊〉 nec AENEAS vidit me Troius unquam  
Nec Libyam advenit, classibus Iliacis.  
Sed furias fugiens, 〈◊〉 arma procacis JARBAE,  
Seruavi, fateor, morte pudicitiam;  
Pectore transfixo, castos quod pertulit enses)  
Non furor, aut laeso 〈◊〉 amore dolour.  
Sic cecidisse 〈◊〉: vixi sine vulnere famae,  
Vlta virum, posit is moenibus oppetij.  
Inuida cur in me stimulasti Musa MARONEM,  
Fingeret ut nostrae damna pudicitiae?  
Vos magis historicis lectores credite de me  
Quam qui furta Deum 〈◊〉 canunt.  
Falsidici vates: temerant qui carmine 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 deos assimulant vitijs.   

Which in effect is this,  
I Am that DIDO which thou here dost see,  
Cunningly framed in beauteous Imagery.  
Like this I was, but had not such a soul,  
As MARO feigned, incestuous and soul.  
AENEAS never with his Trojan host  
Beheld my face, or landed on this coast.  
But flying proud JARBAS villainy,  
Not moved by furious love or jealousy;  
I did with weapon chaste, to save my fame,  
Make way for death untimely, ere it come.  
This was my end; but first I built a Town,  
Revenged my husband's death, lived with renown.  
Why didst thou stir up VIRGIL, envious Muse,  
Falsely my name and honour to abuse?  
Readers, believe Historians; not those  
Which to the world joves thefts and vice expose.  
Poets are liars, and for verses sake  
Will make the gods of human crimes partake.   
From the time of Dido unto the first Punic war, that Carthage grew and flourished in wealth and conquests, we found in many histories: but in particular we found little of the Carthaginian affairs before that war, excepting those few things that are recorded of their attempts upon the Isle of Sicil. We will therefore defer the relation of matters concerning that mighty City, until such time as they shall encounter with the State of Rome, by which it was finally destroyed; and prosecute in the mean while the History that is now in hand.   

§. VII. The beginning of AMAZIA his reign. Of JOAS King of Israel, and ELISHA the Prophet.  
AMAZIAS, the son of joash, being twenty five years old when his father died, took possession of the Kingdom of juda, wherein he laboured so to demean himself, as his new beginning reign might be least offensive. The Law of Moses he profesled to observe; which howsoever it had been secretly despised since the time of jehoram, by many great persons of the Land, yet had it by provision of good Princes, yea and of bad ones (in their best times) imitating the good, but especially by the care of holy Priests, taken such deep root in the people's hearts, that no King might hope to be very plausible, who did not conform himself unto it. And at that present time, the slaughter, which the Aramites had made of all the Princes, who had withdrawn the late King from the service of God, being seconded by the death of the King himself, even whilst that execrable murder, committed by the King upon 〈◊〉, was yet fresh in memory, did serve as a notable example of God's justice against Idolaters, both to animate the better sort of the people in holding the Religion of their fathers, and to discourage Amazia from following the way, which led to such an evil end. He therefore, having learned of his father the art of dissimulation, did not only forbear to punish the Traitors that had slain King joas, but gave way to the time, and suffered the dead body to be interred, as that of jehoram formerly had been, in the City of David, yet not among the Sepulchers of the Kings of juda. Nevertheless, after this, when (belike) the noise of the people having wearied itself into silence, it was found that the Conspirators (howsoever their deed done, was applauded as the handie-worke of God) had neither any mighty partakers in their fact, nor strong maintainers of their persons, but rested secure, as having done well, seeing it was not ill taken; the King, who perceived his government well established, called them into question, at such a time, as the heat of men's affections, being well allayed, it was easy to distinguish between their treasons and God's judgement, which, by their treasons, had taken plausible effect. So they were put to death without any tumult, and their children (as the Law did require) were suffered to live; which could not but give contentment to the people, seeing that their King did the office of a just Prince, rather than of a revenging son. This being done, and his own life the better secured, by such exemplary justice, against the like attempts; Amazia carried himself outwardly as a Prince well affected to Religion, and so continued in rest, about twelve or thirteen years.  
As Amazia gathered strength in juda by the commodity of a long peace, so joas the Israelite grew as fast in power, by following the war hotly against the Aramites. He was a valiant and fortunate Prince, yet an Idolater, as his Predecessors had been, worshipping the Calves of 〈◊〉. For this sin had God so plagued the house of jehu, that the ten Tribes wanted little of being utterly consumed, by Hazael and Benhadad, in the time of jehu and his son jehoahaz. But as God's benefits to jehu, sufficed not to withdraw him from this politic Idolatry; so were the miseries, rewarding that impiety, unable to reclaim jehoahaz from the same impious course: yet the mercy of God beholding the trouble of Israel, condescended unto the prayers of this ungodly Prince, even than when he and his miserable subjects, were obstinate in following their own abominable ways. Therefore in temporal matters, the ten Tribes recovered apace, but the favour of God, which had been infinitely more worth, I do not found, nor believe, that they sought; that they had it not, I find in the words of the Prophet, saying plainly to AMAZIA, The 
2. 〈◊〉. 25. 7.  Lord is not with Israel, neither with all the house of EPHRAIM.  
Whither it were so, that the great Prophet Elisha, who lived in those times, did foretell the prosperity of the Israelites under the Reign of joas; or whither jehoahaz, wearied and broken with long adversity, thought it the wisest way, to discharge himself in part of the heavy cares attending those unhappy Syrian wars, by laying the burden upon his hopeful son; we find that in the thirtie-seventh 
2. King's 13. 10.  year of JOAS, King of juda, JOAS the son of JEHOAHAZ began to reign over Israel in Samaria, which was in the fifteenth of his father's reign, and some two or three years before his death.  
It appears that this young Prince, even from the beginning of his Rule, did so well husband that poor stock which he received from his Father, of ten Chariots, fifty Horsemen, and ten thousand Foot, that he might seem likely to prove a thriver. Among other circumstances, the words which he spoke to 〈◊〉 the Prophet, argue no less. For joas visiting the Prophet, who lay sick, spoke unto him thus; OH my father, my father, the Chariot of Israel, and the horsemen of the same: by 
2. King's 13. 14.  which manner of speech he did acknowledge, that the prayers of this holy man had stood his Kingdom in more stead, than all the Horses and Chariots could do.  
This Prophet who succeeded unto Elias, about the first year of joram the son of Ahab King of Israel, died (as some have probably collected) about the third or fourth year of this joas, the Nephew of jehu. To show how the Spirit of Elias was doubled, or did rest upon him; it exceedeth my faculty. This is recorded of him, that he did not only raise a dead child unto life, as Elias had done, but when he himself was dead, it pleased God that his dead bones should restore life unto a carcase, which touched them in the grave. In fine, he bestowed, as a legacy, three victories upon King joas, who thereby did 〈◊〉 Israel in a fair way of recovering all that the Aramites had usurped, and weakening the Kings of 〈◊〉 in such sort, that they were never after terrible to Samaria.   

§. VIII. Of AMAZIA his war against EDOM; His Apostasy; and overthrow by JOAS.  
THe happy success which joas had found in his war against the Aramites, was such as might kindle in Amazia a desire of undertaking some expedition, wherein himself might purchase the like honour. His kingdom could furnish three hundred thousand serviceable men for the wars; and his treasures were sufficient for the payment of these, and the hire of many more. Cause of war he had very just against the Edomites, who having rebelled in the time of his grandfather jehoram, had about fifty years been unreclaymed, partly by means of the troubles happening in juda, partly through the sloth and timorousuesse of his father joas. Yet, forasmuch as the men of juda had in many years been without all exercise of war (excepting that unhappy fight wherein they were beaten by a few bands of the Aramites) he held it a point of wisdom to increase his forces, with Soldiers waged out of Israel, whence he hired for an hundred talents of silver, an hundred thousand valiant 
2. Cbron. 21. 6. jos. 〈◊〉. jud. lib. 9 6. 10.  men, as the Scripture telleth us, though josephus diminish the number, saying that they were but twenty thousand.  
This great Army, which with so much cost Amazia had hired out of Israel, he was feign to dismiss, before he had employed it, being threatened by a Prophet with ill success, if he strengthened himself with the help of those men, whom God (though in mercy he gave them victory against the cruel Aramites) did not love, because they were Idolaters. The Israelites therefore departed in great anger, taking in ill part this dismission, as an high disgrace; which to revenge, they fell upon a piece of juda in their return, and showed their malice in the slaughter of three thousand men; and some spoil, which they carried away. But Amazia with his own forces, knowing that God would be assistant to their journey, entered courageously into the Edomites Country; over whom obtaining victory, he slew ten thousand, and took other ten thousand prisoners, all which he threw from an high rock; holding them, it seems, rather as Traitors, than as just enemies. This victory did not seem to reduce Edom under the subjection of the crown of juda, which might be the cause of that severity, which was used to the prisoners; the Edomites that had escaped, refusing to buy the lives of their friends and kinsmen at so dear a rate, as the loss of their own liberty. Some towns in mount Seir, Amazia took, as appears by his carrying away the Idols thence; but it is like they were the places most indefencible, in that he left no garrisons there, whereby he might another year the better have pursued the conquest of the whole Country. Howsoever it were, he got both honour by the journey, & gains enough, had he not lost himself.  
Among other spoils of the Edomites, were carried away their gods, which being vanquished and taken prisoners, did deserve well to be led in triumph. But they contrariwise, I know not by what strange witchcraft, so besotted this unworthy King Amazia, that he set them up to be his gods, and worshipped them, and burned incense 
2. Cbron. 25. 14.  unto them.  
For this when he was rebuked by a Prophet sent from God, he gave a churlish and threatening answer; ask the Prophet, who made him a Counsellor, and bidding him hold his peace for fear of the worst. If either the costly stuff, whereof these Idols were made, or the curious workmanship and beauty, with which they were adorned by Artificers, had ravished the King's fancy; me thinks, he should have rather turned them to matter of profit, or kept them as household ornaments and things of pleasure, than thereby have suffered himself to be blinded, with such unreasonable devotion towards them. If the superstitious account wherein the Edomites had held them, were able to work much upon his imagination; much more should the bad service which they had done to their old Clients, have moved him thereupon to laugh, both at the Edomites, and them. Wherhfore it seems to me, that the same affections carried him from God, unto the service of Idols, which afterwards moved him to talk so roughly to the Prophet reprehending him. He had already obeyed the warning of God by a Prophet, and sent away such auxiliary forces as he had gathered out of Israel; which done, it is said, that he was encouraged, 
2. Cbron. 25. 11.  and led forth his people, thinking belike, that God would now rather assist him by miracle, than let him fail of obtaining all his hearts desire. But with better reason he should have limited his desires by the will of God, whose pleasure it was, that Esau, having broken the yoke of jacob from his neck, accordingly as Isaac had foretold, should no more become his servant. If therefore Amazia did hope to reconquer all the Country of Edom, he failed of his expectation; yet so, that he brought home both profit and honour, which might have well contented him.  
But there is a foolish and a wretched pride, wherewith men being transported, can ill endure to ascribe unto God the honour of those actions, in which it hath pleased him to use their own industry, courage, or foresight. Therefore it is commonly seen, that they, who entering into battle, are careful to pray for aid from heaven, with due acknowledgement of his power, who is the giver of victory; when the field is won, do vaunt of their own exploits: one telling how he got such a ground of advantage; another, how he gave check to such a battalion; a third, how he seized on the enemy's Canon; every one striving to magnify himself, whilst all forget God, as one that had not been present in the action. To ascribe to fortune the effects of another man's virtue, is, I confess, an argument of malice. Yet this is true, that as he which findeth better success, than he did, or in reason might expect, is deeply bound to acknowledge God the Author of his happiness; so he whose mere wisdom and labour hath brought things to a prosperous issue, is doubly bound to show himself thankful, both for the victory, and for those virtues by which the victory was gotten. And indeed so far from weakness is the nature of such thanksgiving, that it may well be called the height of magnanimity; no virtue being so truly heroical, as that by which the spirit of a man advanceth itself with confidence of acceptation, unto the love of God. In which sense it is a brave speech that evander in Virgil, useth to Aeneas, noon but a Christian being capable of the admonition,  Aude hospes contemnere opes, & te quoque dignum Finge Deo. 
With this Philosophy Amazia (as appears by his carriage) troubled not his head: he had showed himself a better man of war than any King of juda, since the time of jehosaphat, and could be well contented, that his people should think him little inferior to David: of which honour he seen no reason why the Prophets should rob him, who had made him lose a hundred talents, and done him no pieasure, he having prevailed by plain force and good conduct, without any miracle at all. That he was distempered with such vain thoughts as these (besides the witness of his impiety following) josephus doth testify; saying, That he despised 
jos. Ant. l. 〈◊〉  GOD, and that being puffed up with his good success, of which nevertheless he would not acknowledge God to be the Author, he commanded joas King of Israel to become his subject, and to let the ten Tribes acknowledge him their Sovereign, as they had done his Ancestors King David and King Solomon. Some think that his quarrel to joas was rather grounded upon the 〈◊〉 done to him by the Israelites, whom he dismissed in the journey against Mount Seir. And likely it is, that the sense of a late wrong had more power to stir him up, than the remembrance of an old title, forgotten long since, and by himself neglected thirteen or fourteen years. Nevertheless it might so be, that when he was thus provoked, he thought it not enough to requited new wrongs, but would also call old matters into question; that so the Kings of Israel might, at the 〈◊〉, learn to keep their subjects from offending juda, for fear of endangering their own Crowns. Had Amazia desired only recompense for the injury done to him, it is not improbable that he should have had some reasonable answer from joas, who was not desirous to fight with him. But the answer which joas returned, likening himself to a Cedar, and Amazia in respect of him to no better than a 〈◊〉, shows that the challenge was made in insolent terms, stuffed perhaps with such proud comparison of nobility, as might be made (according to that which josephus hath written) between a King of ancient race, and one of less nobility than virtue.  
It is by Sophocles reported of ajax, that when, going to the war of Troy, his father 
〈◊〉 in Aiace Lon.  did bid him to be valiant, and get victory by God's assistance, he made answer, that by God's assistance, a coward could get victory, but he would get it alone without such help: after which proud speech, though he did many valiant acts, he had small thanks, and finally kill himself in a madness, whereinto he fell upon disgrace received, was hardly allowed the honour of burial. That Amazia did utter such words, I do not found: but having once entertained the thoughts, which are parents of such words, he was rewarded with success according. The very first counsel wherein this War was concluded, serves to prove that he was a wise Prince indeed at jerusalem, among his Parasites; but a fool when he had to deal with his equals abroad. For it was not all one, to fight with the Edomites, a weak people, trusting more in the site of their Country than the valour of their Soldiers; and to encounter with joas, who from so poor beginnings had raised himself to such strength, that he was able to lend his friend a hundred thousand men, and had all his Nation exercised, and trained up, in a long victorious war. But as Amazia discovered much want of judgement, inundertaking such a match; so in prosecuting the business, when it was set on foot, he behaved himself as a man of little experience, who having once only tried his fortune, and found it to be good, thought that in war there was nothing else to do, than sand a defiance, fight, and win. joas on the contrary side; having been accustomed to deal with a stronger enemy than the King of juda, used that 〈◊〉, which peradventure had often stood him in good stead against the Aramite. He did not sit waiting till the enemies broke in and wasted his Country, but presented himself with an 〈◊〉 in juda, ready to bid battle to Amazia, and save him the labour of a long journey. This could not but greatly discourage those of 〈◊〉; who (besides the impression of fear which an invasion beats into people, not enured to the like) having devoured, in their greedy hopes, the spoil of Israel, fully persuading themselves to get as much, and at as easy rate as in the journey of Edom; were so far disappointed of their expectation, that well they might suspect all new assurance of good luck, when the old had thus beguiled them. All this notwithstanding, their King that had stomach enough to challenge the patrimony of Solomon, thought like another David, to win it by the sword. The issue of which foolhardiness might easily be foreseen in human reason; comparing together, either the two Kings, or the quality of their Armies, or the first and ominous beginning of the War. But mere human wisdom, howsoever it might foresee much, could not have prognosticated all the mischief that fell upon Amazia. For as soon as the two Armies come in sight, God, whose help this wretched man had so despised, did (as josephus reports it) strike such terror and amazement into the men of 
jos. Ant. l 9 c. 10  juda, that without one blow given, they fled all away, leaving their King to shifted for himself, which he did so ill, that his enemy had soon caught him, and made him change his glorious humour into most abject baseness. That the Army which fled, sustained any other loss than of honour, I neither found in the Scriptures nor in josephus; it being likely that the soon beginning of their flight, which made it the more 〈◊〉, made it also the more safe. But of the mischief that followed this overthrow, it was Gods will that Amazia himself should sustain the whole disgrace. For joas carried him directly to jerusalem, where he bade him procure that the gates might be opened, to let him in and his Army; threatening him otherwise with present death. So much amazed was the miserable caitiff, with these dreadful words, that he durst 〈◊〉 noon other, than persuade the Citizens, to yield themselves to the mercy of the Conqueror. The Town, which afterwards being in weaker 〈◊〉, held out two years, against Nabuchadnezzar, was utterly dismayed, when the King, that should have given his life to save it, used all his force of command and entreaty to betray it. So the gates of 〈◊〉 were opened to joas, with which honour (greater than any King of Israel had ever obtained) he could not rest contented, but, the more to despite Amazia and his people, he caused four hundred cubits of the wall to be thrown down, and entered the City in his Chariot through that breach, carrying the King before him, as in triumph. This done, he sacked the Temple, and the King's Palace, and so, taking hostages of Amazia, he dismissed the poor creature that was glad of his life, and returned to Samaria.   

§. IX.. A discourse of the reasons hindering JOAS from uniting JUDA to the Crown of Israel, when he had won jerusalem, and held AMAZIA prisoner. The end of JOAS his Reign.  
WE may justly marvel how it come to pass, that joas, being thus in possession of jerusalem, having the King in his hands, his enemies forces broken, and his own entire, could be so contented to departed quietly, with a little spoil, when he might have seized upon the whole Kingdom. The reign of Athalia had given him cause to hope, that the issue of David might be dispossessed of that crown; his own Nobility, being the son and grand child of Kings, together with the famous acts that he had done, were enough to make the people of juda think highly of him; who might also have preferred his form of government, before that of their own Kings, especially at such a time, when a long succession of wicked Princes had smothered the thanks, which were due to the memory of a few good ones. The commodity that would have ensued, upon the union of all the twelve Tribes, under one Prince, is so apparent, that I need not to insist on it. That any message from God forbade the Israelites (as afterwards in the victory which Peka the son of Romelia got upon Ahaz) to turn his present advantage, to the best use, we do not read. All this makes it the more difficult to resolve the question, why a Prince so well exercised, as joas had been, in recovering his own, and winning from his enemy, should forsake the possession of jerusalem, and wilfully neglect the possibilities, or rather cast away the full assurance of so fair a conquest, as the Kingdom of juda.  
But concerning that point, which, of all others, had been most material, I mean the desire of the vanquished people to accept the Israelite for their King, it is plainly seen, that entering jerusalem in triumphant manner, joas was unable to concoct his own prosperity. For the opening of the gates had been enough to have let him not only into the City, but into the Royal Throne, and the people's hearts, whom by fair 〈◊〉 (especially having sure means of compulsion) he might have made his own, when they seen themselves betrayed, and basely given away by him whose they had been before. The fair mark which this opportunity presented, he did not aim at, because his ambition was otherwise and more meanly busied, in leveling at the glory of a triumphant 〈◊〉 through a breach. Yet this error might 〈◊〉 have been corrected well enough, if entering as an enemy, and showing what he could do, by spending his anger upon the walls, he had within the City done offices 〈◊〉 a friend, and laboured to show good will to the inhabitants. But when his pride had done, his covetousness began, and sought to please itself, with that which is commonly most ready to the spoiler, yet should be most forborn. The treasure wherewith Sesac, Hazael, and the Philistines, men ignorant of the true God & his Religion, had quenched their greedy thirst, aught not to have tempted the appetite of joas, who though an idolator, yet acknowledged also and worshipped the eternal God, whose Temple was at jerusalem: Therefore when the people seen him take his way directly to that holy place, and lay his ravenous hands upon the consecrated vessels, calling the family of Obed Edom (whose children 
1. Chron. 26. 15.  had hereditary charge of the treasury) to a strict account, as if they had been Officers of his own Exchequer, they considered him rather as an execrable Church-robber, than as a Noble Prince, an Israelite and their brother, though of another Tribe. Thus following that course, which the most virtuous King of our age (taxing it with the same phrase) hath wisely avoided; by stealing a few Apples, he lost the inheritance of the whole Orchard. The people detested him, and after the respite of a few days, might by comparing themselves one to one, perceive his Soldiers to be no better than men of their own mould, and inferio ur in number to the inhabitants of so great a City. It is not so easy to hold by force a mighty town entered by capitulation, as to enter the gates opened by unadvised fear. For when the Citizens, not being disarmed, recover their spirits, and begin to understand their first error; they will think upon every advantage, of place, of provisions, of multitude, yea of women armed with tile-stones, and rather choose by desperate resolution, to correct the evils grown out of their former cowardice, than suffer those mischiefs to poison the body, which in such halfe-conquests, are easily tasted in the mouth. A more 〈◊〉 example hereof cannot be desired, than the City of Florence, which through the weakness of Peter de Medici's, governing therein as a Prince, was reduced into such hard terms, that it opened the gates unto the French King Charles the Eighth, who not plainly professing himself either friend or foe to the Estate, entered the Town, with his Army, in triumphant manner, himself and his horse armed, with his lance upon his thigh. Many insolences were therein committed by the French, and much argument of quarrel ministered, between them and the Townsmen: so far forth that the Florentines, to preserve their liberty, were driven to prepare for fight. To conclude the matter, Charles propounds intolerable conditions, demanding huge sums of ready money, and the absolute Signory of the State, as conquered by him, who entered the City in Arms. But Peter Caponi, a principal Citizen, catching these Articles from the King's Secretary, and tearing them before his face, bade him sounded his trumpets, and they would ring their bells: which peremptory words made the French bethink themselves, and come readily to this agreement, that for forty thousand pounds, and not half of that money to be paid in hand, Charles should not only departed in peace, but restore whatsoever he had of their Dominion, and continued their assured friend. So dangerous a matter did it seem for that brave Army, which in few months after wan the Kingdom of Naples, to fight in the streets, against the armed multitude of that populous City. It is true, that Charles had other business (and so perhaps had joas, as shall anon be showed) that called him away: but it was the apprehension of imminent danger that made him come to reason. In such cases the firing of houses, usually draws every Citizen to save his own, leaving victory to the Soldier: yet where the people are prepared and resolved, women can quench, as fast as the enemy, having other things to look unto, can set on fire. And indeed that Commander is more given to anger than regardful of profit, who upon the uncertain hope of destroying a Town, forsakes the assurance of a good composition. Diversity of circumstance may altar the case: it is enough to say, that it might be in jerusalem, as we know it was in Florence.  
How strongly soever joas might hold himself within jerusalem, he could not easily departed from thence, with his booty safe, if the Army of juda, which had been more terrified than weakened in the late encounter, should reinforce itself, and give him a check upon the way. Wherhfore it was wisely done of him, to take hostages for his better security, his Army being upon return, and better laden than when it come forth; for which causes it was the more unapt to fight.  
Besides these impediments, within the City and without, serving to cool the ambition of joas, and keep it down from aspiring to the Crown of 〈◊〉; it appears that somewhat was newly fallen out, which had reference to the anger of Elisha the Prophet; who when this joas had smitten the ground with his arrows thrice, told him that he should no oftener smite the Aramites. The three victories which Israel had against Aram, are by some, and with great probability, referred unto the fifth, sixth and seventh years of joas: after which time, if any losses ensuing had blemished the former good success, ill might the King of Israel have likened himself to a stately Cedar, and worse could he have either lent the 〈◊〉 one hundred thousand men, or meet him in battle, who was able to bring into the field three hundred thousand of his own. Seeing therefore it is made plain by the words of Elisha, that after three victories, joas should found some change of fortune, and suffer loss; we must needs conclude, That the Aramite prevailed upon him this year, it being the last of his Reign. That this was so, and that the 〈◊〉, taking advantage of joas his absence, gave such a blow to Israel, as the King at his return was not able to remedy, but rather fell himself into new misfortunes, which increased the calamity, we may 〈◊〉 perceive in that which is spoken of jeroboam his son. For it is said, That the Lord seen the exceeding bitter afflictions of Israel, and that having not decreed to put out the name of Israel from under the heaven, he preserved them by the hand of JEROBOAM, the son of JOAS. This is enough to prove, that the victorious Reign of joas was concluded with a sad catastrophe; the riches of the Temple hastening his misery and death, as they had done with Sesac, Athalia, and Hazael, and as afterwards they wrought with Antiochus, Crassus, and other sacrilegious Potentates.  
Thus either through indignation conceived against him, by the people of jerusalem, and courage which they took to set upon him within the Walls: or through preparation of the Army that lay abroad in the Country, to bid him battle in open field, and recover by a new charge the honour which was lost at the former encounter; or through the miseries daily brought upon his own Country, by the Syrian in his absence, if not by all of these; joas was driven to lay aside all thought of winning the Kingdom of juda; and taking hostages for his quiet passage, made all haste homewards, where he found a sad welcome, and being utterly forsaken of his wont prosperity, for sook also his life in few months after, leaving his Kingdom to jeroboam the second, his fortunate and valiant son.   

§. X. The end of AMAZIA his 〈◊〉 and Life.  
ANy man is able to guess how Amazia looked, when the enemy had left him. He that had vaunted so much of his own great prowess and skill in arms, threatening to work wonders, and set up a new the glorious Empire of David, was now uncased of his Lions hide, and appeared nothing so terrible a beast as he had been painted. Much argument of scoffing at him he had ministered unto such, as held him in dislike; which at this time, doubtless, were very many: for the shame that falls upon an insolent man, seldom fails of meeting with abundance of reproach. As for Amazia (besides that the multitude are always prove to lay the blame upon their Governors, even of those calamities which happened by their own default) there was no child in all jerusalem, but knew him to be the root of all this mischief. He had not only challenged a good man of War, being himself a Dastard; but when he was beaten and taken by him, had basely pleaded for the common enemy, to have him let into the City, that with his own eyes he might see what spoil there was, and not make a bad 〈◊〉 by hearsay. The father of this Amazia, was a beastly man; yet when the Aramites took him and tormented him, he did not offer to buy his own life at so dear a rate, as the City and Temple of jerusalem. Had he offered; should they have made his promise good? Surely the haste which they had made in condescending to this hard match, was very unfortunate: for by keeping out the Israelite (which was easy enough) any little while, they should soon 〈◊〉 been rid of him, seeing that the Aramites would have made him run 〈◊〉, with greater speed than he come forth. Than also, when having trussed up his baggage, he was ready to be go, a little courage would have served to persuade him to leave his load behind; had not their good King delivered up Hostages, to secure his return, as loathe to defraud him of the recompense due to his pains taken.  
Such exprobrations could not but vex the heart of this unhappy King: it had been well for him, if they had made him acknowledge his faults unto God, that had punished him by all this dishonour. But we found no mention of his amendment. Rather it appears, that he continued an idolator to the very last. For it is said of him, that after his turning away from the Lord, they wrought treason against him in 
2. Chron. 25. 27.  jerusalem; a manifest 〈◊〉 that he was not reclaimed, unto his lives end. And 〈◊〉, they which tell a man in his adversity of his faults passed, shall sooner be thought to 〈◊〉 him with his fortune, than to seek his 〈◊〉. Wherhfore it is no marvel, that Priests and Prophets were less welcome to him, than ever they had been. On the other side, flatterers, and such as were desirous to put a heart into him, whereof themselves might always be masters, wanted not plausible matter to 〈◊〉 him. For he was not first, nor second, of the Kings of juda, that had been overcome in battle. David himself had abandoned the City, leaving it, before the 〈◊〉 was in sight, unto Absalon his rebellious son. Many besides him had received losses, wherein the Temple bore a part. If joas might so easily have been kept out; why did their Ancestors let Sesac in? Asa was reputed a virtuous Prince, yet with his own hands he emptied the Temple, and was not blamed, but held excusable by necessity of the State. Belike these traducers would commend no actions but of dead Princes: if so, he should rather live to punish them, than die to please them. Though wherein had he given them any cause of displeasure? 〈◊〉 was he indeed that commanded to set open the gates to joas; but it was the people that did it. Good servants aught not to have obeyed their Master's Commandments, to his disadvantage, when they seen him not master of his own Person. As his captivity did acquit him from blame, of all things that he did or suffered in that condition; so was that misfortune itself, in true estimation, as highly to his honour, as deeply to his loss. For had he been as hasty to fly, as others were; he might have escaped, as well as others did. But seeking to teach the base Multitude courage, by his Royal example, he was shamefully betrayed by those in whom he trusted. un worthy creatures that could readily obey him, when speaking another man's words, being prisoner, he commanded them to yield; having neglected his charge, when leading them in the field, he bade them stand to it, and fight like men. The best was that they must needs acknowledge his mischance, as the occasion whereby many thousand lives were saved; the Enemy having wisely preferred the surprise of a Lion that was Captain, before the chase and slaughter of an Army of Stags that followed him.  
These or the like words comforting Amazia, were able to persuade him, that it was 〈◊〉 so indeed. And such excuses might have served well enough to please the people, if the King had first studied how to please God. But he that was unwilling to ascribe unto God the good success foretold by a Prophet; could easily found how to impute this late disaster, unto fortune, and the fault of others. Now concerning fortune, it seems that he meant to keep himself safe from her, by fitting still; for in fifteen years following (so long he outlived his honour) we found not that he stirred. As 〈◊〉 his subjects, though nothing henceforth be recorded of his government, yet we may see by his end, that the middle time was ill spentamong them, increasing their hatred, to his own ruine. He that suspecteth his own worth, or other men's opinions, thinking that less regard is had of his person, than he believeth to be due to his place, will commonly spend all the force of his authority, in purchasing the name of a severe man. For the affected sourness of a vain fellow, doth many times resemble the gravity of one that is wise: and the fear wherein they live, which are subject unto oppression, carries a show of reverence, to him that does the wrong; at jest it serves to dazzle the eyes of underlings, keeping them from prying into the weakness of such as have jurisdiction over them. Thus the time, wherein, by well using it, men might attain to be such as they aught, they 〈◊〉 usually misspend, in seeking to appear such as they are not. This is a vain and deceivable course; procuring instead of the respect that was hoped for, more indignation than was feared. Which is a thing of dangerous 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 when an unable spirit, being overparted with high 〈◊〉, is too passionate in the execution of such an Office, as cannot be checked but by violence. If therefore Amazta thought by extreme rigour to hold up his reputation, what did he else than 〈◊〉 to make the people think he hated them, when of themselves they were aptenough to believe, that he did not love them? The 〈◊〉 was that he had, by revenging his father's death, provided well enough for his own security: but who should take vengeance; (or upon whom?) of such a murder, wherein every one had a part? Surely God himself, who had not given 〈◊〉 or leave unto the people, to take his office out of his hand, in shedding the blood of his Anointed. Yet as Amazia, careless of God, was carried headlong by his own affections; so his subjects, following the same ill example, without requiring what belonged unto their duties, rose up against him, with such headlong fury, that being unable to defend himself in jerusalem, he was driven to forsake the 〈◊〉, and fly 〈◊〉 Lachis, for safeguard of his life. But so extreme was the hatred conceived against him, and so general, that neither his absence could alloy the rage of it in the Capitail 〈◊〉, nor his presence in the Country abroad procure friends, to defend his life. 〈◊〉, he chose the Town of Lachis for his refuge, as a place of all other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to him; yet sounded he there noon other favour, than that the people did not kill him with their own hands: for when the 〈◊〉 (who troubled not 〈◊〉 about raising an Army for the matter) sent pursuers after him, he was abandoned to death. Lachis was the utmost City of his Dominion Westward, standing somewhat without the border of juda; 〈◊〉 that he might have made an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (if he durst adventure) into the Territory of the 〈◊〉, or the 〈◊〉 of Israel. Therefore it may seem that he was detained 〈◊〉, where certain it is that he found no kind of favour: for had not the people of this Town, added their own treason to the general insurrection; the murderers could not at so good leisure as they did, have carried away his body to jerusalem, where they gave him burial with his fathers.   

§. XI. Of the Interregnum, or vacancy, that was in the Kingdom of JUDA, after the death of AMAZIA.  
IT hath already been showed, that the reigns of the Kings of juda and Israel were sometimes to be measured by complete years; otherwhiles, by years current: and that the time of one King is now and then confounded with the last years of his father's Reign or the 〈◊〉 of his sons. But we are now arrived at a mere vacation, wherein the Crown of juda lay 〈◊〉 eleven whole years: a thing not plainly set down in Scriptures, nor yet remembered by josephus, and therefore hard to be 〈◊〉, were it not proved by necessary consequence.  
〈◊〉 we found it written, that AMAZIA King of juda, lived after the death of JOAS 
2. C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. & 2. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  King of Israel fifteen years; where upon it follows, that the death of Amazia, was 
2. King. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  about the end of fifteen years complete, which 〈◊〉 the second (who in the 〈◊〉 year of AMAZIA was made King over Israel) had reigned in Samaria. But the succession of Vzzia, who is also called Azaria, unto his father in the Kingdom of juda; was 〈◊〉 years later than the sixteenth of 〈◊〉: for it is expressed, that AZARIA began to reign in the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of JEROBOAM; the sixteenth 
〈◊〉. King. 15. 1.  year of his life, being joined with the first of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 that he reigned. So the Interregnum of eleven years cannot be divided, without some hard means used, of interpreting the text otherwise than the 〈◊〉 sounds.  
Yet some conjectures there are made, which tend to keep all even, without acknowledging any void time. For it is thought that in the place last of all cited, by the seven and twentieth year of jeroboam, we should perhaps 〈◊〉 the seven and 〈◊〉 year of his life; or else (because the like words are no where else interpreted in the like sense) that Azaria was eleven years under age, that is, five years old, when his father died, and so his sixteenth year might concur with the seven and twentieth of jeroboam; or that the text itself may have suffered some wrong, by miswriting twenty seven for seventeen years, and so, by making the seventeenth year of jeroboam to be newly begun, all may be salved. These are the conjectures of that worthy man Gerard Mercator: concerning the first of which, it may suffice, that the Author himself doth easily let it pass, as improbable; the last is followed by noon that I know, neither is it fit, that upon every doubt, we should call the text in question, which could not be satisfied in all copies, if perhaps it were in one: as for the second, it may be held with some qualification, that Azaria began his Reign being five years old; but then must we add those cleaven years which passed in his minority, to the two and fifty that followed his sixteenth year, which is all one, in a manner, with allowing an interregnum.  
But why should we be so careful to avoid an interregnum in juda, seeing that the like necessity hath enforced all good Writers, to acknowledge the like vacancy, twice happening within few years, in the Kingdom of Israel? The space of time between jeroboams death, and the beginning of Zachariahs' Reign, and such another gap found between the death of Peka, and the beginning of Hosea, have made it easily to be admitted in Samaria, which the consideration of things as they stood in juda, when 〈◊〉 was slain, doth make more probable to have happened there, yea although the necessity of computation were not so apparent.  
For the public fury, having so far extended itself, as unto the destruction of the Kings own person, was not like to be appeased without order taken for obtaining some redress of those matters, which had caused it at the first to break forth into such extremity. We need not therefore wonder how it come to pass, that they which already had thrown 〈◊〉 into such an horrible treason, should afterwards dare to withhold the Crown from a Prince of that age, which being invested in all ornaments of Regality, is 〈◊〉 exposed to many injuries, proceeding from headstrong and forgetful subjects.  
As for their conjecture, who make Azaria to have been King but one and forty years, after he come out of his nonage; I dare not allow it, because it agrees too harshly with the text. The best opinion were that, which gives unto jeroboam eleven years of Reign with his Father, before he began to reign single in the fifteenth of Amazia; did it not swallow up almost the whole Reign of joas, and extending the years of those which reigned in Israel (by making such of them complete, as were only current) and take at the shortest the Reigns of Princes ruling in other Nations. But I will not stand to dispute further of this: every man may follow his own opinion, and see my more plainly in the Chronological Table, drawn for these purposes.   

§. XII. Of Prince's contemporary with 〈◊〉, and more particularly of SARDANAPALUS.  
THE Princes living with Amazia, and in the cleaven years that followed his death, were joas and jeroboam in Israel; Cephrenes and Mycerinus in Egypt; Silvius Alladius, and Silvius aventinus in Alba; Agamemnon in Corinth; Diognetus Pheredus, and Ariphron in Athens; in Lacedaemon Thelectus, in whose time the Spartans' won from the Achaians, Gerauthaes, 〈◊〉, and some other Towns.  
But more notable than all these, was Assyrian Sardanapalus, who in the one and twentieth year of Amazia, succeeding his father Ocrazapes or Anacyndaraxes, reigned twenty years, and was slain the last of the eleven voided years which forwent the Reign of Azaria. In him ended (as most agreed) the line of Ninus, which had held that Empire one thousand, two hundred and forty years. A most luxurious and effeminate Palliard he was, passing away his time among strumpets, whom he imitated both in apparel and behaviour.  
In these voluptuous courses he lived an unhappy life, knowing himself to be so vile, that he durst not let any man have a sight of him; yet seen he was at length, and the sight of him was so odious, that it procured his ruine. For Arbaces, who governed Media under him, finding means to behold the person of his King, was so incensed with that beastly spectacle, of a man disguised in woman's attire, and striving to sergeant an harlot, that he thought it great shame to live under the command of so unworthy a creature. Purposing therefore to free himself and others from so base subjection, he was much encouraged by the prediction of Belesis or 〈◊〉 a Chaldaean, who told him plainly, that the Kingdom of Sardanapalus should fall into his hands. Arbaces well pleased with this prophecy, did promise unto Belosus himself the government of Babylon; and so concluding how to handle the business, one of them stirred up the Medes and alured the Persians' into the quarrel, the other persuaded the Babylonians and Arabians to venture themselves in the same cause. These four Nations armed forty thousand men against Sardanapalus, who in this danger was not wanting to himself, but gathering such forces as he could, out of other Nations, encountered the rebels, as one that would by deeds refute the tales that they had told of him. Neither did his carriage in the beginning of that war, answer to the manner of his retiredness. For in three battles he carried away the better, driving Arbaces and his followers into such fearful terms, that had not Belosus promised them constantly some unexpected succours, they would forthwith have broken up their Campe. About the same time, an Army out of Bactria was coming to assist the King; but 〈◊〉 encountering it upon the way, persuaded so strongly by promise of liberty, that those forces joined themselves with his. The sudden departure of the enemy seeming to be a flight, caused Sardanapalus to feast his Army, triumphing before victory. But the Rebels being strengthened with this new supply, come upon him by night, and forced his Camp, which through overgreat security was unprepared for resistance.  
This overthrow did so weaken the King's heart, that leaving his wives brother Salamenus to keep the field, he withdrew himself into the City of Ninine; which, till new aids that he sent for should come, he thought easily to defend; it having been prophesied, that Ninive should never be taken, till the River were enemy to the Town. Of the greatness and strength of Ninive, enough hath been spoken in our discourse of Ninus. It was so well victualled, that Arbaces (having in two battles overthrown the King's Army, and slain Salamenus) was feign to lie two whole years before it, in hope to win it by famine; whereof yet he seen no appearance. It seems that he wanted Engines and skill to force those walls, which were a hundred foot high, and thick enough for three Chariots in front to pass upon the rampire. But that which he could not do in two years, the River of Tigris did in the third: for being high swollen with rains, it not only drowned a part of the City through which it ran, but threw down twenty furlongs of the wall, and made a fair breach for Arbaces to enter.  
Sardanapalus, either terrified with the accomplishment of the old Oracle, or seeing no means of resistance left, shutting up himself into his Palace, with his wives, eunuchs and all his treasures, did set the house on fire, wherewith he and they were together consumed. Strabo speaks of a monument of his, that was in 
Strabo l. 9  Anchiale a City of Cilicia, whereon was found an inscription, showing that he built that City and Tharsus upon one day: but the addition hereto, bidding men eat and drink, and make merry, encouraging other, with verses well known, to a voluptuous life, by his own example, testify that his nature was more prove to sensuality, than to any virtue beseeming a Prince.  
There are some that faintly report otherwise of his end; saying that Arbaces, when he first found him among his Concubines, was so 〈◊〉, that suddenly he slew him with a dagger. But the more general consent of Writers agrees with this relation of Diodorus Siculus, who citeth Ctesias a Greek Writer, that lived in the Court 
Diod. Sic. l. 2 c. 7  of Persia, where the truth might best be known.  
Concerning the Princes which reigned in Assyria; from the time of Semiramis, unto Sardanapalus, though I believe that they were sometimes (yet not, as Orosius hath it, incessantly) busied, in offensive or else defensive arms; yet for the most part of them I do better trust Diodorus Siculus, who saith that their names were overpassed 
Diod. l. 2 c. 6.  by Ctesias, because they did nothing worthy of memory. Whatsoever they did; that which Theophitus Antiochenus hath said of them is 〈◊〉 true; Silence and oblivion 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 2.  hath oppressed them.    

CHAP. XXIII. Of VZZIA.  

§. I. The prosperity of VZZIA, and of JEROBOAM the second, who reigned with him in Israel. Of the Anarchy that was in the ten Tribes after the death of JEROBOAM. Of ZACHARIA, SALLUM, MENAHEM and PEKAHIA.  
VZZIA, who is also called Azaria the son of jotham, was made King of juda, when he was sixteen years old, in the seven and twentieth year of jeroboam the son of joas King of Israel. He served the God of his father David, and had therefore good success in all his enterprises. He built Eloth, a Town that stood near to the Read Sea, and restored it to juda. He overcame the Philistines, of whose Towns he dismantled some, and built others in sundry parts of their Territories. Also he got the mastery over some parts of Arabia, and brought the Ammonites to pay him tribute. Such were the first-fruits of his prosperous wars, wherein (as josphus rehearseth his acts) he began with the Philistines, and then proceeded unto the Arabians and Ammonites. His Army consisted of three hundred and seven thousand men of war, over which were appointed two thousand six hundred Captains. For all this multitude the King prepared shields, and spears, and helmets, and 
2. 〈◊〉. 26. 14.  other Arms requisite; following therein happily a course quite opposite unto that which some of his late predecessors had held, who thought it better policy to use the service of the Nobility, than of the multitude; carrying forth to war the Princes 
2, 〈◊〉. 21. 9  and all the Chariots.  
As the victories of Vzzia were far more important, than the achievements of all that had reigned in juda, since the time of David; so were his riches and magnificent works, equal, if not superior to any of theirs that had been Kings between him and Solomon. For besides that great conquests are wont to repay the charges of War with triple interest, he had the skill to use, as well as the happiness to get. He turned his Lands to the best use, keeping Ploughmen and Dressers of Vines, in grounds convenient to such husbandry. In other places he had cattle feeding, whereof he might well keep great store, having won so much from the Ammonites and Arabians, that had abundance of waste ground serving for pasturage. For defence of his cattle and Herdsmen, he built Towers in the wilderness. He also digged many Cisterns or Ponds. josephus calls them Watercourses; but in such dry grounds, it was enough that he found water, by digging in the most likely places. If by these Towers he so commanded the water, that noon could without his consent, relieve themselves therewith; questionless he took the only course, by which he might securely hold the Lordship over all the Wilderness; it being hardly passable, by reason of the extreme drought, when the few Springs therein found, are left free to the use of travailers.  
Besides all this cost, and the building both of Eloth by the Read Sea, and of sundry Towns among the Philistines; he repaired the wall of jerusalem, which joas had broken down, and fortified it with Towers, whereof some were an hundred and fifty Cubits high.  
The State of Israel did never so flourish, as at this time, since the division of the twelve Tribes into two Kingdoms. For as Vzzia prevailed in the South, so (if not more) jeroboam the son of joas, King of the ten Tribes, enlarged his border on the North; where obtaining many victories, against the Syrians, he 〈◊〉 the Royal City of Damascus, and he wan Hamath, with all the Country there about from the entering of Hamath, unto the Sea of the Wilderness, that is (as the most 
2. Reg. 14. 25. 28.  expound it) unto the vast deserts of Arabia, the end whereof was undiscovered. So the bounds of Israel in those parts, were in the time of this jeroboam, the same (or not much narrower) which they had been in the Reign of David.  
But it was not for the 〈◊〉 of jeroboam, that he thrived so well; for he was an Idolater: it was only the compassion which the Lord had on Israel, seeing the exceeding bitter affliction, whereinto the Aramites had brought his people, which caused him to altar the success of war, and to throw the victorious Aramites, under the feet of those, whom they had so cruelly oppressed. The line of jehu, to which God had promised the Kingdom of Israel unto the fourth generation, was 
2. Reg. 10. 13.  now not far from the end; and now again it was invited unto repentance, by new benefits, as it had been at the beginning. But the sin of jeroboam the son of Nebat, was held so precious, that neither the Kingdom itself, given to him by God, was able to draw jehu from that politic Idolatry; nor the misery falling upon him and his posterity, to bring them to a better course of Religion; nor yet, at the last, this great prosperity, of jeroboam the son of joas, to make him tender the honour that was due, to the only giver of victory. Wherhfore the promise of God, made unto 〈◊〉, that his sons, unto the fourth generation, should sit on the throne of Israel, was not enlarged; but, being almost expired, gave warning of the approaching end, by an accident (so strange, that we, who found no particulars recorded, can hardly guess at the occasions) foregoing the last acomplishment.  
When jeroboam the Son of joas, after a victorious reign of one and forty years, had ended his life, it seems in all reason that Zacharia his Son, should forthwith have been admitted, to reign in his stead; the Nobility of that race having gotten such a lustre, by the immediate succession of four Kings, that any Competitor, 〈◊〉 the crown passed by election, must needs have appeared base; and the virtue of the last King, having been so great, as might well serve to lay the foundation of a new house, much more to establish the already confirmed right of a family so rooted in possession. All this notwithstanding, two or three and twenty years did pass, before Zacharia the Son of jeroboam was, by uniform consent, received as King. The true original causes hereof were to be found at Dan and Bethel, where the golden Calves did stand: yet second instruments of this distrubance, are likely not to have been wanting, upon which, the wisdom of man was ready to cast an eye. Probable it is, that the Captains of the Army (who afterwards slew one another, so fast, that in fourteen years there reigned five Kings) did now by headstrong violence, rend the Kingdom asunder, holding each what he could, and either 〈◊〉 or hating some qualities in Zacharia; until, after many years, 〈◊〉 with dissension, and the principal of them perhaps, being taken out of the way by death, for want of any other eminent man, they consented to yield all quietly to the son of jeroboam. That this Anarchic lasted almost three and twenty years, we found by the difference of time, between the fifteenth year of Vzzia, which was the last of jeroboam his one and fortieth (his seven and twentieth concurring with the first of Vzzia) and the eight and thirtieth of the same Vzzia, in the last six months whereof, Zacharia reigned in Samaria. There are some indeed that by supposing jeroboam to have reigned with his father eleven years, do cut off the interregnum in juda (before mentioned) and by the same reason, abridge this Anarchy, that was before the Reign of Zacharia in Israel. Yet they leave it twelve years long: which is time sufficient to prove, that the Kingdom of the ten Tribes was no less distempered, than as is already noted. But I choose rather to follow the more common opinion, as concurring more exactly with the times of other Princes reigning abroad in the World, than this doubtful conjecture, that gives to jeroboam two and fifty years, by adding three quarters of his father's Reign, unto his own, which was itself indeed so long, that he may well seem to have begun it very young: for I do not think, that God blessed this Idolater, both with a longer reign, and with a longer life, than he did his servant David.  
Thus much being spoken of the time, wherein the throne of Israel was void, before the reign of Zacharia; little may suffice to be said of his Reign itself, which lasted but a little while. Six months only was he King; in which time he declared himself a worshipper of the golden Calves; which was enough to justify the judgement of God, whereby he was slain. He was the last of 〈◊〉 house, being (inclusively) the first of that line; which may have been some cause of the troubles impeaching his orderly succession: the prophecy having determined that race in the fourth generation. But (besides that God's promise was extended unto the utmost) there was no warrant given to Sallum or to any other, for the death of Zacharia, as had been given to jehu, for the slaughter of jehoram, and for the eradication of Ahab's house.  
Zacharia having been six months a King, was then slain by Sallum, who reigned after him, the space of a month in Samaria. What this Sallum was, I do not 
2. King. 15. 13.  found; save only that he was a Traitor, and the son of one jabesh, whereby his father got no honour. It seems that he was one of those, who in time of faction had laboured for himself; and now, when all other Competitors were sitten down, thought easily to prevail against that King, in whose person the race of jehu was to fail. Manifest it is, that Sallum had a strong party: for Tiphsah or Thapsa, and the Coast thereof even from Tirzah, where Menahem, his enemy and supplanter then lay, refused to admit, as King in his stead, the man that murdered him. Yet at the end of one month, Sallum received the reward of his treason, and was slain by Menahem who reigned in his place.  
Menahem the son of Gadi, reigned after Sallum ten years. In opposition to Sallum, his hatred was deadly, and inhuman: For he not only destroyed Tiphsah, and all that were therein, or thereabouts, but he ripped up all their women with child, because they did not open their gates and let him in. Had this cruelty been used in revenge of Zacharias death, it is like that he would have been as earnest, in procuring unto him his Father's Crown when it was first due. But in performing that office, there was used such long deliberation, that we may plainly discover Ambition, Disdain, and other private passions, to have been the causes of this beastly outrage.  
In the time of Menahem, and (as it seems) in the beginning of his Reign; 〈◊〉, King of Assyria, come against the Land of Israel; whom this new King appeased, with a thousand talents of silver, levied upon all the substantial men in his Country. With this money the Israelite purchased, not only the peace of his Kingdom, but his own establishment therein: some factious man (be like) having either invited Pull thither, or (if he come uncalled) sought to use his help, in deposing this ill beloved King. josephus reports of this Menahem, that his Reign was no milder 
jos. ant. l. 9 c, 11.  than his entrance. But after ten years, his tyrannic ended with his life: and Pekahia, his Son, occupied his room.  
Of this Pekahia the story is short: for he reigned only two years; at the end whereof, he was slain by Peka, the Son of Remalia, whose treason was rewarded with the Crown of Israel, as, in time coming, another man's Treason against himself shall be. There needs no more to be said of Menahem, and his Son, save that they were, both of them, Idolaters; and the Son (as we find in Insephus) 
jos. ibid.  like to his Father in cruelty. Concerning Pull the Assyrian King, who first opened unto those Northern Nations the way into 〈◊〉, it will shortly follow in order of the Story, to deliver our opinion: whither he were that Belosus (called also Belese and by some, Phul Belochus) who joined with Arbaces the Median, against Sardanapalus, or whither he were some other man. At the present it is more fit that we relate the end of Vzzia's life, who outlived the happiness wherein we left him.   

§. II The end of VZZIA his Reign and life.  
AS the zeal of jehoiada, that godly Priest, was the mean, to preserve the lineage of David, in the person of joas; so it appears, that the care of holy men was not wanting to Vzzia, to bring him up, and advance him to the Crown of 〈◊〉, when the hatred borne to his Father Amazia, had endangered his succession. For it is said of Vzzia, That he sought God in the days of ZECHARIA (which understood the visions of God) and when 
2. Chron. 26. 5.  as he sought the Lord, God made him prospero.  
But, when he was strong, his heart was lifted up to his destruction: for he trangressed 
V 16.  against the Lord his God, and went into the Temple of the Lord to burn incense, upon the Altar of incense. Thus he thought to enlarge his own authority, by meddling in the Priests office, whose power had in every extremity been so helpful to the Kings of juda, that mere gratitude, and civil policy, should have held back Vzzia from encroaching thereupon; yea, though the Law of God had been silent in this case, and not forbidden it. Howsoever the King forgot his duty, the Priests remembered theirs, and God forgot not to assist them. Azaria the high Priest interrupted the King's purpose, and gave him to understand, how little to his honour it would prove, that he took upon him the office of the sons of Aaron. There were with Azaria fourescoure other Priests, valiant men, but their valour was showed only in assisting the high Priest, when (according to his duty) he reprehended the King's presumption. This was 〈◊〉, the rest God himself performed. We found in josephus, that the King had appareled himself in Priestly habit, and that he 
jos. ant. l. 9 c. 11.  threatened Azarias and his Companions, to punish them with death, unless they would be quiet. josephus, indeed, enlargeth the Story, by inserting a great Earthquake, which did tear down half an Hill, that rolled 〈◊〉 furlongs, till it rested against another Hill, stopping up the highways, and spoiling the King's Garden in the passage. With this Earth quake, he saith, that the roof of the Temple did cleave, and that a Sunbeam did light upon the King's face, which was presently infected with leprosy. All this may have been true; and some there are who think that this Earthquake is the same, which is mentioned by the Prophet Amos; wherein they do much misse-reckon the times. For the Earthquake spoken of by Amos, was in the days of jeroboam King of Israel, who died seven and thirty years before Vzzia; so that jotham the Son of Vzzia, which supplied his Father's place in government of the Land should, by this account, have been then unborn: for he was but five and twenty years old, when he began to reign as King. Therefore, thus far only we have assurance; that while VZZIA was wroth with the 
2. Chron. 26. 20.  Priests, the leprosy rose up in his forehead, before the Priests. Hereupon he was caused, in all haste, to departed the place, and to live in a house by himself, until he died; the rule over the King's house, and over all the Land, being committed to jotham, his Son, and Successor. jotham took not upon himself the style of King, till his Father was dead; whom they buried in the same field wherein his Ancestors lay interred, yet in a Monument apart from the rest, because he was a Leper.   

§. III Of the Prophets which lived in the time of VZZIA; and of Princes then ruling in Egypt, and in some other Countries.  
IN the time of Vzzia were the first of the lesser Prophets, Hosea, joel, Amos, Obadia, and jonas. It is not indeed set down, when joel, or Obadia, did prophecy: but if the Prophets, whose times are not expressed, aught to be ranged (according to S. Hieromes' rule) with the next before them; then must these two be judged contemporarie with Hosea and Amos, who lived under King Vzzia. To inquire which of these five was the most ancient, it may perhaps be thought, at lest a superfluous labour; yet if the age wherein Homer lived, hath so painfully been sought, without reprehension; how can he be taxed, which offers to search out the antiquity of these holy Prophets? It seems to me, that the first of these, in order of time, was the Prophet jonas; who foretold the great victories of jeroboam King of Israel; & therefore is like to have prophesied 
2. 〈◊〉. c. 14. v. 25. 26.  in the days of joas, whilst the affliction of Israel was exceeding bitter; the Text itself intimating no less: by which consequence, he was elder than the other Prophets, whose works are now extant. But his prophecies that concerned the Kingdom of Israel, are now lost. That which remaineth of him, seems, not without reason, unto some very learned, to have belonged unto the time of Sardanapalus, in whose days Ninive was first of all destroyed. This Prophet rather taught Christ by his sufferings, than by his write now extant: in all the rest are found express promises of the Messiah.  
In the Reign of Vzzia likewise it was, that Esai, the first of the four great Prophets, began to see his visions. This difference of greater and lesser Prophets, is taken from the Volumes which they have left written (as S. Augustine gives reason 
〈◊〉. Dei l. 18 c. 〈◊〉.  of the distinction) because the greater have written larger Books. The Prophet Esai was great indeed, not only in regard of his much written; or of his Nobility, (for their opinion is rejected, who think him to have been the son of Amos the Prophet) and the high account wherein he lived; but for the excellency, both of his style and argument, wherein he so plainly foretelleth the Birth, Miracles, Passion, and whole History of our Saviour, with the calling of the Gentiles, that he might as well be called an Evangelist, as a Prophet; having written in such wise, That (as Hierome saith) one would think he did not foretell of things to come, but compile an History 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 super 〈◊〉.  of matters already past.  
Bocchoris was King of Egypt, and the ninth year of his Reign, by our computation (whereof in due place we will give reason) was current, when Vzzia took possession of the Kingdom of juda.  
After the death of Bocchoris, Asychis followed in the Kingdom of Egypt, unto him succeeded Anysis; and these two occupied that Crown six years. Than Sabacus, an Aethopian, become King of Egypt, and held it fifty years, whereof the ten first ran along with the last of Vzzia his Reign and life. Of these and other Egyptian Kings, more shall be spoken, when their affairs shall come to be intermeddled with the business of juda.  
In Athens, the two last years of Ariphron his twenty, the seven and twentieth of Thespeius, the twentieth of Agamnestor, and threethe first of Aeschylus his three and twenty, made even with the two and fifty of Vzzia: as likewise did in Alba the last seven of silvius aventinus his seven and thirty, together with the three and twenty of silvius Procas, and two and twenty the first of Silvius Amulius. In Media Arbaces began his new Kingdom, in the first of Vzzia, wherein, after eight and twenty years, his Son Sosarmus succeeded him, and reigned thirty years. Of this Arbaces, and the division of the Assyrian Empire, between him and others, when they had oppressed Sardanapalus, I hold it convenient to use more particular discourse, that we may not wander in too great uncertainty in the Story of the Assyrian Kings, who have already found the way into Palaestina, and are not likely to forget it.   

§. FOUR Of the Assyrian Kings, descending from PHUL: and whither PHUL and BELOSUS were one person; or heads of sundry Families, that reigned apart in Ninive and Babylon.  
BY that which hath formerly been showed of Sardanapalus his death, it is apparent, that the chief therein was Arbaces the Median; to whom the rest of the Confederates did not only submit themselves in that War, but were contented afterwards to be judged by him; receiving by his authority sentence of death, or pardon of their forfeired lives. The first example of this his power, was shown upon Belosus the Babylonian, by whose especial advice and help, Arbaces himself was become so great. Yet was not this power of Arbaces exercised in so tyrannical manner, as might give offence in that great alteration of things, either to the Princes that had assisted him, or to the generalitic of the people. For in the condemnation of Belosus, he used the counsel of his other Captains, and then pardoned him of his own Grace; allowing him to hold, not only the City and Province of Babylon, but also those treasures, for embezeling whereof his life had been endangered.  
In like manner, he gave rewards to the rest of his partakers, and made them Rulers of Provinces; retaining (as it appears) only the Sovereignty to himself, which to use immoderately he did naturally abhor. Hec is said, indeed, to have excited the Medes against Sardanapalus, by propounding unto them hope of transferring the Empire to their Nation. And to make good this his promise, he destroyed the City of Ninive; permitting the Citizens nevertheless to take and carry away every one his own goods. The other Nations that joined with him, as the Persians' and Bactrians, he drew to his side, by the allurement of liberty; which he himself so greatly loved, that by slacking too much the rcines of his own Soveraigetie, he did more harm to the general estate of Media, than the pleasure of the freedom, which it enjoyed, could recompense. For both the Territory of that Country was pared narrower by Salmanassar (or perhaps by some of his Progenitors) whom we find, in the Scriptures, to have held some Towns of the Medes, and the 〈◊〉 administration was so disorderly, that the people themselves were glad to see that reformation, which Deioces, the fift of Arbaces his Line, did make in that government, by reducing them into stricter terms of obedience.  
How the force of the Assyrians grew to be such, as might in fourscore years, if it sooner, both extend itself unto the conquest of Israel, and tear away some 〈◊〉 of Media, it is a question hardly to be answered; not only in regard of the destruction of Ninive, and subversion of the Assyrian Kingdom, whereof the Medes, under Arbaces, had the honour; who may seem at that time to have kept the Assyrians under their subjection, when the 〈◊〉 of the Provinces were set at liberty; but in consideration of the Kings themselves, who reigning afterwards in Babylon and Ninive, are confounded by some, and distinguished by others; whereby their History is made uncertain.  
I will first therefore deliver the opinion generally received, and the grounds whereupon it stands: then, producing the objections made against it; I will compare together the determination of that 〈◊〉 man joseph Scaliger, with those learned that subscribe there unto, and the judgement of others that were more ancient Writers, or have followed the Ancients in this doubtful case. Neither shall it be needful to set down apart the several authorities and arguments of sundry men adding somewhat of weight or of clearness one to another: it will be enough to relate the whole substance of each 〈◊〉: which I will do as briefly as I can, and without 〈◊〉 to be taxed of partiality, as being no more addicted to the one opinion than to the other, by any fancy of my own, but merely led by those reasons which upon examination of each part, seemed to me most forcible, though to others they may perhaps appear weak.  
That which, until of late, hath passed as currant, is this; That Belosus was the 〈◊〉 King, who, first of the Assyrians, entered 〈◊〉 with an Army; being called Pull, or Phul, in the Scriptures, and by Annius his Authors with such as 〈◊〉 them, Phul Belochus. Of this man it is said, that he was a skilful Ginger, subtle, and ambitious; that he got Babylon by composition made with 〈◊〉; and that not there with content, he got into his hand part of Assyria: finally, that he reigned eight and forty years, and then dying, left the 〈◊〉 to Teglat phalasar his Son, in whose posterity it continued some few descents, till the house of Merodach prevailed. The truth of this, if Annius his 〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉 proof, could not be gain said: for that Author (such as he is) is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But, howsoever Annius his Authors deserve to be suspected, it stands with no reason that we should conclude all to be false which they affirm. They, who maintain this Tradition, justify it by divers good Allegations, as a matter confirmed by circumstances found in all 〈◊〉, and repugnant unto no History at all. For it is manifest by the relation of Diodorus (which is indeed the foundation whereupon all have built) that Arbaces and Belosus were Partners in the action against 〈◊〉; and that the Bactrians, who joined with them, 〈◊〉 thought well rewarded with liberty, as likewise other Captains were with governments: but that any third Person was so eminent as to have Assyria itself, the 〈◊〉 Country of the Empire, bestowed upon him, it is a thing whereof not the lest appearance is found in any History. And certainly it stood with little reason, that the Assyrians should be committed unto a peculiar King, at such time as it was not thought meet to trust them in their own walls and houses. Rather it is apparent, that the destruction of Ninive by 〈◊〉, and the transplantation of the Citizens, was held a needful policy because thereby the people of that Nation might be kept down, from aspiring to recover the Sovereignty, which else they would have thought to belong, as of right, unto the Seat of the Empire.  
Upon such considerations did the Romans, in ages long after following, destroy Carthage and 〈◊〉 the Corporation, or Body politic, of the Citizens of Capua; because those two Towns were capable of the Empire: a matter 〈◊〉 overdangerous even to Rome itself, that was Mistress of them both. This being so, how 
Tull. contra Rullum. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉  can it be thought that the Assyrians in three or four years had erected their Kingdom anew, under one Pull? or what must this Pull have been (of whose deservings, or cntermedling, or indeed of whose very name, we found no mention in the War against Sardanapalus) to whom the principal part of the Empire fell, either by general consent in division of the Provinces, or by his own power and purchase very soon after? Surely he was noon other than Belosus; whose near Neighbourhood gave him opportunity (as he was wise enough to play his own game) both to get Assyria to himself, and to impeach any other man, that should have attempted to seize upon it. The Province of Babylon, which 〈◊〉 held, being (as Herodotus 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  reports) in riches, and power, as good as the third part of the Persian Empire, was able to furnish him with all that was requisite for such a business: if that were not enough, he had gotten into his own hands all the gold and silver that had been in the Palace of Ninive. And 〈◊〉 to restore such a City as Ninive, was an enterprise fit for noon to take in hand, except he had such means as Belosus had; which 〈◊〉, if he were not Belosus, is likely to have wanted.  
Besides all this, had Pull been a distinct 〈◊〉 from Belosus, and Lord of Assyria, which lay beyond the Countries of Babylon and Mesopotamia, it would not have been an easy matter for him, to pass quite through another man's Kingdom with an Army, seeking booty afar off in Israel: the only action by which the name of Phul is known. But if we grant, that he, whom the Scriptures call Pull or Phul, was he same whom profane writers have called Belosus, Belese, and Belestis, (in like manner as josephus acknowledgeth, that he, whom the Scriptures called never otherwise 
josep. ant. l. 〈◊〉 cap. 12.  than Darius the Mede, was the Son of Astyages, and called of the Greeks' by another name, that is, Cyaxarcs) then is this scruple utterly removed. For Babylon and Mesopotamia did border upon Syria and Palaestina: so that Belosus, having 〈◊〉 his affairs in Assyria towards the East and North, might with good leisure encroach upon the Countries that lay on the other side of his Kingdom, to the South and West. He that looks into all particulars, may found every one circumstance concurring, to prove that Phul who invaded Israel, was noon other than Belosus. For the Prince of the Arabians, who joined with Arbaces, and brought no small part of the forces where with Sardanapalus was overthrown, did enter into that action, merely for the love of Belosus. The friendship of these Arabians was a thing of main importance, to those that were to pass over Euphrates with an Army into Syria. Wherhfore Belosus, that held good correspondence with them; and whose most fruitful Province, adjoining to their barren quarters, might yearly do them inestimable pleasures; was not only like to have quiet passage through their borders, but their utmost assistance; yea, it stands with good reason, that they, who loved not Israel, should for their own behoof have given him intelligence, of the destruction and civil broils among the ten Tribes; whereby, as this Pull got a thousand talents, so it seems that the Syrians and Arabians, that had felt an heaule Ncighbour of jeroboam, recovered their own, setting up a new King in Damascus, and clearing the Coast of Arabia, (from the Sea of the Wilderness to Hamath) of the Hebrew Garrisons. Neither was it any new acquaintance, that made the Nations divided by Euphrates hold together in so good terms of friendship: it was ancient consanguinity; the memory whereof was available to the Syrians, in the time of David, when the Aramites beyond the River come over willingly, to the succour of Hadadezer, and the Aramites about Damascus. So Belosus had good reason to look into those parts; what a King reigning so far off as Ninive, should have to do in Syria, if the other end of his Kingdom had not reached to Euphrates, it were hard to show.  
But concerning this last argument of the business which might allure the Chaldaeans into Palaestina, it may be doubted, jest it should seem to have ill coherence with that which hath been said of the long Anarchy that was in the ten Tribes. For if the Crown of Israel were worn by no man in three and twenty years, then is it likely that Belosus was either unwilling to stir, or unable to take the advantage when it was fairest, and first discovered. This might have compelled those, who alone were not strong enough, to seek after help from some Prince that lay further off; and so the opinion of those that distinguish Phul from Belosus, would be some what confirmed. On the other side, if we say, that Belosus did pass the River of Euphrates, as soon as he found likelihood of making a prosperous journey, then may it seem that the interregnum in Israel was not so long as we have made it: for three and twenty years leisure would have afforded better opportunity, which aught not to have been lost.  
For answer hereunto, we are to consider, what Orosius and Eusebius have written concerning the Chaldees: the one, that after the departure of Arbaces into Media, they laid hold on a part of the Empire: the other, that they prevailed and grew mighty, between the times of Arbaces and Deioces the Medes. Now, though it be held an 〈◊〉 of Orosius, where he supposeth that the occupying of Babylonia by the Chaldaeans, was in manner of a rebellion from the Medes; yet herein he and Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that the authority of Arbaces did restrain the ambition, which by his absence grew bold, and by his death, regardful only of itself. Now, though some have conjectured that all Assyria was given to Belosus (as an overplus, besides the Province of Babylon, which was his by plain bargain made aforehand) in regard of his high deservings, yet the opinion more commonly received is, that he did only encroach upon that Province by little and little, whilst Arbaces lived, and afterwards dealing more openly, got it all himself. Seeing therefore, that there passed but twelve years between the death of Arbaces, and the beginning of Menahem his Reign; manifest it is, that the conquest of Assyria, and settling of that Country, was work enough to hold Belosus occupied, besides the restoration of Ninive, which alone was able to take up all the time remaining of his Reign, if perhaps he lived to see it finished in his own days. So that this argument may rather serve to prove that Phul and Belosus were one person; forasmuch as the journey of Phul against Israel was not made until Belosus could found leisure; and the time of advantage which Belosus did let slip, argued his business in some other quarter, namely in that Province of which Phul is called King. Briefly, it may be said, that he who conquered Assyria, and performed somewhat upon a 〈◊〉 so far distant as Palaestina, was likely to have been, at lest, named in some History, or, if not himself, yet his Country to have been spoken of for those victories: but we neither hear of Phul, in any profane Author, neither doth any Writer, sacred or profane, once mention the victories or acts whatsoever of the 〈◊〉, done in those times; whereas of Belosus, and the power of the Chaldaeans, we found good Record.  
Surely, that great slaughter of so many thousand Assyrians, in the quarrel of Sardanapalus, together with other calamities of that long and unfortunate war, which overwhelmed the whole Country, not ending but with the ruin and utter desolation of Ninive, must needs have so weakened the state of Assyria, that it could not in thirty years space be able to invade Palaestina, which the ancient Kings, reigning in Ninive, had, in all their greatness, forborn to attempt. Yet these afflictions, disabling that Country, did help to enable Belosus to subdue it; who having once extended his Dominion to the borders of Media, and being (especially if he had compounded with the Meds') by the interposition of that Country, secure of the Scythinns, and other warlike Nations on that side, might very well turn Southward, and try his fortune in those Kingdoms, whereinto civil dissension of the inhabitants, and the bordering envy of the Arabians and Aramites about Damascus, 〈◊〉 and Cousins to the 〈◊〉 and Mesopotamians, did invite him. For these, and the other before alleged reasons, it may be concluded, That what is said of Pull in the Scriptures, aught to be understood of Belosus; even as by the names of Nabuchadnezzar, Darius the Mede, Artashasht, and 〈◊〉, with the like, are thought, or known, to be meant the same, whom profane Historians, by names better known in their own Countries, have called Nabopollassar, Cyaxares, and Artaxerxes: especially considering, that hereby we shall neither contradict any thing that hath been written of old, nor need to trouble ourselves and others with framing new conjectures. This in effect is that, which they allege in maintenance of the opinion commonly received.  
Now this being once granted; other things, of more importance, will of themselves easily follow. For it is a matter of no great consequence to know the truth of this point (considering it apart from that which depends thereon) Whither Pull were Belosus, or some other man: the whole race of these Assyrian and Babylonian Kings, wherein are found those famous Princes, Nabonassar, Mardocempadus, and Nabopollassar (famous for the Astronomical observations recorded from their times) is the main ground of this contention. If therefore Belosus or Belesis were that Phul which invaded Israel; if he and his posterity reigned both in Ninive and in Babylon; if he were father of Teglat-Phul-Asar, from whom Salmanasar, Senacherib, and Asarhaddon descended; then it is manifest, that we must seek Nabonassar, the Babylonian King, among these Princes; yea, and conclude him to be noon other than Salmanasar, who is known to have reigned in those years, which Ptolomey the Mathematician hath assigned unto Nabonassar. As for Merodach, who supplanted Asar-haddon, manifest it is, that he and his successors were of another house. This is the scope and end of all his disputation.  
But they that maintain the contrary part, will not be satisfied with such conjectures. They lay hold upon the conclusion, and by shaking that into pieces, hope to overthrow all the premises, upon which it is inferred. For (say they) if Nabonassar, that reigned in Babylon, could not be Salmanassar, or any of those other Assyrian Kings, then is it manifest, that the races were distinct, and that Phul and Belosus were several Kings. This consequence is so plain, that it needs no confirmation. To prove that Nabonassar was a distinct person from Salmanassar, are brought such arguments as would stagger the resolution of him that had sworn to hold 〈◊〉 contrary. For first, Nabonassar was King of Babylon, and not of Assyria. This is proved by his name, which is merely Chaldaean, whereas Salman, the first part of Salmanassars' name, is proper to the Assyrians. It is likewise proved by the Astronomical observations, which proceeding from the Babylonians, not from the Assyrians, do show, that Nabonassar, from whom Ptolemy draws that Epocha, or account of times, was a Babylonian, and no Assyrian. Thirdly, and more strongly, it is confirmed by the successor of Nabonassar, which was Mardocempadus, called in his own language Mero-dac-ken-pad, but more briefly in Easie his prophesy, 〈◊〉, by the former 
Easie 39 1.  part of his name; or Merodach Baladan; the son of Baladan. Now if Merodach, the son of Baladan, King of Babel, were the son of Nabonassar, then was Nabonassar noon other than Baladan King of Babel, and not Salmanassar King of Assyria.  
What can be plainer? As for the cadence of these two names, Nabonassar & Salmanassar, which in Greek or Latin writing hath no difference, we are taught by 〈◊〉, that in the Hebrew letters there is found no affinity therein. So concerning the places of Babylonia, whereinto Salmanassar carried captive some part of the ten Tribes; it may well be granted, that in the Province of Babylon Salmanassar had gotten somewhat, yet will it not follow that he was King of Babylon itself. To conclude, Merodach began his reign over Babylon in the sixt year of Hezekia, at which time 〈◊〉 took Samaria; therefore, if Salmanassar were King of Babylon, then must we say that he and Merodach, yea and Nabonassar, were all one man. These are the arguments of that noble and learned Writer joseph Scaliger; who not contented to follow the common opinion, founded upon likelihood of conjectures, hath drawn his proofs from matter of more necessary inference.  
Touching all that was said before of Phul Belosus, for the proving that Phul and Belosus were not sundry Kings; joseph Scaliger pities their ignorance, that have spent their labour to so little purpose. Honest and painful men he confesseth that they were, who by their diligence might have won the good liking of their Readers, had they not, by mentioning Annius his Authors, given such offence, that men refused thereupon to read their Books and Chronologies. A short answer.  
For my own part, howsoever I believe nothing that Annius his Berosus, Metasthenes, and others of that stamp affirms, in respect of their bore authority; yet am I not so squeamish, but that I can well enough digest a good Book, though I find the names of one or two of these good fellows alleged in it: I have (somewhat peradventure too often) already spoken my mind of Annius his Authors: nevertheless, I may say here again, that where other Histories are silent, or speak not enough, there may we without shame borrow of these, as much as agrees with that little which elsewhere we find, and serveth to explain or enlarge it without improbabilities.  
Neither indeed are those honest and painful men (as Scaliger terms them, meaning, if I mistake him not; good silly fellows) who set down the Assyrian Kings from Pull forwards, as Lords also of Babylon, taking Pull for Belosus, and Salmanassar for Nabonassar, such Writers as a man should be ashamed or unwilling to read. For (to omit a multitude of others, that herein follow Annius, though disliking him in general) Gerard Mercator is not so slight a Chronologer, that he should be laughed out of doors, with the name of an honest meaning fellow.  
But I will not make comparisons between Scaliger and Mercator, they were both of them men notably learned: let us examine the arguments of Scaliger, and see whither they be of such force, as cannot either be resisted or avoided. It will easily be granted, that Nabonassar was King of Babylon; that he was not King of Assyria, some men doubt whither Scaliger's reasons be enough to prove. For though Nabonassar be a Chaldaean name, and Salmanassar an Assyrian; yet what hinders us from believing, that one man in two languages might be called by two several names? That Astronomy flourished among the 〈◊〉, is not enough to prove Nabonassar either an Ginger, or a Chaldaean. So it is, that Scaliger himself calls them, 〈◊〉 
Scal. Canon. l. 3.  as nescio quos, qui NABONASSARUM Astronomum fuisse in somnis viderunt; 〈◊〉 I know not who, that in their sleep have dreamt of NABONASSAR, that he was an Ginger.  
Whither Nabonassar were an Ginger or not, I cannot tell; it is hard to maintain the negative. But as his being Lord over the Chaldaeans, doth not prove him to have been learned in their sciences; so doth it not prove him, not to have been also King of Assyria. The Emperor Charles the fift, who was borne in Gant, and Philip his Son, King of Spain, and Lords of the 〈◊〉, had men far more learned in all Sciences, and particularly in the Mathematics, among their Subjects of the Low Countries, then were any that I read of then living in Spain, if Spain at that time had any; yet I think, posterity will not use this as an argument, to prove that Spain was noon of theirs. It may well be, that Salmanassar or Nabonassar, did use the Assyrian Soldiers, and Babylonian Scholars: but it seems, that he and his posterity, by giving themselves wholly to the more warlike Nation, lost the richer, out of which they first issued; as likewise King Philip lost partly, and partly did put to a dangerous hazard all the Netherlandss, by such a course. As for the two unanswerable arguments, (as Scaliger terms them, being me thinks noon other than answers to somewhat that is or might be alleged on the contrary side) one of them which is drawn from the unlike sound and writing of those names, Salmanassar and Nabonassar in the Hebrew, I hold a point about which no man will dispute; for it is not likeness of sound, but agreement of time, and many circumstances else, that must take away the distinction of persons: the other likewise may be granted; which is, that Salmanassar might be Lord of some places in the Province of Babylon, yet not King of Babylon itself: this indeed might be so, and it might be otherwise. there is nothing save conjecture against conjecture But in that which is alleged out of the Prophet 〈◊〉, concerning 〈◊〉 the Son of 〈◊〉; and in that which is said of this Merodach, or Mardokenpadus, his 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of Nabonassar, and his beginning to reign in the sixt 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, I find matter of more difficulty, than can be answered in haste. I will therefore defer the handling of these objections, until I meet with their subject in his proper place; which will be when we come to the time of Hezekia, wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & was King. Yet that I may not leave too great a scruple in the mind of the Reader, thus far will I here satisfy him; that how strong soever this argument may seem, 〈◊〉 himself did live to retract it, ingenuously confessing, that in thinking 〈◊〉 to be the Son of Nabonassar, he had been 〈◊〉.  
Nowtherefore let us consider, in what sort they have fashioned their Story, who taking Pull to be a distinct person from 〈◊〉 or Belestis, have in like sort, as was necessary, distinguished their offspring, making that of Pull to fail in Asarhaddon, which left all to Merodach the Babylonian. And here I must first confess my own want of Books, if perhaps there be many, that have go about to reduce this narration into some such order, as might present unto us the body of this History, in one view. divers, 〈◊〉, there are, whom I have seen, that since joseph Scaliger delivered his opinion, have written in favour of some one or other point thereof: but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 himself, who hath abridged Scaliger's learned Work, De emendatione 〈◊〉, hath not been careful to give us notice, how long Belesus, Baladan, Pull, or Tiglat Pulassar, did reign, (perhaps because he found it not expressed in Scaliger) but is content to set down 〈◊〉, for the same person with Nabonassar, which 〈◊〉 himself revoked. In this case therefore I must lay down the plot of these divided Kingdoms, in such sort as I find it contrived by Augustinus Torniellus; who only of all that I have seen, sets down the succession, continuance, and acts, of those that reigned in Assyria after Sardanapalus, distinguishing them from Belosus, and his posterity, of whom he hath the like remembrance. This Torniellus is a Regular Clerk of the congregation of S. Paul, whose Annals were printed the last year; he appears to me a man of curious industry, sounded 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 Spirit; yet many times (and I take it, wilfully) forgetful of thanking, or mentioning those Protestant Writers, by whose Books he hath received good information, and enriched his works by inserting somewhat of theirs. But in this business he hath openly professed to follow Scaliger, whose help, without wrong or dishonour to 〈◊〉, he hath both used and 〈◊〉. For my own part, I will 〈◊〉 spare to do right unto Torniellus; but confess myself to have received benefit by his writing; and wish that his Annals had sooner come to light; for that as he 〈◊〉 much confirmed me in some things, so would he have instructed and emboldened 〈◊〉, to writ more fully and less timorously in other things, which now I have not leisure to reuise. Particularly in that conjecture (which I had faintly delivered, and yet feared jest it had over-hastily passed out of my hand, and been exposed to other men's constructions) of the four Kings that invaded the valley of 〈◊〉, and were slain by Abraham, I find him adventuring as I have 
C. 1. §. 13.  done, to say, that they may probably be thought to have been some 〈◊〉 Lords; the contrary opinion of all Writers notwithstanding. But now let us consider how he hath ordered these 〈◊〉 Assyrian and Babylonian Kings.  
After the destruction of Sardanapalus, Arbaces being the most mighty, sought to get all to himself, but was opposed by 〈◊〉; in which contention, one Phul, a powerful man in Assyria, sided with Belosus, and they two prevailed so far, that finally Arbaces was content to share the Empire with them, making such a division thereof, as was long after made of the Roman Empire, between Octavian, Anthony, and Lepidus.  
Another conjecture is (for Torniellus offers not this, or the rest, as matter of certainty) that Arbaces made himself Sovereign Lord of all, and placed the seat of his Empire in Media, appointing Belosus his Lieutenant in Babylonia, and 〈◊〉 in Assyria. But in short space, that is, in four years, it come to pass, by the just judgement of God, that Phul and Belosus rebelled against Arbaces, like as 〈◊〉 had done against Sardanapalus, and in stead of being his Viceroys, made themselves absolute Kings. And to this later opinion Torniellus himself leans, holding it much the more probable, as being more agreeable to that which is found in profane Histories. Why he did make and publish the former supposition, resolving to hold the later, I shall anon, without any wrong to him, make bold to guess. Having thus devised, how Phul and 〈◊〉 might, at the first, attain to be Kings, he orde's their time, and their successors, in this manner.  
Four years after Arbaces, Phul begins to reign, and continues eight and forty years. Theglatphalasar (whose name, and the names of other Princes, I writ diversly, according as the Authors whom I have in hand are pleased to diversify them) succeeding unto Phul, reigned three and twenty. Salmanassar followed him, and reigned ten. After him Senacharib reigned seven: and when he was slain, Asarhaddon his son ten years; in whom that Line failed.  
The same time that Phul took upon him as King of Assyria, or not long after, (why not rather afore? for so it had been more likely) Belosus usurped the Kingdom of Babylon, and held it threescore and eight years; at the lest threescore and eight years did pass, before Nabonassar followed him in the possession.  
To Nabonassar, whom (with Scaliger) he thinks to be Baladan, are assigned six and twenty years: then, two and fifty to Merodach, or 〈◊〉: four and twenty to Ben Merodach: and lastly, one and twenty to Nabolassar, the father of Nabuchodonosor, who is like to offer matter of further disputation.  
Concerning the original of these Assyrian and Babylonian Kingdoms, I may truly say, That the conjectures of other men, who give all to Belosus, and confounded him with Phul, appear to me more nearly resembling the truth. Neither do I think, that Torniellus would have conceived two different ways, by which Phul might have gotten Assyria (for how Belosus come to get Babylon, it is plain enough) if either of them alone could have contented him. He adhaeres to the later of the two, as better agreeing with Diodore, and other Historians. But he perceived, that to make Phul on the sudden King of Assyria; or to give him so noble a Province, as would, of itself, invite him to accept the name and power of a King, was a thing most unlikely to have happened, unless his deserts (whereof we find no mention) had been proportionable to so high a reward. And for this cause (as I take it) hath he devised the means, whereby Phul might be made capable of so great a share in the Empire. If this were a true or probable supposition, then would a new doubt arise, Why this Phul, being one of the three that divided all between them, was utterly forgotten by all Historians? yea, why this Division itself, and the civil Wars that caused it, were never heard of. Questionless, the interuerting of some Treasures by Belosus, with his judgement, Condemnation, and Pardon following, were matters of far less note. Therefore I do not see, how one of the two inconveniences can this way be avoided; but that either we must 〈◊〉, the Dominion given to Phul to have been exceeding his merits, or else his merits, and name withal, to have been strangely forgotten: either of which is 〈◊〉 to make us think, that rather the conjecture, inferring such a sequel, is wide of the truth. As for the rebellion of Phul and Belosus against Arbaces, it was almost impossible for the Assyrians to recover such strength in four years, as might serve to hold out in rebellion: for Belosus, it was needless to rebel, considering, that Arbaces did not seek to molest him, but rather permitted (as being an overgreat favourer of liberty) even the Medes, that were under his own Government, to do what they lifted.  
But it is now fit that we peruse the Catalogue of these Kings not passing through them all (for some will require a large discourse in their own times) but speaking of their order and time in general. If it be so unlawful to think, that some of Annius his tales (let them all be counted his tales, which are not found in other Authors as well in his) may be true, especially such, as contradict no acknowledged truth, or apparent likelihood, why then is it said, that Phul did reign in Assyria eight and forty years? For this hath no other ground than Annius. It is true, that painful and judicious Writers have found this number of years, to agreed fitly with the course of things in History: yet all of them took it from Annius. 〈◊〉 it therefore be the punishment of Annius his forgery (as questionless he is often 〈◊〉 of this crime) that when he tells truth, or probability, he be not believed for his own sake; though for our own sakes we make use of his boldness, taking his words for good, whereas (nothing else being offered) we are unwilling ourselves to be Authors, of new, though not unprobable conjectures. Herein we shall have this commodity, that we may without blushing altar a little, to help our own opinions, and lay the blame upon Annius, against whom we shall be sure to find friends that will take our part.  
The reigns of Theglathalasar and 〈◊〉 did reach, by Annius his measure, to the length of five and twenty years the one, and seventeen the other; 〈◊〉 hath cut off two from the former, and seven from the later of them, to fit (as I think) his own computation; using the liberty whereof I spoke last: for that any Author, save our good Metasthenes, or those that borrowed of him, hath go about to tell how long each of these did reign, it is more than I have yet found. To 〈◊〉 and Asarhaddon, 〈◊〉 gives the same length of reign, which is found in Metasthenes. I think there are not many, that will arrogate so much unto 〈◊〉, as may well 〈◊〉 allowed unto a man so judicious as is 〈◊〉: yet could I wish, that he had forborn to condemn the followers of Annius, in this business, wherein he himself hath chosen, in part, rather to become one of them, than to say as 〈◊〉 he must have done, almost nothing.  
The like 〈◊〉 we find that he hath used in measuring the reigns of the 〈◊〉; filling up all the space between the end of Sardanapalus, and the beginning of Nabonassar, with the threescore and eight years of Belosus. In this respect it was, perhaps, that he thought Belosus might have begun his reign somewhat later than Phul: for threescore and eight years would seem a long time for him to hold a Kingdom, that was no young man when he took possession of it. But how is any whit of his age abated by shortening his reign, seeing his life reacheth to the end of such a time, as were alone, without adding the time wherein he was a private man, enough for a long liver? Indeed, eight and forty years had been somewhat of the most, considering that he seems by the Story to have been little less, at such time as he joined with Arbaces; and therefore the addition of twenty years did well deserve that note (which Torniellus advisedly gives) that if his reign extended not so far, than the reign of such as come after him, occupied the middle time, unto Nabonassar.  
I neither do reprehend the boldness of Torniellus, in conjecturing, nor the modesty of Scaliger and Sethus 〈◊〉, in forbearing to set down as warrantable, such things as depend only upon likelihood. For things, whereof the perfect knowledge is taken away from us by Antiquity, must be described in 〈◊〉, as Geographers in their Maps describe those Countries, whereof as yet there is made no true discovery, that is, either by leaving some part blank, or by inserting the Land of Pigmies, Rocks of loadstone, with Head-lands, Bays, great Rivers, and other particularities, agreeable to common report, though many times controlled by following experience, and found contrary to truth. Yet indeed the ignorance growing from distance of place, allows not such liberty to a Describer, as that which ariseth from the remediless oblivion of consuming time. For it is true that the Poetsaith;  

— 〈◊〉 feruidis  
Pars inclusa caloribus  
Mundi, nec Boreae finitimum latus,  
〈◊〉 sole Nives,  
Mercatorem abigunt: horridacallidi  
Vincunt aequora Navitae.   

Nor Southern heat, nor Northern snow  
That freezing to the ground doth grow,  
The subject Regions can fence,  
And keep the greedy Merchant thence.  
The subtle Shipmen way will found,  
Storm never so the Seas with wind.   
Therefore the fictions (or let them be called conjectures) painted in Maps, do serve only to misled such discoverers as rashly believe them; drawing upon the publishers, 〈◊〉 some angry curses, or well deserved scorn; but to keep their own credit, they cannot serve always. To which purpose I remember a pretic jest of Don Pedro de Sarmiento, a worthy Spanish Gentleman, who had been employed by his King in planting a Colonic upon the Straitss of Magellan: for when I asked him, being then my Prisoner, some question about an Island in those Straitss, which me thought, might have done either benefit or displeasure to his enterprise, he told me merrily, that it was to be called the Painters wives Island; saying, That whilst the fellow drew that Map, his wife sitting by, desired him to put in one 〈◊〉 for her; that she, in imagination, might have an Island of her own. But in filling up the blanks of old Histories, we need not be so scrupulous. For it is not to be feared, that time should run backward, and by restoring the things themselves to knowledge, make our conjectures appear ridiculous: What if some good Copy of an ancient Author could be found, showing (if we have it not already) the perfect truth of these uncertainties? would it be more shame to have believed in the mean while, Annius or Torniellus, than to have believed nothing? Here I will not say, that the credit, which we give to Annius, may chance otherwhiles to be given to one of those Authors whose names 〈◊〉 pretendeth. Let it suffice, that in regard of authority, I had rather trust Scaliger or Torniellus, than Annius; yet him than them, if his assertion be more probable, and more agreeable to approved Histories than their conjecture, as in this point it seems to me; it having moreover gotten some credit, by the approbation of many, and those not meanly learned.  
To end this tedious disputation; I hold it a sure course in examination of such opinions, as have once gotten the credit of being general, so to deal as 〈◊〉 in Capua did with the multitude, finding them desirous to put all the Senators of the City to death. He locked the Senators up within the Statehouse, and offered their 〈◊〉 to the People's mercy; obtaining thus much, that noon of them should perish, until the Commonalty had both pronounced him worthy of death, and elected a better in his place. The condemnation was hasty; for as fast as every name was read, all the Town cried, Let him die: but the execution required more leisure; for in substituting another, some notorious vice of the Person, or baseness of his condition, or insufficiency of his quality, made 〈◊〉 new one that was offered, to be rejected: so that finding the worfe and less choice, the further and the more that they sought, it was finally agreed, that the old should be kept for lack of better.   

§. V Of the Olympiads, and the time when they began.  
AFter this division of the Assyrian Empire, follows the 〈◊〉 of the Olympian games, by Iphitus, in the reign of the same King Vzzia, and in his one and fiftieth year. It is, I know, the general opinion, that these games were established by Iphitus, in the first of 〈◊〉: yet is not that opinion so general, but that Authors, 〈◊〉 enough, have given to them a more early beginning. The truth is, that in fitting those things unto the sacred History, which are found in profane Authors, we should not be too careful of drawing the Hebrews to those works of time, which had no reference to their affairs; it is enough, that setting in due order these beginnings of accounts, we join them to matters of Israel and juda, where occasion requires.  
These Olympian games and exercises of activity, were first instituted by Hercules, who measured the length of the race by his own foot; by which Pythagoras found out the stature and likely strength of Hercules his body. They 〈◊〉 name, not from the Mountain Olympus, but from the City Olympia, otherwise Pisa, near unto Elis; where also jupiters' Temple in Elis, famous among the Grecians, and reputed among the wonders of the World, was known by the name of the Temple of jupiter Olympius. These games were exercised from every fourth year complete, in the plains of Elis, a City of Peloponnesus, near the River Alpheus.  
〈◊〉 the death of Hercules, these meetings were discontinued for many years, 
Aul. Gell. l. 1. c. 1 ex Plut.  till Iphitus by advice from the Oracle of Apollo, 〈◊〉- 〈◊〉 them, Lycurgus the 
Plut. out of 〈◊〉.  Lawgiver then living: from which time they were continued by the Grecians, till the reign of Theodosius the Emperor, according to Cedrenus: other think that they were dissolved under Constantine the Great.  
From this institution, Varro accounted the Grecian times, and their stories, to be certain: but reckoned all before either doubtful, or fabulous: and yet Pliny gives 
Plin. l. 36. c. 4.  little credit to all that is written of Greece, till the reign of Cyrus, who began in the five and fiftieth Olympiad, as Eusebius out of Diodore, Castor, Polybius, and others hath gathered, in whose time the seven wise Grecians flourished. For Solon had speech with 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 was overthrown and taken by Cyrus.  
Many patiented and piercing brains have laboured to find out the certain beginning of these Olympiads, namely, to set them in the true year of the World, and the reign of such and such Kings: but seeing they all differ in the first account, that is, of the World's year, they can hardly jump in particulars thereon depending.  
Cyril against julian, and Didymus, begin the Olympiads the nine and fortieth of Osias, or 〈◊〉.  
Eusebius, who is contrary to himself in this 〈◊〉, accounts with those that 
Euseb. de 〈◊〉. evang. l. 10. c. 3.  find the first Olympiad in the beginning of the four hundredth and sixth year after Troy, yet he telleth us, that it was in the fiftieth year of Vzzia, which is (as I find it) two years later.  
Eratosthenes placeth the first Olympiad four hundred and seven years after Troy, 
Eratosh. apud Clem. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 1.  reckoning the years that passed between; to whom Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Diodorus Siculus, Solinus, and many others adhere.  
The distance between the destruction of Troy, and the first Olympiad, is thus collected by Eratosthenes. From the taking of Troy, to the descent of Hercules his 〈◊〉 into Peloponnesus, were fourscore years; thence to the Ionian expedition, threescore years; from that expedition to the time of Lycurgus his government in Sparta, one hundred fifty nine; and thence to the first Olympiad, one hundred and eight years. In this account the first year of the first Olympiad is not included.  
But vain labour it were, to seek the beginning of the Olympiads, by numbering the years from the taking of Troy, which is of a date far more 〈◊〉. Let it suffice, that by knowing the instauration of these games, to have been in the four hundredth and eight year current after Troy, we may reckon back to the taking of that City, setting that, and other accidents, which have reference thereto, in their proper times. The certainty of things following the Olympiads, must teach us how to find when they began.  
To this good use, we have the ensuing years, unto the death of Alexander the Great, thus divided, by the same 〈◊〉. From the beginning of the Olympiads, to the passage of Xerxes into Greece, two hundredth fourscore and seventeen years; from thence to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, eight and forty years; forwards to the victory of Lysander, seven and twenty; to the battle of Leuctra, thirty four; to the death of Philip King of Macedon, five and thirty; and finally to the death of Alexander, twelve. The whole sum ariseth to four hundred fifty and three years; which number he otherwise also collecteth, and it is allowed by the most.  
Now for placing the institution of the Olympiads in the one and fiftieth year of Uzziah, we have arguments, grounded upon that which is certain, concerning the beginning of Cyrus his reign, and the death of Alexander; as also upon the 〈◊〉 calculation of sundry Eclipses of the Sun, as of that which happened, when 〈◊〉 set out of Sardis with his Army to invade Greece; and of divers other.  
Touching Cyrus, it is generally agreed that his reign as King, before he was Lord of the great Monarchy, began the first year of the five and fiftieth Olympiad, and that he reigned thirty years; they who give him but twenty nine years of reign (following Herodotus rather than Tully, justine, Eusebius, and others) begin 
Tull. de Diu. l. 1. Just. l. 1.  a year later, which comes all to one reckoning. So is the death of Alexander set by 
〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. evang. l. 〈◊〉. c. 3. & de 〈◊〉. evang. l. 8. c. 〈◊〉.  all good Writers, in the first year of the hundredth and fourteenth Olympiad. This later note of Alexander's death, serves well to lead us back to the beginning of Cyrus; as many the like observations do. For if we reckon upwards from the time of Alexander, we shall find all to agreed with the years of the Olympiads, wherein Cyrus began his reign, either as King, or (taking the word Monarch, to signify a Lord of many Kingdoms) as a great Monarch. From the beginning of Cyrus, in the first year of the five and fiftieth Olympiad, unto the end of the Persian Empire, which was in the third of the hundredth and twelfth Olympiad, we found two hundred and thirty years complete: from the beginning of Cyrus his Monarchy, which lasted but seven years, we find complete two hundred and seven years, which was the continuance of the Persian Empire.  
Now therefore seeing that the first year of Cyrus his Monarchy (which was the last of the sixtieth Olympiad, and the two hundredth and fortieth year from the institution of those games by Iphitus) followed the last of the seventy years, of the captivity of juda, and desolation of the Land of Israel; manifest it is, that we must reckon back those seventy years, and one hundred threescore and ten years more, the last which passed under the Kings of juda, to find the first of these Olympiads; which by this account is the one and fiftieth of Vzzia, as we have already noted.  
The Eclipses whereof we made mention, serve well to the same purpose. For examples sake, that which was seen when Xerxes mustered his Army at Sardis, in the two hundredth threescore and seventh year of Nabonassar, being the last of the threescore and fourteenth Olympiad; leads us back unto the beginning of Xerxes, and from him to Cyrus, whence we have a fair way through the threescore and ten years, unto the destruction of jerusalem; and so upwards through the reigns of the last Kings of juda, to the one and fiftieth year of Vzzia.  
Thus much may suffice, concerning the time wherein these Olympiads began.  
To tell the great solemnity of them, and with what exceeding great concourse of all Greece they were celebrated, I hold it a superfluous labour. It is enough to say, that all bodily exercises, or the most of them, were therein practised; as Running, Wrestling, Fight, and the like. Neither did they only contend for the Mastery in those 〈◊〉, whereof there was good use, but in running of Chariots, fight with Whorle bats, and other the like ancient kinds of exercises, that served only for ostentation. Thither also repaired Orators, Poets, Musicians, and all that thought themselves excellent in any 〈◊〉 quality, to make trial of their skill. Yea the very Criers, which proclaimed the victories, contended which of them should get the honour, of having played the best part.  
The Eleans were Precedents of those Games; whose justice, in pronouncing without partiality, who did best, is highly commended. As for the rewards given to the Victors, they were noon other than Garlands of Palm, or Olive, without any other commodity following, than the reputation. Indeed there needed no more. For that was held so much, that when Diagoras had seen his three Sons crowned for their several victories in those games, one come running to him with this gratulation: Morere, DIAGORAS, non enim in coelum ascensurus es; that is; Die, DIAGORAS, For thou shalt not climb up to heaven: as if there could be no greater happiness on earth, than what already had befallen him. In the like sense Horace speaks of these Victors, calling them,  

Quos Elaea domum reducit 
Hor at. 〈◊〉. l. 4. Ode 2.   
Palma coelestes.   

Such as like heavenly weights do come  
With an Elaean Garland home.   
Neither was it only the voice of the People, or the songs of Poets, that so highly extolled them, which had won these Olympian prizes; but even grave Historians thought it a matter worthy of their noting. Such was (as Tully counts it) the 〈◊〉 
Tull. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of the Greeks', that they esteemed it almost as great an honour, to have won the victory at Running or Wrestling in those games, as to have triumphed in 〈◊〉 for some famous victory, or conquest of a Province.  
That these Olympian games were celebrated at the full of the Moon, and upon the fifteenth day of the month 〈◊〉, which doth answer 〈◊〉 our june; and what means they used to make the month begin with the new Moon, that the fifteenth day might be the full; I have showed in another place. Wherhfore I may now return unto the Kings of juda, and leave the merry Greeks' at their games, whom I shall meet in more serious employments, when the Persian quarrels draw the body of this History into the coasts of jonia and Hellespont.   

§. VI Of JOTHAM and his Contemporaries.  
JOTHAM the Son of Uzziah, when he was five and twenty years old, and in the second of Pekah King of Israel, was anointed King in 
2. King's 15. 33.  〈◊〉, his Father yet living. He built an exceeding high Gate to the Temple, of threescore cubits upright, and therefore called Ophel: besides divers Cities in the Hills of juda, and in the Forests, Towers, and Palaces: he enforced the Ammonites to pay him Tribute, to wit, of Silver an hundredth talents, and of Wheat and Barley two thousand measures: he reigned six and twenty years: of whom josephus gives this testimony: Eiusmodi vero Princeps 〈◊〉 suit, ut nullum in eo virtutis genus desideres: ut qui Deum adeo 〈◊〉 coluerit, hominibus suis 〈◊〉 pr 〈◊〉, urbem ipsam tantae sibi curae essepassus sit, & tantopere 〈◊〉, ut univer sum regnum hostibus quidem 〈◊〉 contemnendum, 〈◊〉 autem 〈◊〉 incolis atque civibus foelix, faustum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 virtue effecerit; This was such a Prince, as a man could find no kind of virtue wanting in him: he worshipped God so religiously, he governed his men so righteously, he was so provident for the City, and did so greatly amplify it, that by his virtue and prowess he made his whole Kingdom not contemptible to his enemies, but to his Servants, Inhabitants and Citizens, prosperous and happy.  
This is all that I find of jotham: his reign was not long, but as happy in all things, as he himself was devout and virtuous.  
Auchomenes about this time succeeded Phelesteus in Corinth: after whom, the Corinthians erected Magistrates, which governed from year to year. And yet Pausanias in his second Book, with Strabo and Plutarch, in many places are of opinion, That Corinth was governed by Kings of the race of the Bacidae, to the time of Cypselus, who drove them out.  
Teglathphalassar, or Tiglathpeleser, the son of Phul, the second of the Babylonians and Assyrians that was of this new race, about this time invaded Israel, while Pekah 
2. King's 15.  (who murdered his Master Pekaiah) was King thereof. In which Expedition he took most of the Cities of Nephtali and Galilee, with those of Gilead, over jordan, and carried the inhabitants captive. This Tiglath reigned five and twenty years, according to Metasthenes. But Krentzhemius finds, that with his son Salmanassar he reigned yet two years longer: which years I would not ascribe to the son, because the Aera of Nabonassar begins with his single reign, but reckon them to Tighlath Phulassar himself, who therewith reigned seven and twenty years.  
Aeschylus, the son of 〈◊〉, about the same time, the twelfth Archon in 〈◊〉, ruled five and twenty years. Alcamenes governed Sparta: after whom, the Estate changed, according to Euscbius: but therein surely Eusebius is mistaken. For Diodore, Plutarch, Pausanias, and others, witness the contrary. Pausanias affirmeth, That 
Paus. l. 3.  Polydorus, a Prince of eminent virtues, succeeded his father, and reigned threescore years, and outlived the Messeniack War: which was ended by Theopompus, the son of Nicander, his royal companion.  
At this time lived Nahum 〈◊〉 Prophet, who foretold the destruction of the Assyrian Empire, and of the City of 〈◊〉; which succeeded (saith josephus) a hundred and fifteen years after. The Cities of Cyrene and of Aradus were built at this time, while in Media, Sosarmus and Medidus reigned, being the second and third Kings of those parts.   

§. VII. Of ACHAZ and his Contemporaries.  
AHAS, or Achaz, succeeded unto jotham in the seventeenth year of Peka, the son of Remalia: the same being also the last year of his father's reign, who began in the second of the same Peka, and reigned sixteen, but not complete years. This 〈◊〉 was an Idolater, exceeding all his predecessors. He made molten Images for Baalim, and burnt his son for sacrifice before the Idol Moloch, or Saturn, which was represented by a manlike brazen 
2. King 16. 1.  
2. Chron. 28.  body, bearing the head of a Calf, set up not far from jerusalem, in a Valley shadowed with Woods, called Gehinnom, or Tophet, from whence the word Gehenna is used for Hell. The children offered, were enclosed within the carcase of this Idol, and as the fire increased, so the sacrificers, with a noise of Cymbals and other Instruments, filled the air, to the end the pitiful cries of the children might not be heard: which unnatural, cruel, and devilish Oblation, jeremy the Prophet vehemently reprehendeth, and of which S. Hierome upon the tenth of Matthew hath written at large. By the prohibition in Leviticus the eighteenth, it 
c. 7. 19 32.  appeareth that this horrible sin was ancient: in the twelfth of 〈◊〉, it is called an abomination which God hateth. That it was also practised elsewhere, and by many Nations remote from 〈◊〉, divers Authors witness; as Virgil in the second of his 〈◊〉,— Sanguine placastis, etc. and Silius,— Poscere caede Dcos. Saturn is said to have brought this custom into Italy, besides the casting of many souls into the River of 〈◊〉, in stead of which, Hercules commanded, that the waxed Images of men should be thrown in and drowned. The Devil also taught the Carthaginians this kind of 〈◊〉, in so much, that when their City was besieged, and in distress, the Priest made them believe, that because they had spared their own children, and had bought and brought up others to be offered, that therefore Saturn had stirred up, and strengthened their Enemies against them: whereupon they presently caused two hundred of the noblest youths of their City to be slain, and offered to Saturn or Satan, to appease him: who besides these forenamed 
〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. evang. l. 6.  Nations had instructed the 〈◊〉, the people of Crete, and Chios, of Messena, 
Dion. l. 〈◊〉. Diod. l. 20.  of Galatia, with the Massagets, and others, in these his services: Further, as if he were not content to destroy the souls of many Nations in Europe, Asia, and Africa, (as Acosta writeth) the Mexicans and other people of America, were brought by 
Accost. de Hist. nat. & mor. Ind.  the Devil under this fearful servitude, in which he also holdeth the Floridans and Virginians at this day.  
For the wickedness of this King Ahaz, God stirred up Rezin of Damascus, and Pekah the Son of 〈◊〉, King of Israel against him, who invaded 〈◊〉, and besieged jerusalem, but entered it 〈◊〉.  
The King of Syria, Rezin, possessed himself of Elah by the Read Sea, and cast the jews out of it, and Pekah slaughtered in one day an hundred and twenty thousand 〈◊〉, of the ablest of the Kingdom, at which time Maaseiah, the Son of Achaz 
2. 〈◊〉. 28. 6.  was also slain by Zichri, with Azrikam the Governor of his house: and 〈◊〉 the second person unto the King. Besides all this, two hundred thousand prisoners of women and children, the Israelites led away to Samaria: but by the counsel of the Prophet Oded, they were returned and delivered back again.  
As Israel and 〈◊〉 vexed juda on the North; so the Edomites and the Philistines, who evermore attended the ruin of 〈◊〉, entered upon them from the South; and took Bethsemes, Aialon, 〈◊〉, Socho, Timnah, and Gemzo, slew many people, and 
2. Chron. 28.  carried away many prisoners. Whereupon when Achaz seen himself environed on all sides, and that his Idols and dead gods gave him no comfort, he sent to the Assyrian Tiglathpileser, to desire some old from him against the Israelites and Aramites, presenting him with the silver and gold both of the Temple, and King's 
2. King's 16.  House.  
Tiglathpileser wanted not a good example to follow, in making profit of the troubles that rose in 〈◊〉. His Father having lately made himself 〈◊〉 a Provincial Lieutenant, King of Babylon and Assyria, had a little before led him the way into 〈◊〉, invited by 〈◊〉, King of Israel. Wherhfore now the Son willingly 〈◊〉 to Achaz and embraced the advantage. As for Belochus himself, he was content to assign some other time for going through with this enterprise: because (as I have said before) he was not firmly settled at home, and the 〈◊〉 Kings lay directly in his way, who were yet strong both in men and fame. But Tiglath, having now, with the treasures of jerusalem, prepared his Army, first invaded the Territory of Damascus, wan the City, and killed Rezin, the last of the race of the Adads', who began with David, and ended with this Achaz. At Damascus Achaz met Tiglath, and taking thence a pattern of the Altar, sent it to Uriah the Priest, commanding the like to be made at jerusalem, whereon at his return he burnt Sacrifice to the Gods of the Syrians. In the mean while Tiglath possessed all Basan, and the rest beyond jordan, which belonged to the Tribe of Reuben, Gad, and Manasse. And then passing the River, he mastered the Cities of Galilee, invaded Ephraim, and the Kingdom of Israel, and made them his Vassals. And notwithstanding that he was invited and waged by Achaz, yet after the spoil of Israel, he possessed himself of the greater part of juda, and as it seemeth, enforced Achaz to pay him Tribute. For in the second of Kings, the eighteenth, it is written of Ezechia, that he revolted from Ashur, or rebelled against him, and therefore was invaded by Senacherib. After Ahaz had beheld and borne these miseries, in the end of the sixteenth year of his reign he died: but was not buried in the sepulchres of the Kings of juda.  
With Ahaz lived Medidus, the third Prince in Media, who governed forty years, saith Eusebius: Diodorus and Ctesias find Anticarmus in stead of this Medidus, to 
〈◊〉. in Chron.  have been Sosarmus his Successor, to whom they give fifty years.  
Tiglath Phileser held the Kingdom of Assyria, all the reign of Ahaz: yet so, that Salmanassar his Son may seem to have reigned with him some part of the time. For we find that Ahaz did sand unto the Kings of ASHUR to help him. The Geneva 
〈◊〉 28. 16.  note says, that these Kings of Ashur were Teglath Pileser, and those Kings that were under his Dominion. But that he or his Father had hitherto made such conquests, as might give him the Lordship over other Kings, I do neither find any History, nor circumstance that proveth. Wherhfore I think that these Kings of Ashur, were Tiglath, and Salmanassar his Son, who reigned with his Father, as hath been said before: though how long he reigned with his Father, it be hard to define.  
At this time began the Ephori in Lacedaemon, a hundred and thirty years after Lycurgus, according to Plutarch. Eusebius makes their beginning far later, namely, 
Plut. in vita Soli.  in the fifteenth Olympiad. Of these Ephori, Elalus was the first; Theopompus and Polydorus, being then joint Kings. These Ephori, chosen every year, were controllers, as well of their Senators as of their Kings, nothing being done without their advice and consent. For (saith Cicero) they were opposed against their Kings, as the Roman Tribunes against the Consuls. In the time of Ahaz died Aeschylus, who had ruled in Athens ever since the fiftieth year of Vzzia. Alcamenon the thirteenth of the Medontidae, or Governors of the Athenians (so called of Medon who followed Codrus) succeeded his Father Aeschylus, and was the last of these Governors: he ruled only two years. For the Athenians changed first from Kings (after Codrus) to Governors for life; which ending in this Alcamenon, they erected a Magistrate, whom they termed an Archon, who was a kind of Burghomaster, or Governor of their City for ten years.  
This alteration Pausanias in his fourth Book begins, in the first year of the eight Olympiad. Eusebius and Halicarnassaeus in the first of the seventh Olympiad: at which time indeed, Caerops the first of these, began his ten years rule.  
The Kingdom of the Latins governed about three hundred year by the Syluij, of the race of Aeneas, took end the same Ahaz time: the foundation of Rome, being laid by Romulus and Remus in the eight year of the same King. Codoman builds it the eleventh of Achaz, Bucholzer in the eighth, as I think he should, others somewhat later, and in the reign of Ezechias. Cicero, Eutropius, Orosius, and others, square the time of the foundation to the third year of the sixth Olympiad. But Halicarnassaeus, Solinus Antiochenus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Eusebius, to the first year of the seventh: who seem not only to me, but to many very learned Chronologers, to have kept therein the best account.    

CHAP. XXIIII. Of the Antiquities of 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 of Rome in the time of AHAS.  

§. I. Of the old Inhabitants, and of the name of Italy.  
AND here to speak of the more ancient times of Italy, and what Nations possessed it before the arrival of Aeneas, the place may seem to invite us: the rather because much fabulous matter hath been mixed with the truth of those elder plantations. Italy before the fall of Troy, was known to the Greeks' by divers 
Halicar. l. 1.  names: as first Hesperia, than 〈◊〉, the one name arising of the Seat, the other of the Ausones, a people inhabiting part of it: one ancient name of it was also Oenotria, which it had of the Oenotri: whom Halicarnassaeus thinks to have been the first, that brought a Colony of Arcadians into that Land. Afterwards it was called Italy of Italus: concerning which changes of names, Virgil speaks thus.  

Est locus Hesperiam Graij cognomine dicunt:  
Terra antiqua, potens armis, atque ubere glebae:  
Oenotrij 〈◊〉 viri, nunc fama minores  
Italiam dixisse, ducis de nomine, gentem.   

There is a Land which Greeks' Hesperia name,  
Ancient, and strong, of much fertility.  
Oenotrians held it, but we hear by fame,  
That by late ages of 〈◊〉,  
'Tis from a Captains name called Italy.   
Who this Captain or King may have been, it is very uncertain. For Virgil speaks no more of him, and the opinions of others are many and repugnant. But like enough it is, that the name which hath continued so long upon the whole Country, and worn out all other denominations, was not at the first accepted without good cause. Therefore to find out the original of this name, and the first planters of this noble Country, Reineccius hath made a very painful search, and not improbable conjecture. And first of all he grounds upon that of Halicarnassaeus, 
Halicarn. l. 1.  who speaks of a Colony which the Eleans did lead into Italy, before the name of Italy was given to it: Secondly, upon that of justine, who saith, that Brundisium 
Iust. l. 12.  was a Colony of the Aetolians: Thirdly, upon that of Strabo, who affirms the 
〈◊〉 l. 6.  same of Temesa or Tempsa, a City of the Brutij in Italy: Lastly, upon the authority of Pliny, who shows that the Italians did inhabit only one Region of the 
Plin. l. 3. c. 5.  Land, whence afterward the name was derived overall. Concerning that which is said of the Eleans and Aetolians, who (as he shows) had one original; from them he brings the name of Italy. For the word Italia, differs in nothing from Aitolia, save that the first Letter is cast away, which in the Greek words is common, and the letter (o) is changed into (a) which change is found in the name of Aethalia an Island near Italy, peopled by the Aetholians: and the like changes are very familiar in the Aeolic Dialect; of which Dialect (being almost proper to the Aetolions) the accent and pronunciation, together with many words little altered, were retained by the Latins, as Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Quintilian, and 〈◊〉 the Grammarian teach. Hereunto appertains that of julian the Apostata, who called the Greeks', cousins of the Latins. Also the common original of the Greeks' and Latins from javan; and the Fable of janus, whose Image had two faces, looking East and West, as Greece and Italy lay, and was stamped on Coins, with a Ship on the other side; all which is, by interpretation, referred to javan, father of the Greeks' and Latins: who sailing over the Ionian Sea, that lies between Aetolia and the Western parts of Greece and Italy, planted Colonies in both. Now whereas Reyneccius thinks, that the names of Atlas and Italus belonged both to one man, and thereto applies that of Berosus, who called Cethim, Italus; though it may seem strengthened by the marriage of Dardanus, whilst he abode in Italy with Electra, the daughter of Atlas, yet is it by arguments (in my valuation) greater and stronger, easily disproved. For they who make mention of Atlas, place him before the time of Moses: and if Atlas were Cethim, or Kittim, then was he the son of 〈◊〉, and nephew of japheth, the eldest son of Noah: which antiquity far exceeds the name of Italy, that began after the departure of Hercules out of the Country, not long before the War of Troy.  
Likewise Virgil, who speaks of Atlas, and of Dardanus his marriage with Electra, hath nothing of his meeting with her in Italy; but calleth Electra and her sister Maia (poetically) daughters of the Mountain Atlas in Africa, naming Italus among the Kings of the Aborigenes; which he would not have done, had Atlas and Italus been one person.  
As for the authority of Berosus in this case, we need the less to regard it, for that Reyneccius himself, whose conjectures are more to be valued then the dreams wherewith Annius hath filled Berosus, holds it but a figment.  
That the name of Italy began long after Atlas, it appears by the Verses of Virgil last rehearsed, wherein he would not have said,— Nunc fama minores Italiam dixisse ducis de nomine gentem, had that name been heard of 〈◊〉 Dardanus left the Country. But seeing that, when Hercules, who died a few years before the War of Troy, had left in Italy a Colony of the Eleans (who in a manner were one and the same Nation with the Aetolians, as Strabo, Herodotus, and Pausanias teach) than the name of Italy began: and seeing Virgil makes mention of Italus among the Italian Kings, it were no great boldness to say, that Italus was Commander of these Eleans. For though I remember not, that I have read of any such Greek as was named Italus; yet the name of Aetolus, written in Greek Aitolus, was very famous both among the Aetolians, and among the Eleans, he being son of a King of Elis, and founder of the Aetolian Kingdom. Neither is it more hard to derive the name of Italus from Aetolus, than Italia from Aetolia. So may Virgil's authority stand well with the collections of Reyneccius; the name of Italy being taken both from a Captain, and from the Nation, of which he and his people were.   

§. II Of the Aborigineses, and other Inhabitants of Latium, and of the reason of the names of Latini and Latium.  
IN Italic the Latins and Etrurians were most famous; the Etrurians having held the greatest part of it under their subjection; and the Latins by the virtue and felicity of the Romans, who were a branch of them, subduing all Italic, and in few ages whatsoever Nation was known in Europe: together with all the Western parts of Asia, and North of Africa.  
The Region called Latium, was first inhabited by the Aborigineses, whom Halicarnassaeus, Varro, and Reyneccius (following them) think to have been 〈◊〉: and this name of Aborigineses (to omit other significations that are strained) imports as much as original, or native of the place, which they possessed: which title the Arcadians are known in vaunting manner to have always usurped, fetching their antiquity from beyond the Moon; because indeed, neither were the inhabitants of Peloponnesus enforced to forsake their seats so often as other Greeks' were, who dwelled without that half Island, neither had the Arcadians so unsure a dwelling as the rest of the Peloponnesians, because their Country was less fruitful in land, mountainous, and hard of access, and they themselves (as in such places commonly are found) very warlikemen. Some of these therefore having occupied a great part of Latium, and held it long, did according to the Arcadian manner, 〈◊〉 themselves Aborigineses, in that language, which either their new Seat, or their Neighbours thereby had taught them. How it might be that the Arcadians who dwelled somewhat far from Sea, and are always noted as unapt men to prove good Mariners, should have been Authors of new discoveries, were a question not easy to be answered, were it not so, that both fruitfulness of children, in which those ages abounded, enforceth the superfluous company to seek another seat, and that some expeditions of the Arcadians, as especially that of evander, into the same parts of 〈◊〉, are generally acknowledged.  
After the Aborigineses, were the Pelasgi, an ancient Nation, who sometimes gave name to all Grecce: but their antiquities are long since dead, for lack of good records. Neither was their glory such in Italy, as could long sustain the name of their own Tribe; for they were in short space accounted one people with the former inhabitants. The Sicanis, Ausones, Aurunci, 〈◊〉, and other people, did in ages following disturb the peace of Latium, which by Saturn was brought to some civility; and he therefore canonised as a god.  
This Saturn S. Augustine calleth Sterces or Sterculius, others term him Stercutius, and say, that he taught the people to dung their grounds. That Latium took his name of Saturn, because he did latere, that is, lie hidden there, when he fled from jupiter, it is a questionless fable. For as in Heathenish superstition, it was great vanity to think that any thing could be hidden from God, or that there were many gods of whom one fled from another; so in the truth of History, it is well known, that no King reigning in those parts was so mighty, that it should be hard to find one Country or an other, wherein a man might be safe from his pursuit. And yet, as most fables and poetical fictions, were occasioned by some ancient truth, which 
See lib. 1. cap. 6. §. 1. & seq.  either by ambiguity of speech or some allusion, they did maimedly and darkly express (for so they feigned a passage over a River in Hell, because death is a passage to another life, and because this passage is hateful, lamentable, and painful, therefore they named the River Styx of Hate, Cocytus of Lamentation, and Acheron of Paine: so also because men are stonie-hearted, and because the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 people, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stones, are near in sound, therefore they feigned in the time of Deucalion stones converted into men, as at other times men into stones) in like manner it may be, that the original of Saturn's hiding himself, was some allusion to that old opinion of the wisest of the Heathen, that the true God was ignotus Deus, as it is noted 
Acts 〈◊〉. 23.  in the Acts; whence also Easie of the true God says, Tu Deus abdens te. For it can not 
〈◊〉 45. 〈◊〉.  be in vainc, that the word Saturnus should also have this very signification, if it be derived (as some think) from the Hebrew Satar, which is to hide: Howbeit I deny not, but that the original of this word, Latium, aught rather to be sought elsewhere.  
Reyneccius doth conjecture that the 〈◊〉, who descended of Cethim, the Son of javan, were the men who gave the name to Latium. For these Ceteans are remembered by Homer as aiders of the Troyans' in their War. Strabo interpreting the place of Homer, calls them subjects to the Crown of Troy. Hereupon Reyneccius gathers, that their abode was in Asia: viz. in agro 〈◊〉; in the Elaitian territory, which agreeth with Strabo. Of a City which the Aeolians held in Asia, called Elaea, or Elaia, Pausanias makes mention: Stephanus calls it Cidaemis, or (according to the Greek writing) 〈◊〉, which name last rehearsed hath a very near sound to Cethim, Citim, or Cithim; the Greek Letter (D) having (as many teach) a pronunciation very like to (THE) differing only in the strength or weakness of utterance, which is found between many English words written with the same letters. Wherhfore that these Ceteans being descended of Cethim, Cittim, or Kittim, the Son of javan, who was Progenitor of the Greeks', might very well take a denomination from the City, and Region, which they inhabited, and from thence be called Elaeites, or Elaites, it is very likely, considering that among the Arcadians, Phocians, Aetolians, and Eleans, who all were of the Aeolique Tribe, are found the names of the Mountain Elaeus, the Haven Elaeas, the people Elaitae, the Cities Elaeus, Elaia, and Elateia, of which last it were somewhat harsh in the Latin tongue to call the Inhabitants by any other name than Elatini, from whence Latini may come. Now whereas both the Cetaei and Arcadians, had their original from Cethim, it is nothing unlikely, that agreeing in language and similitude of names, they might nevertheless differ in sound and pronunciation of one and the same word. So that as he is by many called Sabinus, to whom some (deriving the Sabines from him) give the name of Sabus: in the like manner might he whom the Arcadians would call Elatus (of which name they had a Prince that founded the City Elateia) be named of the Ceteans Latinus. Reyneccius pursuing this likelihood, thinks, that when Eurypilus, Lord of the Ceteans, being the Son of Telephus, whom Hercules begat upon Auge, the Daughter of Aleus King of Arcadia, was slain by Achilles in the Trojan War: then did Telephus, brother to Euripylus, conduct the Ceteans; who (fearing what evil might befall themselves by the Greeks', if the affairs of Troy should go ill) passed into that part of Italy, where the 〈◊〉 were planted by Oenotrus. And Reyneccius farther thinks, that Telephus being the more gracious among the Oenotrian Arcadians, by the memory of his Grandmother Auge, an Arcadian Lady, was well contented to take an Arcadian name, and to be called Elatus, which in the dialect and pronunciation either of the Ceteans, or of the Oenotrians, was first Elatinus, and then Latinus: That this name of Elatus may have been taken or imposed by the Arcadians, it is the more easy to be thought, for that there were then two Families, the one of Aphidas, the other of Elatus, who were Sons of Arcas King of Arcadia, which gave name to the Country: and between these two Families the succession in that Kingdom did pass, almost interchangeably for many ages, till at the end of the Trojan war it fell into the hand of Hippotheus of the race of Elatus, in whose posterity it continued until the last. Again, the name Latinus, having a derivative sounded, agrees the better with the supposition of such an accident. This is the conjecture of Reyneccius, which if he made over-boldly, yet others may follow it with the less reproof, considering that it is not easy to find either an apparent truth, or fair probability among these disagreeing Authors, which have written the originals of Latium.   

§. III Of the ancient Kings of the Latins until AENEAS his coming.  
THe Kings which reigned in Latium before the arrival of Aeneas, were, Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, and Latinus. Of Saturn there is nothing remembered, save what is mentioned already, and many fables of the Greeks, which whither they be appliable to this man, it is for him to judge, who shall be able to determine, whither this were the Saturn of the Greeks', called by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or some other, styled Saturn by the Aborigineses. For the age wherein he lived, may very well admit him to have been the same: but the names of 
* Ezekiel 〈◊〉 calls the Idols of the heathen dcos stercoreos: and hence it may be that in the Evangelist we read for Belzebub, Belzebul, which is interpreted Dominus Stercoreus: and it may be that after that Saturn become the name of an Idol, it pleased God that in a like 〈◊〉 this name Stercutius should stick unto him.  Sterces, and Stercutius (for it may be, this name was not borrowed from the skill which he taught the people, but rather the soil which they laid on their grounds, had that appellation from him) do rather make him seem some other man.  
Of Picus it is said, that he was a good Horseman. The fable of his being changed into a Bird, which we call a Pie, may well seem (as it is interpreted) to have grown from the skill which he had in soothsaying, or divination, by the flight and chattering of Fowls. Faunus, the Son of Picus, reigned after his Father. He gave to 〈◊〉 the Arcadian (who having slain by mischance his Father Echemus King of Arcadia, fled into Italy) the waste grounds on which Rome was afterward built.  
Fauna, called Fatua, the sister of Faunus, was also his Wife, as all Historians agreed; she was held a Prophetess, and highly commended for her chastity; which praise in her must needs have been much blemished by hcr marriage, itself being merely incestuous.  
It is not mentioned that Faunus had by his sister any child, neither do we read of any other Wife which he had, save only that Virgil gives unto him Latinus as his 
Aeneid. 7.  Son, by a Nymph, called Marica.  
But who this Marica was it is not found, save only that her abode was about the River Liris near Minturnae.  
Of the name Latinus, there are by Pomponius Sabinus recounted four: one, the Son of Faunus, another of Hercules, a third of Ulysses by Circe, the fourth of Telemathus. Suidas takes notice only of the second, of whom he saith, that his name was 
〈◊〉 in the word Latini.  Telephus, and the people anciently named the Cetij, were from his surname called Latini. This agrees in effect with the opinion of Reyneccius, the difference consisting almost in this only, that Suidas calls Telephus, the Son of Hercules, whereas Reyneccius makes him his Nephew, by a son of the same name. This Latinus having 〈◊〉 the succession in that Kingdom after Faunus, did promise' his only Daughter and Heir Lavinia, to Turnus the son of Venilia, who was sister to Amata Latinus his Wife.  
But when Aeneas arrived in those parts with fifteen ships, or perhaps fewer, wherein might be embarked according to the rate which Thucydides allows to the Vessels then used, about one thousand & two hundred men: then Latinus finding that it would stand best with his assurance, to make alliance with the Trojan, and moved with the great reputation of Aeneas, which himself had heard of in the War of Troy, gave his Daughter to him, breaking off the former appointment with Turnus, who incensed herewith, sought to avenge himself by war: which was soon ended with his own death.  
Of Amata the Wife of Latinus, it is very certain, that were she an Italian, she could not have borne a Daughter marriageable at the arrival of Aeneas; unless we should wholly follow Suidas, and rather give the conduct of the Cetei into Italy, to Telephus the Father, than to his Son, who served in the last year of the Trojan War. But Reyneccius holds her an 〈◊〉, and thinks withal, that Lavinia was borne before Telephus come into Italy. That this name Amata, by which Virgil and Halicarnassaeus call her, was not proper, but rather a surname, it may seem by Varro; who calleth her Palatia: which name very well might be derived from the Greek name Pallas. 〈◊〉, which signifieth beloved, or dear, was the name by which the High Priest called every Virgin, whom he took to serve as a Nun of Vesta; wherefore it is the more easily to be thought a surname, howsoever Virgil discourse of her and Venilia her sister.  
Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, being given in marriage to Aeneas, the Kingdom of Latium, or the greatest part of that Country, was established in that race: wherein it continued until it was overgrown by the might and greatness of the Romans.   

§. FOUR Of AENEAS, and of the Kings and Governors of Alba.  
AENEAS himself being of the royal blood of Troy, had the command of the Dardanians: he was a valiant man, very rich, and highly honoured among the Troyans'. By his wife Creusa, the daughter of Priamus, he had a son called Ascanius; whose surname was julus, having before the ruin of Troy (as Virgil notes) been surnamed Ilus. But when Aeneas was dead, his wife Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, being great with child by him, and fearing the power of this Ascanius, fled into the Woods, where she was delivered of a son, called thereupon Silvius, and surnamed Posthumus, because he was borne after his father's Funeral. This flight of Lavinia was so evil taken by the people, that Ascanius procured her return, entreated her honourably, and using her as a Queen, did foster her young son, his half-brother Silvius. Yet afterwards, whither to avoid all occasions of disagreement, or delighted with the situation of the place; Ascanius leaving to his mother in law the City Lavinium, which Aeneas had built, and called after his new wives name, founded the City Alba Longa, and therein reigned. The time of his reign was, according to some, eightand twenty years: Virgil gives him thirty; others five and thirty, and eight and thirty. After his decease, there arose contention between Silvius, the son of Aeneas, and julus the son of Ascanius, about the Kingdom: but the people inclining to the son of Lavinia, julus was contented to hold the Priesthood, which he and his race enjoyed, leaving the Kingdom to Silvius Posthumus, whose posterity were afterward called Syluij.  
The reign of the Alban Kings, with the continuance of each man's reign, I find thus set down.  
1. Silvius Posthumus. 29 years. 2. Silvius Aeneas. 31 years. 3. Silvius Latinus. 50 years. 4. Silvius Alba. 39 years. 5. Silvius Atis. 26 years. 6. Silvius Capys. 28 years. 7. Silvius Capetus. 13 years. 8. Silvius Tiberinus. 8 years. 9 Silvius Agrippa. 41 years. 10. Silvius Alladius. 19 years. 11. Silvius aventinus. 37 years. 12. Silvius Procas. 23 years. 13. Silvius Amulius. 44 years. Silvius Numitor. Ilia, called also Rhea and 〈◊〉. Romulus. Remus.  
The most of these Kings lived in peace, and did little or nothing worthy of remembrance.  
Latinus founded many Towns in the borders of Latium: who standing much upon the honour of their original, grew thereby to be called Prisci Latini. Of Tiberinus some think that the River Tiber had name, being formerly called Albula: but Virgil gives it that denomination of another called Tiber, before the coming of Aeneas into Italy. The Mountain aventinus had name (as many writ) from aventinus King of the Albans, who was buried therein: but Virgil hath it otherwise. 〈◊〉, the brother of aventinus, is named by Eusebius as father of another julius, and grandfather of julius Proculus; who leaving Alba, dwelled with Romulus in Rome. Numitor, the elder son of Procas, was deprived of the Kingdom by his brother Amulius; by whom also his son Aegesthus was slain, and Ilia his daughter made a Nun of Vesta, that thereby the issue of Numitor might be cut off. But she conceived two sons, either by her uncle Amulius, as some think; or by Mars, as the Poets feign; or perhaps by some man of war. Both the children their uncle commanded to be drowned, and the mother buried quick, according to the Law; which so ordained, when the Vestal Virgins broke their chastitic. Whither it was so, that the mother was pardoned at the entreaty of Antho, the daughter of Amulius, or punished as the Law required (for Authors herein do vary) it is agreed by all, that the two children were preserved, who afterward revenged the cruelty of their uncle, with the slaughter of him and all his, and restored Numitor their grandfather to the Kingdomc: wherein how long he reigned, I found not, neither is it greatly material to know; for as much as the Estates of Alba and of Latium were presently eclipsed by the swift increase of Rome; upon which the computation of Time following (as far as concerns the things of Italy) is dependent. After the death of Numitor, the Kingdom of Alba ceased; for Numitor left no male issue. Romulus chose rather to live in Rome; and of the Line of Silvius noon else remained. So the Albans were governed by Magistrates; of whom only two Dictators are mentioned, namely Caius Cluilius, who in the days of Tullus Hostilius, King of the Romans, making War upon Rome, died in the Camp; and Metius Suffetius, the successor of Cluilius, who surrendered the Estate of Alba unto the Romans, having committed the hazard of both Signories to the success of three men of each side, who decided the quarrel by Combat: in which, the three brethren Horatij, the Champions of the Romans, prevailed against the Curiatij, Champions of the Albans. After this Combat, when Metius (following Tullus Hostilius with the Alban forces against the Veientes and Fidenates) withdrew his Companies out of the battle, hoping thereby to leave the Romans to such an overthrow, as might make them weak enough for the Albans to deal with Tullus, who notwithstanding this falsehood, obtained the victoric, did reward Metius with a cruel death, causing him to be tied to two Chariots, and so torn in pieces. Than was Alba destroyed and the Citizens carried to Rome, where they were made free Denizens, the noble Families being made patricians; among which were the julij: of whom C. julius Caesar being descended, not only gloried in his ancient, royal, and forgotten pedigree, in full assembly of the Romans, then governed by a free Estate of the People: but by his rare industry, valour, and judgement, obtained the Soucraignetie of the Roman Empire (much by him enlarged) to himself and his posterity; whereby the name of Aeneas, and honour of the Trojan and Alban Race, was so revived, that seldom, if ever, any one Family hath attained to a proportionable height of glory.   

§. V Of the beginning of Rome, and of ROMULUS birth and death.  
OF Rome, which devoured the Alban Kingdom, I may here best show the beginnings, which (though somewhat uncertain) depend much upon the birth and education of Romulus, the grandchild of Numilor, the last that reigned in Alba. For how not only the bordering people, but all Nations between Euphrates and the Ocean were broken in pieces by the 〈◊〉 teeth of this fourth Beast, it is not to be described in one place, having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 work of many Ages; whereof I now do handle only the first, as incident unto the discourse preceding. Q. Fabius Pictor, Portius Cato, Calphurnius Piso, 〈◊〉, and others, 〈◊〉 to derive the Romans from janus: but Herodotus, Marsylus, and many others of equal credit, give the Grecians for their ancestors: and as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his fifth Book; CAECILIUS rerum Romanorum scriptor 
Stra. 1. 5. fol. 159  eo argamento colligit, 〈◊〉 à Graecis esse conditam, quod Romani Graeco 〈◊〉, antiquo instituto HERCULI rem sacram 〈◊〉, matrem 〈◊〉 EVANDRI venerantur Romani; CAECILIUS (saith he) a Roman Historiographer, doth by this argument gather, that Rome was built by the Greeks', because the Romans, after Greekish fashion, by ancient Ordinance do sacrifice to HERCULES: the Romans also worship the mother of EVANDER.  
Plutarch in the life of Romulus remembers many founders of that City: as Romanus the son of Ulysses and Circe; Romus the son of Emathion, whom Diomedes sent thither from Troy; or that one Romus, a Tyrant of the Latins, who drove the Tuscans out of that 〈◊〉, built it. Solinus bestows the honour of building Rome upon 〈◊〉, saying, That it was beforetimes called Valentia. Heraclides gives the denomination to 〈◊〉 Lady, brought thither by the Grecians: others say, That it was anciently called Febris, after the name of Februa, the mother of Mars; witness Saint Augustine in his third Book de Civitate Dei. But Livy will have it to be the work of Romulus, even from the foundation: of whom and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a Roman Citizen vaunting of their original, answered in these Verses:  

Attamen ut long repetas, longeque revoluas  
Maiorum 〈◊〉 primus fuit 〈◊〉 tuorum,  
〈◊〉 pastor svit, 〈◊〉 illud quod dicerenolo.   

Yet though thou fetch thy 〈◊〉 so far;  
Thy first Progenitor, who ere he were,  
Some Shepherd was, or else, that isle forbear.  
meaning either a Shepherd, or a Thief.   
Now of Romulus begetting of his education and preservation, it is said, That he had Rhea for his mother, and Mars was supposed to be his father; that he was nursed by a Wolf, found and taken away by Faustula, a shepherds wife. The same unnatural nursing had Cyrus, the same incredible fostering had Semiramis; the one by a Bitch, the other by Birds. But, as Plutarch saith, it is like enough that Amulius come covered with armour to Rhea, the mother of Romulus, when he begat her with child: and therein it seemeth to me that he might have two purposes; the one, to destroy her, because she was the daughter and heir of his elder brother, from whom he 〈◊〉 held the Kingdom; the other to satisfy his appetite, because she was fair and goodly. For she being made a Nun of the Goddess Vesta, it was death in her, by the Law, to break her chastity. I also found in Fauchet his 
〈◊〉. fol. 114  Antiquitez de Gaul, that Meroveë, King of the Francs, was begotten by a Monster of the Sea: but Fauchet says, Let them believe it that list; 〈◊〉 le croira qui voudra: also of Alexander, and of Scipio African, there are poetical inventions: but to answer these imaginations in general, it is true, that in those times, when the World was full of this barbarous Idolatry, and when there were as many gods as there were Kings, or passions of the mind, or as there were of vices and vertucs; then did many women greatly borne, cover such slips as they made, by protesting to be forced by more than human power: 〈◊〉 did Oenone confesle to Paris, that 〈◊〉 had been ravished by Apollo. And Anchyses boasted that he had known Venus. But Rhea was made with child by some man of War, or other, and therefore called Mars, the God of battle, according to the sense of the time. 〈◊〉 was overcome by a strong wit, and by such a one as had those properties ascribed to Apollo. The Mother of 〈◊〉 might fancy a Sea Captain to be gotten with young by such a one: as the Daughter of Inachus fancied, according to Herodotus. Aeneas was a bastard and begotten upon some fair Harlot, called for her beauty Venus, and was therefore the child of lust, which is Venus. Romulus was nursed by a Wolf, which was Lupa, or Lupina, for the Courtesans in those days were called Wolves, quaenunc (saith HALICARNASSAEUS) honestiori 〈◊〉 amicae appellantur; Which are now by an honester name called friends. It is also written, that Romulus was in the end of his life taken up into heaven, or rather out of the world by his Father Mars, in a great storm of thunder, and lightning: so was it said that 〈◊〉 vanished away by the River Nimicus: but thereof 〈◊〉 also speaketh modestly; for he rehearseth the other opinion, that the storm was the fury of the Senators, but seemeth to adhere partially to this taking up; and many Authors agreed, that there was an unnatural darkness, both at his birth and at his death, and that he might be slain by thunder or lightning, it is not unlikely. For the Emperor Anastasius was slain with lightning, so was 〈◊〉 the Father of Pompey slain with a thunderbolt: so Carus the Emperor (who succeeded Probus) whilst he lodged with his Army upon the River Tigris, was there slain with lightning. But a Mars of the same kind might end him that began him; for he was begotten by a man of war, and by violence destroyed. And that he died by violence (which destiny followed most of the Roman Emperors) it appeareth by Tarqvinius Superbus: who was but the seventh King after him: who when he had murdered his Father-in-law, commanded that he should not be buried, for (said he) Romulus himself died and was not buried. But let 〈◊〉 end this dispute; whose words are these: They (saith he) who draw nearest to the 〈◊〉, say that he was 〈◊〉 by his own Citizens; and that his cruelty in punishmnets of offenders, together with his arrogancy, were the cause of his 〈◊〉. For it is reported, that both when his mother was ravished, whither by some man, or by a God, the whole body of the Sun was eclipsed, and all the earth covered with darkness like unto night, and that the same did happen at his death.  
Such were the birth and death of Romulus: whose life historified by Plutarch, doth contain (besides what is here already spoken of him) the conquest of a few miles which had soon been forgotten, if the Roman greatness built upon that foundation, had not given it memory in all ages following, even unto this day. A valiant man he was, very strong of body, patiented of travel, and temperate in diet, as forbearing the use of wine and delicacies: but his raging ambition he knew not how to temper, which caused him to slay his brother, and neglect revenge of the death of Tatius, his companion in the Kingdom, that he himself might be Lord alone in those narrow Territories. He 〈◊〉 seven and thirtic 〈◊〉: first alone, then with Tatius, and after his death single, till he was slain, as is 〈◊〉 showed: after which time the Sovereignty fell into the hands of 〈◊〉, a man to him unknown, and more Priest like than Kinglike: wherein Rome itself in her later times hath somewhat resembled this King. For having long beenesole Governess till Constantinople shared with her: afterwards, when as the Greek Emperor was crushed by foreign enemies, and the Latins despoiled of Imperial power, she fell into the subjection of a Prelate, swelling by degrees from the Sheephook to the Sword, & therewith victorious to excessive magnificence, from whence by the same degrees it fell, being driven from luxury to defensive arms, and therein having been unfortunate, at length betakes herself again to the Crosiers staff.  
And thus much of Rome in this place by occasion of the Story of the times of King Ahaz, during whose reign in jury, the foundations of this famous City were laid.    

CHAP. XXV. Of EZEKIA, and his Contemporaries:  

§. I. Of the beginning of EZECHIAS, and of the agreeing of PTOLEMY'S, NABONASSAR, NABOPOLASSAR and MARDOCEMPADUS, with the history of the Bible.  
AS the first year of Ahaz his Reign was confounded with the last of his father jotham, so was the later end of his sixteen years taken up in the three first of Ezekias his Son. This appears by the Reign of 〈◊〉, over Israel, which began in the twelfth of Ahaz, and therefore the third thereof was concurrent with Ahaz his fourteenth. But the third of Hosea was the first of Ezekia; so it follows, that Ezekia began to reign in his Father's fourteenth year. Like enough it is, that the third year of Hosea, the same being the fourteenth of Ahaz, was almost spent when Ezekia began, and so the fifteenth year of Ahaz may have been concurrent, for the most part, with the first of Ezekia.  
By supposing that Hosea began his Kingdom, when the twelfth year of Ahaz was almost complete, some would found the means how to disjoin the first of Hezekia from the fifteenth of Ahaz, placing him yet one year later, of which year, Ahaz may perhaps have lived not many days. But seeing that the fourteenth and fifteenth years of Ezekia, may not be removed out of their places; it is vain labour to altar the first year.  
In the fourteenth of EZEKIA, SENACHERIS invading juda, and the Countries 
2. King. 8. 13.  adjoining, lost his Army by a miraculous stroke from Heaven, fled home, and was slain. The year following it was that God added fifteen years to the life of Ezekia, when he had already reigned fourteen of his nine and twenty: and the same year was that miracle seen of the suns going back; of which wonder (as I hear) one Bartholomew Scultet, who is much commended for skill in Astronomy, hath by calculation found the very day which answered unto the twenty fifth of April, in the julian year, being than Thursday. I have not seen any works of Scultet; but surely to found a motion so irregular and miraculous, it is necessary that he produce some record of observation made at such a time. Howsoever it be, the fifteenth year of Ezekia is agreed upon; and therefore we may not altar the first. 
3. 〈◊〉. 28. 27.  As for that saying, which is usual in the like cases, that AHAZ slept with his Fathers, and EZEKIA his Sonneraigned in his stead, it doth no more prove that Ezekia reigned not with his Father, than the like saying doth infer the like at the death of jehosaphat, and succession of jehoram; whereof, as concerning the beginning of the Son to reign whilst his Father lived, we have already said enough.  
Of this godly King Ezekias, we find, that his very beginning testified his devotion and zeal. For whither it were so, that his unfortunate and ungracious Father (who had outworn his reputation) gave way to his sons proceed, which perhaps it lay not in him to hinder; or whither (as I rather think) the first year and first month of his reign, wherein 〈◊〉 opened the doors of the Temple, 
2. Chro. 29. v. 3.  were to be understood as the beginning of his sole government; we plainly find it to have been his first work, that he opened the doors of the house of the Lord, which Achaz had shut up, cleansed the City and Kingdom of the Idols, restored the Priests to their offices, and estates, commanded the Sacrifices to be offered 
2. Chron. 30.  which had been for many years neglected, and broke down the brazen Serpent of Moses, because the people burned incense before it, and he called it 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉. King's 〈◊〉.  which signifieth a lump of brass. He did also celebrated the passover with great magnificence, inviting thereunto the 〈◊〉 of the ten Tribes: many there were, even out of those Tribes, that come up to 〈◊〉, to this fcast. But the general multitude of Israel did laugh the Messengers of 〈◊〉 to scorn.  
It was not long ere they that scorned to 〈◊〉 the memorial of their deliverance out of the Egyptian servitude, fell into a 〈◊〉 servitude, out of which they never were delivered. For in the fourth of 〈◊〉 his reign, Salmanassar the Son of 〈◊〉, the Son of Belochus, hearing that Hosea King of Israel had practised with So King of Egypt, against him, invaded Israel, besieged Samaria, and in the third year (after the Inhabitants had endured all sorts of miseries) forced it, and carried thence the ten Idolatrous Tribes into Assyria and Media: among whom Tobias and his Son of the same name, with Anna his Wife, were sent to Ninive, in whose Seats and Places the Assyrians sent strangers of other Nations, and among them many of the ancient Enemies of the Israelites, as those of Cutha, Ana, Hamah, and Sphernaim, besides Babylonians: whose Places and Nations I have formerly described in the Treatise of the Holy Land.  
These later Assyrian Kings, and the Persians', which followed them, are the first, of whom we find mention made both in Profane and Sacred books. These therefore serve most aptly to join the times of the old World, (whereof noon but the Prophets have written otherwise than fabulously) with the Ages following that were better known, and described in course of History. True it is, that of Cyrus and some other Persians', we find in the Bible the same names by which other Authors have recorded them: but of Phul and 〈◊〉, with other Assyrian, 〈◊〉 Kings, diversity of name hath bred question of the persons. Therefore, whereas the Scriptures do speak of Salmanassar, King of Assur, who reigned in the time of Ahaz, and 〈◊〉, Kings of juda, and of Hosea King of Israel, whom he carried into captivity: and whereas Ptolemy makes mention of Nabcnassar, speaking precisely of the time wherein he lived; it is very pertinent to show, that Salmanassar and Nabonassar were one and the same man. The like reason also requireth, that it be showed of Nabuchadnezzar, that he was the same, whom Ptolemy calleth Nabopolassar.  
Of both these points 〈◊〉 hath well collected sufficient proof from the exact calculations of sundry good Mathematicians. For by them it appears, that between Nabonassar and the birth of Christ, there passed seven hundred forty and six years: at which distance of time the reign of Salmanassar was. One great proof hereof is this, which the same 〈◊〉 allegeth out of Erasmus Reinholdus, in the Prutenick Tables. Mardocempadus King of Babylon (whom Ptolomic, speaking of three Eclipses of the Moon, which were in his time, doth mention) was the same whom the Scriptures call Merodach, who sent Ambassadors to Hezekia, King of 〈◊〉. So that if we reckon backwards to the difference of time, between Merodach and Salmanassar, we shall find it the same which is between Mardocempadus and Nabonassar. Likewise 〈◊〉 doth show, that whereas from the destruction of Samaria, to the devastation of jerusalem, in the nineteenth of Nebuchadnessar, we collect out of the Scriptures, the distance of one hundred thirty and three years: the selfsame distance of time is found in 〈◊〉, between Nabonassar and Nabopolassar. For, whereas Ptolomic seems to differ from this account, making Nabonassar more ancient by an hundred and forty years, than the destruction of jerusalem, we are to understand that he took Samaria in the eighth year of his reign; so that the seven foregoing years added to these one hundred thirty and three, make the accounts of the Scriptures fall 〈◊〉 with that of Ptolemy. Ptolemy's computation is, that from the first of 〈◊〉, to the fifth of 〈◊〉, there passed one hundred twenty and seven years. Now 〈◊〉 we add to these one hundred twenty seven, the thirteen ensuing of 〈◊〉 years, before the City and Temple were destroyed, we have the samme of one hundred and forty years. In so plain a case more proofs are needless, though many are brought, of which this may serve for all, that Ptolemy placeth the first of 〈◊〉 one hundred twenty and two years, after the first of 〈◊〉, which agreeth exactly with the Scriptures. To these notes are added the consent of all Mathematicians: which in account of times I hold more sure than the authority of any History; and therefore I think it folly to make doubt, whereas Historians and Mathematical observations do so thoroughly concur.  
Yet forasmuch as that argument of the learned Scaliger doth rest unanswered, whereby he proved 〈◊〉 the Father of 〈◊〉, to have been this Nabonassar, I will not spare to lose a word or two ingiving the Reader satisfaction herein. It is 〈◊〉, that the next observations of the heavenly Bodies, which 〈◊〉 recorded, after the time of 〈◊〉, were in the reign of Mardocempadus; the second year of whose reign is, according to Ptolemy, concurrent in part with the twenty 
Ptol. 〈◊〉 l. 4. c. 8.  seven of Nabonassar. For the second of three ancient Eclipses which he calculates, being in the second year of Mardocempadus, was from the beginning of Nabonassar twenty seven years, seventeen 〈◊〉, and eleven hours: the account from Nabonassar, beginning at high-noon the first day of the Egyptian month Thot, then answering to the twenty sixt of February; and this Eclipse being fifty minutes before midnight, on the eighteenth day of that month, when the first day thereof agreed with the nineteenth of February; so that the difference of time between the two Kings Nabonassar and 〈◊〉, is noted by Ptolemy, according to the Egyptian years. But how does this prove, that Mardocempadus or Merodach, was the Son of Nabonassar? yea, how doth it prove, that he was his next Successor, or any way of his Lineage? It was enough to satisfy me, in this argument, that Scaliger himself did afterwards 〈◊〉 Mardocempadus to have been rather the Nephew, than the Son of Baladan, or Nabonassar. For if he might be either the Nephew, or the Son; he might perhaps be neither the one, nor the other. But because our Countryman Lidyate hath reprehended Scaliger for changing his opinion; and that both Torniellus, who follows Scaliger herein, and Sethus 〈◊〉, who hath drawn into form of Chronologie, that learned work, De 〈◊〉 Temporum, do hold up the same assertion, confounding 〈◊〉 with Nabonassar: I have taken the pains to search, as far as my leisure and diligence could reach, after any sentence that might prove the Kindred or succession of these two. Yet cannot I find in the Almagest (for the Scriptures are either silent in this point, or adverse to Scaliger; and other good authority, I know noon, in this business) any sentence more nearly proving the succession of 〈◊〉 to Nabonassar, than the place now last rehearsed: which makes no more, to show that the one of these was Father to the other, than (that I may use a like example) the as near succession of William the Conqueror, declares him, to have been Son, or Grandchild to Edward the Confessor. This considered, we may safely go on with our account from Nabonassar, taking him for Salmanassar; and not fearing, that the Readers will be driven from our book, when they find something in it, agreeing with Annius, forasmuch as these Kings mentioned in Scriptures, reigned in Babylon, and Assyria, in those very times which by Diodorus and Ptolemy are assigned to Belosus, Nabonassar, and Mardocempadus, and the rest: no good History naming any others, that reigned there in those ages, and all Astronomical observations, fitly concurring, with the years that are attributed to these, or numbered from them.   

§. II Of the danger and 〈◊〉 of judaea from SENNACHERIB.  
WHen Salmanassar was dead, and his son 〈◊〉 in possession of the Empire, in the fourteenth year of Ezcchias, he demanded of him such Tribute as was agreed on, at such time as 〈◊〉, the Grandfather of Sennacherib, and Father of Salmanassar, invited by 〈◊〉, invaded Rezen King of Damascus, and delivered him from the dangerous War which Israel had undertaken against him. This Tribute and acknowledgement when Ezechias denied, 〈◊〉, having (as it seems) a purpose to invade Egypt, sent one part of his Army to lie before jerusalem. Now though Ezechias (fearing this powerful Prince) had acknowledged his fault, and purchased his peace, as he hoped, with thirty hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold: wherewith he presented Sennacherib, now set down before 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉, yet under the colour of better assurance, & to force the King of 〈◊〉 to deliver hostages, 
2. Kin. 18. 21.  the Assyrian environed jerusalem with a gross Army, and having his Sword in his hand, thought it the fittest time to writ his own conditions.  
Ezechias directed his three greatest Counsellors, to parley with Rabsaces, over the Wall; and to receive his demands: who used three principal arguments to persuade the people to yield themselves to his Master Sennacherib. For though the Chancellor, Steward, and Secretary, sent by 〈◊〉, desired Rabsoces to speak unto them in the Syrian tongue, and not in the 〈◊〉, yet he with a more loud voice directed his speech to the multitude in their own language. And for the first, he made them know, That if they continued 〈◊〉, and adhered to their King, that they would, in a short time, be enforced to eat their own dung, and drink their own urine: Secondly, he altogether disabled the King of Egypt, from whom the 〈◊〉 hoped for secure; and compared him to a broken staff, on which whosoever 
2. King's 18. 21.  leaneth, pierceth his own hand: Thirdly, that the gods who should help them, 〈◊〉 had formerly broken and 〈◊〉, meaning chief (as it is thought by some) the brazen Serpent, which had been preserved ever since Moses time: and withal he bade them remember the gods of other Nations: whom, notwithstanding any power of theirs, his Master had conquered and thrown down; and for God himself, in whom they trusted, he persuaded them by no means to rely on him; for he would deceive them. But finding the people silent (for so the King had commanded them) after a while, when he had understood that the King of Arabia was marching on with a powerful Army, he himself left the Assyrian forces in charge to others, and sought Sennacherib at Lebna in 〈◊〉, either to inform him of their resolution in jerusalem, or to confer with him concerning the Army of Terhaca the Arabian. Soon upon this there come letters from Sennacherib to Ezechias, whom he partly advised, and partly threatened to submit himself: using the same blasphemous outrage against the all-powerful God, as before. But Ezcchias sending those Counsellors to the Prophet Easie, which had lately been sent to Rabsaces, received from him comfort, and assurance, that this Heathen Idolater should not prevail; against whom the King also besought aid from Almighty God, repeating the most insolent and blasphemous parts of Sennacherib's letter, before the Altar of God in the Temple, confessing this part thereof to be true. That the King 
2. King's 19  of ASHUR had destroyed the Nations and their Lands, and had set fire on their gods, for they were no Gods, but the work of man's hands, even wood and stone, etc.  
The reason that moved Sennacherib to desire to possess himself in haste of jerusalem, was, that he might thereinto have retraited his Army, which was departed, as it seemeth, from the siege of Pelusium in Egypt, for fear of Terhaca: and though the Scriptures are silent of that enterprise (which in these books of the Kings, and of the Chronicles or Paralipomenon, speak but of the affairs of the jews in effect) yet the ancient 〈◊〉, and out of him josephus, and S. Hierome, together with Herodotus, remember it as follows. Herodotus calleth Sennacherib King of Arabia and Assyria: 
〈◊〉. l. 2. p. 69.  which he might justly do, because Tiglath his Grandfather held a great part thereof, which he wrested from Pekah King of Israel: as Gilead over jordan, and the rest of Arabia Petraea adjoining: the same Herodotus also maketh Sethon King of Egypt, to be 〈◊〉 Priest, and reporteth that the reason of Sennacherib's return from Pelusium in Egypt, which he also besieged, was, that an innumerable multitude of Rats had in one night eaten in sunder the Bowstrings of his Archers, and spoiled the rest of their weapons of that kind, which no doubt might greatly amaze him: but the approach of Terhaca, remembered by josephus and Berosus, was the more urgent. 
jos. ant. l. 10. c. 1.  S. Hierome upon the seven and thirty of Easie, out of the same Berosus, as also in part out of Herodotus, whom josephus citeth somewhat otherwise than his words 
Herald Euterp. l. 〈◊〉.  lie, reports Senacherib's retreat in these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SENACHERIB Regem Assyriorum contra Aegyptios, & obsedisse Pelusium, 〈◊〉 extructis aggeribus, urbi 〈◊〉, venisse TARACHAM Regem Aethiopum in auxilium, & una nocte juxta jerusalem, centum octoginta 〈◊〉 millia exercitus Assyrij pestilentia corruisse narrat HERODOTUS: & plenissimè BEROSUS Chaldaicaescriptor Historiae, quorum fides de proprijs libris petenda est; That SENACHERIB King of the Assyrians fought against the Egyptians, and besieged Pelusium, and that when his Mounts were built for taking of the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 King of the Aethiopians come to help them, and that in one night, near jerusalem, one hundred eighty five thousand of the Assyrian Army perished by pestilence: of these things (saith JEROME) 
* To with in part, for Herodotus mentioneth nothing, neither of Tarbaca, nor of jerusalem, nor of the Army there.  HERODOTUS reports: and more at large BEROSUS a writer of Chaldaean Story, whose credit is to be taken from their own books. Out of Easie it is gathered, that this destruction of the Assyrian Army was in this manner: 〈◊〉 be visited of the Lord of Hosts with thunder and shaking, and a great 
Esai 29. 6.  noise, a whirlwind and a tempest, and a flame of 〈◊〉 fire. But josephus hath it more largely out of the same Berosus, an authority (because so well agreeing with the Scriptures) not to be omitted, SENNACHERIBUS autem ab Aegyptiaco bello revertens, oftendit ibi exercitum, quem sub RABSACIS Imperio reliquer at pest divinitus 
jos. ant. l. 10 c. 1.  immissâ deletum, primâ nocte posteaquam Vrbem oppugnare 〈◊〉, absumptis cum Ducibus & Tribunis, centum octoginta quinque millibus Militum, qua clade territus, & de reliquis copijs sollicitus, maximis itineribus in regnum suum contendit, adregiam quae Ninus dicitur. Vbi paulo post per insidias Seniorum, è filijs suis, ADRAMELECHI, & 
Selennar otherwise 〈◊〉, who slew him, as he was praying to Nesioe his god.  SELENNARI, vitam amisit: occisus in ipso Templo quod dicitur ARASCI; quem praecipuo cultu dignabatur: quibus ob patricidium à popularibus pulsis & in Armeniam fugientibus, ASARACOLDAS minor filius in Regnum successit; SENNACHERIB (saith JOSEPHUS) returning from the Egyptian War, found there his Army, which he had left under the command of RABSACES, destroyed by a pestilence sent from God, the first 
2. Kin. 19  night that he had begun to assault the Town: one hundred fourscore and five thousand of the Soldiers being consumed with their Chieftains and Colonels. With which destruction being terrified, and withal afraid what might become of the rest of his Army, he made great marches into his Kingdom; to his Royal City, which is called Ninus, where shortly after by the treason of two of the eldest of his Sons, ADRAMELECH and SELENNAR or SHAREZER, he lost his life in the Temple dedicated to ARASCES, or NESROCH: whom he especially worshipped. These his sons being for their parricide chased away 
2. Kin. 19 37.  by the people: and flying into Armenia, ASARACOLDAS his younger son succeeded 
〈◊〉. 1. c. 4 v. 2.  in the Kingdom. Who in the beginning of his reign sent new troops out of Assyria and Samaria, to fortify the Colony therein planted by his grandfather Salmanassar. What this Nesroch was, it is uncertain: Hierome in his Hebrew traditions hath somewhat of him, but nothing positively. It is certain, that Venus Urania was worshipped by the Assyrians; and so was jupiter Belus, as Dion, 〈◊〉, and Cyrillus witness. Many fancies there are, what 'cause his son had to murder him; but the 
Lyr.  most likely is, that he had formerly disinherited those two, and conferred the Empire on Assarhaddon. Tobit tells us, That it was fifty five days after 〈◊〉 return, ere he was murdered by his sons; during which time he slew great numbers of the Israelites in Nineve, till the most just God turned the Sword against his own breast.   

§. III Of 〈◊〉 his sickness and recovery; and of the Babylonian King that congratulated him.  
AFter this marvelous delivery, Ezekias sickened, and was told by Isaiah, that he must die: but after he had besought God with tears for his delivery, Isaiah, as he was going from him, returned again, and had warrant from the Spirit of God to promise' him recovery after three days, and a prolongation of his life for fifteen years. But Ezekias somewhat doubtful of this exceeding grace, prayeth a sign to confirm him: whereupon, at the prayer of Isaiah, the shadow of the Sun cast itself the contrary way, and 
2. King. 〈◊〉.  went back ten degrees, upon the Dial of Achaz. The cause that moved Ezekias to lament (saith Faint Hierome) was, because he had as yet no son, and then in despair that the Messiah should come out of the house of David, or at lest of his Seed. His disease seemeth to be the Pestilence, by the medicine given him by the Prophet, to wit, a mass of Figs, laid to the Botch or Sore.  
This wonder when the Wisemen of Chaldaea had told to Merodach, King of Babylon, the first of that house, he sent to Ezekias, to be informed of the cause: at which time Ezekias showed him all the Treasure he had, both in the Court and in the Kingdom: for which he was reprehended by the Prophet Isaiah, who told him; The days are at hand, that all that is in thy house, and whatsoever thy fathers have laid 
Easie 39  up in store to this day, shall be carried into Babel; nothing shall be left, saith the Lord. It may seem strange, how Ezekia should have got any treasure worth the showing: for Senacherib had rob him of all, the year before. But the spoil of the same Senacherib his Camp repaid all with advantage, and made 〈◊〉 richer upon the sudden than ever he had been: which unexpected wealth was a strong temptation to boasting. After this time Ezekia had rest, and spending without noise that addition which God had made unto his life, he died, having reigned nine and twenty years. One only offensive War he made, which was against the Philistines with good success. Among his other acts (shortly remembered in Ecclesiasticus) he 
Ec. l. 43.  devised to bring water to jerusalem.  
In two respects they say that he offended God: the one, that he rejoiced too much at the destruction and lamentable end of his enemy; the other, that he so much gloried in his riches, as he could not forbear to show them to strangers. But the reason which moved Ezekias (speaking humanly) to entertain the Ambassadors of Merodach in this friendly and familiar manner, was, because he come to visit him, and brought him a present, congratulating the recovery of his health; as also in that Merodach had weakened the house of Senacherib, his fearful enemy. For Merodach, who was Commander and Lieutenant under Senacherib in Babylon, usurped that State himself, in the last year of that King, and held it by strong hand against his son Assarhaddon; who was not only simple, but impaired in strength, by the molestation of his brothers. This advantage Merodach espied, and remembering, that their ancestor Phul Belochus had set his own master Sardanapalus besides the cushion, thought it as lawful for himself to take the opportunity which this King's weakness did offer, as it had been for Belochus to make use of the others 〈◊〉: and so, finding himself beloved of the Babylonians, and sufficiently powerful, he did put the matter to hazard, and prevailed. The assertion of this history is made by the same arguments that were used in maintaining the common opinion of Writers, touching Phul Belochus; which I will not here again rehearse. So of this new Race, which cut asunder the Line of Ninus, there were only five Kings.  


Phul Belochus. who reigned 48. years.  
Tiglath Philassar. who reigned 27. years.  
Salmanassar. who reigned 10. years.  
Senacherib. who reigned 7. years.  
Assarhaddon. who reigned 10. years.    
But forasmuch as the last year of Salmanassar was also the first of Senacherib his son, we reckon the time, wherein the house of Phul held the Assyrian Kingdom, to have been an hundred and one years, of which, the last five and twenty were spent with Ezekia, under Salmanassar, Senacherib, and Assarhaddon.   

§. FOUR The Kings that were in Media during the reign of EZEKIA: Of the difference found between sundry Authors, in rehearsing the Median Kings. Other contemporaries of EZEKIA: of CANDAULES', GYGES, and the Kings descended from HERCULES.  
IN the time of Ezekia, Medidus, and after him Cardiceas, reigned in Media. Whither it were so, that variety of names, by which these Kings were called in several Histories, hath caused them to seem more than indeed they were; or whither the sons reigning with the fathers, have caused not only the names of Kings, but the length of Time, wherein they governed Media, to exceed the due proportion: or whither the Copies themselves, of Ctesias and Annius his Metasthenes, have been faulty, as neither of these two Authors is over-highly commended of trustiness: so it is, that the names, number, and length of reign, are all very diversly reported of these Median Kings, that followed Arbaces: Therefore it need not seem strange, that I reckon Medidus and Cardiceas as contemporaries with Ezekia. For to reconcile so great a difference, as is found in those Writers that vary from Eusebius, is more than I dare undertake. I will only here set down the roll of Kings that reigned in Media, accordingly as sundry Authors have delivered it.  
Annius his Metasthenes orde's them and their reigns thus:  

Arbaces. who reigned 28. years.  
Mandanes. who reigned 50. years.  
Sosarmon. who reigned 30. years.  
Articarmin. who reigned 50. years.  
Arbianes. who reigned 22. years.  
〈◊〉. who reigned 40. years.  
Attines. who reigned 22. years.  
Astybarus, with his son Apanda. who reigned 20. years.  
Apanda alone. who reigned 30. years.  
Darius with Cyrus. who reigned 36. years.   
Diodorus Siculus following Ctesias (as perhaps Annius made his Metasthenes follow Diodore, with some little variation, that he might not seem a borrower) placeth them thus.  


Arbaces. who reigned 28. years.  
Mandanes. who reigned 50. years.  
〈◊〉. who reigned 〈◊〉. years.  
Artycas. who reigned 50. years.  
Arbianes. who reigned 22. years.  
Arfaeus. who reigned 40. years.  
Artynes. who reigned 22. years.  
Artabanus. who reigned 40. years.    
Astybara. the continuance of these two he doth not mention.  
Astyages. the continuance of these two he doth not mention.  
Mercator hath laboured with much diligence, to reconcile these Catalogues, and to make them also agreed with Eusebius. But forasmuch as it seems to me an impossible matter, to attain unto the truth of these forgotten times, by conjectures founded upon Ctesias and Metasthenes, I will lay the burden upon Eusebius, who lived in an age better furnished than ours, with books of this argument. Let it therefore 〈◊〉, that these two Kings (whom I have reckoned as contemporaries with Ezekia) Medidus and Cardiceas, are found in Eusebius: for whither 〈◊〉 were Diodorus his Arbianes, I will not stay to search. The Kings of Media, according to Eusebius, reigned in this order.  


Arbaces. reigned 28. years.  
Sosarmus. reigned 30. years.  
Medidus. reigned 40. years.  
Gardiceas. reigned 15. years.  
Deioces. reigned 54. years.  
Phraortes. reigned 24. years.  
Cyaxares. reigned 32. years.  
Astyages. reigned 38. years.    
These names, and this course of succession I retain; but add unto these, Cyaxares the son of Astyages, according to Xenophon; and sometimes follow Herodotus, in setting down the length of a King's reign, otherwise than 〈◊〉 hath it: of which variations, I will tender my reasons in due place.  
The twenty nine years of Ezekia were concurrent, in part, with the rule of the four first that were chosen Governors of Athens for ten years; that is, of Charops, Aesimedes, Elidicus, and Hippones. Touching the first of these I hear nothing, save that Rome was built in his first year; of which perhaps himself did not hear. Of the second and third I find only the names. The fourth made himself known by a strange example of justice, or rather of 〈◊〉, that he showed upon his own Daughter. For he finding that she had offended in unchastity, caused her to be locked up with an Horse, giving to neither of them any food: so the Horse, constrained by hunger, devoured the unhappy Woman.  
In Rome, the first King, and Founder of that City Romulus, did reign both before, and somewhat after Ezekia.  
In Lydia, Candaules the last King, ruled in the same age.  
This Region was first called Maeonia. Lydus the son of Atys reigning in it, gave the name of Lydia, if we believe such authority as we find. This Kingdom was afterward, by the appointment of an Oracle, conferred upon Argon, who come of 〈◊〉 the son of Hercules, by jardana, a bondwoman. The race of these 〈◊〉 continued reigning fifty five years (in which two and twenty Generations passed) the son continually succeeding the father. Candaules the son of Myrsus was the last of his race, who doted so much upon the beauty of his own Wife, that he could not be content to enjoy her, but would needs enforce one Gyges, the son of Dascylus, to behold her naked body; and placed the unwilling man secretly in her chamber, where he might see her preparing to bedward. This was not so closely carried, but that the Queen perceived Gyges at his going forth, and understanding the matter, took it in such high disdain, that she forced him the next day to 〈◊〉 the King's folly with treason. So Gyges, being brought again into the same chamber by the Queen, slew Candaules, and was rewarded not only with his Wife, but with the Kingdom of Lydia. He reigned thirty eight years, beginning in the last of Ezekia, one year before the death of Romulus.  
After Gyges, his son Ardys reigned nine and forty years; then Sadyattes, twelve; Halyattes, fifty seven; and finally Croesus, the son of Halyattes, fourteen years: who lost the Kingdom, and was taken by Cyrus of Persia.  
And here by the way we may note, that as the Lydian Kings, whom Croesus his Progenitor dispossessed, are deduced from Hercules, so of the same Hercules there sprang many other Kings, which governed several Countries very long; as in Asia, the Mysians; in Greece, the Lacedæmonians, Messenians, Rhodians, Corinthians, and Argives; and from the Argives, the Macedonians; as likewise from the Corinthians, the Syracusanes: besides many great and famous, though private, Families.  
But of the Heraclidae that reigned in Lydia, I have not troubled myself to take notice in the times of their several reigns: for little is found of them, beside the bore names, and the folly of this last King Candaules.    

CHAP. XXVI. Of the Kings that reigned in Egypt, between the deliverance of ISRAEL from thence, and the reign of EZEKIA in Juda, when Egypt and juda made a league against the Assyrians.  

§. I. That many names of Egyptian Kings, found in History, are like to 〈◊〉 belonged only to Viceroys. An example proving this out of WILLIAM of tire his History of the holy War.  
THE emulation and quarrels arising in these times, between the mighty Kingdoms of Egypt and 〈◊〉, do require our pains, in collecting the most memorable things in Egypt, and setting down briefly the state of that Country, which had continued long a flourishing Region, and was of great power, when it contended with 〈◊〉 for the Mastery. Of Cham the son of Noah, who first planted that Country, and of 〈◊〉, Orus, and other ancient Kings, that reigned there, until the Israelites were thence delivered, more hath been said 〈◊〉 than I can stand to; though I hold it no shame to fail in such conjectures. That which I have delivered, in speaking my opinion of the Egyptian Dynasties, must here again help me. For it may truly be affirmed, That the great number of Kings, which are said to have reigned in Egypt, were noon other than Viceroys or Stewards, such as joseph was, and such as were the Soldans in later ages. Therefore, I will not only forbear to seek after those, whom 〈◊〉 and Diodorus have reckoned up, from the mouths of Egyptian Priests, delivering them by number, without rehearsing their names; but will save the labour of 〈◊〉 them in order, whose names only are found; the years of their reigns, and other circumstances, proving them to have been Kings in deed, being not recorded.  
But that I may not seem before hand, to lay an 〈◊〉 ground, 〈◊〉 after I may build what I list; it were not amiss, to give unto the Reader such satisfaction in this point, as apparent reason, and truth of History doth afford. First therefore, we aught not to believe those numbers of Generations, which the lying Priests have reckoned up, to magnify their Antiquities. For we know, that from Abraham, our Saviour Christ was removed only forty two descents, which makes it 〈◊〉, that in far shorter time, namely before the Persian Empire, there could not have passed away twice as many successions in Egypt: especially considering, that many of these, whose continuance is expressed, 〈◊〉 reigned longer than forty years. It follows that we should square the number of the Egyptian Kings in some even proportion, to those which did bear rule in other Countries. As for the rest, whose names we find scattered here and there; any man that will take the pains to read the nineteenth book of the holy war written by William Archbishop of tire, may easily persuade himself, that it is not hard to found names enough, of such as might be thought to have reigned in Egypt, being 〈◊〉 other than Regents or 〈◊〉. Yet will I here insert, as briefly as I can, some things making to that purpose for the pleasure and information of such, as will not trouble themselves with turning over many Authors.  
When Elhadech the Caliph ruled in Egypt, one Dargan, a powerful and a subtle man, made himself 〈◊〉, by force and cunning, chase away Sanar an Arabian, who was Sultan before and after him. This Dargan ministered matter of quarrel to Amalricke King of jerusalem; and sustained, with little loss, an invasion, which Amalricke made upon Egypt. Hereupon he grew so insolent and proud, that Sanar the former Sultan hoped to make his party good against him, if he could get any forces wherewith to enter Egypt. Briefly, Sanar sueth to Noradine, King of Damascus, for aid, who sends an Army of his Turks, under the command of Syracon, against the Sultan Dargan. So Dargan and Sanar met, and fought: The Victory was Dargans; but he enjoyed it not: for in few days after, he was slain by treason, whereby Sanar did recover his Dignity: which to establish, he slew all the Kindred and Friends of Dargan, that he could find in the great City of Cairo.  
To all these doings, the Caliph Elhadech gave little regard: for he thought it little concerned him, which of them lived, and had the administration of the Kingdom, whilst he might have the profit of it, and enjoy his pleasure. But new troubles presently arise, which (one would think) do nearly touch the Caliph himself. Syracon with his Turks, whom Sanar hath gotten to come into Egypt, will not now be entreated there to leave him, and quietly go their way home. They seize upon the Town of Belbeis, which they fortify, and there attended the arrival of more company from Damascus, for the conquest of all Egypt. The Sultan perceives their intent, and finds himself not strong enough to expel them; much less to repel the Turkish Army, that was likely to second them. He therefore sends Messengers to King Almaricke of jerusalem, whom with large promises, he gets to bring him aid, and so drives out the Turks. Of all this trouble, the great Caliph hears nothing, or not so much, as should make him look to the playing of his own game.  
A greater mischief ariseth, concerning the Caliph Elhadech particularly, in his own Title. Syracon, Captain of the Turks that had been in Egypt, goes to the Caliph of Baldach (who was opposite to him of Egypt, each of them claiming as heir to Mahomet, that false prophet, the Sovereignty over all that were of the Saracen Law) and tells him the weakness of the Egyptian, with his own ability of doing service in those parts, offering his best means for the extirpation of the Schismatical Caliph, and the reduction of all Egypt, with the Western parts, under the subjection of the Babylonian. This motion is readily and joyfully entertained; all the Eastern Provinces are up in Arms; and Syracon, with a mighty power, descendeth into Egypt. The noise of this great expedition so affrighteth King Almaricke, that with all his forces he hasteth into Egypt: well knowing how nearly it concerned him and his Kingdom of jerusalem, to keep the Saracens from joining all under one head. Sanar the Sultan perceiving the faithful care of the Christians his friends, welcomes them, and bestirs himself in giving them all manner of content, as it behoved him: for by their admirable valour, he finally drove the enemies out of the Country. But this victory was not so soon gotten, as it is quickly told.  
Strange it is (which most concerns our present purpose) that of so desperate a danger, the Caliph, as yet, seems to know nothing. May we not think him to have been King in title only, who meddled so little in the Government? The Sultan, finding that the Christians (without whose help, all was lost) could not well stay, so long as his necessities required; makes large offers to King Almaricke, upon condition, that he should abide by it. He promiseth a great Tribute (William of tire calls it a Tribute; the Saracens, perhaps, called it a Pension) which the Kings of jerusalem should receive out of Egypt, for this behoveful assistance. But the Christians understanding that the Sultan (how much soever he took upon him) was subject to an higher Lord, would make no bargain of such importance, with any other than the Caliph himself. Hereupon 〈◊〉 Earl of Caesarea, and a Knight of the Templars, are sent unto 〈◊〉, to ratify the covenants. Now shall we see the greatness of the Caliph and his estate.  
These Ambassadors were conveyed by the Sultan to Cairo; where arriving at the Palace, they found it guarded by great troops of Soldiers. The first entrance was through dark Porches, that were kept by many armed bands of Aethiopians, which with all diligence, did reverence unto the Sultan, as he passed along. Through these straits the Warders led them, into goodly open Courts, of such beauty and riches, that they could not retain the gravity of Ambassadors, but were enforced to admire the things which detained their eyes. For there they seen goodly marble Pillars, gilded Beams, all wrought over with embossed works, curious pavements, fishponds of marble with clear waters, and many sorts of strange Birds, unknown in these parts of the world, as coming perhaps from the East Indies, which then were undiscovered. The further they went, the greater was the magnificence; for the Caliph his 〈◊〉 conveyed them into other Courts within these; as far excelling the former, as the former did surpass ordinary houses. It were tedious perhaps to rehearse, how, the further they entered, the more high state they found, and cause of marvel; suffice it, that the good Archbishop, who wrote these things, was never held a vain Author. Finally they were brought into the Caliphs own lodgings, which were yet more stately, and better guarded, where entering the presence, the Sultan having twice prostrated himself, did the third time cast off his Sword, that he ware about his neck, and throw himself on the ground, before the curtain, behind which the Caliph sat. Presently the traverse, wrought with Gold and pearls was opened, and the Caliph himself discovered, sitting with great Majesty on a throne of gold, having very few of his most inward servants and eunuchs about him. When the Sultan had humbly kissed his Master's feet, he briefly told the cause of his coming, the danger wherein the land stood, and the offers that he had made unto King Almericke, desiring the Caliph himself to ratify them, in presence of the Ambassadors. The Caliph answered, That he would thoroughly perform all which was promised. But this contented not the Ambassadors: They would have him to give his hand upon the bargain; which the Egyptians, that stood by, thought an impudent request. Yet his greatness condescended at length, after much deliberation, at the earnest request of the Sultan, to reach out his hand. When the Earl of Caesarea seen that the Caliph gave his hand, neither willingly nor bore, he told him roundly thus much in effect. SIR, Truth 〈◊〉 no holes to hide itself; Princes, that will hold covenant, must deal openly, nakedly, and sincerely; give us therefore your bore hand, if you mean that we shall trust you, for we will make no bargains with your Glove. Much ado there was about this: for it seemed against the Majesty of such a Prince to yield so far. But, when it would noon otherwise be, with a smiling cheer (though to the great grief of his Servants) he vouchsafed to let the Earl take him by the bore hand; and so rehearsing the 〈◊〉 word by word, as the Earl spoke them, he ratified all; dismissing finally the Ambassadors, with such rewards as testified his Greatness.  
In this Caliph and his Sultan, we may discern the Image of the ancient Pharaoh, and his Viceroy: we see a Prince of great estate, sitting in his Palace, and not vexing himself with the great preparations made against him, which 〈◊〉 his neighbour Countries: we see his Viceroy, in the mean season, using all Royal power; making war and peace; entertaining, and expelling Armies of strangers; yea making the Land of Egypt tributary to a foreign Prince. What greater authority was given to joseph, when Pharaoh said unto him, Thou shalt be over my house, and at thy word shall all my people be armed, only in the King's Throne will I be above thee, Behold, I have set thee over all the Land of Egypt?  
I do not commend this form of Government; neither can I approve the conjecture of my Author, where he thinks, that the Egyptians, ever since josephs' time, have felt the burden of that servitude, which he brought upon them, when he bought them, and their Lands, for Pharaoh. Herein I find his judgement good; that he affirms this manner of the Egyptian Kings, in taking their ease, and ruling by a Viceroy, to be part of the ancient customs, practised by the Pharaohs. For we find, that even the Ptolemy's (excepting Ptolomaeus Lagi, and his son Philadelphus, founder and establisher of that race) were given, all of them, wholly to please their own appetites, leaving the charge of the Kingdom to Women, eunuchs, and other ministers of their desires. The pleasures which that Country afforded, were indeed sufficient to invite the Kings thereof unto a voluptuous life; and the awful regard wherein the Egyptians held their Princes, gave them security, whereby they might the better trust their officers, with so ample Commission. But of this matter, I will not stand longer to dispute. It is enough to have showed, that the great and almost absolute power of the Viceroys governing Egypt, is set down by Moses, and that a lively example of the same is found in William of tire; who lived in the same age; was, in few years after, Chancellor of the Kingdom of jerusalem; and had full discourse with Hugh Earl of Caesarea, touching all these matters. Wherhfore it remains, that we be not carried away with a vain opinion, to believe that all they were Kings, whom reports of the fabulous Egyptians have honoured with that style; but rest contented with a Catalogue of such, as we find by circumstance, likely to have reigned in that Country; after whom it follows that we should make inquiry.   

§. II Of ACHERRES; whither he were VCHOREUS that was the eighth from OSYMANDYAS. Of OSYMANDYAS and his Tomb.  
IN this business I hold it vain to be too curious. For who can hope to attain to the perfect knowledge of the truth, when as Diodorus varies from Herodotus, Eusebius, from both of them; and late Writers, that have sought to gather the truth out of these and others, find no one with whom they can agreed? In this case Annius would do good service, if a man could trust him. But it is enough to be beholding to him, when others do either say nothing, or that which may justly be suspected. I will therefore hold myself contented, with the pleasure that he hath done me, in saying somewhat of Osiris, Isis, Orus, and those antiquities removed so far out of sight: as for the King's following the departure of Israel out of Egypt, it shall suffice, that Herodotus, Diodorus, and Eusebius, have not been silent, and that Reineccius hath taken pains, to range into some good order the names that are extant in these, or found scattering in others.  
From the 〈◊〉 of Israel out of Egypt, unto the reign of Thuoris (who is generally taken to be the same that the Greeks call Proteus) there is little or no disagreement about the Egyptian Kings. Wherhfore I set down the same which are found in Eusebius, and give to every one the same length of reign.  
Acherres was the first of these, who succeeded unto Chenchres, that perished in the Read Sea. This King seems to Reineccius to be the same whom Diodorus calls 〈◊〉, the founder of Memphis. But whereas mention is found in Diodorus of a great King, named Osymandyas, from whom Vchoreus is said to be the eighth; it will either hardly follow, that Timaus (as Reineccius conjectures) was the great Osymandyas; or else that this Acherres was Vchoreus: for the distance between them was more than eight generations. Mercator judgeth Osymandyas to have been the husband of Acencheres, Orus the second his Daughter; thinking that Manethon (cited by josephus) doth omit his name, and insert his wives, into the Catalogue of Kings, because he was King in his wives right. As for Vchoreus, it troubles not Mercator to find him the eighth from this man: for he takes Ogdous, not to signify in this place of Diodore (as that Greek word else doth) the eighth, but to be an Egyptian name, belonging also to Vchoreus, who might have had two names, as many of the rest had. I will not vex my brains in the unprofitable search of this, and the like inextricable doubts. All that Diodore hath found of this Osymandyas, was wrought upon his monument; the most thereof in figures, which I think the Egyptians did fabulously expound. For whereas there was portrayed a great Army with the siege of a Town, the captivity of the People, and the triumph of the Conqueror; all this, the Egyptians said to denote the conquest of Bactria made by that King: which how likely it was, let others judge. I hold this goodly piece of work, which Diodore so particularly describes, to have been erected for a common place of burial, to the ancient Kings and Queen's of Egypt, and to their Viceroys; whilst yet they were not so ambitious, as every one to have his own particular monument, striving therein to exceed all others. This appears by the many statues, therein placed, by the Wars, the judgement Seat, the receiving of Tribute, the offering Sacrifice to God, the account of Revenues, and plenty of all Cat-tail and Food; all which were there curiously wrought, showing the several Offices of a Governor. On the Tomb of Osymandyas was this inscription. I am OSYMANDYAS King of Kings; If any desire to know what I am, or where I lie, let him exceed some of my works. Let them, that hope to exceed his works, labour to know what he was. But since by those words, Or where I lie, it should seem that he lay not there interred, we may lawfully suspect that it was joseph, whose body was preserved among the Hebrews, to be buried in the Land of Canaan, and this empty Monument might King Orus, who outlived him, erect in honour of his high deserts, among the royal sepulchres. To which purpose, the plenty of cattle, and all manner of viands, had good reference. The name Osymandyas doth not hinder this conjecture; seeing joseph had one new name given to him by Pharaoh, for expounding the dream, and might, upon further occasions, have another, to his increase of honour. As for that style, King of Kings, it was perhaps no more than Beglerbeg, as the Turkish Bassas are called, that is, Great above the Great.  
Now although it be so, that the reckoning falls out right, between the times of joseph and Acherres (for Acherres was the eighth in order, that reigned after the great Orus, whose Viceroy joseph was) yet will I hereby seek, neither to fortify my own conjecture, as touching joseph, nor to infer any likelihood of Acherres his being Vchoreus. For it might well be, that Memphis was built by some such King as was Gehoar, Lieutenant unto the Caliph Elcain, who having to his Master's 
john Leo Hist. Afric. l. 1. &. l. 8.  use, conquered Egypt, and many other Countries, did build, not far from old Memphis, the great City of Cairo (corruptly so pronounced) naming it El Cahira, that is, an enforcing, or an imperious Mistress, though he himself were a Dalmatian slave.   

§. III Of CHERRES, ARMEUS, RAMESSES, and AMENOPHIS. Of MYRIS, and the Lake that bears his name.  
WHen Acherres had 〈◊〉 eight years, Cherres succeeded, and held the Kingdom fifteen years: then reigned Armeus five years, and after him Ramesses, threescore and eight. Of Armeus and Ramesses is that History understood by Eusebius, which is common among the Greeks', under the names of Danaus and Aegyptus. For it is said that Danaus, being expelled out of Egypt by his Brother, fled into Greece, where he obtained the Kingdom of Argos: that he had fifty Daughters, whom upon seeming reconciliation, he gave in marriage to his Brothers fifty Sons, but commanded every one of them to kill her husband the first night; that only Hypermnestra, one of his Daughters, did save her husband Lynceus, and suffered him to escape; finally, That for this fact, all the bloody sisters, when they died, were enjoined this foolish punishment in Hell, to fill a leaking Vessel with water.  
The reign of 〈◊〉 in Argos was indeed in this age; but that Armeus, was Danaus; and Ramesses, Aegyptus; is more than Reineccius believes: he rather takes Armeus to have been Myris, or Meris, who caused the great lake to be made which bears his name. For my own part, as I can easily believe, that he which fled out of Egypt into Greece, was a man of such quality as the Sultan Sanar, of whom we spoke before; so do I not find how in so short a reign, as five years, a work of that labour could be finished, which was required unto the Lake of Myris, and the Monuments therein; whereof his own Sepulchre and his 〈◊〉 being some part, it is manifest that he was not buried in Argos. Wherhfore of Myris, and of all other Kings, whose age is uncertain, and of whose reigns we have no assurance, I may truly say, that their great works are not enough to prove them of the house of Pharaoh, seeing that greater deeds or more absolute, then were those of joseph, who bought all the people of Egypt as bondmen, and all their Land for bread; of 〈◊〉, who founded Cairo; and of Sanar, who made the Country Tributary; were performed by noon of them.  
It shall therefore be enough to set down the length of their reigns, whom we find to have followed one another in order of succession: but in rehearsing the great acts which were performed, I will not stand to examine, whither they that did them were Kings or no.  
The Lake of Myris is, by the report of Diodore and Herodotus, three thousand six hundred furlongs in compass, and fifty fathoms deep. It served to receive the waters of Nilus, when the overflow, being too great, was harmful to the Country; and to supply the defect, by letting out the waters of the Lake, when the River did not rise high enough. In opening the sluices of this Lake, for the letting in or out of waters, were spent fifty talents; but the Lake itself defrayed that cost; seeing the tribute imposed upon Fish taken therein, was every day one talon, which Myris gave to his Wife to buy sweet ointments, and other ornaments for her body. In the midst of it was left an Island, wherein were the sepulchres of Myris and his Wife, and over each of them a Pyramid, that was a furlong, or (according to Herodotus) fifty paces high; having on the tops their statues, sitting in Thrones. I find not the description of this Lake in Maps, answerable to the report of Historians: yet is it very great. The years of Armeus are by Manethon divided, by inserting one Armesis (whom Eusebius omits) that should have reigned one year and odd months of the time; but I hold not this difference worthy of examination.  
After Ramesses, his son Amenophis held the Kingdom forty years. Some give him only nineteen years; and Mercator thinks him to have been the King that was drowned in the Read Sea: whereof I have already spoken in the first Book.   

§. FOUR Of the Kings that reigned in the dynasty of the Larthes'.  
SETHOSIS, or Zethus, reigned after his Father Amenophis, fifty five years. To him are ascribed the famous acts of that ancient Sesostris. But the state of the World was not such in these times, that so great an expedition, as the old Sesostris made, could have been either easily performed, or forgotten in the Countries through which he passed, had it now been performed, as any man will perceive, if he look upon my Chronological Table, and consider who lived with this Zethus. With this King began the Dynasty of the Larthes'; which Reineccius conjectures to have had the same signification, wherein the old Kings of Hetruria were called Lartes, (the Etrurians being issued out of Lydia, the Lydians out of Egypt) and to have signified as much as Imperator or General. The Wars in which these Kings were Generals, I take to have been against the Aethiopians: for sure I am, that they troubled not the Country of Palaestina, that lay next unto them on the one hand; nor is it likely that they travailed over the desert sands, on the other hand; to seek matter of conquest, in the poor Countries of Africa. But these Generals (if the Larthes' were such) were not many. Five only had that title; and the last of these took it, perhaps, as hereditary from the first; in such sort as the Roman Emperors were proud for a while, to be called Antonini, till the most unsuitable conditions of Heliogabalus, made his Successors forbear the name.  
Here it may be objected, that the Dynasties (as appears by this particular) took name from the Kings, that the Kings also did administer the government themselves; and that therefore I am deceived in ascribing so much unto the Viceroys. But it is to be 〈◊〉, that what is said of these Larthes', depends only upon conjecture, and that the authority of the Regents, or Viceroys, might be great enough, though some few Kings took the conduct of Armies into their own hands. For so we find in john Leo, that the Sultan of Egypt (after such time as the 
john Leo, l. 〈◊〉.  Sultan Saladine, murdering the Caliph, got the Sovereignty to himself) had under him a Viceroy, styled Eddaguadare, who had authority to place, or displace, any Magistrates, or Officers; and that this man's Family was almost as great, as the Soldens own. Yet was there also the Amir Cabir, or Lord General of the Sultan's forces, who had the charge of defending the Land, and might as he thought good, spend of the Sultan's Treasure. So might the Office of the Viceroys continued, though the Kings themselves, taking the charge, or title of Generals upon them, did some what abridge the greatness of that second place. As for the names of the Dynasties, it skills not whence they were drawn; whither from their Country, as those of the Thebans and Diapolitans, or from some eminent men, or man, who ruled in that time, as many think, that the seventeenth dynasty was called of the Shepherds, because joseph governed in part thereof; or from the Kings themselves that reigned; as this was said to be of the Larthes' or Generals. The next, as Manetho (but Annius his Manetho) hath it, was without any Larthes' or Generals, yet was it not without Kings, forasmuch as Vaphres, and Sesac, reigned therein, if many others did not. But let us now return to the business which we left.  
Ramses was King after Zethus, or Sethosis, threescore and six years. He is mistaken for that second Sesostris, of whom I have spoken in the first Books. I find nothing worth rehearsal of this Ramses, or of Amenophis, and Annemenes, that followed him in order, the former of which reigned forty, the later six and twenty years. Wherhfore it may well be, that the name which Zethus had from valour, was taken by these as hereditary.  
Thuoris, the last of the Larthes', reigned only seven years; yet is he thought to have been that Proteus, of whom Herodotus hath mention, saying, That he took Helena from Paris, and after the sack of Troy, restored her to Menelaus. I need say no more in refutation of this, then that the time of Thuoris his reign, lasted not so long as from the Rape of Helen to her restitution.  
This Proteus or Cetes (as he is named by some) together with Thon, and others, mentioned by Greek Writers in this business, or in other such matters, may seem to be under-officers: for such only are like to have had their residency about Pharos, and the Sea-coast, where Menelaus arrived.  
Of Proteus, who detained Helen, it is said, That he could foretell things to come, and that he could change himself into all shapes: whereby is signified his crafty head, for which he is grown into a Proverb. The Poets feigned him a Sea-God, and keeper of Neptune's Seale-fish, for belike he was some under-officer to the Admiral, having charge of the Fishing about the Isle of Pharos, as was said before.  
Remphes, the Son of Proteus, is reckoned the next King, by Diodore, as also by Herodotus, who calls him Ramsinitus, and tells a long tale, fit to please children, of his covetousness, and how his treasurehouse was rob by a cunning Thief, that at last married his Daughter. But of this a man may believe what be list. How long this King reigned I know not, nor think that either he, or his Father, did reign at all.   

§. V Of Egyptian Kings whose names are found scattering in sundry Authors, their times being not recorded. The Kings of Egypt, according to CEDRENUS. Of VAPHRES and SESAC.  
MAny other names of Egyptian Kings, are found scattered here and there; as Tonephersobis, of whom Suidas delivers only the bore name and title; Senemures, or Senepos, mentioned in Macrobius, who perhaps was the same that by Suidas is called Senyes, or Euenes, noted by occasion of a great Physician that lived under him; Banchyris, recorded by the 〈◊〉 Suidas, for his great justice; and Thulis, of whom Suidas tells great matters; as that his Empire extended to the Ocean Sea; that he gave name to the Isle of Thule, which some take to be Iseland; and that he consulted with the Devil, or (which is all one) with Seraphis, desiring to know, who before him had been, or after him should be so mighty as himself. The answer or confession of the Devil was remarkable; which I find Englished in the translation of Plessis his work, Of the trueness of Christian Religion. The Greek Verses are somewhat otherwise, and more imperfect in those Copies that I have of Cedrenus and Suidas, but the sense is all one; which is this:  

First GOD, and next THE WORD, and then THE SPIRIT,  
Which three be ONE, and join in ONE all three:  
Whose force is endless. Get thee hence frail wight,  
The Man of Life unknown excelleth thee.   
I should have thought that Suidas had borrowed all this of Cedrenus, had I not found somewhat more in Suidas, than Cedrenus hath hereof; as the form of invocation which Thulis used, and that clause, of his giving name to the Island: though in this last point I hold Suidas to be deceived; as also Cedrenus is, or (at lest) seems to me, in giving to this King such profound antiquity of reign. Indeed the very name of that Book, cited often by Cedrenus, which he calls Little Genesis, is alone enough to breed suspicion of some imposture: but the Frierly stuff that he allegeth out of it, is such as would serve to discredit himself, were it not otherwise apparent, that he was a man both devout, and of good judgement, in matters that 〈◊〉 within his compass. I will here set down the List of old Egyptian Kings delivered by him, and leave the censure to others.  
The first King of Egypt that he sets down, is Mizraim, the son of Cham. After him he finds many of a new race, deriving their pedigree thus: Nimrod, the son of Chus, was also called Orion; and further, took upon him the name of the Planet Saturn, had to wife Semiramis, who was of his own Lineage, and by her three sons; Picus, surnamed jupiter, Belus and Ninus. Picus chase his father out 〈◊〉 Assyria into Italy, reigned in his stead thirty years, and then gave up that Kingdom to juno, his sister and wife, and to Belus his son: after which Belus, who reigned only two years, Ninus had the Kingdom, and married his own mother Semiramis. But Picus went into Italy, to visit his old father Saturn; Saturn forthwith resigned the Kingdom to him. Picus jupiter reigned in Italy threescore and two years, had threescore and ten Wives or Concubines, and about as many children: finally died, and lies buried in the Isle of Crete. The principal of jupiters' sons were Faunus, Perseus, and Apollo. Faunus was called by the name of the Planet Mercury: he reigned in Italy, after his father, five and thirty years: and then (finding that all his brethren conspired against him) he went into Egypt, with abundance of Treasure; where, after the death of Mizraim, he got the Kingdom, and held it nine and thirty years. After Mercury, Vulcan reigned in Egypt four years and a half. Than Sol, the son of Vulcan, reigned twenty years and a half. There followed in order Sosis, Osiris, Orus, and Thules, of whom we spoke before: the length of their several reigns is not set down. After Thules, was the great Sesostris King twenty years. His successor was Pharaoh, called Narecho, that held the Crown fifty years, with which there passed from him the surname of Pharaoh, to a very long posterity.  
These reports of Cedrenus I hold it enough to set down as I find them: let their credit rest upon the Author.  
Others yet we find, that are said to have reigned in Egypt, without any certain note, when, or how long: about whom I will not labour, as 〈◊〉 more to be reprehended of vain curiosity, in the search made after these already rehearsed, then of negligence, in omitting such as might have been added.  
Vaphres, the father in law to Solomon; and Sesac, the afflicter of Rchoboam, lead us again into fair way, but not 〈◊〉. The name of Vaphres is not found in the Scriptures; but we are beholding to Clemens Alexandrinus and Eusebius for it. 
Clem. 〈◊〉. l. 1 Euseb. de Praep. evang. l. 9 c. 4.  These give us not the length of his reign; but we know, that he lived in the times of David and of Solomon. He come into Palestina with an Army, took Gezar from the Canaanites, and gave it to his daughter, Salomon's wife: though for her sake perhaps 
1. King. 9 16. & 11. v. 18, 19, etc.  it was, that in time following either he, or (as I rather take it) Sesac his son did favour the enemies of Solomon, who kept so many Wives and Concubines, besides this Egyptian Princess. In the life of Rehoboam all hath been written that I find of Sesac, excepting the length of his reign, which must have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and twenty years, if he were that Smendis with whom Eusebius begins the one and twentieth dynasty.  
Now forasmuch as it would serve to no great purpose, that we knew the length of Sesac his reign, and of theirs that followed him, unless therewithal we knew the beginning of Sesac, upon which the rest have dependence; this course I take. From the fourth year of jehoiakim, King of juda, in which Pharaoh Neco was slain, I reckon upwards the years of the same Neco, and of his predecessors, unto the beginning of Sesac: by which acommpt, the first year of Sesac is found, concurrent with the twentieth of Salomon's reign, and the twenty sixt of Sesac with the fift of Rehoboam: wherein Sesac spoiled the Temple, and died, enjoying the first-fruits of his Sacrilege no longer, than joas the Israelite and Crassus the Roman did; who, after him, spoiled the Temple of 〈◊〉.  
To fill up the time between Sesac and Neco, I have rather taken those Kings that I found in the Greek Historians, than them which are in 〈◊〉 his Catalogue. For of these that are delivered by Eusebius, we find no Name nor Act recorded elsewhere, save only of Bocchoris, who is remembered by Diodore, Plutarch, and others, much being spoken of him, that makes him appear to have been a King. Hereunto I may add, that the succession is often interrupted in Eusebius by Aethiopians, which got the Kingdom often, and held it long: whereas contrariwise it appears by the Prophet Easie, that the Councillors of Pharaoh did vaunt of the long and flourishing continuance of that house, insomuch, that they said of Pharaoh, 〈◊〉 am the Son of the Wise, I am the Son of the ancient King. But that which overthrows 
〈◊〉. 19 11.  the reckoning of Eusebius, is, the good agreement of it with his mistaken times of the Kings of juda. For though it please him well to see how the reigns of josias and Neco mere by his computation, yet this indeed mars all; the reign of josias being misplaced. This error grows from his omitting, to compare the reigns of the Kings of juda with theirs of Israel: by which occasion, joram, King of Israel, is made to reign three years after 〈◊〉 of juda; Samaria is taken by Salmanassar before Hezekia was King: and in a word, all, or most of the Kings, have their beginnings placed in some other year of their colaterals than the Scriptures have determined.   

§. VI Of CHEMMIS, CHEOPS, 〈◊〉, and other Kings recited by HERODOTUS and DIODORUS SICULUS, which reigned between the times of REHOBOAM and EZEKIA.  
FOllowing therefore the Greek Historians, I place Chemmis, or (according to Diodore) Chembis, first in the rank of those that were Kings after Sesac. He reigned fifty years, and built the greatest of the three Pyramids, which was accounted one of this world's Wonders. The Pyramid hath his name from the shape, in that it resembleth a flame of fire, growing from the bottom upwards narrower and narrower to the top. This of Chemmis being foursquare, had a Base of seven acres every way, and was above six acres high. It was of a very hard and durable Stone, which had lasted, when Diodore seen it, about a thousand years, without complaining of any injury that it had suffered by weather in so long space. From the reign of Chemmis, unto the age of Augustus Caesar, wherein Diodore lived, are indeed a thousand years; which gives the better likelihood unto this time wherein Chemmis is placed. As for this and other Pyramids, late Writers testify, that they have seen them yet standing.  
After Chemmis, Diodore placeth Cephrenes his brother; but doubtfully, and inclining 
Diodor. l. 1.  rather to the opinion, that his son Chabreus succeeded. Herodotus hath 
〈◊〉. l. 2.  Cheops (who might be Chabreus) and Cephrenes after him. These are said to have been brethren; but the length of their reigns may argue the later to have been son to the former: for Cheops 〈◊〉 fifty years; Cephrenes fifty six. These were, as Chemmis had been, builders of Pyramids, whereby they purchased great hatred of their people, who already had over-laboured themselves in erecting the first. These Pyramids were ordained to be Tombs, for those that raised them; but the malice of the Egyptians is said to have cast out their bodies; and to have called their Monuments by the name of an Herdsman, that kept his Beasts thereabouts. It may be, that the robbing them of their honour, and entituling a poor fellow to their works, was held to be the casting out of their bodies: otherwise, it is hard to conceive, how it might be, that they, who had not power to avoid the like 〈◊〉, laid upon them by the younger brother, or son, should have power or leisure to take such revenge upon his Predecessor. To the like malice may be ascribed the tale devised against Cheops his Daughter; That her Father, wanting money, did prostitute her, and that she, getting of every man that accompanied her, one stone, did build with them a fourth Pyramid, that stood in the midst of the other three. Belike she was an insolent Lady, and made them follow their 〈◊〉, for her sake, longer a while than they thought to have done, in raising a Monument, with the superfluity of her Father's provisions.  
Mycerinus, the son of Cephrenes, reigned after his Father six years. He would have built as his foregoers did, but prevented by death, finished not what he had begun. The people thought him a good King, for that he did set open the Temples, which Cheops and Cephrenes had kept shut. But an Oracle threatened him with ashort life of six years only, because of this his devotion; For (said the Oracle) Egypt should have been 〈◊〉 an hundred and fifty years, which thy 〈◊〉 knew, and performed for their parts, but thou hast released it, therefore shalt thou 〈◊〉 but six years. It is very strange, that the Gods should be offended with a King for his piety; or that they should decree to make a Country impious, when the people were desirous to serve them; or that they having so decreed, it should lie in the power of a King, to altar destiny, and make the ordinance of the Gods to fail in taking full effect. But these were Egyptian Gods. The true GOD was, doubtless, more offended with the restitution of such Idolatry, than with the interruption. And who knows, whither Chemmis did not learn somewhat at jerusalem, in the last year of his Father 〈◊〉, that made him perceive, and 〈◊〉 to those that followed him, the vanity of his Egyptian superstition? Sure it is that his reign, and the reigns of Cheops, and Cephrenes, were more long and more happy, than that of Mycerinus, who, to delude the Oracle, reveled away both days and nights, as if by keeping candles lighted, he had changed his nights into days, and so doubled the time appointed: a service more pleasing to the Devil, than the restitution of Idolatry durst then seem, when it could speed no better. I find in 〈◊〉 fifty years assigned to this King; which I verily believe to have been some error of the print, though I find it not corrected among 〈◊〉 such oversights: for I know no Author that gives him so many years, and 〈◊〉 himself takes notice of the Oracle, that threatened Mycerinus with a short life, as is before showed.  
Bocchorus is placed next unto Mycerinus, by Diodore, who speaks no more of him than this, that he was a strong man of body, and excelling his Predecessors in wit. He is spoken of by divers Authors, as one that loved justice; and may be taken for that Banchyris, whom Suidas commends in that kind: 〈◊〉 reckons four and forty years of his reign.  
After Bocchorus, one Sabacus an Aethiopian follows, in the Catalogue of Diodore; but certain ages after him. Herodotus, quite omitting Bocchorus, hath Asychis; who made a sharp law (as it was then held) against bad debtors, that their dead bodies should be in the creditors disposition, till the debt were paid. This Asychis made a Pyramid of brick, more costly and fair, in his own judgement, than any of those that the former Kings had raised. Besides this Asychis, Herodotus placeth one Anysis, ablinde man, before the Aethiopian. The reigns of these two are perhaps those many ages, which the Egyptians, to magnify their antiquities, accounted between Bocchorus and him that followed them. But all this could make but six years; and so long doth 〈◊〉, so long doth 〈◊〉 hold, that these two Kings, between them both, did govern. If any man would lengthen this time, holding it unprobable, that the reigns of two Kings should have been so 〈◊〉 spent; he may do it by taking some years from Sethon or Psammeticus, and adding them to either of these. To add unto these, without subtracting from 〈◊〉 other, would breed a manifest 〈◊〉: forasmuch as part of Sesac his reign, must have been in the 〈◊〉 of REHOBOAM; as also the last of Pharaoh Neco was the fourth of jehoiakim, 
1. King. 14. 25.  and the first of 〈◊〉. For my own part I like it better to allow six 
2. 〈◊〉. 12. v. 2.  years only to these two Kings, than to lose the witness of 〈◊〉, who, concurring herein with the Scriptures, doth 〈◊〉 of Senacherib's war: at which time Sethon was King of Egypt. I will not therefore add years unto these obscure names; for by adding unto these men three years, we shall thrust the beginning of Sethon out of place, and make it later than the death of 〈◊〉. In regard of this agreement of Herodotus with the Scriptures, I am the more willing to hold with him, in his 〈◊〉 Kings. Otherwise it were a matter of no great envy, to leave both Asychis and 〈◊〉 out of the roll; which were easily done, by placing Sesac lower, and extending his life yet six years further, or more, (if the like abridgement shall be required of 〈◊〉 his reign) into the years of Rehoboam.  
Of 〈◊〉 the Aethiopian, who took the Kingdom from Amysis, it is agreed by the most, that he reigned fifty years. He was a merciful Prince, not punishing all capital offences with death, but imposing bondage and bodily labour upon malefactors; by whose toil he both got much wealth into his own hands, letting out their service to hire, and performed many works, of more use than pomp, to the singular benefit of the Country. Zonaras calls this King Sua; the Scriptures call him So. Hosea, the last King of Israel, made a League with him against Salmanassar, little to his good: for the Egyptian was more rich than warlike, and therefore his friendship could not preserve the Israelite from destruction.  
It 〈◊〉, that the encroaching power of the Assyrian, grew terrible to Egypt about these times; the victories of Tiglath Phulassar, and Salmanassar, having eaten so far into Syria, in the reign of this one King So or Sabacus. Yea, perhaps it was in his days (for his reign began in the 〈◊〉 of Menahem) that Phul himself did make the first entrance into 〈◊〉. This caused So to animate the half subdued people, against their Conquerors; but the help which he and his Successor gave them was so 〈◊〉, that 〈◊〉 Ambassador compared the Egyptian succour to a broken 〈◊〉 of Reed. Such indeed had Hosea found it, and such Ezekia might have found it, had he not been supported by the stronger staff of Him, that rules all Nations with a 〈◊〉 of iron. It appears by the words of 〈◊〉, that the opinion was great in 〈◊〉, of the Egyptian forces, for 〈◊〉 and Horsemen; 
2. King. 18. 24.  but this power, whatsoever it was, grew needful, within a little while, for the defence of Egypt itself which So left unto Sethon his successor, having now fulfilled the fifty years of his reign. Herodotus and Diodorus have both one tale, from the relation of 〈◊〉 Priests, concerning the departure of this King; saying, that he left the Country, and willingly retired into Aethiopia, because it was often signified unto him in his dreams, by the God which was worshipped at Thebes, that his reign should be neither long nor prosperous, unless he slew all the Priests in Egypt; which rather than to do, he resigned his Kingdom. Surely, these Egyptian gods were of a strange quality, that so ill rewarded their Servants, and invited Kings to do them wrong. Well might the Egyptians (as they likewise did) worship Dogs as gods, 〈◊〉 their chief gods had the property of Dogs, which love their Masters the better for beating them. Yet to what end the Priests should have feigned this tale, I cannot tell; and therefore I think that it might be some 〈◊〉 of the fearful old man, who seeing his Realm in danger of an invasion, sought an honest excuse for his departure out of it, and withdrawing himself into Aethiopia, where he had been bred in his youth. What if one should say, that the Aethiopia into which he went, was noon other than Arabia, whereof 〈◊〉 the King (perhaps at the instigation of this man) raised an Army against 〈◊〉, when 〈◊〉 meant to invade Egypt, within two or three years after? But I will not trouble myself with such inquiry. This I hold, that So, or Sabacus, was not indeed an Aethiopian (for in his time lived the Prophet Easie, who mentioneth the antiquity of 〈◊〉 house) but only so surnamed for his education, and because issuing from thence, he got the Kingdom from Anysis, who was his opposite. The quiet and mild form of his Government; his holding the Kingdom so long without an Army; and many other circumstances argue no less. But whither finally he betook to a private life, or whither he forewent his Life and Kingdom at once, being now very old, it is time that we leave him, and speak of Sethon his next Successor, who is omitted by 〈◊〉, but remembered by 〈◊〉, by a sure token of his having been King.   

§. VII. Of SETHON who reigned with EZEKIA, and sided with him against 〈◊〉.  
THe first year of Sethons' reign falls into the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, which was the fift of 〈◊〉. It was a troublesome age, and full of danger; the two great Kingdoms of Assyria and Egypt, being then engaged in a War, the 〈◊〉 whereof was to determine, whither of 〈◊〉 should rule or serve. The Assyrian had the better men of war; the Egyptian better provision of necessaries: the Assyrian, more Subjects; the Egyptian, more Friends; and among the new conquered half Subjects of Assur, many that were Egyptian in 〈◊〉, though Assyrian in outward show.  
Of this last sort were 〈◊〉, and his people; who, knowing how much it concerned Pharaoh, to protect them against his own great Enemy, preferred the friendship of so near and mighty a Neighbour, before the service of a terrible, yet far removed King. But herein was great difference, between Ezekia and his Subjects: For the good King, fixing his especial confidence in God, held that course of policy, which he thought most likely to turn to the benefit of his Country: the multitude of 〈◊〉, looking into the fair hopes which this Egyptian league promised, were puffed up with vain conceits, thinking that all was safe, and that now they should not need to fear any more of those jniuries, which they had suffered by the Assyrians, and so become forgetful of God, taking counsel but not of him. The 
Easie 30. 1.  Prophet Easie complained much of this presumption; giving the people of juda to understand, That the Egyptians were men, and not God, and their Horse's flesh, and not Spirit; that God himself should defend Israel upon repentance, and that ASSUR should 〈◊〉 by the sword, but not of man. As for the 〈◊〉 (said the Prophet) they 
Easie 31. v. 3. & 8.  are 〈◊〉, and they shall help in vain, their strength is to sit still. 
Easie 30. 7.   
According to the Prophets words it come to pass. For in the treaty of Confederacy 
Easie 3. 4.  that was held at Zoan, all manner of contentment and assurance was given to the jews, by Sethon, or his Agents, who filled them with such reports, of Horses and Charets, that they did not look (as Easie saith) unto the holy one of Israel, nor seek unto 
Easie 31. 1, 2.  the Lord. But he yet is wisest.  
After a while come Sennacherib with his Army, and wakened them out of these dreams; for Sethon their good Neighbour, as near as he was, did seem far off, being unready, when his help was most needful. It may seem that he purposed, rather to make Palaestina than Egypt the stage, whereon this great War should be acted, and was not without hope, that the Assyrians and jews, weakening one another, should yield unto him a fair advantage over both. Yet he fought with money; for he sent Horses and Camels laden with treasure, to hire the Arabians, whom Easie calleth a people that cannot profit. These Arabians did not profit indeed; for 
Easie 30. 6.  (besides that it seems by the same place of Easie, that the rich treasures miscarried, and fell into the enemies hands before any help appeared from Tirhaca,) all the strong Cities of juda were taken by 〈◊〉, except Libna, Lachis, and jerusalem itself, which were in fore distress, till the sword of God, and not of Man, defeated the Assyrtan, who did go, sor fear, to his Tower, that is, he fled to 〈◊〉, where he 
〈◊〉 31. 9  was slain.  
Concerning this expedition of Sennacherib, Herodotus takes this notice of it: That it was purposed against Egypt, where the men of war, being offended with Sethon their King, who had taken away their allowance, refused to bear arms in defence of him and their Country; that Sethon being Vulcan's Priest, bemoaned himself to his god, who by dream promised to sand him helpers; that hereupon Sethon, with such as would follow him, which were craftsmen, shopkeepers, and the like) 〈◊〉 towards Pelusium; and that a great multitude of field-mices entering the Camp of Sennacherib by night, 〈◊〉 so gnaw the bows quivers, and straps of his men's armour, that they were feign the next day to fly away in all haste, finding themselves 〈◊〉. In memory hereof (saith Herodotus) the statue of this King is set up in the Temple of Vulcan, holding a Mouse in his hand, with this inscription: Let him, that b holds me, serve 〈◊〉. Such was the relation of the Egyptian Priests, wherein how far they swerved from the truth, being desirous to magnify their own King, it may easily be perceived. It seems that this Image of Sethon was fallen down, 〈◊〉 the tale forgotten in Diodorus his time, or else perhaps, the Priests did forbear to tell it him (which caused him to omit it) for that the Nation of the 〈◊〉 was then well known to the world, whereof every child could have told, how much falsehood had been mingled with the truth.  
We sinde this history agreeable to the Scriptures, thus far forth; That Sennacherib King of the Assyrians, and Arabians, (so Herodotus calleth him: the Syrians or peradventure some borderers upon Syria, being meant by the name of Arabians) lived in this age, made War upon Egypt, and was miraculously driven home. As for that exploit of the Mice, and the great pleasure that Vulcan did unto his Priest; happy it was (if Sethon were a Priest) that he took his god now in so good a mood. For within three or four years before this, all the Priests in Egypt should have been slain, if a merciful King had not spared their lives, as it were half against the gods william. Therefore this last good turn was not enough to serve as an example, that might stir up the Egyptians to piety, seeing that their devotion, which had lasted so long before, did bring all the Priests into danger of such a bad reward. Rather I think, that this Image did represent Sennacherib himself, and that the Mouse in his hand, signified Hieroglyphically (as was the Egyptian manner of expressing things) the shameful issue of his terrible expedition, or the destruction of his Army, by means which come no man knew from whence. For the vengeance of God, showed upon this ungodly King, was indeed a very good motive to piety. But the emblem, together with the Temple of Vulcan (being perhaps the chief Temple in that Town where this Image was erected) might give occasion to such a fable; the Devil helping to change the truth into a lie, that God might be rob of his honour. Yet that we may not bely the Devil, I hold it very likely, that Sethon, finding himself in danger, did call upon his gods, that is, upon Vulcan, Serapis, or any to whom he had most devotion. But so had other of his Predecessors done in the like need: yet which of them had obtained succour by the like miracle? Surely the jews (even such of them as most were given to Idolatry) would have been ashamed of the confidence which they reposed, in the Charets of Egypt, because they were 〈◊〉, and in the Horsemen, because they were very strong; had it been 
Easie 31. 1.  told them, that Sethon, in stead of sending those Horsemen and Charets, was beseeching Vulcan, to sand him and them good luck, or else (for these also were Egyptian gods) addressing his prayers to some Onion or Cat. Howsoever it was, doubtless the prophecy of Easie took effect, which said, They shall be all ashamed of the people that cannot profit them, nor help, nor do them good, but shall be a 〈◊〉 and also a reproach. Such is commonly the issue of human wisdom, when rcsting secure upon provision that itself hath made, it will no longer seem to stand in need of God.  
Some there are who take Sethon to have been set down by 〈◊〉, under the name of Tarachus the Aethiopian; and therefore the twenty years which are given to Tarachus, they allow to the Reign of Sethon. These have well 〈◊〉, that Tarachus the Aethtopian is mentioned in the Scriptures, not as a King of Egypt, but as a friend to that Country, or at lest an 〈◊〉 to Senacherib, in the war last 〈◊〉 of the Aethiopians (as they are englished) over which hce reigned, being indeed Chusites or Arabians. Hereupon they suppose aright, that Eusebius hath mistaken one King for another. But whereas they think, that this Tarachus or Tirhaka, is placed in the room of Sethon, and therefore give to Sethon the twenty years of Tarachus, I hold them to have erred on the other hand. For this Aethiopian (as he is called) began his Reign over Egypt, by Eusebius his account, after the death of Senacherib and of Ezekia, in the first year of 〈◊〉 King of juda. Therefore he, or his years, have no reference to Sethon.  
Herodotus forgets to tell how long Sethon reigned; Functius peremptorily, citing no Author, nor allcaging reason 〈◊〉 it, sets him down thirty three years; many omit him quite; and they that name him, are not careful to examine his continuance. In this case, I follow that rule which I propounded unto myself at the first, for measuring the Reigns of these Egyptian Kings. The years which passed from the fift of Rehoboam, unto the fourth of jehoiakim, I so divide among the Egyptians, that giving to every one the proportion allowed unto him by the Author in whom he is found, the rest is to be conferred upon him whose length of Reign is uncertain; that is, upon this Sethon. By this account I found the thirty three years, that are set down by Functius, to agreed very nearly, if not precisely, with the time of Sethons' Reign; therefore I conform my own reckoning to his, though I could be content to have it one year less. The reason of this computation I shall tender more at large, when I arrive at the time of Psammiticus, whereupon it hath much dependence, and whereinto the course of this History will shortly bring me, the Egyptian affairs growing now to be interlaced with the matters of juda, to which is meet that I 〈◊〉.    

CHAP. XXVII. Of MANASSE and his Contemporaries.  

§. I. The wickedness of MANASSES. His imprisonment, Repentance, and Death.  
MANASSE, the Son of Ezekias, forgetting the piety of his Father, and the prosperity which followed him, set up, repaired, adorned, and furnished, all the Altars, Temples, and high Places, in which the Devil was by the Heathen worshipped. Besides, he himself esteemed the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, with all the host of Heaven, as gods, and worshipped them: and of all his acts the most abominable was, that he burnt his Sons for a Sacrifice to the Devil Moloch, or Melchor, in the Valley of Hinnon, or Benhennon: wherein was kindled the fire of Sacrifice to the Devils.  
He also gave himself to all kind of Witchcraft and Sorcery, accompanied and maintained those that had familiar Spirits, and all sorts of Enchanters: beside, he shed so much innocent blood, as jerusalem was replenished therewith, from corner to corner. For all his vices and abominations, when he was reprehended by that aged and reverent Prophet Easie (who was also of the King's race, and as the jews 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 1. Glycas page 275. 〈◊〉. de Pat.  affirm, the Father in-law of the King) he caused the Prophet near unto the Fountain of Siloe to be sawn in sunder, with a wooden seen, in the eightieth year of his life: a cruelty more 〈◊〉 and monstrous then hath been heard of. The Scriptures indeed are 〈◊〉 hereof yet the same is confirmed by Epiphanius, Isidore, Eusebius, and others too many to rehearse, and too good to be suspected. Therefore the 
2. 〈◊〉. 33. 11.  〈◊〉 brought upon them the Captains of the Host of the Kings of ASHUR, which took MANASSE, and put him in fetters, and bound him in chains, and carried him to Babel: Where after he had lain twenty year as a captive, and despoiled of all honour and hope; yet to his hearty repentance and continual prayer, the God of infinite mercy had respect, and moved the Assyrtans heart to deliver him.  
It is also likely that Merodach, because he loved his father 〈◊〉, was the easilier persuaded to restore Manasse to his liberty and estate. After which, and when he was again established, remembering the miseries which followed his wickedness, and God's great mercies toward him, he changed form, detested his former foolish and devilish Idolatry, and cast down the Idols of his own erection, prepared the Altar of God and sacrificed thereon. He repaired a great part of jerusalem: and died after the long reign of fifty five years. Glycas and Suidas report, that Manasse was held in a case of iron by the Assyrians: and therein fed with bread of bran and water, which men may believe as it shall please their fancies.   

§. II Of troubles in Egypt following the death of SETHON. The reign of PSAMMITICUS.  
THat the wickedness of King Manasses was the cause of the evil, which fell upon his Kingdom and Person, any Christian must needs believe: for it is affirmed in the Scriptures. Yet was the state of things, in those parts of the World, such, at that time, as would have invited any Prince (and did perhaps invite Merodach, who fulfilled God's pleasure, upon respect borne to his own ends) desirous of enlarging his Empire, to make attempt upon juda. For the Kingdom of Egypt, which was become the pillar, whereon the state of juda leaned, about these times was miserably distracted with civil dissension, and after two years, ill amended by a division of the government between twelve Princes. After some good agreement between these, eleven of them fell out with the twelfth of their colleagues, and were all finally subdued by him, who made himself absolute King of all. This interregnum, or mere Anarchy, that was in Egypt, with the division of the Kingdom following it, is placed by Diodore, who omitteth Sethon, between the reigns of Sabacus, and 〈◊〉: but Herodotus doth set the 〈◊〉, or twelve Governors, immediately before Psammiticus, who was one of them, and after Sethon.  
The occasion of this dissension seems to have been the uncertainty of title to that Kingdom (for that the Crown of Egypt passed by succession of blood, I have often showed) which ended, for a while, by the partition of all among twelve, though things were not settled, until one had obtained the Sovereignty.  
These twelve Rulers governed fifteen years, in good seeming agreement, which to preserve, they made straight covenants and alliances one with another, being jealous of their estate, because an Oracle had foretold, that one of them should depose all the rest, noting him by this token, that he should make a drink offering, in Vulcan's Temple, out of a Copper goblet. Whilst this unity lasted, they joined together in raising a Monument of their Dominion, which was a Labyrinth, built near unto the Lake of Moeris; a work so admirable, that (as Herodotus, who beheld it, affirms) no words could give it commendation, answerable to the stateliness of the work itself. I will not here set down that unperfect description, which Herodotus makes of it, but think enough to say, that he prefers it far before the Pyramids, one of which (as he saith) excelled the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, or any of the fairest works in Greece. Diodorus reports this Labyrinth to have been the work of Marus, or Menides, a King which lived five generations before Proteus, that is, before the War of Iroy, and from this Labyrinth (saith he) Daedalus took the pattern of that which he made for Minos in Crete. Who this Marus, or Menides was, I cannot tell. Reineccius takes him to have been Annemenes, which reigned immediately before Tkuoris. But this 〈◊〉 not with Diodore: for Daedalus and Minos were both dead long before Annemenes was King. Belike 〈◊〉, desiring to accommodate the fabulous relations of Manethon, Chaeremon, and others, that are found in josephus, touching Amenophis and his children, to the story of Amasis, 
jos. 〈◊〉. App. l. 1.  & Actisanes the Aethiopian, mentioned by Diodore; held it consequent, after he had conjectured Manethons' Amenophis, to be Diodorus his Amasis; that Sethon should be Actisanes, and that Annemenes should be Marus. If in this case I might intrude a conjecture; the times which we now handle are those, about which Reineccius hath erred in making search; Amasis was Anysis; Actisanes was Sabacus; and Marus was one of these twelve Princes, to whom Herodotus gives the honour of building this famous Labyrinth. For Actisanes the Aethiopian deposed Amasis; Sabacus the Aethiopian deposed Anysis; Actisanes governed well, and was mild in punishing offenders; so likewise was Sabacus; Marus the next King after Actisanes built this Labyrinth; and the next (saving Sethon, whom Diodore omits, as having not heard of him) that ruled after Sabacus, performed the same work, according to Herodotus, who was more likely to hear the truth, as living 〈◊〉 to the Age wherein it was performed. The variety of names, and difference of times, wherein Diodore believed the Priests, might be a part of the Egyptian vanity, which was familiar with them, in multiplying their Kings, and boasting of their antiquities. Here I might add, that the twelve great Halls, Parlours, and other circumstances remembered by Herodotus, in speaking of this building, do help to prove, that it was the work of these twelve Princes. But I hasten to their end.  
At a solemn feast in Vulcan's Temple, when they were to make their drinke-offerings, the Priest, forgetting himself, brought forth no more than eleven Cups. Hereupon Psammiticus, who standing last, had not a Cup, took off his brazen Helmet, and therewith supplied the want. This caused all the rest to remember the Oracle, and to suspect him as a Traitor; yet, when they found that it was not done by him upon set purpose, or ill intent, they forbore to kill him, but, being jealous of their estate, they banished him into the marish Countries by the Sea side. This Oracle, and the event, is held by Diodore as a sable, which I believe to have been noon other: In the rest Herodotus and Diodore agreed, saying, that 〈◊〉 hired Soldiers out of Caria and jonia, by whose aid he vanquished his Companions, and made himself sole King.  
The years of his reign, according to Herodotus, were fifty four; according to Eusebius, forty four; Mercator, to reconcile these two, gives forty four years to his single reign, and ten to his ruling, jointly with the Princes before spoken of. Indeed, he that was admitted, being a man grown (for he cannot in reason be supposed to have been then a young fellow) into the number of the twelve Governors, must be thought to have lived unto extreme old age, if he ruled partly with others, partly alone, threescore and nine years. I therefore yield rather to Eusevius; but will not adventure to cut five years from the aristocraty: though peradventure Psammiticus was not at first one of the twelve, but succeeded (either by election, or as next of blood) into the place of some Prince that died, and was ten years companion in that government.  
Another scruple there is, though not great, which troubles this reckoning. The years of these 〈◊〉, as we find them set down, are more by one, than serve to fill up the time, between the fift of Rehoboam, and the fourth of jehoiakim. This may not be. Wherhfore either we must abate one year from Sethons' reign; that was of uncertain length; or else (which I had rather do; because Functius may have followed better authority than I know, or than himself allegeth, in giving to 〈◊〉 a time so nearly agreeing with the truth) we must confounded the last year of one reign, with the first of another. Such a supposition were not insolent. For no man can suppose, that all the Kings, or any great part of them, which are set down in Chronological tables, reigned precisely so many years as are ascribed unto them, without any fractions: it is enough to think, that the surplusage of one man's time, supplied the defect of another's. Wherhfore I confounded the last year of those fifteen, wherein the twelve Princes ruled, with the first of Psammiticus; who surely did not fall out with his Companions, fight with them, and make himself Lord alone, all in one day.  
Concerning this King it is recorded, that he was the first in Egypt, who entertained any straight amity with the Greeks'; that he retained in pay his Mercenaries of 〈◊〉, jonia, and Arabia to whom he gave large rewards and possessions; and that he greatly offended his Egyptian Soldiers, by bestowing them in the 〈◊〉 wing of his Army, whilst his Mercenaries held the right wing (which was the more honourable place) in an expedition that he made into Syria. Upon this disgrace it is said, that his Soldiers, to the number of two hundred thousand, forsook their natural Country of Egypt, and went into Aethiopia, to devil there: neither could they be revoked by kind Messages, nor by the King himself, who overtook them on the way; but when he told them of their Country, their Wines, and Children. they answered, that their weapons should get them a Country, and that nature had enabled them to get other wives and children.  
It is also reported of him, That he caused two 〈◊〉 to be brought up in such sort, as they might not hear any word spoken; by which means, he hoped to found out, what Nation or Language was most ancient; forasmuch as it seemed likely, that nature would teach the children to speak that language, which men spoke at the first. The issue hereof was, that the children cried, Beccus, Beccus, which word being found to signify Bread in the Phrygian tongue, served greatly to magnific the Phrygian antiquity. Goropius Becanus makes no small matter of this, for the honour of his Low- 〈◊〉; in which the word Becker, signifies (as Baker in English) a maker of bread. He that will turn over any part of Goropius his works, may find enough of this kind, to persuade a willing man, that 〈◊〉 and all the Patriarches used noon other tongue than the Low-Dutch, before the confusion of languages at Babel; the name itself of Babel, being also Dutch and given by occasion of this confusion; for that there they began to babble, and talk, one knew not what.  
But I will not insist upon all that is written of 〈◊〉. The most regardable of his acts was the siege of Azotus in 〈◊〉, about which he spent nine and twenty years. Never have we heard (saith 〈◊〉) that any City endured so long a siege as this; yet Psammiticus carried it at the last. This Town of Azotus had been won by Tartan, a Captain of Senacherib, and was now, as it seemeth, relieved, but in vain, by the 〈◊〉, which made it hold out so well.   

§. III What reference these Egyptian matters might have to the imprisonment and enlargement of MANASSES. In what part of his reign MANASSES was taken prisoner.  
WEre it certainly known, in what year of his reign Manasses was taken prisoner, and how long it was before he obtained libertic; I think we should find these Egyptian troubles to have been no small occasion, both of his captivity and enlargement: God so disposing of human actions, that even they, who intended only their own business, fulfilled only his high pleasure. For either the civil wars in Egypt that followed upon the death of Sethon; or the renting of the Kingdom, as it were, into twelve pieces; or the war between Psammiticus and his Colleagues; or the expedition of Psammiticus into Syria, and the siege of Azotus, might minister unto the Babylonian, either such cause of hope, to enlarge his Dominion in the South parts; or such necessity of sending an Army into those parts, to defend his own, as would greatly tempt him, to make sure work with the King of 〈◊〉. The same occasions sufficed also, to procure the delivery of Manasses, after he was taken. For he was taken (as 〈◊〉 hath it) by subtlety, not by open force, neither did they that 〈◊〉 him, win his Country, but only waste it. So that the jews, having learned wit, by the ill success of their folly, in 〈◊〉 Amazia, were like to be more circumspect, in making their bargain upon such another accident: and the Babylonian (to whom the 〈◊〉 matters presented more weighty arguments of hope and fear, than the little Kingdom of iuda could afford, had no reason, to spend his forces, in pursuing a small conquest, but as full of difficulty as a greater, whereby he should compel his mightiest enemies to come to some good agreement; when by quitting his present advantage over the jews, he might make his way the fairer into Egypt.  
Now concerning the year of Manasses his reign, wherein he was taken prisoner; or concerning his captivity if self, how long it lasted; the Scriptures are silent, and josephus gives no information. Yet I find cited by Torniellus three opinions, the one of Bellarmine, who thinks that Manasses was taken in the fifteenth year of his reign; the other of the Author of the greater Hebrew Chronology, who affirms, that it was in his twenty seventh year; the third, of Rabbi Kimhi upon Ezekiel, who saith, that he was forty years an Idolater, and lived fifteen years after his repentance. The first of these conjectures is upheld by Torniellus, who rejects the second, as more unprobable, and condemns 〈◊〉 third as most false. Yet the reasons alleged by 〈◊〉 in defence of the first, and refutation of the last opinion, are such as may rather prove him to favour the Cardinal, as far as he may, (for where need requires, he doth freely descent from him) than to have used his accustomed diligence in examining the matter, before he gave his judgement. Two arguments he brings to maintain the opinion of Bellarmine: the one, that Ammon the Son of Manasses, is said by josephus, to have followed the works of his Father's youth; the other, that had Manasses grown old in his sins, it is not like that 〈◊〉 should have continued, as he did, in his amendment unto the end of his life. Touching the former of these arguments, I see no reason, why the sins of Manasses might not be distinguished from his repentance in his old age, by calling them works of his youth, which appeared when he was twelve years old; though it were granted that he continued in them (according to that of Rabbi Kimbi) until he was but fifteen years from death. Touching the second; howsoever it be a fearful thing, to cast off unto the last those good motions unto repentance, which we know not whither ever God will offer unto us again; yet were it a terrible hearing, That the sins, which are not forsaken before the age of two and fifty years, shall be punished with final impenitency. But against these two collections of Torniellus, I will lay two places of Scripture, whence it may be inferred, as not unlikely, That Manasses continued longer in this wickedness, than Bellarmine hath intimated, if not as long as Rabbi Kimbi hath affirmed. In the second Book of Kings, the evil which Manasses did, is remembered at large, and his repentance utterly omitted; so that his amendment may seem to have taken up no great part of his life, the story of him being thus concluded, in the one and twentieth Chapter. Concerning the rest of the 
〈◊〉. King's 21. 17.  acts of MANASSES, and all that he did, and his sin that he sinned, are they not written in the book of the Chronicles of the Kings of juda? The other place is in the four and twentieth Chapter of the same Book, where in rehearsing the calamities with which that Nation was punished in the time of jehoiakim, the great Grandchild of this Manasses, it is said; Surely by the commandment of the Lord come this upon juda, 
2. Kin. 24. 3, 4.  that he might put them out of his sight, for the sins of MANASSE, according to all that he did, and sore the innocent blood that he shed (for he filled jerusalem with innocent blood) therefore the Lord would not pardon it. Whose considers well these places, may find small cause to pronounce it most false, That the repentance and amendment of Manasses was no earlier than fifteen years before his death; or most probable, That when he was twenty seven years old, he repent, and becoming a new man, lived in the fear of God forty years after. I will no longer dispute about this matter, seeing that the truth can not be discovered. It sufficeth to say, that two years of civil dissension in Egypt, fourteen or fifteen years following, wherein that Kingdom was weakened, by partition of the Sovereignty: the war of Psammiticus against his Associates: and four and twenty years, of the nine and twenty, wherein the siege of Azotus continued, being all within the time of Manasses, did leave no one part of his reign (after the first 〈◊〉 years) free from the danger of being oppressed by the Babylonian, whose men of war had continual occasions of visiting his Country. All which I will add hereto is this; that the fifteenth of Manasses, was the last year of Sethon in Egypt, and the one and thirtieth of Mero 〈◊〉 his reign, or (accounting from the death of 〈◊〉) the twentieth: The seven and twentieth of Manasses was the tenth of the twelve Princes, and the three and fortieth of Merodach: his fortieth, was the twenty third of Psammiticus, and the fift of Nabulassar, the son of Merodach in Babylon: but which of these was the year of his imprisonment, or whither any other, I forbear to show my opinion, jest I should thereby seem to draw all matters over violently to my own computation.  
This was the first great mastery that the Babylonians had of the Kingdom of juda. For though Achaz promised Tribute to 〈◊〉, yet 〈◊〉 never paid it. True it is, that he hoped to stay Sennacherib's enterprise against him, by presenting 
2. King's 18.  him with three hundred talents of silver, and thirty of 〈◊〉, besides the plate which covered the doors and pillars of the Temple.  
But Manasses being pressed with greater necessity, could refuse no tolerable conditions, that the 〈◊〉 would impose upon him; among which it seems, that this was one, (which was indeed a point of servitude) that he might not hold peace with the Egyptians, whilst they were enemies to 〈◊〉. This appears not only by his fortifying with men of war all the strong Cities of 〈◊〉 after his return (which was rather against 〈◊〉, whose party he had forsaken, than against the Babylonian, with whom he had thenceforth no more 〈◊〉) but likewise by that opposition, which josias made afterwards to Pharaoh 〈◊〉, in favour of 〈◊〉, which had been against all reason and policy, if it had not been his duty by covenant. Of this I will speak more in convenient place.   

†. FOUR Of the first and second Messenian Wars, which were in the reigns of EZEKIA, and MANASSES Kings of juda.  
NOw concerning such actions as were performed abroad in the world, about these times of Manasses, the most remarkable were the Messenian Wars; which happening in this age, and being the greatest action performed in Greece, between the Trojan and Persian Wars, deserve not to be passed over with silence.  
The first 〈◊〉 War began and ended in the days of Ezekia; the second in the reign of Manasses: but to avoid the trouble of interrupting our History, I have thought it best, to rehearse them both in this place. Other introduction is needless, than to say, that the 〈◊〉 of Hercules, driving the issue of Pelops, and the Achaeans, out of their seats, divided their lands between themselves, and erected the Kingdoms of Lacedaemon, Argos, Messene, and Corinth; all which agreeing well together a while, did afterwards forget the bond of Kindred, and sought one another's ruin with bloody Wars; whereof these Messenian were the greatest.  
The pretended grounds of the Messenian War, are scarce worth remembrance; they were so slight. Ambition was the true cause of it; wherewith the Lacedæmonians were so transported, that any thing served them as a colour, to accomplish their greedy desires. Yet other matter was alleged; namely, that one Polychares a Messenian had slain many Lacedæmonians, for which the Magistrates of Sparta desiring to have him yielded into their hands, could not obtain it. The Messenians on the other side, excused Polychares, for that he was grown frantic, through injuries received from Euaephnes' a Lacedaemonian. This Euaephnes' had bargained to give pasture to the cattle of Polychares, and was therefore to receive part of the increase: but not contented with the gain appointed, he sold the Cat-tail, and Slaves that kept them, to Merchants, which done, he come with a fair tale to his friend, saying, that they were stolen. Whilst the lie was yet scarce out of his mouth, one of the slaves that had escaped from the Merchants, come in with a true report of all. The 〈◊〉 being thus deprehended, confessed all, and promised large amendss; which to receive, he carried the Son of Polychares home with him; but having him at home, he villainously slew him. Wherhfore, the Lacedæmonians having refused, after long suit made by the wretched Father, to do him right against this Thief and Murderer, aught not to pick matter of quarrel, out of those things, which he did in that madness, whereinto they themselves had cast him. So said the Messenians, & further offered to put the matter to compromise, or to stand unto the judgement of the 〈◊〉, who were as the general Counsel of Greece, or to any other fair course. But the Lacedæmonians, who had a great desire to occupy the fair Country of Messene, that lay close by them, were not content with such allegations. They thought it enough, to have some show for their doings, which the better to colour, they reckoned up many old injuries, and so without sending any defiance, secretly took an oath to hold war with Messene, till they had mastered it: which done, they seized upon Amphia, a frontier Town of that Province, wherein they put all to the Sword without mercy, very few escaping.  
Hereupon the Messenians took Arms, and were met by the Enemy. A furious battle was fought between them, which ended not until dark night, with uncertain victory. The 〈◊〉 did strongly encamp themselves; The 〈◊〉, unable to force their Camp, returned home. This War began in the second year of the ninth Olympiad, and ended in the first of the fourteenth Olympiad, having lasted twenty years. The two enemy Nations tried the matter, for a while, with their proper forces; the Lacedæmonians wasting the inland parts of Messene; and the 〈◊〉, the Sea-coast of Laconia. But it was not long ere friends, on both sides, were called in to help. The Arcadians, Argives, and Sicyonians, took part with Messene; the Spartans' had, besides many Subjects of their own, aid from Corinth, and hired Soldiers out of Crete. So a second, third, and fourth battle were fought, with as great obstinacy as the first; saving that, in the fourth battle, the Lacedæmonians were enforced to turn their backs; in the other fights, the victory was still uncertain, though in one of them the Messenians lost Euphaes their King, in whose stead they chose Aristodemus.  
Many years were spent ere all this blood was shed; for pestilent diseases, and want of money to entertain Soldiers, caused the War to linger. And for the same reasons, did the Messenians forsake all their inland Towns, excepting Ithome, which was a mountain with a Town upon it, able to endure more, than the enemies were likely to do. But, as some Authors tell us, the Lacedæmonians were so obstinate, 
Strabo. l. 6.  
〈◊〉. c. 21.  in this War, because of their vow, that having absented themselves ten years from 〈◊〉, their wives sent them word, that their City would grow unpeopled, by reason that no children had been borne them in 〈◊〉 that time: Whereupon they sent back all their ablest young men, promiscuously to accompany the young women, who got so many of them with child, as they become a great part of their Nation, and were called Parthenians. 〈◊〉 refers the begetting of these 
Diod l. 15.  〈◊〉 to a former time. But in process of this Messenian War, when the Devil in an Oracle had advised the Messenians to sacrifice a Virgin of the stock of 
* This 〈◊〉 was the youngest Son of 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉, the daughter of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉: of which 〈◊〉 the chief nobility of the 〈◊〉 was propagated.  Aegytus, that so they 〈◊〉 be victorious against the Lacedæmonians; the lot falling upon the Daughter of one Lyciscus, 〈◊〉 the Priest, willing to save her, said, she was only a fostered child, and not borne of the wife of 〈◊〉: which answer giving delay to the execution of the Maid, Lyciscus secretly fled away with her into Sparta. Than Aristodemus, which afterwards was King, voluntarily offered his own Daughter: but a young Noble man, being in love with the Maid, when otherwise he could not prevail, said openly that she was no Virgin, but that he had deflowered her, and got her with child: whereupon the Father in a rage ripped up his innocent Daughter's belly, to disprove the lovers slander: at the grave of which Daughter of his, afterward falling, by other superstitions, into despair of 〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉, he slew himself, to the great hurt of his Country, which he loved most dearly. For after his death the 〈◊〉 lost their courage, and finding themselves distressed by many wants, especially of victuals, they craved peace; which they obtained under most rigorous conditions. Half the yearly first-fruits of their Land they were bound to sand unto 〈◊〉; and they, with their Wives, to make solemn lamentations, at the death of every Spartan King; they were also sworn to live in true subjection to the 〈◊〉; and part of their Territory was taken from them, which was given to the 〈◊〉, and such as had followed the Spartans' in this War.  
This peace being made upon so uneven terms, was not like to hold long. Yet nine and thirty years it continued (the Messenians not finding how to help themselves) and then broke out into a new and more furious War, than the former. The able young men, that were grown up in the room of those 〈◊〉, whom the former War had consumed, began to consider their own strength and multitude, thinking themselves equal to the 〈◊〉, and therefore scorning to serve such Masters, as had against all right, oppressed their Fathers. The chief of these was Aristomenes, a noble Gentleman, of the house of Aepytus; who perceiving the uniform desires of his Countrymen, adventured to become their Leader. He therefore sounding the affections of the 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉, which he found thoroughly answerable to his purpose, began open war upon the State of 〈◊〉. This was in the fourth year of the three and twentieth Olympiad; when the Lacedæmonians, hasted to quench the fire before it should grow too hot, with such forces as they could raise of their own, without troubling their friends, meaning to deal with their Enemies, ere any succour were lent them. So a strong battle was fought between them, and a doubtful; save that the Messenians were pleased with the issue, forasmuch as they had thereby taught their late proud Lords, to think them their equals. Particularly, the valour of Aristomenes appeared such in this fight, that his people would have made him their King: but he, refusing the honour of that name, accepted of the burden, and become their General. Within one year another battle was fought, whereunto each part come better provided. The Lacedæmonians brought with them the 〈◊〉, and some other friends to help: the Messenians had the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉. This also was a long and bloody fight; but Aristomenes did so behave himself, that finally he made the Enemies run for their lives. Of such importance was this victory, that the Lacedæmonians began to bethink themselves, of making some good agreement. But one Tyrtaeus an 〈◊〉 Poet, whom by appointment of an Oracle they had gotten to direct them, reenforced their Spirits with his Verses. After this, Aristomenes took by surprise a Town in Laconia and vanquished in fight 〈◊〉 King of Sparta, who did set upon him, in hope to have recovered the booty.  
But all these victories of Aristomenes perished, in the loss of one battle, whereof the honour (if it were honour) or surely the profit, fell unto the 〈◊〉, through the treason of Aristocrates, King of Arcadia, who being corrupted by the enemies with money, fled away, and left the 〈◊〉 exposed to a cruel butchery. The loss was so great, that together with 〈◊〉 their principal City, all the towns in Messene, standing too far from the Sea, were abandoned, for lack of men to defend them, and the Mount Era fortified, wither the multitude, that could not be safe abroad, was conveyed, into a place of safety. Here the 〈◊〉 found a tedious work, that held them eleven years. For besides that Era itself was a strong piece, Aristomenes with three hundred stout Soldiers, did many incredible exploits, that wearied them, and hindered their attendance on the siege. He wasted all the fields of Messene, that were in the enemies power, and broke into Laconia, taking away Corn, Wine, Cat-tail, and all provisions, necessary for his own people; the Slaves and household 〈◊〉 he changed into money, suffering the owners to redeem them. To remedy this mischief the Lacedæmonians made an Edict, that neither Messene, nor the adjoining parts of their own Country, should be tilled or husbanded; which bred a great tumult among private men, that were almost undone by it. Yet the Poet 〈◊〉 appeased this uproar with pleasing Songs. But 〈◊〉 grew so bold, that he not only ranged over all the fields, but adventured upon the Towns, surprised, and sacked 〈◊〉, and finally caused the enemies to increase and strengthen their Companies; which done, there yet appeared no likelihood of taking Era.  
In performing these and other services, thrice Aristomenes was taken prisoner; yet still he escaped. One escape of his deserves to be remembered, as a thing very strange and marvelous. He had with too much courage adventured to set upon both the Kings of Sparta; and being in that fight wounded, and felled to the ground, was taken up senseless, and carried away prisoner, with fifty of his Companions. There was a deep natural Cave into which the Spartans' used to cast headlong, such as were condemned to die for the greatest offences. To this punishment were 〈◊〉 and his companions adjudged. All the rest of 〈◊〉 poor men died with their falls; Aristomenes (howsoever it come to pass) took no harm. Yet was it harm enough to be imprisoned in a deep Dungeon, among dead 〈◊〉, where he was like to perish through hunger and stench. But after a while 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by some small glimmering of light (which perhaps come in at the top) a Fox that was gnawing upon a dead body. Hereupon he bethought himself, that this beast must needs know some way, to enter the place and get out. For which cause he made shifted to lay hold upon it, and catching it by the tail with one hand, saved himself from biting with the other hand, by thrusting his coat into the mouth of it. So letting it creep wither it would, he followed, holding it as his guide, until the way was too straight for him; and then dismissed it. The Fox being lose, 〈◊〉 through an hole, at which come in a little light; and there did Aristomenes delve so long with his 〈◊〉, that at last he clawed out his passage. When some fugitives of Messene brought word to Sparta, that Aristomenes was returned home, their 〈◊〉 sounded alike, as if they had said, that a dead man was revived. But when the 〈◊〉 forces, that come to help the Lacedæmonians in the siege of Era, were cut in pieces, their captains 〈◊〉, and their Camp taken; then was it easily believed, that Aristomenes was alive indeed.  
Thus eleven years passed whilst the enemies hovering about Era, seen no likelihood of getting it; and Aristomenes with small forces did them greater hurt than they knew how to requited. But at the last, a slave, that had fled from Sparta, betrayed the place. This fellow had enticed to lewdness the wife of a Messenian, and was entertained by her, when her husband went 〈◊〉 to watch. It happened in a rainie-winter-night, that the husband come home unlooked for, whilst the Adulterer was within. The Woman hid her Paramour, and made good countenance to her husband, ask him, by what good fortune he was returned so soon. He told her, that the storm of soul weather was such, as had made all his fellows leave their Stations, and that himself had done as the rest did; as for Aristomenes, he was wounded of late in fight, and could not look abroad; neither was it to be feared, that the enemies would stir, in such a darke-rainie-night, as this was. The slave that heard these tidings, rose up secretly out of his lurking hole, and got him to the 〈◊〉 Camp with the news. There he found Emperamus his Master, commanding in the King's absence. To him he uttered all; and obtaining pardon for his running away, guided the Army into the Town. Little or nothing was done that night. For the Alarm was presently taken; and the extreme darkness together with the noise of wind and rain, hindered all directions. All the next day was spent in most cruel fight; one part being incited, by near hope of ending a long work; the other enraged by mere desperation. The great advantage that the Spartans' had in numbers, was recompensed partly by the assistance; which women and children (to whom the hatred of servitude had taught contempt of death) gave to their husbands and fathers; partly by the narrowness of the streets and other passages, which admitted not many hands to fight at once. But the 〈◊〉 were in continual 〈◊〉; their enemy's 〈◊〉 in course, refreshing themselves with meat and sleep, and then returning supplied the places of their weary fellows, with fresh Companies. Aristomenes therefore, perceiving that his men for want of relief were no longer able to hold out, (as having been three days, and three nights, vexed with all miseries, of labour, watchings, fighting, hunger, and thirst, besides continual rain and cold) gathered together all the weaker sort, whom he compassed round with armed men, and so attempted to break out through the midst of the enemies. 〈◊〉 General of the 〈◊〉 was glad of this: and to further their departure, caused his Soldiers to give an open way, leaving a fair passage to these desperate madmen. So they issued 〈◊〉, and arrived safe in 〈◊〉, where they were most lovingly entertained.  
Upon the first bruit of the taking of Era, the 〈◊〉 had prepared themselves to the rescue: but 〈◊〉 their false hearted King, said it was too late, for that all was already lost. When Aristomenes had placed his followers in safety, he chose out five hundred the lustiest of his men, with whom he resolved to march in all secret haste unto Sparta, hoping to found the Town secure, and ill manured, the people being run forth to the spoil of Messene. In this enterprise, if he sped well, it was not doubted, that the Lacedæmonians would be glad to recover their own, by restitution of that which they had taken from others; if all failed, an honourable death was the worst that could happer. There were three hundred 〈◊〉 that offered to join with him; but Aristocrates marred all, by sending speedy advertisement hereof, to Anaxander King of Sparta. The Epistle which Anaxander sent back to Aristocrates, was intercepted, by some that mistrusted him to whom it was directed. Therein was found all his falsehood, which being published in open assembly, the Arcadians stoned him to death, and casting forth his body unburied, erected a monument of his treachery, with a note: That the Perjurer cannot deceive God.  
Of Aristomenes no more is remaining to be said, than that committing his people to the charge of his son Gorgus and other sufficient Governors, who should plant them in some new seat abroad, he resolved himself to make abode in those parts, hoping to find the Lacedæmonians work at home. His daughter's 〈◊〉 bestowed honourably in marriage. One of them Demagetus, who reigned in the Isle of Rhodes, took to wife, being willed by an Oracle, to marry the daughter of the best man in Greece. Finally Aristomenes went with his daughters to Rhodes, whence he purposed to have travailed unto Ardys the Son of Gyges King of Lydia, and to Phraortes King of Media: but death prevented him at Rhodes, where he was honourably buried.  
The Messenians were invited by 〈◊〉 (whose great Grandfather was a Messenian and went into Italy after the former war) being Lord of the Rhegians in Italy, to take his part against the 〈◊〉 in Sicily, on the other side of the Straitss. They did so; and winning the Town of Zancle, called it Messene, which name it keeps to this day.  
This second Messenian war ended in the first year of the twenty eight Olympiad. Long after which time, the rest of that Nation, who staying at home served the Lacedæmonians, found means to rebel; but were soon vanquished, and being driven to forsake Peloponnesus, they went into Acarnania; whence likewise, after few ages they were expelled by the Lacedæmonians, and then followed their ancient Countrymen into Italy and Sicily; some of them went into Africa, where they chose unto themselves a seat.  
It is very strange, that during two hundred and four score years, this banished Nation retained their name, their ancient customs, language, hatred of Sparta, and love of their forsaken Country, with a desire to return unto it. In the third year of the hundred and second Olympiad, that great Epaminondas, having tamed the pride of the Lacedæmonians, revoked the Messenians home, who come flocking out of all quarters, where they dwelled abroad, into Peloponnesus. There did Epaminondas restore unto them their old possession, and help them in building a fair City; which, by the name of the Province, was called Messene, and was held by them ever after, in despite of the Lacedæmonians, of whom they never from thenceforth stood in fear.   

§. V Of the Kings that were in Lydia and Media, 〈◊〉 MANASSES reigned. Whither DEIOCES the Mede were that ARPHAXAD which is mentioned in the Book of JUDITH. Of the history of JUDITH.  
ARDYS King of Lydia, and Phraortes of the Medes, are spoken of by Pausanias, as reigning shortly after the Messenian war. Ardys succeeding unto his father Gyges, began his reign of nine and forty years, in the second of the five and twentieth Olympiad. He followed the steps of his father, who encroaching upon the jonians in Asia, had taken Colophon by force, and attempted Miletus and Smyrna. In like manner Ardys wan Priene, and assailed Miletus; but went away without it. In his reign, the Cimmerians, being expelled out of their own Country by the Scythians, overran a great part of Asia, which was not freed from them before the time of Alyattes this man's Grandchild, by whom they were driven out. They had not only broken into Lydia, but wan the City of Sardes; though the Castle or Citadel thereof was defended against them, and held still for King Ardys; whose long reign was unable, by reason of this great storm, to effect much.  
Phraortes was not King until the third year of the nine and twentieth Olympiad, which was six years after the Messenian war ended; the same being the last year of Manasses his reign over juda.  
Deioces the father of this Phraortes, was King of Media, three and fifty of these five and fifty years in which Manasses reigned. This Deioces was the first that ruled the Medes in a strict form, commanding more absolutely than his predecessors had done. For they, following the example of Arbaces, had given to the people so much licence, as caused every one to desire the wholesome 〈◊〉 of a more Lordly King. Herein Deioces answered their desires to the full. For he caused them to build for him a stately Palace; he took unto him a Guard, for defence of his person; he seldom gave presence, which also when he did, it was with such austerity, that no man durst presume to spit or cough in his sight. By these and the like ceremonies he bred in the people an awful regard, and highly upheld the 〈◊〉, which his Predecessors had almost let fall, through neglect of due comportiments. In execution of his Royal Office, he did uprightly and severely administer justice, keeping secret spies to inform him of all that was done in the Kingdom. He cared not to enlarge the bounds of his Dominion, by encroaching upon others; but studied how to govern well his own. The difference found between this King, and such as were before him, seems to have bred that opinion which Herodotus delivers, that Deioces was the first who reigned in Media. 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉   
This was he that built the great City of Ecbatane, which now is called Tauris; and therefore he should be that King Arphaxad, mentioned in the 〈◊〉 of Indith, as also Ben Merodach, by the same account, should be Nabuchodonosor the Assyrian, by whom Arphaxad was slain, and Holophernes sent to work wonders, upon Phud and Lud, and I know not what other Countries. For I reckon the last year of Deioces to have been the nineteenth of Ben Merodach; though others place it otherwise, some earlier in the time of Merodach Baladan, some later, in the reign of Nabulassar, who is also called Nabuchodonosor.  
In fitting this Book of judith to a certain time, there hath much labour been spent with ill success. The reigns of Cambyses, Darius, Hystaspis, Xerxes, and Ochus, have been sought into; but afford no great matter of likelihood: and now of late, the times, foregoing the destruction of jerusalem, have been thought upon, and this age that we have in hand, chosen by Bellarmine, as agreeing best with the story; though others herein cannot (I speak of such as feign would) agreed with him. Whilst Cambyses reigned, the Temple was not rebuilt, which in the story of judith, is found standing and dedicated. The other two Persian Kings, Darius and Xerxes are acknowledged to have been very favourable to the jews; therefore neither of them could be Nabuchodonosor, whose part they refused to take, and who sent to destroy them. Yet the time of Xerxes hath some conveniences, aptly fitting this 〈◊〉; & above all, the opinion of a few Ancient writers (without whose judgement the authority of this Book were of no value) having placed this argument in the Persian Monarchy, inclines the matter to the Reign of this vainglorious King. As for Ochus, very few, and they faintly, entitle him to the business. Manifest it is, and granted, that in the time of this History, there must be a return from captivity lately foregoing; the Temple rebuilt; joacim High Priest; and a long peace, of threescore and ten years or thereabouts, ensuing. All these were to be among the jews. Likewise on the other side, we must find a King that reigned in Niniveh, eighteen years at the lest; that vanquished and slew a King of the Medes; one whom the jews refused to assist; one that sought to be generally adored as God, and that therefore commanded, all temples, of such as were accounted gods, to be destroyed; one whose Viceroy or Captain General knew not the jewish Nation, but was feign to learn what they were of the bordering people.  
Of all these circumstances; the Priesthood of joacim, with a return from Captivity, are found concurring, with either the time of Manasses before the destruction of jerusalem, or of Xerxes afterward: the rebuilding of the Temple a while before, and the long peace following, agreed with the reign of Xerxes; the rest of circumstances requisite, are to be found all together, neither before nor after the Captivity of the jews, and desolation of the City. Wherhfore the brief decision of this controversy is, That the Book of judith is not Canonical. Yet hath Torniellus done as much, in fitting all to the time of Xerxes, as was possible in so desperate a case. For he supposeth, that under Xerxes there were other Kings, among which Arphaxad might be one (who perhaps restored and re-edified the City of Ecbatane, that had formerly been built by Deioces) and Nabuchodonosor might be another. This granted; he adds, that from the twelfth year to the eighteenth of Nabuchodonosor, that is five or six years, the absence and ill fortune of Xerxes, in his Grecian expedition (which he supposeth to have been so long) might give occasion unto Arphaxad, of rebelling: and that Nabuchodonosor having vanquished and slain Arphaxad, might then seek to make himself Lord of all, by the Army which he sent forth under Holofernes. So should the jews have done their duty, in adhering to Xerxes their Sovereign Lord, and resisting one that rebelled against him; as also the other circumstances rehearsed before, be well applied to the argument. For in these times, the affairs of jury were agreeable to the History of judith, and such a King as this supposed Nabuchodonosor, might well enough be ignorant of the jews, and as proud as we shall need to think him. But the silence of all Histories, takes away belief, from this conjecture: and the supposition itself is very hard, that a rebel, whose King was abroad, with an Army consisting of seventeen hundred thousand men, should presume so far, upon the strength of twelve hundred thousand foot, and twelve thousand Archers on horseback, as to think that he might do what he list, yea that there was noon other God than himself. It is indeed easy to found enough that might be said against this device of Torniellus: yet if there were any necessity, of holding the book of judith, to be Canonical, I would rather choose to lay aside all regard of profane Histories, and build some defence upon this ground; than, by following the opinion of any other, to violate, as they all do, the text itself. That judith lived under noon of the Persian Kings, Bellarmine (whose works I have not read, but find him cited by Torniellus) hath proved by many arguments. That she lived not in the Reign of Manasses, Torniellus hath proved very substantially, showing how the Cardinal is driven, as it were to break through a wall, in saying that the text was corrupted, where it spoke of the destruction of the Temple foregoing her time. That the King's Arphaxad and Nabuchodonosor, found out by Torniellus, are the children of mere fantasy, it is so plain that it needs no proof at all. Wherhfore we may truly say, that they, which have contended about the time of this History, being well furnished of matter, wherewith to confute each other, but wanting wherewith to defend themselves (like naked men in a stony field) have chased Holofernes out of all parts of time, and 〈◊〉 him and his great expedition, Extra anni solisque vias, in an age that never was, and in places that were never known.  
Surely, to found out the borders of JAPHETH, which were towards the South, and 
judith c. 2. ver. 23. & 25.  over against Arabia; or the Countries of Phud and Lud, that lay in Holofernes his way; I think it would as much trouble Cosmographers, as the former question hath done Chronologers. But I will not busy myself herewith; having already so far digressed, in showing who lived not with Manasses, that I think it high time, to return unto my own work, and rehearse what others I find, to have had their part, in the long time of his Reign.   

§. VI Of other Princes and actions that were in these times.  
THE first year of Manasses was the last of Romulus; after whose death, one year the Romans wanted a King. Than was Numa Pompilius a Sabyne chosen; a peaceable man and seeming very religious in his kind. He brought the rude people, which Romulus had employed only in wars, to some good civility, and a more orderly fashion of life. This he effected by filling their heads with superstition; as persuading them, that he had familiarity with a Nymph called Egeria, who taught him a many of Ceremonics, which he delivered unto the Romans as things of great importance. But all these devices of Numa were, in his own judgement, no better then mere delusions that served only as rudiments to bring the Savage multitude of thieves and outlaws, gathered into one body by Romulus, to some form of milder discipline, than their boisterous and wild natures was otherwise apt to entertain. This appeared by the Books that were found in his grave, almost six hundred years after his death, wherein the Superstition taught by himself was condemned as vain. His grave was opened by chance, in digging a piece of ground that belonged to one L. Petilius a Scribe. Two Coffins or Chests of stone were in it, with an inscription in Greek and Latin letters, which said, That Numa Pompilius the son of Pompo, King of the Romans lay there. In the one Coffin was nothing 〈◊〉; his body being utterly consumed. In the other were his Books, wrapped up in two bundles of wax; of his own constitutions seven, and other seven of Philosophy. They were not only uncorrupted, but in a manner fresh and new. The Praetor of the City desiring to have a sight of these Books, when he perceived whereunto they tended, refused to deliver them back to the owner, and offered to take a solemn oath that they were against the Religion then in use. Hereupon the Senate, without more ado, commanded them to be openly burnt. It seems that Numa did mean to acquit himself unto wiser ages, which he thought would follow, as one that had not been so foolish as to 〈◊〉 the Doctrine wherein he instructed his own barbarous times. But the poison wherewith he had infected Rome, when he sat in his Throne, had not left working, when he ministered the Antidote out of his grave. Had these Books not come to light, until the days of Tully and Caesar, when the mist of ignorance was somewhat better discussed; likely it is that they had not only escaped the fire, but wrought some good (and peradventure general) effect. Being as it was, they served as a confutation, without remedy, of Idolatry that was inveterate.  
Numa reigned three and forty years in continual peace. After him Tullus Hostilius the third King was chosen, in the six and fortieth of Manasses, and reigned two and thirty years, busied, for the most part in war. He quarreled with the Albans, who met him in the field; but in regard of the danger, which both parts had cause to fear, that might grow unto them from the tuscans, caused them to bethink themselves of a course, whereby without effusion of so much blood, as might make them too weak for a common enemy, it might be decided, who should command, and who obey.  
There were in each Camp three Brethrens, Twins borne at one birth (Dionysius says that they were cozen Germane) of equal years and strength, who were appointed to fight for their several Countries. The end was, that the Horatij, Champions for the Romans, got the victory, though two of them first lost their lives. The three Curatij that fought for 〈◊〉 (as Livy tells it) were all alive, and able to fight, yet wounded, when two of their opposites were slain; but the third Horatius, pretending fear, did 〈◊〉 away, and thereby drew the others, who by reason of their hurts, could not follow him with equal speed, to follow him at such distance one from another, that returning upon them, he slew them, as it had been in single fight, man after man, ere they could join together and set upon him all at once. Dionysius reports it somewhat otherwise, telling very particularly, what wounds were given and taken, and saying, that first one of the Horatij was slain, than one of the Curatij, than a second Horatius, and lastly the two Curatij, whom the third Horatius did cunningly sever one from the other as is showed before.  
This is one of the most memorable things in the old Roman History, both in regard of the action itself, wherein Rome was laid, as it were in wager, against Alba, and in respect of the great increase which thereby the Roman State obtained. For the City of Alba did immediately become subject unto her own Colony, and was shortly after, upon some treacherous dealing of their Governor, utterly razed, the people being removed unto Rome, where they were made Citizens. The strong Nation of the Latins; whereof Alba, as the mother City, had been chief, become ere long dependent upon Rome, though not subject unto it, and divers petty States adjacent, were by little and little taken in: which additions, that were small, yet many, I will forbear to rehearse (as being the works of sundry ages, and few of them remarkable considered apart by themselves) until such time as this fourth Empire, that is now in the infancy, shall grow to be the main subject of this History.  
The seventh year of Hippomenes in Athens, was current with the first of Manasses. Also the three last Governors for ten years, who followed Hippomenes, were in the same King's time. Of these I found only names, Leocrates, Apsander, and Erizias. After Erixias yearly Rulers were elected.  
These Governors for ten years, were also of the race of Medon and Codrus, but their time of rule was shortened, and from term of life reduced unto ten years; it being thought likely that they would govern the better, when they knew that they were afterwards to live private men under the command of others. I follow Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in applying their times unto those years of the Olympiads, wherein the Chronological table, following this work, doth set them. For he not only professeth himself to have taken great care in ordering the reckoning 
Dion. Halic. l. 1. fol. 43. & 45.  of times; but hath noted always the years of the Greeks, how they did answer unto the things of Rome, throughout all the continuance of this History. Whereas therefore he placeth the building of Rome, in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, and affirms, that the same was the first year of Charops his government in Athens; I hope I shall not need excuse, for varying from Pausanias, who sets the beginning of these Athenians some what sooner.  
In the Reign of Manasses it was, that Midas, whom the Poets feigned to have had Ass' ears, held the Kingdom of Phrygia. Many fables were devised of him; especially that he obtained of Bacchus, as a great gift, that all things which he should touch, might immediately be changed into Gold: by which means he had like to have been starved (his meat and drink being subject to the same transformation) had not Bacchus delivered him from his miserable faculty, by causing him to wash himself in the River Pactolus, the stream whereof hath ever since, forsooth, abounded in that precious Metal. Finally, it is said he died by drinking bulls blood; being invaded by the Scythians.  
In this age flourished that Antimachus, who (saith Plutarch in the life of Romulus) observed the moons Eclipse at the foundation of Rome.  
The Milesians, or, (as Eusebius hath it) the Athenians having obtained some power by Sea, founded Macicratis a City on the East of Egypt. Psammiticus herein seems to have assisted them, who used all means of drawing the Greeks' into Egypt, accounting them his surest strength. For neither Miletus nor Athens were now of power sufficient to plant a Colony in Egypt by force.  
About this time Archias with his companion Miscellus, and other Corinthians, 
Plut. & Euseb.  founded Syracuse in Sicily, a City in aftertimes exceeding famous:  
The City of Nicomedia sometime 
* Whence in Strabo there is Sinus Astacenus a part of Propontis where this City standeth. Paus. l. 5.  Astacus, was enlarged and beautified in this age by Zipartes native of Thrace. Sibylla of Samus according to Pausanias lived about this time.  
About these times also was Croton founded upon the Bay of Tarentum by Miscellus, the companion of Archias that built Syracuse. Strabo makes it somewhat more ancient: and so doth Pausanias. 
Hal. l. 3.   
About the same time the Parthenians being of age and banished Lacedaemon, were 
Strabo l. 6.  conducted by Phalantus into Italy: where it is said they founded Tarentum: but justine 
〈◊〉. l. 3.  and Pausanias found it built before, and by them conquered and amplified: and 
Paus. l. 10.  about the same time Manasse yet living, the City Phaselis was founded in Pamphylia, Gela in Sicily, Interamne in the Region of the umbri, now Urbin in Italy. About which time also Chalcedon in Asia, over against Byzantium (now Constantinople) was founded by the Megarcuses: who therefore were upbraided as blind, because they chose not the other side of Bosphorus. It were a long work to rehearse all that is said to have been done in the five and fifty years of Manasses: that which hath already been told is enough: the rest being not greatly worth remembrance, may well be omitted, reserving only Ben Merodach, and Nabulassar, to the business that will shortly require more mention of them.    

CHAP. XXVIII. Of the times from the death of MANASSES to the destruction of Jerusalem.  

§. I. Of AMMON and JOSIAS.  
AMMON the son of Manasse, a man no less wicked than was his Father before his conversion, restored the exercise of all sorts of Idolatry: for which God 
2. King. 21.  hardened the hearts of his own servants against 
2. Chron. 33.  him: who slew him after he had reigned two years: Philo, Eusebius and Nicephorus give him ten years, following the Septuagint.  
josias succeeded unto Ammon, being but a child 
2. King. 〈◊〉.  of eight years old. He began to seek after the 
2. Chron. 34.  God of David his Father; and in his twelfth year he purged juda and jerusalem from the high places, and the groves, and the carved and molten Images: and they broke down in his sight the Altars of BAALIM: He caused all the Images as well those which were graven, as melted, to be stamped to powder, and strewed on their graves that had erected them, and this he commanded to be done throughout all his Dominions. He also slew those that sacrificed to the Sun and Moon, and caused the Chariots and Horses of the Sun to be burnt. Of josias it was prophesied in the time of jeroboam the first, when he erected the Golden Calf at Bethel, that a child should be borne unto the house of David, josias by name, and upon thee (said the Prophet speaking to the Altar) shall he sacrifice the Priests of the high places, that burn in censes upon thee: a prophecy very remarkable. 
1. King. 13.   
In the eighteenth year of his reign, he rebuilt and repaired the Temple, at which time Helkiah the Priest found the Book of Moses, called Deuteronomy, or, of the Law, which he sent to the King: which when he had caused to be read before him, and considered of the severe commandments therein written, the prosperity promised to those that observe them, and the sorrow and extirpation to the rest, he rend his garments, and commanded Helkiah, and others, to ask counsel of the Prophetess Huldah, or, Olda, concerning the Book, who answered the messengers in these words. Thus saith the Lord, Behold, I will bring evil upon this place, and upon the inhabitants thereof, even all the curses that are written 
2. Chron. 34. 24.  in the Book, which they have read before the King of juda, because they have for saken me, and burnt incense to other Gods. Only for the King himself, because he was a lover of God and of his Laws, it was promised that this evil should not fall on juda 
2. King. 22. 15.  and jerusalem in his days, but that he himself should inherit his grave in 
2. Chron. 34.  peace.  
josias assembled the Elders, caused the Book to be read unto them, made a covenant with the Lord, and caused all that were found in jerusalem and Benjamin to do the like, promising thereby to observe the Laws and commandments in the Book contained.  
The execution done by josias upon the Altar, idols, monuments, and bones of the false Prophets, at Bethel, argueth his Dominion to have extended unto those Countries, that had been part of the Kingdom of the ten Tribes. Yet I do not think, that any victory of josias in war got possession of these places; but rather that Ezekias, after the flight and death of Senacherib, when Merodach opposed himself against Asarhaddon, did use the advantage which the faction in the North presented unto him, and laid hold upon so much of the Kingdom of Israel, as he was able to people. Otherwise also it is not improbable, that the Babylonian finding himself unable to deal with Psammiticus in Syria (as wanting power to raise the siege of Azolus, though the Town held out nine and twenty years) did give unto Manasses, together with his liberty, as much in Israel as himself could not easily defend. This was a good way to break the amity that the Kings of juda had so long held with those of Egypt, by casting a bone between them, and withal by this benefit of enlarging their Territory with addition of more than they could challenge, to redeem the friendship of the jews, which had been lost by injuries done, in seeking to bereave them of their own. When it is said, that Manasses did after his deliverance from imprisoment, put Captains of war in all the strong Cities 
2. Chron. 33. 14.  of juda; it may be that some such business is intimated, as the taking possession, and fortifying of places delivered into his hands. For though it be manifest that he took much pains, in making jerusalem itself more defensible; yet I should rather believe, that he, having already compounded with the Babylonian, did fortify himself against the Egyptians, whose side he had forsaken, than that he travailed in making such provisions, only for his minds sake. The earnestness of josias in the King of Babel his quarrel, doth argue, that the composition which Manasses had made, with that King or his Ancestor, was upon such friendly terms, as required not only a faithful observation, but a thankful requital. For no persuasions could suffice to make josias sit still, and hold himself quiet in good neutrality, when Pharaoh Neco King of Egypt passed along by him, to war upon the Countries about the River of Euphrates.  
The last year of josias his reign it was, when as Neco the son of Psammiticus, come with a powerful Army towards the border of judaea, determining to pass that way being the nearest toward Euphrates, either to strengthen the passages of 
〈◊〉 Chron. 35. 20.  that River, about Carchemish or Cercusium, for the defence of Syria (as long after this; Dioclesian is said by Ammianus Marcellinus to have done) or perhaps to invade Syria itself. For it seemeth that the travail of Psammiticus had not been idly consumed about that one Town of Azotus, but had put the Egyptians in possession of no small part of Syria, especially in those quarters, that had formerly belonged unto the Adades Kings of Damascus.  
Neither was the industry of Neco less than his Fathers had been, in pursuing the war against Babel. In which war, two things may greatly have availed the Egyptians, and advanced their affairs and hopes: the extraordinary valour of the mercenary Greeks', that were far better Soldiers than Egypt could of itself afford; and the danger wherein Assyria stood, by the force of the Medes, which under the command of more absolute Princes, began to feel itself better; and to show what it could do. These were great helps, but of shorter endurance than was the war; as in place more convenient shall be noted. At the present it seems, that either some preparation of the Chaldaeans to reconquer, did enforce, or some disability of theirs to make resistance, did invite the King of Egypt, into the Countries bordering upon Euphrates; wither Pharaoh Neco ascended with a mighty Army.  
These two great Monarches, having their swords drawn, and contending for the Empire of that part of the World, josias advised with himself to which of these he might adhere, having his Territory set in the mid way between both, so as the one could not invade the other, but that they must of necessity tread upon the very face and body of his Country; Now though it were so that Neco himself desired by his Ambassadors, leave to pass along by judaea, protesting that he 
〈◊〉. Chron. 35.  directed himself against the Assyrians only, without all harmful purpose against josias; yet all sufficed not, but the King of Israel would 〈◊〉 fight with him.  
Many examples there were, which taught, what little good the friendship of Egypt could bring to those that had affiance therein: as that of Hosea the last King of Israel, who when he fell from the dependence of the 〈◊〉, and wholly trusted to Sabacus or Sous King of Egypt, was utterly disappointed of his hopes, and in conclusion lost both his life and estate, which the Assyrian, so rooted up and tare in pieces, as it could never after be gathered together or replanted. The calamities also that fell upon juda in the thirteenth and fourteenth years of Ezekia, whilst that good King and his people relied upon Sethon; and more lately, the imprisonment of Manasses, were documents of sufficient proof, to show the ill assurance, that was in the help of the Egyptians, who (near neighbours though they were) were always unready; when the necessities of their friends required their assistance. The remembrance hereof might be the reason 〈◊〉 Neco did not seek, to have the jews renew their ancient league with him, but only craved that they would be contented to sit still, and behold the pastime between him and the Assyrians. This was an easy thing to grant; seeing that the countenance of such an Army, as did, soon after this, outface Nabulassar, upon his own borders, left unto the jews, a lawful excuse of fear, had they forborn to give it any check upon the way. Wherhfore I believe, that this religious and virtuous Prince josias, was not stirred up only by politic respects, to stop the way of Neco; but thought himself bound in faith & honour, to do his best in defence of the Babylonian Crown; whereunto his Kingdom was obliged, either by covenant made at the enlargement of Manasses, or by the gift of such part as he held in the Kingdom of the ten Tribes. As for the Princes and people of juda, they had now a good occasion to show, both unto the 〈◊〉, of what importance their friendship was, and to the Egyptians what a valiant Nation they had abandoned, and thereby made their enemy.  
Some think, that this action of josias, was contrary to the advice of jeremy the Prophet; which I do not find in the Prophecy of jeremy, nor can find reason to believe. Others hold opinion, that he forgot to ask the counsel of God: and this is very likely; seeing he might believe that an enterprise grounded upon fidelity and thankfulness due to the King of Babel, could not but be displeasing unto the Lord. But the wickedness of the people (in whom the corruptions of former times had taken such root, as all the care of josias in reforming the Land, could not pluck up) was questionless far from hearkening how the matter would stand with God's pleasure, and much farther from inquiring into his secret will, wherein it was determined, that their good King, whose life stood between them and their punishment, should now be taken from among them, and that in such sort, as his death should give entrance to the miseries ensuing. So josias levying all the strength he could make, near unto Megiddo, in the half Tribe of Manasses, encountered Necho: and there he received the stroke of death, which lingering about him till he come to jerusalem, brought him to the sepulchres of his Ancestors. His loss was greatly bewailed of all the people and Princes of juda, especially of jeremy the Prophet: who inserted a sorrowful remembrance thereof 
〈◊〉. c. 4. v. 20.  into his book of Lamentations.   

§. II Of PHARAOH NECO that fought with JOSIAS: Of JEHOAHAZ and JEHOIAKIM Kings of juda.  
OF these wars, and particularly of this victory, Herodotus hath mention, among the acts of Neco. He tells us of this King, that he went about to make a channel, whereby Ships might pass, out of Nilus into the Redsea. It should have reached above a hundred miles in length, and been wide enough for two Galleys to row in front. But in the midst of the work, an Oracle foretold that the Barbarians should have the benefit of it, which caused Neco to desist when half was done. There were consumed in this toilsome business twelve hundred thousand Egyptians; a loss great enough to make the King for sake his enterprise, without troubling the Oracle for admonition. Howsoever it were, he was not a man to be idle; therefore he built a Fleet, and levied a great Army, wherewith he marched against the King of Babel. In this expedition he used the service, as well of his Navy, as of his land-forces; but no particular exploits of his therein, are found recorded, save only this victory against 〈◊〉, where Herodotus calls the place Magdolus, and the jews Syrians; which is a small error, seeing that judaea was a Province of Syria, and Magdolus or Magdala is taken to have been the same place (though diversly named) in which this battle was fought. After this, Necus took the City of Cadytis, which 
jos. Ant. jud. 〈◊〉. 10. cap. 7.  was perhaps Carchemish, by Euphrates, and made himself Lord, in a manner, of all Syria, as josephus witnesseth.  
Particularly we find, that the Phoenicians, one of the most powerful Nations in 
Herod. l. 4.  Syria, were his Subjects, and that by his command they surrounded all Africa, setting sail from the gulf of Arabia, and so passing along all the Coast, whereon they both landed, as need required, and sowed corn for their sustenance, in that long voyage which lasted three years. This was the first navigation about Africa, wherein that great Cape, now called, Of good hope, was discovered; which after was forgotten, until Vasco de Gama the Portugal found it out, following a contrary course to that which the Phoenicians held; for they, beginning in the East, ran the way of the Sun, South and then Westward, after which they returned home by the pillars and straits of Hercules (as the name was then) called now the straits of Gybraltar, having Africa still on the right hand: but the Portugeses, beginning their voyage not far from the same straits, leave Africa on the Larboard, and bend their course unto the East. That report of the Phoenicians, which Herodotus durst not believe, how the Sun in this journey was on their right hand, that is, on the Northside of them, is a matter of necessary truth; and the observation then made hereof, makes me the better to believe, that such a Voyage was indeed performed.  
But leaving these discourses of Neco his magnificence, let us tell what he did, in matters more importing his Estate. The people of juda, while the Egyptians were busy at 〈◊〉, had made jehoahaz their King, in the room of his father josias. The Prophet jeremy calls this new King Shallum, by the name of his younger brother; 
〈◊〉. c. 22. v. 32.  alluding perhaps to the short Reign of Shallum King of the ten Tribes: for Shallum of Israel reigned but one month; 〈◊〉 no more than three. He was not the eldest son of josias: Wherhfore it may seem that he was set up as the best affected unto the King of Babel; the rest of his house being more inclined to the 
2. Kin c 34. 〈◊〉. 32.  Egyptian, as appears by the sequel. An Idolater he was, and thrived accordingly. For when as Neco had dispatched his business in the North parts of Syria, then did he take order for the affairs of judaea. This Country was now so far from making any resistance, that the King himself come to Riblah in the Land of Hamath, where the matter went so ill on his side, that Neco did cast him into bonds and carry him prisoner into Egypt, giving away his Kingdom to Eliakim his elder brother, to whom of right it did belong. This City of Riblath, in after times called Antiochia, was a place unhappy to the Kings and Princes of juda, as may be observed in divers examples. Yet here jehoiakim, together with his new name, got his Kingdom; an ill gain, since he could no better use it. But however 〈◊〉 thrived by the bargain, Pharaoh sped well, making that Kingdom Tributary, without any stroke stricken, which three months before was too stout to give him peace, when he desired it. Certain it is, that in his march outward, Neco had a greater task lying upon his hands, than would permit him to waste his forces upon judaea: but now the reputation of his good success at Megiddo, and 〈◊〉, together with the dissension of the Princes josias his sons (of whom the eldest is probably thought to have stormed at the preferment of his younger brother) gave him power to do, even what should please himself. Yet he did forbear to make a conquest of the Land; perhaps upon the same reason, which had made him so earnest, in seeking to hold peace with it. For the jews had suffered much, in the Egyptians quarrel, and being left by these their friends, in time of need, unto all extremities, were driven to forsake that party, and join with the enemies; to whom if they showed themselves faithful, who could blame them? It was therefore enough to reclaim them; seeing they were such a people, as would not upon every occasion shifted side, but endure more, than Pharaoh, in the pride of his victories, thought that any henceforth should lay upon them: so good a Patron did he mean to be unto them. Nevertheless he laid upon them a Tribute, of an hundred Talents of silver, and one Talon of gold; that so he might both reap at the present, some fruit of his pains taken, and leave unto them some document in the future, of greater punishment then verbal anger, due to them, if they should rebel. So he departed, carrying along with him into Egypt the unfortunate King jehoahaz, who died in his Captivity.  
The reign of jehoahaz was included in the end of his Father's last year; otherwise it would hardly be found, that jehoiakim, his successor, did reign ten whole years; whereas the Scriptures give him eleven, that is current and incomplete. If any man will rather cast the three months of this short reign, into the first year of the brother, than into the father's last; the same arguments that shall maintain his opinion, will also prove the matter to be unworthy of disputation; and so I leave it.  
jehoiakim in impiety was like his brother, in faction he was altogether Egyptian, as having received his Crown at the hand of Pharaoh. The wickedness of these last Kings, being expressed in Scriptures noon otherwise, than by general words, with reference to all the evil that their Fathers had done; makes it apparent, that the poison wherewith Ahaz and Manasses had infected the Land, was not so expelled by the zealous goodness of josias, but that it still cleaved unto the chief of the people, Yea unto the chief of the Priests also; and therefore it was not strange, that 
2. Chron. cap. 36. 〈◊〉. 14.  the Kings had their part therein. The Royal authority was much abased by the dangers wherein the Country stood, in this troublesome age: the Princes did in a manner what they listed; neither would the Kings forbear to profess, that they could deny them nothing. Yet the beginning of jehoiakim had the countenance of the Egyptian to grace it, which made him insolent & cruel; as we found by that example of his dealing with Vria the Prophet: though herein also the Princes do appear to have been instigators. This Holy man denounced God's judgements against the City and Temple, in like sort as other Prophets had formerly done, and did in the same age. The King with all the men of power, and all the Princes, hearing of this determined to put him to death. Hereupon the poor man fled into Egypt: but such regard was had unto jehoiakim, that Vria was delivered unto his Ambassador, and sent back to the death; contrary to the custom used, both in those days, and since among all Civil Nations of giving refuge unto strangers, that are not held guilty of such inhuman crimes, as for the general good of mankind should be exempted from all privilege.  
It concerned Pharaoh to give all contentment possible to jehoiakim: for the Assyrian Lion, that had not stirred in many years, began about these times, to roar so loud upon the banks of Euphrates, that his voice was heard unto Nilus, threatening to make himself Lord of all the Forest. The causes that hitherto had withdrawn the house of Merodach, from opposing the Egyptian in his conquest of Syria, require our consideration in this place; before we proceed to commit them together at Charchemish, where shortly after this, the glory of Egypt is to fall.   

§. III Of the Kings of Babylon and Media. How it come to pass that the Kings of Babel could not give attendance on their business in Syria; which caused them to lose that Province.  
MERODACH the son of Baladan, who taking the advantage that Sennacherib's misadventure and death, together with the dissension between his children presented, made himself King of Babylon, was eleven years troubled with a powerful Enemy Asarhaddon the son of Senacherib, reigning over the Assyrians in Niniveh; from whom whilst he could not any other way divert his cares, he was feign to omit all business in Syria, and (as hath been formerly showed) to make over unto Ezekia, some part of the Kingdom of the ten Tribes. From this molestation, the death of Asarhaddon did not only set him free, but gave unto him some part of Assyria, if not (as is commonly but less probably thought) the whole Kingdom. How greatly this was to the liking of the Assyrians, I will not here stand to inquire: his long reign following, and his little intermeddling in matters of Syria, make it plain, that he had work enough at home, either in defending or in establishing that which he had gotten. josephus gives him the honour of having won Niniveh itself; which we may believe; but surely he did not hold it long. For in the times soon following, that great City was free, and vanquished Phraortes the Median. Perhaps it yielded upon some capitulation: and refused afterwards to continued subject, when the Kings being of the Chaldaean race, preferred Babylon before it.  
Some think that this was the Assyrian King, whose Captains took Manasses prisoner; but I rather believe those that hold the contrary; for which I have given my reasons in due place. To say truth, I found little cause why Merodach should have looked into those parts, as long as the jews were his friends, and the Egyptians, that maligned the Northern Empire, held themselves quiet at home, which was until the time of Psammiticus, about the end of this King's Reign, or the beginning of his son.  
Ben 〈◊〉 the son and successor of this King, is not mentioned in the Scriptures; yet is he named by good consent of Authors, and that speak little of his doings. The length of his Reign is gathered by inference to have been one and twenty years, for somuch remaineth of the time that passed between the beginning of his Fathers and his Nephews Reigns (which is a known sum) deducting the years of his Father, and of his son Nabulassar. This (as I take it) was he that had Manasses Prisoner and released him. He sped ill in Syria; where Psammiticus, by the virtue of his Mercenary Greeks', did much prevail. This may have been some cause that he released Manasses, and did put into his hands some part more of the Kingdom of Samaria: which is made probable by circumstances alleged before.  
Nabulassar that reigned in Babylon after his Father Ben Merodach, had greater business in his own Kingdom, than would permit him to look abroad: insomuch as it may be thought to have been a great negligence or oversight of Psammiticus and Neco, that they did not occupy some good part of his Dominions beyond Euphrates. For it was in his time, that Phraortes King of the Medes invaded 〈◊〉, and besieged Ninive; from whence he was not repelled by any force of Nabulassar, but constrained to remove by the coming of Scythians, who in these ages did overflow those parts of the World, laying hold upon all, that they could master by strong hand. Of these Scythians, and the Lordship that they held in Asia, it is convenient that I speak in this place; showing briefly aforehand, how the Medes, upon whom they first fell, were busied in the same times with hopes of conquering Assyria.  
Phraortes, the son of Deioces, King of the Medes, having by many victories enlarged his Dominions, conceived at length a fair possibility of making himself Lord of Ninive.  
That City (as Herodotus reports it) having been a Sovereign Lady, was not 
Herod. lib. 1.  forsaken of all her dependents; yet remained in such case, that of herself she was well enough.  
This makes it plain, that howsoever Merodach had gotten possession of this imperial seat, and made it subject as was the rest of the Country; yet it found the means to set itself at liberty: as after this again he did, when it had been regained by Nabulassar his Grandchild.  
Sharp war, and the very novelty of sudden violence, use to dismay any State or Country, not enured to the like: but custom of danger hardeneth even those that are unwarlike. Ninive had been the Palace of many valiant Kings lately reigning therein; it had suffered, and resisted, all the fury, wherewith either Domestical tumults between the sons of Senacherib, or foreign war of the Babylonians, could afflict it: and therefore it is the less wonderful, that Phraortes did speed so ill in his journey against it. He and the most of his Army perished in that expedition: whereof I found no particular circumstances (perhaps he underualued their forces, and brought a less power than was needful) It is enough, that we may herein believe Herodotus.  
Cyaxares the son of Phraortes, a braver man of war then his Father, wan as much of Asia the less, as lay Eastward, from the River of Halys; he sought revenge upon the Assyrians for the death of his Father, and besieged Ninive itself, having a purpose to destroy it. I rather believe EUSEBIUS, That he took the City, and fulfilled his displeasure upon it, than HERODOTUS, That the Scythian Army come upon him whilst he lay before it. For where equal authorities are contradictory (as Eusebius, though far later than Herodotus, yet having seen other Authors, that are now lost, is to be valued according to his great reading) there do I hold it best, to yield unto the best likelihoods.  
To think that the Scythians come upon Cyaxares, whilst he lay before Ninive, were to accuse him of greater improvidence, then aught to be suspected in one commended as a good Soldier. But to suppose that he was feign to leave the Town, when a war so dangerous fell upon his own Country, doth well agreed both with the condition of such business as that Scythian expedition brought into those parts, and with the State of the Chaldaean and Assyrian affairs ensuing.  
The destruction of this great City is both foretold in the Book of Tobit, and there set down as happening about these times; of which Book whosoever was the Author, he was ancient enough to know the Story of those ages, and hath committed no such error in reckoning of times, as should 'cause us to distrust him in this. As for the prophesy of Nahum, though it be not limited unto any certain term, yet it appears to have taken effect, in the final destruction of Ninive by Nabuchodonosor, according to the common opinion. For the Prophet hath mention of a Conquest of Egypt, 〈◊〉 this calamity, whereof we will speak in due place. Some that ascribe more authority than the reformed Churches yield, to the Book of Tobit, are careful, as in a matter of necessity, to affirm, that about these times Ninive was taken; but they attribute (coniecturally) the victory over it, to Ben Merodach: a needless conjecture, if the place of Eusebius be well considered. Yet I hold it probable, that Nabulassar the son of Ben Merodach, did seize upon it, and place a King or Viceroy therein, about such time as the Country of Assyria was abandoned by Cyaxares, when the Scythian war overwhelmed Media. For then was the Conquest wrought out ready to his hand; the swelling spirits of the Ninivites were allayed, and their malice to Babylon so assuaged, that it might be thought a great favour, if Nabulassar, appointing unto them a peculiar King, took him and them into protection: though afterwards to their confusion, this unthankful people and their King, rebelled again, as shall be showed in the Reign of Nabuchodonosor.   

§ FOUR The great expedition of the Scythians, who ruled in Asia eight and twenty years.  

†. I The time of this expedition.  
NOW that I have showed what impediment was given by the Assyrians and the Medes, to the 〈◊〉, who thereby were much disabled to perform any action of worth upon the Egyptians in Syria; it is time that I speak of that great Scythian expedition, which 〈◊〉 afflicted not only the Babylonians, but the Medes and Lydians, with the Countries adjacent, in such wise, that part of the trouble redounded 〈◊〉 to the Egyptians themselves. Of the Scythian people in general, Herodotus makes very large discourse, but interlaced, as of matter ill known, with many Fables; of this expedition he tells many particulars, but il agreeing, with consent of time. Concerning his fabulous reports, it will be needless to recite them, for they are far enough distant from the business in hand. The computation of times which by inference out of his relations, may seem very strange, needeth some answer in this place: jest otherwise I should either seem to make myself too bold with an Author, in citing him after a manner different from his own tale; or else to be too forgetful of myself, in bringing to act upon the Stage, those persons, which I had already buried. Eight and twenty years, he saith, that the Scythians Reigned in Asia, before Cyaxares delivered the Country from them. Yet he reports a war between Cyaxares and Halyattes the Lydian, as foregoing the siege of Ninive; the siege of Ninive being ere the Scythians come. And further he tells, how the Scythians, having vanquished the Medes, did pass into Syria, and were encountered in Palestina by Psammiticus King of Egypt, who by gifts and 〈◊〉 procured them to departed from him. These narrations of Herodotus may, every one of them, be true; though not in such order of time, as he hath marshaled them. For Psammiticus was dead before Cyaxares began to Reign: and Cyaxares had spent half of his forty years, 〈◊〉 Halyattes was King of Lydia; so that he could not, after those Lydian wars, Reign eight and twenty years together with the 〈◊〉. It is true, that Eusebius doth also call Psammis the son of Pharaoh Neco, by name of Psammiticus; and this King Psammis may, by some strained conjecture, 〈◊〉 thought to have been he that met with the Scythians: for 〈◊〉 lived with both Cyaxares and Halyattes. But Eusebius himself refers all that business of the Scythian irruption into Palaestina, to Psammiticus the Father of Neco, whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dead before the 〈◊〉 of Halyattes. Therefore I dare not 〈◊〉 upon Herodotus, in this matter, otherwise then to 〈◊〉 him, that such things were in these ages, though not in such order as he sets them down.  
It remains, that I collect as well as I can, those memorials which I find of this expedition scattered in divers places: a work necessary, for that the greatness of this action was such, as aught not to be omitted in a general History; yet not easy, the consent of those that have written thereof, being nothing near to uniformity.  
I have noted before, that in the Reign of Ardys King of Lydia, the Cimmerians overranne that Kingdom, and were not expelled, until Halyattes the Nephew of Ardys got the upper hand of them. In these times therefore of Ardys, Sadiattes, and Halyattes, are we to found the eight and twenty years, wherein the Scythians reigned over Asia. Now forasmuch as Psammiticus the Egyptian had some dealings with the Scythians, even in the height of their prosperity, we must needs allow more than one or two of his last years unto this their Dominion. But the beginning of Halyattes his Reign in Lydia, being three and twenty years complete after the death of Psammiticus, leaves the space very scant, either for the great victories of the Scythians, necessarily supposed before they could meet the Egyptian in Syria, or for those many losses, which they must have received 〈◊〉 they could be driven quite away. To increase this difficulty, the victorious Reign of Nabuchodonosor in Babylon, is of no small moment. For how may we think it possible, that he should have adventured the strength of his Kingdom against the Egyptians and jews, had he stood in daily fear of losing his own; to a more mighty Nation, that lay upon his neck? To speak simply as it appears to me; the victories ascribed to Cyaxares & Halyattes over these warlike people, were not obtained against the whole body of their Army, but were the defeatures of some troops, that infested their several Kingdoms; other Princes, and among these, Nabulassar having the like success, when the pleasures of Asia had mollified the courages of these hardy Northern Lads. Wherhfore we may probably annex the 〈◊〉 and twenty years of the Scythians rule, to as many almost the last of Nabulassars' Reign, in compass whereof their power was at the greatest. This is all that I can say of the time, wherein Asia suffered the violence of these oppressors.   

† II What Nations they were that broke into Asia; with the cause of their journey.  
TOuching the expedition itself, Herodotus tells us, that the Cimmerians being driven out of their Country by the Scythians, invaded and wasted some part of Asia; and that the Scythians not contented with having won the land of the Cimmerians, did follow them, I know not why, into far removed quarters of the world, so (as it were by chance) falling upon Media and Egypt, in this pursuit of men that were go another way into Lydia. Hereby we may gather that the Cimmerians were an odious and base people; the Scythians, as mischievous and foolish; or else Herodotus, and some other of his Countrymen, great slanderers of those, by whom their Nation had been beaten, and jonia, more than once, grievously ransacked. The great valour of the Cimmerians or Cimbrians is so well known, and their manic Conquests so well testified in Histories of divers Nations, that the 〈◊〉 of the Greeks' is in sufficient to stain them with the note of Cowards. These were the 〈◊〉 of Gomer, who peopled the greatest part of our Western World; and whose reflow did overwhelm no small portion of Greece and Asia, as well before and after, as in the age whereof we do now 〈◊〉. He that would more largely inform himself of their original and actions, may peruse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Amazonica; of many things in which Book, that may be verified, which the learned Ortelius is said to have spoken, of all Goropius his works, that it is easy to laugh at them, but hard to confute them: There we found it proved, by such arguments and authorities, as are not lightly to be regarded, that the Cimmerians, Scythians, and Sarmatians, were all of one Lineage and Nation; how soever distinguished in name, by reason of their divers Tribes, professions, or perhaps dialect of speech. Homer indeed hath mention of the Cimmerians; whose Country whither he place in the West, as near unto the Ocean and bounds of the Earth, Or in the North, as being far from the Sun, and covered with eternal darkness; certain it is that he would have them near neighbours to Hell: for he had the same quarrel to them, which Herodotus had, and therefore belike would have made them seem a kind of Goblins. It was the manner of this great Poet (as Herodotus writing his life affirms) to insert into his works the names of such as lived in his own time, making such mention of them, as the good or ill done by them to himself deserved. And for this reason it is proved by Eustathius, that the Cimmerians were so disgraced by him, because they had wasted his Country. Perhaps that invasion of Phrygia by the Amazons, whereof Homer puts a remembrance into Priamus his discourse with Helen, was the very same, which Eusebius noteth to have happened somewhat before the age of Homer, at what time the Cimmerians with the Amazons, together invaded Asia.  
This is certain, that both the Amazons and the 〈◊〉 (who in aftertimes were called Cimbri) did often break into Greece and Asia; which though it be not in express terms written, that they did with joint forces, yet seeing they invaded the self same places, it may well be gathered, that they were companions. One journey of the Amazons into Greece, mentioned also by Eusebius, was by the 
Diod. lib. 4. c. 2.  straits of the Cimmerians, as we find in Diodore, who further telleth us, that the Scythians therein gave them assistance. The same Author, before his entry into those discourses of the Amazons, which himself acknowledgeth to be fabulous, 
Diod. lib. 2. c. 11.  doth report them to have been 〈◊〉 of the Scythians, and no less warlike than their Husbands; alleging the example of that Queen, who is said to have slain the great Persian Cyrus. That it was the manner of the Cimbri to 〈◊〉 their wives along with them to the wars; and how desperate the courage was of those women; the terrible descent of them into Italy, when Marius the Roman overthrew them, gives proof sufficient. I will not here enter into a discourse of the Amazons; other place will give me better leisure to speak of them: but seeing that they are noted by divers Historians to have belonged unto the Cimmerians, to the Scythians, and to the Sarmatians, we may the better approouc Goropius his conclusion, That these three Nations were one, at lest that they were near allies.  
Now concerning the expulsion of the Cimmerians by the Scythians, it appears to have been noon other than the sending a Colony of them forth into Asia, with an Army of Scythians to help them, in purchasing a new seat, and establishing the plantation.  
The Sarmatians also were companions in this 〈◊〉. For the City of Novograd in Russia (which Country is the same that was called Sarmatia) stood in their way homewards, as shall anon be further showed. So that all the North was up in Arms: and therefore it is no marvel though many Countries felt the weight of this great inundation. Such another voyage was that, which the same people made five hundred years and more after this, when they were encountered by the Romans. For they issued from the parts about the Lake Maeotis; they were then likewise assisted (saith Plutarch in the most likely report of them) by the Scythians their 
Plutarch in the life of 〈◊〉.  neighbours; they had in their Army above 〈◊〉 hundred thousand fight men, besides a huge multitude of women & children; they wandered over many Countries, beating all down before them; and finally, thinking to have settled themselves in Italy, they divided their company, for the more 〈◊〉 passage thither, and were consumed in three terrible battles by the Roman Consuls. Mere necessity enforced these poor Nations, to trouble the World, in following such hard adventures. For their Country, being more fruitful of men than of sustenance, and shut up on the North side with intolerable cold, which denied issue that way to their overswelling multitudes; they were compelled to discharge upon the South, and by right or wrong to drive others out of possession, as having title to all that they had power to get, because they wanted all, that 〈◊〉, but more civil, people had. Their sturdy bodies, patiented of hunger, cold and all hardness, gave them great advantage over such as were accustomed unto a more delicate life, and could not be without a thousand superfluities. Wherhfore commonly they prevailed very far; their next neighbours giving them free passage, that they might the sooner be rid of them; others giving them, besides passage, victuals and guides to conduct them to more wealthy places; others hiring them to departed with great presents; so as the farther they went on, the more pleasant Lands they found, and the more effeminate people.   

†. III Of the Ciminerians war in Lydia.  
THE first Company of these, consisting for the most part of Cimmerians, held the way of the Euxine Seas, which they had still on the right hand; leaving on the other side, and behind them, the great Mountains of Caucasus. These having passed through the Land of Colchis, that is now called Mengrelli, entered the Country of Pontus, and being 〈◊〉 in Paphlagonia, fortified the Promontory 
Herod. lib. 4.  whereon Sinope, a famous Haven Town of the Greeks', was after built. Here it seems that they bestowed the weakest and most unseruiccable of their train, together with the 〈◊〉 part of their carriages, under some good guard: as drawing near to those Regions, in conquest whereof they were to try the utmost hazard. For in like sort afterwards did the Cimbri (of whom I spoke even now) dispose of their impediments, leaving them in a place of strength, where Antwerp now stands, when they drew 〈◊〉 into Gaul, upon which they determined to adventure themselves in the purchase. From Synope, the way unto Phrygia, Lydia, and jonia, was fair and open to the Cimmerians, without any ledge of Mountains or any deep Rivers to stay their march: for Iris and Halys they had already passed.  
What battles were fought between these invaders and the Lydians, and with what variable success the one or other part wan and lost, I find not written nor am able to conjecture. This I found, that in the time of Ardys, the Cimmerians got possession of Sardes the Capital City of Lydia; only the Castle holding out against them. Further I observe, that whereas Herodotus tells of the acts performed by Gyges and Ardys Kings of Lydia, before this invasion, and by Halyattes and Croesus in the times following; all that Ardis did against the Cimmerians, and all, save burning the Milesians Corn fields, that was done in twelve years by Sadiattes his Son (who perhaps had his hands so full of this business, that he could turn them to nothing else) is quite omitted: whereby it may seem, that neither of the two did any thing worthy of. remembrance in those wars, but were glad enough that they did not lose all.  
Certainly, the miseries of war are never so bitter and many, as when a whole Nation, or great part of it, forsaking their own seats, labour to root out the established possessors of another Land, making room for themselves, their wives and children. They that fight for the mastery, are pacified with tribute, or with some over services and acknowledgements, which had they been yielded at the first, all had been quiet, and no sword bloodied. But in these migrations, the assailants bring so little with them, that they need all which the defendants have, their Lands and cattle, their houses and their goods, even to the cradles of the sucking infants. The merciless terms of this controversy arm both sides with desperate resolution: seeing the one part must either win, or perish by famine; the other defend their goods, or lose their lives without redemption. Most of the Countries in Europe have felt examples thereof; and the mighty Empire of Rome was overthrown by such invasions. But our Isle of Britain can best witness the diversity of Conquests; having by the happy victory of the Romans, gotten the knowledge of all Civil arts, in exchange of liberty, that was but slenderly instructed therein before; whereas the issue of the Saxon and Danish wars, was, as were the causes, quite contrary. For these did not seek after the Dominion only, but the entire possession of the Country, which the Saxons obtained, but with horrible cruelty, eradicating all of the British Race, and defacing all memorial of the ancient inhabitants through the greater part of the Land. But the Danes (who are also of the Cimmerian blood) found such end of their enterprise, as it may seem that the Cimmerians in Lydia, and Scythians in the higher Asia, did arrive unto. So that by considering the process of the one, we shall the better conceive the fortune of the other. Many battles the Danes won; yet noon of such importance, as sufficed to make them absolute Conquerors: Many the Saxons won upon the Danes, yet not so great, as could drive them quite away, and back from hence, after they had gotten firm footing. But in course of time, the long continuance even of utter enmity, had bred such acquaintance between them, as bowing the natures of both these people, made the one more pliant unto the other. So their disagreeable qualities, both ill and good, being reduced into one mild temper, no small number of the Danes become peaceable cohabitants with the Saxons, in England, where great slaughter had made large room; others returning home, found their own Country wide enough to receive them, as having disburdened itself of many thousands, that were sent to seek their graves abroad. And such (as I think) was the end of the Cimmerian war in Lydia; whereunto though some victory of Halyattes may have hastened the conclusion, yet the wearisome length of time seems to have done most, in compelling them to desire of rest. I know not why I should fear to add hereunto my further conjecture; which is, that the matter was so compounded between the Cimmerians and Halyattes, that the River of Halys should divide their Territories. For Halys was henceforth the border of the Lydians, and on the Eastern side of the River was the Country of the Amazons, that is indeed, of the Cimmerians and other Scythian people; whose wives and daughters these warlike women are supposed to have been.  
And hereunto the quarrel ensuing, between Halyattes and Cyaxares the Mede, hath very good reference. For Halyattes (as is said) fought in defence of certain Scythians, upon whom the Median sought revenge. And it stands with reason, that the Lydians and Cimmerians, being much weakened with mutual slaughters, should have joined in a league of mutual defence for their common safety: though otherwise it had been dangerous to Halyattes, if he had permitted the Median to extend his Kingdom so far Westward, whatsoever the pretences might be, of taking revenge upon such as had spoiled each of their Countries. As for that occasion of the war between these two Kings, which Herodotus relates, I found it of little weight, and less probability. He tells of Scythians, that being chased out of their Country by faction, come unto Cyaxares; who committed unto them certain Boys, to be instructed in the Scythian tongue, and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. Now it so 
Herod. lib. 1.  fell out (saith he) that these Scythians using much to hunt, and commonly bringing home some what with them, did nevertheless other whiles miss of their game, and come home as they went. Hereupon the King being froward and choleric, 〈◊〉 reviled them; and they, as impatient as he, killed one of the Boys that was under their charge, whom dressing like Venison, they presented unto him; which done, they fled unto Halyattes. This Herodotus delivers, as the ground of a war that lasted six years between the Medes and Lydians; the one King demanding these Fugitives to be delivered into his hand, the other refusing to betray such men as were become his suppliants. To this I will say no more, than that I see no cause that might induce the Scythians, to betake themselves to either of these Kings, unto whom their Nation had wrought so much displeasure. Particularly they had reason to distrust Cyaxares, for the treachery that he showed in the massacring of their Country men, that were in his Kingdom; of whom it is now meet that we should speak.   

†. FOUR The war of the Scythians in the higher Asia.  
AS the Cimmerians held their course Westerly, along the shores of the Euxine Sea: so the Scythians and Sarmatians took the other way, and having the Caspian Sea on their left hand, passed between it and Caucasus through Albania, Colthene, and other obscure Nations, where now are the Countries of Seruan and Georgia, and so they entered into Media. The Medes encountered them in Arms; but were beaten, and thereupon glad to come to any agreement with them. This was in the time of Phraortes, whilst Psammiticus reigned in Egypt. If it were in the sixt year of Nabulassars' Reign over Babylon (supposing him to have reigned five and thirty; otherwise we must allow to Ben Merodach what we take from him) then do the eight and twenty years of their Dominion end, one year before the great Nabuchodonosor was King; so giving him good leave to provide securely, for the invasion of Syria, which expedition he began while his Father yet lived, as josephus out of Berosus relates the History.  
Now the Medes, desirous to save themselves as well as they might, from this terrible Nation, which when they had no lust to a second trial of the sword, refused not to undergo the burden of a Tribute, but thought nothing dishonourable, that would serve to remove these troublesome guests into some other lodging. On the other part, the Scythians finding still the Countries pleasanter & better, the further that they marched into the South, did suffer themselves to be persuaded, that a little more travail, would add a great deal more to their content. For they relied so much upon their own valour, that they feared no resistance; and being the bravest men, they thought it reason that they should devil in the best Region. That Phraortes persuaded them into Egypt, I do not think: Babylon was near enough; wither if he could sand these Locusts to graze, then should not his unfriendly Neighbours have cause to laugh at his misfortune. What shift Nabulassar made with them, or that at all 〈◊〉 had any dealings with them, I do not read. But it is well known, that his Dominions lay in the midst between Media and Egypt; as also, that they made all those parts of Asia Tributary; wherefore we may very well believe, that they watered their horses in his Rivers, and that he also was content to give them provender.  
Psammiticus hearing of their progress (like the jealous Husband of a fair Wife) took care that they might not look upon Egypt; jest the sight thereof should more easily detain them there, than any force or persuasion, that he could use, would sand them going. Therefore he met them in Syria, presuming more on the great gifts which he meant to bestow upon them, than on his Army that should keep them back. Egypt was rich; and half the riches thereof had not been ill spent in saving all. Yet Psammiticus took the most likely course, whereby to make his part good against them by strong hand, in case they had been so obstinate as to refuse all indifferent composition. For he lay close upon the edge of the Wilderness in Gaza (as I take it) the Southermost border of Palaestina: whence he never advanced to meet with the Scythians; but gave them leave to feel as much of the 〈◊〉 Sunbeams, ill agreeing with their temper, as all the length of Syria could beaten upon them. When they were come as far as Ascalon, the next City to Gaza, then did he assay them with goodly words, accompanied with gifts, which were likely to work so much the better, by how much the worse they were pleased with the heat of a Climate so far different from their own. Psammiticus had at his back a vast wilderness, over the scorching sands whereof, the Scythians more patiented of cold and wet, than of the contrary distempers, could ill have endured to pursue him, through unknown ways, had they fought with him and prevailed: especially the Kingdom of Egypt being ready to entertain him with relief, and them with new trouble at the end of their weary journey. Wherhfore they were content to be entreated, and taking in good part his courteous offers, returned back to visit their acquaintance in the high Countries. The Egyptian King (besides that he preserved his own Estate from a dangerous adventure, by hiring this great Army to departed from him) found all his Cost well repaid in the process of his wars in Syria, where the Nations beyond Euphrates had no power to molest him, being more than ever troubled themselves, with the return of their oppressors. For the Scythians, resolving now to 〈◊〉 no further, began to demand more than the Tribute formerly imposed. And not contented to fleece the Naturals with grievous exactions, they presumed to live at discretion upon the Country, taking what they listed from the Owners; and many times (as it were to save the labour of taking often) taking all at once. This Tyrannous Dominion they long used over the higher Asia, that is, over the Country lying between the Caspian and Read Seas; and between India and Asia the less. Happy it was for the poor people, that in so large a space of ground, there was room enough for these new comers; otherwise the calamity that fell, as it were by chance, upon those private men, to whose wealth any Scythian did bear a fancy, would have lighted in general upon all at one clap, leaving few alive, and noon able to relieve their fellows. Yet it seems that the heaviest burden lay upon Media; for it was a fruitful Country not far from their own home, and lay under a Climate well agreeing with the constitution of their bodies; there also it was that they had the fatal blow, by which their insolent Rule was taken from them.  
Cyaxares King of the Medes, who in this extremity was no better than a Rent-gatherer 
Herod. lib. 1.  for the Scythians, perceiving that his Land lay unmanured and waste, through the negligence of his people, that were out of heart by daily oppressions, and that the matter could not be remedied by open force, resolved to prove what might be done by stratagem. The managing of the business is thus delivered in brief; That he, and his Medes, feasted the better part of the Scythians; made them drunk; and ssew them; recovering hereby the possession of all that they had lost.  
Such another slaughter was committed upon the Danes in England; but it was revenged by their Countrymen, with greater cruelties than ever they had practised before. That the Scythians, which escaped this bloody feast, made any stir in Media, I do not found; neither do I read that either in revenge hereof, or upon other pretence, the Medes were troubled by invasion from Scythia in time following.  
This is the more strange, for that the Army returning home out of Media, was very strong, and encountered with opposition (as Herodotus reports it) no less than 
Herod. lib. 4.  it had found abroad. Wherhfore it may be, that the device of Cyaxares to free his Country, took good effect, with less bloodshed than hath been supposed. For if he surprised all the chief of them, it was no hard matter to make a good composition. Many of them doubtless in eight and twenty years had so well settled themselves, that they were desirous of rest, and might be permitted, without any danger, to remain in the Country; many (of whom I shall speak anon) having done what they could in the business, for which they come forth, were willing to return home, with what they had gotten; such as were not pleased with either of these two courses, might go join with the Cimmerians in Lydia, or seek their fortunes in other provinces, among their own Companions. Whereas all the Families of the North are said to have been with Nabuchadnezzar, it may be understood, that a great part of the Scythians, upon hope of gain, or desire to keep what they had already gained, were content to become subject unto Nabulassar: men's love of their wealth being most effectual, in taming the more unquiet love of inordinate liberty. This is certain, that Nabuchadnezzar, as 〈◊〉 after, so in his first beginning 
jer. 25. 9  of war, did beaten the Egyptians, who in ages foregoing had been accustomed to deal with the Babylonians after another fashion: and this new success of that King may be imputed, in regard of human means, to such addition as this of new forces.  
Of the Scythian Army returning out of Media, divers Authors report a Story, which confirms me in the opinion, that this Company went forth to assist their kindred and friends, in acquiring a new seat, and establishing their plantation. For these had left their wives behind them; a good argument to prove that they meant to come again. The Scythian women, to comfort themselves in their husband's absence, become bedfellows to their slaves. These got a lusty brood of youths, that were loathe to be troubled with Fathers in Law, and therefore prepared to fight with them at their return. If they were only the children of slaves, which compounded an Army (as Herodotus would have it, who tells us, that the Scythians were wont to pull out all their Bondman's eyes) it must needs be that they were very Boys, or else that the Women did very little while continued 〈◊〉. Wherhfore I rather believe that tale as it is told by the Russes themselves, who agreeing in the rest with the consent of Histories, make that report of their Ancestors returning homewards, which I will set down, as I find it, in Mr. Doctor Fletcher his exact discourse of the Ruff Commonwealth. They understood by the way, that 
Rus. 〈◊〉. cap. 4.  their Cholopey, or Bondslaves whom they left at home, had in their absence possessed their Towns, Lands, Houses, Wives, and all. At which news being somewhat amazed, and yet disdaining the Villainy of their servants, they made the more speed home: and so not far from Novograd met them in warlike manner marching against them. Whereupon advising what was best to be done, they agreed also to set upon them with no other show of weapon but with their horse-whips (which as their manner is, every man rideth withal) to put them in remembrance of their servile condition, thereby to terrify them, and abate their courage. And so marching on, and lashing all together with their whips in their 〈◊〉, they gave the onset. Which seemed so terrible in the ears of their Villains, and struck such a sense into them of the smart of the whip, which they had felt before, that they fled all together like Sheep before the Drivers. In memory of this victory, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since have stamped their Coin (which they call a Dingoe Novogradskoy, carrant through all Russia) with the figure of a Horseman shaking a whip aloft in his hand. It may seem, that all the women of that Country, have fared the worse ever since, in regard of this universal fault: for such a Pudkey or whip, as terrified those slaves, curiously wrought by herself is the first present that the Moscovian Wife, even in time of wooing, sends to him that shalbe her husband, in token of subjection; being well assured, to feel it often on her own loins. But this was a Document unto the Scythians, or rather Sarmatians (for Novograd stands in the Country that was called Sarmatia) to beware of absenting themselves any more so long from their Wives; which after this, I found not that they did.  
Thus much I thought good to set down of the Scythian expedition; not only because it is the most memorable act performed abroad by that Nation, famous in Histories, and terrible to many Countries; but for that it appears to have been a great cause, of the Egyptians prevailing hitherto in Syria, and about 〈◊〉, which continues yet a while the centre of our discourse.    

§. V Of Princes living in divers Countries, in these ages.  
Having thus far digressed from the matters of juda, to avoid all further occasion of doing the like, I will here insert a note of such Kings and men of mark, as were between the death of Manasses, and the ruin of jerusalem. Of the Egyptians, Babylonians, Medes, and Lydians, I have spoken as much, as I thought needful. In Rome, Tullus Hostilius held the Kingdom, until the one and twentieth year of josias; at which time Ancus Martius succeeding, reigned four and twenty years. After him L. Tarqvinius Priscus, a newcome stranger, but very rich, prevailed so far by his graciousness among the people, that he got the Kingdom to himself, disappointing the sons of Ancus, over whom he was Tutor. He began in the fourth year of Zedekia, and Reigned eight and thirty years. In this time it was, namely, in the second year of the thirtieth Olympiad, that the Lacedæmonians, bethinking them how to be avenged of the Arcadians, who gave secure to the Messenians against them in the former war, entered the Territory, took the City of Phigalia or Phialia, from whence their Garrisons were soon after beaten out. Cypselus expelling the race of the Bacida, made himself Lord of Corinth about these times, and governed it in peace thirty years; leaving for successor his son Periander, one of the seven Sages, but a cruel Tyrant: who among other vile acts, slew his own wife, and afterwards, as in her honour, stripped all the Corinthian women stark naked, burning their apparel, as an acceptable offering to her Ghost. Hereby we may perceive, that the wisdom of the Greeks' was not excellent in those days; when such a one as this could be admired as excelling all the Country.  
In these times also were Zaleucus, and Draco, famous Lawgivers, the one among the 〈◊〉 in Italy, the other in the City of Athens. The Laws of Draco were so rigorous, that he was said to have written them with blood: for he rewarded every small offence with death. Wherhfore his constitutions were soon abrogated, and power given to Solon, by the Athenians, to make new in their stead. But the Laws of Zaleucus were very mild. He forbade any Gentlewoman to walk abroad with more than one Bondwoman attending on her, unless it were when she was drunk; or to go forth of the Town by night, unless it were to some sweetheart's bed; or to dress herself up in immodest bravery, unless it were to inveigle alover. By which pleasant Ordinances, he effected his desire: for noon would seem, in breaking the Statutes, to be in such case as challenged the dispensation. It is noted in this man as a singular example of justice, that when his own son had committed 〈◊〉, and was therefore to lose both his eyes, he did not 'cause him to be pardoned, but gave one eye of his own to save the young man (who also lost one) from utter blindness.  
I shall not henceforth need, so far to wander, as hitherto I often have done; in pursuing of actions collateral to the History, for inserting them in their order of time. The Chaldaeans will soon fall under the Persians'; the Persians', 〈◊〉 long, encounter with the Greeks'; the Greeks', with the Romans; the Romans, with many Nations. Concerning all these, as they shall successively present themselves, in their flourishing Estate; it will be enough to recapitulate the most memorable accidents, that befell them in their Minority. But in the long space of more than thirteen hundred years, which passed between the calling of Abraham, and the destruction of jerusalem, we find little matter, wherein the History of Israel had any dealing with other Nations, than the very nearest borderers. Yet read we of many Kingdoms, that in these many ages were erected, and thrown down; as likewise, many memorable acts were performed in Greece and elsewhere, though not following one another at any near distance; all which must have been quite omitted, or else reserved unto a very unseasonable rehearsal, had they not been disposed in this method, whereof he that will not allow the conveniency, may pardon the necessity.   

§. VI The 〈◊〉 of judaea, and destruction of jerusalem by the Chaldaeans.  
NOW to return to the jewish Story, from whence we have so far digressed. In the third year of jehoiakim, Nabuchodonosor the second, his Father yet living, entered judaea with a great Army, who besieging and forcing jerusalem, made jehoiakim his Vassal in despite of Neco, that had established him King, and took with him for pledges Daniel, being as yet a child, with Ananias, Misael, and Azarias. Also he took a part of the Church treasures; but stayed not to search them thoroughly; for Necho hasted to the succour of jehoiakim, hoping to find Nabuchodonosor in judaea: wherein this 〈◊〉 Babylonian had no disposition to hazard himself and his Army, it being Country of an evil affection towards him, as also far off from any succour or sure place of retreat. If he had, as may be supposed, any great strength of Scythian horsemen in his Army; it was the more wisely done of him, to fall back, out of the rough, mountainous, and overhot Country, into places that were more even and temperate. But besides all these reasons, the death of his father, happening at the same time, gave him just occasion to return home, and take possession of his own Kingdom, before he proceeded further in the second care, of adding more unto it. This he did at reasonable good leisure: for the Egyptian was not ready to follow him so far and to bid him battailc, until the new year come in; which was the fourth of jehoiakim, the first of Nabuchodonosor, and the last of Neco. In this year the Babylonian lying upon the Bank of Euphrates (his own Territory bounding it on the northside) attended the arrival of Necho. There, after a resolved contention for victory. Necho was slain, and his Army remaining forced to save itself, which full ill it did, by a violent retreat. This victory Nabuchodonosor so well pursued, as he recovered all Syria, and what socuer the Egyptians held out of their proper Territory towards the North. The Egyptians being in this conflict beaten, and altogether for the present discouraged, jehoiakim held himself quiet, as being friend in heart unto the Egyptian, yet having made his peace with the Chaldaean the year before; who contented with such profit as he could then readily make, had forborn to lay any Tribute upon juda. But this cool reservedness of jehoiakim, was, on both sides, taken in ill part. The 〈◊〉 King Psammis, who succeeded unto Necho, began to think upon restoring 〈◊〉, taken Prisoner by his Father, and setting him up, as a Domestical Enemy, against his ungrateful brother. Against all such accidents, the judaean had prepared the usual remedy, practised by his forefathers: for he had made his own son jechonia King with him long before, 
2. 〈◊〉. 36. 9  in the second year of his own Reign, when the Boy was but Eight years old. As for this rumour of jehoahaz his return; the Prophet jeremy foretold, that it should prove idle, saying: he shall not return thither, but he shall die in the place wither 
〈◊〉. 22. 11. & 12  they have led him captive, and shall see this Land no more. The Aegptians indeed, having spent all their Mercenary forces, and received that heavy blow at Carchemish, had not remaining such proportion of sharp steel, as of fair gold, which without other help, is of little effect. The valour of Neco was not in Psammis. Apries who reigned after Psammis, did once adventure to show his face in Syria; but after a big look, he was glad to retire, without adventuring the hazard of a battle. Wherhfore this decaying Nation fought only with brave words, telling such frivolous tales, as men, that mean to do nothing, use, of their glorious acts forepast, against josias and jehoahaz. In this case it was easy for jehoiakim to give them satisfaction, by letting them understand the sincerity of his affection towards them, which appeared in time following. But Nabuehodonosor went to work more roundly. He sent a peremptory 〈◊〉 to jehoiakim, willing him not to stand upon any nice points, but acknowledge himself a Subject, and pay him Tribute: adding hereunto such fearful threats, as made the poor judaean lay aside all thought of Pharaoh, and yield to do, as the more mighty would have him. So he continued 
〈◊〉. Antiq. lib. 10. cap. 7.  in the obedience of Nabuchodonosor three years. At this time jeremy the Prophet cried out against the jews, putting them in mind that he had now three and twenty years exhorted them to repentance, but because they had stopped their cares against him, and the rest of the Prophets, he now pronounced their captivity at hand, and that they should endure the yoke of bondage full seventy years. The same calamity 〈◊〉 threatened to all the neighbouring Nations, to the Egyptians, Moabites, Ammonites, Idumaeans, and the rest; foretelling that they should all drink out of the Babylonian Pitcher, the wine of His fury, whom they had forsaken, and after the seventy years expired, that the Babylonians themselves should taste of the 
〈◊〉. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51.  〈◊〉 cup, and be utterly subverted by the Medes, & the judaeans permitted to return again into their own fields and Cities. The first imprisonment of the Prophet jeremy seems to have been in the fourth year of this jeboiakim, at which time Baruch the Scribe wrote all his Prophecies out of his mouth, whom he sent to read them unto the people, and after ward to the Princes, who offered them to the King: but fearing the King's fury, they had first set jeremy at liberty, and advised him and Baruch to hide themselves.  
jehoiakim, after he heard a part of it and perceived the ill news therein delivered, made no more ado, but did cut the Book in pieces and cast it into the fire. All which jeremy caused to be new written, with this addition; that the dead body of jehoiakim, should be cast out, exposed in the day to the heat, and in the night to the frost, and that there should be noon of his seed to sit on the Throne of David.  
Time thus running on, while jehoiakim rested secure of all danger, as Tributary to the Babylonian, yet well thought of by the Egyptian; the mighty City of tire opposed itself against the Chaldaean forces; and upon just confidence of her own strength, despised all preparation that could be made against her. Now forasmuch as the term of seventy years was prescribed unto the desolation, as well of tire, as of jerusalem, and other Towns and Countries; it is apparent, that they which refer the expugnation of this City unto the nineteenth year of Nabuchodonosor, have sure authority for their warrant. Whereupon likewise it follows of necessity, that the siege thereof began in the seventh of his Reign; as having lasted thirteen years.  
Here I will take leave to intrude a brief note, concerning the several beginnings that are reckoned of this great Prince his Rule, whereupon hath risen much disputation. The third year of jehoiakim, was the last of Nabulassar, who being delivered from other cares, took notice of such as had revolted from him unto Pharaoh Neco, and sent this Noble Prince, his son, with an Army into Syria, to reclaim them. In this expedition was Daniel carried away, who therefore makes 
Dan. c. 1. v. 1. jerem. 25. 1.  mention of the same year. The year next following, being the fourth of Ichoiakim, was the first of Nabuchadnezzar; which jeremy affirmeth in express words; and from this we reckon all his time and actions that follow. In his three and twentieth year he conquered Egypt; and then began to reign as a great Monarch, finding noon that durst offend him. The second from this year it was, wherein he seen that vision, of the Image consisting of sundry Metals; which did presigurate the succession of great Kingdoms, that should rule the Earth, before the coming of Christ. I will not stand to dispute about this, which is the best conclusion that I found, of long disputations: but return unto the siege of tire, which began in the seventh of his Reign.  
The City of tire covered all the ground of an Island, that was divided from the main, by a deep & broad channel of the Sca. The Chaldaeans had no Fleet, and were no 〈◊〉- men; the Tyrians, in multitude of goodly Ships, and skill to use them, excelled all other Nations; and every wind, from one part or other, brought needful provisions into the City. Wherhfore neither force, nor famine could greatly hurt the place; where of 〈◊〉 the judgements of God (〈◊〉 against it by 
Easie 23.  Easie, jeremy, Ezechiel,) had threatened the destruction; and the obstinate resolution 
〈◊〉. 25.  
〈◊〉. 26.  of Nabuchodonosor, had fully determined to perform it. This highminded King, impatient of resistance, undertook a vast piece of work; even to fill up the Sea, that parted the Island from the Continent. The City of old Tyrus, that stood opposite to the new, upon the firm Land, and the mountain of Libanus near adjoining that was loaden with Cedars, and abundance of other trees, might furnish him with materials. Thirteen years were spent, in this laborious, and almost hopeless business. Which needeth not seem strange: for Alexander working upon that foundation which was remaining of Nabuchodonosors' Peer; and being withal assisted by a strong Fleet, was yet seven months erc he could make way into the City. Wherhfore, if the raging of the Sea was able to carry away that wherewith Alexander laboured to cover a shelue; with much more violence could it overturn, and as it were consume, the work of Nabuchodonosor, who laid his foundations in the bottom of the deep; striving as it were, to fill the empty belly of this Cormorant; whereas the Macedonian did only stop the throat of it. Every man knows, God could have furthered the accomplishment of his own threats, against this place (though it had not pleased him to use, either miracle, or such of his more immediate weapons, as are Earthquakes, and the like) by making at lest the Seas calm, and adding the favourable concurrence of all second helps. But so it pleaseth him oftentimes, in chastising the pride of man, to use the hand of man; even the hand of man striving, as may seem, against all resistance of nature and fortune. So in this excessive labour of the 〈◊〉, Every head was made bald, and 
〈◊〉: 29. joseph. Antiq.  every shoulder was made bore. Yet Nabuchodonosor would not give over till he was master of the Town.  
When he was entered upon this desperate service; whither it were so, that some losses received, some mutiny in his Army, or (which is most likely; and so josephus 
jud. l. 10. c. 7.  reports it) some glorious rumours of the Egyptians, gave courage to his evil willers; jehoiakim renounced his subjection, and began to hope for the contrary of that which quickly fell out. For Nabuchodonosor gave him no leisure to do much hurt: but with part of his Army marched directly into 〈◊〉; where the amazed King made so little resistance (the Egyptians having left him, as it were in a dream) that he entered jerusalem, and laid hands on jehoiakim: whom he first bound and determined to sand to Babylon, but changing counsel, he caused him to be slain in the place, and gave him the Sepulchre of an Ass, to be devoured by beasis and ravenous birds, according to the former Prophecies: leaving in his place, jehoiakim or jechonias his son; whom after three months and ten days, Nabuchodonosor removed, and sent Prisoner to Babylon, with Ezekiel, Mardochaeus, and josedech, the high Priest. The mother of jechonias, together with his servants, Eunuches, and all the ablest men, and best Artificers of the Land, were also then carried away Captives. This jechonias, following the counsel of 〈◊〉 the Prophet, made no resistance, but submitted himself to the King's will: wherein he both pleased God, and did that which was best for himself; though at the present it might seem otherwise, to such as considered the evil that befell him, rather than the greater evil that he thereby avoided. This only particular act of his is recorded; which was good. But it seems that he was partaker, at lest, of his Father's faults, if not an 〈◊〉: which was the cause, that his submitting himself to God's pleasure did not 〈◊〉 his Estate: for so we read in general words, that he did 〈◊〉 in the sight of the Lord, according to all that his Father had done. In his stead Nabuchodonosor established 〈◊〉 his Uncle in the Kingdom of juda, and called him Zedechias, which is as much to say, as the justice of God. For like as Neco, King of Egypt, had formerly displaced 〈◊〉, after his Father josias was slain, and set up jehoiakim, the son of another Mother; so Nabuchodonosor slew jehoiakim, who depended on the Egyptians, and carrying his son jechonias Prisoner to Babel, gave the Kingdom to this Zedechias, that was whole Brother to that jehoahaz, whom Neco took with him into Egypt. From Zedechias he required an oath for his faithful obedience, which Zedechias gave him, and called the living God to witness in the same, that he would remain assured to the Kings of Chaldea.  
In the first year of Zedechias, jeremy seen and expounded the Vision of the ripe and rotten Grapes, the one signifying those judaeans that were carried away captive, the other those that stayed, and were destroyed.  
In the fourth of Zedechias, jeremy wrote in a Book all the evil that should fall upon Babylon, which Book or scroll he gave to Sheraia, when he went with the King Zedechias to Babylon, to visit Nabuchodonosor; willing him first to read it to the Captive jews, and then to bind it to a stone, and cast it into Euphrates, pronouncing these words: Thus shall Babel be drowned, and shall not rise from the evil that I will bring upon 〈◊〉. This journey of Zedechias to Babel is probably thought to have been in way of visitation, carrying some presents. But I further think, that he had some svite there to make, which his Lordly Master refused to grant, and sent him away discontented. 
Zer. 27.  For at his return all the bordering Princes sent Messengers to him, inciting him (as it seems) to those unquiet courses, from which jeremy dehorted both him and them. The Prophet, by God's appointment, made bonds and yokes; one of which he wore about his own neck, others he sent unto the five Kings of Edom, Moab, Ammon, tire, and Zidon, by those Messengers which come to visit Zedechias: making them know, that if they and the Kings of juda abode in the obedience of Babylon, they should then possess and enjoy their own Countries; if not, they should assuredly perish by the sword, by fire, and by pestilence.  
He also foretold them, that those Vessels, which as yet remained in jerusalem, should also travail after the rest, and at length they should be restored again.  
The same year Ananias, the false Prophet, took off the wooden Chain which 〈◊〉 ware, in sign of the Captivity of the jews, and broke it: Vaunting, that in like manner, after two years, God would break the strength of Babel, and the yoke which he laid on all Nations; restore jechonias, and all the jews, with the Vessels and riches of the Temple, and give an end to all these troubles. But jeremy in stead of his wooden Yoke ware a collar of iron: and in sign that Ananias had given a deceitful and false hope to the people, he foretold the death of this cold Prophet, which seized upon him in the second month. After this, when Zedechias had wavered long enough between Faith and Passion, in the eight year of his Reign he practised more seriously against Nabuchodonosor, with his Neighbours the Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, Tyrians, and others that were promised great aids of the Egyptians: in confidence of whose resistance, he determined 〈◊〉 shake off the Babylonian yoke. Hereof when Nabuchodonosor had knowledge, he marched with his Army in the dead Winter, toward jerusalem, and besieged it. jeremy persuaded Zedechias to tender the City and himself: but being confident of the help from Egypt, and being persuaded by his Counsellors, and false Prophets, that it was unpossible that the Kingdom of juda should be extirpate, until the coming of Silo (according to the Prophecy of jacob) he despised the words of 
Gen 49. 10.  jeremy, and imprisoned him. For jeremy had told the King, that the City should be 
jer. 32. & 34.  taken and burnt; that the King should not escape, but be taken Prisoner, and brought to the presence of Nabuchodonosor; that he should not perish by the sword, but being carried to Babel, die his natural death.  
jerusalem being, the following year, surrounded by Nabuchodonosors' Army; the King of Egypt, Pharaoh Hophra, according to jeremy (Herodotus calleth him Apries) 
Jer. 44.  entered the border of juda, with his Army, to secure Zedechias, of whose revolt he 
Herod. lib. 2.  had been the principal Author. But jeremy gave the jews faithful counsel, willing them not to have any trust in the succours of Egypt: for he assured them, that they should return again, and in no sort relieve them. And it fell out accordingly. For when the Chaldaeans removed from jerusalem to encounter the Egyptians, these vaunting Patrons abandoned their enterprise, and taking Gaza in their way homeward returned into Egypt, as if they had already done enough; leaving the poor people of jerusalem to their destined miseries.  
In the mean while the jews, who, in their first extremity, had manumised their Hebrew Bondmen (as God's Law required at the year of jubilee) and made them free, 
Levit. 25. 39 40. etc.  thereby the better to encourage them to fight; did now upon the breaking up of the Chaldaean Army, repent them of their Charity: and thinking all had been at an end, held them perforce to their former slavery. But the Chaldees being returned 
jer. 34.  to the siege, the Prophet jeremy, when the State of jerusalem began now to grow to extremity, counseled Zedechias to tender himself unto them; assuring 
jer. 39  him of his own life, and the safety of the City, if he would so do. But his obstinate heart conducted him to that wretched end, which his neglect of God, and his infidelity and perjury, had provided for him.  
Three and twenty Months (as some do reckon it) or according to josephus 
jer. 39  eighteen; the Babylonian Army lay before jerusalem, and held it exceeding straightly besieged. For they built Forts against it round about, or (as P. Martyr hath it) extruxerunt 
2. King. 25. 1.  contra eam turrem ligneam per circuitum: They surrounded the City with wooden Towers, so as the besieged could neither sally out, nor receive into the City any supply of men or victuals. josephus reports, that they overtopped the Walls, 
joseph. Ant. jud. lib. 10. cap. 11.  with high Towers raised upon mounts; from which they did so beaten upon the Wall with their Engines, that the defendants were compelled to forsake their stations. Now although it were so that the besieged also raised Counter-buildings, like unto these, Yet the great King of Babel, who commanded all the Regions thereabouts, and had the Woods and Rivers to obey him, found means to overthrow all the Citizens endeavours; and to beaten down as fast from without, as they raised from within; the body and foundation of his own works being guarded, by the Walls of jerusalem interposed; and theirs within, laid open to their enemy's disturbance. Besides, both famine and pestilence (which commonly accompany men straightly besieged) grew on fast upon them, whereby, when the number, strength, and courage of the jews failed, the Chaldaeans made a breach, and forcing an entry, their Princes did seat themselves, as Lords of the Town, in the middle gate. Zedechias beholding this uncomfortable sight, and finding no remedy of the danger present, lost both his courage and his hope at once; and shifted himself together with his Wives, Children, Princes, and principal Servants, out of the City, by a way under ground; leaving his amazed & guideless people, to the merciless swords of their enemies. Thus he, who, when jeremy the Prophet persuaded him to tender 〈◊〉, despised both the Counsel of God, and the force of 〈◊〉; used now that remedy, which Wolphius truly termeth: triste, turpe, & 〈◊〉: Woeful, shameful, and unfortunate.  
By this secret subterrane vault, Zedechias making his stealth, recovered (by the help of the dark night) the Plains or Deserts of jericho: but by reason of the train, that followed him and his, (every one leading with him those whom they 〈◊〉 most dear unto them) he was easily traced and pursued. How great soever the company was that attended on him, yet, as josephus reports it, they on whose 
joseph. Antiq. l 10. cap. 11.  fidelity he most reposed himself, no sooner beheld the Chaldaeans approach, but they all abandoned his defence, and shifted themselves into the Defarts as they could. For whom God had forsaken, no man followed, but the Ministers of his vengeance; by whom Zedechias being made Prisoner, with his Children, and Princes, he was conveyed to Rebla or Reblath a City (as some think) of Nephtalim, where Nabuchodonosor then lay, as a place indifferent 〈◊〉 jerusalem and tire, with both which at once he had to do.  
Now after Nabuchodonosor had laid before Zedekias the many graces and benefits conferred upon him, together with the notable falsehood and perjury, wherewith he had requited them; he commanded his Children, Princes, and Friends, to be slain before his face. This being done, to the end that so lamentable a spectacle should be the last, that ever he should behold in the World, he caused his eyes to be torn out of his head, and so carried him in a slavish manner to Babel, where he consumed the rest of his wretched life in perpetual imprisonment. Herein this most marvelous Prophecy of Ezechiel was performed; Adducam 〈◊〉 in Babylonem 
Ezech. 12.  & ipsam non 〈◊〉. I will bring him into Babylon, and he shall not see it.  
Thus in the Eleventh and last year of Zedekias, which was the eighteenth of Nabuchodonosor, the Chaldaeans entered the City by force, where sparing no sex nor age, they committed all to the sword that they therein found.  
In the year next following, Nabuzaradan, General of the Army, burnt the King's 
3534.  Palace, and the rest of jerusalem: and after this fire had lasted from the seventh to the tenth day, he also burnt the Temple of God to the ground, when it had stood four hundred thirty and one years.  
After this upon a second search, Nabuzaradan (not yet satiated with blood) commanded seventy and two others to be slaughtered, which had hidden themselves from the first fury, to wit, the chief and the second Priest, two Commanders of Zedechias his men of War, five of his Household servants, and others to 
2. King's last.  that number; carrying away to Babylon the ablest of the people throughout all judaea; and leaving the poorest labouring souls, with some that followed the party of Nabuchodovosor, to till the ground: over whom he left Governor, 〈◊〉 the Nephew of that Saphan, whom josias had formerly employed in the reformation of Religion, who is, for his justice and equity, by josephus highly commended. This man, a jew by Nation, left Zedechias, as it seemeth, in the beginning of the war: and by jeremies' desire to live with him, it appeareth that he had embraced the same advice, which the Prophet gave unto Zedechias; which was, to submit himself altogether to the Babylonian, who being ordained by God to exercise his justice, was therefore resistless. The Prophet jeremy being left to his own choice, either to live in Chaldaea, or elsewhere, he made election of 〈◊〉, to whom he was recommended; who not only embraced jeremy, but gave comfort to all the other jews, that were left under his charge, promising them favour and liberty, so long as they remained obedient Subjects to Nabuchodonosor, by whom he was established Provincial Governor of his own Nation.  
But ere that year was expired, a Prince of the late King's house (who during the siege of jerusalem, had kept himself out of the storm, with Baalis, King of the Ammonites) being followed by ten other chosen men, while 〈◊〉 feasted them in Maspha or Mitspa, the City of his residence, traitorously slew him, together with divers Chaldaeans and jews that accompanied him. This done, he made an escape, and in his way encountering with eighty persons, repairing towards Godoliah with presents, he slew the most of them, and spared the rest, because they promised to discover unto him some Treasures, hidden in the fields during the war. He also took with him a Daughter of Zedechias, committed to the care of Godoliah by Nabuchodonosor. This practice and intent of Ishmael had been formerly discovered unto 〈◊〉 by johanan, one of the Leaders of the few remaining jews; but Godoliah was incredulous.  
judaea being now left without a Governor (for Ishmael durst not take it upon him, but retired himself, or rather fled as fast as he could to the Ammonites) the residue of the jews, fearing the revenge of the Chaldaeans, resolved to fly away into Egypt, and besought jeremy to ask counsel of God for them: who readily made them answer, that if they remained in judaea, God would provide for them, and show them mercy; but if they sought to save themselves in Egypt, that they should then undoubtedly perish. Notwithstanding this advice, the jews held their determination; and despising the Oracle of God, and constraining jeremy and Baruch to accompany them, they travailed into Egypt, and inhabited by the 〈◊〉 of Pharaoh, near unto Taphnes': where, when jeremy often reprehended them for their Idolatry, foretelling both the destruction of themselves, and the Egyptians also, he was by these his own hard-hearted and ungrateful Countrymen, stoned to death; and by the Egyptians, who greatly reverenced him, buried near the Sepulchre of their own Kings.    
Finis Libri secundi.    

THE FISRT PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD: ENTREATING OF THE TIMES FROM the destruction of jerusalem, to the time of PHILIP of Macedon.  

THE THIRD BOOK.  

CHAP. I Of the time passing between the destruction of 〈◊〉, and the fall of the Assyrian Empire.  

§. I. Of the connexion of Sacred and 〈◊〉 History.  
THE course of Time; which in profane Histories might rather be discerned through the greatest part of his way, hitherto passed in some outworn footsteps, than in any beaten path, having once in Greece by the Olympiads, and in the Eastern Countries by the account from Nabonassar, left surer marks, and more appliable to actions concurrent, then were the war of Troy, or any other token of former date; gins at length in the ruin of 〈◊〉 to discover the connexion of antiquity fore-spent, with the story of succeeding ages: Manifest it is, that the original and progress of things could ill be sought in those that were ignorant of the first creation: as likewise that the affairs of Kingdoms and Empire afterwards grown up, are not to be found among those, that have now no state nor policy remaining of their own. Having therefore pursued the story of the world unto that age, from whence the memory of succeeding accidents is with little interruption of fabulous discourse derived unto us, I hold it now convenient briefly to show, by what means and circumstances the History of the Hebrews, which of all other is the most ancient, may be conjoined with the following times, wherein that Image of sundry metals, discovered by God unto Nabuchadnezzar, did reign over the earth, when Israel was either noon, or an unregarded Nation.  
Herein I do not hold it 〈◊〉, to insist upon those authotities, which give, as it were by hearsay, a certain year of some old Assyrian King unto some action or event, whereof the time is found expressed in Scripture: for together with the end of Ninus his line in Star danapalus, if not before, all such computations were blotted out; the succession of Belochus and his issue that occupied that kingdom afterwards, depending upon the uncertain relations of such, as were neither constant in assigning the years of his beginning, 〈◊〉 of credit enough for others to rely upon. Let it therefore suffice, that the consent and harmony, which some have found in the years of those overworn Monarches, doth preserve their names, which otherwise might have been forgotten. Now concerning the later Kings of that Nation, howsoever it be true that we found the names of all or most of them in Scriptures, which are recorded by profane Historians, yet hereby could we only learn in what age each of them lived, but not in what year his reign began or ended, were it not that the reign of Nabuchadnezzar is more precisely applied to the times of jehoiakim and Zedekia. Hence have we the first light whereby to 〈◊〉 the means of connecting the sacred and profane Histories. For under Nabuchadnezzar was the beginning of the captivity of juda, which ended when 70. years were expired; and these 70. years took end at the first of Cyrus, whose time being well known, affords us means of looking back into the ages past, and forwards into the race of men succeeding. The first year of Cyrus his reign in Persia, by general consent, is joined with the first year of the 55. Olympiad, where, that he reigned three and twenty years before his Monarchy, and seven years afterwards, it is apparent, and almost out of controversy. Giving therefore four hundred and eight years unto the distance between the fall of Troy, and the instauration of the Olympiads by Iphitus; we may easily arrive unto those antiquities of Greece, which were not merely fabulous. As for Princes ruling the whilst in sundry parts of the world, S. Augustine and others may be trusted in setting down their times, which they had by Tradition from authors of wel-approved faith and industry.  
From Cyrus forwards, how the times are 〈◊〉 unto Alexander, and from him to the battle of Actium, it were (peradventure) in this place impertinent to set down. But seeing that the beginning and end of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the marks whereby we are chiefly directed, in passing from the first unto the latest years of the world, through any story, with lest interruption, it is very expedient that we take some pains to inform ourselves truly of the 70. years, during which it continued, even from Nabuchadnezzar unto Cyrus.   

§. II A brief rehearsal of two opinions, touching the beginning of the captivity: with an answer to the cavils of PORPHYRY, inveighing against S. MATTHEW, and DANIEL, upon whom the later of these opinions is founded.  
MAny Commentators, and other Historians and Chronologers find, that the captivity then began, when jechonias was carried prisoner into Babylon, eleven year before the final destruction of jerusalem 
Ezech. c. 1. v. 2. c. 3. v. 11. & 15  under Zedekias. This they prove out of divers places in Ezekiel, especially out of the fourteenth chapter, where he makes a plain distinction between the beginning of the Captivity, and utter destruction of jerusalem by Nabuzaradan, in these words: In the five and twentieth year of our being in captivity, in the beginning of the year, in the tenth day of the month, in the fourteenth year after that the City was smitten. In which words he beginneth the captivity in plain terms, eleven years before the City was destroyed. Beroaldus is of opinion that it began in the first of Nabuchodonosor, and the fourth of joakim, which he endeavours to prove out of the second of Chronicles, but more especially out S. Matthew, and Daniel, whose words afford matter of long disputation, but serve not to make good so much as Beroaldus would enforce. That place of S. Matthew, and the whole book of Daniel, have ministered occasion of scoffing and railing at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to that wretched man Porphyry, who, not understanding how the sons of King josias were called by divers names, as Epiphanius hath showed at large, thought that the Apostle had spoken he knew not what in reckoning the sons, or, according to some translations, the Son and Nephews of that good King, begotten about the time of the captivity. Upon Daniel also the same Porphyry doth spend the twelfth of his malicious books written against the Christians, affirming that these prophecies & visions remembered by Daniel, were written long after his death, and at, or near the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. This found supposition of his, 〈◊〉, Apollonius, and others, have sufficiently answered. For the seventy Interpreters, who converted the old Testament about an hundred year before Epiphanes, did also turn this book of Daniel out of Hebrew into Greek, as a part of Scripture received. And were there no other argument to confounded Porphyry, than that of Alexander Macedon, it were sufficient, who lived divers years 
Mac. 1. 〈◊〉.  before Antiochus Epiphanes. For jaddus the high Priest showed that great Conqueror, when he come towards jerusalem to have destroyed it, this book of Daniel, 
joseph. ant. 〈◊〉.  wherein he beheld his own glory foretold, as the same was plainly expounded unto him; which not only stayed his hand from the harm of that City and people, but his assurance and resolution was so confirmed and strengthened thereby, as despising all future peril and 〈◊〉, he conquered Darius, and the Eastern Empire in a shorter time than Nabuchodonosor had done one City, to wit, tire in Phoenicia.  
It is true indeed that the jews themselves give less authority to Daniel, than to Moses, and the Prophets, accounting his book among those which they call Cetaphim, or Hagiographa, or holy Write, which they say Esdras and the Seniors of the Synagogue compiled after their return from Babylon. But first, that the book of Daniel (I mean so much as is found in the Hebrew) is Canonical: secondly, that it was written by Daniel himself, and not by Esdras and the Seniors; we may assure ourselves by testimony of Counsels, and Fathers. For in the Council of 〈◊〉 held about the year of our Lord 368. after the death of jovinian the Emperor, and after the Nicene Council three and forty years, this book of Daniel was received verified and confirmed among the other 〈◊〉 Scriptures, as in the Epitome of the same Council it may be seen, and so doth Meliton the most ancient Bishop of Sardis number it, witness Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical history, the fourth book, and five and twentieth chapter, so doth the same 〈◊〉 in the Catalogue of Canonical books upon Origen, so doth Hilarius in his Preface upon the 〈◊〉, and Epiphanius in his book of Weights and 〈◊〉, etc. To these I may add S. Hierome, Gregory Nazianzene, and others. For the Hagiographae books or holy Write, the 〈◊〉 and Rabbins 〈◊〉 to be these, Daniel, Psalms, Proverbs, job, Canticles, Ruth, 〈◊〉, Ecclesiastes, Hester, Esra, Nehemiah, and the Chronicles. And that it was Daniel, and not Esdras, that wrote this book, God's commandment unto him by his Angel, to seal up the same to the time appointed, is an unanswerable testimony. Yea that which exceedeth all strength of other proof, our 
Math. 24. 15.  Saviour Christ who citeth no Apocryphal Scripture, in Matthew & Mark allegeth 
Mark. 13. 14.  Daniel the Prophet, to wit, the last verse of his nineteenth chapter. Further, in the fift of john, Christ distributeth the risen from the dead, as in Daniel the twelfth, verse the second. S. Paul describeth Antichrist out of Daniel, and the Revelation is wholly an interpretation of Daniel's visions. 
Dan. 12.    

§. III That the 70. years of captivity are to be numbered from the 〈◊〉 of jerusalem; not from the migration of JECHONIA.  
Having thus far digressed, in maintaining that authority, which must often be cited in the present argument, it is now convenient, that we return unto the differences of opinion, concerning the beginning of these 70. years. Neither will I stand to trouble myself and others with laying open the grounds or weakness of that which Eusebius and some few nameless Authors, have sometimes held in this point, which is lately revived by Beroaldus; but will forthwith enter into consideration of that opinion, which many both ancient and late Writers have so earnestly maintained, that it wants not much of being common.  
Four Kings of juda were carried away captives to Babylon: First, Manasses; then jehoiakim, and with him among others, Daniel the Prophet: thirdly, jechonias, and with him Ezekiel: lastly, Zedekias, at which time the City and Temple were destroyed. To the first of these captivities the beginning of the 70. years is referred by noon that I have read; to the second by few and with weak proof; to the third by very many and with much confidence. For 〈◊〉 those places of Ezekiel already cited, there is a strong argument gathered out of jeremy, which may seem to make the matter plain. For the Prophet in comforting the people that were carried away with jechonias, useth these words: Thus saith the Lord, After 70. years 
〈◊〉. 29. 10.  be accomplished at Babel, I will visit you, and perform my good promise towards you, and 'cause you to return to this place.  
But it stands indeed with little reason that we should seek the interpretation of a prophecy out of circumstances, when the prophecy is such as doth sufficiently expound itself. jeremy had already, in the fourth year of jehoiakim, denounced the judgement of God against the Land, for the sins and impoenitencie of that obstinate people, in these words: Behold, I will sand and take to me all the families of the North, saith the Lord, and Nabuchadnezzar, the King of Babel, my servant, and will bring them against this Land, and against the Inhabitants thereof, and against all these Nations round about, and I will destroy them, and make them an astonishment, and an 〈◊〉, and a continual desolation. Moreover, I will take from them the voice of mirth, and the voice of gladness, the voice of the Bridegroom, and the voice of the 〈◊〉, the 〈◊〉 of the mill stones, and the light of the candle, and this whole Land shall be desolate, and an astonishment, and these Nations shall serve the King of 〈◊〉 70. years. And when 70. years are expired, I will visit the King of Babel. Here we see prescribed unto the captivity the term of 70. years, which were to commence, neither when the 〈◊〉 was uttered; nor when jehoiakim, who then reigned, was taken by 〈◊〉; nor yet in the time of jechonia; but with the utter desolation of the City, whereof jeremy did again give notice to those that were already in Babylon, at such time as he sent them the comfort of deliverance before rehearsed. And so did the people understand this 〈◊〉, in those times when they seen it accomplished, beginning the 70. years at the time of the desolation, as manifestly appears in the 
〈◊〉 29. v. 16. 17. & 18.  end of the History of juda, where it is said thus: They burned the house of God, and broke down the wall of jerusalem, and burnt all the Places thereof with fire, and all the precious vessels thereof to destroy all: And they that were left by the sword, 〈◊〉 he away to 
2. Chron. 36. 19  Babel, and they were servants to him and to his sons, until the Kingdom of the 〈◊〉 had rule, to fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of JEREMIA, until the Land had her fill of her Sabbaths: for all the days that she lay desolate, she kept Sabbath, to fulfil 70. years. But in the first year of CYRUS King of Persia (when the word of the Lord, spoken by the mouth of JEREMIA, was finished) the Lord stirred up the spirit of CYRUS. We seldom found one piece of Scripture so precisely and plainly expounded by another as in this prophecy, to have afterwards been the subject of altercation. 〈◊〉 one can hardly devise, how either the desolation could have been expressed more sensibly than it was by the Prophet, or the event of the prophecy have been more exactly set down, than it was in the place now last of all cited. If it be requisite that we bring more proof in so evident a case, the ninth Chapter of Daniel yields testimony sufficient, unto this exposition of jeremia his prophecy, that jerusalem was to lie waste 70. years. For in the first year of Darius the Mede, which was the last of the 70. Daniel obtained of God the 〈◊〉 that had been promised by prayer, which he made upon consideration of the time that was expired: as he telleth us in these words: In the first year of his reign, 1 DANIEL understood 
Dan. 9 〈◊〉.  by books the number of the years, whereof the Lord had spoken unto JEREMIAH the Prophet, that he would accomplish 70. years in the desolation of jerusalem. So that howsoever the time of Daniel his own captivity be reckoned from the taking of jehoiakim, and that the people carried away with jechonia, did account, as well they might, the years of their own captivity; yet with the general desolation of the Country, wherein were few or noon of the Israelites left remaining to inhabit, began in the nineteenth year of 〈◊〉 the great captivity, which by God's appointment continued unto the end of 70. years. This I will not further seek to prove, by the authority of josephus and others affirming the same; for as much as that which already hath been produced, is enough to satisfy any man that hath not fully determined to hold the contrary.   

§. FOUR Sundry opinions of the Kings which reigned in Babylon during the 70. years.  
WHat Kings reigned in Babylon, during these 70. years of the captivity, and how long each of them did wear the 〈◊〉, it is a 〈◊〉 of no great importance to know, for as much as neither their acts were notable in the age wherein they 〈◊〉, nor the length of their reigns, any way helpful to the concordance of times, foregoing or succeeding. The conquests recounted by Xenophon of Syria, Arabia, (or rather some part 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 1.  of it) Hyrcania, Bactria, and perhaps of some other Countries, may seem first-fruits of the victories obtained by 〈◊〉 the Great (or by some of his Ancestors) in the former part of his life, before he betook himself to ease, and to the sumptuous building of his great Babel, for the house of his Kingdom, and for the honour of his Majesty, where it may seem that he and his Heirs kept a great state, and did very little. The idle behaviour of the Assyrian Soldiers, in such skirmishes as afterwards they had with the Medes, doth argue no less. For whereas under 〈◊〉, they were so stout and industrious, that (to omit other proofs) they attempted, and finished, that hardy 〈◊〉 of work, of winning the strong City of tire, by joining it unto the continent, filling up the deep and broad channel of the Sea, 〈◊〉 it from the main with a mole, or 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, and other matter, the reparation whereof, when the Sea had washed it away, was the very greatest of Alexander's works in the times following, they become timorous, that they durst not approach 〈◊〉 to the enemy than their bows would carry, but were ready to turn their backs, as soon as any, though inferior in numbers, adventuring within the distance offered to charge them.  
Now as their actions from the end of Nebuchadnezar's wars, till the ruin of 
〈◊〉. Cyropag. lib. 1. & 1. 3  their Empire, were not worthy to be recorded; so was the distinction of their times, and reign of their several Kings, unworthy of the great labour that hath in vain been taken in that business. For when it is granted, that the captivity of juda, ending with that Empire, lasted 70. years, we may as reasonably forbear to search into the particular continuance of two or three slothful Kings, as we are 〈◊〉 to be ignorant of the ages of the Patriarches, and their children, living in the Egyptian servitude; resting satisfied in both with the general assured sum.  
Yet for as much as many have traveled in this 〈◊〉, upon desire (as I take it) to approve the beginning and end of the 70. years, not only by the reigns of other Princes, ruling elsewhere, but by the times of the 〈◊〉 themselves: I will not refuse to take a little pains in collecting their opinions, and showing what I think, may best be held for likely, if the certain truth cannot be found.  
The opinions are many, and greatly repugnant, both in recounting the Kings themselves, and in setting down the years of their several reigns. The first (as I take it) the surest, is theirs, who merely follow the authority of the Scriptures, without borrowing any help from others. These name only three Kings, Nabuchadnezzar, Euilmerodach, and Balthasar. Neither have they only the silence of Daniel, who names noon other to be their warrant, but the prophecy of jeremy 〈◊〉, and in a manner purposely teaching the very same. For God, by the mouth of that Prophet, showing that he being absolute Lord of all, would dispose of all, according to his own will, and making it known that he had some Countries here named, into the hands of the King of 〈◊〉, saith thus: And all Nations 
〈◊〉. 27. v. 7.  shall serve him, and his Son, and his sons Son, until the very time of his Landcome also; then many Nations and great Kings shall serve themselves of him. These words expressing the continuance of the Chaldaean Empire, and number of the Kings, will hardly be qualified with any distinction. But indeed I find no other 〈◊〉 of qualification to be used herein, than such as may grow out of men's desire to reconcile the Scriptures unto profane authors. And this desire were not unjust, if the consent of all histories were on the one side, and the letter of the holy Text were single on the otherside.  
But contrariwise, the Authors which are cited in this case, are so repugnant one to the other, and the proofs of their different reports are so slender and unsufficient, that the succession of these Princes, had it not been thus deliucred in Scriptures, but only set down by some Author of equal credit with the rest, might very well have found and deserved as good belief, as any of those things which they 
josephus 〈◊〉. lib. 10. cap. 〈◊〉.  have delivered in this point. For some there are, who following josephus, derive that Empire, as by descent from father to son, through five generations; beginning with Nabuchodonosor the great, and giving to him 43. years, to Euilmerodach 18, to Niglisar the son of Euilmerodach 40, to Labosardach the son of Niglisar 9 months, and lastly to 〈◊〉 (whom josephus intimates to be of the race of Nabuchodonosor, without naming his father) 17. years. And this opinion (save that he forbears to reckon the years, and plainly calls Balthasar the son of Labosardach) Saint Hierome doth follow, alleging Berosus, and josephus as a sectator of Berosus for his Authors; though Berosus, as he is cited by josephus, report the matter far otherwise. For he tells us that Euilmerodach the son of Nabuchodonosor did 
jos. 〈◊〉. Appian. lib. 1.  reign but 2. years, being for his 〈◊〉 and lust, slain by his sister's husband 〈◊〉, who occupied the kingdom after him 4. years, and left it to his own son Labosardach, who being an 〈◊〉- conditioned boy, was at the end of 9 months slain by such as were about him, and the kingdom given to one Nabonidus, who held it by the election of the 〈◊〉, and left it unto Cyrus after 17. years. This relation ill agrees with that of 〈◊〉, and both of them as bad with the Scriptures, in number either of years, or of generations; yet the particularities which they handle, have procured unto them some authority, so that the names which they have inserted, are taken as it were upon trust. There is a third opinion, which makes the three last kings brethren, and sons of Euilmerodach; and this may well enough agreed with the Scripture: though I had rather believe Xenophon, who saith that the last king of Babylon was immediate successor 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. libr. 4.  to his father. But whereas the Author of the Scholastical History, who is founder of this opinion, placeth between him that took jerusalem, and 〈◊〉, another Nabuthodonosor: plain it is that he hath, out of any History sacred or profane, as little warrant to guide him, as we have reason to follow him. Eusebius, 〈◊〉, Severus, and Theodoret, upon better ground, have supposed, that 〈◊〉 and Balthasar were brethren and sons of the great Nabuchodonosor. This is built on the fift chapter of Daniel, wherein Balthasar (for of Euilmerodach there is noon that ever doubted) is often called Nabuchodonosor his son. And so common grew this explication, that Saint Hierome called it the vulgar opinion. But the place of jeremy before cited, proves that Balthasar was not the son indeed, but the grandchild of that great conqueror, though by the phrase very common in Scriptures, and familiar in those Eastern languages, he was called the son.  
Annius his Metasthenes hits very rightly the 70. years of captivity, giving to Nabuchodonosor 45. years, to Euilmerodach 30. years, and to the three sons of 〈◊〉, nephews of Nabuchodonosor 14. years; that is, to Reg-Assar the eldest son three years, to Lab-Assar Dach the 〈◊〉 son six years, and to 〈◊〉 the third son five.  
To this account 〈◊〉 with the Scriptures, both in the whole sum of years, and in the number of generations, I have sometime subscribed, as not daring to reject an appearance of truth, upon no greater reason than because the Author was of Annius his edition. Yet could I not satisfy myself herein; both for that noon of the Ancient, and few such of the modern Writers as deserve to be regarded, have consented with this Metasthenes; and for that in making 〈◊〉 succeed unto his brother in the kingdom, and not unto his father, he is wholly against 〈◊〉, whose History of the elder Cyrus in his Assyrian war I can not slightly value in many respects, and especially because it is very agreeable to the Scriptures, in the taking of Babylon, while the king was at his drunken feast.  
Seeking therefore diligently into all circumstances that might give any light in this obscurity, I found manifest proof, that the time allotted unto Balthasar, by Annius his Metasthenes, was far short of the truth, which is enough to tender all 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. verse 1. & 27.  suspected that he hath said in distributing what part of the 70. years he pleased among the rest. For in the third year of Balthasar, Daniel seen a vision, after which he was sick certain days, but when he rose up, he did the king's business: from which business, that he did afterwards withdraw himself, and live retired, so long that he was forgotten in the Court, it appears plainly, both by the many words which the old Queen used to set out his sufficiency, and by the Kings ask of him, when he come into his presence, whither he were Daniel. Now to think 
Dan. c. 5. v. 11, 12, & 13.  that a man of such account and place as Daniel had held, could in two years have been worn out of remembrance, were in my judgement a very 〈◊〉 conceit, which rather than I would entertain, I can well be contented, to think the whole 
Dan. 2. 49.  story (thus related) a part of Annius his impostures.  
Out of these reports of josephus, Berosus, and others, many new opinions are framed, by conjectures of late Writers. For the endurance of the captivity being 70-yeeres, and these years extending unto the first of Cyrus, in which course of time Nabuchadnezzar, his son and grandchild, must have reigned; it 〈◊〉 seemed needful to supply the years of these three descents, by inserting some, whose reigns might fill up the whole continuance of the captivity, with which the time allotted by Berosus and others, to Euilmerodach and Balthasar, joined unto the years following the nineteen of Nabuchadnezzar, (wherein jerusalem was laid desolate) are nothing even.  
Therefore Mercator and others following him, fashion the years of Euilmerodach in this sort. They say, that the 18. years given to him by josephus in the tenth of his Antiquities, should be read and numbered 28. years, and the two years that Berosus hath allowed to Euilmerodach should be written 23. in the first number the figure of (1) is mistaken for the figure of (2) and in the latter there should have been added the figure of (3) to that of (2:) this granted (to wit) that Euilmerodach reigned 28. years, whereof five together with his father, and 23. after his death, and the same number of 23. added to the 25. which Nabuchodonosor lived after the destruction of jerusalem, make 49, then 4. years of Niglisar according to Berosus, 9 months of Labassardach his son, and 17. years of Labonidus or Balthasar make up the number of 70. years to the first of Cyrus. But whither by error in figures, or in words, the numbers be utterly mistaken, in all copies extant; upon how weak a foundation do they build, who have nothing to help them, save only the bore names of two unknown Kings, found in Authors manifestly corrupted, and such as if they had been entirely extant, were not worthy, to have that place of jeremy called into dispute, in regard of their authority?   

§. V A more particular examination of one opinion touching the number, persons, and reigns of the Babylonian Kings.  
OTher suppositions, little different in substance from this of Mercator, I purposely forbear to rehearse, as falling under the same answer. That of joseph Scaliger I may not forget, as deserving to be considered apart from the rest. He gives to Nabuchadnezzar 44. years, to Euilmerodach 2, to Belsazer, 5: and to Nabonidus 17. So that from the 19 of Nabuchadnezzar, in which jerusalem was destroyed, unto the time of Cyrus he accounteth only 59 years; beginning (as many do) the captivity 11. 〈◊〉 sooner, from the transportation of jechonia. But hereof enough hath been said already. That which we are now to consider, is his distribution of the time running between the 19 of Nabuchadnezzar, and the fall of the Caldoean Empire: wherein if he have 〈◊〉, then is all further inquisition frivolous.  
Concerning the length of Nabuchadnezzars reign, I shall hereafter upon better occasion 〈◊〉 my opinion. The time which he gives to 〈◊〉, is very short, and more precisely 〈◊〉 with Berosus than with the Scriptures. For we found in jeremy, that this Euilmerodach in the first of his reign, showing all favour to jechonia, did among other things take order for him at his table; and that he did continually eat bread before him all the days of his life. His portion was a continual portion given him of the King of Babel, every day a certain, all the days of his life 
〈◊〉. 52. 〈◊〉 33. & 34.  until he died. The very sound of these words (which is more to be esteemed, than the authority of Berosus, were he perfectly extant) imports a far longer time than two years, wherein jechonia, under this gentle Prince, enjoyed the comfort sent by God, whose commandment he had obeyed in yielding himself to Nabuchadnezzar. Indeed how long jechonia did live it can not be proved; but plain it is hereby, that all his remaining days he did cate bread before this King. Now that he lived not so short a while after this as 2. years, it is more than likely, for he was but 55. years old when he was set at liberty, having been 37. years in the prison, whereinto he was cast at the age of 18. years; after which time it seems plain that he begat Salathiel, as well by the age of Zorobabel, who is said to have been but a young man, and one of Darius his Pages threescore years after this, as by other circumstances of his imprisonment itself.  
Of Belsazer, to whom Scaliger gives the next five years, naming him also Laborosoardoch, I should wonder why he calls him Nabuchadnezzars daughters son, were it not that herein I found him very careful to help out Berosus, by shifting in his Niriglissoroor, as husband to Nabuchadnezzars daughter, and Protector of his son four of these years; by which means there remains about one year to Belsazer alone, agreeing nearly with the 9 months assigned by Berosus to the son of Niglisar. But jeremy hath told us that it was to Nabuchadnezzar, and to his son, and to his sons son (not to his daughter's son) that the Empire was promised: which difficulty if Scaliger could not help, it was well done of him, to pass it over with silence.  
Nabonidas the last of these (whom others, desirous to reconcile Berosus to the Scriptures) have judged to be all one with Balthasar, is by 〈◊〉 thought to be Darius of the Medes. But herein Scaliger is no firm Berosian: for Berosus makes him of the same stock or race a Babylonian. I speak not this to disgrace the travail of that most learned man (for it highly commends his diligence and judgement, that he was not so wedded to any author, as affected with the love of truth) but to show that he himself having in some points disliked those Writers, whom in general he approveth, might with greater reason have wholly reform them by the Scriptures, wherein can be no error. Two things there are which chief did breed or confirm this opinion in Scaliger, that he whom 〈◊〉 calls Nabonidus, was the same whom Daniel had called Darius of the Medes: First, the phrase of Scripture, which signifies unto us, that Darius took the kingdom, not saying that he wan it by force ofarmes; Secondly, a fragment of Megasthenes found in Eusebius, wherein this Nabonidus is called the Median. Touching the word of the Original, or of the Greek translation, which expressing no force of arms, doth only signify, that Darius took or received the kingdom; I see no reason why we should thereupon infer, that the next king entered by Election: seeing Daniel relateth not the means and circumstances of Balthasar's death, but only the swift accomplishment of his own prophecy. Neither could it indeed have properly been said (if Daniel had cared to use the most expressive terms) that Darius of the Medes breaking into the city, did win the kingdom; seeing this was performed by Cyrus in the absence of Darius, though by his forces, and to his use. Now concerning the fragment of Megasthenes, true it is, that in Eusebius his works printed at Basile, in the year 1559. I find only thus much of Megasthenes, cited out of 〈◊〉; That Nabuchodonosor was more valiant than Hercules; that he subdued all Lybia, and the rest of Asia as far as to the Armenians; and that as the Chaldoeans report, being returned into his kingdom, and rapt with a divine fury, he cried with a loud voice: OH Babylonians, I foretell ye of a great calamity that shall come upon you, which neither Bel, nor any of the Gods shall avert: There will come a Persian, half an Ass, that shall bring slavery upon ye: and that, this and the like when he had spoken, he vanished. Of all this I believe little or nothing, saving that Nabuchodonosor knew beforehand, that his Empire should be translated, as Daniel had foretold from the golden head, to the silver breast. But that he won all Africa or Lybia, I hold it neither true nor probable.  
If Scaliger's copy of Eusebius were the more perfect, out of which Megasthenes tells us that Nabuchodonosor wan both Africa and Spain, I believe the fragment so much the less: and am as little moved with the authority of it, where it calls a Median the pride and confidence of the Assyrians, as where it tells of Nabuchadnezzar his own vanishing away. Indeed that same title of half an Ass, by which he calleth Cyrus, makes me to suspect the fable as cunningly forged out of Apollo his Oracle, wherein he termeth him a Mule, because his parentage was more noble on the mother's side, than on the fathers; as Mules are begotten by Asses upon Mares. And thus much in answer of the two principal foundations whereon this opinion is built. As for the concinnity and coherence which it hath within itself, I easily allow it. But this proves nothing, for mere fictions have not wanted these commendations: neither can any man believe that one so judicious, industrious and deeply learned as joseph Scaliger, would overshoote himself in setting down repugnancies.  
It now remaineth to examine the agreement of this with the Scriptures, from which there is no appeal. And herein it seems that Scaliger, well knowing his own sufficiency, hath been little careful to satisfy men that would frame Arguments against him. For if the prophecy of Daniel were true, that the kingdom of Balthasar was divided, and given to the Medes and Persians', either we must think that Darius of the Medes was not Nabonidus, or else we must bethink ourselves what Persian it might be that shared the kingdom with him. For it is not more certain, that Balthasar lost his life and kingdom, than that his kingdom was divided and given to the Medes and Persians'. Neither did the Medes and Persians' fall out and fight for it, as by supposing Nabonidus to have been Darius, they should be thought to have done; but these two Nations did compound the body of that Empire, and were accounted as Lords over all the subject provinces, in so much that the Greek Historians did commonly call those wars which Darius, and after him Xerxes, made upon Greece, The wars of the Medes. Yea to clear this point, 〈◊〉 Daniel himself resembles that King, with whom Alexander fought, unto a Ram 
Dan. 8. 20.  with two horns, calling him the King of the Medes and Persians'. Wherhfore the whole Nation of Chronologers were not to have been condemned by joseph Scaliger, for maintaining upon such good grounds, that Darius of the Medes, was partner with Cyrus in his victories, and not a Chaldoean King by him subdued. Neither was josephus to be the less regarded, for affirming that Balthasar was destroyed by Darius of the Medes, and his nephew Cyrus, though herein he varied from Berosus, and others, whose authority elsewhere he gladly citeth. For josephus had no reason to believe any man's faith or knowledge of those times, half so well as Daniel's, whom I believe that he understood as far as was needful in this case. Lawful it was for him to allege all Authors that had any mention, though unperfect of the same things that were contained in the writings of the jews, to whose histories thereby he procured reputation in the Roman world, where they were strangers, and might seem fabulous. 〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉 Eusebius, and other 〈◊〉 Writers, willingly embrace the testimonies of heathen books making for the truth in some particulars; yet will they not therefore be tried in general by the self same Ethnic philosophers, but leave them where they are against the truth; as josephus in this case hath left Berosus. And thus much I thought it meet to say of Scaliger's opinion in this point; holding nevertheless in due regard his learning and judgement, which if in some things it had not failed, the miracle had been very great.   

§. VI What may be held as probable of the People and Times of NABUCHODONOSOR his successors.  
IT now remains that I freely acknowledge my own weakness, who cannot found how the 70. years of captivity are to be divided among them which reigned in Babylon, though I find that the distribution made of them, in such wise as already is rehearsed, be ill agreeable to the holy Scriptures. Wherhfore I may truly say with Pererius, that we aught liberally to pardon those whose 〈◊〉 have failed them in the slippery ways of Chronologie, wherein both learning and diligence are subject to take a fall at one time or other, by ignorance, forgetfulness, or heedless reckoning. Yet will I adventure to deliver my opinion, wherein the judgement of Lyra and others (holding those only to have reigned over Chaldoeans, whose Names are found in the Scriptures) appears more conformable to reason and account of time, than any of the other Sentences or Conjectures before rehearsed. Not that I will take upon me to defend Lyra his Conjectures, when he supposeth by 〈◊〉 and Labosardach to be meant the same persons which are called in Scriptures Euilmerodach and Balthasar (for this can by no good colour be maintained) but only to show that the Kings by him cited, are likely to have occupied the whole time of seventy years. First therefore let us consider the reign of Nabuchadnezzar, in whose eighteenth year jerusalem was taken and sacked, but in his nineteenth laid utterly desolate.  
Most of Writers have given to him 43. years of reign, following therein Berosus. There are who have added one year more; and some have made it up 45. To dispute about the certainty were needless: 〈◊〉 in showing by what length of time the Scriptures measure him, we shall show the certain truth.  
Manifest it is, that the 19 year of Nabuchadnezzar, is joined with the 11. of 
2. Kin 2. 5. 8. & jerem. 51. 12.  Zedekia; as also that his eight year, was the first year of jechonia his captivity; the reign of Zedekia occupied all the mean space being of 11. years. This is generally 
2. King. 24. 12.  agreed upon, so that it needs no further proofs: As for the beginning of his successor 
2. King. 25. 27. & 〈◊〉. 52. 〈◊〉.  Euilmerodach, it was in the seven and thirtieth year of 〈◊〉 his captivity; so that Nabuchadnezzar after his eight year (which was the first of jechonia his bondage) reigned 35. whole years, and peradventure a good part of the six and thirtieth, forasmuch as jechonia was enlarged with so great favour, not until the end of the year. Substracting therefore out of these four and forty, which 〈◊〉 reign did well-near occupy, those eighteen years of his which passed away before the captivity of juda, and ruin of the city, we have remaining six and twenty years of the seventy, that were almost wholly spent, when his son began to reign.  
It is now to be considered how the remainder of the seventy years were divided between the kings ruling in 〈◊〉 until the first of Cyrus. A question more difficult (as I said before) than greatly needful: the whole sum being certain, and the distinction of times affording no benefit in knowledge of their actions, who were slothful Princes. Neither can any man the more justly suspect the beginning or end of the whole 70. years, for that the distribution of some part of them is only conjectural; seeing that noon who gives any other terms to their beginning or end, hath refused to follow both unlikely and desperate conjectures in dividing them. I will therefore be bold to do as others have done; knowing well beforehand, that whosoever shall discover my error, must do me the pleasure (which I could rather wish in a case more material) of making me to understand the truth.  
Of the four and forty years remaining in account at 〈◊〉 death, we are to take away the last, which was the first of Darius the Mede, and then having authority good enough to warrant us from blame of presumption, in giving us seventeen years to Balthasar, we find left in our hands to bestow upon 〈◊〉 six and twenty years. Of the year belonging to Darius the Mede, I have already spoken what I thought sufficient, in delivering my opinion of the beginning & continuance of this captivity. That Balthasar did reign seventeen years, we have the authority of josephus, before cited in express words; We have also the general consent of all, or the most late Writers, interpreting Berosus his Nabonidus, who reigned so long; and Balthasar to have been one. But nothing moveth me so much to believe this Tradition, as first those evident places in Daniel, showing that 
Dan. c. 8. v. 1. & 27. etc. 5. v. 11, 12. & 13.  in the third year of Balthasar he followed the King's business, and yet was forgotten ere the end of his reign, (a proof sufficient of no few years, passing under this man, especially seeing it is no where found that Daniel's employments took end either that year or the next.) Secondly, the consideration of Cyrus his wars against the Assyrians, which beginning with the death of this man's father, and being always prosperous, could hardly have occupied any longer time, though we make large allowance to his deeds in the lower Asia, which fell out in the midway: I have already showed, that there appears in the Scriptures likelihood enough to make it credible, that the reign of Euilmerodach was not short: and that men of great judgement have found it most probable, that he was King three and twenty years. Moore, I think, they would have allowed him, had not the desire of satisfying Berosus caused them to rest content with this. And surely it were greatly to be wished, that books of such antiquity, as those of Berosus, were extant without corruption; a great light (no doubt) they would yield in many dark passages of Antiquity. I will yet confess, that were his works never so excellent, and in all things else unquestionably true, I would not therefore condescend unto him in some one point, wherein the Scriptures were his open enemy. How much less aught I to obey a broken fragment of his, containing only seven or eight lines, and part even of the title corrupted, as they believe that follow him in the rest? The Scriptures have told us that God gave the Empire to Nabuchadnezzar, to his son, 
jerem. 27. 7.  and to his sons son: How long each of them held it, we find not expressed; yet would we gladly know it of Berosus, or of any other that would teach us; provided always, that helping us in a particularitic, he destroy not thereby the general truth. Moore words are needless. It is enough to say with others, that Berosus or josephus who cited him, hath been wronged by the carelessness of Scribes; and that it was as easy for those Scribes to err in writing two for six & twenty, as for three and twenty, or perhaps more easy. For the omission of the second figure, was as likely the one way as the other; and the Character 5. signifying 6. hath a nearer resemblance of β that stands for 2. than hath γ which is used for 3. So that the numeral notes β 5. expressing 26. were not safe enough from being mistaken in the true copy, and might be altered, as ill written, if some crooked hand, or other mischance not unusual, had omitted the first stroke of the former letter, or added a dash to the latter, which might 'cause them to seem not two different figures, but the one a correction of the other, which how it could be supposed in βγ standing for 23. I do not well perceive. As for the arithmetical figures now in use, they were long after the time of josephus brought in by the Arabians, and therefore do not appertain to this business; unless we should guess that his works were corrupted in that unlearned age, which following the Saracen conquest, was little occupied in the studies of humanity, but in a sort wholly given over to the doctrine of Aristotle. If this will serve to make Berosus our friend, so let it be; if not, I will not purchase the favour of his authority, by forsaking jeremy and Daniel, when they seem his opposites.   

§. VII. Of the victories which NABUCHODONOSOR obtained between the destruction of jerusalem and conquest of Egypt.  
WIth what actions this time of 70. years was entertained by the Babylonian Kings, few have written, or little is remaining in record. Which may peradventure have been some cause that the time itself was, and is yet sought to be abridged, as not having left sufficient matter to witness the length of it. But by such an argument we might as well deny to many people even their being. For every Nation (I know not whom I should except) between the beginning and last end of it, hath in some slothful age rather dreamt away the time, than spent it. It is therefore no marvel, if the posterity of Nabuchodonosor, finding all things ready to their hand, which their hearts could have desired, betook themselves to their ease and pleasures, thinking perhaps, like the prodigal sons of 〈◊〉 fathers, their own wisdom greater, which 〈◊〉 how to enjoy, than that of their Ancestors, which wearied away their days in the restless travel of purchasing: Though indeed the reign of Nabuchodonosor was so divided, that his youthful and stronger years having been exercised in victorious arms, no small part of his life was remaining to be spent in establishing what was gotten, and gathering the fruit of his worthy labours past. The nineteenth year of his reign it was, when destroying utterly the great and mighty City of jerusalem, he enriched himself with abundance of spoil, and terrified all that would offer to resist him, by that fearful example. From that time forward, he, until his three and twentieth year, laboured in the conquest of those adjoining Regions, which God had exposed unto his sword, & commanded to wear his yoke; namely, the Edomites, Moabites, Ammonites, Tyrians, Sidonians, and Egyptians, though some of these were already become his followers, and served under him, when jerusalem was beaten down and burnt. But the Tyrians, whose City was founded on an Island, safe enough from any danger of a Land army, and whose fleet was so strong, that they needed not to fear any enemy at sea, were neither daunted with the fall of their neighbour Cities, nor with the obstinate resolution of this mighty Prince, employing all his power to their subversion.  
That the City of tire was rather well pleased, than any way discouraged with the fall of jerusalem (which had held the same course that Tyrus did, and endured all that might be in the same quarrel against the common enemy) it appears by the words which Ezechiel condemneth as the common voice of Tyrus; AHA, the gate 
Ezech. 26. 2.  of the people is broken, it is turned unto me; for seeing she is desolate, I shall be replenished. Yet at the length, even in the nineteenth year of Nabuchodonosor, that great work of his, whereof we have already spoken, began to appear above the waters, and threaten them with inevitable mischief.  
But those prophecies of jeremy and of Easie, which appoint unto this desolation 
jer. 25.  of tire the same term of 70. years, that was prescribed unto the reign of the 
Esai. 23. 15.  Chaldaeans, do plainly show, that she followed jerusalem, the same nineteenth year of Nabuchodonosor, in the same, or a very like fortune. The particularities, which doubtless were memorable in the issue of so great and laborious a siege, are in a manner utterly lost. Thus much we find, That the Citizens perceiving the Town unable to hold out, embarked themselves, and fled into the Isle of Cyprus. Nevertheless it seems that this 〈◊〉 served only the principal men, who escaping with their goods, abandoned the poorer sort unto the enemy's fury. For not only such people of tire as dwelled on the Continent (who are called her Daughters in the field) were put to the sword; but the like execution was done in the streets, into which, with excessive labour, the Assyrian made way for his Horses and Chariots. Thus NABUCHODONOSOR caused his Army to serve a great service against 
Ezech. c. 2. v. 8. 10. 11.  TYRUS, wherein every head was made bald, and every shoulder was made bore, yet had he 
〈◊〉. 29. 18.  no wages, nor his Army; but was feign to rest contented with the Honour of having destroyed that City, which in all men's judgements had been held invincible.  
The destruction of these two great and powerful Cities, having made the name of the 〈◊〉 dreadful in the ears of all the Nations thereabouts, Nabuchodonosor used the advantage of that reputation which he had obtained by victories already gotten, to the getting of more, and more profitable, with less pain. The Kingdom of Egypt was the mark at which he aimed; a Country so abounding in all riches and pleasures, that it might well have tempted any Prince, finding himself strong enough, to seek occasion of quarrel against it; and so far an enemy to the Crown of Babylon, that had it been poorer, yet either it must have been subdued, or the conquest of Syria could ill have been established. Nevertheless it was needful, that before he entered into this business, the Countries adjacent should be reduced into such terms, that either they should wholly stand at his devotion, or at lest be unable to work him any displeasure. And herein the 〈◊〉 of God concurred, as in all prosperous enterprises, with reason of state. For the people of Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Kedar, Hazor, and other adjoining Regions, whom God for their sins had condemned to fall under the Babylonian swords, were such, as regarding only their own gain, had some of them, like Ravens, followed the Chaldaean Army, to feed upon the carcases that fell by the crueltic thereof; others taking advantage of their neighbour's miseries, occupied the Countries which were by his victories belonging to Nabuchodonosor; all of them thinking, that when the Assyrian had satisfied his fury, he should be feign to forsake those desolate parts, and leave the possession to those that could lay hand upon it. Particularly the Edomites and Philistines had showed much malice to the jews when their 
〈◊〉. 25. 12. & 15.  City was taken. What good service they had done to the Chaldaeans, I find not; if they did any, it is likely to have been with reference to their own purposes, wherein 
〈◊〉. 25. 3.  they were disappointed. The Ammonites were not contented to rejoice at the 
〈◊〉. 49. 1.  fall of jerusalem, but presently they entered upon the Country of Gad, and took possession, as if not the Assyrians, but they, had subdued Israel. Neither can I perceive what other ground that practice had of Baalis King of the Ammonites, when he sent Ishmael, a Prince of the blood of juda, to 〈◊〉 Gedalia, whom the King of Babel had left Governor over those that remained in Israel, and to carry captive into the Ammonites Country the people that abode in Mizpah, than a desire of embroiling Nabuchodonosor with so many labours at once, as should make him retire into his own Country, and abandon those wasted Lands to himself and others, for whom 
〈◊〉. 40. 14. & 41. 2. & 10.  they lay 〈◊〉. Such or the like policy the Moabites did exercise; whose 
〈◊〉. 28. 27. etc.  pride and wrath were made frustrate by God, and their dissimulation condemned, as not doing right.  
All these Nations had the art of ravening, which is familiar to such as live or border upon deserts; and now the time afforded them occasion to show the uttermost cunning of their thievish wits. But Nabuchadnezzar did cut asunder all their devices by sharp and sudden war, over-whelming them with unexpected ruin, as it were in one night; according to the prophecies of Easie, 〈◊〉, and Ezekiel, who 
〈◊〉 16. 14.  foretold, with little difference of words, the greatness and swiftness of the misery that should come upon them. With which of them he first began, I found not; it seems that Moab was the last which felt his hand: for so do many good Authors interpret the prophecy of Easie, threatening Moab with destruction after three years, as having reference to the third year following the ruin of jerusalem; the next year after it being spent in the Egyptian expedition. This is manifest, that all the principal Towns in these Regions were burnt, and the people slain, or made slaves, few excepted, who being preserved by flight, had not the courage to return to their habitations over-hastily, much less to attempt any thing against Nabuchodonosor, but lived as miserable outlaws, or at lest, oppressed wretches, until the end of the seventy years, which God had prescribed unto the desolation of their Countries, as well as of the Land of juda.   

§. VIII. That Egypt was conquered, and the King therein reigning slain by NABUCHODONOSOR, contrary to the opinion of most Authors: who following HERODOTUS and DIODORUS, relate it otherwise.  
WHen by a long course of victory Nabuchodonosor had brought into subjection all the Nations of Syria, & the bordering Arabians, in such wise, that no enemy to himself, nor friend of the Egyptian, was left at his back, that might give impediment unto his proceeding, or take advantage of any misfortune; then did he forthwith take in 〈◊〉 the conquest of Egypt himself, upon which those other Nations had formerly been depending. Of this expedition, and the victorious issue thereof, the three great Prophets, Easie, jeremy, and Ezechiel, have written so plainly, that I hold it altogether needless to look after more authority, or to cite for proof half of that which may be alleged out of these. Nevertheless, we find many and good Authors, who following Herodotus, and Diodorus Siculus, are well contented to strain these prophecies with unreasonable diligence unto such a sense, as gives to Nabuchodonosor little more than the honour of having done some spoil in Egypt, omitting the conquest of that Land by the Babylonian, and referring the death of Apries or Hophra to a chance long after following, which had no coherence with these times or affairs. So preposterous is the delight which many men take in the means and second helps conducing to their purpose, that oftentimes they prefer the Commentator before the Author; and to up-hold a sentence, giving testimony to one clause, do carelessly overthrow the history itself, which thereby they sought to have maintained. The reports of Herodotus and Diodorus, concerning the Kings of Egypt, which reigned about these times, are already rehearsed in the former book: but that which they have spoken of Apries, was purposely reserved unto this place. Herodotus affirms, that he was a very fortunate King, but wherein he telleth not; 
Herod. l. 2. &. l. 〈◊〉  (unless we should understand that he was victorious in the War, which he is said to have made upon Tyrus and Sidon) that he reigned five and twenty years, and was finally taken and put to death by his own subjects; who did set up Amasis, as King, which prevailed against him. The rebellion of the Egyptians he imputeth to a great loss which they received in an expedition against the Cyrenians, by whom almost their whole Army was destroyed. This calamity the people of Egypt thought to be well pleasing to their King, who had sent them on this dangerous expedition, with a purpose to have them consumed, that so he might with greater security reign over such as stayed at home. So they who escaped, and the friends of such as were 〈◊〉, rebelled against Apries, who sent Amasis to appease the tumult; but Amasis become Captain of the rebels, and was by them chosen King. Finally, the whole Land consented unto this new Election; whereby Apries was driven to trust unto his foreign Mercenaries, the jonians and Carians, of whom he kept in readiness 〈◊〉 thousand good Soldiers that fought valiantly for him, but were vanquished by the great numbers of the Egyptian forces, amounting unto two hundred and fifty thousand, which were all by birth and education, men of war. Apries himself being taken prisoner, was gently entreated by Amasis for a while, until the Egyptians, exclaiming upon him, as an extreme enemy to the Land, got him delivered into their hands, and strangled him, yet gave him honourable burial. Such is the report of Herodotus, with whom Diodorus Siculus nearly agrees, telling us that Apries did 
Diodor. Sic. lib. 1. ca 2.  vanquish the Cyprians and 〈◊〉 in battle at Sea, took by force and demolished Sidon, won the other towns of Phoenicia, and the Isle of Cyprus, and finally, 〈◊〉 as is before rehcarsed, when he had reigned two and twenty years. This authority were enough (yet not more than enough) to inform us of Apries his history, if greater authority did not contradict it. But the destruction of Egypt by the Babylonian, foretold by the Prophets, which hath no coherence with these relations, hath greater force to 〈◊〉 our belief, than have the traditions of Egyptian Priests (which the Greek Historians followed) and greater probabilities to persuade those that look only into human reasons. For Easie prophesied long 
Esa. 20. ver. 4, 5. &. 6.  before of the shameful captivity of the Egyptians, whom the king of Ashur should carry away naked, young and old, in such wise, that the jews, who 〈◊〉 unto them fo: deliverance from the Assyrian, should be ashamed of their own vain confidence in men so unable to defend themselves.  
But Ezekiel and jeremy, as their prophecies were nearer to the time of execution, so they handled this Argument more precisely. For Ezekiel telleth plainly, that Egypt should be given to Nabuchadnezzar, as wages for the service which he had done at tire: Also he recounteth particularly all the chief Cities in Egypt, saying, 
Ezech. 29. 〈◊〉 20. etc. 30.  That these by name should be destroyed, and go into captivity; yea, that 
Ezech. 32. v. 31.  PHARAOH and all his army should be slain by the sword. Wherhfore it must needs be a violent exposition of these Prophecies, which by applying the issue of such threatenings to an insurrection and rebellion, concludes all, without any other alteration in Egypt, than change of the King's person, wherein Amasis did succeed unto Apries, by force indeed, but by the uniform consent of all the people. Certainly, if that notable place of jeremy, wherein he 〈◊〉 how the jews in 
jerem. 44. 30.  
jerem. 43. 10.  Egypt should see Pharaoh Hophra delivered into the hand of his enemies, as Zedekia had been, were to be referred unto the time of that rebellion, whereof Herodotus hath spoken, as the general opinion hath overruled it, then was it vainly done of the same Prophet (which God forbidden that any Christian should think, seeing he did it by the appointment of God himself) to hide in the clay of a Brick-hill, those very stones, upon which the throne of Nabuchodonosor should be ser, and his pavilion spread. Yea then was that prophecy no other than false, which expressed the 〈◊〉 of Pharaoh thus: Behold, I will visit the common people of No, & PHARAOH, and 
jerem. 46. verse 25, &. 26.  Egypt, with their gods and their kings, even PHARAOH, and all that trust in him: and I will dcliver them into the hands of those that seek their lives, and into the hand of 〈◊〉, King of Babel, and into the hands of his servants. The clearness of this prophecy being such as could not but refute that interpretation of many other places, which referred all to the rebellion of Amasis, it caused me to wonder what those Commentators would say to it, who are elsewhere so diligent in fitting all to the Greek Historians. Wherhfore looking upon junius, who had in another place taken the enemies of Pharaoh Hophra to be Amasis, and his followers, I found him 
jun. in jerem. c. 44. verse 30.  here acknowledging that the Egyptian Priests had notably deluded Herodotus with lies, coined upon a 〈◊〉- glorious purpose of hiding their own disgrace and bondage. And surely it may well be thought, that the historic of Nabuchadnezzar, was better known to the jews, whom it concerned, than to the Greeks', that scarcely at any time heard of his name. Therefore I see no cause why we should not rather believe josephus, reporting that Nabuchodonosor in the three & twentieth year of his reign, and the fift year of the destruction of jerusalem, did conquer Egypt, kill the King thereof, and appoint another in his stead, than Herodotus or 〈◊〉; 
〈◊〉 de Antiq. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 10. c. 11.  who being mere strangers to this business, had no great reason to labour in searching out the truth, but might rest contented with any thing that the Priests would tell them. Now if setting aside all advantage of authority, we should only consider the relations of josephus, and of the Greek 〈◊〉, as either of them might be verified of itself by apparent circumstances, without reflecting upon the Hebrew Prophets, or Egyptian Priests; me thinks the death of Apries can no way be approved as having been wrought by consent of the people, but affords great matter of suspicion; yea, though no man had opposed the reports of Herodotus and Diodore. For the great love and honour which the Egyptians did bear unto their Kings, is notorious by the uniform testimony of all others that have handled the matters of that Country, as well as by the report of Diodore himself. How then can we think it probable, that Apries having won great victories, did for one only loss fall into the hatred of all his people, or which may serve to persuade us, that a King of Egypt would seek, or so demean himself, that he might be thought to seek the destruction of his natural subjects? As for that army of thirty thousand soldiers, Carians and jonians, which the King of Egypt, whom Amasis took prisoner, is said to have kept for his defence: doth it not argue that he was a foreigner, and one that armed himself against the Egyptians, wishing them few and weak; rather than any of the Pharaohs, who accounted the force of the Country, as assuredly their own, as the strength of their own bodies? It were more tedious than any way needful, to use all Arguments that might be alleged in this case. The very death of this supposed Apries, which the clamours of the people obtained of Amasis, who sought to have kept him alive, doth intimate that he was some foreign Governor, not a natural Prince; otherwise the people would have desired to save his life, and Amasis to take it quickly from him. I will not labour any further to disprove that opinion, whereunto I should not have yielded, though it had stood upon great appearance of truth, considering that the voice of Truth itself cries out against it; but leave the circumstances, proving the Conquest of Egypt by Nabuchodonosor to be observed, where due occasion in course of the story following shall present them.   

§. IX.. How Egypt was subdued and held by NABUCHADNEZZAR.  
IT is a great loss, that the general History of the World hath suffered, by the spoil and waste which Time hath made of those Monuments, that should have preserved the memory of such famous actions as were accomplished by this mighty Prince Nabuchodonosor; wherein, whither his Virtue, or Fortune were greater, it is now uncertain. That his victories following the Conquest of Syria, and the Neighbour-provinces, were such as did more enlarge his dominion, than all his former wars had done, it may easily be gathered out of 〈◊〉, who 〈◊〉 up in his thirtieth chapter (besides the whole Country of Egypt) Phut and Lud, with other Nations that may seem to have reached out into Mauritania, as people subdued by this great Babylonian. The circumstances of these wars are in a manner utterly lost; but that the victory was easy and swift, any man shall found, who will take the pains to confer the places, wherein the three great Prophets touch this Argument. Thus much I think worthy of more particular observation; that Pharaoh, who (as is already noted in the former Book) thought himself safe in Egypt by the well defenced situation of his Country, did very unwisely in suffering his enemies to sweep the way clean unto his own doors, by consuming all his friends and adherents in Syria. For as the labour of this business did more harden than 〈◊〉 the Chaldaean army, so the confidence and vain security of the Egyptians, 〈◊〉 upon the difficult passages which the enemy was to make thorough the Arabian deserts, and the much advantage which the great river of Nilus would afford unto themselves, did little avail them in provision for the war, and much astonish them (as may justly be thought) in the time of execution: it being usually seen, that the hearts of men fail, when those helps fail, in which they had reposed more confidence than in their own virtue. Hitherto the Kingdom of Egypt had flourished under the rule of the Pharaohs, about a thousand five hundred & four score years; but from this time forward it remained forty years without a King, under the subjection of the Babylonians; and then at length it began to 〈◊〉 by little & little the former greatness, yet so, that it was never dreadful unto others, God having said of that people, I will diminish them, that they shall no more rule the Nations. For whereas 
〈◊〉. 29. 13. 14. & 15.  it hath been said of Pharaoh: I am the son of the wise, I am the son of the ancient 
Easie 19 〈◊〉.  Kings: and whereas he had vaunted, The River is my, and I have made it; the 
Ezek. 29. 9  Princes of Egypt now become fools, the river failed them, the King himself was taken and 〈◊〉, and that ancient lineage quite extinguished. This come to pass in the first year after the destruction of jerusalem, and the three and twentieth of Nabuchadnezzar, at which time (saith josephus) He slew the King then reigning, placed 
joseph. 〈◊〉. jud. libr. 10. c. 11.  another in his room, and carried captives thence to Babylon, the jews whom he found in that Country. Now concerning the time which josephus gives unto this business, and the business itself, I have already showed, that it is warranted by all the prophecies which insinuate the same. As likewise the last destruction of jerusalem, and carrying a way those unto Babel, who inhabited the miserable ruins of that great city, which was in the same three & twentieth year of NABUCHADNEZZAR, is not unprobably thought by good authors to have been at the return from this 
〈◊〉. 52. 30.  Egyptian expedition. But whereas josephus tells us, that there was another King put in the room of Apries by Nabuchadnezzar, we must understand, that he was only a Viceroy, and not (as some have mistaken it) think that this was Amasis. For to place the beginning of Amasis his reign in the three and twentieth of Nabuchadnezzar, were as well repugnant unto the prophecies before 〈◊〉, as to all Chronology and historic. Some there are, which to help this inconvenience, imagine that there were two successively bearing the name of Amasis; others, that there were two Apries, the one slain by Nabuchadnezzar, the other by Amasis: a question of small importance, because the difference is only about a name, it being once granted that the person mentioned in Scriptures, was deprived of life and kingdom by the Assyrians. Yet for any thing that I can perceive, that Apries, of whom the Greek Historians wrote, could not be the Deputy of Nabuchadnezzar, seeing that he was the Grandchild of Pharaoh Necho, and made war (as they report) upon the Phoenicians, who were, before the Egyptians, become subject unto the Crown of Babylon. I might add, perhaps, that he whom Nabuchadnezzar left as Governor of Egypt, was more likely to have had some Chaldaean or 〈◊〉, than Egyptian name; unless we should think that he had been a traitor to his natural Prince, and so rewarded by the Conqueror with 〈◊〉 of the Country: about which it were but frivolous to dispute. Thus much in brief we aught to believe, that Nabuchodonosor made an absolute Conquest of Egypt; that he was not so foolish as to give it away, any man may guess; that he appointed one to rule the Country, it is conscquent unto the former, and hath authority of josephus; that this Governor (or some successor of his) was afterwards taken and slain by Amasis, I see probability enough to persuade myself, and yet can well be content, that others use their liberty, and believe what they list. As for the army which this Egyptian King Apries is supposed to have kept of jonians and Carians; I hold them to be noon other than the garrisons of 〈◊〉 soldiers which were left by the Assyrian for the guard of his Viceroy, and 〈◊〉 of the new 〈◊〉 Province: as likewise the company returning from Cyrene and 〈◊〉, who together with the 〈◊〉 of such as were slain in that expedition, remembered before out of the Greek Historians, deposed and slew Apries, I take them to 〈◊〉 been the Egyptian fugitives, which then recovered their own Country. Sure it is that this Prophecy of Ezekiel was verified, At the end of forty years will I gather the Egyptians from the people 
〈◊〉. 30. v. 13. & 14.  where they were scattered, and I will bring again the 〈◊〉 of Egypt, and will 'cause them to return into the land of Pathros, into the land of their habitation, and they shall be there a small kingdom. If the Egyptian Priests alluded hereunto in the tale which they made of Amasis his obtaining the Kingdom, then are they to be helped with this or the like interpretation; if they devised matter that had no shadow of truth, only to keep the Greeks' from knowledge of their Country's disgrace; then are they little to be regarded, since we know the truth with them.   

§. X. Of the sundry accounts drawn from sundry acts of NABUCHADNEZZAR, and of the destruction of Niniveh, by him; the time of which action is uncertain.  
THese victories brought the greatness of the Assyrian Empire to the full, and from them was reckoned the time of Nabuchadnezzar's reign in sundry places of Scripture. To speak any more of the questions arising about the supputation of Nabuchadnezzar his times, might seem to be the over-handling of one Argument: Yet thus much I will note; that whereas Daniel was carried captive in the third year of jehoiakims' 
Dan. c. 1. & 2.  reign (which ran along with some part of Nabuchadnezzar's first year) and was kept in diet three years more, before he was brought into the King's presence; it could not be the second of Nabuchadnezzar's kingdom, wherein he interpreted the forgotten dream of the great Image, foreshowing the succession of Monarchies, but the second of his Empire. The same or the like may be said of divers places which refer sundry matters unto their set years; as that of Ezekiel before-cited, where he foretells, that Egypt should be given in reward for the service done before Tyrus, dating his prophecy in the seven and twentieth year; and that of Daniel, placing the erection of the golden Image in the eighteenth year: for these years held no dependence upon either the beginning of Nabuchadnezzar's kingdom, or of his Empire, nor yet upon any of the captivities, but had reference to some memorable action, omitted in Scripture, and therefore not easy to be found, nor worth the labour of uncertain search.  
Ofany war made by Nabuchadnezzar, after such time as he returned from the Conquest of Egypt, I 〈◊〉 not read: excepting that against Niniveh, the destruction whereof was foretold by the Prophet Naum. 〈◊〉 had long before 〈◊〉 taken by Merodach (as in due place hath been showed) and together with the rest of Assyria made subject to Babylon. Yet was it left under a peculiar King, who 〈◊〉 against the Chaldaean, as jehoiakim & Zedekias, tributary Kings of juda, had done, tasted likewise of the same fortune. That the destruction of Niniveh followed the Conquest of Egypt, it appeareth by the comparison which Nahum the Prophet 
〈◊〉. 3. 〈◊〉.  made between this City, that was to fall, and the City of No in Egypt, that was fallen already. But how long after this come to pass, it is (me thinks) unpossible to find out. For whereas it is found in an Hebrew Chronologie, that it was in the first of Nabuchadnezzar's reign; the place of Nahum last cited is enough to disprove it. Whereas it is 〈◊〉 by some unto the first of his Monarchy, which began at the end of the Egyptian wars; the whole Prophecy of 〈◊〉 which went 〈◊〉 the one and the other, argueth 〈◊〉, that there was a longer space of time intercurrent. So that to inquire into the very year of this destruction, or other circumstances of the War, whither managed by Nabuchodonosor in person, or by his Lieutenants, were somewhat like unto the vain curiosity of Tiberius Caesar, inquiring who was the Mother of Hecuba; or to the like idle pains which he should take, who would seek to learn what woman that Huzzab Queen of Niniveh was, whose woeful captivity the same Prophet Naum likewise did foretell.   

§. XI. Of the later time of NABUCHADNEZZAR; his buildings, madness, and death.  
OF the time which this great Monarch spent in quiet, I think there are no Monuments extant; save those which we find among the 〈◊〉 of Daniel. Among these we may reckon his great works at Babylon, wherewith he pleased himself so well, that he broke out into these glorious words: Is not this great Babel that I have built for the 
Dan. 4. 27.  house of the Kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of my Majesty? Surely if those things be true that are by josephus rehearsed of him out of Berosus and Megasthenes, he might well delight himself with the contemplation of such goodly and magnificent buildings. For it is said, That he fortified Babylon with a triple wall; that besides other slaterly works, he raised those huge arches wherewith were borne up the high Orchards, hanging as it were in the air, and equalling the tops of Mountains; which most sumptuousframe, that out lasted all the remainder of the Assyrian, and all the Persian Empire, is said to have been reared, and finished in fifteen days.  
But of all this, and other his magnificence, we find little else recorded, than that (which indeed is most profitable for us to consider) his overvaluing of his own greatness abased him unto a condition, inferior to the poorest of men. And not undeservedly fell these judgements of God upon him. For whereas God had honoured him, not only with many victories, and much happiness in his own life, but with a discovery of things to come after him, yea and had approved the certainty of his dream, by the miraculous reducing of it into his memory, and interpretation thereof by Daniel the Prophet: he nevertheless become so forgetful of God, whose wonderful power he had seen and acknowledged, that he caused a golden Image to be set up and worshipped: ordaining a cruel death as reward unto them that should 〈◊〉 to disobey his Kingly will and pleasure, which was utterly repugnant to the law of him that is the King of Kings. Hereof S. Hierome hath well noted; Velox oblivio veritatis, ut qui dudum servum Dei quasi Deum 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 statuam sibi fieri iubeat, ut ipse quasi Deus in statuâ adoraretur: A hasty forgetfulness of the truth, that he who so lately had worshipped (DANIEL) the servant of God, as if he had been God himself, should now command a Statue to be erected unto himself, wherein himself might be worshipped as God. From this impiety it pleased God to reclaim him, by the strange and wonderful delivery of those blessed Saints out of the fiery furnace; who being thrown into it bound, forrefusing to commit Idolatry, were assisted by an Angel; preserved from all harm of the fire; loosened from their bands; and finally called out with gracious words, and restored to their former honour, by the King: who amazed at the miracle, made a decree tending to the honour of God, which by erection of his Image he had violated. Yet this devotion of Nabuchadnezzar was not so rooted in him, that it could bring forth fruit answerable to his hasty zeal. Therefore was he forewarned by God in a dream of the terrible judgement hanging over his head, which Daniel expounding, advised him to break off his sin by righteousness, and his iniquity by mercy towards the poor, that there might be an healing of his error. Hereby it seems that injustice and 〈◊〉 were the faults, for which he was threatened, but this threating sufficed not unto his reformation. For that so great a Monarch should be driven from among men, (according to the tenor of the dream and interpretation) yea, compelled to devil with the beasts of the field, and made to eat grass as the Oxen, was a thing so incredible in man's judgement, that easily it might be thought an idle dream, and much more easily be forgotten at the years end. One whole years leisure to repent was given to this haughty Prince: which respite of the execution may seem to have bred in him a forgetfulness of God's sentence. For at the end of twelve months, walking in the royal Palace of Babel, he was so overjoyed and transported with a vain contemplation of his own seeming happiness, that without all fear of God's heavy judgement pronounced against him, he uttered those lofty words before rehearsed, in vaunting of the Majestical works which he had reared, as well beseeming his 〈◊〉 person. But his high speeches were not fully ended, when a voice from heaven, telling him that his Kingdom was departed from him, rehearsed over unto him the sentence again, which was fulfilled upon him the very same hour.  
That Solomon, and many other Princes, and great ones, have taken delight in their own buildings, it cannot any way be doubted; yet I do not remember that ever I have read of any, that were punished for rejoicing in works of this kind (though it is hard in joy, or any passion of the mind, to keep a just measure) excepting only this Nabuchadnezzar.  
The like may be said of David: for other (and some very godly) Kings have mustered all their 〈◊〉 to the very last man; but few or noon have been known to have been punished as David was. Surely I not only hold it lawful to rejoice in those good things, wherewith God hath blessed us; but a note of much unthankfulness to entertain them with a sullen and unfeeling disposition. Yet as all human affections, wherein due reference to God is wanting, are no better than obscure clouds, hindering the influence of that blessed light, which clarifies the soul of man, and predisposeth it unto the brightness of eternal felicity; so that in solent joy, which man in the pride of his vain imagination conceiveth of his own worth, doth above all other passions blast our minds, as it were with lightning, and make us to reflect our thoughts upon our seeming inherent greatness, forgetting the whilst him, to whom we are indebted for our very being. Wherhfore these malamentis gaudia; The evil joys of the mind, were not unaptly, by the Prince of Latin Poets, bestowed in the entrance of Hell, and placed further inward than sorrows, cares, and fears; not far from the iron Cabins of the Furies. And certainly it is no unlikely token of vengeance near at hand, when these unreasonable flushes of proud and vain joy, 〈◊〉 rage in a mind, that should have been humbled with a just repentance and acknowledgement of ill deserving.  
This was verified upon Nabuchadnezzar, whose punishment was singular and unexampled. For he ran among beasts in the fields and woods, where for seven years he lived, not only as a salvage man, but as a salvage beast, for a beast he thought himself secundum suam imaginationem, as Thomas noteth, and therefore 
L. 2. de Reg. pri.  fed himself in the same manner, and with the same food that beasts do; Not that he was changed in figure external, according to Mediana, in so much as he appeared 
Med. l. 2. de recta in Deum 〈◊〉 cap. 7.  a beast to other men's eyes, as S. Hierome in the life of Hilarius (how true God knows) speaks of a woman that appeared to all other men's sight a Cow, but to Hilarius only a woman; neither was he changed as Iphigenia the Daughter of Agamemnon was said to be, into a Hind, nor made a Monster, as Dorotheus and Epiphanius dreamt: 
Dor. in Synopsi. 〈◊〉 vit. 〈◊〉.  but according to S. Ieromes exposition of these words: At the same time was my understanding restored unto me etc. Quando dicit (saith S. Jerome) sensum sibi redditum, ostendit non 〈◊〉 se amisisse, sed mentem; When he saith that his sense was restored unto him, he showeth that he had not lost his human shape, but his understanding. Seven years expired, it pleased God to restore Nabuchodonosor, both to his understanding, and his estate, for which he acknowledged and praised God all the rest of his life, confessing his power, and everlasting being; that he was the Lord of heaven and earth, and wrought without resistance what he pleased in both; that his works 
Dan. 4. 1. 32. c. 34.  were all truth, and his ways righteous. Which gave argument to many of the Fathers, and others, not to doubt of his salvation; namely, S. Augustine, Theodoret, Lyra, Carthusianus, and others. And for that place of Easie, the fourteenth, out of which his perdition may be gathered, the aforenamed Authors apply the same to Balthasar, because Isaiah, both in the thirteenth and fourteenth Chapter, speaketh of the King, and the destruction of Babylon jointly.   

§. XII. Of EVILMERODACH.  
Having already spoken what I could of the succession and years of Nebuchadnezar's posterity; the most that may be said of him, is said of Euilmerodach, which I will not here again rehearse.  
He lost some part of that which his Father had gotten; and left his Kingdom burning in a war that consumed it to ashes. He lost Egypt by rebellion of the people, in the nineteenth year of his reign, which was 〈◊〉 years after his Father had conquered it. But this agrees neither with the account of Herodotus, who allows to Amasis four and forty years of reign; nor with that of Diodorus, who gives him five and fifty, saying that he died in the third year of the threescore and third Olympiad, when Cambyses did conquer Egypt. There were indeed but seven and thirty years, which passed between the second year of the four and fiftieth Olympiad, (which was the nineteenth of Euilmerodach, and the first of Amasis) and the fift of Cambyses his reign, wherein he wan Egypt; of which seven and thirty years it is credibly held, that Psamennitus, the son of Amasis, reigned three: so that Amasis could be no longer King than four and thirty years. But seeing that these two Greek Historians have been abused by Egyptian Priests, in the substance of that which was spoken of Amasis, it is no marvel though they were also deceived in the length of his reign. This is the plain answer to this objection. For to say either that the numbers were miswritten, and four and forty set down in stead of four and thirty, or that Amasis did temporise awhile with the Assyrians, and not 〈◊〉 himself as absolute King of Egypt, until the nineteenth of Euilmerodach (at which time, and not before, it hath been proved out of 〈◊〉, that Egypt become again a Kingdom) I hold it a superfluous excuse.  
Whither these Egyptian troubles did animate the King of the Medes to deal with Euilmerodach, as with a Prince greater in fame, and reputation, gotten by the decayed valour of his people, than in present forces; or whither (as I rather think) some foil received by the Assyrian invading Media, emboldened the Egyptians to rebel against him: I will neither undertake, nor seek to define. Xenophon tells, that 
Xenoph. Cyropaed. l. 1.  the first 〈◊〉 of young Cyrus in war, was under Astyages King of the Medes, his Grandfather, in a prosperous fight against the Assyrian Prince, who did set upon him; at which time Cyrus was fifteen or 〈◊〉 years old. If therefore Cyrus lived threescore & three years (as he is said to have died well stricken in years) which is held to be the ordinary term of no short life, then was this encounter in the third year of Euilmerodach his reign. Yet by the same reckoning it should follow, that 
Xenoph. 〈◊〉. l. 8.  the war began more early between these Nations, for as much as the manner of their fight in former times, with other circumstances insinuating as much, are found in the same place of Xenophon. And it may well be, that the death or destruction of Nabuchodonosor gave courage unto those that had felt him a troublesome neighbour, to stand upon prouder terms with the Assyrians, than in his flourishing 〈◊〉 they durst have used. Howsoever the quarrel began, we find that it ended not before the last ruin of the Assyrian Monarchy. For the Babylonian, being too proud to digest the losses which he received by the Medes and their Allies the Persians', drew unto his 〈◊〉 the Lydians, and all the people of the lesser Asia, with gifts and strong persuasions, hoping so to overwhelm his enemies with a strong invasion, whom in vain he had sought to weary out with a lingering War.  
This happened after the death of Astyages, who left the World in the nineteenth year of Euilmerodach, at which time Amasis took possession of Egypt. So that the Assyrian having his hands already full of business, which more 〈◊〉 did affect him, seems thereby to have given the better means unto the 〈◊〉; of new erecting their Kingdom, which by long distance of place did sundry 〈◊〉 find occasion to rebel in after-ages, and set up a King within itself, against the far more 〈◊〉 Persian.  
The issue of these great preparations made by Euilmerodach against the Medes, was such as opened the way unto the fulfilling of those prophecies, which were many years before uttered against Babel, by Easie and 〈◊〉.  
For the Assyrians, and their Confederates, who, trusting in their numbers, thought to have buried the Medes and Persians' under their thick showers of arrows and darts, were encountered with an army of stout and well-trained men, weightily armed for close fight, by whom they were beaten in open battle, wherein 〈◊〉 was slain. So that great frame of Empire which Nabuchodonosor had raised and up-held, being shaken and grievously cracked under his unfortunate Son, was left to be sustained by his unworthy Nephew: a man more likely to have overthrown it, when it was greatest and strongest, than to repair it, when it was in way of falling.   

§. XIII. Aprivate conjecture of the Author; serving to make good those things, which are cited out of BEROSUS, concerning the Successors of EVILMERODACH, without wrong to the truth, the quality, and death of BALTHASAR.  
THough I have already (as it seems to me) sufficiently proved that Balthasar was the Son, and immediate Successor to Euilmerodach, yet considering earnestly the conjectures of those Writers, which following Berosus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Niriglissoroor, and his son Labassardach between them: as also that which I find in Herodotus of 〈◊〉, a famous Queen of Babylon, who greatly adorned and fortified that 〈◊〉; I have thought it not superfluous here in this place to show, by what means it was possible that some error might have crept into the History of those times, and thereby have brought us to a needless trouble of searching out the truth as it were by candlelight, in the uncertain fragments of lost Authors, which we might have found by daylight, had we adhered only to the Scriptures. First, therefore I observe, that the time which Berosus dinides betwixt Euilmerodach, and the two next Kings, agrees with the years in which Nabuchadnezzar lived wild among brute beasts in the open field: Secondly, that the suddenness of this accident, which come in one hour, could not but work much perturbation in that state, wherein doubtless the honour of so noble a Prince was highly regarded, his calamity pitied, and his restitution hoped; the prediction of Daniel finding reputation in that clause which promised his recovery, as being verified in that which had been more incredible. Now if we do in common reason judge, what course was like to be taken by the great ones of the Kingdom, for settling the government, whilst the King was thus distracted, we shall find it most likely, that his Son and Heir did occupy the royal 〈◊〉, with condition to restore it unto his Father, when God should enable him to repossess it. In this his rule Euilmerodach being to supply the utter want of understanding in his Father, as Protectors do the unripeness of it in 
Herod. l. 1.  young, but reasonable Kings, might easily either commit the insolences, or fall into the troubles, incident to such an office. That he had in him very small ability of government, it appears by his ill maintaining the Empire, when he held it in his own right. That his Sister Nitocris (if Nitocris were his sister) was a woman of an high spirit, it appears by that which Herodotus reports of her, saying that she was more cunning than Semiramis, as appeared in her magnificent and useful works about the River of Euphrates, and her fortification of Babylon against the Medes, who had gotten many Towns from the Assyrians, & amongst them Ninivic. Wherefore it were not unreasonable to think, that such a woman, seeing how the Empire went to decay through her brother's misgovernment, used practices to get the rule into her own hands, and afterwards, as a mother, to leave it unto her ungracious son. Other time than this, wherein Nitocris could have reigned, we do not find; but we find in Berosus (as josephus hath cited him) that Niglissar, who got the Kingdom from Euilmerodach, was his sister's husband; which argues this to have been the same woman. As for Labassardach the 〈◊〉 of Niglissar, if at the end of nine months reign he were for his lewd 〈◊〉 slain by the Nobility, as the same Berosus reporteth, it seems that God 〈◊〉 hereby the way for Nebuchadnezar's restitution (whose term of punishment was 〈◊〉 expired) by raising such troubles as should make him the more desired, both of the Princes and the people. I will not here use many words to confute that which Berosus hath further set down of Euilmerodach, telling us that he was slain by his sister's husband: for the plain words of Scripture, naming the year wherein he gave liberty to jechonia, do plainly testify that he outlived the three or four and fortieth year of his Father's reign, which was the last of his life.  
This may suffice to show, that they who are said to have succeeded Euilmerodach in the Kingdom, might indeed have so done, though not when he held it in his own right. Of Balthasar, who was his Son and Heir, we find, that he had such conditions, as God permitteth to be in a King for the ruin of the people. He was from his young years of a mischievous nature; having in his Father's time slain a Noble young man that should have married his sister, only for spite and envy to see him kill two wild beasts in hunting, at which himself having thrown his javeline had miss them. Another great Lord he had gelded, because a Gentlewoman commending his beauty, said it were a happy woman that should be his wife. Such barbarous villainies caused many which had loved his Father (as a good and gracious, though unfortunate Prince) to revolt from him unto the enemy as soon as he was King. Neither do I find that he performed any thing worthy of record, but as a Coward and a Fool he lost all; sitting still, and not once daring to give battle to them that daily took somewhat from him: Yet carelessly feasting when danger had hemmed him in on every side, and when death arrested him by the hands of those whom he had wronged in his Father's life. So the end of him was base and miserable; for he died as a fool taken in unexcusable security, yet had not that happiness, such as it is, of a death free from apprehension of fear, but was terrified with a dreadful vision; which had showed his ruin not many hours before, even whilst he was drinking in that wine, which the swords of his insulting enemies drew out of him, together with his latest blood. It is therefore in this place enough to say of him, That after a dishonourable reign of seventeen years, he perished like a beast, and was slain as he deserved. The rest that concerneth him in question of 〈◊〉 time, hath been spoken heretofore; in matter of his affairs, shall be handled among the acts of Cyrus, to whose story that of Balthasar is but an appendix.    

CHAP. II Of the original and first greatness of the Persians'.  

§. I. That the Medes were chief actors in the subversion of the Babylonian Empire.  
THE Line of Belochus being now extinguished in Balthasar, the Empire of Babylon, and of Assyria, was joined first to that of Media, which then was governed by Cyaxares or Darius Medus, after whom Cyrus become Lord and Monarch, both of Assyria and of Media itself.  
Of the race of Phul Belochus there were ten Kings besides himself, and of Arbaces as many are found by Metasthenes. These two Provincial Governors having cut down the last branch of Ninus in Sardanapalus, divided between them the Eastern Empire. Cyaxares (whom the Scriptures call Darius Medus) the last of the race of Arbaces, dying about two years after that the line of Belochus was ended in Balthasar; the Dominions aswell of the Conqueror, as of the conquered, fell to a third Family, namely, to Cyrus of the house of Achaemenes, the Princes of which blood reigning in Persia, had formerly been dependents on the Medes, and were of as little power at home, as of fame abroad in the World.  
Of the Family of the Achaemenes, and Line of the Persian Kings, we shall hereafter find occasion in due place to entreat.  
The Nation of the Medes descended from Madai the third son of japhet; that they had Kings soon after the flood, Lactantius and Diodorus have found record; For Lactantius remembreth an ancient King of the Medes called Hydaspes, and Diodor speaketh of Pharnus with his seven Sons, slain by the Assyrian in the beginning of their Empire.  
But of these who succeeded Arbaces the first, that freed his Nation from the Assyrians. I take the list and number from Eusebius, adding Darius Medus: of whom I have spoken in their proper places heretofore; and they are these.  


Arbaces. Who reigned 28. years.  
Sosarmus. Who reigned 30. years.  
Medidus. Who reigned 40. years.  
Cardiceas. Who reigned 13. years.  
Diocles. Who reigned 53. years.  
Phraortes. Who reigned 24. years.  
Cyaxares. Who reigned 32. years.  
Aslyages. Who reigned 38. years.  
Darius Medus. Who reigned    
And though the Greeks' ascribe the conquest of Babylon to Cyrus alone, yet the Scriptures teach us that Darius was not only King of Media, and had the Persians' his followers, but that the Army victorious over Balthasar was his; as the Assyrian and Babylonian Empire also was during his own life. For we find in Daniel, that Darius of the Medes took the Kingdom being threescore and two years old: And further, what Officers it pleased him to set over the Kingdom. And so was it prophesied by Isaiah long before: Behold, I will stir up the Medes against them, etc. 
Cap. 13. v. 17. 51 v. 11. & 28.  And by JEREMY; The Lord hath raised up the Spirit of the King of the Medes: for his purpose is against Babel to de destroy it; and in the eight and twentieth Verse, Prepare against her the Nations, with the King of the Medes, the Dukes thereof, the Princes thereof, and all the Land of his Dominion. These Scriptures julius Affricanus doth well open, who taking authority from Diodor, Castor, Thallus, and others, delivereth that Babylon was taken before Cyrus began to reign, which also agreeth with Strabo, where he saith, That as the Medes were subjugated by the Persians', so before 
Lib. 16.  that, both the Babylonians and Assyrians were mastered by the Medes. And therefore the reports of justine, and Herodotus, are not to be received, who attribute the taking of Babylon to Cyrus alone.   

§. II By what means the Empire was translated from the Medes to the Persians'.  
HOW the Kingdom of the Medes fell into the hands of Cyrus, it is a doubt not sufficiently cleared by Historians, but rather their different relations of his beginnings have bred the former opinion of those who give the conquest of Babel to the Persian only. For some there are who deny that Astyages had any other Successor than Cyrus his Grandchild by Mandane. Whereas Ctesias on the contrary side affirmeth, that Cyrus was no way descended from Astyages (whom he calleth Astigas or Apinia) but only that having vanquished him in battle, and confined him to Bactria, he married his Daughter Amytis. But I find the relations of Ctesias often cited and seldom followed, and himself sometimes very justly reproved of wilful untruth.  
Viginier a diligent and learned Historian of this age, produceth many probable reasons that Astyages had no such son as Cyaxares, or Darius Medus; and to confirm his opinion, the more he citeth Diodore, justine, Strabo, Plato, Aristotle, Isocrates, and before them Castor, Thallus, and Phlegon, who do not find any such Successor. Neither do Tatianus, Theophilus, Antiochenus, julius Affricanus, Clemens Alexandrinus, justine Martyr, Lactantius, Eusebius, S. Hierome, or S. Augustine, make report out of any faithful Author by them read, that hath given other Son or Successor to Astyages than Cyrus.  
Yet seeing that this manner of argument ab authoritate negatiuè, doth never enforce consent; we may be the bolder (all this great list of noble Writers by him alleged notwithstanding) to affirm that either Astyages himself must have been Darius of the Medes, which cannot agreed with his place in the course of time; Or 
〈◊〉. l. 1. c. 19  else to give him some other Successor, according to josephus, and Xenophon, the 
jos. an. l. 10. c. 13  same whom Daniel calleth Darius. For it is manifest, and without dispute, that the 
Xeu. l. 8. 〈◊〉.  King of the Medes commanded in chief, and was absolute Lord of that Conquest, Cyrus during his life, being no other than the Lieutenant of his Army, and subject to his authority; The strength of both Nations, to wit, the Medes and Persians', with other the Vassals of Darius, being joined together to compound it.  
But it is very certain that the honour of that great victory over Babylon was wholly given to Cyrus, who was the instrument preordained and forenamed by God himself, not only for his action, but for the delivery of his Church; a greater work in the eyes of God, than the subversion of any State or Monarchy, how powerful soever.  
And it may well be thought, that the Soldiers employed in that service did rather ascribe the glory to him that was the best man of War, than to the Median, who was greatest in riches and power. All which also falling upon Cyrus by succession, and continuing in his posterity, did much augment the same of his virtue, which among profane Historians overgrew altogether the honour due to Cyaxares, both because he was old, and did nothing in person; as also because he soon after quitted the world, and left all to Cyrus, who was possessed of whatsoever belonged to Darius, before the fame of any such King or Conqueror was carried far off.  
And for the Greek Historians, they took all things from the relations of the Persians', who gave to Cyrus all the praise of a most excellent Prince, making noon his equal. Only Daniel in the first, fift, and sixt Chapters of his prophecies, makes it plain, that himself not only lived a great Officer under King Darius, but that he continued in that estate to the first of Cyrus; which being the year of Daniel's death, could not have been distinguished from the reign of Darius, if they had begun together and reigned jointly; Neither can it be imagined that Darius held the Kingdom by Cyrus permission, considering that Cyrus began after him.   

§. III XENOPHONS' relation of the War with the 〈◊〉 and Persians', made with joint forces upon the Assyrians, and others.  
THese Testimonies of the Scriptures, which need no other confirmation, yet made more open to our understanding, by that which Xenophon hath written of these wars: The cause whereof, according to his report, was this.  
When the Assyrian had enlarged his Empire with victories, and was become Lord of all Syria, and many other Countries, he began to hope that if the Medes could be brought under his subjection, there should not then be left any Nation adjoining able to make head against him. For the King of the Medes was able to bring into the field threescore thousand foot, and above ten thousand horse, to which the forces of Persia being joined, made an exceeding strong Army.  
The Assyrian considering the strength of such a Neighbour, 〈◊〉 Croesus King of Lydia, a Prince very mighty both in men and treasure, and with him other Lords of Asia the less to his assistance, alleging that those Eastern Nations were very powerful, and so firmly conjoined by league and many alliances, that it would not be easy, not not possible, for any one Nation to resist them. With these incitements strengthened with great presents, he drew to himself so many adherents as he compounded an Army of two hundred thousand foot, and threescore thousand horse, of which, ten thousand horse, and forty thousand foot were led by Croesus, who had great cause of enmity with the Medes, in regard of the War made by them against his Father Alyattes; But this great Army was by Cyaxares King of the Medes, and by Cyrus general of the Persian forces, utterly broken; Upon which defeat the Assyrian King being also slain, so many of the Assyrians revolted, as Babylon itself could not longer be assured without the succours of Mercenaries, waged with great sums of money out of Asia the less, Egypt, and elsewhere. Which new gathered forces were also scattered by Cyrus, who following his advantage, possessed himself of a great part of the lesser Asia, at which time it was, as I take it, that Croesus himself was also made 〈◊〉.  
The attempt of Babylon following soon after, the Army lying before it being paid by Darius, whom Xenophon calleth Cyaxares, and led by Cyrus his sister's son, prevailed against Balthasar, as in due time shall be set down.  
Those Persians' which followed Cyrus, and by him levied, are numbered thirty thousand footmen, of which a thousand were armed Gentlemen, the rest of the common sort were Archers, or such as used the Dart and the Sling. So far Xenophon. Of whom in this argument, as it is true, that he described in Cyrus the pattern of a most Heroical Prince, with much 〈◊〉 addition: So it cannot be denied, but that the bulk and gross of his Narration was founded upon 〈◊〉 Historical truth.  
Neither can it indeed be affirmed of any the like Writer, that in every speech and circumstance he hath precisely tied himself to the phrase of the speaker, or nature of the occasion, but borrowed in each out of his own invention, appropriating the same to the times and persons of whom he treated. Putting therefore apart the Moral and Politic discourse, and examining but the History of things done, it will easily appear, that Xenophon hath handled his under-taken subject in such sort, that by beautifying the face thereof, he hath not in any sort corrupted the body.   

§. FOUR The estate of the Medes and Persians' in times foregoing this great War.  
FOr it is commonly agreed upon, that Achaemenes the son of Perses being Governor of Persia, did associate himself with Arbaces, who commanded in Media in that rebellion against Sardanapalus, and that each of them after the victory obtained, held for himself the Dominion of those Countries, which he had formerly ruled for the Assyrians; as also that they 〈◊〉 over the same honour and power to their posterity; which in Media was not absolutely Regal, but with some restraint limited, until such time as Deioces took upon him the full authority and 〈◊〉 of a King. From the death of Sardanapalus to the reign of Deioces, are usually accounted about an hundred and forty years, in the last sixty whereof there reigned in Assyria mighty Princes, namely Salmanasser and his Successors, whose great atchivements in Syria and elsewhere witness, that the Medes and Persians' found it not for their advantage to under-take any offensive war against those victorious Kings, it being also probable that the league continued as yet between these the successors of Belochus, and Arbaces, who had formerly shared the Empire.  
Now from the beginning of Deioces to the first of Astyages, therepast above ninety years, in which if 〈◊〉 have written truly, that 〈◊〉 conquered Persia, and how he and other the Kings of Media by many victories greatly enlarged their dominions, and commanded many parts of Asia, it had been but an unadvised enterprise of the Assyrians and Babylonians, to have wasted themselves against the Syrians and Egyptians, leaving so able and victorious a Nation on their backs. But that the Medes had done nothing upon the South parts of Persia, and that the Persians' themselves were not masters of Susiana in Nabuchodonosors' time, it is manifest in Daniel, who was then Governor for the Babylonian in Susa or Susan, the chief City thereof. It is true indeed, that the Medians, either under Cyaxares or Astyages, or both, had quarrel with Halyattes the father of Croesus, which after some six years dispute was compounded.  
How the affairs of Persia stood in so many ages, I do not found any memory. It seemeth that the roughness of the mountainous Country which they then possessed, with the confederacy which they continued with the Medes, gave them more security than 〈◊〉: For if their Kings, being the posterity of Achaemenes; had done any memorable acts, the greatness which they afterward obtained would not have suffered any forgetfulness thereof. But as we found all Xenophons' reports, both of these Wars and the state of those Countries to be very consonant and agreeable to the relation of many other good Authors, so it appears, that the race of Achaemenes held the Principality of Persia from father to son for many descents. And therefore we may better give credit to Xenophon, who affirmeth, That Cambyses the father of Cyrus was King of Persia: than to those that make him a mean man, and say, that Astyages gave him his daughter Mandane in marriage, to the end that her son (whose 〈◊〉 he feared) might be disabled from any great undertaking by his father's ignobility.  
For what cause of grief could it be to Astyages, that the son of his daughter should become Lord of the best part of Asia? Not; it was more likely, that upon such a Prophecy his love to his grandchild should have increased, and his care been the greater to have married her to some Prince of strength and eminent virtue.  
Yea, the same Herodotus, who is the first Author, and as I think the deviser of the mischief intended against Cyrus by his grandfather, doth confess, That the line of the Achaemenidae was so renowned, that the great King Xerxes in the height of his prosperity did thence 〈◊〉 himself, and vaunt of it: which he would never have done, had they been ignoble, nor had they been the vassals of any other King or Monarch.  
For in this sort Xerxes in the seventh of Herodotus deriveth himself.  

Achaemenes.  
Cambyses.  
Cyrus.  
Teispeus.  
Ariaramnes.  
Arsamnes.  
Hystaspes.  
Darius.  
Xerxes.   
Of the Achaemenidae there were two races: of the first was Cyrus the great, whose issue male failed in his two sons, Cambyses and Smerdis. This royal family is thus set down by the learned Reineccius.  

Achaemenes, the son of 〈◊〉, first King of Persia.  
Darius.  
Cyrus, the first of that name, had Cambyses and Atossa, who, married to Pharnaces, King of Cappadocia, had Artystona and other daughters.  
Cambyses had  
Cyrus the Great, Cyrus had  
Cambyses, who succeeded him, and Smerdis 〈◊〉 by his brother Cambyses.   
Of the second were those seven great Princes of Persia, who having overthrown the usurped 〈◊〉 of the Magis, chose from among themselves Darius the 〈◊〉 of Hystaspes King.  
This Kingdom of Persia was first known by the name of Elam, so called after Elam the son of Sem, and the people therein 〈◊〉, Elamitae; by Elianus, Elymae; by josephus, Elymi.  
Suidas derives this Nation sometimes from Assur, sometime from Magog, of whom they were called Magusaei; which Magusaei, according to Eusebius, are not to 
Euseb l. 6. c. 8. d. 〈◊〉. evan 〈◊〉.  be taken for the Nation in general, but for those who were afterward called the Magis or Wise men. So do the Greeks', among many other their sayings of them, affirm, That the Persians' were anciently written Artaei, and that they called themselves Cephenes. But that they were Elamitae, Moses and the Prophets, Easie, jeremy, 
Gen. 10.  Ezechiel, Daniel, and Esdras in many places confirm: Which also S. Hierome upon 
〈◊〉 11. 21, 22.  
jere. 25. & 29.  jeremy the five and twentieth, upon Daniel the eight and twentieth, and in his Hebrew 
Ezecb. 32.  questions approveth, saying: Elam à quo Elamitae Principes Persidis; ELAM, of 
Dan. 8.  whom were the Elamites Princes of Persia. 
Esd. 4.   
And that City which the Author of the second book of the Maccabees calleth 
2. Mac. 9  Persepolis, is by the Author of the first called Elimais, but is now called Sirrah, 
1. Mac. 6.  being the same which Antiochus, for the great riches thereof, twice attempted in vain, and to his great dishonour. And yet this City, now called Sirrah, was not the old Persepolis; for Alexander, at the request of Thais the Harlot, burned it.  
The first King of Persia to us known, if we follow the current of Authors interpreting the fourteenth chapter of Genesis, was Chedorlaomer, who lived with Amraphel or Ninias, and joined with him in the war against those Arabians, who was afterward extinguished by the forces of Abraham. 
Gen. 10.     

CHAP. III Of CYRUS.  

§. I. Of CYRUS his name and first actions.  
AS touching the name of Cyrus, Strabo saith, That the same was taken from a River which watereth Persia; this great Prince having Agradatus for his proper name. But the great Cyrus was not the first of that name. Herodotus otherwise; and that Cyrus signifieth 
Strab. l. 15.  a father in the Persian Tongue, and therefore so entitled by the people.  
It is true that for his justice and other excellent virtues he was indeed called a Father; but that the name of Cyrus had any such signification, I think it be mistaken.  
Plutarch hath a third opinion, affirming, That Cyrus is as much to say as the 
Plut. in 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  Sun, in the same Language. Howsoever it be, yet the Prophet Easie, almost two hundred years before Cyrus was borne, gives him that name, Thus saith the Lord unto CYRUS his 〈◊〉, etc.  
Before the Conquest of Babylon, the victories which Cyrus obtained were many and great: among which, the Conquest of Lydia, and other Provinces thereto subject, together with the taking of Croesus himself, are not recounted by Eusebius, Orosius, and others, but placed among his latter atchivements, whose opinion for this difference of time is founded upon two reasons; namely, That of the Median there is no mention in that last war against Croesus: and that the obtaining of Sardis is referred to the eight and fiftieth Olympiad, and the glorious victory which Cyrus had over Babylon, to the five and fiftieth Olympiad.  
The former of which might have been used (and was by the Greeks') to exclude the Medes from the honour of having won Babylon itself, which in due place I have answered. The latter seems to have reference to the second War which Cyrus made upon Lydia, when it rebelled; at which time he so established his former Conquest, as after that time these Nations never offered to revolt. Wherhfore I like better in this particular to 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉, whom the most of Chronologers follow, and find the enterprise of Sardis to precede that of Babylon.   

§ II Of CROESUS the King of Lydia, who made war upon CYRUS.  
I Have in the last Book spoken somewhat of Croesus, of his race and predecessors, as also of those Kings which governed Lydia in more ancient times: of which the first (to profane Authors known) was Lydus the son of Atys: Which family extinguished, the Kingdom was by an Oracle conferred upon Argon, descended from Hercules, whereof there were two and twenty generations, Candaules being the last, who by showing his fair wife naked to Gyges his favourite, he was by the same Gyges (thereto urged upon peril of his own life by the Queen) the next day slain. Which done, Gyges enjoyed both the Queen and the Kingdom of Lydia, and left the same to Atys his son, who was father to Sadyattes, the father of Halyattes (who thrust the Cimmerians out of 〈◊〉) and Halyattes begat Croesus: Which five 
Herod. l. 1. p. 3. 4 & 5.  Kings, of a third race, enjoyed that Kingdom an hundred and seventy years. Halyattes the father of Croesus was an undertaking Prince, and after he had continued a war against Cyaxares the Median, a Prince very powerful, and maintained it six years: a peace was concluded upon equal conditions between them.  
Astyages, the son of Cyaxares, and grandfather to Cyrus, thought himself greatly honoured by obtaining Aryenis, Croesus sister, whom he married.  
But Croesus so far enlarged his dominions after 〈◊〉 father's death, as he was nothing inferior in territory to any King or Monarch of that age: Of which, about that time there were four in effect of equal strength; to wit, the Median, the Babylonian, the Egyptian and the Lydian: only Nabuchodonosor, after he had joined Phoenicia, Palestina, and Egypt to his Empire, had thenceforward no competitor during his own life.  
But Croesus, notwithstanding the men and treasure spent in the quarrel of the Babylonians, he yet mastered Aeolis, Doris, and jonia, Provinces possessed by the 〈◊〉 in Asia the less, adjoining to 〈◊〉; gave law to the Phrygians, Bithinians, Carians, Mysians, Paphlagonians, and other Nations. And that he also enforced the Ephesians to acknowledge him, notwithstanding they compassed their City with 〈◊〉 girdle, 
Herald l. 5.  Herodotus witnesseth. Moreover, Athaeneus out of Berosus (which also 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. l. 14. c. 17.  confirmeth) makes report of a Signal victory which Croesus obtained against the Sacaeans, a Nation of the Scythians, in memory whereof the Babylonians his allies did yearly celebrated a Feast, which they called Sacaea: All which he performed in fourteen year.  
And being now confident in the continuance of his good fortune, and envious of Cyrus fame, doubting also, that his prosperous undertakings might in the end grow perilous to himself, he consulted with the Oracle of Apollo, whom he presented with marvelous rich gifts, what success he might hope for against Cyrus, if he undertook him: from whom he received this riddle; CROESUS passing over the River Halys, shall dissolve a great dominion. For the devil being doubtful of the success, paid him with merchandise of both sides like, and might be inverted either way to the ruin of Persia, or of his own Lydia.   

§ III CROESUS his Expedition against CYRUS.  
HEreupon Croesus being resolved to stop the course of Cyrus fortunes, if he could, despised all the arguments used by Sandanes to the contrary, who desired him to forethink, That he urged a Nation inhabiting a barren and mountainous Region, a people not covered with the soft silk of worms, but with the hard skins of beasts; not fed with such meat as they fancied, but content with what they found; drinkers of water, not of wine: and in a word, a Nation warlike, enduring, valiant and prosperous; over whom if he become victorious, he could thereby enrich himself in 〈◊〉 but fame, in which he already excelled: and if by them beaten, and subjecteth, so great would his loss appear of all things which the world hath in account, as the same could neither hastily be told, nor readily conceived.  
Notwithstanding this solid Counsel, Croesus having prepared a powerful army, he led the same towards Media, but in his passage, he was arrested at Pterium, a City of great strength in Cappadocia; which while he sought by all means to surprise or to force, Cyrus come on, and found the 〈◊〉 encamped before it. That each was inferior to other in strength or opinion, I do not find: for out of doubt, Croesus as he excelled any Prince of that age in riches and ability; so was he not under any in territory and fame that then lived.  
But as Cratippus of Mitylene answered Pompey when he complained against the gods, because they favoured a disturber and usurper of the Commonweal against him who fought for the Roman 〈◊〉, That Kingdoms and Commonweals had their increase and period from divine Ordinance: so at this time was the Winter of Croesus 〈◊〉 at hand, the leaves of his flourishing fortune ready to fall, and that of Cyrus but in the flower and first spring. The God of all power, and not Admetis Herdman, Apollo, had given date to the one, and a beginning of glory to the other.  
When these two Armies were in view of each other, after the entertainment of divers skirmishes, the Persians' and Lydians began to join in gross troops: supplies from both Kings thrust on upon the falling off, and advancement of either Nation: and as the Persians' had somewhat the better of the day, so when the dark vail of night had hidden each army from the others view, Croesus doubting what success the rising Sun would bring with it, quitted the field to Cyrus, and with all speed possible retired, and taking the next way into Lydia, recovered Sardis his first City and Regal Seat, without any pursuit made by Cyrus to retard him. Where being arrived, and nothing suspecting Cyrus' approach, or any other war for that Winter, he dismissed the soldiers, and sent the troops of his sundry Nations to their own Provinces, appointing them to reassemble at the end of five months, acquainting his Commanders with his intents for the renewing of the war at the time appointed.   

§. FOUR The Conquest of Lydia by CYRUS.  
CYRUS in the following morning finding the Lydians departed, put his army in order to pursue them, yet not so hastily, and at their heels, as to be discovered. But having good intelligence of Croesus his proceeding, he so measured his Marches, as he presented not himself before Sardis, till such time as Croesus had disposed his army to their wintering garrisons: when being altogether unlooked for, and unfeared, he surrounded Sardis with his Army: Wherein Croesus having no other Companies than his Citizens and ordinary Guards, after fourteen days siege the same was entered by assault, and all executed that resisted. Croesus' having now neither arms to fight, nor wings to fly, Sardis being on all parts strongly encompassed, 
In 〈◊〉 calamitate suam quisque habet 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉.  thrust himself into the heap and miserable multitude of his vassals, and had undergone the common fortune of common persons vanquished, had not a son of his, who had been dumb all his life (by extremity of passion and fear enabled) 
Memoriam metus perimit: 〈◊〉 vocis est incitamentum, etc.  cried out to the soldiers to spare Croesus. Who thereupon being taken and imprisoned, despoiled of all things but the expectation of death, he was forth with tied in fetters, and set on the top of a great and high heap of wood, to be consumed to ashes thereon. To which when the fire was set and kindled, remembering the discourse 
Solin. c. 7.  which he had with the Athenian Lawgiver, he thrice cried out on his name, Solon, Solon, Solon: and being demanded what he meant by that invocation he first used silence: but urged again, he told them, That he now found it true which Solon had long since told him, That many men in the race and courses of their lives might well be accounted fortunate, but no man could discern himself 
Homo qui in homine calamitoso 〈◊〉 est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Cass.  for happy indeed, till his end.  
Of which answer Cyrus being speedily informed, remembering the changes of fortune and his own mortality, he commanded his ministers of justice to withdraw the fire with all diligence to save Croesus, and to conduct him to his presence: Which done, Cyrus demanded of him, Who it was that had persuaded him? Or what self reason had conducted him to invade his territory, and to make him of a friend an enemy? To whom he thus answered, It was thy prosperous and my unprosperous destiny (the Grecian God flattering therewithal my ambition) that were the inverters and conductors of Croesus war against Cyrus.  
Cyrus' being pierced with Croesus answer, and bewailing his estate, though victorious over 〈◊〉, did not only spare his life, but entertained him ever after as a King and his companion, showing therein a true effect of mercy indeed, Quaenon causam sed fortunam spectat.  
And herein is the real difference discerned between that behaviour which we call Beneficium latronis, & gratiam Principis: A thief sometime sparing the life of him which is in his power, but unjustly: A King that giveth breath, and a continuance of being, to him that was the cause and author of his own evil.  
The report made by Xenophon is, That Cyrus did friendly entertain Croesus at the first sight, not mentioning that which Herodotus delivers, and is here already set down, that he should have been burnt alive. It may well 〈◊〉, that Xenophon portraying (in Cyrus) an heroical Prince, thought an intent so cruel fit to be forgotten than rehearsed, as too much misbeseeming a generous nature. And it is very likely, that nearness of alliance might withhold Cyrus (had he been otherwise vicious) from so cruel a purpose against his grandmother's brother. How soever it was, the Moral part of the Story hath given credit and reputation to the report of Herodotus (as to many the like it often doth) and made it pass for currant, though the trust reposed in Croesus afterwards may seem to argue, that Cyrus did not use him inhumanly at the first.  
For as Herodotus himself telleth us, when Cyrus passed with his army over Araxes into Scythia, he 〈◊〉 Croesus to accompany and advise his son Cambyses, Governor of the Empire in his absence, with whom he lived all the time of Cyrus, and did afterward follow Cambyses into Egypt, where he hardly escaped his 〈◊〉 hand. What his end was I do not find.  
But in this time the races of three of the greatest Kings in that part of the world took end; to wit, of the Babylonians, Medians, and Lydians; in Balthasar, Cyaxares, and Croesus.   

§. V How CYRUS won Babylon.  
AFter this Lydian war ensued the great Conquest of Babylon, which gave unto Cyrus an Empire so large and mighty, that he was justly reputed the greatest Monarch then living upon earth. How long time the preparations for this great action took up, it is uncertain; only it seems, that ten whole years did pass between his taking those two Cities of Sardes & Babylon, which nevertheless I do not think to have been wholly occupied in provision for the Assyrian war, but rather to have been spent in settling the Estate which he had already purchased. And hereunto perhaps may be referred that which Ctesias hath in his fragments of a war made by Cyrus upon the Scythians, though related as foregoing the victory obtained against Croesus. He telleth us, That Cyrus invaded Scythia, and being victorious over that Nation, took Amorges their King prisoner: but being in a second battle overthrown by the wife of Amorges, Sparetha, and therein taken, the one King was delivered for the other.  
Likewise it may be thought, that no small part of those troubles which arose in the lower Asia, grew soon after the departure of the victorious 〈◊〉, before the Conquest was fully established.  
For after Cyrus was returned out of Asia the less, many Nations, conquered formerly by Croesus, and now by Cyrus, revolted from him; against whom 〈◊〉 employed Pactias, and then Harpagus, who first reduced the Phocians under their former obedience: and then the rest of the Greeks' inhabiting Asia the less, as the jonians, Carians, Aeolians, and Lycians, who resolvedly (according to the strength they had) defended themselves. But in the attempt upon Babylon itself it is not to be doubted, that Cyrus employed all his forces, having taken order beforehand, that nothing should be able to divert him, or to raise that siege, and make frustrate the work upon which he did set all his rest. And great reason there was, that he should bend all his care and strength unto the taking of that 〈◊〉, which 〈◊〉 the same and reputation that it held, as being head of an Empire thereon depending, was so strongly fenced with a triple wall of great height, and surrounded with waters unfoordable, so plentifully victualled for many years, that the inhabitants were not only free from all doubt and fear of their estate, but despised and derided all purposes and power of their besiegers.  
The only hope of the Medes and Persians', who despaired of carrying by assault a 〈◊〉 so well fortified and manned, was in cutting off all supplies of victuals and other necessaries; whereof though the Town was said to be stored 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more than twenty years, yet might it well be deemed, that in such a world of people as dwelled within those gates, one great want or other would sooner appear, and vanquish the resolution of that unwarlike multitude. In expecting the success of this course, the besiegers were likely to endure much travail, and all in vain, if they did not keep strait watch and strong guards upon all quarters.  
This was hard to do, in regard of the vast circuit of those walls which they were to gird in, with numbers neither great enough, nor of men sufficiently assured unto their Commander: The consideration whereof ministered unto the Babylonians matter of good pastime, when they seen the Lydians, Phrygians, Cappadocians, and others, 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 7.  quartered about their Town to keep them in, who having been their ancient friends and allies, were more likely to join with them, if occasion were offered, than to use much diligence on the behalf of Cyrus, who had, as it were, yesterday laid upon their necks the galling yoke of servitude. Whilst the besieged were pleasing themselves in this deceitful gladness, that is the ordinary forerunner of sudden calamity; Cyrus, whom the Ordinance of God made strong, constant, and inventive, devised by so many channels and trenches as were sufficient and capable of Euphrates, to draw the same from the walls of Babylon, thereby to make his approach the more facile and assured: which when by the labour of many hands he had performed, he stayed the time of his advantage for the execution: for he had left certain banks or heads uncut, between the main river which surrounded the City, and his own Trenches.  
Now Balthasar, finding neither any want or weakness within, nor any 〈◊〉 of approach for his enemies without, prepared an exceeding sumptuous feast, public Plays, and other Pastimes, and thereto invited a thousand of his Princes or Nobility, besides his wives, courtesans, and others of that trade. This he did either to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 know, that his provisions were 〈◊〉, not only for all needful uses, but even for 〈◊〉 and excess: Or because he hoped that his enemies, under the burden of many distresses were well near broken, or in honour of Bel his most 〈◊〉 Idol: Or that it was his birth or coronation day: Or for many or all these respects. And he was not contented with such 〈◊〉 as no Prince else could equal, but (using Daniel's words) he 〈◊〉 himself up against the Lord of Heaven: For he and his Princes, wives and concubines, made carousing cups of the Vessels of God, in contempt of whom he praised his own puppets, made of silver and Gold, of Brass, of Iron, Wood, and Stone, Quanta fuit stultitia in vasibus aureis bibentes ligneos & lapideos Deos laudare; How great a foolishness was it (saith S. JEROME) drinking in golden Cups, to praise Gods of Wood and Stone. While Balthasar was in this sort triumphing, and his brains well filled with vapours, he beheld a hand, which by divine power wrote on the wall opposite unto him certain words which he understood not: wherewith so great a fear and amazement seized him, as the joints of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote one against 
Dan. 5. v. 6.  the other. Which passion when he had in some part recovered, he cried out for his Chaldeans, Astrologians, and Soothsayers, promising them great rewards, and the third place of honour in the Kingdom to him that could read and expound the writing; but it exceeded their art. In this disturbance and astonishment the Queen hearing what had past, and of the King's amazement, after reverence done used this speech: There is a man in thy Kingdom, in whom is the spirit of the holy Gods, and in the days of thy father, light, and understanding and wisdom, like the wisdom of the Gods, was found in him, whom the King NABUCHODONOSOR thy father, the King (I say) thy father made chief of the Enchanters, Astrologians, Chaldeans, and Soothsayers, because a more excellent spirit, and knowledge, and understanding, etc. were found in him, even in DANIEL, etc. Now let DANIEL be called, and he will declare the interpretation.  
This Queen, josephus takes for the grandmother; Origen and Theodoret for the 
Orig. & Theod. in Dan. joseph. Ant. 10.  mother of Balthasar; either of which may be true: for it appeareth, that she was not any of the King's wives, because absent from the feast; and being past the age of dancing and banqueting, she come in upon the bruit of the miracle, and to comfort the King in his distraction: and whereas Daniel was forgotten and neglected by others of younger years and times, this old Queen remembered well what he had done in the days of Nabuchodonosor, grandfather to this Balthasar, and kept in mind both his religion and divine gifts.  
When Daniel was brought to the King's presence, who acknowledged those excellent graces wherewith God had enriched him, he prayed him, together with promises of reward and honour, to read and interpret those words miraculously written; to whom Daniel made answer in a far different style from that he used towards his grandfather: for the evil which he foretold Nabuchodonosor, he wished that the same might befall his enemies, but to this King (whose neglect of God and vice he hated) he answered in these words, Keep thy rewards to thyself, and give thy gifts to another, yet will I read the writing unto the King, and show him the interpretation: Which before he had performed, he gave him first the cause of God's just judgement against him, and the reason of this terrible sentence; whereof the King and all his Wisemen were utterly ignorant: Which being written at large in Daniel, hath this effect, That forgetting God's goodness to his father, whom all Nations feared 
Dan. 5. v. 18, 19, 20.  and obeyed, and that for his pride and neglect of those benefits, as he deprived him of his estate and understanding; so upon the acknowledgement of God's infinite power he restored him to both. This King notwithstanding lifted himself up against 〈◊〉 same God, and presumed both to abuse those vessels, dedicated to holy uses, and neglecting the Lord of all power, praised and worshipped the dead Idols of Gold, Silver, Brass, Iron, Stone, and Wood: and therefore those words, from the Oracle of a true God delivered, (to wit) Mene Tekel, Vphraisin, gave the King knowledge, that God had numbered the time of his Kingdom, and finished it: That he was weighed in the balance of God's justice, and found too light; and that his Empire was divided and given to the Medes and Persians'.  
The very evening or night of this day, wherein Balthasar feasted and perished, Cyrus either by his espial, according to Xenophon, or inspired by God himself, wose ensign he followed in this war, found the time and opportunity to invite him: and therefore while the King's head, and the heads of his Nobility were no less filled with the vapours of wine, than their hearts were with the fear of God's judgement, he caused all the banks and heads of his trenches to be opened and cut down with that diligence, as by them he drew the great River of Euphrates dry for the present, by whose channel running, his army made their entrance, finding noon to disturb them. All the Town lay buried (as the Poet saith) in sleep and wine: such as come in the Persians' way, were put to the sword, unless they saved themselves by flight, as some did, who ran away crying, and filling the streets with an uncertain tumult.  
Such Assyrian Lords as had revolted from Balthasar, and betaken themselves to the party of Cyrus, did now conduct a selected company to the King's Palace; which having easily forced, they rushed into the chamber where the King with his Princes were banqueting, slew both him and them without any mercy, who struggled in vain to keep those lives which God had newly threatened to take away. And now was the prophecy of jeremy fulfilled, & that of Easie, two hundred years 
jer. c. 27.  before this subversion, who in his three & fortieth Chapter, and else where, writeth 
Esa. c. 47.  this destruction so feelingly and lively, as if he had been present both at the terrible slaughter committed, and had seen the great and unfeared change and calamity of this great Empire; yea, and had also heard the sorrows and bewail of every surviving soul thereunto subject. His prophesy of this place he beginneth in these words: Come down, and sit in the dust, OH virgin daughter of Babel: sit on the ground, there is no throne, etc. And again, Sat still and get thee into darkness, OH daughter of the Chaldaeans, for thou shalt no more be called the Lady of Kingdoms. For though it cannot be doubted, that God used Nabuchodonosor & the Chaldaeans, to punish the idolatry of the judaeans, yet Easie teacheth us in this place, That he did not yet forget, that the execution of his judgements was mixed with a rigorous extremity. For (saith Easie) in the person of God, I was wroth with my people, I have polluted my inheritance, 
Cap. 47.  and given them into thy hand: thou didst show them no mercy, but thou didst 
Isai. 14.  lay thy very heavy yoke upon the ancient. I will rise up against them, saith the Lord of Hosts, and will cut off from Babel the name and the remnant, and the son and the nephew. And 
To with, Euilmerodach and Balthasar.  in the thirteenth, Every one that is found, shall be stricken thorough: and whosoever joineth himself, shall fall by the sword, their children also shall be broken in pieces before their eyes, their houses spoiled, and their wives ravished. So as there is no Historian who was either present at this victory of Cyrus, or that received the report from others truly as it was, that could better leave the same to posterity after it happened, than Easie hath done in many places of his prophecies, which were written two hundred years before any thing attempted.  
The greatness and magnificence of Babylon, were it not by divers grave Authors set down, might seem altogether fabulous: for besides the reports of Saint Heirome, Solinus, and Orosius, Aristotle in the third of his politics, the second Chapter, received the report for true, That one part of the City knew not that the rest was taken three days after. Which is not impossible, if the testimony of Diodorus Siculus may be taken; who finds the compass thereof at three hundred 
Diod. l. 3.  and threescore Stadia or Furlongs, which makes five and forty miles: the walls whereof had so great a breadth, as six chariots might pass in front thereon. And of height, according to Ctesias and Clitracus, three hundred threescore and five foot, garnished with an hundred and fifty Towers. Strabo in the beginning of his sixteenth Book of Geographie gives it a greater circuit, adding five and twenty furlongs more to the former compass, reckoning the same at three hundred fourscore and five furlongs, which makes eight and forty mile and one furlong: but finds the wall far under that which Diodor reports: and so doth Curtius measure their thickness but at two and thirty foot, and their height at an hundred cubits; which is also very much: every cubit containing a foot and half of the large measure, though to the whole circuit of the City he gives the same with Siculus, and eight furlongs more. Herodotus finds a greater content than Strabo doth, namely, four hundred and fourscore furlongs in circle; the thickness of the wall he measures at fifty cubits, and the height at two hundred of the same regal cubit. For entrance it had an hundred gates of Brass, with posts and 
Herald l. 1.  hooks to hung them on of the same metal: and therefore did the Prophet Easie 
Esa. 4. 7. &. c. 13.  rightly entitle Babylon, The Princess and glory of Kingdoms.  
But when Cyrus had won her, he stripped her out of her princely Robes, and made her a slave, dividing not only all her goodly houses, and her whole Territory, with all the riches therein contained, among his soldiers: but bestowing the inhabitants themselves as bondslaves upon those that had taken possession of their goods.  
Touching the reign of Cyrus, and the time which he enjoyed in rest and pleasure, I can say no more of it, than that it is generally agreed by all Chronologers to have lasted only seven years: in which time he made such Constitutions, as differ little from the Ordinances of all wise Kings that are desirous to establish a Royal power in themselves and their posterity.   

§. VI The end of CYRUS.  
THe last war, and the end of this great King Cyrus, is diversly written. Herodotus and justine deliver, That after the Conquest of Asia the less Cyrus invaded the Massagetes, a very warlike Nation of the Scythians, governed by Tomyris their Queen: and that in an encounter between the Persians' and these Northern Nomads, Tomyris lost 〈◊〉 Army, and her Son Spargapises, that commanded it: In revenge whereof, this Queen making new levies of men of war, and following the war against Cyrus, in a second battle beaten the Persian army, and taking Cyrus' prisoner, cut off his head from his body, and cast the same into a bowl of blood, using these words; Thou that hast all thy life time thirsted for blood, now drink thy fill, and satiate thyself.  
It should hereby seem, that Cyrus knowing the strength and multitude of those frozen Nations, was persuaded to abate their fury by some forcible invasion and depopulation, because in the time of Syaxares, father to Astyages, those Scythians invaded Media and Asia the less, and held the same in a servile subjection eight and twenty years.  
This war which Metasthenes calleth Tomyrique, lasted (saith he) six years, and took end at the death of Cyrus.  
But in this particular I 〈◊〉 with Viginer, that this Scythian war was rather the same which Cyrus made against the Sacians, before the Conquest of Lydia, according to Ctesias before cited, who calleth Tomyris, Sparetha, though he deliver the 
Vig. prim. part. Bib.  success of that war otherwise then Herodotus doth: The rather (saith Viginer) because Strabo in his eleventh book reciteth, That Cyrus surprised the Sacians by the same stratagem by which justine saith, 〈◊〉 defeated the son of Tomyris. And the same Ctesias also reporteth, That the last war which Cyrus made was against 
〈◊〉. l. 15. hist. part.  〈◊〉, King of the Derbicians a Nation (as the rest) of 〈◊〉; whom though he overcame, yet he then received the wound of his death, which he suffered three days after.  
Strabo also affirmeth, That he was buried in his own City of Pasagardes, which 
Strab. l. 15.  himself had built, and where his Epitaph was to be read in his time; which is said to have been this: OH vir quicunque es, & 〈◊〉 advenis, neque enim te adventurum ignor avi: Ego sum CYRUS qui 〈◊〉 imperium constitui, pusillum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quo meum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihine invideas; OH thou man, whosoever thou art, or whencesoever thou comest; for I was not ignorant that thou shouldest come: I am CYRUS that founded the Persian Empire, do not envy unto me this little earth, with which my body is covered.  
This Tomb was opened by Alexander, as Qu. 〈◊〉 reporteth, either upon 
Q. Curt. l.  hope of treasure, supposed to have been buried with him, or upon desire to honour his dead body with certain ceremonies; in which there was found an old rotten Target, two Scythian Bows, and a Sword. The Coffin wherein his body lay, Alexander caused to be covered with his own garment, and a Crown of gold to be set upon it. These things well considered, as they give credit to the reports of Xenophon and Zonaras, so they derogate much from Herodotus, who leaves his body 
Xen. 〈◊〉. 8.  in the hands of Tomyris. 
Zon. l. 1. c. 20.   
And surely, had Cyrus lost the Army of Persia in Scythia, it is not likely, that his son would so soon have transported all his remaining forces into Egypt, so far off from that quarter: the Scythian Nation then victorious, and bordering Media; neither had Cambyses been able in such haste to have undertaken and performed so great a Conquest. Wherhfore I rather believe Xenophon, saying, That Cyrus died aged and in peace: and that finding in himself, that he could not long enjoy the world, he called unto him his Nobility, with his two sons, Cambyses and Smerdis; or after Xenophon, Tanaoxares: and after a long Oration, wherein he assured himself, and taught others, of the immortality of the Soul, and of the punishments and rewards following the good and ill deserving of every man in this life; he exhorted his sons by the strongest arguments he had, to a perpetual concord and agreement. Many other things he uttered, which make it probable, that he received the knowledge of the true God from Daniel, when he governed Susa in Persia; and that Cyrus himself had read the prophecy of Easie, wherein he was expressly named, and by God (for the 〈◊〉 of his people) praeordained. Which act of delivering the jews from their 〈◊〉, and of restoring the holy Temple and City of Jerusalem, was in true consideration the noblest work that ever Cyrus performed. For in other actions he was an instrument of God's power, used for the chastising of many Nations, and the establishing of a Government in those parts of the world, which was not long to continued. But herein he had the grace to be an instrument of God's goodness, and a willing advancer of his Kingdom upon earth; which must last for ever, though heaven and earth shall perish.   

§. VII. Of CYRUS his decree for building the Temple of God in jerusalem.  
Having therefore spoken of his great victories, mentioned by sundry 〈◊〉, the glory of all which was as a reward of this his service done unto him that was Author of them and of all goodness: I hold it meet at length to speak of the Decree made in the first of his Reign, being perhaps the first that ever he made, after his possession of the Babylonian Empire: That the captive jews should return again into their own 〈◊〉, and rebuild the House of GOD in jerusalem, having now endured and finished the threescore and ten years 〈◊〉, by the Prophets foretold. For the accomplishing whereof, he gave order to his Treasurers to furnish them with all things necessary and wanting. He also restored unto them 〈◊〉 thousand four hundred threescore and nine Vessels of Gold and Silver, whereof Nabuchodonosor, the grandfather of Balthasar, had formerly rob the Temple.  
The number of the jews which returned out of Chaldaea under their leader Zorobabel, 
1. 〈◊〉. 2.  the son of Salathiel, and nephew to King jecontas, and jesus or josua the 
2. 〈◊〉. 7.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  son of josadak, were about fifty thousand; where, as soon as they arrived, they built an Altar to the living God, and sacrificed thereon, according to their own 
1. Esd. 2. 3. Esd.  Law, and afterward bethought themselves how to prepare materials for the rebuilding 
5. Esd. 〈◊〉. 4. & 5.  of the Temple. 
Jos. l. 〈◊〉 11.   
But no sooner did the jews begin to lay any one stone, than the Samaritans and other idolatrous Nations adjoining gave all the impediment they could. So did the Governors of those Provinces under Cyrus altogether countenance the 〈◊〉, and in no sort favoured the jews, nor the labours and purposes they had in hand. And not only those which were but Provincial Lieutenants and other officers 
Esd. 1. c. 2. v. 16.  of less place, but Cambyses himself; who having the charge of the whole Empire, while Cyrus was busied otherwise, countermanded the building begun. 
Esd. 2. v. 16.  And whereas some Authors make doubt, that whatsoever Cambyses did when himself had obtained the Empire, yet during the life of Cyrus there was no such impediment or prohibition: They may herein resolve themselves out of Esdras, That by the conspiracies of the neighbouring Nations the building was hindered all the 
Esd. 1. c. 5. v. 33.  
Esd. 1. c. 4. v. 5.  time of King Cyrus life, etc. And therefore it is true, that the jews themselves affirm as it written in the second of john, That the Temple was six and forty years in setting up, having received so many hindrances from the first foundation to the second of Darius.  
And if we seek the natural and politic causes which moved Cambyses to withstand his father's decree, as well while he governed under him, as when himself become sole and sovereign Monarch, we shall find them in that Epistle remembered by Esdras, written by Belemus, Mithridates, and the rest, Precedents and Counsellors in Phoenicia, wherein they complain, that the jews were evermore rebellious & troublers of Kings; that their City being once built, they would then refuse to pay Tribute, and fall from the obedience of the Empire, as they had formerly done in the times of other Kings. 
Esd. 1. c. 2.   
But that which for that present seemed the most forcible impediment was, that Cambyses, having it in his resolution to invade Egypt, and that it was a common opinion, That the jews were descended of those Nations, because they issued thence under Moses, when they conquered judaea; their City being once repaired and fortified, they might return to their old vomit, and give the same disturbance to Cambyses Conquest, which they did to Senacherib, Nabuchodonosor, and other Kings of Babylon. For as it is written in EZEKIEL, Egypt was the confidence of the house of 
Ezck. c. 29.  ISRAEL.  
But it is to be understood, as Codoman and others have observed, that Artaxerxes, to whom the Counsellors & Governors of Phoenicia complained against the jews, did not precede, but succeed Darius Hystaspes, as in the sixt and seventh chapters of Esdras it is made plain: and also that those Governors (whose Epistle showeth as much) did not withstand the building of the Temple, but the fortifying and enclosing of the City, as by the reasons given in the said Epistle, and by the King's answer, it is evident.  
Also in the sixt of Ezra, the fourteenth verse, the Kings are named in order as they governed, and Artaxerxes written after Darius; as: And they built and finished it (to wit, the Temple) by the appointment of the God of Israel, and by the commandment of CYRUS and DARIUS, and ARTAHSHASTE King of Persia. Lastly, in the seventeenth of Ezra it is written; Now after these things, in the reign of ARTAHSHASTE King of Persia: which was as much to say as after the finishing of the Temple in Darius time. And therefore Artaxerxes in the second of Esdras is there named by anticipation, not in his own time and place.  
And thus much concerning the rebuilding of the City and Temple of Jerusalem. Which action though prospered by the hand of God, was very slowly pursued by the men whom it most concerned, but first set on foot by Cyrus. The other ordinances of Cyrus, with his form and manner of government, are to be found in Xenophon. At his death he bequeathed the Empire unto his eldest son Cambyses, appointing Smerdis or Tanaoxares his younger son to be 〈◊〉 or Lieutenant of Media, Armenia, and Cadusia, and then died, after he had reigned (saith Herodotus) one and thirty years, or (according to justine) but thirty.   

§. VIII. Of CYRUS his issue: and whither ATOSSA were his daughter, or (as some think) were the same with Queen HESTER.  
CYRUS had issue two sons, Cambyses and Smerdis, with three daughters, Atossa, Meroe, and Artystona: Ctesias addeth to these, Amytis. Atossa and Meroe their brother Cambyses married; Artystona, Darius Hystaspes obtained; so did he Atossa, Cambyses being dead: who (as some Writers have supposed) inflamed both her husbands Darius, & Xerxes after him, to invade Greece, to be avenged of the whole Nation for the cruel intent that Aman (whom the old translation calleth a Macaedonian) had against the jews though the opinion of josephus be more probable, who finds Aman to be an Amalekite. But it is hard to be understood, how Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, should have been Esther; whose History seems rather to appertain to the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus, than of Darius the son of Hystaspes, or of Xerxes. The desire of Atossa to have Greece brought under theyoke of Persia, was partly grounded upon the honour which thereby she thought her husband might obtain, partly upon a feminine humour of getting many brave Dames, Corinthians, Athenians, and others of that Nation to be her bondwomen. Wherhfore I cannot give assent to the opinion of Codoman, who upon the near sound of the two names, Atossa and Hadassa (by the latter of which Esther was also called) makes them to have been one person. For though it be true, that Esther concerning her parentage a while, might be taken for a great Lady; yet Codomans' inference is nothing probable, that she should therefore, and for the great affection which the King bore unto her, be thought the daughter of Cyrus. Certain it is, that Esther did at length discover her Kindred and Nation; whereby if Histories could not be kept free from this error, yet the people, and especially the Nobility, must needs have understood the truth: who nevertheless did so well know the parentage of Atossa, that for her sake, as being daughter of Cyrus, her son Xerxes was preferred to the Kingdom before his elder brother, against whom also he could have pretended a very weak claim. But of these things more hereafter in fit place.    

CHAP. I III The estate of things from the death of CYRUS to the Reign of DARIUS.  

§. I. Of the number and names of the Persian Kings.  
OF the successors of Cyrus, and the continuance of the Persian Empire, there are many opinions; As that of Metasthenes, who hath numbered the Persian Kings and their times, as follows.  


Darius Medus, and Cyrus jointly 2 years.  
Cyrus alone. 22 years.  
Priscus Artaxerxes. 20 years.  
Darius Longimanus. 37 years.  
Darius Nothus. 19 years.  
Artaxerxes Mnemon. 55 years.  
Ataxerxes Ochus. 26 years.  
Arses, or Arsames. 4 years.  
Darius the last, conquered by Alexander. 6 years.    
To which Philo agreeth; which number of years added, make in all an hundred ninety and one. But in this Catalogue Metasthenes hath left out Cambyses and Xerxes, and names Artaxerxes Assuerus for the immediate successor of Cyrus; in place (saith Melancthon) of Darius the son of Hystaspes: for Metasthenes, as Melancthon conjectureth, doth not account Cambyses in the Catalogue, because his reign was confounded with that of Cyrus.  
There is a second opinion, though ridiculous, of Seder Olam, who finds but four Persian Kings from the beginning to the end of that Empire.  
Genebrard, Schubert, and Beroaldus have also a differing account from the Greeks'; whom nevertheless Eusebius and most of the Latins follow, and so doth Krentzheim, who hath fully answered, and as I take it, refuted all the former Authors varying 
Chron. Krentz. fol. 〈◊〉.  from that account: For in this sort do the Greeks' marshal the Persian Kings with the times of their reigns.  


Cyrus in all. 
〈◊〉 gives Cyrus but 29.  30 years.  
Cambyses, with the Magi. 8 years.  
Darius Hystaspes. 
Melanct. but 20  36 years.  
Xerxes 21 years.  
Artaxerxes Longimanus. 40 years.  
Darius Nothus. 19 years.  
Artaxerxes Mnemon. 
Melanct. but 40 Melanct. 26.  43 years.  
Artaxerxes Ochus. 23 years.  
Arsames. 3 years.  
Darius the last. 
Melanct. 4.  6 years.    
Which numbers, put together, make in all two hundred and thirty.  
This account (as I have said) the most Chronologers and the best learned approve. These Persian Princes being all warranted by the authority of the Scriptures, as Peucer in his historical Animadversions hath gathered the places; finding first Cyrus in the second of Chronicles, chap. 36. vers. 22, 23. Ezra 1. chap. 1. vers. 1. and often elsewhere.  
Secondly Cambyses in the 11th of Daniel, who may indeed be well esteemed for one of those three Kings in the second verse named, and so the marginal Commentor upon the Geneva understands that place; but, under correction, mistakes the matter greatly, when he saith in the same note, that Darius 〈◊〉 was an enemy to the people of God, and stood against them: his great favour and liberality to the jews being elsewhere proved.  
Thirdly, is Darius Hystaspes found in Ezra the first, c. 4. v. 5 who in the sixt verse is also named Ahassuerus.  
Fourthly, in the eleventh of Daniel verse the second, Xerxes is plainly foretold and described, and the great war which he should make against the Greeks' by Daniel remembered.  
〈◊〉, Artaxerxes Longimanus in Ezra the fourth, verse seven, who is also called Arthasasta, c. 4. 1. lib. Ezra v. 7. and cap. 7. v. 7.  
Sixtly, Darius Nothus, Ezra cap. 4. vers. 24. and cap. 5. vers. 6. 〈◊〉. cap. 12. vers. 22.  
Seventhly, Artaxerxes Mnemon in Nehe. c. 2. v. 1. who was father to Artaxerxes Ochus, and Arsames: for Darius the last he was of another Family, the Line of Cyrus the Great ending in Ochus, who descended from Xerxes the son of Atossa, Cyrus his Daughter; and the issue male of Cyrus failing with his own Sons.  
But to proceed. Eusebius with the Latins, following the Greeks', apply the beginnings and ends of every Persian King with their Acts, to some certain Olympiad; As the war of Astyages (Cyrus his maternal Grandfather) and Alyattes (Croesus his father) to the nine and fortieth Olympiad; The beginning of Cyrus reign to the beginning of the five and fiftieth Olympiad; The taking of Sardis by Cyrus to the eight and fiftieth Olympiad; The invasion of Egypt by Cambyses to the third year of the threescore and third Olympiad, and so of the rest. Which reference with good agreement between several forms of computation add the more credit unto both.  
Again, this historical demonstration is confirmed by the Astronomical computation 
Ptol. in 〈◊〉 lib. 3. cap. 8.  of Ptolemy, who refers the death of Alexander the Great, who died the 12. of November, in the beginning of the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, to the four hundred and four & twentieth year after Nabonassar. And the Aera of Nabonassar began on the six and twentieth of February: which conferred with the Olympiad, was in the ninth month of the first year of the eighth Olympiad; So that whither we follow the account of the Olympiads, as do the Greek Historians, or that of Nabonassar with Ptolemy, we shall find every memorable accident to fall out right with each computation.  
〈◊〉 Ptolemy reckons the time answerable to two hundred and four and 〈◊〉 julian years, and an hundred and forty days from Nabonassar, to the sixteenth of julie in the seventh year of Cambyses.  
The Greeks', and namely Diodorus Siculus, place the taking of Egypt by Cambyses in the second or third year of the threescore and third Olympiad, and the beginning of Cambyses seventh year in the first of the threescore and fourth Olympiad: which first of the threescore and fourth Olympiad runs along with part of the two and twentieth of Nabonassar. The like agreement is consequently found about the beginning and end of Cyrus.  
Likewise the twentieth of Darius, who succeeded Cambyses, is according to Ptolemy the two hundred and six and fortieth of Nabonassar, which (observing the 〈◊〉 of Nabonassars Aera and the Olympiad, viz. eight and twenty years) it agrees with the third of the threescore and ninth Olympiad, where in it is placed by the Greeks'. In this josephus agrees with the Greeks' throughout, saving that he joineth Darius Medus, whom Xenophon calleth Cyaxares, with Cyrus, in the destruction of Babylon, which is true, and not contrary to the Greek computation, but may very well stand with it.  
Lastly, the disagreements and confused accounts of those that follow the other Catalogue of the Persian Kings formerly rehearsed, doth give the greater credit to this of the Greeks', which being constant in itself, accordeth also with the computation of other Historians, and Astronomers, and likewise with the holy Scriptures.   

§. II Of CAMBYSES, and the conquering of Egypt by him.  
WE will therefore according to the truth give the Empire of Persia to Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, though degenerate in all things, saving the desire to increase the greatness of his Empire: whereof he was possessed in his Father's time while Cyrus made war in the North. Ctesias with others give him a longer reign than agreeth with the Groecian account before received.  
In the fifth year of his sole reign, and in the third year of the threescore and third Olympiad, according to Diodor and Eusebius, he invaded Egypt, and having overthrown the King thereof, Psammenitus, he not only caused him to be saline, 
〈◊〉. 2. c. 2.  but also did put to death all his kindred and dependents, with the most of his 
〈◊〉. l. 3. 〈◊〉. 83. 84. 85.  children.  
Herodotus and Ctesias give for cause of this War (being no other indeed than the Ambition of Cambyses) that when he sent to Amasis King of Egypt, to have his daughter in marriage, Amasis presented him with Nitetis the daughter of Apries his predecessor, which Cambyses disdained.  
Howsoever it were; true it is, that Cambyses gathered an Army fit for such an enterprise, and caused the same to march. But before they entered Egypt, Amasis died and left Psammenitus, whom Ctesias called Amyrtoeus, his successor; who enjoyed Egypt after his father (according to the best copies of Herodotus) but six Months, though other Chronologers give him six years.  
But how long soever he held the Crown, in one battle heelost it, and was himself taken prisoner.  
It is said that Cambyses following therein the example of Cyrus, did not only spare life to the conquered King, but that he also trusted him with the government of Egypt, and that upon some revolt, or the suspicion thereof, he caused him to be slaughtered. But the race of this King was not so extirpated, if we may believe Herodotus and Thucydides, but that he left a Son called Inarus, who caused the Egyptian to revolt both from Xerxes and Artaxerxes.  
That Psammenitus was at the first entreated gently by Cambyses, I hold it very improbable, if it be true which is also written of him, That he so much hated Amasis the King of Egypt, who died before his arrival, that he caused his body to be drawn out of the grave, and after divers indignities used, commanded the same to be burnt, contrary to the custom both of the Egyptians and Persians'. For the Egyptians used to 〈◊〉 their dead bodies with salt, and other drugs, to the end the worms might not devour them. The 
* Neither did the Romans ever consume their dead to 〈◊〉, till the time of Sylla Dictator, who caused his own to be devoured by that element, fearing the Law called Talionis, or like for like, because himself had untombed the carcase of Caius Marius after his death, Herald l. 3. Plin. l. 7. c. 54.  Persians' durst not consume them with fire, which they esteemed as a God, and therefore feared to feed it with Carrion.   

§. III The rest of CAMBYSE s his acts.  
AFter this victory obtained in Egypt, Cambyses sent an Army into Cyprus, and constrained Euelthon King 〈◊〉 to acknowledge him, who before held that Island of the Egyptians.  
While Cambyses yet busied himself in Egypt, he so much detested the Idolatry of that Nation, as he caused the Images themselves, with the Temples wherein they were worshipped, to beetorne down and defaced. That done, he directed a part of his Army into Lybia, to overturn the Temple of jupiter Ammon; but the Devil in defence of his Oratory raised such a tempest of 
Strab. & 〈◊〉. L. 1.  Sand, wherewith the greatest part of that Country is covered, as the Persians' were therewith choked and overwhelmed. 
Pag. 87. 88   
Notwithstanding which misadventure, 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 report, that disdaining 
Herald l. 3. 〈◊〉. l. 7.  to be resisted, he prepared the rest of his Army, which himself meant to conduct into those parts, but that finding a beginning of those incommodities, which his first-sent troop had tried, he changed his purpose. For though conquering Kings have power over men, yet the Elements do not obey them, according to that old English proverb, Go, saith the King. Stay, saith the Tide.  
After his return from the attempt of Aethiopia, he caused Apis the Egyptian Bull, worshipped by that Nation as God, to be slain: a deed very commendable, had it proceeded from true zeal, and been executed as in service of him that only is, and liveth. But soon afterwards, when in a dream it seemed unto him that Smerdis did sit in the royal Throne of Persia (which apparition was verified in Smerdis the Magus) he gave it in charge to his favourite Praxaspes, to murder Smerdis his brother. And having married his own sisters, contrary to the Persian Laws, he committed a most causeless and most detestable murder upon the one of them, called Meroe, then by himself with child, because she bewailed the death of her brother Smerdis. I found it written of this Cambyses, That because his Predecessors 
Herald pag. 89. 90.  observed religiously the ordinances of their Empire, 〈◊〉 assembled his judges and inquired of them, whither there were any law among the Persians' that did permit the brother to mary his own sister: it being his own intent so to do. The judges (who had always either laws or distinctions in store to 〈◊〉 Kings and times) made answer, that there was not any thing written allowing any such conjunction, but they notwithstanding found it in their 〈◊〉, that it was always left to the will of the Persian Kings to do what best pleased themselves; and so, as Nauclerus terms it, invenerunt occasionem: That is as much to say, as the judges found a shift to please the King, and to secure themselves. And yet, where it concerned not the King's private satisfaction, he caused Sisamnus one of his judges, and perchance one of those which favoured his incestuous match, to be flayed 〈◊〉 for an 〈◊〉 judgement given, and the same his hide to be hung up 〈◊〉 the judgement seat. After which bestowing the father's Office on his son, he willed him to remember, that the same partiality deserved the same punishment.  
Among other his cruelties, that which he exercised against the 〈◊〉 of his beloved Praxaspes was very strange and ungrateful. For when he desired to be truly informed by him what the Persians' thought of his conditions, Praxaspes answered, That his virtues were followed with abundant praise from all men; only it was by many observed, that he took more than usual delight in the taste of Wine. With which taxation inflamed, he used this replication: And are the Persians' double-tongued, who also tell me that I have in all things excelled my Father 〈◊〉? thou Praxaspes shalt then witness, whither in this report they have done me right: for if at the first shot I piercethy sons heart with an arrow, then is it false that hath been spoken; but if I miss the mark, I am then pleased that the same be accounted true, and my subjects believed. This being spoken, he directed an arrow towards the innocent child, who falling dead with the stroke, Cambyses commanded his body to be opened, and his heart being broached on the arrow, this monstrous Tyrant greatly rejoicing, showed it to the Father with this saying, in stead of an Epitaph: Now PRAXASPES, thou mayest resolve thyself that I have not lost my wits with Wine, but the Persians' theirs, who make such report.  
Many other barbarous cruelties he exercised, till at the last, according to the phrase of our Law, he become fellow de soy. For when he was informed that Patizites, and Smerdis the Magis, (〈◊〉 writeth them Sphendanes and Cimerdius) Ministers of his domestical affairs, taking advantage of the great resemblance between Smerdis the King's brother, and Smerdis the Magus, possessed themselves of the Empire, he made all haste towards Persia, and in mounting hastily on horseback, his sword dis-sheathing pierced his own thigh, wherewith deadly wounded, falling into an over-late and remediless repentance of the slaughter which he had executed upon his own brother, he soon after gave up his wicked ghost, when he had reigned eight years, accounting therein those seven Months in which the Magis governed, while he was absent.  
In Cambyses the Male line of Cyrus failed. For he had no issue either by Atossa or Meroe: yet Zonaras out of Hierome gives him a Daughter called Pantaptes, and a 
Zonara's Com. 3. pag. 117.  son called Orontes, who being drowned in the River Ophites by 〈◊〉, the same was afterward in memory of the Prince's death called Orontes.  
He built the City of Babylon in Egypt, in the place where Latopolis was formerly seated, and that of Meroe in the Island of Nilus, calling it by the name of his sister Meroe.   

§. FOUR Of the interregnum between CAMBYSES and DARIUS.  
CYRUS and his two sons being now dead, and the Kingdom in the possession of one of the Magis, the counterfeit of Smerdis, the Princes, or Satraps, or Provincial Governors of the Empire (to wit, Otanes, Intaphernes, Gobrias, Megabysus, Asphatines', Hidarnes, and Darius, who were all descended from 〈◊〉 the first Persian King, having discovered the fraud of this imposture, joined their forces together, surprised and rooted out the Conspirator with his Companions, and assistants. In which action (saith justine) Intaphernes and Asphalines were slain; but Herodotus otherwise, that they were only wounded, for he avoweth, that all the seven Princes were present at the election following.  
For the Empire being now without a Governor, these Princes grew into consultation how the same might be ordered from thenceforth. Otanes one of the seven did not fancy any election of Kings, but that the Nobility and Cities should confederate, and by just laws defend their liberty in equality, giving divers reasons for his opinion, being as it seemed greatly terrified by the cruelties of Cambyses; As first, that it was not safe to give all power to any one, seeing greatness itself, even in good men, doth often infect the mind with many vices, and the liberty and freedom in all things is most apt to insult, & to commit all manner of wicked outrage. Again, that tyrants do commonly use the services of wicked men, and favour them most; they usurp upon the laws of their Country; take other men's wives by force, and destroy whom they please without judgement.  
Megabysus was of another opinion, affirming that the tyranny of a multitude was thrice more intolerable, than that of one. For the multitude do all things without judgement run into business and affairs with precipitation, like raging and over-bearing floods.  
He therefore thought it safest to make election of a few, and those of the best, 〈◊〉, and most virtuous; because it is ever found, that excellent Counsels are ever had from excellent men.  
Darius gave the third judgement, who persuaded the 〈◊〉 of a King, because 〈◊〉 among few diuturnity of concord is seldom found, and in great Empires it doth ever happen that the discord of many Rulers hath enforced the 〈◊〉 of one Supreme. It were therefore, saith Darius, far safer to observe the Laws of our Country, by which Kingly government hath been ordained.  
The other four Princes adhered to Darius, and agreed to continued the same Imperial government by God established, and made prosperous. And to avoid partiality, it was accorded, that the morning following these seven Princes should mount on Horseback, and on him the Kingdom should be conferred, whose horse 
Herald l. 3. p. 100 101.  after the sun-rising should first neigh or bray. In the evening after this appointment was made, it is said that Darius consulted with the Master of his horse Oebarus, who in the Suburbs of the City when the election was resolved of, caused the same Horse, whereon in the morning Darius was mounted, to cover a Mare, who as soon as he come into the same place was the first horse that brayed. Whereupon the other six Princes descended from their horses, and acknowledged Darius for their Lord and King.  
Plato in the third of his Laws affirmeth, that in memory of the seven Princes, whereof Darius himself was one, that delivered the Empire from the usurpation of the Magis, he divided the whole into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Herodotus saith into 〈◊〉 Satrapies.    

CHAP. V. Of DARIUS the son of HYSTASPES.  

§. I. Of DARIUS his Lineage.  
DARIUS was descended of the ancient Persian Kings, to wit, of the Achaemenidae, of which, Cyrus the Great was the lineal Successor. For in this sort Herodotus derives him as before.  

Cyrus the first, who had  
Teispius, who begat  
Ariaramnes, who was father of  
Arsamnes, the father of  
Hystaspes, the father of  
Darius, surnamed Celes, the father of Xerxes. 
〈◊〉. l. 4.    
Hystaspes accompanied Cyrus the Great in the wars against the Scythians, at which time Cyrus being made jealous of Darius by a dream of his own, caused him to be sent into Persia, others say to be imprisoned, from whence by the death of Cyrus he was delivered, and made Governor of the Persian Magi. He afterward followed 
〈◊〉. l. 1. & 3.  Cambyses into Egypt; he then joined with the rest of the Princes against the Magis, and either by the neying of his horse, or, as others affirm, by strong hand he obtained the Empire, which he the more assured to himself by taking two of Cyrus Daughters, and as many of his Nieces for his wives. 
Pag. 130.   
Hystaspes, according to 
* 〈◊〉 pag. 237. Pag. 154.  Herodotus, had besides Darius these three sons, who 
Pag. 101. & 202 Pag. 180. 190.  were great Commanders in the war which Darius made in Asia the less, Thrace, 
〈◊〉. l. 6. pag. 180  Macedon, and Greece; Atarnes, Artophernes; and Artabanus, who dissuaded Xerxes 
Page 180. 190.  from the second Grecian war. Hystaspes had also a Daughter married to Gobryas 
Page 199.  the Father of Mardonius, who commanded the Army of Darius in Macedon, and 
Pag. 200. 204. & pag.: 13. 285. 286.  married the Daughter of Darius, Artozostre his cozen germane.  
Reineccius gives to Hystaspes five sons, Darius who sueceeded Cambyses, Artabanus, 
Pag. 214. 254.  Artaphernes, Otanes, and Atarnes, with two daughters. 
De Reg. Persar. Fol. 32.    

§. II Of DARIUS his Government, and suppressing the rebellion of Babylon.  
DARIUS' devised equal laws whereby all his subjects might be governed, the same being formerly promised by Cyrus. He gave access to all his subjects, and behaved himself so mildly to all men, that many Nations desired and offered themselves to become his Vassals: Only he laid divers payments and taxes on the people, which had not been accustomed in Cyrus time, to the value of fourteen thousand five hundred and threescore talents, saith Herodotus.  
The war which Cambyses made a far off in Egypt, and the contention between the Magis, and the Princes of Persia, for the Empire, gave heart to the Babylonians to recover their liberty, and to shake off the Persian yoke, whereof Darius being advertised, he prepared an Army to recover that City and State revolted. But finding the same a difficult work, he used the service of Zopirus, who for the love he bore Darius, did cut off his own Ears and Nose, and with other wounds yet fresh bleeding, he seemed to fly to the Babylonians for secure, to whom he accused the cruelty of Darius: who, for having given him advice to give over the siege of their City, had in this sort dismembered and deformed him; whereupon the Babylonians gave him that credit, as they trusted him with the disposition & commandment of their greatest forces: which when Zopirus had obtained, after some small colourable over throws given to the Persians' upon sallies, he delivered the City 
Herald lib. 3.  into Darius his hands, who had lain before it twenty Months.   

§. III Of DARIUS his favour to the jews in building the Temple.  
IN the second year of Darius, he gave order that the building of the Temple at Jerusalem should go on, and commanded that the same should be finished at his own charge, and out of the revenues of the Crown. And whereas the Governors of those Provinces which are situate between Euphrates, and the Phoenician, and midland Sea, (whom Ezra calleth the Captains beyond the River) had hindered the work in 
Ezra. c. 6.  Cambyses his time, Darius gave commandment that they should not thenceforth come near unto jerusalem, to give any impediment to the building, but that they should withdraw themselves, and get them far off till all were finished and at an end. In the old Latin it is written, Procul recedite ab illis; Withdraw yourselves far from them; In our English, Be ye far from thence, to wit, from the City, and Temple, now in building.  
He also made a decree, which concerned his own Subjects, That whosoever 
Ezr. 6. 11.  should thenceforth hinder the setting up of the Temple of God, that his house should be torn down, and the disturber hanged on a Gallows made of the Timber thereof. He also in the same decree maketh invocation to God, That hath caused his name to devil there, (to) destroy all Kings and People that put their hands to altar, and to destroy this house of God which is in jerusalem, etc. In four years afrer which decree (the jews being really furnished with money and all things necessary from Darius) the Temple was in all finished, to wit, in the beginning of the Spring, in the sixth year of Darius Hystaspes, and in the two and forttieth after their first return. 
Ezr. 6.    

§. FOUR Of DARIUS his Scythian War.  
AFter the recovery of Babylon he invaded the Soythians, whose King 
Herald l. 4.  
〈◊〉. l. 2.  justine calleth Lauthinus; and saith, that Darius undertook this war against him, because he refused him his Daughter in marriage. The better to convoy his Army into Scythiae, he built a Bridge of small Vessels over the River Ister or Danubius, and gave the custody of the same in charge (among others of Asia the less) to the jonians, and Aeolians, among whom was Miltiades, who persuaded the Asian Grecians to break down the bridge, to the end 〈◊〉 might not return thereby, and if by any other way, than not without great difficulty; but the same was resisted by Histiaeus Prince of Milet, a City of jonia, which Nation being a Colony of the Greeks', Diodorus calleth Traitors to their Country, because they joined themselves to Darius. But the Scythians 
Diod. l. 11.  more elegantly termed them good slaves, for as much as they would not run away from their Master, but were more mindful of doing their duties, than of shaking off their bondage, when they were presented with as fair an occasion of liberty as could have been desired. For the great Army of Darius entering the desert Country called Bessarabia, found in it neither people to resist them, nor any sustenance to relieve them. For the Scythians were then, as are the Chrim Tartars, their posterity, at this day, all horsemen, using the Bow and Sword. They were not Ploughmen, but Graziers, driving their Herds from one place to another as opportunity of pasture led them. Standing Towns they had noon, but used for Houses the Wagons wherein they carried their wives and children. These Wagons they place at every Station in very good order, making Streets and Lanes in the manner of a great Town, removable at their pleasure. Neither hath the Emperor himself, called now the great Chrim, any other City than such an Agora, (as they name it) or Town of Carts. When as therefore Darius had wearied himself, and wasted his provision in those desolate Regions, wherein he found neither ways to direct him, victuals to refresh him, nor any houses, fruitful trees, or living creatures, nor any thing at all, which either he himself might make use of, or by destroying it might grieve his enemies; he began to perceive his own folly, and the danger into which he had brought him. Yet setting a good face upon a bad game, he sent brave messages to the Scythian, bidding him to cease his flight, and either to make trial of his valour and fortune in plain battle, Or if he acknowledged himself the weaker, then to yield by fair means, and become his Subject, giving him Earth and Water, which the Persians' used to demand as a sign, that all was yielded unto them. To this challenge the Scythian returned an hieroglyphical answer; sending a Bird, a Frog, a Mouse, and five Arrows: which dumb show Darius interpreting by his own wish, thought that heedid yield all the Elements wherein those creatures live, and his weapons withal into his hands. But Gobryas, one of the seven Princes, who had slain the Magis, construed their meaning aright, which was thus; OH ye Persians', get ye wings like Birds, or dive under the water, or creep into holes in the earth, for else ye shall not escape our arrows. And this interpretation was soon verified by the Scythians themselves, who assailed the Persian camp, drove the horsemen into the trenches, and vexing the Army with continual Alarms day and night, were so fearless of this great Monarch, and so little regarded him, that within his hearing, and even in his sight, they did not forbear the pastime of coursing a Hare, which they had started by chance. By this boldness of theirs, Darius was so discouraged, that he forsook his Camp by night, making many fires, and leaving all that were sick and weak behind him, and so with all speed marched away to 〈◊〉 the River Ister. He was pursued hardly by the Scythians who missed him, yet 〈◊〉 at the Bridge before him, persuaded the jonians to departed, assuring them that the Persian King should never more be able to do them either good or harm. Which words had certainly been proved true, had not Hystiaeus the Milesian prevailed with his people, to attended the coming of Darius, whom the Scythians did like fail to meet, when they returned from Ister to seek him out.   

§. V Some actions of the Persians' in Europe, after the Scythian War.  
DARIUS' having thus escaped out of Scythia, determined the invasion of Thrace and Macedon, in which War he employed Megabasus, who mastered the Poeonians, and transplanted them, & possessed Perinthus, Chalcedon, Byzantium, and other places, being also soon after subjecteth, and added to the Persian Empire by Otanes, the son of Sysamnes, whom Cambyses had excoriated for false judgement. So were the Cities of 
Herald l. 5.  
* A maritimate City of Thrace to the South of Constantinople.  Selybria and 
a Cardia, a City upon the Chersonesus of Ihrace, afterward 〈◊〉. Pto. Paus.  Cardia likewise taken in for the Persian, who having now reduced under his obey sans the best part of Thrace, did sand his Ambassadors to Amintas King of Macedon adjoining, demanding of him by the Earth & Water, the Sovereignty over that Kingdom. Amintas doubting his own strength, entertained the Ambassadors with gentle words, and afterward inviting them to a solemn and magnificent feast, the Persians' greatly desired that the Macedonian Ladies might be present: which being granted, the Ambassadors who were well filled with wine, and presumed upon their greatness, and many victories, began to use such embracings, and other lascivious behaviour towards those Noble Ladies, as Alexander the King's Son, great Grandfather to Alexander the Great, disdaining the Persians' barbarous presumption, besought his father to withdraw himself from the assembly, continuing notwith standing all honourable respect towards the Ambassadors, whom withal he entreated that the Ladies might refresh themselves for a while; promising their speedy return. This being obtained, Alexander caused the like number of well-favoured youngmen to cloth themselves in the same garments, & to use the same attires which the Ladies had worn at the feast, giving them in charge, That when the Persians' offered to abuse them, they should forthwith transpierce them with their long knives, of which they were provided for that purpose, which was accordingly performed. Charge was soon after given by Darius for a severe revenge of this murder. But Alexander, somewhat before the death of Amintas, gave his sister Gygea in marriage to Bubaris, a principal Commander of Darius forces on that side, who persuading her husband how helpful the Alliance of Macedon would prove for the invasion of Attica intended, so prevailed, as Alexander escaped that tempest, which threatened to fall upon him very suddenly; the war of Asia the less, called jonick, falling out at the same time.   

§. VI The first occasion of the War which DARIUS made upon Greece, with arehear shall of the government in Athens, whence the the quarrel grew.  
NOw the better to understand the reason and motives of that great War, which followed soon after, between the Persians' and Grecians, it is necessary to make a short repetition of the state of Athens, which City endured the hardest and worst 〈◊〉 of Darius invasion on that side the Sea with admirable success. Neither do I hold it any impertinency, to be large in unfolding every circumstance of so great a business as gave fire to those wars, which never could be thoroughly quenched; until in the ruin of this great Persian Monarchy, Persepolis the capital City of the Empire, was at the request of an Athenian Harlot consumed with a flame, as dreadful as in the pride of their greatness, the Persians' had raised in Athens.  
Now therefore as out of the former books it may be gathered, how Athens, and other parts of Greece, were anciently governed, the same being already set down, though scatteringly, and in several times, among other the contemporary occurrents of the Eastern Emperors, and the Kings of judaea; so I thought it very pertinent in this place to remember again the two last changes in the State of Athens. As for the Lacedæmonians, they maintained still their ancient policy under Kings, though these also after some fifteen descents bridled by the Ephori.  
Codrus King of the Athenians in the former books remembered, who willingly died for the safety of his people, was therefore so honoured by them, as (thinking noon worthy to succeed him) they changed their former government from Monarchical to Princes for term of life, of which Medon the son of Codrus was the first, after whom they were called Medontidae; and of these there were twelve Generations besides Medon, to wit.  

Agastus.  
Archippus, in whose times the Greeks' transported themselves into jonia, after Troy an hundred and fourscore years, according to Eusebius: which migration all other Chronologers (such as follow Eusebius herein excepted) found in the year after Troy fallen one hundred and forty.  
Thersippus.  
Phorbas.  
Mezades.  
Diogenetus, in whose time Lycurgus gave Laws to the Spartans'.  
Pheredus.  
Ariphron.  
Theispius, in whose time the Assyrian Empire was overthrown by Belochus, and Arbaces.  
Agamnestor.  
Aeschylus, in whose time the Ephori (according to Eusebius) were erected in Lacedaemon.  
Alcamenon, the last Prince for life, after whose death the Athenians elected Decennall Governors: the former Princes for life having continued in all three hundred and sixteen years. The first of those that governed for ten years, or the first Archon, was  
Charops, than  
Aesymedes.  
Elydicus.  
Hyppomenes.  
Leocrates.  
Absander.  
Erixias was the last Archon of the decennal Governors, which form continuing threescore and ten yeerres, was then changed into into annual Magistrates, Majors, or Burg-masters, of which 〈◊〉 was the first, according to Pausanias: others find Leostratus; and then  
Anthosthenes. 
Paus. pag. 159.   
〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉. l. 3.   
Miltiades. 
Paus. p. 169.   
Damasias. 
Pausan. 170.   
Draco. 
Pag. 331.   
Megacles.  
Solon, and others, who are the less to be regarded, by reason of the yearly change.   
This Solon being a man of excellent wisdom, gave laws to the Athenians, which were published according to Gellius, in the three and thirtieth year of Tarqvinius Priscus, and were in after-ages derived unto the Romans, and by the Decemviri (Magistrates in Rome created for that purpose) reduced into twelve Tables, which were the ground of the Roman laws. But these goodly ordinances of Solon, were in his own days violated, and for a while almost quite extinguished. For whereas they were framed unto the practice and maintenance of a popular government; the estate of Athens was very soon changed into a Monarchy by Pisistratus the son of Hypocrates: who finding the Citizens distracted into two factions, whereof Megacles and Lycurgus two Citizens of noble Families were become the heads, took occasion by their contention and insolency to raise a third faction more powerful than the other two, and more plausible, for that he seemed a Protector of the Citizens in general. Having by this means obtained love and credit, he wounded himself, and feigning that by malice of his enemies he had like to have been slain for his love to the good Citizens, he procured a guard for his defence, and with that band of men surprising the Statehouse, or Citadel of Athens, he made himself Lord of the Town; Hegesistratus being then Governor. But the Citizens, who in every change of government had sought to remove themselves further and further from the form of a Monarchy, could so ill brook this usurpation of Pisistratus, that he was 〈◊〉 for lack of help to fly the Town, as soon as Megacles and Lycurgus joining their forces 〈◊〉 his expulsion. Yet as the builiding of his tyranny founded upon the dissension of the Citizens, was ruined by their good agreement; so was it soon after well 〈◊〉 by the new breaking out of the old factions. For when Megacles found the power of Lycurgus to grow greater than his own, he did (as is the usual practice of the weaker side) call in the common 〈◊〉 Pisistratus, to whom he gave his Daughter in marriage; by which alliance the Family of the 〈◊〉, whereof Megacles was chief, become very powerful, yet so that Pisistratus by their power was made Master both of them and all the rest. But this agreement held not long; the 〈◊〉, and especially Megacles being incensed against Pisistratus for his misdemeanour towards his Wife. Wherhfore they practised with the Soldiers of the Town, proceeding in their 
Herald l 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 a City of 〈◊〉, by 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  treason so secretly, and so far, that Pisistratus upon the first 〈◊〉 of their intent, perceived no other remedy for his affairs, than to withdraw himself to Eretria, where he remained eleven years. Which time being expired, having hired Soldiers out of many parts of Greece, he again recovered the principality of Athens: after which third obtaining his estate, he governed Athens 〈◊〉 
Pol. 5.  
Heraclid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 262.  〈◊〉, according to Aristotle, and reigned in all thirty and three years, saith Elianus, but as justine hath it, four and thirty, accounting the time belike as well 
〈◊〉. page 28.  before as after his several expulsions. Herodotus gives the father and the Son 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 6.  
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 6. c. 10.  six and thirty years; Aristotle five and thirty. But Thucydides affirmeth, that he died very old, leaving for his Successors his two Sons Hippias and Hipparchus, who governed the Athenians with such moderation, as they rather seemed the 〈◊〉 successors of a natural Prince than of a Tyrant. But in the end, and some three years before 〈◊〉 was expelled out of Athens, his brother Hipparchus was murdered by Harmodius and Aristogiton. The cause why, and the manner how performed, Thucydides hath written at large. And though 〈◊〉 were charged with unnatural lust after Harmodius, yet Plato in his Dialogue, entitled Hipparchus, doth greatly magnify him, affirming that he was a Prince of as many eminent virtues as that Age had any, altogether condemning the murderers and authors of that scandal. Hippias fearing that this enterprise upon his brother had more and deeper roots than were apparent, first sought to discover the further intents of Harmodius and Aristogiton, by a 〈◊〉 of theirs called Lemnia: who because she would not 〈◊〉 her Companions, did cut out her own tongue. Than did Hippias, the better to strengthen himself, enter into a 
〈◊〉 a city of 〈◊〉 upon the Hellespont.  straight amity with 〈◊〉, Tyrant of the City Lampsacus, whom he knew to be greatly favoured by Darius, to whose son Hypoclus he gave one of his Daughters in marriage. But some three years after the death of his brother, doubting 
Herald 〈◊〉. 5.  I know not what strong practice against himself, he began to use the Citizens 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 6. c. 1.  with great severity, which neither 〈◊〉 the Father, nor Hippias himself had ever exercised during their usurpations till this time. And therefore the Athenians fearing jest that this disease might rather increase, than diminish in Hippias, they stirred up Clistines one of the noblest and best able of their City, to practise their delivery: who calling to his assistance the banished 〈◊〉, together with an Army of the 〈◊〉, led by 〈◊〉 their King, so affrighted Hippias, as by composition he gave over his estate, and the possession of Athens, and from thence embarking himself took land at 
* 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 opposite to the Isle of 〈◊〉, which Arist. in 5. Animal. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sigeum, whence 〈◊〉 went to 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 governed by 〈◊〉, who presented him to Darius. He was deprived of his estate, as 〈◊〉 and Thucydides 〈◊〉, twenty years before the battle of Marathon: all which time he continued, partly with 〈◊〉, at other times with Artaphernes Lieutenant for Darius in Sardis, the Metropolis of Lydia; persuading and practising the enterprise upon Athens, which Darius in the end to his great dishonour under took, twenty years after Hippias had refigned his estate.  
Thus far I have digressed from Darius, to the end the Reader may conceive the better the causes and motives of this war: whereof the hope that Hippias had to be restored to Athens by the help of Darius, which made him solicit and persuade the Persians' to conquer Greece, was one; but not the most urgent.   

§. VII. Of the Ionian Rebellion, which was the principal cause of the wars 〈◊〉 between Greece and Persia.  
ANother, and a strong motive to this expedition, was the jonick war, breaking out in Asia about the same time. The Colonies transported out of Greece into Asia, which occupied the greatest part of the 〈◊〉, having 〈◊〉 their liberty about 500 years, even from the jonick, migration, to the time of Croesus, were by this Lydian King made 〈◊〉, and afterwards as parcel of his Dominions, were taken in by Cyrus, and left as hereditary Servants to the Crown of Persia.  
But as it is the custom of Nations half conquered (witness Ireland) to rebel again upon every advantage and opportunity: so did the jonians, and other 〈◊〉, both in Cyrus his life, and after him, seek by all means possible to free themselves.  
At this time they found such men ready to spur them into Rebellion, as had by the Persian been given unto them for bridles to hold them in subjection. Every one of those Towns had a Lord to rule it, whom they (abhorring the government of one man) called their Tyrants. These Lords were very true to the Persian, by whose only might they held the people in subjection. And this their dutiful affection they had well declared, when, Darius being in great extremity, they used all means to deliver him and his Army (that otherwise had been lost) out of the Scythians hand. Of this great piece of service 〈◊〉 the tyrant of Miletus expected the chief thanks, as having been chief Author of their expecting 〈◊〉, when the rest, either persuaded by the Scythians, 〈◊〉 carried away with 〈◊〉 own desires, were ready to have abandoned him. But it come so to pass, that Darius being more fearful of the harm that 〈◊〉 (being powerful and crafty) might do to him in the future, than mindful of the good which he had already received at his hand, found means to carry him along to Susa, where he detained him with all kind usage of a friend, yet kept such good espial upon him, as an enemy, he could not start away. 〈◊〉 had subtlety enough to discover the King's purpose; which ill agreed with his owned desires. For he thought it more pleasant, and more honourable 〈◊〉 rule as Prince in one fair City, having a small Territory, than to sit and 〈◊〉 at the great King's table, and hear the counsels by which a large Empire was managed; being himself an idle beholder, and enjoying with much restraint of liberty, noon other pleasures than a private man might bestow upon himself.  
Wherhfore he bethought himself of 〈◊〉 of some tumults in the lower 〈◊〉, to 〈◊〉 which if he might be sent, as one that had great experience and authority in those quarters it would afterwards be in his power to stay at home, and either satisfy the King with excuses, or deal as occasion shall require. Resolving upon this course, he sent very secret instructions to 〈◊〉 his kinsman, whom he had left his Deputic at 〈◊〉, advising him to stir up some Rebellion. These directions come seasonably to 〈◊〉, who having failed in an enterprise upon the Isle of Naxos, through the false dealing of a Persian his Associate, stood in fear of 〈◊〉, if not of some further ill that might befall him, as one that that had 〈◊〉 the King's treasures to no good purpose.  
Therefore he readily embraced the counsel: and the better to draw the whole Country of jonia into the same course which he determined to 〈◊〉, he abandoned his tyranny, and did set Miletus at liberty. This plausible beginning wan unto him the hearts of the Milesians: and his proceeding with other Ionian Tyrants (of whom some he took and sold as slaves to their citizens, 〈◊〉 he chased away) caused the whole Nation to be at his command. The Persian fleet, 〈◊〉 of he lately had been Admiral in the enterprise of Naxos, he had surprised in his first breaking out, together with the principal Officers, and Captains, so that now he thought himself able to deal with the great King's forces, lying thereabouts, either by Land or Sea. But likely it was that the power of all Asia would shortly be upon his neck, and crush both him and his assistants to pieces, unless that he were able to raise an Army that might hold the field, which the 〈◊〉 alone were insufficient to perform. Therefore he took a journey to Sparta, where 〈◊〉 assayed in vain with many arguments, and the offer of 〈◊〉 talents, to win to his 〈◊〉 Cleomenes King of the 〈◊〉: he went from thence to Athens, and with better success besought the people to led him their assistance. The Athenian Ambassadors which had been sent to the Persian King's Lieutenants in the lower Asia, desiring them not to give countenance to 〈◊〉, now a banished man, and lately their Tyrant, were a while before this returned with ill answers, having found very churlish entertainment. So that the evil which they were to expect in all likelihood from the Persian, made them willing to begin with him. To which purpose, their consanguinity with the jonians, and the persuasions of Aristagoras, drew them on apace, if perhaps his treasure were not helping. Twenty ships the Athenians furnished for this voyage; to which the 〈◊〉 added 〈◊〉 more, in regard of ancient kindness that had passed between the jonians and them. With these and their own forces 〈◊〉, the jonians entered the River Caistrus, which falleth into the Sea by Ephesus: by which advantage they surprised Sardis when no enemy was heard of or suspected; insomuch, as 〈◊〉, who ruled as Viceroy in those parts, had no other hope of safety, than by retreating himself into the Castle; which the 〈◊〉 could not force: from whence he beheld the slaughter of the Citizens, and the City flaming.  
The Persians' at length, mixed with the Burghers, began to encourage them to defence, and recovered the Market place, 〈◊〉 by the River 〈◊〉, which ran through it, and borrowing courage from desperation, they both defended themselves, and charged their enemies; who well advising 〈◊〉, made all the haste they could toward the Sea side. But Artaphernes 〈◊〉 gathered 〈◊〉 the strength he could, 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉, and found them near Ephesus; 〈◊〉 setting resolvedly upon them, he slaughtered a great part of their Army; the 〈◊〉 saving themselves in Ephesus. In this fight Eualcides, Captain of the 〈◊〉, perished: but his fame and memory was by that excellent Poet Simonides 〈◊〉. After this overthrow, the Athenians, which were sent to Aristagoras and to the 〈◊〉, could by no arguments of theirs, not not by their tears, be persuaded to make any second trial of their fortunes, on that side the Sea.  
Yet the burning of Sardis made a greater noise in the world, than the good success which the Persians' had in one or two skirmishes, could raise. Wherhfore the jonians bravely proceeding, won a great part of Caria; and sending their Fleet into the Hellespont, got Byzantium and other Towns into their hands. Yea, the Cyprians, lately subdued by Cambyses, began hereupon to take heart; and entering into confederacy with the jonians, who were able to give them aid by sea, rebelled against the Persians'.  
These news coming to the care of 〈◊〉, filled him with great indignation, and with an extreme hatred of the Athenians, upon whom he vowed to take sharp 〈◊〉. As for the jonians, his contempt of them, and their knowledge of his power, made him to think, that they would not have dared to attempt such things, but by the instigatin of those, to whom their ignorance of his great might had afforded the courage to provoke him. This was the main ground of the War commenced by Darius, and pursued by Xerxes against Athens: To which, the solicitation of Hippias, before remembered, gave only some form and assistance: the business, when once it was thus far on foot, being like enough to have proceeded, though he had perished 〈◊〉 it were advanced any further.  
Some other occurrents in this Ionian commotion extended the quarrel of Darius against many of the Islanders, if not against the whole Nation of the Greeks'; for all of them gave to his Rebels free harbour: the Islanders moreover did help to furnish out a Navy of three hundred and 〈◊〉 sail against him. These 〈◊〉 did rather breed in him a desire to abate their pride, than any fear of harm that they were like to do him. For what they had done at Sardis, was but by surprise. In every fight they were beaten by the Persians', who had not yet lost the first-fruits of their discipline, wherein Cyrus had trained them, nor all their ancient Captains. In one sea-fight by the Isle of Cyprus, the jonians indeed had the upper hand; but they were 〈◊〉. ns, 〈◊〉, and Cilicians, whom they vanquished: neither was that victory of any use to them; the Cyprians, in whose aid they come, being utterly beaten by the Persian Army at Land, and reduced into their old subjection. So had the Persians' likewise by open war and fair force overthrown the Carians in two battles, and reclaimed that Nation; as also they had recovered the Towns upon Hellespont, with some Aeolian & Ionian Cities: when Aristagoras with his friends quitting Miletus, fled into Thrace, desirous to seat himself in Amphipolis, a Colony of the Athenians. But the Edonians, on whose Territory belike he landed, overthrew him, and cut his troops in pieces.  
About the same time, 〈◊〉 the first mover of this insurrection come down into those quarters; who having undertaken the performance of great matters to Darius, was glad to fly from his Lieutenants, by whom his double dealing was detected.  
But this evasion preserved him not long. For after many vain attempts that he made, he was taken in fight by the Persians', and hastily beheaded, jest the King should pardon him upon remembrance of old good turns; as it seems that he would have done, by the burial which he commanded to be given to his dead body that was crucified, and by his heavy taking of his death.  
〈◊〉 had sought to put himself into Miletus; but the Citizens doubting his condition, chose rather to keep him out, and make shift for themselves, without his help. The strength of their City by land, which had in old time withstood the Lydian Kings, and their good Fleet which promised unto them the liberty of an open sea, emboldened them to try the uttermost, when very few friends were left upon that Continent to take their part. But their Navy was broken as much by threatenings as by force; many of their companions and fellow-rebels for saking them upon hope of pardon; and many being daunted with the causeless flight of those that should have assisted them. Neither was it long before the Town itself being assaulted both by Land and Sea, was taken by force, the Citizens slain, their wives and children made slaves, and their goods a booty to the Persians', whom for six years space they had put to so much trouble.   

§. VIII. The War which DARIUS made upon Greece, with the battle of MARATHON, and DARIUS his death.  
THis war with good success finished by the Persians', and some attempts made on Europe side with variable success: Darius obstinate in the enterprise and conquest of Greece (though at first he pretended to 
Herod. lib. 6.  make the war but against the Athenians and Eritraeans, who jointly 
Whither this City or People were of Peloponnesus in Sicyonia, or of 〈◊〉, between Thessalia and Macedon, I do not know: but those borderers, & next the enemy, were more likely to compound than the rest far off. There is 〈◊〉 a City called 〈◊〉, not far from Aegea. 〈◊〉 32. 33. etc.  assisted the jonians against him, and burnt Sardis in Lydia) did now by his ambassadors demand an acknowledgement from them all: among whom, some of them not so well resolved as the rest, submitted themselves; as the Aeginets and others. Against these, the Athenians being inflamed (by the assistance of the Lacedæmonians) after divers encounters forced them to give pledges, and to relinquish the party of the Persians'. Cleomenes led the Lacedæmonians in this war, and caused his companion King Demantus to be deposed: who thereupon fled to Darius, far the more confident of victory, by reason of these discords, alienations, and civil wars among the Greeks'. He therefore gave order to Hippagoras, to prepare a Fleet of ships fit to transport his Army over the Hellespont: the same consisting of an hundred thousand foot, and ten thousand 〈◊〉. The charge in chief of his Army he committed to 〈◊〉, accompanied and assisted by Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, expelled out of Athens twenty years before, and by Artaphernes his brother, Governor of Sardis, and the Sea-coast of Asia the less. These Commanders having their Companies brought down to the Seaside, embarked themselves in six hundred Galleys and other Vessels; and first of all attempted the Islands called Cycladeses, which lay in the midway between Asia the less, and Greece. For (obtaining those places) the Persians' had then nothing to hinder the transportation of their forces over the Aegean Sea; but on the contrary they might always both relieve themselves in their passage, and shroud themselves from all sudden tempests and outrage.  
To this end they first possessed themselves of Samos, secondly, they attempted Naxos: Which Island, the inhabitants despairing of their own forces, abandoned. So did the people of Delos, of which Apollo was native: Which Island 〈◊〉 did not only forbear to sack, but recalling the inhabitants, he gave order to beautify the places and Altars of Sacrifice, to Apollo erected. And having recovered these and other Islands, the Persians' directed their course for Eretria in Euboea: for that City 
In Herod.  (as already hath been showed) had assisted the jonians at the taking and firing of Sardis. In this Island the Persians' took ground, and besieged Eretria very straightly, and after six days assault, partly by force, and in part by the treason of Euphabus and Philagius; they took it, sack it, and burnt it to the ground. Thus far the winds of prosperous fortune filled their sails. From Euboea the Persians' past their Army into 〈◊〉, conducted and guided by Hippias, late Prince of Athens, and marching towards it, they encamped at Marathon, in the way from the Sea, where they landed, towards Athens.  
The Athenians finding the time arrived, wherein they were to dispute with their own virtue against Fortune, and to cast lots for their liberty, for their wives, their children, and their lives, put themselves in the best order they could to make resistance, and withal sent away with speed to the Lacedæmonians for secure, employing in that Negotiation one Phidippides; who passing through Arcadia, encountered in the way a familiar Devil, which he supposed to be Pan, who willed him to assure the Athenians of victory, promising that some one of the Gods should be present at the battle to assist them and defend them against the multitude of their enemies. Phidippides at his return seeing he could not bring with him any present succours from Sparta, yet he thought it greatly availing to bring news from the Gods, and promise of assistance from Heaven, which no doubt (though the device was likely to be his own) yet it greatly encouraged the multitude and common people, who in all ages have been more stirred up with found Prophecies and other like superstitious fooleries, than by any just cause or solid reason. The Athenians being now left to themselves, with one thousand only of the Plataeans (who having been formerly defended by the Athenians against the Thebans, did in this extremity witness their thankfulness and grateful disposition) began to dispute, Whither it were most for their advantage to defend the walls of Athens, or to put themselves into the field with such forces as they had, the same consisting of ten thousand Athenians, and one thousand of the Plataeans. In the end, and after great diversity of opinions, Miltiades, who persuaded the trial by battle, prevailed. The Armies being now in view, and within a mile of each other, the Athenians disposed themselves into three troops: two wings or horns, as they term them, and the body of a battle. The Persians', when they perceived so small a troup advancing towards them, thought the Athenians rather dispossessed of their understanding, than possessed with the resolution whereof they made 〈◊〉. So invincible and resistless the Persians' esteemed their own numbers to be, and that small troop of their enemies then in view, rather to be despised than to be fought withal: But in conclusion, the victory being doubtfully balanced for a while, sometime the virtue of the Grecians, and sometimes the number of the Persians' prevailing, the Grecians fight for all that they had, the Persians' for that they needed not, these great forces of Darius were disordered and put in rout; the Athenians following their victory even to the Seashore; where the Persians', so many of them as lost not their wits with their courage, saved themselves in their ships.  
The Persian Army consisted of an hundred thousand foot and ten thousand horse; of which there were slain in the place six thousand three hundred, and of the Grecians an hundred fourscore and twelve. For howsoever it come to pass, either by strange visions, which were afterward called Panici terrores, or by some other affright, it seemeth, that the invading Army, after the first encounter, fought with their backs towards their enemy, and lost that number, by Herodotus set down, in their disorderly retreat, or rather in their flat running away. As for justines' report, That two hundred thousand of the Persian Army were slain, the same hath no appearance nor possibility of truth. In this fight Hippias the persuader of the enterprise was slain, saith justine and Cicero; but Suidas tells us, That he escaped 
Ad Att.  and died most miserably in Lemnos.  
The greatest honour of this victory was cast upon Miltiades, who both persuaded the trial by battle, and behaved himself therein answerably to the counsel which he gave. Themistocles had his first reputation in this fight, being but young and of the first beard. Those of the Grecians, of mark and commandment, that fell in the first encounter, were Callimachus and Stesileus. It is also said, That Cynegyrus following the Persians' to their embarking, laid hands on one of their Galleys, to have held it from putting off the shore, and having his right hand cut off, he yet offered to arrest it with his left; of which being also deprived, he took hold of it with his teeth. This encounter happened in the first year of the threescore and twelfth Olympiad, about the time of the War made by Coriolanus against his fellow- Romans: Alexander the son of Amintas being then King of Macedon, and 〈◊〉 then Governor of Athens, according to Plutarch; or Hybilides, after 
In vita Arist.  Halycarnasseus.  
This great fray thus parted, and the Persians' returned back into the lesser Asia, Miltiades sought and obtained an employment against the Islanders of Paros, one of the Cycladeses, and passing over his Companies in threescore and ten Galleys, after six and twenty days assault he broke his thigh, in seeking to enter it by the Temple of Ceres, wherewith himself being made unable, and his companies discouraged, he returned to Athens; where those ungrateful Citizens forgetting all his services past, and that of all other the most renowned at the battle of Marathon, did by the persuasion of Xantippus, the father of Pericles (who envied his fame) cast him into prison, and set on him a fine of fifty Talents; where his weak and wounded body being not able to endure the one, nor his estate to pay the other, he after a few days ended his life.  
Which envy of the better sort to each other, with their private Factions, assisted by the unthankful and witless people, brought them, not many years after, from a victorious and famous Nation, to base subjection and slavery. Miltiades left behind him one son called Cymon, begotten on Hegisipila, daughter of Olorus King of Thrace, who (saith Plutarch) was neither inferior to his father in valour, nor to Themistocles in understanding, but exceeded them both in justice and good government.  
Now Darius taking greater care how to recover his honour, than sorrow for the loss received in Greece, gave order for new levies of men, and all other warlike provisions. But the Egyptians revolting from his obedience (a Kingdom of great strength and revenue) greatly distracted his resolution for the reinuasion of Greece. The dissension also among his sons; of whom, the younger being borne after he was King, and by so great a mother as Atossa, disdained to give place to his elder brother, borne before Darius obtained the Empire, greatly vexed him. And lastly, death, who hath no respect of any man's affairs, gave end to all his consultations and enterprises, and joined him to the earth of his ancestors, about a year after the battle of Marathon, and after that he had reigned six and thirty years. He left behind him five sons, namely Artabasanes, born before he obtained the kingdom, Xerxes who succeeded him, Achemenes governor of Egypt, Masiste and Anabignes.    

CHAP. VI Of XERXES.  

§. I. The preparation of XERXES against Greece.  
XERXES received from his father, as hereditary, a double War; one to be made against the Egyptians, which he finished so speedily, that there is nothing remaining in writing how the same was performed: the other against the Grecians; of which it is hard to judge, whither the preparations were more terrible, or the success ridiculous. In the consultation for the prosecution of this War, which was chiefly bend against the Athenians, the Princes of Persia were divided in opinion. Mardonius, who had formerly commanded in Thrace and Macedon, under Darius, and had also Hystaspes for his grandfather, as Xerxes had, and 〈◊〉 Xerxes his sister Artozostres, persuaded by many arguments the European war. But Artabanus, brother to the late Darius, and uncle to Xerxes, maintained the contrary counsel, laying before Xerxes the lamentable and ridiculous success of the two late invasions, which Darius had made contrary to his counsel: The 〈◊〉 in person upon the Scythians, the other by his Lieutenants upon the Greeks'; in each of which Darius left to his enemies both his Army and his honour.  
He therefore besought Xerxes to be right well advised before he did too far embark himself in this business. For whatsoever undertaking hath deliberate and sounded counsel for conductor, though the success do not always answer the probability, yet hath Fortune nothing else thereof to vaunt, than the variableness of her own nature, which only the divine Providence, and not any human power, can constrain.  
But so obstinate was the resolution of Xerxes in prosecution of his former intent, that Artabanus, whither terrified by Visions (as it is written of him) or fearing the King's hatred, which he made known to all those that opposed his desire to this War. (changing opinion & counsel) assisted the graecian Expedition with all the power he had.  
After the War of Egypt was ended, four years were consumed in describing and gathering an Army for this invasion: which being compounded of all Nations subject to the Persian Empire, consisted of seventeen hundred thousand foot, 
Herald l. 7.  and eighty thousand horsemen, besides Chariots, Camels, and other Beasts for Carriage, if we may believe Herodotus: for of this multitude, Trogus finds the numberless by seven hundred thousand footmen.  
The Commanders of the several Nations were the Princes of the blood of Persia, either by marriage in the King's house, or otherwise: for to these were all commandments of this nature given, some few people excepted, who had of their own leaders.  
The charge of the whole Army was bestowed on Mardonius, the son of Gobryas by a sister of Darius, to whom were joined some others of Xerxes his nearest kindred, as Generals over all; saving that the charge of ten thousand select Persians', called the immortal Regiment (because if any one of the whole number died or were slain, there was another presently chosen in his 〈◊〉) was given to Hydarnes; the eighty thousand horsemen were led by the sons of Datis, who commanded the late Army of Darius in Greece.  
The Fleet of Galleys were two thousand two hundred and eight, furnished by the Phoenicians, who had Commanders of their own Nation, and by the Cypriotes, Cilicians, 〈◊〉, Lycians, Dorians, Carians, jonians, Aeolians, and Hellespontines; who were trusted with the furnishing of their own Vessels, though commanded by the Princes of Persia, as by Ariabignes the son of Darius, and others. The rest of the Vessels for transportation were three thousand. There were also certain Galleys furnished by Artemisia, the daughter of Lygdames, 〈◊〉 of Halycarnassus, and the Islands adjoining, which herself commanded. Those Galleys by her prepared and furnished, exceeded all the rest of the Fleet, excepting those of Zidon, in which Xerxes himself was embarked.   

§. II XERXES Army entertained by PYTHIUS: His cutting off Mount Athos from the Continent: his bridge of Boats over the Hellespont: and the discourse between him and ARTABANUS up. on the view of his Army.  
WHen this world of an Army was thoroughly furnished, he caused all the Nations of which it was compounded, to make their rendezvous and repair at Sardis in Lydia. And when he had assembled to the number of seventeen hundred thousand foot, as he entered the body of Celaenas, he was by one Pythius the Lydian entertained, who out of his Flocks and Herds of cattle gave food to Xerxes and his whole Army. The Feast ended, he also presented him with two thousand Talents of silver, and in Gold four Million, wanting seven thousand of the Persian Darici, which make so many of our marks.  
The King overcome with the exceeding liberality of Pythius, did not only refuse his treasure offered, but commanded that seven thousand Darici should be given him to make up his four Million; of which, so many thousands were wanting when he made the present. But soon after, when Pythius besought him to spare one of his five sons from his attendance into 〈◊〉 (because himself was old, and had noon whom he could so well trust as his own son) Xerxes most barbarously caused the young man, for whom his father sought exemption, to be sundered into two parts, commanding, that the one half of his 〈◊〉 should be laid on the right, and the other half on the left hand of the common way by which the Army marched.  
Two things he commanded to be done before he come to the Sea side. The one was a passage for Galleys to be cut behind Mount Athos, making the same (which the half Island or Headland, whereon it stood) to be an entire Island, sundering thereby from the Continent of Thrace five Cities, besides the Mountain and the Chersonesus or Neck of Land itself a work of more 〈◊〉 than of use, and yet an enterprise of no great wonder, the Valley which held it to the Continent having but twelve furlongs (which make about a mile and 〈◊〉) to cut through, and the ditch being broad enough only for two Galleys to pass in front. The Cities so severed from the main, were Dion, Olophyxus, Acrothoon, Thysus, and Cleonae.  
He also gave order, that a Bridge upon Boats should be made over the Hellespont between Abydos and 〈◊〉, the Sea there having am isle of breadth, wanting an eight part; which after the finishing, was by a Tempest torn asunder and dissevered: wherewith Xerxes being more enraged than discouraged, commanded those to be 〈◊〉 that were masters of the work, and caused six hundred threescore and fourteen Galleys to be coupled together, thereon to frame a new Bridge; which by the art and industry of the Phoenicians was so well anchored to resist both winds blowing into and from the Euxine Sea, as the same being well boarded and railed, the whole Army of seventeen hundred thousand foot, and fourscore thousand Horse, with all the Moils and Carriages, past over it into Europe in seven days and seven nights, without intermission. This transportation of Armies did Caesar afterward use. And Caligula that mad Emperor, in imitation of Xerxes his Bridge, did build the like.  
The Bridge finished, and the Army brought near to the Sea side, Xerxes took a view of all his Troops, assembled in the Plains of Abydos, being carried up, and seated on a place over-topping the Land round about it, and the Sea adjoining: and after he had gloried in his own happiness, to behold and command 〈◊〉 many Nations, and so powerful an Army and Fleet, he suddenly (notwithstanding) burst out into tears, moved with this contemplation, That in one hundred years there should not any one survive of that marvelous multitude: the cause of which sudden change of passion when he uttered to Artabanus his uncle, Artabanus spoke to the King to this effect: That which is more lamentable than the dissolution of this great Troop within that number of years by the King remembered, is, That the life itself which we enjoy is yet more miserable than the end thereof: for in those few days given us in the world, there is no man among all these, 〈◊〉 elsewhere, that ever found himself so accompanied with happiness, but that he oftentimes pleased himself better with the desire and hope of death, than of living; the incident calamities, diseases, and sorrows whereto mankind is subject, being so many and inevitable, that the shortest life doth oftentimes appear unto us overlong; to avoid all which, there is neither refuge nor rest but in desired death alone.  
With this melancholy discourse, Xerxes being not much pleased, prayed Artabanus not to overcast those joys which they had now in pursuit with sad remembrances. And holding still a doubtful conceit, that Artabanus utterly condemned the invasion of Greece, against which he had formerly given many strong reasons, desired him to deal freely with him, Whither he were returned to his first resolution, that the enterprise of Greece could not be prosperous? Or whither, according to the change of mind put into him by his late Vision, he was confident of good success? Artabanus, notwithstanding that he assured himself of the King's resolution to go on, and dared not by any new Arguments to batter the great purpose itself, yet he told the King, That there were two things which marvelously affrighted him, and which the King should find, as he feared, to be most adverse; to wit, the Sea and the Land: The Sea, because it had no where in that part of the world any Port capable of so great a Fleet: insomuch, as if any tempest should arise, all the Continent of Greece could hardly receive them, nor all the Havens thereof afford them any safety: and therefore when such shelter shall be wanting unto them, he prayed him to understand, that in such a case of extremity, men are left to the will and disposition of Fortune, and not Fortune to the will and disposition of men. The Land, besides other incommodities, will be found by so much the more an enemy, by how much the unsatiate desire of man to obtain more and more thereof, doth lead him forward: for were there no man found to give resistance, yet the want of means to feed such an Army, and the Famine, which cannot be prevented, will without any other violence offered disenable and consume it. By these Arguments Artabanus hoped to have diverted Xerxes, not daring perchance to utter what indeed he most feared; to wit, the overthrow of the Army itself both by Sea and Land, which soon after followed. These Cautions were exceeding weighty, if Xerxes his obstinacy had not misprised them. For to invade by Sea upon a perilous Coast, being neither in possession of any Port, nor succoured by any party, may better fit a Prince presuming on his fortune, than enriched with understanding. Such was the enterprise of Philip the second upon England in the year 1588. who had belike never heard of this Counsel of Artabanus to Xerxes, or forgotten it.  
Now concerning the second point, it was very likely, that Xerxes his Army, which could not have less in it than two millions of Souls, besides his beasts for Service and Carriage, should after a few days suffer famine, and using Machiavel's words, Mourire sans cousteo; die without a knife. For it was impossible for Greece, being a ragged, straight and mountainous Country, to yield food (besides what served themselves) for twenty hundred thousand strangers, whom they 〈◊〉 meant to entertain but with the sharpened points of their weapons, destroying withal whatsoever they could not well enclose and defend. Nay, if we may believe Herodotus, 
Lib. 3.  the Army of Xerxes, being reviewed at Thermopylae, consisted of five millions, two hundred eighty three thousand, two hundred twenty men, besides Laundresses, Harlots and Horses, and was therefore likely to endure a speedy famine.  
The effect of Xerxes his answer was, That it was impossible to provide for all things; and that whosoever should enterprise any great matter, if he gave the hearing to all that could be objected of accidental inconveniences, he should never pursue the same farther, than the dispute and consultation: which if his Predecessors, the Persian Kings, had done, they had never grown to that greatness, or possessed so many Kingdoms and Nations as now they did, and therefore concluded, That great enterprises were never undertaken without great perils. Which resolution of Xerxes was not to be condemned, if any necessity had enforced him to that war. But seeing the many Nations newly conquered, which he already commanded, were more than could be constrained to obedience any longer than the powerful prosperity of the Persians' endured, and that Greece was separated by the Sea from the rest of Xerxes Dominions (of whose resolution his father Darius had made a dear experience) the 〈◊〉 of this war was answerable to the plantation, and the success and end 〈◊〉 to the weak counsel whereon it was grounded. Furthermore, those millions of men which he transported, and yet in his own judgement not sufficient (for he gathered in marching on, all the strength of Thrace and Macedon) were an argument, that he rather hoped to fear the Greeks' by the fame of his numbers, than that he had any confidence in their valour and resolution, whom he conducted. For it is wisely said of those uncountable multitudes: Non vires habent sed pondus, & impediment a potiùs sunt quàm auxilium; They are great in bulk, but weak in force, and rather a luggage than an aid.  
Besides, as it was impossible to marshal such a world of men in one Army, so the divers Nations, speaking divers languages, bred the same confusion among the Persian commanders when they come to fight, as it did to the builders of Babel, when they come to work. Whereas if Xerxes had of his five millions compounded ten Armies of fifty thousand chosen soldiers in each, and sent them yearly into Greece well victualled and furnished, he had either prevailed by the sword, or forced them to forsake their territory, or brought them in obedience by necessity and famine, which cannot be resisted. But while Xerxes, resolved to cut down the banks of Greece, and to let in a sea of men upon them, he was deceived both in his own hopes, and in their hearts whom he employed, and beaten by the Greeks', both by Land and Sea; yea, he himself, conducted by his fear, fled shamefully into Asia. A great part of his Army was buried in Greece: the remainder whereof, which wintered in Thessaly, and led by Mardonius, who persuaded the Enterprise, was in the Summer following utterly defeated, and himself slain.   

§. III Of the fights at Thermopylae and Artemisium.  
AFter such time as Xerxes had transported his Army over the Hellespont, and landed in Thrace, (leaving the description of his passage alongst that Coast, and how the River of Lissus was drunk 〈◊〉 by his multitudes, and the Lake near to Pissyrus by his cattle, with other accidents in his marches towards Greece) I will speak of the encounters he had, and the shameful and incredible overthrows which he received: As first at Thermopylae, a narrow passage of half an acre of ground, lying between the Mountains which divide Thessaly from Greece, where sometime the Phocians had raised a wall with gates, which was then forth most part ruined. At this entrance Leonidas, one of the Kings of Sparta, with three hundred Lacedæmonians, assisted with one thousand Tegeatae and Mantineans, one thousand Arcadians, and other Peloponnesians, to the number of three thousand one hundred in the whole, besides one thousand Phocians, four hundred Thebans, seven hundred Thespians, and all the forces (such as they were) of the bordering Locrians, defended the 〈◊〉 two whole days together against that huge Army of the Persians'. The valour of the Greeks' appeared so excellent in this defence, that in the first days fight, Xerxes is said to have three times leapt out of his Throne, fearing the destruction of his Army by one handful of those men, whom not long before he had utterly despised: and when the second days attempt upon the Greeks' had proved vain, he was altogether ignorant how to proceed further, and so might have continued, had not a run-agate Grecian taught him a secret way, by which part of his Army might ascend the ledge of Mountains, and set upon the backs of those who kept the Straitss. But when the most valiant of the Persian Army had almost enclosed the small forces of the Greeks', then did Leonidas, King of the Lacedæmonians, with his three hundred, and seven hundred Thespians, which were all that abode by him, refuse to quit the place which they had undertaken to make good, and with admirable courage not only resist that world of men which charged them on all sides; but issuing out of their strength, made so great a slaughter of their enemies, that they might well be called vanquishers, though all of them were slain upon the place. Xerxes' having lost in this last fight, together with twenty thousand other Soldiers and Captains, two of his own brethren, began to doubt what inconvenience might befall him by the virtue of such as had not been present at these battles, with whom he knew that he shortly was to deal. Especially of the 〈◊〉 he stood in great fear, whose manhood had appeared singular in this trial, which caused him very carefully to inquire what numbers they could bring into the field. It is reported of Dieneces the Spartan, that when one thought to have terrified him by saying, That the flight of the Persian arrows was so thick as would hide the Sun: he answered thus; It is very good news: for then shall we fight in the cool shade.  
Such notable resolution having as freely been expressed in deeds, as it was uttered in words, caused the Persian to stand in great doubt, when he heard that the City of Sparta could arm well-nigh eight thousand men of the like temper, and that the other Lacedæmonians, though inferior to those, were very valiant men. Wherhfore he asked counsel of 〈◊〉, a banished King of the Spartans', who had always well advised and instructed him in the things of Greece, what course were fittest to be taken in his further proceed. The opinion of Demaratus was, That all the Land-forces would assemble together to defend the Isthmus, that strait neck of ground which joineth Peloponnesus to the Continent. For which cause he advised, That three hundred ships well manned should be sent unto the Coast of Laconia, to spoil the Country, and to hold the Lacedæmonians, and their neighbours busied at home; whilst Xerxes at his leisure having subdued the 〈◊〉, might afterward bring his whole power upon them, who remaining destitute of succour, would be too weak alone to make resistance. To this purpose also the same Demaratus further advised, that the said fleet of three hundred ships should seize upon the Island then called Cythera, now Cerigo, which lying near to the Coast of Laconia, might serve as a fit place of Rendez vous upon all occasions either of their own defence or endamaging the enemy: whereby that ancient speech of Chilon the Lacedaemonian should be verified, that it were better for his Countrymen to have that Isle drowned in the sea, than stand so inconueniently as for them it did. What effect this counsel might have taken had it been followed it is not easy to guess. But a contrary opinion of Achaemenes brother to King Xerxes was preferred as the safer. For the Persian fleet had been sorely vexed with a grievous tempest which continued three whole days together, wherein were lost upon the coast of Magnesia four hundred ships of war, besides other vessels innumerable, accordingly as Artabanus had foreseen, that if any such calamity should overtake them, there would not be found any Harbour wide enough to give them secure. Therefore Achaemenes persuaded his brother not to disperse his fleet; for if (said he) after the loss of four hundred ships we shall sand away other three hundred to 〈◊〉 adventures, then will the Greeks' be strong enough by sea to encounter the rest of the Navy, which holding altogether is invincible. To this counsel Xerxes yielded, hoping that his land-army and fleet should each of them stand the other in good stead, whilst both held one course, and lay not far asunder. But herein he was far deceived; for about the same time that his army had felt the valour of the Greeks' by Land, his Navy likewise made a sorrowful proof of their skill and courage at Sea. The Graecian fleet lay at that time at Artemisium in the straitss of Euboea, where the Persians' thinking to encompass them, sent two hundred sail about the Island to fall upon them behind, using a like strategem to that which their King did practise against Leonidas in a case not unlike, but with far different success. For that narrow channel of the sea which divideth Euboea from the main, was in the same sort held by a Navy of two hundred threescore and eleven sail against the huge Persian Armada, as the straitss of Thermopylae had formerly been maintained by Leonidas, till he was so circumvented as this Navy might have been, but was not. The departure of those two hundred ships that were sent about the Island, and the cause of their voyage, was too well known in the Persian fleet, and soon enough disclosed to the Greeks', who setting sail by night, met them with a counter surprise, taking and sinking thirty vessels, enforcing the rest to take the Sea, where being overtaken with soul weather, they were driven upon the rocks & cast all away. Contrariwise, the Navy of the Greeks' was increased by the arrival of fifty three Athenian ships, and one Lemnian, which come to their party in the last fight. As these new forces encouraged the one side: so the fear of Xerxes his 〈◊〉 stirred up the other to redeem their loss with some notable exploit. Wherhfore setting aside their unfortunate policy, they resolved in plain fight to repair their honour, and casting themselves into the form of a Crescent, thought so to enclose the Greeks', who readily did present them battle at Artemisium.  
The fight endured from no one till night, and ended with equal loss to both parts. For though more of the Persians' ships were sunk and taken, yet the lesser loss fell altogether as heavy upon the Greekish sleet, which being small could worse bear it. Herein only the Barbarians may seem to have had the worse, that they for sook the place of fight, leaving the wrack and spoils to the enemy, who nevertheless were feign to abandon presently even the passage which they had undertaken to defend, both for that many of their ships were sorely crushed in the battle, and especially because they had received advertisement of the death of Leonidas at Thermopylae. Before they weighed anchors, 〈◊〉 general of the Athenians engraved upon stone at the watering place an exhortation to the jonians, that either they should revolt unto the Greeks' or stand neutral; which persuasion, he hoped would either take some place with them, or at the lest make them suspected by the Persians'.   

§. FOUR The attempt of XERXES upon APOLLOES temple: and his taking of Athens.  
WHen Xerxes had passed the straits of Thermopylae, he wasted the country of the Phocians, and the regions adjoining: as for the inhabitants, they chose rather to fly, and reserve themselves to a day of battle, than to adventure their lives into his hands, upon hope of saving their wealth by making proffer unto him of their service. Part of his army he sent to spoil the temple of Delphi; which was exceeding rich by means of many offerings that had there been made by divers Kings and 〈◊〉 personages; Of all which riches it was thought that Xerxes had a better Inventory than of the goods left in his own Palace. To make relation of a great astonishment that fell upon the companies which arrived at the Temple to have sacked it, and of two Rocks, that breaking from the mount Parnassus, overwhelmed many of the Barbarians, it were peradventure somewhat superstitious. Yet Herodotus, who lived not long after, saith, That the broken Rocks remained even to his memory in the Temple of 〈◊〉, wither they rolled in their fall. And surely this attempt of Xerxes was impious; for seeing he believed that Apollo was a god, he should not have dared to entertain a covetous desire of enriching himself by committing sacrilege upon his Temple. Wherhfore it may possibly be true, that licence to chastise his impiety, in such manner as is reported, was granted unto the Devil, by that Holy one, who saith, Will a man spoil his gods? and elsewhere; Hath any nation changed 
Malac. c. 3. v. 8.  their gods, which yet are no gods? Go to the Isles of Kittim, and behold, and sand to Kedar, 
jerem. c. 2. v. 〈◊〉 & 10.  and take diligent heed, and see whither there be any such things. Now this impiety of Xerxes was the more 〈◊〉, for that the Persians' alleged the burning of Cybele's Temple by the 〈◊〉, when they set fire on the City of Sardis in Asia, to be the ground and cause of the waste which they made in burnings of Cities and Temples in Greece. Whereas indeed, in the enterprise against Delphos, this Vizzor of holy and zealous revenge falling off, discovered the face of covetousness so much the more ugly, by how much the more themselves had professed a detestation of the offence which the Athenians had committed in that kind by mere mischance.  
The remainder of that which Xerxes did, may be expressed briefly thus: He come to Athens, which finding for saken, he took & burnt the Citadel & temple which was therein. The Citadel indeed was defended a while by some of more courage than wisdom, who literally interpreting Apollo's Oracle; that Athens should be safein wooden walls, had fortified that place with boards and Palissadoes: too weak to hold out long, though by their desperate valour so well maintained at the first assault, that they might have yielded it upon tolerable conditions, had they not vainly relied upon the prophecy: whereof (being somewhat obscure) it was wisely done of Themistocles, to make discretion the interpreter, applying rather the words to the present need, than fashioning the business to words.   

§. V How THEMISTOCLES the Athenian drew the Greeks' to fight at Salamis.  
THe Athenians had, before the coming of Xerxes, removed their wives and children into Troezene, Aegina, & Salamis, not so highly prising their houses and lands, as their freedom, and the common liberty of Greece. Nevertheless, this great zeal, which the Athenians did show for the general good of their Country, was ill requited by the other Greeks', who with much labour were hardly entreated to stay for them at Salamis, whilst they removed their wives and children out of the City. But when the City of Athens was taken, it was presently resolved upon, that they should forsake the Isle of Salamis, and withdraw the fleet to Isthmus: which neck of land they did purpose to fortify against the Persians', and so to defend Peloponnesus by Land, and Sea, leaving the rest of Greece, as indefensible, to the fury of the enemy. So should the islands of Salamis and Aegina have been abandoned, and the Families of the Athenians (which were there bestowed as in places of security) have been given over into merciless bondage. Against this resolution Themistocles, Admiral of the Athenian fleet, very strongly made opposition; but in vain. For the Peloponnesians 〈◊〉 so possessed with fear of losing theit own, which they would not hazard, that no persuasions could obtain of them, to regard the estate of their distressed friends and Allies. Many remonstrances Themistocles made unto them, to allure them to abide the enemy at Salamis; As first in private unto Eurybiades the Lacedaemonian, Admiral of the whole fleet; That the self same fear which made them forsake those coasts of Greece, upon which they then anchored, would afterward (if it found no check at the first) 'cause them also to 〈◊〉 the fleet, and every one of the Confederates to withdraw himself to the defence of his own City and estate: Than to the Council of War which Eurybiades upon this motion did call together (forbearing to object what want of courage might work in them hereafter) he showed that the fight at Isthmus would be in an open Sea, whereas it was more expedient for them, having the fewer ships, to determine the matter in the straits; and that, besides the safeguard of Aegina, Megara, and Salamis, they should by abiding, where they then were, sufficiently defend Isthmus, which the Barbarians should not so much as once look upon, if the Greeks' obtained victory by sea; which they could not so well hope for else where, as in that present place which gave them so good advantage. All this would not serve to retain the Peloponnesians, of whom one, unworthy of 〈◊〉, upbraided Themistocles with the loss of Athens, blaming Eurybiades for suffering one to speak in the Council, that had no Country of his own to inhabit. A base and shameful objection it was, to lay as a reproach that loss, which being voluntarily sustained for the common good, was in true estimation by so much the more honourable, by how much it was the greater. But this indignity did exasperated Themistocles, and put into his mouth a reply so sharp, as availed more than all his former persuasions. He told them all plainly, That the Athenians wanted not a fairer City, than any Nation of Greece could boaft of; having well-near two hundred good ships of War, the better part of the Grecian fleet, with which it was easy for them to transport their Families and substance into any part of the World, and settle themselves in a more secure habitation, leaving those to shifted as well as they might, who in their extremity had refused to stand by them. Herewithal he mentioned a town in Italy belonging of old to the State of Athens, of which town he said an Oracle had foretold, That the Athenians in process of time should build it a new, and there (quoth he) will we plant ourselves, leaving unto you a sorrowful remembrance of my words, and of your own unthankfulness. The Peloponnesians hearing thus much, began to enter into better consideration of the Athenians, whose affairs depended not, as they well perceived, upon so weak terms, that they should be driven to crouch to others; but rather were such, as might enforce the rest to yield to them, and condescend even to the uttermost of their own demands.  
For the Athenians, when they first embraced that 〈◊〉 resolution of leaving their grounds and houses to fire and ruin, if necessity should enforce them so far, for the preservation of their liberty; did employ the most of their private wealth, and all the common treasure, in building a great Navy. By these means they hoped (which accordingly fell out) that no such calamity should befall them by land, as might not well be counterpoised be great advantages at sea: Knowing well, that a strong fleet would either procure victory at home, or a secure passage to any other 〈◊〉. The other States of Greece held it sufficient, if building a few new ships, they did somewhat amend their Navy. Whereby it come to pass, that, had they been vanquished, they could not have expected any other fortune than either present death, or perpetual slavery; neither could they hope to be victorious without the assistance of the Athenians, whose forces by sea did equal all theirs together; the whole consisting of more than three hundred and fourscore bottoms. Wherhfore these Peloponnesians beginning to suspect their own condition, which would have stood upon desperate points, if the fleet of Athens had forsaken them; were some persuaded, by the greater fear of such a bad event, to forget the lesser, which they had conceived of the Persians': and laying aside their insolent bravery, they yielded to that most profitable counsel of abiding at Salamis.   

§. VI How the Persians' consulted about giving battle: and how THEMISTOCLES by policy held the Greeks' to their resolution; with the victory at Salamis thereupon ensuing.  
IN the mean season the Persians' had entered into consultation, whither it were convenient to offer battle to the Greeks', or no. The rest of the Captains giving such advice as they thoughtwould best please the King their Master, had soon agreed upon the fight: but Artemisia Queen of Halicarnassus, who followed Xerxes to this war in person, was of contrary opinion. Her Counsel was, that the King himself directly should march toward Peloponnesus, whereby it would come to pass, that the Greek Navy (unable otherwise to continued long at Salamis for want of provision) should presently be dissevered, and every one seeking to preserve his own City and goods, they should, being divided, prove unable to resist him, who had won so far upon them when they held together. And as the profit will be great in forbearing to give battle; so on the other side, the danger will be more (said she) which we shall undergo, than any need requireth us to adventure upon; and the loss in case it fall upon us, greater than the profit of the victory which we desire. For if we compel the enemies to fly, it is more than they would have done, we sitting still: but if they, as better Seamen than ours, put us to the worst, the journey to Peloponnesus is utterly dashed, and many that now declare for us, will soon revolt unto the Greeks'. Mardonius, whom Xerxes had sent for that purpose to the fleet, related unto his Master the common consent of the other Captains, & withal this disagreeing opinion of Artemisia. The King well pleased with her advice, yet resolved upon following the more general, but farre-worse counsel of the rest; which would questionless have been the same which 〈◊〉 gave, had not fear and flattery made all the Captains utter that, as out of their 〈◊〉 judgement, which they thought most conformable to their Prince's determination. So it was indeed that Xerxes had entertained a vain persuasion of much good, that his own presence upon the shore to behold the conflict, would work among the Soldiers. Therefore he encamped upon the Seaside, pitching his own 〈◊〉 on the mount Aegaleus, which is opposite unto the Isle of Salamis, whence at ease he might safely view all which might happen in that action, having Scribes about him to 〈◊〉 down the acts and behaviour of every Captain. The near approach of the Barbarians, together with the news of that timorous diligence, which their Countrymen showed in fortifying the Isthmus, and of a Persian Army, marching apace thither, did now again so terrify and amaze the Peloponnesians, that no entreaty, nor contestation would suffice to hold them together. For they thought it mere madness to fight for a Country already lost, when they rather should endeavour to save that which remained unconquered; propounding chief to themselves what misery would befall them, if losing the victory, they should be driven into Salamis, there to be shut up, and besieged round in a poor desolate Island.  
Hereupon they resolved forthwith to set sail for Isthmus: which had presently been done, if the wisdom of Themistocles had not prevented it. For he perceiving what a violent fear had stopped up their ears against all good counsel, did practise another course, & forthwith labour to prevent the execution of this 〈◊〉 decree; not suffering the very hour of performance to found him busy in wrangling altercation. As soon as the Council broke up, he dispatched secretly a trusty Gentleman to the Persian Captains, informing them truly of the intended flight, and exhorting them to sand part of their Navy about the Island, which encompassing the Greeks', might prevent their escape; giving them withal a false hope of his assistance. The Persians' no sooner heard than believed these good news, well knowing that the victory was their own assured, if the Athenian fleet joined with them; which they might easily hope, considering what ability their Master had to recompense for so doing, both the Captains with rich rewards, and the People with restitution of their 〈◊〉, and Territories. By these means it fell out, that when the Greeks' very early in the morning were about to weigh Anchor, they found themselves enclosed round with Persians', who had laboured hard all night, sending many of their ships about the Isle of Salamis, to charge the enemy in rear, and landing many of their men in the Isle of Psyttalea, which lycth over-against Salamis, to save such of their own, and kill such of the Grecian party, as by any misfortune should be cast upon the shore. Thus did mere necessity enforce the Grecians to undertake the battle in the Straitss of Salamis, where they obtained a memorable victory, stemming the foremost of their enemies, and chase the rest, who falling soul one upon another, could neither conveniently fight nor 〈◊〉. I do not find any particular occurrences in this great battle to be much remarkable. Sure it is that the Scribes of Xerxes had a wearisome task of writing down many disasters that befell the Persian fleet, which ill acquitted itself that day, doing no one piece of service worthy the presence of their King, or the registering of his Notaries. As for the Greeks', they might well seem to have wrought out that victory with equal courage, were it not that the principal honour of that day was ascribed to those of Aegina, and to the Athenians, of whom it is recorded, That when the Barbarians did fly towards Phalerus, where the land-army of Xerxes lay, the ships of Aegina having possessed the Straitss, did sink or take them, whilst the Athenians did valiantly give charge upon those that kept the Sea, and made any countenance of resisting.   

§. VII. Of things following after the battle of Salamis: and of the flight of XERXES.  
AFter this victory, the Greeks' intending, by way of 〈◊〉, to determine which of the Captains had best merited of them, in all this great service; every Captain, being ambitious of that honour, did in the first place writ down his own name, but in the second place as best deserving next unto himself, almost every Suffrage did concur upon Themistocles. Thus private affection yielded unto virtue, as soon as her own turn was served. The Persian King, as not amazed with this calamity, began to make new preparation for continuance of war; but in such fashion, that they which were best acquainted with his temper, might easily discern his faint heart, through his painted looks. Especially Mardonius, Author of the war, began to cast a wary eye upon his Master, fearing jest his counsel should be rewarded according to the event. Wherhfore purposing rather to adventure his life in pursuit of the victory, than to cast it away by under-going his Prince's indignation; he advised the King to leave unto him three hundred thousand men, with which forces he promised to reduce all Greece under the subjection of the Persian Sceptre. Herewithal he forgot not to soothe Xerxes with many fair words; telling him, that the cowardice of those Egyptians, Phoenicians, and Cilicians, with others of the like metal, nothing better than slaves, who had so ill be haved themselves in the late sea-service, did not concern his honour, who had always been victorious, and had already subdued the better part of Greece, yea taken Athens itself, against which the War was principally intended. These words found very good acceptance in the King's ear, who presently betook himself to his journey homewards, making the more haste, for that he understood, how the Greeks' had a purpose to sail to Hellespont, and there to break down his bridge, and intercept his passage. True it was that the Greeks' had no such intent, but rather wished his hasty departure, knowing that he would leave his Army not so strong, as it should have been, had he in person remained with it. And for this cause did Eurybiades give counsel, that by no means they should attempt the breaking of that bridge, jest necessity should enforce the Persians' to take courage, and rather to fight like men, than die like beasts. Wherhfore Themistocles did, under pretence of friendship, sand a false advertisement to this timorous Prince, advising him to convey himself into Asia with all speed, before his bridge were dissolved: which counsel Xerxes took very kindly, and hastily followed, as before is showed. Whither it were so that he found the bridge whole, and thereby repassed into Asia; or whither it were torn in sunder by tempests, and he thereby driven to embark himself in some obscure vessel, it is not greatly material; though the Greeks' did most willingly embrace the later of these reports. Howsoever it were, this flight of his did well ease the Country; that was thereby disburdened of that huge throng of people, which, as Locusts, had before overwhelmed it.   

§. VIII. The negotiations between MARDONIUS and the Athenians, as also between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians; after the slight of XERXES.  
MARDONIUS with his three hundred thousand had withdrawn himself into Thessaly, whence 〈◊〉 sent Alexander, the son of Amyntas King of 〈◊〉, as Ambassador to the 〈◊〉, with promise of large amendss for all their losses received; and of extending their Territories as far as their own desires; allowing them to retain their liberty and laws, if they would make peace with Xerxes, and 〈◊〉 him in that War.  
The Athenians had now re-entered their City, but not as yet brought back their wives and children; for as much as they well perceived that the place could not be secure, till the Army of Mardonius were broken and defeated. Wherhfore the Lacedæmonians, understanding what fair conditions this Ambassador would propound, were perplexed with very great 〈◊〉, jest he should find good and ready acceptance. Hereupon, they likewise very speedily dispatched their Ambassadors for Athens, who arriving, before the Macedonian had audience, used the best of their persuasion to retain the Athenians firm. They alleged, that neither Xerxes nor Darius had any pretence of War against the rest of Greece, but had only threatened the subversion of Athens, till they and all their Confederates arming themselves in defence of that City, were drawn into the quarrel, wherein the Athenians without much cruelty of injustice could not leave them. We know, said they, that ye have endured great calamities, losing the fruit of the grounds, and being driven to forsake the Town, the houses whereof be ruined, and unfit for your habitation; in regard whereof, we undertake to maintain as our own, your wives and children amongst us, as long as the war shall continued, hoping that ye, who have always procured liberty to others, will not now go about to bring all Greece into slavery and bondage. As for the Barbarians, their promises are large, but their words and oaths are of no assurance. It was needless to use many arguments to the Athenians, who gave answer to Alexander in presence of the Spartan Ambassadors; That whilst the Sun continued his course, they would be enemies to Xerxes, regarding neither gold nor any riches, with which he might seek to make purchase of their liberty. Concerning the maintenance of their wives and children, it was a burden which they promised to sustain themselves, only desiring the Lacedæmonians, that with all speed they would 'cause their Army to march, for as much as it was not likely, that Mardonius would long sit still in Thessaly, having once received such a peremptory answer. In this their opinion of Mardonius his readiness to invade Attica, they found themselves nothing deceived. For he, as soon as Alexander had returned their obstinate purpose of resistance, did forthwith lead his Army towards them, and their City: they having now the second time quit it, and conveyed themselves into places of more security abroad in the Country, where they expected the arrival of their Confederates.  
From Athens he sent his Agent unto them with instructions, not only to persuade them to acceptance of the conditions before to them propounded, but with great promises to allure the principal of them to his party. His hope was that either the people, wearied with forsaking their houses so often, would be desirous to preserve them from fire, and to have those which were already laid waste, re-edified at the King's charges: Or if this affection took no place with them, but that needs they would rely upon their old Confederates, whose succours did very slowly advance forwards, yet perhaps the Leaders might be won with great rewards, to draw them to this purpose; all which projects if they should fail, the destruction of Athens would be a good mean to please his Master, King Xerxes, who must thereby needs understand, that Mardonius kept his ground, and feared not to confront the whole power of Greece, in the strongest part of their own Country. But his expectation was beguiled in all these. For the Athenians so little regarded his offers, that when one Lycidas, or (as Demosthenes calls him) Cyrcilus, advised the Senate to accept the conditons, and propound them to the people; all the Senators, and as many as abiding without the Counsaile-house heard what he had said, immediately set upon him, and stoned him to death; not examining whither it were fear or money, that had moved him to utter such a vile sentence. Yea, the women of Athens, in the Isle of Salamis, hearing of his bad counsel, and bad end, assembling together, did enter his house there, & put his wife and children to the like execution. All this bravery notwithstanding, when they perceived the slackness of the Peloponnesians in giving them aid, they were 〈◊〉 to betake themselves to Salamis again, the old place of their security. Remaining there, and seeing little forwardness in those whom it most concerned to assist them, they sent very severe messages to Sparta, complaining of their slackness, & threatening withal, to take such course as might stand best with their own good, seeing that the common estate of all was so little regarded. These messengers were at the first entertained with dilatory answers, which every day grew colder, when as the Peloponnesian Wall, builded athwart the Isthmus, was almost finished. But as the Lacedæmonians waxed careless and dull, so the Athenians hotly pressed them to a quick resolution, giving them plainly to understand, that if they should hold on in those dilatory courses, it would not be long ere the City of Athens took a new course, that should little please them. All this while the Persian fleet lay upon the coast of Asia, not daring to draw nearer unto Greece, as being now too weak at Sea. Likewise the Greekish Navy contained itself within the Harbours upon Europe side; both to do service where need should require at home; and withal to shun the danger which might have befallen any part of it, that being distracted from the rest, had adventured over far. So mutual fear preserved in quiet the islands lying in the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Seas. But it was well and seasonably observed by a 〈◊〉 of Sparta, that the wall upon Isthmus would 〈◊〉 to little purpose for the defence of Peloponnesus, if once the Athenians gave ear to Mardonius: considering that many doors would be opened into that Demie-Iland, as soon as the Enemy should by winning the friendship of Athens, become the Master of the Seas about it. The Lacedæmonians upon this admonition, making better perusal of their own dangers, were very careful to give satisfaction to the Athenian Ambassadors, who not brooking their delays, were upon point of taking leave, yea as it seemed, of renouncing their alliance. Wherhfore dispatching away five thousand Spartans' in the evening, under conduct of Pausanias; they gave audience the next day to the Ambassadors, whose complaints they answered with vehement protestations of their readiness; deeply swearing that the Army of Sparta was already far upon the journey; and giving them leave to take up other five thousand Lacedæmonians, out of the Region adjoining, to follow after them.  
The Athenians, though distasting such want of gravity, in a matter so important, were nevertheless contented with the final conclusion; and 〈◊〉 the number appointed of Lacedaemonian Soldiers, made what haste they could to encamp in Attica. The other Grecians were nothing slack in sending forth Companies, whose near approach caused Mardonius to forsake Attica as a rough Country, and therefore of much disadvantage to Horse, wherein consisted the best of his power. Before his departure he 〈◊〉 the City of Athens, beating down the walls of it, and ruining all that had formerly escaped the fury of War.   

§. IX.. The great battle of 〈◊〉.  
IT were too long a rehearsal to show all that happened in many skirmishes between the Greeks' and him, in the Country of Boeotia, which Mardonius had chosen to be the seat of that War. Much time was spent before the quarrel was decided by trial of one main battle: for both parties did stand upon their guard, each expecting when the other should assail them.  
The Army of Mardonius contained about three hundred thousand, which were by him chosen out of Xerxes his Army; to whom were adjoined the forces of 〈◊〉, Macedon, Thessaly, and other parts of Greece, that now siding with the Persian, furnished his Camp with fifty 〈◊〉 men. Against these the Lacedæmonians, Athenians, and their Confederates, had levied an Army of one hundred and ten thousand, of which forty thousand were waightily armed, the rest were only assistants to these forty thousand, being armed more slightly, as rather to make excursions and give chase, than to sustain any strong charges.  
These two Armies having eleven days confronted one the other, without performing any memorable piece of service; Mardonius, whose victuals began to fail, resolved to begin the fray. The Greeks' were promised victory by an Oracle, if they fought in the Land of the Athenians, and in the plain of Ceres & Proserpina, making prayers unto certain gods, Demigods, and Nymphs. But it was hard to find the certain place which the Oracle designed. For the plain of Ceres was indeed in the Territory of Athens; but there was also an old Temple of Ceres and Proserpina, near unto the place where they lay at that time encamped, as likewise the memorials of those Nymphs, and Demigods, were in the same place, upon Mount Cithaeron, and the ground served well for footmen against horse; only the Land belonged unto the Plataeans, and not unto the Athenians.  
Whilst the Greeks' were perplexed about the interpretation of this doubtful Oracle; the Plataeans, to make all clear, did freely bestow their land on that side the Town upon the Athenians.  
This magnificence of the Plataeans caused Alexander the Great, many ages after, to re-edify their City, which was ruined in the Peloponnesian wars.  
All things being ready for battle; the Lacedaemonian General thought it most mecte, that the Athenians should stand opposite that day to the Medes and Persians', whom they had formerly vanquished at Marathon; and that he, with his 〈◊〉, should entertain the Thebans and other Greeks' which followed Mardonius, as better acquainted with their fight, and having beaten them oftentimes before. This being agreed upon, the Athenians changed place with the Lacedæmonians; which Mardonius understanding (whither fearing the Athenians, of whose valour the Medes and Persians' had felt heavy proof, or desiring to encounter the Spartans', as thinking them the bravest Soldiers of Greece) he did also change the order of his battle, and oppose himself to Pausanias. All the Greeks' might well perceive how the Enemy did shifted his wings, and Pausanias thereupon returned to his former Station; which Mardonius noting, did also the like. So one whole day was spent in changing to and fro. Some attempt the Persians' made that day with their Archers on horseback, who did so molest the Greeks' at their watering place, that they were feign to enter into consultation of retiring; because they could not without much loss to themselves, and noon to the enemy, lie near to that Fountain which did serve all the Camp. Having therefore concluded among themselves to dislodge; and part of the Army being sent away before daylight: 〈◊〉 perceived their departure in the morning, and thereupon being encouraged by their flight, (which to him seemed to proceed out of mere cowardice) he charged them in rear with great violence. It may well be recorded as a notable example of patiented valour, That the Lacedæmonians being overtaken by the Enemy's horse, and overwhelmed 〈◊〉 great flights of Arrows, did quietly sit still, not making any resistance or defence, till the Sacrifices for victory were happily ended, though many of them were hurt and slain, and some of especial mark lost, before any sign of good success appeared in the entrails.  
But as soon as Pausanias had found in the Sacrifice those tokens, which the superstition of that Age and Country accounted fortunate; he gave the Signal of battle: and thereupon the Soldiers, who till then did sit upon the ground, as was their manner, arose altogether, and with excellent courage received the charge of the Barbarians, that come thronging upon them without any fear of such notable resistance. The rest of the Greek Army that was in march, being 〈◊〉 by Pausanias, come in apace to secure the Lacedæmonians: only that part of the Army which was led by the Athenians, could not arrive unto the place of the great battle, because the Thebans, and other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉, gave them check by the way. Nevertheless, the Spartans' with other their Assistants, did so well acquit themselves, that the Persians' were 〈◊〉, and Mardonius with many thousands more slain in the field; the rest fled into the Camp, which they had fortified with wooden walls, and there defended themselves with such courage as desperate necessity enforced them unto, holding out the longer, because the Lecedaemonians were not acquainted with the manner of assaulting Fortresses, and Walls. In the mean season, the Athenians having found strong opposition of the Thebans and Thessalians, did with much labour and courage obtain victory, which having not long pursued, they come to help the Lacedæmonians, whom they found wearily busied in assaulting the Camp, with more valour than skill. Wherhfore they themselves undertook it, and in short space forced a passage through the Wall, at which breach first, and then on all sides, the Greeks' entered with such fury, and just desire of vengeance, that of three hundred thousand they are said not to have left three 〈◊〉 alive, excepting those who fled away with Artabazus, when the Persian Army first fell to rout.  
If the execution were so great, as is reported, an especial 〈◊〉 of it was the foolish retreat, or rather flight into the Campe. For though it were so, that the place was well fortified, and the number of those who cast themselves into it, greater than of the Assailants; yet they being of several Nations and Languages, and having lost their General with other principal Commanders, it was 〈◊〉 that they in such a terror and astonishment should make good that piece of ground, lying in the heart of an Enemy Country, against an Army of men, far more valiant than themselves, and inflamed with present victory. Therefore the same wall which for a few hours had preserved their lives, by holding out the Enemy, did now empale them, and leave them to the slaughtering fury of unpittifull Victors. Artabazus fled into Thrace, telling the people of Thessaly, and other Countries in his way, that he was sent by Mardonius upon some piece of service: For he well knew, that had they understood any thing of that great discomfiture, all places would have been hostile unto him, and sought with his ruin to purchase favour of the vanquishers. Therefore making so large marches, that many of his Soldiers being feeble were left behind and lost, he come to Byzantium, whence he shipped his men over into Asia. Such was the end of the vainglorious expedition, under-taken by Xerxes against the Greeks', upon hope of honour, and great Conquest, though sorting otherwise, accordingly as Artabazus had foreseen, and rather worse, for as much as it began the quarrel, which never ended, before the ruin of the Persian Empire was effected by that Nation of the Greeks', despised and sought to have been brought into slavery. Hereby it may seem, that the vision appearing to Xerxes, was from God himself, who had formerly disposed of those things, ordaining the subversion of the Persian Monarchy by the Greeks', who, thus provoked, entered into greater consideration of their own strength, and the weakness of their Enemies.   

§. X. The battle of Mycale, with a strange accident that fell out in the beginning of it: and examples of the like.  
THe same day on which the battle was fought at Plataeae, there was another battle fought at Mycale, a Promontory, or Head-land in Asia, where the Persian fleet road.  
Leutychides the Spartan, with Xantippus the Athenian, Admirals of the Greek Navy, at the request of some Islanders and jonians, did sail into those parts, to deliver the Samians, and procure the jonians to revolt from the Persian. Xerxes himself at this time lay at Sardis, a City in Lydia, not far from the Seaside, having left threescore thousand under the command of Tigranes for defence of jonia and the Sea-coast. Therefore when Artayntes and Ithramitres, Admirals of the Persian fleet, understood that the Greeks' bent their course towards them; they did forthwith draw their ships aground, fortifying with Palissadoes and otherwise, as much ground as did seem needful for the encamping of all their Land and Sea-forces. Leutychides at his arrival, perceiving that they meant to keep within their strength, and resolving to force them out of it, rowed with his Galley close aboard the shore, and called upon the jonians (who more for fear then good will were encamped among the Persians') exhorting them in the Greek tongue to remember liberty, and use the fair occasion which they now had to recover it. Herein he did imitate Themistocles, who had done the like at Euboea; trusting that either these persuasions would prevail; or if the Persians' did happen to understand them, that it would breed some jealousy in them, causing them to fight in fear of their own Companions. It need not seem strange, that this very same stratagem, which little or nothing availed Themistocles, did now very happily succeed. For Xerxes being in his full strength, it was a matter of much difficulty, to persuade those Inhabitants of Asia to revolt; who now, in his declining estate, gave a willing ear to the sweet sound of liberty. The Persians' likewise, who in their former bravery, little regarded and less feared any treason, to be contrived by their Subjects, were now so wary, that from the Samians which were amongst them, they took away their arms; the Milesians, whom they did suspect, but would not seem to mistrust, they placed far from them, as it were for defence of the strait passages of Mycale; pretending that these Milesians did best of all others know those places. But these devices little availed them. For the Samians perceiving that they were held as Traitors, took courage in the heat of the fight, and laying hold upon such weapons as come to hand, 〈◊〉 the Persians' manfully within the Camp; which example the jonians presently followed, being very glad to have found some that durst begin. It is said that while the Greeks were yet in a march towards the Enemy's camp, a rumour suddenly ran in the Army, that Mardonius was overthrown in Greece, which (though perhaps it was given out by the Captains to encourage the Soldiers) was very true. For the battle of Plataeae was fought in the morning, and this of Mycale in the evening of the same day.  
The like report of that great battle, wherein Paulus Aemylius overthrew Perseus the last king of Macedon, was brought to Rome in four days, as Livy with others do record. And Plutarch hath many other examples of this kind. As that of the battle by the River Sagra in Italy, which was heard of the same day in Peloponnesus: That of the battle against the Tarquinians and the Latins, presently noised at Rome: And (which is most remarkable) the victory obtained against Lucius Antonius, who was Rebel to Domitian the Emperor. This Lucius Antonius being Lieutenant of the higher Germany, had corrupted his Army with gifts and promises, drawing the barbarous people to follow him, with great hope to make himself Emperor; which news much troubling the City of Rome, with fear of a dangerous War; it was suddenly reported that Antonius was slain, and his Army defeated.  
Hereupon many did offer sacrifice to the gods, and show all manner of public joy, as in such cases was accustomed. But when better inquiry was made, and the Author of these tidings could not be found; the Emperor Domitian betook himself to his journey against the Rebel; and being with his Army in march, he received advertisement by Post, of the Victory obtained, and the death of Antonius: whereupon remembering the rumour noised before in Rome, of the selfsame victory, he found that the report and victory were borne upon one day, though twenty thousand furlongs (which make about five and twenty hundred miles) asunder. It is truly said of Plutarch, that this last example gives credit unto many the like. And indeed it were very strange, if among so many rumours, begotten by forgery or mistake, and fostered by credulous imagination, there should not be found (as happens in dreams among many thousand vain and frivolous) a few precisely true. Howbeit we may find, that God himself doth sometimes use to terrify those who presume upon their own strength, by these light means of tumultuous noises; as he raised the siege of Samaria, by causing a sound of Horses and Chariots to affright the Aramites; and as he threatened Senacherib, saying: Behold, I will sand a blast upon him, and he shall hear a noise, and return 
Easie. c. 37. v. 7.  to his own Land. Wherhfore it may well have been true, that God was pleased by such a mean as this, to animate the Greeks'; who (as Herodotus notes) went towards the Enemies with heavy hearts, being in great fear, jest their own adventure should by no means fall out well; considering in what danger they had left their Country of Greece, which was ready to be subdued by Mardonius, whilst they went wandering to seek out enemies a-far-off, upon the coast of Asia. But the fame of the battle fought at Plataeae being noised among them; every man desired that his own valour in the present fight, might be some help to work out the full deliverance of Greece. In this alacrity of spirit, they divided themselves into two Battalions, whereof the Athenians led the one, by the way of the plain, directly towards the enemy's camp; the Lacedæmonians conducted the other, by the Mountains and strait passages, to win the higher ground. The Athenians did first set upon the Camp (ere the Lacedæmonians could 〈◊〉 on the other part) and being desirous to get all the honour of the day to themselves, did so forcibly assault it, that they broke way through the Palissadoes and Gabions, and made themselves Masters of the place, slaying all that could not save themselves by flight. In this fight the Samians did good service, as is formerly mentioned.  
But the Miletians, who upon the like jealousy, were placed by the Persians' on the tops of Mycale, to defend the passages; did now (as if they had been set of purpose to keep them from running away) put as many to the sword as fell into their hands, letting noon escape, except a very few, that fled through by-paths. The Lacedæmonians that day did little service, for the business was dispatched ere they come in: Only they broke such companies as retired in whole troops; making them fly dispersed in very much disorder, whereby the Milesians were enabled to do the greater execution upon them. This was the last fight of that huge Army levied against Greece, which was now utterly broken, and had no means left to make offensive War.   

§. XI. Of the barbarous quality of XERXES: with a transition from the Persian affairs to matters of Greece, which from this time grew more worthy of regard.  
XERXES lay at Sardis, not far from the place of this battle; but little mind had he to revenge either this or other his great losses, being wholly given over to the love of his Brother's Wife: with whom when he could not prevail by entreaty, nor would obtain his desire by force, because he respected much his Brother her husband, he thought it best to make a match between his own Son Darius, and the Daughter of this Woman; hoping by that means to find occasion of such familiarity as might work out his desire. But whither it were so, that the chastity of the Mother did still reject him, or the beauty of her Daughter allure him; he soon after fell in love with his own sons wife, being a vicious Prince, and as ill able to govern himself in peace, as to guide his Army in War. This young Lady having once desired the King to give her the Garment which he then wore, being wrought by his own Wife; caused the Queen thereby to perceive her husband's conversation with her, which she imputed not so much to the beauty of her Daughter-in-law, as to the cunning of the Mother, against whom thereupon she conceived extreme hatred. Therefore at a Royal feast, wherein the custom was that the King should grant their request, she craved that the Wife of Masiste, her husband's Brother, the young Lady's Mother, might be given into her disposition. The barbarous King, who might either have reform the abuse of such a custom, or have deluded the importunate cruelty of his Wife, by threatening herself with the like, to whatsoever she should inflict upon the innocent Lady, granted the request; and sending for his brother, persuaded him to put away the Wife which he had, and take one of his Daughters in her stead. Hereby it seems, that he understood how villainously that poor Lady should be entreated, whom he knew to be virtuous, and whom himself had loved. Masiste refused to put her away; alleging his own love, her deserving, and their common Children, one of which was married to the King's Son, as reasons important to move him to keep her. But in most wicked manner Xerxes reviled him; saying, That he now should neither keep the Wife which he had, nor have his Daughter whom he had promised unto him. Masiste was much grieved with these words, but much more, when returning home, he found his Wife most butcherly mangled by the Queen Amestris, who had caused her Nose, Lips, Ears, and Tongue to be cut off, and her Breasts in like manner, which were cast unto Dogs. Masiste enraged with this villainy, took his way with his children, and some Friends, towards Bactria, of which Province he was Governor, intending to rebel and avenge himself. But Xerxes understanding his purpose, caused an Army to be levied, which cut him off by the way, putting him and all his Company to the sword. Such was the Tyrannical condition of the Persian Government; and such are generally the effects of Luxury, when it is joined with absolute power.  
Yet of Xerxes it is noted, that he was a Prince of much virtue. And therefore Alexander the Great, 〈◊〉 an Image of his overthrown, and lying upon the ground, said, That he doubted, whither in regard of his virtue, he should again erect it, or, for the mischief done by him to Greece, should let it lie. But surely whatsoever his other good qualities were, he was foolish, and was a coward, and consequently merciless.  
Therefore we may firmly believe, that the virtue of Cyrus was very great, upon which the foundation of the Persian Empire was so surely laid, that all the wickedness and vanities of Xerxes, and other worse Princes, could not over throw it, until it was broken by a virtue almost equal to that which did establish it. In wars against the Egyptians, the fortune of Xerxes did continued, as at the first it had been very good; but against the general estate of Greece, neither he, nor any of his posterity, did ever make offensive war, but received many losses in Asia, to which the last at Mycale served but as an introduction; teaching the Greeks', and especially the Athenians, that the Persian was no better Soldier at his own doors, than in a foreign Country: whereof good trial was made forthwith, and much better proof as soon as the affairs of Athens were quietly settled and assured.  
From this time forward I will therefore pursue the History of Greece, taking in the matters of Persia, as also the estate of other Countries, collaterally, when the order of time shall present them. True it is, that the Persian estate continued in her greatness, many Ages following, in such wise that the known parts of the World had no other Kingdom, representing the Majesty of a great Empire.  
But this greatness depended only upon the riches and power that had formerly been acquired, 〈◊〉 few actions or noon that were worthy of remembrance, excepting some Tragedies of the Court, and examples of that excessive Luxury, wherewith both it, and all, or the most of Empires that ever were, have been eneruated, made unwieldy, and (as it were) fattened for the hungry swords of poor and hardy Enemies. Hereby it come to pass, that Xerxes and his successors were feign to defend their Crowns with money and base policies; very seldom or never (unless it were with great advantage) daring to adventure the trial of plain battle with that little Nation of Greece, which would soon have ruined the foundations laid by Cyrus, had not private malice and jealousy urged every City to envy the height of her Neighbour's walls, and thereby diverted the swords of the Greeks' into their own bowels, which after the departure of Xerxes began very well, and might better have continued, to hue out the way of conquest, on the side of Asia.    

CHAP. VII. Of things that passed in Greece from the end of the Persian War, to the beginning of the Peloponnesian.  

§. I. How Athens was rebuilt and fortified.  
AFTER that the Medes and Persians' had received their last blow, and were utterly beaten at Mycale: Leotychides, who then commanded the Grecian Army, leaving the pursuit of the war to the Athenians, assisted by the revolted jones, returned with the Lacedæmonians and other Peloponnesians to Sparta and other places, out of which they had been levied. The Athenians in the mean while besieged Sestos, a City on the straight of the Hellespont, between which and Abydus, Xerxes had lately fastened his Bridge of Boats: where the inhabitants, desperate of succour, did not long dispute the defence thereof, but quit it to the Greeks', who entertained themselves the Winter following on that side the Hellespont. In the Spring they drew homeward, and having left their wives and children, since the invasion of Attica, and the abandoning of Athens, in divers Islands, and at Troezen, they now found them out, and returned with them to their own places.  
And though the most part of all their houses in Athens were burnt and broken down, and the walls of the City over-turned, yet they resolved first on their common defence, and to fortify their City, before they cared to cover themselves, their wives and children, with any private buildings: Whereof the Lacedæmonians being advertised, and misliking the fortifying of Athens, both in respect that their own City of Sparta was unwalled, as also because the Athenians were grown more powerful by Sea, than either themselves, or any other State of Greece, they dispatched messengers to the Athenians to dissuade them; not acknowledging any private mislike or jealousy, but pretending, that if the Persians' should return to invade Greece a third time, the Athenians being in no better state to defend themselves than heretofore, the same would serve to receive their enemies, and to be made a Seat for the War, as Thebes had lately been. To this the Athenians promised to give them satisfaction by their own Ambassadors very speedily. But being resolved to go on with their works by the advice of Themistocles, they held the Lacedæmonians in hope of the contrary, till they had raised their walls to that height, as they cared not for their mislikes, nor doubted their disturbance; and therefore (to gain time) they dispatched Themistocles towards Lacedaemon, giving him for excuse, that he could not deliver the Athenians resolutions, till the arrival of his fellow-Commissioners, who were of purpose retarded. But after a while, the Lacedæmonians expectation being converted into jealousy (for by the arrival of divers persons out of Attica, they were told for certain, That the walls of Athens were speedily grown up beyond expectation) Themistocles prayed them not to believe reports and vain rumours, but that they would be pleased to sand some of their own trusty Citizens to Athens, from whose relation they might resolve themselves, and determine accordingly. Which request being granted, and Commissioners sent, Themistocles dispatched one of his own, by whom he advised the Athenians, first to entertain the Lacedæmonians with some such discourse as might retain them a few days, and in conclusion to hold them among them, till himself and the other Athenian Ambassadors, then at Sparta, had their liberty also to return. Which done, and being also assured by his associates and Aristides, that Athens was already defensible on all parts, Themistocles demanding audience, made the Lacedæmonians know, That it was true that the walls of Athens were now raised to that height, as the Athenians doubted not the defence of their City; praying the Lacedæmonians to believe, That when soever it pleased them to treat with the Athenians, they would know them for such, as right well understood what appertained to a Commonweal and their own safety, without direction and advice from any other: That they had in the war of Xerxes abandoned their City, and committed themselves to the wooden walls of their ships, from the resolution of their own counsels and courage, and not thereto taught or persuaded by others: and 〈◊〉, in all that perilous war against the Persians' they found their own judgements and the execution thereof in nothing inferior, or less fortunate, than that of any other Nation, State, or Commonweal among the Greeks'; And therefore concluded, that they determined to be Masters and judges of their own affairs, and thought it good reason, that either all the Cities confedered within Greece should be left open, or else that the walls of Athens should be finished and maintained.  
The Lacedæmonians finding the time unfit for quarrel, dissembled their mislike, both of the fortifying of Athens, and of the division, and so suffered the Athenians to departed, and received back from them their own Ambassadors.  
The walls of Athens finished, they also fortified the Port Pyreus, by which they might under covert embark themselves upon all occasions.   

§. II The beginning of the Athenian greatness, and prosperous wars made by that State upon the Persian.  
THe Athenians having settled things in good order at home, prepared thirty Galleys for the pursuit of the war against the Persians', to which the Lacedæmonians added other twenty; and with this Fleet, strengthened by the rest of the Cities of Greece confederated, they set sail for 〈◊〉, under the conduct of 〈◊〉 the Lacedaemonian; where after their landing having possessed themselves of many principal places, they embarked the Army again, and took land in Thrace, recovering from the Persians' by force the City Byzantium, now Constantinople: from whence Pausanias, behaving himself more like a Tyrant than a Captain, especially towards the jonians lately revolted from Xerxes, was called back by the counsel of Lacedaemon, and not only accused of many insolent behaviours, but of intelligence with the Medes, and Treason against his Country. In his stead they employed Docres, who either gave the same cause of offence; or else the Athenians, who affected the first commandment in that war, practised the soldiers to complain, though indeed the wise and virtuous behaviour of Aristides, General of the Athenian forces, a man of rare and incomparable sincerity, had been able to make a good Commander seem ill in comparison of himself; and therefore was much more available, in rendering those detested, whose vices afforded little matter of excuse. Howsoever it were, the Lacedæmonians being no less weary of the war, than the Athenians were eager to pursue it, the one obtained their ease, and the other the execution and honour which they desired: for all the Greeks' (those of Peloponnesus excepted) willingly subjected themselves to the commandment of the Athenians, which was both the beginning of their greatness in that present age, and of their ruin in the next 〈◊〉. For the charge of the war being now committed unto them, they began to rate the confederated 〈◊〉, they appointed 〈◊〉 and Treasurers, and began to levy money, according to their discretion, for the maintenance of the general defence of Greece, and for the recovering of those places on Europe side, in Asia the less, and the Islands, from the Persians'. This tribute (the first that was 〈◊〉 paid by the Greeks') amounted to four hundred and threescore Talents; which was raised easily by the honest care of that just man Aristides, to whose discretion all the 〈◊〉 referred themselves, and no one man found occasion to complain of him. But as the virtue of Aristides, and other worthy 〈◊〉, brought unto the Athenians great commodity; so the desire which they conceived of increasing their commodity, corrupted their virtue, and robbing 〈◊〉 of the general love, which had made them powerful, abandoned their 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 of her 〈◊〉, which with her in the next age perished. For it was not long ere these four hundred & threescore Talents were raised to six hundred, 〈◊〉 long, after that, 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 Tyranny had converted their followers into slaves, and extorted from them yearly thirteen hundred Talents. The Isle of Delos was at the first appointed for the treasurehouse wherein these sums were laid up; and where, at the general 〈◊〉, the Captains of those forces, sent by the confederates, were for 〈◊〉 sake called to consultation. But the Athenians, who were stronger by sea than all Greece beside, had locked up the common treasure in an Island, under their own protection, from whence they might transport it at their pleasure, as afterward they did.  
The general Commander in this War was Cimon, the son of Miltiades, who first took Eiona, upon the River Strimon; then the 〈◊〉 of Sciros, inhabited by the Dolopes: they mastered the Caristij, and brought into servitude the Naxij, contrary to the form of the confederacy: So did they other the inhabitants of Greece, if at any time they failed of their contribution, or disobeyed their commandments; taking upon them and usurping a kind of sovereign authority over the rest: which they exercised the more assuredly, because they were now become Lords of the Sea, and could not be resisted. For many of the confederated Cities and Nations, weary of the war in their own persons, and given up altogether to their ease, made choice rather to pay their parts in money, than either in 〈◊〉 of war, or in shippesl leaving the provision of both to the Athenians. 〈◊〉 the one grew weak in all their Sea-defences, and in the exercise of the Wars; the other greatly strengthened their Navy and their experiences, being always armed and employed in honourable Services, at the cost of those, who having lifted them into their Saddles, were now enforced to become their footmen. Yet was the Tribute-money, levied upon these their confederates, employed so well by the Athenians at the first (as ill proceed are often founded upon good beginnings) that no great cause of repining was given. For they rigged out a great Fleet of Galleys, very well manned, wherewith Cimon the Admiral scouring the Asiaticke Seas, took in the City of Phaselis; which having formerly pretended neutrality, and refused to relieve, or any way assist the Greeks', were enforced to pay 〈◊〉 Talents for a fine, and so to become followers of the Athenians, paying yearly contribution.  
From thence he set sail for the River Eurymedon in Pamphylia, where the Persian Fleet road, being of six hundred sail, or (according to the most sparing report) three hundred and fifty, and having a great land-army, encamped upon the shore; all which forces having been provided for advancing the 〈◊〉 affairs in Greece, were utterly defeated in one day, and two hundred ships taken by the Athenians, the 〈◊〉 being broken to pieces, or sunk, 〈◊〉 ever they had swam in the 〈◊〉 Seas. 〈◊〉 having in one day obtained two great victories, the one by the Sea, and the other by Land, was very soon presented with a third. For fourscore sail of Phoenicians (who were the best of all Sea men, under the Persian command) 〈◊〉 to have joined themselves with the Fleet 〈◊〉 destroyed, arrived upon the same Coast, ignorant of what had passed, and 〈◊〉 nothing less than what 〈◊〉. Upon the first notice of their approach, Cimon weighed anchor, & meeting them at an head-Land, called Hydra, did so amaze them, that they only sought to run themselves on ground; by which mean preserving few of their men, they lost all their ships. These losses did so break the courage of the Persian, that, omitting all hope of prevailing upon Greece, he condescended to whatsoever Articles it pleased the Athenians to propound, granting liberty unto all the Greeks' inhabiting Asia; and further covenanting, That noon of his ships of War should sail to the Westward of the Isles, called Cyaneae and Chelidoniae.  
This was the most honourable peace that ever the Greeks' made; neither did they in effect, after this time, make any war that redounded to the profit or glory of the whole Nation, till such time as, under Alexander, they overthrew the Empire of Persia; in which War few, or perhaps noon of them, had any place of great command, but served altogether under the Macedonians.   

§. III The death of XERXES by the treason of ARTABANUS.  
BEsides these losses, which could not easily have been repaired, the troubles of the Empire were at this time such, as gave just cause to the Persian of seeking peace upon any terms not altogether intolerable. For Artabanus, the uncle of Xerxes, perceiving, that the King his master did easily take small occasions to shed the blood of such, as in kindred or place were near unto him, began to repose less hope of safety in remaining faithful, than of obtaining the Sovereignty, by destroying a Prince that was so hated for his cruelty, and despised for his cowardice and misfortunes. Having conceived this Treason, he found means to execute it by Mithridates an Eunuch, in such close manner, that (as if he himself had been innocent) he accused Darius the son of Xerxes, and caused him to suffer death as a Parricide. Whither it be true, that by this great wickedness he got the Kingdom, and held it seven months; or whither intending the like evil to Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes, he was by him prevented and surprised, it were hard to affirm any certainty. But all Writers agreed upon this, That taken he was, and with his whole family put to death by extreme torments, according to the sentence, whereof the truth is more 〈◊〉 than the Verse.  

Raro antecedentem scelestum  
Deseruit pede poena claudo.   

Seldom the villain, though much haste he make,  
Lame-footed Vengeance fails to overtake.    

§. FOUR The banishment of THEMISTOCLES: His flight to ARTAXERXES newly 〈◊〉 in Persia; and his death.  
ARTAXERXES being established in his Kingdom, and having so compounded with the Athenians, as the present necessity of his affairs required, began to conceive new hopes of better fortune against the Greeks', than he or his predecessors had ever hitherto found. For the people of Athens, when the Persians' were chased out of Greece, did so highly value their own merits in that service, that they not only thought it fit for themselves to become the Commanders over many Towns and Islands of the Greeks', but, even within their own walls, they would admit noon other form of Government than merely democratical. Herein they were so insolent, that no integrity nor good desert was able to preserve the estate of any such as had borne great office, longer than, by flattering the rascal multitude, he was contented to frame all his words and deeds to their good liking.  
This their intolerable demeanour much offended 〈◊〉; who, though in former times he had laid the foundations of his greatness upon popularity, yet now presuming upon his good 〈◊〉 done to the State, he thought that with great reason they might grant him the liberty to check their inordinate proceed. But contrariwise, they were so highly offended with his often 〈◊〉 the benefits which they had received from him, that they laid upon him the punishment of Ostracism, whereby he was banished for ten years, as a man over-burthensome to the Commonwealth.  
Before the time of his return was half expired, a new accusation was brought against him by the Lacedæmonians, who charged him of consulting with Pausanias, about betraying the whole Country of Greece unto Xerxes. Hereupon Themistocles finding no place of security against the malice of two such mighty Cities, was driven, after many troublesome flights, and dangerous remove, to adventure himself into Persia; where he found Artaxerxes newly settled, and was by him very honourably entertained. But the great hope which Artaxerxes had conceived of advancing his affairs by the counsel and assistance of Themistocles, proved altogether fruitless. For when the Athenians, in favour of Inarus the Lybian, (who infested Egypt, causing it to rebel against the Persian) had sent a Fleet to Sea, landing an Army in Egypt, and scouring those Eastern Seas, to the great hindrance of Artaxerxes, and (for aught that I can understand) to the manifest breach of that peace, which to their great honour they had concluded with 〈◊〉; then did the King sand his Letters to Themistocles, requiring him to make good the hopes which he had given, of assuring the Persian estate against the Greeks'.  
But whither Themistocles perceived much unlikeliness of good success, in leading a great Army of dastardly Persians' against the warlike people of Greece; or else (as in favour of his virtue it is more commonly reported) the love of his Country would not permit him to seek honour by the ruin of it: sure it is, that being appointed by Artaxerxes to undertake the conduct 〈◊〉 great forces against the Athenians, he decided the great conflict between thankfulness to his well-deserving Prince, and natural affection to his own ill-deserving people, by finishing his life with a cup of poison.   

§. V How the Athenians, breaking the peace, which to their great honour they had made with the Persian, were shamefully beaten in Egypt.  
〈◊〉 was Artaxerxes driven to use the service of his own Captains in the Egyptian war, wherein it appeared well, That a just cause is a good defence against a strong enemy. An 〈◊〉 Fleet of two hundred sail strong was sent forth under Cimon, to take in the Isle of Cyprus: which conquest seemed easy both to make and to maintain, the Persian being utterly broken at Sea, and thereby unable to 〈◊〉 the Island. Now although it were so, that a peace had been concluded, which was likely to have been kept sincerely by the Persian, who had made so good proof of the Grecian valour, that he was nothing desirous to build any ships of War (without which the Greeks' could receive no harm from him) whereof if any one should be found sailing towards Greece, the peace was immediately broken, 〈◊〉 if not, his whole estate; yet all the Sea-coast (no small part of his Dominions) 〈◊〉 to the waste of an enemy too far over-matching him. Yet whither the Athenians were in doubt, jest the league which in his own worse fortunes he had made with them, he would break in theirs; and therefore sought to get such assurance into their hands, as might utterly disable him from attempting aught against them; or whither the increase of their revenues and power, by adding that rich and great Island to their Empire, caused them to measure honour by profit; they thought it the wisest way, to take whilst they might, whatsoever they were able to get and hold, and 〈◊〉 unable to defend.  
The Isle of Cypress lying in the bottom of the straits between Cilicia, Syria and Egypt, is very fitly seated for any Prince of State, that being mighty at Sea, doth either seek to enrich himself by trade with those Countries, or to infested one or more of them when they are his enemies. And this being the purpose of the Athenians, their Ambition which had already devoured, in conceit, this Island, was on the sudden well nigh choked with a greater morsel, to smatch at which, they let Cyprus alone, which they might easily have swallowed and digested. For Inarus King of the Lybians confining Egypt, having found how greatly the Country was exhausted by the late wars, and how weakly defended by very slender Persian garrisons, conceived rightly, that if such small forces as the Satrapa or Viceroy could make on the sudden of his own Guards, or levy out of the ordinary Garrisons, were by him defeated; the naturals of the Country, not long since oppressed by Cambyses, and after a revolt very lately subdued by Xerxes, would soon break faith with him who had no other title to that kingdom than a good sword. Further, he persuaded himself that the people, unable to defend themselves against the Persian without his assistance; would easily be drawn to accept him, the author of their deliverance for king. Neither did this hope deceive him. For having taken and cruelly slain Achaemenes the Viceroy; divers Cities forthwith declared themselves for him, and proclaiming him king, showed the most of their endeavour for prosecution of the war. But he considering his own weakness, and that the means of the Egyptians his 〈◊〉 were not answerable to their desires, perceived well, that to resist the power of Artaxerxes, far greater forces than his and theirs were to be procured, at what price 〈◊〉 he obtained them. Therefore hearing of the great Athenian fleet, and knowing well the virtue of the soldiers therein embarked; he invited the Commanders to share with him the kingdom of Egypt, as a far greater reward of their adventure, than such an addition as that of Cyprus could be to their estate. Whither he or they (if things had wholly sorted according to their expectation) would have been contented with an equal share, and not have fallen out in the partition, were perhaps a divination 〈◊〉. He was possessed of the people's love, they were of most power. But the issue of those affairs was such as left them nothing to communicate but misfortunes, which they shared somewhat equally. Yet had the beginnings of their enterprise very good and hopeful success: For they entered the Land as far as to Memphis, the principal City; and of the City itself they took two parts: to the 〈◊〉 part, which was called the White wall, they laid such hard siege, that neither those forces of the Persians', which then were in Egypt, were strong enough to remove them; neither could Artaxerxes well devise what means to use for the 〈◊〉 of that which was lost, or for the preservation of the remainder. The best of his hope was by setting the Lacedæmonians upon Athens, to enforce the Athenians to look homewards to their own defence. This was the first time that the Persian sought to procure 〈◊〉 of the Greeks' one against the other, by 〈◊〉 them up with gold to the entertainment of private quarrels, for the good of their common enemy. To this purpose he sent Megabazus to Sparta with much Treasure; who, after great expense, finding that the Lacedæmonians were nothing forward in employing their whole force against the Athenians, whom in many conflicts of great importance they had found to be their matches, notwithstanding the absence of their Army in Egypt; he thought it his wisest way to employ the rest of his money & means to their relief, who had now the space of six years defended his masters right in Egypt. Therefore he hastily dispatched another of his name, the son of Zopyrus, who arriving in Egypt, was first encountered by the revolted people; over whom he obtained a victory, which made him master of the Country, whilst the Athenians lay busied about Memphis the great City. It cannot be doubted, that long abode in a strange air, and want of supply, had much enfeebled the Athenians: sure it is, that when Megabazus, having reduced the Country to obedience, 
Prosopites an Island between the Rivers of Taly and Pharmutiacus, two of the out lets of Nilus, towards Alexandria.  attempted the City itself, whither his former success had amended the courage of the Persians', or want of necessaries made the Athenians inferior to themselves, he chased them out of Memphis, and pursued them so near, as they were forced to fortify themselves in the Isle of Prosopites, where Megabazus, after eighteen months siege, turning away one part of the River by divers Trenches, assaulted the Athenian without impediment of waters, took their Galleys, and put all to the 
Mendesus is an Island in the mouth of Nilus, between the outlet called Busiriticus and Diolcos'.  sword, save a few that saved themselves by flight into Lybia; the same entertainment had fifty other Galleys which they sent to the succour of the first two hundred. For those Athenians having 〈◊〉 nothing that their Fleet and Army was consumed, entered by the branch of Nilus, called Mendesium, and fell unawares among the Phoenician Galleys and the Persian Army; so as the Persians' recovered all 
But the branch of Nilus, called Mendesium, 〈◊〉 in to the Sea by the City 〈◊〉.  Egypt, but that part held by Amyrteus, and Inarus the King of 〈◊〉, being by them taken and hanged. This was the end of the Athenians six years war in Egypt, and the reward of their vanity and indiscretion to undertake many enterprises at once.   

§. VI Of other Wars made by the Athenians for the most part with good success, about the same time.  
NOtwithstanding these overthrows in Egypt, yet the Athenians in their home-warres waded through many difficulties, and held the reputation of their forces against the Lacedæmonians, Corinthians, and others, rather to their advantage than otherwise. For as they were beaten near unto Halia by the Corinthians & Epidaurians, so they obtained two great victories soon after; the one over the Peloponnesians, near unto Cecryphalia; the other over the Aeginets, near unto Aegina; where they sunk and carried away threescore and ten Galleys of their Enemies. Furthermore, they landed their forces on the sudden, and besieged Aegina, from whence they could not be moved, notwithstanding that the Corinthians, to divert them, invaded Megara; where, after a great fight, with equal loss, the Corinthians, when they returned again to set up their Trophy, as Victors in the former battle, were utterly broken and slaughtered by the Athenian Garrisons, and Megarians, to their great loss and dishonour.  
Again, as the Athenians were discomfited near to Tanagra, by the Lacedæmonians, who returned from the succour of the Dorians against the Phocians, (at which time the Thessalian horsemen turned from their Allies the Athenians, and fought against them) so about threescore days after, the Athenians entered Boeotia under the conduct of Myronides, 〈◊〉 beating that Nation, they wan Phocis on the gulf Oeteus, and evened the walls of Tanagra to the ground. Finally, they enforced 〈◊〉 to tender upon most base conditions; as to beaten down the walls of their City, and to give them hostages for Tribute; the siege whereof they had continued, notwithstanding all their other brabbles and attempts elsewhere. Besides these victories they sacked and spoiled many places upon the Sea-coast of Peloponnesus, belonging to the Lacedæmonians; wan upon the Corinthians, and overthrew the Sicyonians that come to their succour. 〈◊〉 were the undertakings of the Athenians, and their Allies, during the time of those six years that a part of their forces made war in Egypt. In the end whereof they attempted Thessaly, persuaded thereunto by Orestes, but were resisted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King Pharsalus, who had chased Orestes out of his Dominions. They also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and had victory over those that resisted, after which they made 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 for five years, and sent Cimon into Cyprus with two hundred 〈◊〉, but they were again alured by Amyrteus one of the race of their former Kings, who held the Marish & Woody parts of Egypt from the 〈◊〉, to whom they sent sixty of their ships. The rest of their Army failing in their enterprise of Cyprus, and their fortunate and victorious Leader Cymon dying there, as they coasted the Island, encountered a fleet of the Phoenicians and 〈◊〉, over both which Nations they returned victorious into Greece: as also those returned safe which were sent into Egypt.   

§. VII. Of ARTAXERXES LONGIMANUS, that he was AHASHVEROSH the husband of Queen HESTER.  
THese Egyptian troubles being ended, the reign of Artaxerxes continued peaceable, whereof the length is by some restrained into twenty years, but the more and better Authors give him forty, some allow unto him four and forty. He was a Prince of much humanity, and noted for many examples of gentleness. His favour was exceeding great to the jews, as appeareth by the Histories of Esdras and Nehemias, which fell in his time.  
To prove that this was the King who gave countenance and aid to that great work of building the Temple, it were a needless travail; considering that all the late Divines have 〈◊〉 very much pain, to show that those two Prophets were licenced by him, and succoured in that building, in such sort as appears in their writings.  
This was likewise that King Ahashuerosh who married Hester. Whereof if it be needful to give proof, it may suffice; That Ahashuerosh lived in Susa, reigning from India to Aethiopia, and therefore must have been a Persian; That he lived in peace, as appears by the circumstances of the History, and used the counsel of the seven Princes, the authority of which Princes began under Darius, the son of Hystaspes, wherefore he could be neither Cyrus nor Cambyses.  
The continual Wars which exercised King Darius the son of Hystaspes, together with the certainty of his marriages with sundry wives, from noon of whom he was divorced, but left his first wife Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, alive in great honour, she being mother to Xerxes the succeeding King; do manifestly prove that Hester was not his. Whereunto is added by Philo the jew, That at the persuasion of Mardochaeus, joiachim the high Priest the son of jesua, caused the feast of Purim to be instituted in memory of that deliverance. Now the time of jotachim was in the reign of Artaxerxes, at the coming of Esdras, and Nehemias: jesua his father dying about the end of Darius.  
The same continuance of wars, with other his furious and tragical loves, wherewith Xerxes did consume such little time, as he had free from war, are enough to prove, that the story of Hester pertained not unto the time of Xerxes, who lived but one and twenty years, whereas the two & thirtieth of Ahasuerus or Artasastha is expressed by Nehemias. Again, it is well known, that Xerxes in the seventh year of his reign (wherein this marriage must have been celebrated) come not near to Susa. Of the Princes that succeeded Artaxerxes Longimanus, to prove that noon of them could be Ahashuerosh, it is enough to say, that Mardochaeus having been carried from 〈◊〉 captive, with jechonia, by Nabuchadnezzar, was unlikely to have lived unto their times.  
But of this Artaxerxes it is true, that he lived in Susa, reigned from India to Aethiopia, lived in peace, was contemporarie with joiakim the high Priest: and further he had happily by his Lieutenants reclaimed the rebellious Egyptians in that seventh year of his reign; which good fortune might well give occasion to such a Royal feast, as is described in the beginning of the book of Hester. This is the sum of the arguments, brought to prove the age of Hester's story by the learned and diligent Krentzhemius, who adds the authorities of josephus, affirming the same, and of Philo, giving to Mardochaeus eighteen years more than Isaac the Patriarch lived, namely, one hundred fourscore and eighteen years in all, which expire in the five and thirtieth of year of this Artaxerxes, if we suppose him to have been carried away captive, being a Boy of ten years old.   

§. VIII. Of the troubles in Greece, foregoing the Peloponnesian War.  
But it is fit that we now return to the affairs of the Greeks', who from this time forward, more vehemently prosecuting their civil wars, suffered the Persians' for many ages to rest in peace: this Egyptian expedition being come to naught. Soon after this, the Lacedæmonians undertook the war called, Sacred, recovered the 〈◊〉 and Isle of 〈◊〉, and delivered both to the inhabitants; but the Athenians regained the same, and gave it in charge to the Phocians. In the mean while the banished Boeotians 〈◊〉 their own Land, and mastered two of their own Towns possessed by the Athenians, which they soon recovered again from them; but in their return towards Athens, the Boeotians, Euboeans, and Locreans, (Nations oppressed by the Athenians) set upon them with such resolution, as the Athenians were in that fight all slain 〈◊〉 taken, whereby the Boeotians recovered their former liberty, restoring to the Athenians their prisoners. The Islanders of Euboea took such courage upon this, that they revolted wholly from the Athenians, whom when Pericles intended to reconquer, he was advertised that the Megarians, (who first left the Lacedæmonians, and submitted themselves to Athens) being now weary of their yoke, had slain the Athenian Garrisons, and joined themselves with the Corinthians, Sicyonians, and Epidaurians. These news hastened Pericles homeward with all possible speed; but ere he could recover Attica, the Peloponnesians, led by Plistoanax, the son of Pausanias, had invaded it, pillaged, and burnt many parts thereof; after whose return Pericles went on with his first intent and recovered Euboea. Finally, the Athenians began to treat of peace with the Peloponnesians, and yielded to deliver up all the places which they held in the Country of Peloponnesus: and this truce was made for thirty years. After six of these years were expired, the Athenians (favouring the Mylesians against the Samians) invaded Samos by Pericles, and after many repulses, and some great losses, both by Sea and Land, the citizens were forced to yield themselves upon most lamentable conditions; Namely, to deliver up all their ships, to break down their own walls, to pay the charge of the war, and to restore whatsoever had been taken by themselves, or by their practice, from the Athenians. In the neck of which followed that long and cruel Peloponnesian War, whereof I have gathered this brief following: the same contention taking beginning fifty years after the flight of Xerxes out of Greece. But because there was no City thereof, which either in the beginning of this war, or in the continuance of it, was not drawn into the quarrel: I hold it convenient now at the first to show briefly the estate of the Country at that time, and especially the condition of those two great Cities, Athens, and Sparta, upon which all the rest had most dependence.    

CHAP. VIII. Of the Peloponnesian War.  

§. I. Upon what terms the two principal Cities of Greece, Athens and Sparta, stood, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War.  
GREECE was never united under the government of any one Prince or Estate; until Philip of Macedon, and after him Alexander, brought them rather to a Union and League against the Persian, whereof they were Captains, than into any absolute subjection. For every Estate held their own, and were governed by Laws far different, and by their own Magistrates, notwithstanding the power of the Macedonians, to whom they did yielded obedience no otherwise than as to such, who were (perforce) their leaders in the Persian war (deemed the General quarrel of Greece) and took the profit and honour of the victory, to their own use and increase of 〈◊〉. But the Kings which afterwards reigned in Macedonia, did so far enlarge their authority, that all Greece was by them brought under such obedience, as differed little from servitude; very few excepted, who could hardly, sometimes with arms, and sometimes with gifts, preserve their liberty; of whom the Lacedamonians and Athenians were chief: which two people deserved best the plague of tyranny, having first given occasion thereunto, by their great ambition, which wearied and weakened all the Country by perpetual War. For until these two Cities of Athens and Sparta 〈◊〉 all Greece, drawing every State into the quarrel, on the one or other side, and so gave beginning to the Peloponnesian war (the effects whereof in true estimation ceased not, before the time that Philip had overmastred all, forasmuch as every conclusion of one war afforded henceforth matter to some new distraction of the whole Country) the wars, commenced between one City of Greece and an other, were neither great, 〈◊〉 of long continuance. All controversies were soon decided, either by the authority of the Amphictiones, who were the general Council of Greece; or by the power of the Lacedæmonians, whose aid was commonly held as good as the assurance of victory.  
These Lacaedemonians had lived about four hundred years under one form of Government, when the Peloponnesian war began. Their education was only to practise feats of Arms; wherein they so excelled, that a very few of them were thought equal to very great numbers of any other people. They were poor, and cared not much for wealth; every one had an equal portion of the common field, which sufficed to maintain him in such manner of life as they used. For bravery they had noon, and curious building or apparel they regarded not. Their diet was simple, their feasts and ordinary meals being in common Halls, where all fared alike. They used money of iron, whereof they could not be covetous nor great hoarders. Briefly, they lived Utopian- like, save that they used no other occupation than War, placing all their felicity in the glory of their valour. Hereby it come to pass that in all enterprises, whereof they were partakers, the leading and high command was granted to them, and all Greece followed their conduct. But the Athenians were in all points contrary to this. For they sought wealth, and measured the honours of their victories by the profit; they used mercenary Soldiers in their wars, and exacted great tribute of their Subjects, which were for the most part Islanders, compelled to obey them, because the Athenian fleet was great.  
As in form of policy, and in course of life, so in conditions natural, the difference between these two people was very much. The Athenians were eager and violent, sudden in their conclusions, and as hasty in the execution; The Lacedæmonians very slow in their deliberations, full of gravity, but very resolute, and such as would in cold blood perform what the Athenians did usually in flagrant. Whereby it come to pass, that the Lacedæmonians had all the Estates of 〈◊〉 depending upon them, as on men firm and assured, that sought honour and not riches; whereas the Athenians were followed by such as obeyed them perforce, being held in strait subjection. But the Signory of the Athenians was nothing large, until such time as the Persian Xerxes had invaded Greece, pretending only a quarrel to Athens: For then the Citizens perceiving well, that the Town of Athens could not be defended against his great Army of seventeen hundred thousand men, bestowed all their wealth upon a Navy, and (assisted by the other Grecians) overthrew the fleet of Xerxes, whose Land-forces were soon after discomfited by them, and the Greeks', who all served under conduct of the Spartans'. After these victories, the Athenians being now very mighty in fleet, reduced all the islands of the Greekish Seas under their obedience; imposing upon them a hard tribute, for maintenance (as they 〈◊〉) of war against the Persian; though indeed they employed their forces chief, to the conquest of such islands, and haven-townes, of their own Countrymen, as stood out against them. All which was easily suffered by the 〈◊〉, who were In-landers, and men that delighted not in expeditions to be made far from home. But afterwards perceiving the power of the Athenians to grow great, they held them in much jealousy, and were very apt to quarrel with them; but much more willing to breed contention between them and other Estates. Wherhfore at such time as the Thebans would have oppressed the Plataeans, when they of Plataea repaired to Sparta for succour, they found there no other aid, than this advice, That they should seek help at Athens. Hereby it was was 〈◊〉, that the Athenians should be entangled in a long and tedious War, with their neighbours of Thebes. But it proved otherwise; for their force was now so great, that all such occasions did only serve to increase their honour and pvissance.   

§. II How Sparta and Athens entered into War.  
Nevertheless many Estates of Greece were very ill affected to Athens, because that City grew very insolent upon sudden prosperity, and maintaining the weaker Towns against the stronger, encroached apace upon their Neighbours, taking their dependents from them. Especially the Corinthians were much enraged, because the people of the Island Corcyra, their 〈◊〉 which had rebelled against them, and given them a great overthrow by Sea, was by the Athenians (who desired to increase their fleet by adjoining that of Corcyra unto it) taken into protection, and the Corinthians thereby impeached of that revenge which else they would have taken. Now howsoever it were so, that these dealings of the Athenians were not directly against the conditions of peace agreed upon among the Greeks', yet were the complaints made at Sparta so vehement, that (though with much ado) they concluded to redress by war the injuries done to their Allies.  
First therefore seeking religious pretences, they required the Athenians to expiate certain offences committed against the gods; whereto having for answer, That they themselves should expiate other the like offences, committed in Sparta; they began to deal plainly, and required that the people of some Towns, oppressed by the Estate of Athens, should be set at liberty; and that a decree made against those of Megara, whereby they were forbidden to enter any Port of the Athenians, should be reversed. This last point they so earnestly pressed, that if they might obtain it, they promised to absist from their purpose of making War.  
This they desired, not as a matter of any great importance (for it was a trifle) but only that by seeming to have obtained somewhat, they might preserve their reputation without entering into a war, which threatened them with greater difficulties apparent, than they were very willing to under- 〈◊〉.  
But the Athenians would yield to nothing; for it was their whole desire that all Greece should take notice, how far they were from fear of any other City. Hereupon they prepared on both sides very strongly, all that was needful to the War; wherein the Lacedæmonians were Superior, both in number and quality, being assisted by most of the Cities in Greece; and having the general favour, as men that pretended to set at liberty such as were oppressed: but the Athenians did as far exceed them in all provisions of Money, Shipping, Engines, and absolute power of command among their Subjects; which they held; and afterward found of greater use in such need, than the willing readiness of friends, who soon grow weary, and are not easily assembled.   

§. III The beginning of the Peloponnesian War.  
THe first and second years expedition was very grievous to the City of Athens. For the fields were wasted, the Trees cut down; the Country people driven to fly, with Wives, Children, and Cat-tail, into the Town; whereby a most furious pestilence grew in the City, such as before they had neither felt, 〈◊〉 heard of. Hereunto was 〈◊〉 the revolt of the Mytilenians, in the Isle of Lesbos, and the siege of Plataea their confederated City, which they durst not adventure to raise, besides some small overthrows received. The Lacedæmonians assembling as great forces as they could raise out of Peloponnesus, did in the beginning of Summer enter the Country of Attica, and therein abide, until victuals began to fail, wasting and destroying all things round about: The Governors of the Athenians would not suffer the people to issue into the field against them; for they knew the valour of their Enemies; but used to sand a fleet into Peloponnesus, which wasted as fast all the Sea-coast of their Enemies, whilst they were making 〈◊〉 in Attica. So the Peloponnesians being the stronger by Land, wan the Town of Plataea, which wanted rescue; the Athenians likewise being more mighty by Sea, did subdue 〈◊〉 which had rebelled, but could not be succoured from Sparta. By these proceed in that war, the Lacedæmonians began to perceive how unfit they were to deal with such enemies. For after that Attica was thoroughly wasted, it lay not greatly in their power to do any offence equal to such harm as they themselves might, and did receive. Their Confederates began to set forward very slowly in their expeditions into Attica; perceiving well that Athens was plentifully relieved with all necessaries, which come by the Sea from the islands that were subject unto that Estate; and therefore these invaders took small pleasure in beholding the walls of that mighty City, or in wasting a forsaken field, which was to them a pattern of the calamities, with which their own Territory was the whilst afflicted. Wherhfore they began to set their care to build a strong Navy, wherein they had little good success, being easily vanquished by the Athenians, who both had more and better ships, and were so skilful in Sea-fights, that a few Vessels of theirs durst undertake a great number of the Peloponnesians.   

§. FOUR Of the great loss which the Spartans' received at Pylus.  
AMong other losses which the Spartans' had felt by Sea; they received at Pylus a very sore blow, that compelled them to sue for peace. A 〈◊〉 of Athenian ships bound for Corcyra, wasting in that passage, as their manner was, the coast of Laconia, and all the half Isle of Peloponnesus, was by contrary winds detained at Pylus, which is a ragged 〈◊〉, joining to the main, by a strange 〈◊〉 of Land. Before it there lies a small barren Island of less than two mile's compass, and within that a creak, which is a good harbour for ships, the force of weather being borne off by the head Land and Isle. This Promontory the Athenians fortified, as well as in haste they might; and what was wanting in their artificial fortification, was supplied by the natural 〈◊〉 and site of the place. By holding this piece of ground, and haven, they in reason expected many advantages against their enemies. For the Country adjoining was inhabited by the Messenians, who in ancient time had held very strong and cruel war with Sparta; and (though quite subdued) they were held in strait subjection, yet was not the old 〈◊〉 so extinguished, that by the 〈◊〉 neighbourhood and assistance of the Athenians, it might not be revived. Furthermore it was thought, that many ill-willers to the Lacedæmonians, and as many of their bondslaves as could escape from them, would repair to Pylus, and from thence make daily excursions into Laconia, which was not far off: Or if other hopes failed, yet would the benefit of this haven, lying almost in the midway between them and Corcyra, make them able to sur-round all Peloponnesus, and waste it at their pleasure. The news of these doings at Pylus, drew the 〈◊〉 thither in all 〈◊〉 out of Attica, which they had entered a few days before with their whole 〈◊〉: but now they brought not only their Land-forces, but all their Navy, to recover this 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 how bad a neighbour it might prove in time, they well foresaw, little fearing the grievous loss at hand, which they there in few days received. For when they in vain made a general assault on all sides, both by Sea and Land; finding that small Garrison which the Athenians had left, very resolute in the defence: they occupied the haven, placing four hundred and twenty 〈◊〉 men all of them, Citizens of Sparta, in the Island before mentioned, at each end whereof is a channel, that leads into the Port; but so narrow, that only two ships in front could enter between the Isle and Pylus; likewise but feven or eight ships could enter at once by the further channel, between the Island and the main. Having thus taken order to shut up this new Town by Sea, they sent part of their fleet to fetch wood, and other stuff, where with to fortify round about, and block up the piece on all sides. But in the mean season, the Athenian fleet, hearing of their danger that were left at Pylus, returned thither, and with great courage entering the haven, did break and sink many of their Enemy's vessels; took 〈◊〉, and enforced the residue to run themselves a ground.  
Now was the Town secure, and the Spartans' abiding in the Island as good as lost. Wherhfore the Magistrates were sent from Sparta to the camp (as was their custom in great dangers) to advise what where best for the public safety; who when they did perceive that there was no other way to rescue their Citizens out of the Isle, then by composition with their enemies, they agreed to entreat with the Athenians about peace, taking truce in the mean while with the Captains at Pylus. The conditions of the truce were, That the Lacedæmonians should deliver up all the ships which were in the coast, and that they should attempt nothing against the Town, 〈◊〉 the Athenians against the camp: That a certain quantity of Bread, Wine, and Flesh, should be daily carried into the Isle, but that no ships should pass into the Island secretly: That the Athenians should carry the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors to Athens, there to treat of peace, and should bring them back, at whose return the truce should end, which if in the mean time it were broken in any one point, should be held utterly voided in all: That when the truce was expired, the Athenians should restore the Peloponnesian ships, in as good case as they received them. The Ambassadors coming to Athens, were of opinion, that as they themselves had begun the 〈◊〉, so might they end it when they pleased. Wherhfore they told the Athenians how great an honour it was that the Lacedæmonians did sue to them for peace, advising them to make an end of war, whilst with such reputation they might. But they found all contrary to their expectation: For in stead of concluding upon even terms, or desiring of meet recompense for loss sustained; the Athenians demanded certain Cities to be restored to them, which had been taken from them by the Lacedæmonians long before this war began, refusing likewise to continued the 〈◊〉 of peace, unless the Spartans' which were in the Isle, were first rendered unto them as prisoners. Thus were the Ambassadors returned without effect; at which time the truce being ended, it was desired from the Athenian Captains, that they should, according to their covenant, restore the ships, which had been put into their hands. Whereto answer was made, that the condition of the truce was, That if any one article were broken, all should be held voided; now (said the Athenians) ye have assaulted our Garrisons, and thereby are we acquitted of our promise to restore the ships. This and the like frivolous allegations which they made, were but mere shifts; yet profit so far over-weighed honour, that better answer noon could be got. Than were the Lacedæmonians driven to use many hard means, for conveyance of victuals into the 〈◊〉; which finally was taken by force, and the men that were in it carried prisoners to Athens, where it was decreed, that when the Peloponnesians next invaded Attica, these prisoners should all be slain. Whither fearing the death of these men, or withheld by the troubles, which (according to the Athenians hope) fell upon them; the Lacedæmonians were now so far from wasting Attica, that they suffered their own Country to be continually overrun, both by the Athenians, who landed on all parts of their coast, and by those which issued out of Pylus; which become the Rendezvous of all that were ill-affected unto them.   

§. V How the Lacedæmonians hardly, and to their great disadvantage, obtained a peace, that was not well kept.  
THerefore they endeavoured greatly to obtain peace; which the Athenians would not hearken unto. For they were so puffed up with the continuance of good success, that having sent a few bands of men into Sicily, to hold up a faction there, and make what profit they might of the Sicilians quarrels; when afterward they heard that the differences in that Isle were taken away, and their bands returned without either gain or loss, they banished the Captains, as if it had been merely through their default, that the Isle of Sicily was not conquered; which (besides the longer distance) was in power to offend others, or defend itself, no whit inferior unto Peloponnesus. Yet was this their overweening much abated shortly after, by some disasters received, especially in Thrace, where in a battle which they lost at Amphipolis, Cleon, and Brasidas, Generals of the Athenian and Lacedaemonian forces, were both slain; which two had most been adversaries to the peace. As the Athenians by their losses were taught moderation; so the Lacedæmonians, who not 〈◊〉 felt the like wounds, but through the great Navy which they had received at Pylus, were feign to proceed lamely in the war, against such as, through commodity of their good fleet, had all advantage that could be found in expedition, were fervently desirous to conclude the business, 〈◊〉 Fortune by any new favour should revive the insolence, which was at this time well mortified in their Enemies. Neither was it only a consideration of their present estate, that urged them to bring the treaty of peace to good and speedy effect; but other dangers hanging over their heads, and ready to fall on them, which unless they compounded with the Athenians, they knew not how to avoid. The estate of Argos, which had ancient enmity with them, was now, after a truce of thirty years well-nigh expired, ready to take the benefit of their present troubles, by joining with those who alone found them work enough. Argos was a rich and strong City, which though inferior to Sparta in valour, yet was not so un warlike, nor held such ill correspondence with the neighbouring Estates, that the Lacedæmonians could ever far 〈◊〉 upon it, when they had little else to do. This was a thing that in the beginning of this War had not been regarded. For it was then thought, that by wasting the Territory of Athens with sword and fire, the quarrel should easily and in short time have been ended, whereby not only the Athenians should have been brought to good order, but the Corinthians and others, for whose sake the war was under-taken, have been so firmly knit to the Lacedæmonians, that they should for love of them have abandoned the Argives, to their own fortunes. But now the vanity of those hopes appeared, in that the Athenians abounding in ready money, and means to raise more, were able to secure themselves by a strong 〈◊〉, from any great harm, that the Peloponnesians wanting wherewith to maintain a Navy, could do unto them, yea as Masters of the Sea, to weary them out, as in effect already they had done. As for the Confederates of Sparta, they could now endure neither war nor peace; their daily travails, and many losses had so wearied and incensed them. Wherhfore the Lacedæmonians were glad to use the occasion, which the inclination of their enemies did then afford, of making a 〈◊〉 peace, which with much ado they procured, as seemed equal and easy; but were indeed impossible to be performed, and therefore all their travail was little effectual.  
The restitution of prisoners and places taken being agreed upon; it fell out by lot, that the Lacedæmonians should restore first. These had won more towns upon the continent from the Athenians, than the Athenians had from them; but what they had won, they had not won absolutely. For they had restored some Towns to such of their Allies, from whom the State of Athens had taken them; some, and those the most, they had set at liberty (as reason required) which had opened their gates unto them, as to their friends and 〈◊〉, & not compelled them to break in as Enemies. Now concerning the Towns which were not in their own hands, but had been rendered unto their Confederates, the Spartans' found means to give some satisfaction, by permitting the Athenians to retain others, which they had gotten in the war; as for the rest, they promised more than afterwards they could perform. The Cities which they had taken into protection, could not endure to hear of being abandoned, neither would they by any means yield themselves into the hands of their old Lords the Athenians, whom they had offended by revolting, notwithstanding whatsoever articles were drawn, and concluded, for their security, and betterance in time to come. This dull performance of conditions on the side of the Spartans', made the Athenians become as backward in doing those things which on their part were required; so that restoring only the prisoners which they had, they deferred the rest, until such time as they might receive the full satisfaction, according to the agreement. But before such time as these difficulties broke out into matter of open quarrel, the Lacedæmonians entered into a more strait alliance with the Athenians; making a league offensive and defensive with them. Hereunto they were moved by the backwardness of the Argives, who being (as they thought) likely to have sued for peace at their hands, as soon as things were once compounded between Athens and Sparta; did show themselves plainly unwilling to give ear to any such motion. Thinking therefore, that by cutting from Argos all hope of Athenian succour, they should make sure work, the Spartans' regarded not the affections of other States, whom they had either bound unto them by well-deserving in the late war, or found so troublesome, that their enmity (if perhaps they durst let it appear) were little worse than friendship. It bred great jealousy in all the Cities of Greece, to perceive such a conjunction between two so powerful Signories: especially one clause threatening every one, that was any thing apt to fear, with a secret intent that might be harboured in their proud conceits, of subduing the whole Country, and taking each what they could lay hold on. For besides the other articles, it was agreed, That they might by mutual consent add new conditions, or altar the old at their own pleasures. This impression wrought so strongly in the Corinthians, Thebans, & other ancient Confederates of Sparta, that the hate which they had borne to the Athenians their professed Enemies, was violently thrown upon the Lacedæmonians their unjust friends: whereby it come to pass, that they who had lately borne chief sway in Greece, might have been abandoned to the discretion of their Enemies, as already in effect they were, had the Enemies wisely used the advantage.   

§. VI Of the negotiations, and practices, held between many States of Greece, by occasion of the peace that was concluded.  
THe admiration wherein all Greece held the valour of Sparta as 〈◊〉, and able to make way through all impediments, had been so excessive, that when by some sinister accidents, that City was compelled to take and seek peace, upon terms not sounding very honourable, this common opinion was not only abated, but (as happens usually in things extreme) was changed into much contempt. For it was never thought that any Lacedaemonian would have endured to lay down his weapons and yield himself prisoner, nor that any misfortune could have been so great, as should have drawn that City to relieve itself otherwise than by force of Arms. But when once it had appeared that many of their Citizens, among whom were some of especial mark, being over-laied by enemies, in the Island before Pylus, had rather chosen to live in captivity, than to die in fight; and that Pylus itself, sticking as a thorn in the foot of Laconia, had bred such anguish in that Estate, as utterly wearying the accustomed Spartan resolution, had made it sit down, and seek to refresh itself by dishonourable ease: then did not only the Corinthians and Thebans begin to conceive basely of those men which were virtuous, though unfortunate; but other lesser Cities joining with these in the same opinion, did cast their eyes upon the rich and great City of Argos, of whose ability, to do much, they conceived a strong belief, because of long time it had done nothing. Such is the base condition, which through foolish envy is become almost natural in the greater part of mankind. We curiously search into their vices, in whom, had they kept some distance, we should have discerned only the virtues; and comparing injuriously our best parts with their worst, are justly plagued with a false opinion of that good in strangers which we know to be wanting to ourselves.  
The first that published their dislike of Sparta were the Corinthians, at whose vehement entreaty (though moved rather by envy at the greatness of Athens daily increasing) the Lacedæmonians had entered into the present war. But these Corinthians did only murmur at the peace, alleging as grievances, that some towns of theirs were left in the Athenians hands. The Mantinaeans, who during the time of war, had procured some part of the Arcadians to become their followers, and forsake their dependency upon the State of Sparta, did more freely & readily discover themselves; fear of revenge to come working more effectually, than indignation at things already past. The Argives feeling the gale of prosperous Fortune that began to fill their sails, prepared themselves to take as much of it as they could stand under; giving for that purpose unto twelve of their citizens, a full and absolute commission to make alliance between them and any freecities of Greece (Athens and Sparta excepted) without any further trouble of propounding every particular business to the multitude. When the gates of Argos were set thus open to all comers; the Mantinaeans began to led the way, and many Cities of Peloponnesus following them entered into this new confederacy; some incited by private respects, others thinking it the wisest way to do as the most did. What inconvenience might arise to them by these courses, the Lacedæmonians easily discerned, and therefore sent Ambassadors to stop the matter at Corinth, where they well perceived that the mischief had been hatched. These Ambassadors found in the Corinthians a very rough disposition, with a gravity expressing the opinion which they had conceived of their present advantage over Sparta. They had caused all Cities which had not entered yet into the alliance with Argos, to sand their Agents to them, in whose presence they gave audience to the Lacedæmonians; the purport of whose Embassy was this: That the Corinthians, without breach of their oath, could not forsake the alliance, which they had long since made with Sparta, and that reason did as well bind them to hold themselves contented with the peace lately made, as religion enforced them to continued in their ancient confederacy, forasmuch as it had been agreed between the Spartans' and their associates, that the consent of the greater part, (which had yielded unto peace with Athens) should bind the lesser number to perform what was concluded, if no Divine impediment withstood them. Hereunto the Corinthians made answer, that the Spartans' had first begun to do them open wrong, in concluding the war wherein they had lost many places, without provision of restitution; & that the very clause, alleged by the Ambassadors, did acquit them from any necessity of subscribing to the late peace, forasmuch as they had sworn unto those people whom they persuaded to rebel against Athens, that they would never abandon them, nor willingly suffer them to fall again into the tyrannous hands of the Athenians. Wherhfore they held themselves bound both in reason and religion to use all means of upholding those, whom by common consent they had taken into protection; for that an oath was no less to be accounted a Divine impediment, than were pestilence, tempest, or any the like accident, hindering the performance of things undertaken. As for the alliance with Argos, they said that they would do as they should find cause. Having dismissed the Ambassadors with this answer, they made all haste to join themselves with Argos, and caused other States to do the like; so that Sparta and Athens were in a manner left to themselves, the Thebans and Megarians being also upon the point to have entered into this new confederacy. But as the affections were divers, which caused this hasty confluence of sudden friends to Argos, it so likewise come to pass that the friendship itself, such as it was, had much diversity both of sincerity & of continuance. For some there were that hated or feared the Lacedæmonians: as the Mantinaeans and Eleans: these did firmly betake themselves to the Argives, in whom they knew the same affection to be inveterate; others did only hate the peace concluded; & these would rather 〈◊〉 followed the Spartans' than the Argives in war, yet rather the Argives in war than the Lacedæmonians in peace. Of this number were the Corinthians, who knowing that the Thebans were affected like unto themselves, dealt with them to enter into the society of the 〈◊〉, as they had done: but the different forms of government, used in Thebes and Argos, caused the Thebans to hold rather with Sparta, that was ruled by the principal men, than to incur the danger of innovation, by joining with such as committed the whole rule to the multitude.  
This business having ill succeeded, the Corinthians began to bethink themselves of their own danger, who had not so much as any truce with Athens, and yet were unprepared for war. They sought therefore to come to some temporary agreement with the Athenians, and hardly obtained it. For the Athenians, who had dealt with all Greece at one time, did not greatly care to come to any appointment, with one city that showed against them more stomach than force; but gave them to understand that they might be safe enough from them, if they would claim the benefit of that alliance, which Athens had lately made with Sparta and her dependents; yet finally they granted unto these Corinthians (which were loathe to acknowledge themselves dependents of Sparta) the truce that they desired; but into private confederacy they would not admit them, it being an article of the league between them and the Spartans', That the one should not make peace nor war without the other.  
Herein, as in many other passages, may clearly be scene the great advantage which absolute Lords have as well in peace as in war, over such as are served by voluntaries. We shall hardly find any one Signory, that hath been so constantly followed as Sparta was by so many States, and some of them little inferior to itself, being all as free: whereas contrariwise, the Athenians had lately, and by compulsive means gotten their Dominion, wherein they demeaned themselves as Tyrants. But in performance of conditions agreed upon, the Athcnians were able to make their words good, by excluding any State out of their Confederacy, and giving up such places as were agreed upon: of which the Lacedæmonians could do neither the one nor the other. For such Towns as their old Allies had gotten by their means in the late war, could not be restored without their consent, which had them in present possession; and particularly the Town of Panacte, which the Thebans held, could by no means be obtained from them by the Lacedæmonians (who earnestly desired it; that by restitution thereof unto the Athenians, as earnestly demanding it, themselves might recover Pylus) unless they would agreed to make a private alliance with Thebes; which thereupon they were feign to do, though knowing it to be contrary to the last agreement between them and Athens.  
The Lacedæmonians having broken one article of the league made between them and the Athenians, that by so doing they might enable themselves to the performance of another, were shamefully disappointed of their hopes by the Thebans, who did not give up the Town of Panacte, till first they had utterly demolished it, and made it of no worth to the Athenians. This was sought to have been excused by the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors, who coming to Athens (wither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sent home all prisoners that had been detained at Thebes) hoped with gentle words to salve the matter; saying, That from henceforth no enemy to Athens should nestle in Panacte, for it was destroyed. But these Ambassadors had not to deal with tame fools. For the Athenians told them in plain terms, That of three principal conditions agreed upon in their late League, they had not performed any one, but used such base collusion as stood not with their honour: having made private 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Thebans; having destroyed a Town that they should have restored; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their dependents by war, to make good the covenants of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peace. Hereupon they dismissed the Ambassadors with rough 〈◊〉, meaning with as rough deeds to anger those that sent them.  
There were at that time, both in Athens and Sparta, many that were ill-contented with the peace: among whom were the Ephori, chosen for that year, in Sparta; and Alcibiades a powerful young Gentleman in Athens. But the Ephori, though desiring to renew the war, yet wished that first they might get from the Athenians as much as was to be rendered to them by covenant, especially Pylus that had so sorely troubled them. 〈◊〉, whose Nobility, riches, and favour, with the people, made him desire war, as the means, whereby himself might procure some honourable employment, used all means to set the quarrel on foot, whilst the Athenians had yet both advantage enough, as not having rendered aught save their prisoners, and pretence enough to use that advantage of breaking the peace, by reason that the Lacedæmonians (though indeed against their wills) had 〈◊〉 all covenants with them. Now the State of Athens had fully determined to 〈◊〉 Pylus, and to perform nothing that the Lacedæmonians should, and might require, until they had first, without any longer halting, fulfilled all articles where unto they were bound, even to the utmost point. This was enough to make them sweated, who having already done the most that they could, had as yet got nothing in recompense, except the delivery of their Citizens, which were prisoners. But Alcibiades 〈◊〉 a speedy beginning of open war, sent privily to the Argives, and gave them to understand how fitly the time served for them to associate themselves with Athens, which was enough to give them security against all Enemies.  
The 〈◊〉 upon the first confluence of many Estates unto their society, had embraced great hopes of working wonders, as if they should have had the conduct of all Greece against the Athenians, robbing Sparta of that honour, as having ill used it, and thereby leaving their old enemies in case of much contempt and disability. But these sudden apprehensions of vain joy, were suddenly changed into as vain fear; which ill agreed with the great opinion that had lately been 〈◊〉 of Argos. For when the Thebans had refused their alliance; when the Corinthians had sought security from Athens; and when a false rumour was noised abroad, Athens, Thebes, and Sparta, were come to a full agreement upon all points of difference; then began the 〈◊〉 to let fall their crests, and sue for peace unto the Lacedæmonians, who needing it as much as they, or more, yet held their gravity, and were not over hasty to accept it. At this time, and in this perturbation, the 〈◊〉 of Alcibiades come very welcome to the Argives, which were not now 〈◊〉 how to become the chief of all others, but how to save themselves. Wherhfore they sent away presently to Athens, their own Ambassadors, accompanied with the Mantinaeans and 〈◊〉, to make a league offensive, and defensive, between their Estates and the Athenians.  
Of this business the Lacedæmonians knew not what to think: for well they seen, that 〈◊〉 a combination tended to their great hurt, and therefore were desirous to 〈◊〉 it; but to keep the love of the Athenians, the new Ephori thought that more was already done, than stood with their honour, or profit; others held it the 〈◊〉 way, having done so much, not to stick upon a little more, but rather by 〈◊〉 full satisfaction, to retain the friendship of that State, which was more to be 〈◊〉 than all the rest of Greece. This resolution prevailing, they sent away such of their Citizens as were best affected to the peace, who coming to Athens with full commission to make an end of all controversies, did earnestly labour in the Council-house, to make the truth of things appear, saying; that their Confederacy with the Thebans had tended to noon other end than the recovery of 〈◊〉: concerning which Town, or any other business, that it much grieved the 〈◊〉, to see things fall out in such wise as might give to the Athenians cause of 〈◊〉; but that all should be done which in reason might be required for making matters even between them; to which purpose they showed that themselves had absolute commission. Wherhfore they 〈◊〉 that Pylus might be restored unto them, and especially for the present, that the 〈◊〉 with the Argives might be called aside. Favourable audience was given to this proposition, the rather because, they which promised amendss, had power to make their words good. But all this fair likelihood of good agreement was dashed on the sudden, by the practice of 〈◊〉, who, secretly dealing with the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors, persuaded them well of his friendship towards their City, and advised them to take all care that their absolute power to conclude what they pleased in the name of Sparta, might not be known to the Commonalty of Athens, jest the insolent multitude should thereupon grow 〈◊〉 and yield to nothing, unless they could draw them to unreasonable conditions. The Ambassadors believed him, and 〈◊〉 their tale in the assembly of the people, as he had advised them. Hereupon the same Alcibiades taking presently the advantage, which their double dealing afforded, inveighed openly against them, as men of no sincerity, that were come to Athens for noon other purpose, than to hinder the people from strengthening themselves with friends, meaning to draw the Argives and their 〈◊〉 to their own alliance, as (〈◊〉 to their oath) already they had the 〈◊〉. The people of Athens, whom a pleasing errand would hardly have satisfied, or brought into a good opinion of the Lacedæmonians, (whose honest meanings had so ill been seconded with good performance) were now so incensed with the double dealing of the Ambassadors, and the strong persuasions of Alcibiades, that little wanted of concluding the league with 〈◊〉. Yet for the present so 〈◊〉 did Nicias, an honourable Citizen, and great friend to the peace, prevail with them, that the business was put off, till he himself with other Ambassadors might fetch a better answer from Sparta.  
It may seem a great wonder, how so poor a trick of Alcibiades was able to carry a matter of such importance, when the Spartan Ambassadors might have cast the load upon his own shoulders, by discovering the truth: But the gravity which was usually found in the Lacedæmonians, hindered them (perhaps) from playing their game handsomely against so nimble a wit; and they 〈◊〉 well have been thought untrusty men, had they professed themselves such as would say and un-say for their most advantage.  
Nicias and his Companions had a sour message to deliver at Sparta, being peremptorily to require performance of all conditions, and among the rest, that the Lacedæmonians should take the pains to rebuild Panacte, and should immediately renounce their alliance made with the Thebans; letting them understand that otherwise the Athenians, without further delay, would enter into confederacy with the 〈◊〉, and their Adherents. The Ephori at Sparta had no mind to forsake the Thebans, assured friends to their State; but wrought so hard, that the anger of the Athenians was suffered to break out what way it could, which to mitigate, they would do no more, than only (at the request of Nicias their honourable friend, who would not seem to have effected nothing) swear anew to keep the articles of the league between them and Athens. Immediately therefore upon return of the Ambassadors, a new league was made between the Athenians, Argives, Mantinaeans, & Eleans, with very ample provision for holding the same common friends and enemies; wherein, though the Lacedæmonians were passed over with silence, yet was it manifest that the whole intent of this confederacy did bend itself chief against them, as in short while after was proved by effect.  
At this time the Lacedæmonians were in ill case, who having restored all that they could unto the Athenians, and procured others to do the like, had themselves recovered nothing of their own (prisoners excepted) for default of restoring all that they should. But that which did most of all disable them, was the loss of reputation, which they had not more impaired in the late war by misfortunes, than in sundry passages between them and the Athenians: to procure and keep whose Amity, they had left sundry of their old friends to shifted for themselves. Contrariwise the Athenians, by the treaty of peace, had recovered the most of that which they lost in war; all their get they had retained; and were strengthened by the access of new Confederates.   

§. VII. How the peace between Athens and Sparta was ill kept, though not openly broken.  
IT was not long ere the Argives and their fellows had found business where with to set the Athenians on work, and make use of this conjunction. For presuming upon the strength of their side, they began to meddle with the Epidaurians, whom it concerned the State of Sparta to defend. So, many acts of hostility were committed, wherein Athens and Sparta did (as principals) 〈◊〉 each the other, but come in collaterally, as to the aid of their several friends.  
By these occasions the Corinthians, Boeotians, Phocians, Locrians, and other people of Greece, began anew to range themselves under the Lacedæmonians, and follow their ensigns. One victory which the Lacedæmonians obtained by their mere valour in a set battle, near to Mantinaea, against the Argive side, helped well to repair their decayed reputation, though otherwise it yielded them no great profit. The civil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shortly after within Argos itself, between the principal Citizens and the Commons, had almost thrown down the whole frame of the new combination. For the chief Citizens getting the upper hand, made a league with Sparta, wherein they proceeded so far as to renounce the amity of the Athenians in express words, and forced the 〈◊〉 to the like. But in short space of time the multitude prevailing, reversed all this, and having chased away their ambitious Nobility, applied themselves to the Athenians as closely as before.  
Beside these uproars in Peloponnesus, many assays were made to raise up troubles in all parts of Greece, and likewise in Macedon, to the Athenians; whose forces and readiness for execution, prevented some things, revenged other, and requited all with some prosperous attempts. Finally, the Athenians wanting matter of quarrel; and the Lacedæmonians growing weary, they began to be quiet, retaining still that enmity in their hearts, which they had sufficiently discovered in effects, though not as yet breaking out into terms of open war.   

§. VIII. The Athenians sending two fleets to sack Siracuse, are put to flight and utterly discomfited.  
During this intermission of open war, the Athenians re-intertained their hopes of subduing Sicily, wither they sent a fleet so mighty as never was set forth by Greece in any Age before or after.  
This fleet was very well manned, and furnished with all necessaries to so great an expedition. All which come to naught; partly by the factions in Athens, whence Alcibiades Author of that voyage, & one of the Generals of their fleet, was driven to banish himself, for fear of such judgement, as else he was like to have under-gone, among the incensed people; partly by the invasion which the Lacedæmonians made upon Attica, whilst the forces of that State were so farrefrom home. Hereunto was added the aid of the King of Persia, who supplied the Peloponnesians with money.  
Neither was the success of things in Sicilia such, as without help from Athens, could give any likelihood of a good end in that war. For although in the beginning, the enterprise had so well succeeded, that they besieged Siracuse, the chief City of the Island, and one of the fairest Towns which the Greeks' inhabited, obtaining the better in sundry battles by Land and Sea; yet when the Town was relieved with strong aid from Peloponnesus, it come to pass that the Athenians were put to the worse on all sides, in such wise that their fleet was shut up into the haven of 〈◊〉, and could not issue out.  
As the 〈◊〉 affairs went very ill in Sicily, so did they at home stand upon hard terms, for that the Lacedæmonians, who had been formerly accustomed to make wearisome yearly journeys into Attica, which having peeled and foraged, they returned home; did now by counsel of Alcibiades, (who seeking revenge upon his own Citizens was fled unto them) fortify the Town of Decelea, which was near to Athens, whence they ceased not with daily excursions to harry all the Country round about, and sometimes give alarm unto the City itself.  
In these extremities, the perverse obstinacy of the Athenians was very strange; who leaving at their backs, and at their own doors, an enemy little less mighty than themselves, did yet sand forth another 〈◊〉 into Sicily, to invade a people no less puissant, which never had offended them.  
It often happens, that prosperous event makes foolish counsel seem wiser than it was, which come to pass many times among the Athenians, whose vain conceits 〈◊〉 was said to turn unto the best. But where unsound advice, finding bad proof, is obstinately pursued, neither Pallas nor Fortune can be justly blamed for a miserable issue. This second fleet of the Athenians, which better might have served to convey home the former, that was defeated; after some attempts made to small purpose against the Siracusans, was finally (together with the other part of the Navy, which was there before) quite vanquished, and barred up into the haven of Siracuse, whereby the camp of the Athenians, utterly deprived of all benefit by Sea, either for succour or departure, was driven to break up, and fly away by Land, in which flight they were overtaken routed, and quite overthrown in such wise that scarce any man escaped.  
This mischief well deserved fell upon the Athenians, who had wickedly condemned into exile Sophocles and Pthiodorus Generals, formerly sent into that Isle, pretending that they had taken money for making peace in Sicily, whereas indeed there was not any means or possibility to have made war. Hereby it come to pass, that Nicias, who had the chief command in this unhappy enterprise, did rather choose to hazard the ruin of his Country by the loss of that Army, wherein consisted little less than all the power of Athens; then to adventure his own 〈◊〉, his life, and his honour, upon the tongues of shameless accusers, and the sentence of judges before his trial resolved to condemn him, by retiring from Syracuse, when wisdom and necessity required it. For (said he) they shall give sentence upon us, who know not the reason of our doings, nor would give ear to any that would speak in our behalf, but altogether hearken to suspicious and vain rumours that shall be brought against us, yea these our Soldiers who now are so desirous to return in safety, 〈◊〉 in our danger be well contented to frame their tales to the pleasure of the lewd and insolent multitude.  
This resolution of Nicias, though it cannot be commended (for it is the part of an honest and valiant man to do what reason willeth, not what opinion expecteth, and to measure honour or dishonour by the assurance of his well-informed conscience, rather than by the malicious report and censure of others) yet it may be excused; since he had before his eyes the injustice of his people; and had well understood that a wicked sentence is infinitely worse than a wicked fact, as being held a precedent and pattern, whereby oppression beginning upon one, is extended as warrantable upon all. Therefore his fear of wrongful condemnation was such, as a constant man could not easily have overmastered; but when afterwards the Army, having no other expectation of safety than the faint hope of a secret flight, he was so terrified with an Eclipse of the Moon, happening when they were about to dislodge, that he would not consent to have the camp break up till seven and twenty days were past. His timorousness was even as foolish and ridiculous, as the issue of it was lamentable. For he should not have thought that the power of the Heavens, & the course of Nature, would be as uninst as his Athenians, or might pretend less evil to the slothful, than to such as did their best. Neither do I think that any Ginger can allege this Eclipse, as either a cause or prognostication of that Armies destruction, otherwise then as the folly of men did, by application, turn it to their own confusion. Had C. Cassius the Roman, he, who slew julius Caesar, imitated this superstition of Nicias, he had surely found the same fortune in a case very like. But when, he retiring, the broken remainder of Crassus his Army defeated by the Parthian Archers was advised, upon such an accident as this, to continued where he then was, till the Sun were past the sign of Scorpio; he made answer that he stood not in such fear of Scorpio, as of Sagittarius. So adventuring rather to abide the frowning of the Heavens, than the nearer danger of Enemies upon earth, hoe made such a safe and honourable retreat, as did both show his noble resolution, and give a fair example to that good rule;  — Sapiens dominabitur astris. 
Thus we see that God, who ordinarily works by a concatenation of means, deprives the Governors of understanding, when he intends evil to the multitude; and that the wickedness of unjust men is the ready mean to weaken the virtue of those who might have done them good.   

§. IX.. Of the troubles where-into the State of Athens fell, after the great loss of the Fleet, and Army, in Sicilia.  
THe loss of this Army was the ruin of the Athenian Dominion, and may be well accounted a very little less calamity to that Estate, than was the subversion of the walls, when the City about 〈◊〉 years after was taken by Lysander. For now began the subjects of the Athenian Estate to rebel, of whom, some they reduced under their obedience; others held out; some for fear of greater inconvenience were set at liberty, promising only to be their good friends, as formerly they had been their Subjects; other having a kind of liberty 〈◊〉 by the Athenians, were not therewith contented, but obtained a true and perfect liberty by force. Among these troubles it fell out very unseasonably, that the principal men of 〈◊〉 being wearied with the people's insolency, took upon them to change the 〈◊〉 of that Estate, and bring the government into the hands of a few. To 〈◊〉 purpose conspiring with the Captains which were abroad, they caused them to set up the form of an Aristocratic in the Towns of their Confederates; and in the mean time, some that were most likely to withstand this innovation, being slain at Athens, the Commonalty were so dismayed, that noon durst speak against the Conspirators, whose number they knew not, but 〈◊〉 man was afraid of his Neighbour, jest he should be a member of the league. In this general fear the Majesty of Athens was usurped by 400. men, who 〈◊〉 in show the ancient form of proceeding, did 'cause all matters to be propounded unto the people, and concluded upon by the greater part of voices: but the things propounded were only such as were first allowed in private among themselves; neither had the Commonalty any other liberty, than only to approve and give consent: for whosoever presumed any further, was quickly dispatched out of the way, and no inquiry made of the murder. By these means were many decrees made, all tending to the establishment of this new Authority, which nevertheless endured not long. For the Fleet and Army which then was at the Isle of Samos, did altogether detest 〈◊〉 dealings of the four hundred usurpers, and held them as Enemies; whereupon they revoked Alcibiades out of banishment, & by his assistance procured that the supplies which the Persian King had promised unto the 〈◊〉, were by Tissaphernes his Lieutenant, made unprofitable, through the slow and bad performance. Alcibiades had at the first been very well entertained in Sparta, whilst his service done to that State was not grown to be the object of envy. But when it appeared that in counsel and good performance he so far excelled 〈◊〉 the Lacedæmonians, that all their good success was ascribed to his wit and valour, then were all the principal Citizens weary of his virtue; especially Agis one of their Kings, whose wife had so far yielded herself to the love of this Athenian, that among her inward friends she could not forbear to call her young child by his name. Hereupon order was taken, that 〈◊〉 should be killed out of the way. But he discovering the Spartan treachery, conveyed himself unto Tissaphernes, whom he so bewitched with his great beauty, sweet conversation, and sounded wit, that he soon become the Master of that barbarous Viceroys affections, who had free power to dispose the great King's treasures and forces in those parts. Than began he to advise Tissaphernes, not so far forth to assist the Lacedæmonians, that they should quite overthrow the State of Athens, but rather to help the weaker side, & let them one consume another, whereby all should fall at length into the hands of the Persian. By this counsel he made way to other practices, wherein by strength of his reputation (as the only favourite of so great a Potentate) he played his own game, procuring his restitution. At length his banishment being repealed by the Army, but not by the Citizens (who then were oppressed by the four hundred) he laboured greatly to reconcile the Soldiers to the Governors; or at lest to divert their heat another way, and turn it upon the Common Enemy. Some of the four hundred approved his motion, as being weary of the tyranny whereof they were partakers, partly because they seen it could not long endure, & partly for that themselves, being less regarded by the rest of their companions, than stood with their good liking, sought to acquit themselves of it as honestly as they might. But the most of that Faction laboured to obtain peace of the Lacedæmonians, desiring chief to maintain both their own authority, and the greatness of their City, if they might: but if this could not be, they did rather wish to preserve their own power, or safety at lest, than the good Estate of the Commonwealth. Therefore they made sundry overtures of peace to the Lacedæmonians, desiring to compound in as good terms as they might, and affirming that they were fit to be trusted than the wavering multitude; especially considering that the City of Sparta was governed by an aristocraty, to which form they had now reduced Athens. All these passages between the four hundred (or the most and chief of them) and the Lacedæmonians, were kept as secret as might be. For the City of Athens, hoping, without any great cause, to repair their losses, was not inclined to make composition; from which upon juster ground the enemy was much more averse, trusting well that the discord of the Athenians (not unknown abroad) might yield some fair opportunity to the destruction of itself, which in effect (though not then presently) come to pass. And upon this hope King Agis did sometimes bring his forces from Decelea to Athens, where doing no good, he received some small losses. Likewise the Navy of Peloponnesus made show of attempting the City, but seeing no likelihood of success, they bent their course from thence to other places, where they obtained victories, which in the better Fortune of the Athenians might more lightly have been regarded, then in this their decayed estate. Yet it seems, without any disparagement to their wisdom, they should rather have forborn to present unto the City, or to the Countries near adjoining any terror of the war. For the 〈◊〉 within the walls might soon have done more good than could be received from the Fleet or Army without, which indeed gave occasion to set the Citizens at unity, though it lasted not very long. The four hundred, by means of these troubles, were feign to resign their authority, which they could not now hold, when the people having taken arms to repel foreign enemies, would not lay them down, till they had freed themselves from such as oppressed the State at home. Yet was not this alteration of government a full restitution of the sovereign command unto the people, or whole body of the City, but only to five thousand; which company the four hundred (when their authority began) had pretended to take unto them as assistance: herein seeming to do little wrong or noon to the Commonalty, who seldom assembled in greater number. But now when the highest power was come indeed into the hands of so many, it was soon agreed that Alcibiades and his Companions should be recalled from exile, and that the Army at Samos should be requested to undertake the government: which was forthwith reform according to the Soldiers desire.   

§. X. How ALCIBIADES wan many important victories for the Athenians; was recalled from exile; made their General, and again deposed.  
THis establishment of things in the City, was accompanied with some good success in the wars. For the Lacedæmonians were about the same time overthrown at Sea, in a great battle, by the Athenian fleet, which had remained at Samos, to which Alcibiades afterwards joining such forces as he could raise, obtained many victories. Before the Town of Abydus, his arrival with eighteen ships, gave the honour of a great battle to the Athenians; he overthrew and utterly destroyed the fleet of the Lacedamonians, commanded by Mindarus, took the Towns of Cyzicus, and Perinthus, made the Selymbrians ransom their City, and fortified Crysopolis. Hereupon letters were sent to Sparta, which the Athenians, intercepting, found to contain the distress of the Army in these few words: All is lost; MINDARUS is slain; the Soldiers want victuals; we know not what to do.  
Shortly after this, Alcibiades overthrew the Lacedæmonians in fight by Land at Chalcedon, took Selymbria, besieged and 〈◊〉 Byzantium, now called Constantinople, which even in those days was a goodly, rich, and very strong City. Hereupon he returned home with very great welcome, and was made high Admiral of all the Navy.  
But this his honour continued not long; for it was taken from him, and he driven to banish himself again; only because his Lieutenant, contrary to the express command of Alcibiades, fight with the enemies in his absence, had lost a great part of the fleet.  
The second banishment of Alcibiades was to the Athenians more harmful than the first; and the loss which thereupon they received, was (though more heavy to them, yet) less to be pitied of others, than that which ensued upon his former exile. For whereas at the first, he had sought revenge upon his own City; now, as enured to adversity, he rather pitied their fury, who in time of such danger had cast out him that should have repaired their weak estate, than sought by procuring or beholding the calamity of his people, to comfort himself after injury received. Before they, who were instituted in the place of Alcibiades, arrived at the fleet, he presented battle to Lysander the Lacedaemonian Admiral, who was not so confident upon his former victory, as to undertake Alcibiades himself, bringing ships more in number (notwithstanding the former loss of fifteen) than his enemies had, and better ordered than they had been under his Lieutenant. But when the decree of the people was published in the Navy, then did Alcibiades withdraw himself to a Town upon Hellespont, called Bizanthe, where he had built a Castle.   

§. XI. The battle at Arginusa, and condemnation of the victorious Athenian Captains by the people.  
AFter this time, the Athenians receiving many losses & discomfitures, were driven to fly into the Haven of Mytelene, where they were straightly besieged both by Land and Sea. For the raising of this siege necessity enforced them to man all their Vessels, and to put the uttermost of their forces into the hazard of one battle. This battle was fought at Arginusae, where Callicraditas, Admiral of the Laced amonians, losing the honour of the day, preserved his own reputation by dying valia ntly in the fight. It might well have been expected, that the ten Captains, who jointly had command in chief over the Athenian fleet, should for that good days service, and so happy a victory, have received great honour of their Citizens. But contrariwise they were forthwith called home, and accused, as if wilfully they had suffered many of the Citizens, whose ships were broken and sunk, to be cast away, when by appointing some Vessels to take them up, they might have saved them from being drowned. Hereto the Captains readily made a very just answer; That they pursuing the victory, had left part of the fleet, under sufficient men, to save those that were wracked; which if it were not well accomplished, it was, because a tempest arising about the end of the fight, had hindered the performance of that, and other their intendments. This excuse availed not: For a lewd fellow was brought forth, who said, That he himself escaping in a meale-tubbe, had been entreated by those who were in peril of drowning, to desire of the people revenge of their deaths upon the Captains. It was very strange, that upon such an accusation maintained with so slender evidence, men that had well deserved of their Country should be overthrown. But their enemies had so incensed the rascal multitude, that no man durst absolve them, save only Socrates the wise and virtuous Philosopher, whose voice in this judgement was not regarded. Six of them were put to death, of whom one had hardly escaped drowning, and was with much ado relieved by other vessels in the storm: but the Captains which were absent escaped; for when the fury of the people was overpast, this judgement was reversed, and the accusers called into question for having deceived and perverted the Citizens. Thus the Athenians went about to free themselves from the infamy of injustice; but the divine justice was not asleep, nor would be so deluded.   

§. XII. The battle at Aegos-Potamos, wherein the whole State of Athens was ruined; with the end of the Peloponnesian War.  
THe Peloponnesian fleet under Lysander, the year next following, having scoured the Aegean Seas, entered Hellespont, where (landing Soldiers) it besieged and took the Town of Lampsacus. Hereupon all the Navy of Athens, being an hundred and fourscore sail, made thither in haste, but finding Lampsacus taken before their coming, they put in at Sestos, where having refreshed themselves, they sailed to the River called, Aegos-Potamos, which is (as we might name it) Goates-brooke, or the River of the Goat; being on the Continent, opposite to Lampsacus: and there they cast Anchors, not one whole league off from Lysander, who road at Lampsacus in the harbour. The next day after their arrival they presented fight unto the Peloponnesians, who refused it, whereupon the Athenians returned again to Aegos-Potamos, and thus they continued five days, braving every day the Enemy, and returning to their own harbour when it drew towards evening.  
The Castle of Alcibiades was not far from the Navy, and his power in those places was such as might have greatly availed his Countrymen, if they could have made use of it. For he had waged Mercenaries, and making war in his own name upon some people of the Thracians, had gathered much wealth, and obtained much reputation among them. He perceiving the disorderly course of the Athenian Commanders, repaired unto them, and showed what great inconvenience might grow, if they did not soon foresee and prevent it. For they lay in a road subject to every weather, neither near enough to any Town where they might furnish themselves with necessary, nor so far off as had been more expedient. Sestus was the next Market-town; thither both Soldiers and Mariners resorted, flocking away from the Navy every day, as soon as they were returned from braving the Enemy. Therefore Alcibiades willed them either to lie at Sestus, which was not far off, or at the lest to consider better how near their enemy was, whose fear proceeded rather from obedience to his General, than from any cowardice. This admonition was so far despised, that some of the Commanders willed him to meddle with his own matters, and to remember that his authority was out of date. Had it not been for these opprobrious words, he could (as he told his familiars) have compelled the Lacedæmonians, either to fight upon unequal terms, or utterly to quit their Fleet. And like enough it was that he might so have done by transporting the light-armed Thracians his Confederates, and others his Followers over the Straitss, who assaulting the Peloponnesians by Land, would either have compelled them to put to Sea, or else to leave their ships to the mercy of the Athenians. But finding their acceptance of his good counsel no better than hath been rehearsed, he left them to their fortune, which how evil it would be he did prognosticate.  
Lysander all this while defending himself by the advantage of his Haven, was not careless in looking into the demeanour of the Athenians. When they departed, his manner was to sand forth some of his swiftest Vessels after them, who observing their doings, related unto him what they had seen. Therefore understanding in what careless fashion they rome up and down the Country; he kept all his men aboard after their departure, and the 〈◊〉 day gave especial charge to his Scouts, That when they perceived the Athenians, disembarking, as their custom was, and walking towards Sestos, they should forth with return, and hung up a brazen shield in the Prow, as a token for him to weigh Anchor.  
The Scouts performed their charge, and Lysander being in a readiness, made all speed that strength of Oars could give, to Aegos-Potamos, where he found very few of his enemy's aboard their Ships, not many near them, and all in great confusion upon the news of his approach.  
Insomuch that the greatest industry which the Athenians then showed, was in the escape of eight or nine ships, which knowing how much that loss imported, gave over Athens as desperate, and made a long flight unto the Isle of Cyprus, all the rest were taken, and such of the Soldiers as come in to the rescue cut in pieces. Thus was the war which had lasted seven and twenty years, with variable success concluded in one hour, and the glory of Athens in such wise eclipsed, that she never afterward shone in her perfect light.  
Immediately upon this victory Lysander, having taken such Towns as readily did yield upon the first fame of his exploit, set sail for Athens, and joining his forces with those of Agis and Pausanias, Kings of Sparta, summoned the City, which finding too stubborn to yield, and too strong to be won on the sudden, he put forth again to Sea, and rather by terror than violence, compelling all the islands, and such Towns of the jonians, as had formerly held of the Athenians, to submit themselves to Sparta, he did thereby cut off all provision of victuals, and other necessaries, from the City, and enforced the people by mere famine to yield to these conditions: That the long walls, leading from the 〈◊〉 to the Port, should be thrown down; That all Cities subject to their 〈◊〉, should be set at liberty; That the Athenians should be Masters only of their own Territories, and the fields adjoining to their Town; And that they should keep no more than twelve Ships; That they should hold as Friends or Enemies, the same, whom the Lacedæmonians did, and follow the Lacedæmonians as Leaders in the Wars.  
These articles being agreed upon, the walls were thrown down with great rejoicing of those who had borne displeasure to Athens; and not without some consultation of destroying the City, and laying waste the Land about it. Which advice, although it was not entertained, yet were thirty Governors, or rather cruel Tyrants, appointed over the people, who recompensed their former insolency and injustice over their Captains, by oppressing them with all base and intolerable slavery.  
The only small hope then remaining to the Athenians, was, that Alcibiades might perhaps repair what their own folly had ruined. But the thirty Tyrants perceiving this, advertised the Lacedæmonians thereof, who contrived, and (as now domineering in every quarter) soon effected his sudden death.  
Such end had the Peloponnesian War. After which the Lacedæmonians abusing the reputation, and great power, which therein they had obtained, grew very odious to all Greece, and by Combination of many Cities against them, were dispossessed of their high authority, even in that very Age, in which they had subdued Athens. The greatest foil that they took was of the Thebans, led by Epaminondas, under whom Philip of Macedon, Father to Alexander the Great, had the best of his education. By these Thebans, the City of Sparta (besides other great losses received) was sundry times in danger of being taken. But these haughty attempts of the Thebans come finally to nothing; for the several Estates and Signories of Greece, were grown so jealous one of another's greatness, that the Lacedæmonians, Athenians, Argives, and Thebans, which were the mightiest, associating themselves with the weaker party, did so counterpoise the stronger, that no one City could extend the limits of her jurisdiction so far as might make her terrible to her Neighbours. And thus all parts of the Country remained rather evenly balanced, than well agreeing, till such time as Philip, and after him Alexander, Kings of Macedon, (whose forefathers had been dependents, and followers, yea almost mere Vassals to the Estates of Athens and Sparte) found means, by making use of their factions, to bring them all into servitude, from which they never could be free, till the Romans presenting them with a show of liberty, did themselves indeed become their Masters.    

CHAP. IX.. Of matters concurring with the Peloponnesian War, or shortly following it.  

§. I. How the affairs of Persia 〈◊〉 in these times.  
DURING the times of this Peloponnesian War, and those other less expeditions foregoing it, Artaxerxes Longimanus, having peaceably enjoyed a long reign over the Persians', left it by his death either to Darius, who was called Darius Nothus, or the Bastard, whom the Greek Historians (lightly passing over Xerxes the second, and Sogdianus, as Usurpers, and for their short reign little to be regarded) place next unto him, or to Xerxes the second, who, and his brother Sogdianus after him (seeming to have been the sons of Hester) held the Kingdom but one year between them, the younger succeeding his elder brother. It is not my purpose (as I have said before) to pursue the History of the Persians' from henceforth, by rehearsal of all the particulars, otherwise then as they shall be incident to the affairs of 〈◊〉. It may therefore suffice to say, That Xerxes the second, being a vicious Prince, did 〈◊〉 after a month or two, if not by surfeit, then by treachery of his as riotous brother Sogdianus. Likewise of Sogdianus it is found, that being as ill as his brother, and more cruel, he slew unjustly Bagorazus a principal Eunuch, and would have done as much to his brother Darius the Bastard, had not he foreseen it, and by raising a stronger Army than this hated King Sogdianus could levy, seized at once upon the King and Kingdom. Darius' having slain his brother, held the Empire nineteen years. Amyrtaeus of Sais an Egyptian rebelled against him, and having partly slain, partly chased out of the Land the Persian Garrisons, allied himself so firmly with the Greeks', that by their aid he maintained the Kingdom, and delivered it over to his posteritic, who (notwithstanding the 〈◊〉 of their civil Wars) maintained it against the Persian, all the days of this Darius, and of his son Artaxerxes Mnemon. Likewise Amorges, a subject of his own and of the Royal blood, being Lieutenant of 〈◊〉, rebelled against him; confederating himself with the 〈◊〉. But the great calamity, before spoken of, which fell upon the Athenians in Sicily, having put new life into the Spartans', and given courage to the Islanders and others, subject to the State of Athens, to shake off the yoke of their long continued bondage: It fell out well for Darius, that the 〈◊〉 being destitute of money, wherewith to defray the charge of a great Navy, without which it was impossible to advance the war against the State of Athens, that remained powerful by Sea, were driven to crave his assistance, which he granted unto them, first upon what conditions best pleased himself, though afterwards the articles of the league between him and them were set down in more precise terms; wherein it was concluded, That he and they should make war jointly upon the Athenians, and upon all that should rebel from either of them, and (which was highly to the King's honour and profit) that all the Cities of Asia, which had formerly been his, or his Predecessors, should return to his obedience. By this Treaty, and the war ensung (of which I have already spoken) he recovered all that his Grandfather and Father had lost in Asia. Likewise by assistance of the Lacedæmonians 〈◊〉 got Amorges alive into his hands, who was taken in the City of jasus; the Athenians wanting either force or courage to secure him. Nevertheless Egypt still held out against him; the cause whereof cannot be the employment of the Persian forces on the parts of Greece, for he abounded in men, of whom he had enough for all occasions, but they wanted manhood, which caused him to fight with gold, which effected for him by Soldiers of other Nations, and his natural 〈◊〉, what the valour of his own Subjects was insufficient to perform. Darius had in marriage Parysatis his own sister, who bore unto him (besides other children) Artaxerxes called Mnemon, that is to say, the Mindful, or the Rememberer, who succeeded him in the Kingdom; and Cyrus the younger, a Prince of singular virtue, and accounted by all that knew him, the most excellent man that ever Persia bred after Cyrus the Great. But the old King Darius, intending to leave unto his elder son Artaxerxes the inheritance of that great Empire, did cast a jealous eye upon the doings of 〈◊〉 Cyrus, who being Lieutenant of the lower Asia, took more upon him than befitted a Subject: for which cause his father sent for him, with intent to have taken some very sharp course with him, had not his own death prevented the coming of his younger son, and placed the elder in his Throne. Of the war between these brethren, and summarily of Artaxerxes, we shall have occasion to speak somewhat in more convenient place.   

§. II How the thirty Tyrants got their Dominion in Athens.  
I Hold it in this place most convenient to show the proceed of the Greeks', after the subversion of the walls of Athens, which gave end to that war called the Peloponnesian war, but could not free the unhappy Country of Greece from civil broils. The thirty Governors, commonly called the thirty Tyrants of Athens, were chosen at the first by the people to compile a body of their Law, and make a collection of such ancient Statutes, as were meetest to be put in practice: the condition of the City standing as it did in that so sudden alteration. To this charge was annexed the supreme authority, either as a recompense of their labours, or because the necessity of the times did so require it, wherein the Law being uncertain, it was fit that such men should give judgement in particular causes, to whose judgement the Laws themselves, by which the City was to be ordered, were become subject. But these thirty having so great power in their hands, were more careful to hold it, than to deserve it, by faithful execution of that which was committed to them in trust.  
Therefore apprehending such troublesome fellows, as were odious to the city, though not punishable therefore by law, they condemned them to death; which proceeding was by all men highly approved, who considered their lewd conditions, but did not withal bethink themselves, how easy a thing it would be unto these thirty men, to take away the lives of Innocents', by calling them perturbers of the peace, or what else they listed, when condemnation without due trial and proof had been once well allowed. Having thus plausibly entered into a wicked course of government, they thought it best to fortify themselves with a sure guard, 〈◊〉 they broke out into those disorders, which they must needs commit for the establishing of their authority. Wherhfore dispatching two of their own company to Sparta, they informed the Lacedæmonians, that it was the full intent of the thirty, to keep the City free from all rebellious motions, to which purpose it behoved them to cut off such as were seditious; and therefore desired the 〈◊〉 to sand them a Garrison, which they promised at their own cost to 〈◊〉. This motion was well approved, and a guard sent, the Captain of which was so well entertained by the thirty, that noon of their 〈◊〉 could want his high commendations at Sparta. Hereupon the Tyrants began to take heart, and looking no more after base and 〈◊〉 persons, invaded the principal men of the City, 〈◊〉 armed men from House to House, who drew out such as were of great reputation, and likely, or able to make any head against this 〈◊〉 form of government: whereby there was such effusion of blood, as to Theramenes (one of the thirty) seemed very horrible, and unable to escape vengeance. His dislike of their proceed being openly discovered, caused his fellows to bethink themselves, and provide for their own security, and his destruction, jest he should make 〈◊〉 a Captain of the discontented (which were almost the whole City) and 〈◊〉 his own peace with their ruine. Wherhfore they selected three thousand of the Citizens, whom they thought 〈◊〉, and gave unto them some part of public authority, the rest they disarmed; and having thus increased their own strength, and weakened their opposites, they began a fresh to shed the blood, not only of their 〈◊〉 enemies, but of such whose money, or goods, might enrich them, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the payment of their guard. And to this purpose they concluded, that every one of them should name one man, upon whose goods he should 〈◊〉, putting the owner to death. But when Theramenes uttered his detestation of so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; then did Critias, who of all the thirty was most tyrannical, accuse him to the Council, as a treacherous man, and (〈◊〉 one main privilege of the three thousand was, that noon of them should suffer death at the appointment of the thirty, but have the accustomed trial) he took upon him to strike out of that number the name of Theramenes, and so reduced him under the trial and sentence of that order. It was well alleged by Theramenes, that his name was not more 〈◊〉 to be blotted out of the Catalogue, than any other man's, upon which consideration, he advised them all to 〈◊〉 no otherwise of his case, than as of their own, who were liable to the same form of proceeding: but (every man choosing rather to 〈◊〉 his own life by silence, than presently to draw upon himself the danger, which as yet concerned him little, and perhaps would never come near him) the Tyrant's 〈◊〉 silence as consent, condemned him forth with, and compelled him to drink poison.   

§. III The conspiracy against the thirty Tyrants, and their depositior.  
AFter the death of Theramenes, the thirty began to 〈◊〉 such outrage, as excelled their former villainies. For having three thousand (as they thought) firm unto them, they rob all others without fear or shame, despoiling them of lands and goods, and causing them to 〈◊〉 into banishment, for safeguard of their lives. This flight of the Citizens procured their 〈◊〉, and the general good of the City. For the banished Citizens, who were fled to Thebes, entered into consultation, and resolved to hazard their lives in setting free the City of Athens. The very thought of such a practice had been treason at home, which had no other danger abroad, than might be found in the execution. 〈◊〉 men, or thereabouts, were the first undertakers, who with their 〈◊〉 Thrasybulus took Phyla, a place of strength in the Territory of Athens. Not sooner did the 〈◊〉 hear of their exploit, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to prevent further danger; assembling the three thousand, and their Lacedaemonian 〈◊〉, with which force they attempted Phyla, but were with some loss of their men repelled. Finding the place too strong to be taken by assault, they intended to 〈◊〉 it; which purpose come to naught by means of snow that 〈◊〉, and other 〈◊〉 weather, against which they 〈◊〉 not made provision. Retiring therefore to the City, which above all they were to make good, they left the most of their guard, and two companies of Horse, to weary out them which lay in Phyla, with a flying siege. But it was not long 〈◊〉 the followers of Thrasybulus were increased from seventy to seven hundred, which adventured to give charge upon those guards, of whom they cut off above an hundred & twenty. These small but prosperous beginnings, added more to the number of those in Phyla, who now with a thousand men got entrance into Piraeus, the suburb of Athens, lying on the Port. Before their coming, the thirty had resolved to fortify the Town of Eleusine, to their own use, whereinto they might make an easy retreat, and save themselves from any sudden peril. It may well seem strange, that whereas their barbarous manner of government had brought them into such danger, they were so far from 〈◊〉 to obtain men's good will, that contrariwise, to assure themselves of Eleusine, they got all of the place who could bear arms into their hands by a train, and wickedly (though under form of justice) murdered them all. But, Sceleribus tutum per 〈◊〉 est iter, the mischiefs which they had already done were such, as left them no hope of going back ward, nor any other apparent likelihood of safety, than by extending their cruelty unto all, seeing few or noon were left, whom they could trust. When Thrasybulus and his fellows, who as yet were termed 〈◊〉, had taken the Piraeus, then were the three thousand armed again by the Tyrants, and brought to 〈◊〉 it; but in this enterprise Thrasybulus had the better, and repelled his enemies, of whom although there were slain to the number of seventy, only yet the victory seemed the greater, because Critias, & one other of the thirty, perished in that fight. The death of Critias, and the stout defence of Piraeus, together with some exhortations used, by Thrasybulus to the Citizens, wrought such effect, that the thirty were deposed. Nevertheless there were so many of the three thousand, who having communicated with the thirty in their misdeeds, feared to be called to a sharp account, that no peace, nor quiet form of government could be established. For Ambassadors were sent to Sparta, who craving aid against Thrasybulus, and his followers, had favourable 〈◊〉, and a power sent to their assistance, both by Land and Sea, under the conduct of Lysander, and his Brother; whom Pausanias the Spartan King did follow, raising an Army of the Cities confederate with the Lacedæmonians. And here appeared first the jealousy, wherein some people held the State of Sparta. The Boeotians, and Corinthians, who in the late wars had been the most bitter enemies to Athens, refused to follow Pausanias in this expedition; alleging that it stood not with their oaths, to make war against that people, who had not hitherto broken any one article of the league: but fearing, indeed, jest the Lacedæmonians should annex the Territory of Athens to their own Domains. It is not to be doubted, that Pausanias took this answer in good part. For it was not his purpose to destroy those against whom he went, but only to cross the proceed of Lysander, whom he envied. Therefore having in some small skirmishes against them of Thrasybulus his party, made a show of war, finally wrought such means, that all things were compounded quietly: the thirty men, and such others, as were like to give cause of tumult, being sent to Sparta. The remainder of that tyrannical faction, having with drawn themselves to Eleusine, were shortly after found to attempt some innovation; whereupon the whole City rising against them, took their Captains, as they were coming to Parley, and slew them: which done, to avoid further inconvenience, a law was made, that all injuries past should be forgotten, and no man called into question for wrongs committed. By which order, wisely made, and carefully observed, the City returned to her former quietness.    

CHAP. X. Of the expedition of CYRUS the younger.  

§. I. The grounds of CYRUS his attempt against his brother.  
THE matters of Greece now standing upon such terms, that no one Estate durst oppose itself against that of Lacedaemon; young Cyrus, brother to 〈◊〉, King of Persia, having in his father's life time very carefully prosecuted the war against Athens, did sand his messengers to Sparta, requesting that their love might appear no less to him, than that which he had showed towards them in their dangerous war against the Athenians. To this request, being 〈◊〉 the Lacedæmonians gave a suitable answer, commanding their Admiral to perform unto Cyrus all service that he should require of him. If Cyrus had plainly discovered himself, and the Lacedæmonians bent their whole power to his assistance, very like it is, that either the Kingdom of Persia should have been the recompense of his deserts, or that he perishing in battle, as after he did, the subversion of that Empire had forth with ensued. But it pleased God, rather to show unto the Greeks' the ways, which under the Macedonian Enfignes, the victorious footsteps of their posterity should measure; and opening unto them the riches, and withal the weakness of the Persian, to kindle in them both desire and hope of that conquest, which he reserved to another generation; than to give into their hands that mighty Kingdom, whose hour was not yet come. The love which Parysatis, the Queen-mother of Persia bore unto 〈◊〉 her younger son, being seconded by the earnest favour of the people, and ready desires of many principal men, had moved this young Prince, in his father's old age, to aspire after the succession. But being sent for by his Father (as hath before been showed) whose meaning was to curb this ambitious youth; he 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 brother Artaxerxes established so surely by the old King's favour, that it were not safe to attempt any means of displanting him, by whose disfavour, himself might easily loose the place of a Viceroy, which he held in Asia the less, and hardly be able to maintain his own life. The nearest neighbour to Cyrus of all the King's Deputies in the lower Asia, was Tissaphernes, a man compounded of cowardice, treachery, craft, and all vices which accustomably branch out of these. This man accompanied Cyrus to his Father, using by the way all fair shows of friendship, as to a Prince, for whom it might well be thought, that Queen Parysatis had obtained the inheritance of that mighty Empire. And it was very true, that Parysatis had used the best of her endeavour to that purpose, alleging that (which in former ages had been much available to Xerxes, in the like disceptation with his elder brother) Artaxerxes was borne whilst his father was a private man, but Cyrus, when he was a crowned King. All which not sufficing; when the most that could be obtained for Cyrus, was the pardon of some presumptuous demeanour, and confirmation of his place in Lydia, and the parts adjoining: then did this Tissaphernes discover his nature, and accuse his friend Cyrus to the new King Artaxerxes, of 〈◊〉 dangerous treason intended against his person. Upon this accusation, whither true or false, very easily 〈◊〉, Cyrus was arrested, and by the most vehement entreaty of his Mother very hardly delivered, and sent back into his own Province.   

§. II The preparations of CYRUS, and his first entry into the War.  
THe form of government which the Persian Lieutenants used in their several Provinces, was in many points almost Regal. For they made War and Peace, as they thought it meet, not only for the King's behoof, but for their own reputation; usually indeed with the King's enemies, yet sometimes one with another: which was the more easily tolerated, because their own heads were held only at the King's pleasure, which caused them to frame all their doings to his will, whatsoever it were, or they could conjecture it to be. Cyrus therefore being settled in Lydia, began to consider with himself, the interest that he had in the Kingdom; the small assurance of his brother's love, held only by his Mother's intercession; the disgrace endured by his late imprisonment; and the means which he had by love of his own people, and that good neighbourhood of the Lacedæmonians, whom he had bound unto him, to obtain the Crown for himself. Neither was it expedient that he should long sit idle, as weighting till occasion should present itself: but rather enterprise somewhat whilst yet his Mother lived, who could procure a good interpretation to all his actions, if they were no worse than only questionable. Hereupon he first began to quarrel with Tissapherues, and seized upon many Towns of his jurisdiction, annexing them to his own Province; which displeased not Artaxerxes at all, who (besides that he was of condition somewhat simple) being truly paid by Cyrus the accustomable Tributes out of those places, was well contented to see his brother's hot spirit exercised in private quarrels. But Tissaphernes, whose base conditions were hated, & cowardice despised, although he durst not adventure to take arms against Cyrus, yet perceiving that the Milesians were about to give up themselves into the hands of that young Prince, as many other towns of the jonians had done, thought by terror to preserve his reputation, and keep the Town in his own hands. Wherhfore he 〈◊〉 many, and many he banished, who flying to Cyrus, were gently entertained, as bringing fair occasion to take arms, which was no small part of his desire. In levying Soldiers he used great policy; for he took not only the men of his own Province, or of the Countries adjoining, whose lives were ready at his will; but secretly he furnished some Grecian Captains with money, who being very good men of war, entertained Soldiers therewith, some of them warring in Thrace, others in Thessaly, others elsewhere in Greece; but all of them ready to cross the Seas, at the first call of Cyrus, till which time they had secret instructions to prolong their several wars, that the Soldiers might 〈◊〉 held in continual exercise, and ready in arms upon the sudden. Cyrus' having sent a power of men to besiege Miletus, forth with summoned these bands of the Greeks', who very readily come over to his assistance, being thirteen thousand very firm Soldiers, and able to make head (which is almost incredible) against the whole power of Artaxerxes. With this Army, and that which he had levied before, he could very easily have forced Miletus, and chased away Tissaphernes out of Asia the less: but his purpose was not so to loose time in small matters, that was to be employed in the accomplishment of higher designs. Pretending therefore that the Pisidians, a people of Asia the less, not subject to the Persian, 〈◊〉 invaded his Territory, he raised the siege of Miletus, and with all speed marched Eastward, leaving Tissaphernes much amazed, who had no leisure to rejoice that Cyrus had left him to himself, when he considered, that so great an Army, and so strong, was 〈◊〉 levied against the Rovers of Pisidia, but rather against the great King his Master. For which 〈◊〉 taking a band of five hundred horse, he posted away to carry tidings to the Court, of this great preparation.   

§. III How CYRUS took his journey into the higher Asia, and come up close to his Brother.  
THe tumult which his coming brought was very great, and great the exclamations of the Queen Statira, against Parysatis, the Queen-mother, whom she called the Author and occasioner of the war. But whilst the King in great fear was arming the high Countries in his defence, the danger hastened upon him very fast. For Cyrus made great marches, having his numbers much increased, by the repair of his Countrymen, though most strengthened by the access of seven hundred Greeks, and of other four hundred of the same Nation, who revolted unto him from the King. How terrible the Greeks' were to the Barbarians, he found by trial in a Muster, which (to please the Queen of Cilicia, who had brought him aid) 〈◊〉 made in Phrygia; where the Greeks' by his direction making offer of a charge upon the rest of his Army, which contained a hundred thousand men, the whole Camp (not perceiving that this was but a bravery) fled amain, the victuallers and baggagers forsaking their cabins, and running all away for very fear. This was to Cyrus a joyful spectacle, who knew very well, that his brother was followed by men of the same temper, and the more unlikely to make resistance, because they were priest to the war against their will and dispositions, whereas his Army was drawn along by 〈◊〉 affection and good william. Nevertheless he found it a very hard matter to persuade the Greeks' to pass the River of Euphrates. For the very length of the way which they had trodden, wearied them with conceit of the tedious return. Therefore he was driven, being yet in Cilicia, to seek excuses, telling them, that Abrocomas, one of the King's principal Captains, and his own great enemy, lay by the River, against whom he requested them to assist him. By such devices, and excessive promise of reward, he brought them to Euphrates, where some of the Greeks' considering, That whoso passed the River first, should have the most thanks, and might safely return if the rest should refuse to follow them, they entered the Fords, whereby were all finally persuaded to do as some had begun, and being alured by great hopes, they resolved to seek out Artaxerxes, wheresoever he was to be found. The King in the mean time having raised an army of nine hundred thousand men, was not so confident upon this huge multitude, as to adventure them in trial of a plain battle. Abrocomas, who with three hundred thousand men, had under-taken to make good the Straitss of Syria, which were very narrow, and fortified with a strong wall, and other defences of nature, and art, which made the place to seem impregnable, had quitted the passage, and retired himself toward the King's forces, not daring to look Cyrus in the face, who despairing to find any way by Land, had procured the Lacedaemonian fleet, by the benefit whereof to have transported his Army. I do not find that this cowardice of Abrocomas, or of his Soldiers, who arrived not at the Camp, till five days were past after the battle, received either punishment, or disgrace; for they, toward whom he withdrew himself, were all made of the same metal.  
Therefore Artaxerxes was upon the point of retiring to the uttermost bounds of his Kingdom, until by Teribazus, one of his Captains, he was persuaded not to abandon so many goodly Provinces to the Enemy, who would thereby have gathered addition of strength, and (which in the sharp disputation of Title to a Kingdom is most available) would have grown superior in reputation. By such advice, the King resolved upon meeting with his brother, who now began to 〈◊〉 secure, being fully persuaded, that Artaxerxes would never dare to abide him in the field. For the King having cast up a Trench of almost forty miles in length, about thirty foot broad, and eighteen foot deep, intended there to have encamped: but his courage failing him, he abandoned that place, thinking nothing so safe, as to be far distant from his enemies.   

§. FOUR The battle between CYRUS and ARTAXERXES.  
THe Army of Cyrus having overcome many difficulties of evil ways, and scarcity of victuals, was much encouraged by perceiving this great fear of Artaxerxes, & being past this trench, marched carelessly in great disorder, having bestowed their Arms in Carts, and upon Beasts of carriage; when on the sudden one of their Vaunt-currors, brought news of the King's approach. Hereupon with great tumult they armed themselves, and had ranged their battles in good order upon the side of the River Euphrates, where they waited for the coming of their enemies, whom they seen not till it was afternoon. But when they seen the cloud of dust raised by the feet of that huge multitude, which the King drew after him, and perceived by their near approach how well they were marshaled, coming on very orderly, in silence, whereas it had been expected, that rushing violently with loud clamours, they should have spent all their force upon the first brunt; and when it appeared that the fronts of the two Armies were so unequal in distent, being all embattled in one body and square, that Cyrus taking his place (as was the Persian manner) in the midst of his own, did not with the corner, and utmost point thereof, reach to the half breadth of Artaxerxes his battle, who carried a front proportionable to his number, exceeding nine times that of Cyrus: then did the Greeks' begin to distrust their own manhood, which was not accustomed to make proof of itself, upon such excessive odds. It was almost incredible, that so great an Army should be so easily chased. Nevertheless, it quickly appeared, that these Persians', having learned (contrary to their custom) to give charge upon their enemies with silence; had not learned (for it was contrary to their nature) to receive a strong charge with courage. Upon the very first offer of onset, made by the Greeks', all that beastly 〈◊〉 of cowards fled amain, without abiding the stroke, or staying till they were within reach of a Dart. The Chariots armed with hooks and scythes (whereof Artaxerxes had two hundred, and Cyrus not twenty) did small hurt that day, because the drivers of them leaping down, fled away on 〈◊〉. This base demeanour of his enemies gave so much confidence to Cyrus, and his Followers, that such as were about him forthwith adored him as King. And certainly, the Title had been assured unto him that day, had not he sought how to declare himself worthy of it, ere yet he had obtained it For, perceiving that Artaxerxes, who found that part of the field which lay before him void, was about to encompass the Greeks, and to set upon them in the rear, he advanced with six hundred Horse, and gave so valiant a charge upon a squadron of six thousand, which lay before the King, that he broke it, slaying the Captain thereof, Artagerses, with his own hands, and putting all the rest to flight. Hereupon his whole company of six hundred, very few excepted, began to follow the chase, leaving Cyrus too ill attended, who perceiving where the King stood in troop, uncertain whither to fight, or leave the field, could not contain himself, but said; I see the man: and presently with a small 〈◊〉 of men about him ran upon his brother, whom he strake through the Cuirass, and wounded in the breast. Having given this stroke, which was his last, 〈◊〉 received immediately the fatal blow, which gave period at once to his ambition and life being wounded under the eye with a 〈◊〉, thrown by a base-fellow, wherewith astonished, he 〈◊〉 dead from his horse, or so hurt, that it was unpossible to have recovered him, though all which were with him, did their best for his safety; not caring afterwards for their own lives, when once they perceived that Cyrus their Master was slain. Artaxerxes caused the head and right hand of his brother to be forthwith stricken off, and showed to his people, who now pursuing them, fled apace, calling upon the name of Cyrus, and desiring him to pardon them. But when this great accident had breathed new courage into the King's troops, & utterly dismayed such Persian Captains, as were now, even in their own eyes, no better than rebels; it was not long 〈◊〉 the Camp of Cyrus was taken, being quite abandoned, from whence 〈◊〉, making all speed, arrived quickly at the quarter of the Greeks', which was about three miles from the place where Cyrus fell. There he met with Tissaphernes, who having made way through the battle of the Greeks', was ready now to join with his Master in spoiling their Tents. Had not the news, which Artaxerxes brought with him of his brother's death, been sufficient to countervail all disasters received; the exploit of Tissaphernes in breaking through the Greeks' would have yielded little comfort. For Tissaphernes had not slain any one man of the Greeks', but contrariwise, when he gave upon them, 〈◊〉 opening their battle, drove him with great slaughter through them, in such 〈◊〉, that he rather escaped as out of an hard passage, than forced his way through the squadron of the Greeks'. Hereof the King being informed by him, and that the Greeks', as Masters of the field, gave chase to all that come in their sight; they ranged their Companies into good order, and followed after these Greeks', intending to set upon them in rear. But these good Soldiers perceiving the King's approach, turned their faces, and made head against him; who not intending to seek honour with danger of his life, wheeled about and fled, being pursued unto a certain Village, that lay under a Hill, on the top whereof he made a stand, rather in a bravery, than with purpose to attempt upon these bold-fellowes any further. For he knew well that his brother's death had secured his estate, whom he would seem to have slain with his own hand, thinking that fact alone sufficient to give reputation to his valour; and this reputation he thought that he might now preserve well enough, by showing a manly look, half a mile off. On the top of this Hill therefore he advanced his Standard, a golden Eagle displayed on the top of a Spear. This ensign might have encouraged his people, had not some of the Greeks' espied it, who not meaning that he should abide so near them, with all their power marched toward him. The King discovering their approach, fled upon the spur; so that noon remained in the place of battle, save only the 〈◊〉, who had lost that day not one man, nor taken any other harm, than that one of them was hurt with an arrow. Much they wondered that they heard no news of Cyrus, but thinking that he was pursuing the Army, they thought it was fittest for them, having that day done enough, to return to their quarter, and take their Supper, to which they had good 〈◊〉, because the expectation of the Kings coming had given them no leisure to dine.   

§. V The hard estate of the Greeks' after the fight; and how ARTAXERXES in vain sought to have made them yield unto him.  
IT was now about the setting of the Sun, and they bringing home dark night with them, found their Camp spoiled, little, or nothing being left, that might serve for food: so that wanting victuals to satisfy their hunger, they refreshed their weary bodies with sleep. In the mean season Artaxerxes returning to his Camp, which he entered by Torchlight, could not enjoy the pleasure of his good fortune entire, because he perccived that the baseness of his people, and weakness of his Empire, was now plainly discovered to the Greeks: which gave him assurance, that if any of these who had beheld the shameful demeanour of his Army, should live to carry tidings home, it would not be long, ere with greater forces they disputed with him for his whole Signoric. Wherhfore he resolved, to try all means, whereby he might bring them to destruction, and not let one escape to carry tidings of that which he had leene: to which purpose he sent them a brave message the next morning; Charging them to deliver up their Arms, and come to his Gate, to await there upon his Mercy. It seems that he was in good hope to have found their high courages broken, upon report of his brother's death: but he was greatly deccived in that thought. For the Greeks' being advertised that morning from Ariaeus, a principal Commander under Cyrus, that his Master being slain, he had retired himself to the place of their last encamping, about eight miles from them, whence intending to return into jonia, his meaning was to dislodge the next day, awaiting for them so long if they would join with him, but resolving to stay no longer: they sent answer back to Ariaeus, that having beaten the King out of the field, and finding noon that durst resist them, they would place Ariaeus himself in the King's Throne, if he would join with them, and pursue the victory. Before they received any reply to this answer, the Messengers of Artaxerxes arrived at the Camp, whose errand seemed to the Captains very insolent: One told them that it was not for the Vanquishers to yield their Weapons; another, that he would die ere he yielded to such a motion; a third asked, whither the King, as having the victoric, required their Weapons; if so, why did he not fetch them? or, whither he desired them in way of friendship; for then would they first know, with what courtesy he meant to requited their kindness. To this question Phalinus a Grecian, waiting upon Tissaphernes, answered; That the King having slain Cyrus, knew no man that could pretend any Title to his Kingdom, in the midst whereof he held them fast enclosed with great Rivers, being able to bring against them such numbers of men, as they wanted strength to kill if they would hold up their throats, for which cause he accounted them his prisoners. These words, to them, who knew themselves to be free, were nothing pleasant. Therefore, one told Phalinus, that having nothing left, but their Arms & Valour, whilst they kept their Arms, their Valour would be serviceable, but should they yield them, it was to be doubted, that their bodies would not long remain their own. Hereat Phalinus laughed, saying; This youngman did seem a Philosopher, and made a pretty speech; but that his deep speculation showed his wits to be very shallow, if he thought with his Arms, and his Valour, to 〈◊〉 against the great King. It seems that Phalinus being a Courtier, and employed in a business of importance, thought himself too profound a Statesman, to be checked in his Embassage by a bookish discourser. But his wisdom herein failed him. For what soever he himself was (of whom no more is known than that he brought an unhonest message to his own Countrymen, persuading them basely to surrender their Weapons, & Lives, to the merciless Barbarians) this young Scholar by him despised, was that great Xenophon, who, when all the principal Commanders were surprised by 〈◊〉 of the Persians', being a private Gentleman, and having never seen the wars before, undertook the conduct of the Army, which he brought safe into Greece, freeing it from all those, and from greater dangers than Phalinus could propound. Some there were who promised to be faithful to the King, as they had been to Cyrus, offering their service in Egypt, where they thought Artaxerxes might have use of them. But the final answer was, That without Weapons they could neither do the King good as Friends, nor defend themselves from him as Enemies. Hereupon Phalinus delivered the King's further pleasure, which was to grant them Truce, whilst they abode where they then were, denouncing War if they stirred thence; Whereunto he required their answer. Clearchus the General told him, they liked it. How (saith Phalinus) must I understand you? as choosing peace if we stay, otherwise war, said Clearchus. But whither war or peace? quoth this politic Ambassador. To whom Clearchus (not willing to acquaint him with their purpose,) Let our doings tell you; and so dismissed him, no wiser than he come. All that day the Greeks were 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 upon their Horses, Asses, and other Beasts, which they roasted with arrows, darts, and wooden targets, thrown away by the Enemies.   

§. VI How the Greeks' began to return homewards.  
AT night they took their way towards Ariaeus, to whom they come at midnight; being for saken by four hundred foot, and forty horse, all Thracians, who fled over the King, by whom how they were entertained, I do not find. Like enough it is that they were cut in pieces; for had they been kindly used, it may well be thought that some of them should have accompanied Tissaphernes, and served as Stales to draw in the rest. Ariaeus being of too base a temper, and birth, to think upon seeking the Kingdom for himself, with such assistance as might have given it unto Cyrus, was very well pleased to make covenant with them for mutual asfistance unto the last: Whereunto both parts having sworn, he advised them to take another way homeward, which should be somewhat longer, yet safer and fit to relieve them with victuals, than that by which they come. The next day, having made a wearisome march, and tired the Soldiers, they found the King's Army which had coasted them, lodged in certain Villages, where they purposed themselves to have encamped: towards which Clearchus made directly, because he would not seem by declining them to show fear, or weakness. That the King's men were contented to remove, and give place to their betters, it cannot be strange to any that hath considered their former behaviour; Nor strange, that the Grecians being weary and hungry, and lying among enemies in an unknown Country, should be very fearful: but it is almost past belief, that the noise which was heard of these poor men, calling one to another tumultuously, as the present condition enforced them to do, should make the Persians' 〈◊〉 out of their Camp, and so affright the great King, that in stead of demanding their Arms, he should crave peace of them. The next day very early, come messengers from Artaxerxes, desiring 〈◊〉 access for Ambassadors, to entreat of peace. Were it not that such particulars do best open the quality of the persons, by whom things were managed, I should hold it fit, to run over the general passages of those times, than to dwell among circumstances. But surely it is a point very remarkable, That when Clearchus had willed the Messengers to bid the King prepare for battle, because the Greeks' (as he said) wanting whereupon to dine, could not endure to hear of truce till their bellies were full; Artaxerxes dissembling the indignity, was contented sweetly to swallow down this pill, sending them guides, who conducted them to a place where was plenty of victuals to relieve them.   

§. VII. How TISSAPHERNES, under colour of peace, betrayed all the Captains of the Greeks'.  
HItherto the Greeks', relying upon their own virtue, had rather advanced their affairs, than brought themselves into any straits or terms of disadvantage. But now come unto them the subtle Fox Tissaphernes, who circumventing the chief Commanders by fine sleights, did mischievously entrap them, to the extreme danger of the Army. He told them, that his Province, lying near unto Greece, had caused him greatly to desire, that their deliverance might be wrought by his procurement; knowing well that in time to come, both they, and their Countrymen at home, would not be unthankful for such a benefit. Here withal he forgot not to rehearse the great service that he had done to his Master, being the first that advertised him of Cyrus his intent, and having not only brought him a good strength of men, but in the day of battle showed his face to the Greeks', when all others turned their backs: that he, together with the King, did enter their Camp, and gave chase to the Barbarians that stood on the part of Cyrus. All this (quoth he) did I allege to the King, entreating that he would give me leave to conduct you safe into Greece; in which svite I have good hope to speed, if you will sand a mild answer to him, who hath willed me to ask you, for what cause ye have borne Arms against him. The Captains hearing this, were contented to give gentle words, which Tissaphernes relating to the King, procured (though very hardly as he said) that peace should be granted: the conditions whereof were; That they should pass freely through all the King's Dominions, paying for what they took, and committing no spoil: yet that it should be lawful forthem to take victuals by force, in any place that refused to afford them an open Market. Hereunto both parties having sworn, the League was concluded, and Tissaphernes returning to the King to take leave, and end all business, come unto them again after twenty daics, and then they set forward. This interim of twenty days, which Tissaphernes did spend at the Court, ministered great occasion of mistrust to his new Confederates. For besides his long absence, which alone 〈◊〉 to breed doubt; the Brethrens, and Kindred of Ariaeus, repairing daily to him, and other Persians' to his Soldiers, did work him and them so with assurance of pardon, and other allurements, that he daily grew more strange to the Greeks', than 〈◊〉 he had been. This caused many to advise Clearchus, rather to 〈◊〉 forward as well as he might, than to rely upon covenants, and sit still whilst the King laid 〈◊〉 to entrap them. But he on the contrary persuaded them, to rest contented whilst they were well, and not to cast themselves again into those difficulties, out of which they were newly freed by the late Treaty; reciting withal their own wants, and the King's means, but especially the Oaths mutually given and taken, where with he seen no reason why the enemy should have clogged himself if he meant mischief, having power enough to do them harm by a fair and open War.  
Tissaphernes was a very honourable Man (if honour may be valued by greatness and place in Court) which caused his Oath to be the more esteemed; for as much as no enforcement, or base respect, was like to have drawn it from him. But his falsehood was such, both in substance and in 〈◊〉 may fitly expound that saying, which proceeded from the fountain of Truth, I hate a rich man a liar. A lie may find excuse when it grows out of fear 〈◊〉 for that passion hath his original from weakness. But when Power, which is a Character of the Almighty, shall be made the supporter of untruth, the falsehood is most abominable; for the offender, like proud Lucifer, advancing his own strength against the divine justice, doth commit that sin with an high hand, which commonly producech lamentable effects, and is followed with sure vengeance. It was not long ere 〈◊〉 found means to destroy all the Captains, whom he subtly got into his power by a train; making the General Clearchus himself the mean to draw in all the rest. The business was contrived thus: Having travailed some days together in such wise, that the Persians' did not encamp with the Grcekes, who were very jealous of the great familiarity, appearing between Tissaphernes, and Ariaeus; Clearchus thought it convenient to root out of Tissaphernes his brains all causes of distrust, whereof many had grown in that short time. To which purpose obtaining private conference with him, he rehearsed the oath of Confederacy, which had past between them, showing how religiously he meant to keep it, and repeating the benefits, which the Greeks' did receive by the help of Tissaphernes, he promised that their love should appear to him not unfruitful, if he would make use of their service against the Mysians or Pisidians, who were accustemed to infested his Province, or against the Egyptians, who were then Rebels to the great King. For which cause he desired him, that whereas all divine and human respects had linked them together, he would not give place to any close accusation or suspicion, whereby might grow sudden inconvenience to either of them, upon no just ground. 〈◊〉 faithless Persian was very much delighted with this speech, which ministered fair occasion to the execution of his purpose. Therefore he told 〈◊〉 chus, that all this was by him wisely considered, wishing him further to call to mind how many ways he could have used to bring them to confusion, without peril to himself, especially by burning the Country, through which they were to pass, whereby they must needs have perished by mere famine. For which cause he said that it had been great folly, to seek by perjury, odious to God and Man, the destruction of such as were already in his hands; But the truth was, that his own love to them had moved him to work their safety, not only for those ends which Clearchus had recounted, of pleasures that might redound to himself, and the King, by their assistance: but for that he might by their friendship, hope to obtain what Cyrus had mist. Finally, he invited the credulous Gentleman to Supper, and sent him away so well assured of his good will, that he promised to bring all the Captains with him to the same place, where, in presence of them all, Tissaphernes likewise promised to tell openly, which of them had by secret information sought to raise dissension between them. Clearchus himself being thus deceived, with great importunity drew all the chief Commanders, and many of the inferior Leaders, to repair with him to the camp of Tissaphernes, wither followed them about two hundred of the common Soldiers as it had been to some common Fair. But being there arrived, Clearchus with other the five principal Colonels, were called into the Tent, the rest staying without, where they had not waited long ere a sign was given, upon which they within were apprehended, and the residue slain. Forthwith certain bands of Persian Horsemen scoured the field, kill as many Greeks' as they met, and riding up to the very Camp of the Grecians, who wondered much at the tumult, whereof they knew not the cause, till one, escaping sorely wounded, informed them of all that had been done. Hereupon the Greeks' took Arms in haste, thinking that the enemy would forthwith have assailed their Campe. Anon they might perceive the Ambassadors of Tissaphernes, among whom were his own brother, and Ariaeus, followed with three hundred Horse, who called for the principal men in the Army, saying, that they brought a message from the King, which Ariaeus delivered to this effect. That Clearchus having broken his faith, and the league made, was justly rewarded with death; that Menon and Proxenus, two other of the sive Colonels, for detecting his treacheric, were highly honoured; and finally, that the King required them to surrender their Arms, which were due to him, as having belonged unto his servant Cyrus. When some altercation had followed upon this message, Xenophon told the Ambassadors, that if Clearchus had in such sort offended, it was well that he was in such sort punished: but he willed them to sand back Menon and Proxenus, whom they had so greatly honoured, that by them, as by common friends to both Nations, the Greeks' might be advised how to answer the Persian. Hereunto the Ambassadors knew not how to frame any reply, and therefore departed without speaking one word more. Clearchus, and the other four were sent to Artaxerxes, by whose commandment their heads were stricken off. I hold it not amiss to prevent the order of time, annexing to this perfidiousness of Tissaphernes, the reward which he afterward received. He seen his Province wasted by the Greeks', against whom receiving from his Master convenient aid of men and money, 〈◊〉 did so ill manage his affairs, that neither subtlety, nor perjury (to which he failed not to have recourse) availing him; finally, the King was jealous of his cunning head, and sent a new Lieutenant into those parts, who took it from his shoulders. Such was the 〈◊〉 of his treachery, which made him so mistrusted at home, that the service which he could not do, he was thought upon private ends to neglect; and so hated abroad, that he knew not which way to fly from the stroke, all the world being shut against him. But now let us return to the prosperity, where in he triumphed without great cause, having betrayed braver men than himself, and intending to bring the like mischief upon the whole Army.   

§. VIII. How XENOPHON heartened the Greeks', and in despite of TISSAPHERNES went off safely.  
GReat was the heaviness of the Soldiers, being now destitute of Leaders, and no less their fear of the evil hanging over their heads, which they knew not how to avoid. Among the rest, Xenophon, whose learning supplied his want of experience, finding the deep sadness of the whole Army to be such as hindered them from taking any course of preventing the danger at hand, began to advise the under Officers of Proxenus his companies, whose familiar friend he had been, to bethink themselves of some mean, whereby their safety might be wrought, and the Soldiers encouraged: setting before their eyes whatsoever might serve to give them hope, and above all persuading them in no wise to yield to the mercy of their barbarous enemies.  
Hereupon they desired him to take upon him the charge of that Regiment; and so together with him, the same night calling up such as were remaining of any account, they made choice of the fittest men to succeed in the places of those who were slain, or taken. This being done, and order set down for disburdening the Army of all superfluous impediments, they easily comforted themselves for the loss of Tissaphernes his assistance, hoping to take victuals by force better cheap than he had been wont to cell them; To which purpose they intended to take up their lodging two or three miles further, among some plentiful Villages, and so to proceed, marching towards the heads of those great Rivers, which lay in their way, and to pass them where they were foordable. Many attempts were made upon them by Tissaphernes, whom they, serving 〈◊〉 on foot, were not able to requited for the harm which they received by the Persian Archers, who shot at a farther distance than the Greeks' could reach. For this cause did Xenophon provide slings, wherewith he overreached the enemy; and finding some Horses fit for service, that were employed among the carriages, he set men upon them; training likewise his Archers to shoot compass, who had been accustomed to the point blank. By these means did he bear off the Persians' who assailed him; and sometimes gave them chase with that band of fifty Horse, which being well 〈◊〉, with a firm body of footmen, and seconded with 〈◊〉 of the light-armed-shot and flingers, 〈◊〉 the enemy to lie aloof. Tissaphernes not daring to come to handy gripes with these resolute men, did possess the tops of Mountains, and places of advantage, by which they were to pass. But finally, when their valour made way through all such difficulties, he betook himself to that course, which was indeed the surest, of burning the Country. With great sorrow did the Greeks' behold the Villages on fire, and thereby all hope of victuals cut off. Some advised to defend the Country, as granted by the enemy himself to be theirs; others to make more fires, if so perhaps the Persians' might be ashamed to do that which were the desire of such as made passage in hostile manner; But these were 〈◊〉 comforts. The best counsel was, that being near unto the Carduchi, a people enemy to the Persian, they should enter into their Country passing over some high Mountains which lay between them. This course they followed, which could not have availed them, if Tissaphernes had begun sooner to cut off their victuals, rather than to seek to force, or to cirumvent them by his fine wit.   

§. IX.. The difficulties which the Greek Army found in passing through the Land of the Carduchi.  
Entering upon the Land of the Carduchi, they were encountered with many difficulties of ways, but much more afflicted by the fierce Inhabitants, who, accustomed by force to defend themselves against the huge Armies of the Persian, were no way inferior to the Greeks' in daring, but only in the Art of war. They were very light of foot, skilful Archers; and used the Sling well; which weapons in that mountainous Country were of much use against these poor travailers, afflicting them in seven days which they spent in that passage, far more than all the power of the great King had done. Between the Territory of these Carduchi, and the parts of Armenia confining them, ran Centrites a great River, upon which the Greeks' refreshed themselves one day, rejoicing that they had so well escaped these dangers, and hoping that the remainder would prove easy. But the next morning they seen certain troops of Horse, that lay to forbidden their passage. These were levied by the King's Deputies in those parts; Tissaphernes and his Companies having taken their way towards jonia. The River was broad and deep, so that it was not possible for such as would enter it, to make resistance against those which kept the opposite banks. To increase these dangers the Carduchi following upon them, lay on the side of a Mountain, within less than a mile of the water. But it was their good hap to discover a Ford, by which the greater number of them passing over, did easily chase away the Subjects of the Persian, and then sending back the most expedite men, gave succour to the Rearward, against which the Carduchi being slightly armed, could not on plain ground make resistance hand to hand. These Carduchi seem to have inhabited the Mountains of Niphates, which are not far from the Spring of Tigris; though Ptolemy place them far more to the East upon the River of Cyrus in Media, wherein he differs much from Xenophon, whose relation being grounded upon his own knowledge, doth best in this case deserve credit. Of the River Centrites (as of many other Rivers, Towns, and Places, mentioned by Xenophon) I will not labour to make a conjecture, which may endure the severity of a Critic. For Ptolemy, and the whole Nation of Geographers, add small light to this expedition: only of this last, I think it the same which falleth into Tigris, not much above Artasigarta springing out of Niphates, and running by the Town of Sardeva in Gordene, a Province of Armenia the Great, wherein the Greeks' having passed Centrites did arrive.   

§. X. How 〈◊〉 Governor of Armenia, seeking to entrap the Greeks' with terms of feigned peace, was disappointed and shamefully beaten.  
THe Army finding in Armenia good provision, marched without any disturbance about fifty or three score miles to the heads of the River Tigris, and passing over them, travailed as far further without resistance, till they were encountered by Teribazus at the River 〈◊〉, which Xenophon commends as a goodly water, though small; but Ptolemy and others omit it. Teribazus governed that Country for the Persian, and was in great favour with Artaxerxes, whose Court may seem to have been a School where the Art of falsehood was taught as wisdom. He desired peace of the Greeks, which was made upon this condition, that they should take what they pleased, but not burn down the Towns and Villages in their way. As soon as he had made this league, he levied an Army, & besetting the Straitss of certain Mountains which they were to pass, hoped well to make such benefit of their security, as might give him the commendation of being no less craftily dishonest than Tissaphernes. Yet his cunning failed of success. For a great snow fell, which caused the Greeks' to make many fires, and scatter themselves abroad in the Villages. Teribazus also made many fires, and some of his men wandered about seeking relief. By the fires he was discovered, and by a Soldier of his that was taken prisoner, the whole 〈◊〉 was revealed. Hereupon the Greeks', taking this captive with them for a guide, sought him out; and coming upon his Camp, did so affright him, that before the whole Army could arrive there, the shout which was raised by the Vaunt-currors, chased him away. They took his Pavilion, wherein (besides many slaves, that were Artificers of voluptuousness) very rich furniture was left by the treacherous coward, who returned no more to challenge it. From hence the Army went northward, and passing Euprates, not far below the springs thereof, travailed with much difficulty through deep snow, being followed aloof by the enemy, who durst not approach them, but did cut off such as they found straggling behind. The Inhabitants of the Country, through which they marched, had their wintering houses under ground, wherein was found great plenty of victuals, and of cat-tail, which likewise did winter in the same Cellars with the owners. Having refreshed themselves in those parts, and taken sufficient 〈◊〉 after the miserable journey, which had consumed many of them with extreme cold; they departed, leading with them many bondslaves, and taking away (besides other Horses and Cat-tail) some Colts that were bred up for the great King.   

§. XI. The passage of the Army to Trabizonde, through the Countries bordering upon the River of Phasis, and other obscure Nations.  
SO without impediment they come to the River Phasis, near whereunto the people called 〈◊〉 Taochi, and Chalybes were seated. These Nations joined together, and occupying the tops of a ledge of Mountains, which the Greeks' were to pass, made countenance of war: but some companies being sent by night to seize upon a place of equal height to that whereon the enemies lay, making good the piece of ground which they had taken, secured the ascent of the rest; which caused these people to fly, every one retiring to the defence of his own. The first upon whose Country the Greeks' did enter were the Taochi, who conveying all their provision of victuals into strong holds, brought the Army into much want, until with hard labour one place was forced, wherein great store of cat-tail were taken; the people, to avoid captivity, threw themselves headlong down the rocks, the very women throwing down first their own children, and then casting themselves upon them. Here was taken a great booty of Cat-tail, which served to feed them, travailing through the land of the Chalybes, of whom they got nothing but strokes. The Chalybes were a very 〈◊〉 Nation, well armed at all points, and exceeding fierce. They encountered the Greeks' hand to hand, kill as many as they took prisoners, and cutting off their heads, which they carried away, singing and dancing, to the great grief of their companions living; who were glad, when after seven days journey they escaped from those continual skirmishes, wherewith they had been vexed by these Barbarians. Hence travailing through a good corne-Countrie, inhabited by an obscure Nation called the Scythini, they come to a rich Town, the Lord whereof, and of the Region adjoining, used them friendly, and promised to guide them to a Mountain, whence they might discover the Euxine- Sea. From Gymnias (which was the name of his Town) he led them through the Territory of his enemies, desiring them to waste it with sword and fire. After five days march, they come to a Mountain called Teches, being (as I think) a part of the Mountains called 〈◊〉, whence their guide showed them the Sea; towards which they bend their course, and passing friendly through the Region of the Macrones, (with whom by means of an interpreter, found among themselves, who borne in that place had been sold into Greece, they made a good peace) they arrived in the Land of Colchos, wherein stands the City of 
* Trabisond a Colony of the Greeks', situate in the bottom of the 〈◊〉 Sea.  Trabisond, called than Trapezus, a Colony of the Greeks'. The Colchis entertaining them with hostility, were requited with the like; for the Army having now good leisure to repose themselves among their friends the Trapezuntians, did spoil the Country thirty days together, forbearing only the Borderers upon Trabizonde, at the Citizens request.   

§. XII. How the Army began at Trabizond to provide a Fleet, wherewith to return home by Sea: how it come into the Territory of Sinope, and there prosecuted the same purpose.  
Having now found an Haven Town, the Soldiers were desirous to take shipping, and change their tedious Land-iournies into an easy Navigation. To which purpose Cherisophus a Lacedaemonian, one of the principal Commanders, promised by means of Anaxibius the Lacedaemonian Admiral, who was his friend, that he would provide Vessels to embark them. Having thus concluded, they likewise took order for the staying of such ships as should pass that way, meaning to use them for their navigation. Jest all this provision should be found insufficient for the transportation of the whole Army, Xenophon persuaded the Cities adjoining to clear the ways, and make an easy passage for them by Land; whereunto the Soldiers were utterly unwilling to give 〈◊〉, being desirous to return by Sea, but the Country fearing what inconvenience might grow by their long stay, did readily condescend to Xenophons' request. Two ships they borrowed of the Trapezuntians, which they manned and sent to Sea: the one of them sailed directly into Greece, forsaking their Companions, who had put them in trust to bring ships into the Port of 〈◊〉: the other took Merchants and passengers, whose goods were safely kept for the owners, but the Vessels were stayed to increase the fleet. After long abode, when victuals began to fail, by reason that all the Land of the Colchi, near unto the Camp was already quite wasted, they were feign to embark their sick-men, with the women, children, and such of the baggage as might best be spared, in those few ships which they had already provided. The rest of the Army took their way by Land to Cerasus, a Greek Town, where the fleet likewise arrived. Here the Army being mustered, was found to consist of eight thousand and six hundred men From hence they passed through the Country of the 
a 〈◊〉 a Nation of Pontus Cappadocicus  Mosynaci, who were divided into factions. The stronger partic, despising their friendship, caused them to join with the weaker, whom they left Masters of all.  
The next place of their abode was 
b 〈◊〉 a Port Town in the same Region.  Cotyora, a Greek Town likewise, and a Colony of the Sinopians, as Trapezus and Cerasus were; but the entertainment which here they found was very churlish, having neither an open Market afforded to them, nor the sick-men that were among them admitted into any house. Hereupon the Soul dyer's entered the Town by force, and (committing no outrage) bestowed those which were sick in convenient lodgings, taking into their own hands the custody of the Gates. Provision for the Army they made by strong hand, partly out of the Territory of the Paphlagonians, partly out of the Lands belonging to the Town. These news were unwelcome to 
c 〈◊〉 a Port-town in Leucolyria, a Colony of the Mylesians.  Sinope, whence Ambassadors were sent to the Camp, who complaining of these dealings, and threatening to join with the Paphlagonians, if redress could not otherwise be had, were roundly answered by Xenophon, That mere necessity had enforced the Army to teach those of Cotyora good manners in so bad a method: letting them know, that he feared not to deal with them and the Paphlagonian at once; though perhaps the Paphlagonian would be glad to take Sinope itself, to which, if cause were given, they would lend assistance. Upon this answer the Ambassadors grew better advised, promising all friendship that the State of Sinope could show, and commanding the Town of Cotyora to relieve the Soldiers as well as they might. Further, they promised to assist them with shipping, letting them understand how difficult the passage by Land would prove, in regard of the many and great Rivers, as Thermodon, Iris, Halys, and Parthenius, which crossed their way. This good counsel, and the fair promises accompanying it, were kindly accepted by the Army, which well perceived, that the City of Sinope would spare for no cost, to be freed from such a neighbourhood. It was therefore decreed that they would pass the rest of the way by Sea; provided that if there should want such number of Vessels as might serve to embark every one man of them, then would they not put from the shore.   

§. XIII. Of dissension which arose in the Army; and how it was embarked.  
HItherto the danger 〈◊〉, and miseries of weather & wants, had kept the company in firm unity; which now began to dissolve and to thaw, by the neighbouring air of Greece, warming their heads with private respects to their several ends and purposes. Whilst they, who were sent as Agents from the Camp, remained at Sinope; Xenophon considering the strength and valour of his men, and the opportunity of the coast whereon they lay, thought it would be an honourable work to build a City in those parts, which were soon like to prove great and wealthy, in regard both of their own pvissance, and of the great repair of the Greeks' into that quarter. For this cause he made sacrifice, according to the superstition of his time and Country, divining of his success by the entrails of beasts. The Soothsayer whom he employed had received a great reward of Cyrus, for conjecturing aright, that Artaxerxes would not give 〈◊〉 in ten days: he therefore, having preserved his money carefully, was desirous to be soon at home, that he might freely enjoy his get. By him the purpose of Xenophon was divulged, which was interpreted according to the diversity of men's opinions; some approving the motion, but the greater part rejecting it. They of Sinope and Heraclea, being informed of this consultation, were sore afraid, jest the poverty of the Soldiers, who had not wherewith to maintain themselves at home, should give success to the project. Which to prevent, they promised to supply the Army with a sufficient fleet, and likewise offered money to some of the Captains, who thereupon undertook to give the Soldiers pay, if they would presently set sail for Greece. One of these Captains being a banished man, desired them to follow him into Troas; another offered to lead them into Cherronesus. Xenophon who desired only the common good, was pleased greatly with these propositions and professed openly that he would 〈◊〉 them to set forward, and hold together in any case, punishing him as a Traitor that should for sake the Army, before such time as they were 〈◊〉 at their journeys end. Silanus the Soothsayer, who had uttered Xenophons' purpose, was hereby stayed from outrunning his fellows, and driven to abide with his wealth among poor men, longer than stood with his good liking. Also the other Captains were much troubled and afraid, when they perceived, that ships were prepared sufficient for their Navigation, but that the money promised to them, and by them to the Soldiers, come not. For the people of Sinope, and Heraclea, knowing that the Army was now resolved for the voyage, & that 〈◊〉, whom they feared, had persuaded them to this resolution; thought it the wisest way to furnish them with a Navy whilst they were in good readiness to departed, but to keep the money to themselves. The Captains therefore who being disappointed by 〈◊〉 Towns, found themselves in great danger of their men, whom they had deceived with fair hopes, repent much of their hasty offers, & signifying as much to Xenophon, prayed him to make proposition to the Army, of taking the ships, and sailing to Phasis, where they might seize upon Lands, & plant themselves in such wise as should stand best with their good liking. But finding him cold in the business, they began to work the principal of their own followers, hoping by them to draw in all the rest. These news becoming public, bred a suspicion of Xenophon, as if he had won the rest of the Captain to his purpose, and meant now to carry the Army quite another way from their own home. Wherhfore assembling the Companies, he gave them satisfaction, and withal complained of some disorders which he caused them to redress. A general inquisition was likewise made of offences committed since the death of Cyrus; which being punished, all 〈◊〉 were in quiet. Shortly after come Ambassadors from Corylas, Lord of the Paphlagonians, who sending presents desired peace of the Greeks': the Ambassadors were friendly entertained, and peace concluded, which needed not to have been sought, for that the Greeks having now their fleet in a readiness, did soon weigh Anchors, and set sail for Harmene the Port of Sinope, wither Cherisophus come, bringing with him a few Galleys from the Admiral Anaxibius, who promised to give the Army pay as soon, as they come into the parts of Greece.   

§. XIIII. Another great dissension and distraction of the Army. How the mutineers were beaten by the Barbarians, and rescued by XENOPHON.  
THe nearer that they approached to Greece, the greater was their desire to make provision for themselves, that they might not return home empty-handed. Wherhfore trusting well that if the charge of the Army were absolutely committed to one sufficient man, he might the more conveniently procure the good of them all, they determined to make Xenophon sole Commander of all, in whose favour as well the Captains as the common Soldiers were very earnest and violent. But he, either fearing to displease the Lacedæmonians, who were jealous of him already (being incensed by that fugitive who forsook the Army at Trabizond, flying with one of their two ships) or moved by some tokens appearing to him in the entrails that threatened ill success to his government, procured with vehement contention, that this honour was laid upon Cherisophus a Lacedaemonian. It seems that Xenophon, considering the vexations incident to the conduct of a voluntary Army, wanting pay, did wisely in yielding to such tokens as forbade him to accept it: especially, knowing so well their desire, which was by right or by wrong to get wealth wheresoever it might be found, without all regard of Friend or of Foc. Cherisophus had been General but six or seven days, when he was deposed, for having been unwilling to rob the Town of Heraclea which had sent presents to the Camp, and been very beneficial unto them in lending ships for their transportation. Two days they had sailed by the coast of Asia, when being past those great Rivers, which would have given impediment to their journey by Land, they touched at Heraclea, where consulting how to take their way on wards, whither by Land or Sea, one seditious man began to put them in mind of seeking to get somewhat for themselves; telling them that all their provision would be spent in three days, and that being now come out of the enemies Country, victuals and other necessaries could not be had without money; for which cause he gave advice to sand messengers into the Town of Heraclea, giving the Citizens to understand what their wants were, and demanding of them three thousand pieces of money, called Cyzicens, which sum amounteth to two thousand and five hundred pound starling, or thereabouts. This motion was greatly applauded, and the sum raised to ten thousand Cyzicens at lest: which to require, they thought Cherisophus, as being General, the fittest man; others had more desire to sand Xenophon: but in vain, for they both refused it, and renounced the action as dishonest. Jest therefore either of these should fail in managing the business which agreed not with his disposition, others of more impudency and less discretion were sent, who in such wise delivered their insolent message; that the Citizens taking time to deliberate upon their request, brought what they could out of the fields into the Town, and shutting the Gates, did forthwith man the walls. When the Soldiers perceived themselves to be disappointed of their 〈◊〉 purpose, they fell to mutiny, saying, That their Leaders had betrayed them: and being for the more part of them Arcadians, and Achaeans, they forsook immediately Cherisophus and Xenophon, choosing new Leaders out of their own number. Above four thousand and five hundred they were, all heavily armed, who electing ten Captains, sailed into the Port of Calphas, which is in the midway between Heraclea and Byzantium, with purpose to assail the Bythinians on the sudden. With Cherisophus there abode two thousand and one hundred, of whom one thousand and four hundred were armed weightily: Xenophon had two thousand foot, three hundred whereof were lightly armed, and forty horse, which small band had done good service already, and could not have been spared now. Cherisophus had agreed with Cleander Governor of Byzantium, to meet him at the mouth of the River Calphas, wither Cleander promised to bring some Galleys to convey him over into Greece; for which cause he took his way thither by Land, leaving to Xenophon such shipping as he had, who passing some part of the way by Sea, landed upon the Confines of Heraclea, and Thracia Asiatica, intending to make a cut through the mid-land-Countrie to the Propont. The Mutineers, who had landed at Calpas by night, with purpose to take spoils in Bythinia, divided themselves into ten Companies, every Captain leading his own Regiment into some Village, five or six miles from the Sea, in the greater Towns were two Regiments quartered; and so was that part of the country surprised on the sudden, & sacked all at one time. The place of Rendezvous was an high piece of ground, where some of them arrived, finding no disturbance; others, not without much trouble and danger; two Companies were broken and defeated, only eight men escaping, the rest were all put to the sword. For the Thracians which had slipped at first our of the Soldiers hands, did raise the Country, and finding the Greeks' laden with booty, took the advantage of their disorder, cutting in pieces those two Regiments: which done, they attempted the rest, encompassing the hill whereon they encamped. One great advantage the Thractans had, that being all light armed, they could at pleasure make retreat from these Arcadians, & Achaeans: who wanting the assistance of horse, and having neither Archers nor Slingers among them, were driven to stand merely upon their defence, bearing off with great danger, and many wounds received, the Darts and Arrows of the Barbarians, till finally they were driven from their watering place, and enforced to crave parley. Whatsoever the articles of composition were, the Thracians yielded to all; but pledges for assurance they would give noon, without which the Greeks' well knew, that all promises of such people, especially so incensed, were nothing worth. In the mean time Xenophon holding his way quietly through the Inland Region, did inquire of some travailers, whither they knew aught of any Grecian Army, passing along those parts: and 〈◊〉 by them true information of the desperate case into which these Gallants had foolishly thrown themselves, he marched directly towards the place where they lay, taking with him for guides them who gave him the intelligence. His horsemen he sent before to discover, and to scour the ways; the light-armed footmen took the hill-tops on either hand, all of them setting fire on whatsoever they found combustible, whereby the whole Country seemed to be on a light-flame, to the great terror of the enemies, who thought that some huge Army had approached. That night he encamped on a Hill, within five mile of the Arcadians, increasing still the number of his fires, which he caused hastily to be quenched soon after Supper. The enemies perceiving this, thought certainly that he would have fallen upon them in the dark, which caused them in all haste to dislodge. Early the next morning Xenophon coming thither in very good order, to have given battle, found that his device, to affright the Thracians, had taken full effect; but he marveled that the Greeks' were also departed, concerning whom he learned by inquiry, that they removed at break of day, and perceived by signs that they had taken the way to the Port of Calpas, in which journey he overtook them. They embraced Him, and His, with great joy: Confessing that they themselves had thought the same which the enemies did, looking that he should have come by night, wherein finding themselves deceived, they were afraid jest he had forsaken them, and therefore hastened away, to overtake him, and join with him. So they arrived at the Haven of Calpas, where it was decreed, That whosoever from thenceforth made any motion to disjoin the Army, should suffer death.   

§. XU Of divers pieces of service done by XENOPHON; and how the Army returnedinto Greece. The occasions of the 〈◊〉 between the Lacedæmonians and the Persian.  
THe Haven of Calpas lay under a goodly head-land, that was very strong, and abounding with all kind of Grain and Fruits, except Olives. There was also Timber for building and shipping, and a very convenient sea for a great City. All which commodities, that might have allu ed the Soldiers to stay there, and to plant, caused them to haste away, fearing jest Xenophon should 〈◊〉 some device to have settled himself and them in that place. For the greater part of them had good means to live at home, neither did they so much for hope of gain follow Cyrus in that War, as in regard of his Honour, and the love which they bore unto him: the poorer sort were such as left the Parents, Wives, and Children, to whom (though failing of the riches which they had hoped to purchase) they were now desirous to return. But whither it were so that Xenophon found advantage by their own superstition, to make them stay, which they greatly suspected; or whither 〈◊〉 signs appearing in the entrails, did indeed forbidden their departure: so long they were enforced to abide in the place till victuals failed, neither would the Captains lead them forth to forage the Country, until the Sacrifices should promise' good success. Cherisophus was dead of an Ague, and his ships were go, being returned to the Heracleans, of whom they were borrowed. His followers were joined to the rest of the Army, which the greater it was, the more provision it needed, and the sooner felt want. For which cause, he that was chosen Colonel into the place of Cherisophus, would needs adventure to gratify the Soldiers with the spoil of some Villages that stood near at hand; in which enterprise he found ill success, the whole Country lying in wait to entrap him, and an Army of Horse being sent by Pharnabazus the Satrapa, or Viceroy of Phrygia, to the assistance of these 〈◊〉 Thracians, which troops falling upon the Greeks' that were scattered abroad in seeking booty, slew five hundred of them, and chased the rest to a certain Mountain thereby. The news of this overthrow coming to Xenophon, he led forth a part of the Army to the rescue of those that survived, and brought them safe to the Camp; upon which the Bythinians made an offer that night, and breaking a Corpse du guard, slew some, pursuing the rest to the very Tents. This new courage of the enemy, together with the present condition of the Army, so disheartened and unfurnished of necessaries, caused the Greeks' to remove their Camp to a place of more strength; which having entrenched, and committed to the defence of such as were least able to endure travail, Xenophon with the firmest and best able men went forth, both to bury those which were lately slain, and to abate the pride of the Thracians, and their Assistants. In this journey his demeanour was very Honourable. For having given burial to the dead, the Enemy was discovered, lying on the tops of the Hills adjoining, to whom (notwithstanding 〈◊〉 the way was very rough, and troublesome, so that some thought it a matter of too great danger, to leave at their backs a wood scarce passeable) he marched directly, telling his men plainly, that he had rather follow the enemy with half the number, than turn his back to them with twice as many, and letting them further know, that if they did not charge the Barbarian, he would 〈◊〉 with the greater resolution to pursue them; from whom if they could safely retire to the camp, yet what should they do there, wanting victuals to sustain them in the place, and ships, to carry them away? wherefore he willed them rather to fight well that day, having eaten their dinners, than an other day fasting; and not to regard the uneasy return, which might serve to stay Cowards from running away, but to wish unto the Enemy a fair and easy way, by which he might 〈◊〉 from them. These persuasions were followed with so valiant execution, that both Persians' and Bythinians being chased out of the field, abandoned the Country forthwith, removing their Families, and leaving all that could not suddenly be conveyed away, to the discretion of the Greeks', who at good leisure gathered the harvest of these bad Neighbours fields. This was the last fight which they had on the side of Asia. For they were not only suffered quietly to enjoy the spoil of the Country, but when the opinion grew common in those parts, that it was the intent of Xenophon to plant a Colony on the Port of Calpas, Ambassadors were sent from the Neighbour people, to desire friendship, and make 〈◊〉 of their best assistance. But the Soldiers had no mind to stay. Wherefore entering further into Bythinia, they took a great booty, which they carried away to Chrysopolis, a City near unto Chalcedon, where they sold it. Pharnabazus, Lieutenant in Phrygia to Artaxerxes, did greatly fear, jest their long stay in that Country might breed in them a desire to visit his Province, where they might have found great wealth, and little power to guard it. Therefore he sent to the Lacedaemonian Admiral, 〈◊〉 him with much instance and large promises to waft them over into Europe; to whom Anaxibius the Admiral condescending, promised to give the Soldiers pay, as soon as they arrived at Byzantium. So 〈◊〉 they carried out of Asia at the entreaty of the Persian, who in the height of his pride had thought them so surely imprisoned with mighty Rivers, that he not only denied to permit their quiet departure, but willed them to surrender their Arms into his hands, and so to yield their lives to his discretion. How discourteously they were entreated by Anaxibius, and how to requited his injurious dealings, they seized upon Byzantium, which by Xenophous persuasion they forbore to sack, I hold it superfluous to relate. For the residue of their doings appertain little to the general course of things. But this expedition, as in all ages it was glorious, so did it both discover the secrets of Asia, and stir up the Greeks' to think upon greater enterprises, than ever their forefathers had undertaken. Likewise it was the only remarkable action which the time afforded. For the Roman wars did hitherto extend no further than to the next neighbouring Towns of Italy; and in Greece all things were quiet, the Lacedæmonians ruling insolently, but without disturbance. True it is, that the seeds of the War shortly following, which the Lacedæmonians made upon Artaxerxes, were already sown, before these companies returned out of the high Countries of Asia. For the Towns of jonia, which had sided with young Cyrus against Tissaphernes, if not against the great King, prepared to rebel, which they thought safer, than to fall into the hands of Tissaphernes, who was now appointed Lieutenant, both of his old Province, and of all that had belonged to Cyrus. Wherhfore the jonians besought the Lacedæmonians to sand them aid, whereby to recover their liberty; and obtained their request.  
For a power was sent over, under conduct of Thimbro a Spartan, who bestowed his men in such Towns as had already revolted, to secure the Cities and their Fields, but not to make any offensive War.    

CHAP. XI. Of the affairs of Greece, whilst they were managed by the Lacedæmonians.  

§. I. How the Lacedæmonians took courage by example of XENOPHONS' Army, to make War upon ARTAXERXES.  
IT seems that the Lacedæmonians did well 〈◊〉 in how ill part Artaxerxes took their favour showed unto his brother, and yet were timorous in beginning an open war against him, thinking it sufficient to take all care that no advantage might slip, which could serve to strengthen their estate, by finding the Persian work beyond the Sea. But when Xenophons' Army had revealed the baseness of those effeminate Asiatiques, and rehearsed the many victories which they themselves had gotten, upon terms of extreme disadvantage; then was all Greece filled with desire of undertaking upon this huge unwieldy Empire, thinking it no hard matter for the joint-forces of that whole Nation, to hue out the way to Susa, whereof one handful had opened the passage to Babylon, and further, finding no power that was able to give them resistance, in all that long journey of four and thirty thousand two hundred and fifty five furlongs, spent in going and returning, which make of English miles about four thousand two hundred four score and one, a very painful march of one year and three months. Nevertheless the civil distraction wherewith Greece was miserably torn, and especially that hot fire of the Theban War, which, kindled with Persian gold, broke forth suddenly into a great flame, drew back out of Asia the power of the Lacedæmonians, to the defence of their own estate; leaving it questionable whither Agesilaus, having both the same, and far greater forces, could have wrought proportionable effects. Sure it is, that in the whole space of two years, which he spent in Asia, his deeds procured more commendation of magnanimity and fair behaviour, than of stout courage, and great, or profitable achievements. For how highly so ever it pleased Xenophon, who was his friend, and follower in this, and in other wars, to extol his virtue; his exploits being only a few incursions into the Countries lying near the Sea, carry no proportion to Xenophons' own journey, which I know not whither any Age hath paralleled: the famous retreat of Conon the Briton with six thousand men from Aquileia, to his own Country, through all the breadth of Italy, and length of France, in despite of the Emperor Theodosius, being rather like it than equal. But of Agesilaus and his wars in Asia and Greece, we shall speak more in due place.   

§. II The prosperous beginnings of the war in Asia.  
THIMBRO receiving Xenophons' men, began to take in Towns, and to 〈◊〉 all such as were willing to 〈◊〉 from the Persian, who were many, and some of them such, as had been highly beholding to the King; who seem to have had no other cause of discontent, than that they were to live under the government of Tissaphernes, whom all others did as vehemently hate as the King his Master did love him. The managing of the war begun by Thimbro, was for his oppressions taken out of his hands, and committed to Dercyllidas a Spartan, who behaved himself as a good man of War, and a wise Commander. For whereas the rule of the low-countrieses of Asia was divided between Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, who did ill agreed, Pharnabazus being the worthier man, but the other by his Prince's favour the greater, and having the chief command in those wars against the Greeks'; Dercyllidas who did bear a private hatred to Pharnabazus (knowing well that Tissaphernes was of a mischievous nature, and would 〈◊〉 be sorry to see his Corrival thoroughly beaten, though to the King's loss) made an appointment with Tissaphernes, and forthwith entered Aeolis, which was under the jurisdiction of Pharnabazus, which Province, in few days, he brought into his own power.  
That Country of Aeolis had about the same time suffered a violent alteration, which gave easy success to the attempts of Dercyllidas. Zenis a Dardanian had been Deputy to Pharnabazus in those parts; after whose death his wife Mania procured his Office, wherein she behaved herself so well, that she not only was beloved of the people under her government: but enlarged her Territory, by the conquest of certain Towns adjoining; and sundry times gave assistance to Pharnabazus in his wars against the Mysians and Persians'. For she had in pay some Companies of Greeks', whose valour by her good usage did her great service. But somewhat before the arrival of Dercyllidas in those parts, a Son-in-law of hers, called Midias, whom she trusted and loved much, being blinded with ambition, found means to stifle her, and kill her son of seventeen years old; which done, he seized upon two of her principal Towns, wherein her treasure lay, hoping to have been admitted into possession of her whole estate. Being denied entrance by her Soldiers, that lay in Garrison, he sent Messengers with presents to Pharnabazus, desiring him to make him Governor in the place of Mania. His presents were not only rejected by Pharnabazus, but revenge of his soul treason threatened, whereby the wicked villain was driven into terms of almost utter desperation. In the mean time come Dercyllidas, to whom the Towns of Mania, that held against Midias, did quickly open their Gates. One only Town stood out four days (against the will of the Citizens, who were covetous of liberty) the Governor striving in vain to have kept it to the use of Pharnabazus. Now remained only two Cities Gergethe and Scepsis, which the Traitor held, who 〈◊〉 all men, as being loved of noon, sent Ambassadors to Dercyllidas, 〈◊〉 leave to speak with him, and pledges for his security: upon the delivery of which he issued out of Scepsis, and coming into the Camp, made offer to join with the Greeks' upon such conditions as might seem reasonable. But he was plainly told by Dercyllidas, that other condition there was noon, than to set the Citizens freely at liberty. And presently upon these words they marched toward Scepsis. When Midias perceived that it was in vain to strive against the Army, and the Towns men, who were all of one mind; he quietly went along with Dercyllidas; who remaining but a few hours in the City, did a sacrifice to Minerva, and then leading away the Garrison of Midias, he left the City free, and departed toward Gergethe. Midias did not 〈◊〉 his Company, but followed him, earnestly entreating that he might be suffered to retain Gergethe: but coming to the Gates, he was bidden to command his Soldiers that they should be opened, for (quoth Dercyllidas) I must here likewise do a sacrifice to Minerva. The Traitor, not daring to make denial, caused his Mercenaries to open the Gates, whereby Dercyllidas, taking possession of the place, tendered pay to the Garrison, who did not refuse to serve under his Ensigns. This done, all the goods of Mania were seized upon, as belonging to one that had been subject to Pharnabazus, who was enemy to the Greeks': and so the murderous wretch was sent away naked, not knowing in what part of the World he might find any place to hide his detested head. Dercyllidas, having in eight days taken nine Cities, purposed for the ease of his Confederates to winter in Bythinia, to which end he took Truce with Pharnabazus, who had not any desire of War. That Winter; and the Summer ensuing, the Truce being recontinued held; in which time, besides the wasting of Bythinia, the neck of Land joining Cherronea to the main, was fortified, being four or five miles in breadth, by which means eleven Towns with much good Land belonging to them, were freed from the incursions of the wild Thractans; and made fit and able to victual the Campe. Likewise the City of 〈◊〉 was taken, which was of great strength, and very well stored with provision. After this, Dercyllidas had command from Sparta, to divert the war into Caria, where was the seat of Tissaphernes; for that hereby it was thought not uneasy to recover all the Towns of jonia: Pharax the Admiral of the fleet (which was a yearly Office) being appointed to join with him. Though it was manifeft that Thissaphernes had neglected Pharnabazus in time of necessity, yet was he not in his own danger requited with the like. For Pharnabazus having respect to the King's service, come to assist his private enemy Tissaphernes, & so passing into Caria, they thrust Garrisons into all places of ftrength; which done, they marched towards jonia, hoping to find the Towns ill manned for resistance. As these Persians' were desirous to keep the war from their own doors, so was Dercyllidas willing to free his Confederates the jonians from the spoil and danger of the war, by transferring it into Caria. For which cause he passed the River of Maeander, and not looking to have been so soon encountered, marched carelessly through the Country: when on the very sudden the whole Army of Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus was discovered, confisting of Persians', Carians, and some Mercenary Greeks', who were all marshaled in very good order to present battle. The odds was too apparent, both in numbers of men, and in readiness, as also in advantage of ground: for the Persian had a great multitude of Horse, the Greek very few and feeble, being to fight in an open plain. Therefore all the jonians, together with the Islanders and others, of such places as bordered upon the King's Dominions, did either betake themselves to present flight; or abiding a while for shame, did plainly discover by their looks, that they meant not to be more bold than wise. Only Dercyllidas with his Peloponnesians regarding their honour, prepared to endure the fight: which must needs have brought them to destruction, if the counsel of Pharnabazus had been followed, who perceiving the opportunity of so great a victory, was not willing to let it slip. But Tissaphernes, who naturally was a coward, seeing that countenance of resistance was made, began to consider what strange defence the Soldiers of Xenophon had showed, and thinking that all the Greeks' were of the like resolution, held it the wisest way to crave parley; the conclusion of which was, That a truce should be made, to last until Tissaphernes might receive answer from the King, and Dercyllidas from Sparta, concerning the demands propounded in the Treaty, which were on the one part, that all the Greeks' in Asia might enjoy their own liberty and laws, but contrariwise on the other side, that the Lacedæmonians should departed Asia, and leave the Towns to the King's pleasure. This Treaty was of noon effect; only it served to free the Greeks' from the present danger, and to gain time unto Tissaphernes, who desired to avoid the war by procrastination, which he durst not adventure to finish by trial of a battle.   

§. III How the Lacedæmonians took revenge upon the Eleans for old displeasure. The discontents of the Corinthians and Thebans, conceived against the State of Sparta.  
IN the mean season the Lacedamonians, who found noon able to withstand them in Greece, began to call the Eleans to account for some disgraces received by them during the late wars, when leisure was wanting to the requital of such petty injuries. These Eleans being Precedents of the Olympiaque games, had set a fine upon the City of Sparta, for Non-payment of which, they forbade them to come to the solemnity; and publicly whipped one of them, that was a man of note, for presuming to contend 〈◊〉 their decree. Likewise they hindered Agis King of Sparta, from doing sacrifice to jupiter; and in all points used great contempt toward the Spartans', who now had no business that could hinder them from taking 〈◊〉: and therefore sent a peremptory message to the Eleans, commanding them to 〈◊〉 at liberty the Cities which they held in subjection. This was the usual pretence which they made the ground of all their wars: though little they cared for the liberty of such Towns, which they caused afterwards to become followers, and little better than mere Vassals of the Lacedæmonians. In their late wars with Athens, the strong opposition which they found, caused this goodly Title of liberty to work very slowly: but having now to do with a State of great spirit and small force, it gave present success to their desires. Two years together they sent an Army into the Country of the Eleans: the first year an earthquake (held in those times a prodigious sign, and which did always forbidden the prosecution of any enterprise in hand) caused them to retire: the second year, all the Towns of the Eleans did hastily revolt, and the City itself was driven to submission; consenting both to suffer their old subjects freely to enjoy their liberty, and to have her own walls thrown down. Only the Presidentship of the Olympian games was left unto them, which, it was not to be doubted that they would in time coming use modestly, finding themselves to stand at the mercy of Sparta. In this expedition all the Greeks' were assistant to the Lacedæmonians, excepting the Corinthians and Boeotians, whose aid having been of as much importance in the late Peloponnesian War, as the force of Sparta itself, they could not smother their dislike of their unequal division following the victory; which gave to Sparta the command of all Greece; to Thebes, and Corinth, only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athens, but such a security as was worse than the danger. For when the equal greatness of two 〈◊〉 Estates did counterpoise each the other, it was in the power of these Neutral Commonweals to adhere to either, as the condition of their affairs required; but when to revenge injuries, they had by mortal hatred prosecuted the war to extremity, leaving the one City naked of power and friends, the other mightily increased in both, it was then (if not necessary to obey the greatness which themselves had made yet) foolish and dangerous to provoke it. Nevertheless, it was not the purpose of the Spartans' to take occasion of any quarrel, which they could not finish at pleasure, till such time as they had by victory or composition made some good end with the Persian, toward whom they bent all their care and forces.   

§. FOUR The passage of AGESILAUS 〈◊〉 Asia. His war with TISSAPHERNES. How TISSAPHERNES was put to death, and the war diverted into another Province, through persuasion and gifts of TITHRAUSTES his successor. How careless the Persian Lieutenants were of the King's good.  
AGESILAUS newly made king of Sparta, was 〈◊〉 to have the honour of the victory, which not without cause, he expected upon those of Asia; and therefore procuring a great Army to join with that of Dercyllidas, he took his way in great pomp to Aulis in Boeotia, a Haven, lying opposite to the Island of Euboea, in which place Agamemnon (leading the power of all Greece to the war against Troy, many Ages before) had embarked his men. In imitation of Agamemnon he meant also to do sacrifice in Aulis, which the Thebans, Lords of that Country, would not permit, but saying that the performance of such ceremonies in that place, belonged unto their Officers, they were so unable to conceal their malice, that sending some Companies of horse, they threw down his sacrifice from the Altar. It was not then convenient time for Agesilaus to entangle himself and his Country in any new war; therefore waiting better opportunity of revenge, he quietly swallowed the contumely, and followed his main intendment. Having landed his men at Ephesus, he was entertained by Tissaphernes with a Treaty of peace, wherein Agesilaus peremptorily requiring that the Persian should restore to liberty all the Greek Towns in Asia, was promised that the King, being first informed to his demand, should sand answer to his good liking, if he would in the mean while make truce. Truce was therefore made, which Tissaphernes had sought, only to win time of making provision for the war, and getting supply of men and money from Artaxerxes; whilst 〈◊〉 was busy in settling the Estates of his confederate Cities on that side of the Sea. The end of this long vacation from war was at the coming down of these forces which Artaxerxes had sent: at what time Agesilaus received a plain message from Tissaphernes, that either he must forthwith departed out of Asia, or make good his abode by strong hand. Agesilaus returning word, that he was glad to hear that his enemies had by perjury 〈◊〉 vengeance from Heaven, prepared to invade them; and sending word to all the Towns which lay between him, and Caria, that they should provide victuals and other necessaries for his Army, did easily make Tissaphernes believe, that his intent was to invade that Province wherein Tissaphernes dwelled, and which was unfit for Horse, in which part of his forces the 〈◊〉 had most confidence. Therefore Tissaphernes bestowing all his Companies of foot in Caria, entered with his horse into the plains of Maeander, hoping thereby to stop the passage of a heavy foot-Armie, not suffering them to pass into that Country which was fittest for their service. But the Greeks' left him waiting there in vain, and marched directly into Phrygia, where they took great spoil without resistance, till such time as the Horse men of Pharnabazus met him, who in a small skirmish having the better of the Greeks', were the occasion that Agesilaus returned to Ephesus. Although in this last fight only twelve men were lost, yet Agesilaus perceiving by that trial how hard it would be to prevail, and hold the mastery of the field, without a greater strength of Horse, took all possible care to increase that part of his forces. By which means having enabled himself, whilst winter lasted he entered upon the Country of Tissaphernes, as soon as the season of the year would permit, and not only took a great booty, but finding the Horsemen of Tissaphernes in the plain of Maeander, without assistance of their infantry, he gave them battle, and had a great victory, taking their Camp in which he found great riches. The blame of this loss fell heavy upon Tissaphernes, who either upon cowardice had absented himself from the battle, or following some other business, was then at Sardes. For which cause his Master having him in distrust, and thinking that peace might be the sooner had, which he much desired, if the man, so odious to the whole Nation of the Greeks', were taken out of the way, he sent into those parts Tithraustes a Persian, to cut off the head of Tissaphernes, and succeed him in the government. Such was the end of this base and cowardly Politician, who little caring to offend Heaven, when by perjury he could advance his purposes on Earth, failed at the last through too much overweening of his own wisdom, even in that part of cunning, wherein he thought himself most perfect; for supposing, that by his great skill in subtle negotiation he should one way or other cirumvent the Greeks', and make them weary of Asia; he did not seek to finish the war, and according to his Masters wish, bring all things speedily to quiet, but rather to temporize, till he might find some opportunity of making such end as best might stand with the King's honour and his own. Wherein it seems that he much mistook his Prince's disposition, who though he had highly rewarded him for the aid which he did bring in his time of danger, yet would he much more gladly have taken it, if he could have found such means whereby the danger it sefe might have been avoided: as not loving to have war, whilst by any conditions (honourable or not) he might obtain peace. And this appeared well by the course which Tithraustes took at his first possession of the low-countrieses. For he sent Ambassadors to Agesilaus, in very friendly sort, letting him know, that the man who had been Author of the war, was now taken out of the way; and that it was the King's pleasure to let the Greeks' enjoy their own laws and liberty, upon condition, that they should pay him the tribute accustomed, and the Army be forthwith dismissed. The answer to this proposition, was by Agesilaus referred to the Council of Sparta; in the mean season he was content to transfer the war into the Province of Pharnabazus, at the request of Tithraustes, who bought his departure with thirty Talents.  
This was a strange manner of War, both on the offensive and on the defensive part. For Agesilaus having entertained great 〈◊〉 of vanquishing the great King, was contented to forbear his several Provinces, at the entreaty of the Lieutenants: and those Lieutenants being employed by the King to maintain his Estates against all enemies (wherein if they failed, they knew that their heads might easily be taken from their shoulders) were little offended at any loss that fell on their next Neighbour-provinces, which were subject likewise to the same Crown of Persia, so long as their own government could be preserved free from waste and danger. The cause of this disorder on the Persian side, I can ascribe to nothing so deservedly, as to the corrupted estate of the Court, wherein eunuchs, Concubines, and Ministers of pleasure, were able by partial construction to countenance, or disgrace, the actions of such as had the managing of things abroad; and to that foolish manner of the Kings (which was so usual that it might be called a rule) to reward or punish the Provincial Governor, according to the benefit or loss, which the Country given in charge unto each of them received, during the time of his rule. Whereby it come to pass, that as every one was desirous to make his own Territory yield a large increase to the King's treasure; so no man was careful to assist his borderers, if loss or danger might thereby grow to himself and his; but sat still as an idle beholder, when perhaps by joining their forces, it had not been uneasy to recompense the spoil of one Country, by conquering another, or defending a third from far greater miseries.   

§. V The War and Treaty between AGESILAUS and PHARNABAZUS.  
AGESILAUS having thus compounded with Tithraustes, entered Phrygia, burning and wasting the Country without resistance. He took the Palace of Pharnabazus, and by his Lieutenant drove him out of his Campe. These actions, together with his honourable behaviour, which added much to their lustre, were more glorious than profitable. For he did not win Cities and Places of strength, which might have increased his power, and given assurance to the rest of his proceed: but purchased fame and high reputation, by which he drew unto him some that were disontented and stood upon bad terms with the great King, whom he lost again as easily, by means of some slight injury done to them by his under-captaines. Pharnabazus did not 〈◊〉 himself in any Town for fear of being besieged, but kept the field, lying as near as he could safely to the enemies, with whom it was not his purpose to fight, but to make some good end by composition, which he found not 〈◊〉 to do. For the pleasures, by him formerly done to the State of Sparta, in the times of their most necessity, had been so great, that when he (obtaining 〈◊〉) did set before their 〈◊〉 his bounty towards them, and his love (which had been such, that besides many other hazards of his person, he had for the rescue of their fleet when it was driven to run ashore at Abydus, adventured to ride into the 〈◊〉 as far as he could find any ground, and fight on horseback against the 〈◊〉) together with his faith which had never been violated in word or deed: they knew not how to excuse their ingratitude, otherwise then by telling him, That having war with his Master, they were enforced, against their will, to offend him. Agesilaus did make a fair offer to him, that if he would revolt from the King to them; they would maintain him against the Persian, and establish him free Prince of the Country wherein he was at that time only Deputy to Artaxerxes. But Pharnabazus told him plainly, That if the King his Master did put him in trust to make war against them, he would not fail to do the best that he could as their enemy; if the charge were taken out of his hand, and he commanded to obey an other, he would then shifted side, and betake himself to their alliance. The issue of this parley was, That the 〈◊〉 should no longer abide in Pbrygia, nor again return into it, whilst employment could be found elsewhere. The excuse made by 〈◊〉, and the withdrawing of his forces out of those parts, were not sufficient to appease Pharnabazus, whom he had not invaded for want of more necessary business elsewhere; but because his Country would yield great booty; and for the hire of thirty Talents. By this means the Lacedæmonians changed an honourable Friend into a hot Enemy, who afterwards 〈◊〉 their unthankfulness with full revenge.   

§. VI The great commotions raised in Greece by the Thebans and others, that were 〈◊〉 with gold from the Persian.  
IN the mean while Tithraustes, perceiving that Agesilaus meant nothing less than to return into Greece, and let Artaxerxes rest quietly in Asia, took a wise course whereby the City of Sparta was not only driven to look to her own, and give over her great hopes of subverting the Empire, but was beaten out of all that had been gotten by many late victories, and seen her Dominion restrained unto the narrow bounds of her own Territory. He sent into Greece fifty talents of silver, to be employed in raising war against the Lacedæmonians; which treasure was, by the subtle practice of him that was put in trust with it, in such wise dispersed, among the principal men of the Thebans, Argives, & 〈◊〉, that all those Estates having formerly borne secret hate to that of Sparta, were now 〈◊〉 of nothing so much as of open war. And jest this great heat of the incensed multitude should, for want of present 〈◊〉, begin to faint, and vanish away in idle words, occasion was found out to thrust the Lacedæmonians into Arms, that they themselves might seem Authors of the quarrel. Some land there was in the tenure of the Locrians, to which the Thebans had in former time laid claim; but the Phocians either having the better title, or finding the greater favour, had it adjudged unto them, and received yearly money for it. This money the Locrians were either hired or persuaded to pay now to the Thebans, who readily accepted it. The Phocians not meaning so to loose their Rent, made a distress by strong hand, recovering a great deal more than their own; which the Thebans (as in protection of their new Tenants) requited with an invasion made upon Phocis, wasting that Country in the manner of open war. Such were the beginnings of professed hostility between Thebes and Sparta, and the first breaking out of their close enmity, that had long time, though hardly, been concealed. For when the Phocian Ambassadors come to Sparta, complaining of the violence done by the Thebans, and requesting succour, they had very favourable audience, and ready consent to their svite; it being the manner of the Lacedæmonians, to defer the acknowledgement of injuries received, until occasion of revenge were offered, and then to discover their indignation in cold blood. At this time they had very good opportunity to work their own wills, having no other war to disturb them in Greece, and hearing out of Asia no news, that could offend or trouble them. Wherhfore they 〈◊〉 Lysander to raise all the Countries about 〈◊〉, and with such forces as he could levy, to attended the coming of Pausanias King of Sparta (for Sparta, as hath been showed before, had two Kings) who should follow him with the strength of Peloponnesus. Lysander did as he was appointed, and being of great reputation in those parts, he drew the Orchomenians to revolt from Thebes. Pausanias likewise raised all Peloponnesus, except the Corinthians, (who refused to assist him in that enterprise) meaning to join with Lysander, and make a speedy end of the war. The consideration of so great a danger, approaching so swiftly, caused the Thebans to 〈◊〉 what help they could abroad, forasmuch as their own strength was far too little to make resistance against such mighty preparations. It was not unknown to them, that many followers of the Lacedæmonians were otherwise affected in heart than they durst utter in countenance; but the good wishes of such people were little available, considering that the most which could be expected from them, was, that they should do as little hurt as they could: by which manner of tergiversation, the Corinthians did at that present cast themselves into the displeasure of the Spartans', to the no great benefit of Thebes. Wherhfore it was thought the safest course, to procure the assistance of some Estate that might presently declare itself on their side, which would 'cause many others to follow the example, & make their party strong. To this end they sent Ambassadors to Athens, excusing old offences, as either not committed by public allowance, or done in time of the general war, and recompensed with friendship lately shown in their refusal of assisting Pausanias, when he come in behalf of the thirty Tyrants, against the good Citizens of Athens. In regard of which, and for their own Honour sake, they requested them of aid in the present war, offering to do the best that they could for the restoring of Athens to her former Estate and Dignity. Thrasybulus and his Friends, who persecuted by the thirty, had been well entertained at Thebes, procured now the City to make a large requital of the 〈◊〉 which they had received. For it was decreed, that the State of Athens should not only refuse to aid the Lacedæmonians in this War; but that it should assist the Thebans, and engage itself in their cause. Whilst Pausanias lay still, waiting the arrival of his Confederates; Lysander being desirous to do somewhat that might advance the business in hand, come to Haliartus, where, though Pausanias did not meet him, as had been appointed, yet he attempted the Town, and was slain in fight by the Thebans, who come hastily to the rescue. As this victory did encourage the Thebans, so the coming of Pausanias with his great Army did again amaze them, with presentation of extreme danger; but their spirits were soon revived by the strong succour which was brought from Athens, in consideration of which, and of the late battle, Pausanias durst not hazard a new fight with them, but receiving the bodies of those that were slain, by composition, departed out of their Territory, for which, either cowardice or indiscretion, he was at his return to Sparta condemned as a Traitor, and driven to fly into Tegea, where he ended his days in banishment.   

§. VII. How AGESILAUS was called out of Asia to help his Country. A victory of the Spartans'. CONON the Athenian, assisted by PHARNABAZUS, overcomes the Lacedaemonian fleet; recovers the 〈◊〉 of the Seas; and rebuilds the walls of Athens.  
THis good success, and the confederacy made with Athens, gave such reputation to the Thebans, that the Argives, Corinthians, Euboeans, Locrians, and Acarnanes, did forth with side with them, & raising a strong Army, determined to give battle to the Lacedæmonians as 〈◊〉 as they might, to their own doors; Considering that the force of Sparta itself was not great, but grew more and more by the adiunction of their Confederates. The Magistrates of Sparta perceiving the danger, sent for Agesilaus, who readily obeyed them, and promising his friends in Asia to return speedily to their assistance, passed the Straitss of Hellespont into Europe. In the mean time the Cities of the new league had given battle to the Lacedæmonians, and the remainder of their Associates, but with i'll success. For when the right-wing of each part had gotten the better hand, the Argives and Thebans returning from the chase in some disorder were broken and defeated by the Lacedæmonians, who meeting them in good order, won from them the Honour which they had gotten, by forcing the left wing of the Lacedæmonians, and made the victory of that day entirely their own. The report of this battle meeting Agesilaus at Amphibolis, were by him sent over into Asia, where it is not likely that they brought much comfort unto his friend, who had since his departure seen the Spartan fleet beaten, and Lysander the Admiral slain. The same man, whose endeavour had brought the Athenians into order, by advancing the Sea-forces of the Lacedæmonians with money, and all manner of supplies, was now the occasion that the power of Athens grew strong at Sea, when the City was despoiled of her old reputation, and scarcely able to maintain an Army by Land for her own defence. Pharnabazus considering how much it imported the King his Master, to have the Greeks divided into such factions, as might utterly disable them from undertaking abroad, thought it the safest way for himself, during these broils, to take such order, that he should not need any more, to seek peace by entreaty and commoration of old benefits, at their hands, who un-provoked had sold his love for thirty Talents. To which purpose he furnished Conon the Athenian with eight ships, who had escaped, when the fleet of Athens was surprised by Lysander at Aegos-Potamos; giving him the command of a great Navy, where with he requited the loss received at Aegos-Potamos, by repaying the Lacedæmonians with the like destruction of their fleet at Cnidus. After this victory Conon sailed to Athens, bringing with him, partly as the liberality of Pharnabazus, partly as the fruit of his victory, so strong a Navy, and so much gold, as encouraged the Athenians to rebuild their walls, and think more hopefully upon recovering the Signiory which they had lost.   

§. VIII. Of sundry small victories gotten on each part. The Lacedæmonians loose all in Asia; The Athenians recover some part of their old Dominion.  
Nevertheless the Lacedæmonians, by many victories at Land, maintained for some years the honour of their estate, endangered very greatly by this loss at Sea. For Agesilaus obtained the better with his horsemen from the Thessalians, who were accounted the best riders in Greece: He wasted Boeotia, and fought a great battle at Coronea against the Thebans, and their Allies, whom he overthrew; and by his Martial Gylis foraged the Country of Locris: which done, he returned home.  
The gain of these victories was not great, & the reputation of 〈◊〉 was, by many losses, much defaced. For the Thebans did in the battles of Coronea vanquish the Orchomenians, who stood opposite unto them, and retired unbroken to Mount Helicon, opening way perforce when Agesilaus charged them in the return from the pursuit. Likewise Gylis was slain with a great part of his Army by the Locrians, and some other exploits by the Lacedæmonians performed against the Corinthians, were repaid with equal damage received in the parts adjoining; many Towns being easily taken, and as easily recovered. The variety of which enter-feates was such, that the Thebans themselves were drawn, by the loss of the haven of Corinth, to sue for peace, but could not get audience, till such time as the news come of a great victory obtained by Iphicrates, General of the Athenian- forces at Lechaeum; whereupon the Theban Ambassadors being sent for, and willed to do their message, required only in scorn, to have a safe conduct given them, that they might enter into Corinth. From this time forward the War was made for a while only by incursions, wherein the Achaeans, confederates of Sparta, felt most loss, their whole state being endangered by the Acarnanians, who held with the contrary side, until Agesilaus repaid these invaders with equal, or greater calamities, brought upon their own Lands, which did so afflict the Acarnanes, that they were driven to sue for peace. But the affairs at Sea were of most consequence, upon which the success of all depended. For when the Towns of Asia 〈◊〉, that the Lacedæmonians were not only entangled in an hard war at home, but almost disabled to pass the Seas, having lost their fleet at Cnidus; they soon gave ear to Pharnabazus, who promised to allow that they should used their own laws, if they would expel the Spartan Governors. Only the City of Abydos did stand firm, wherein Dercyllidas lay, who did his best to contain all the Towns about Hellespont, in the alliance of the Lacedæmonians; which he could not do, because the Athenian fleet under Thrasybulus took in Byzantium, Chalcedon, and other places thereabouts, reducing the Isle of Lesbos to their ancient acknowledgement of Athens.   

§. IX.. The base conditions offered unto the Persian by the Lacedæmonians. Of sundry fights and other passages in the war. The peace of ANTALCIDAS.  
ABout this time the Spartans' began to perceive how uneasy a thing it would be, to maintain the war against men as good as themselves, assisted with the treasures of Persia: wherefore they craved peace of Artaxerxes, most basely offering, not only to renounce the Greeks' inhabiting Asia, & to leave them to the King's disposition, but withal to set the Islanders, and 〈◊〉 Town in Greece, as well the little as the great, at full and absolute libertic whereby they said that all the principal Estates of their Country would so be weakened, that no one, nor all of them should be able to stir against the great King. And sure it was, that the power of the Country being so broken, and rend into many small pieces, could neither have 〈◊〉 the Persian, by an offensive war, nor have made any good defence against him, but would have left it easy for him in continuance of time, to have taken the Cities one after another, till he had made himself Master of all. The Spartans' were not ignorant of this, but were so carried with envy, that perceiving how the dominion of the Seas was like to return to Athens, they chose rather to give all from themselves and others, and make all alike weak; than to permit that any of their own Nation should grow stronger than themselves, who so lately had commanded all. Yet this great offer was not at the first accepted, both in regard that the other Estates of Greece, who had in the King's behalf joined together against the 〈◊〉, did by their several Ambassadors oppose themselves unto it, and for that it was thought safest for Artaxerxes, rather to weaken the 〈◊〉 yet more, than by interposing himself to bring friends and foes on the sudden to an equality. Especially Struthas, whom Artaxerxes did sand as his Lieutenant into the low-countrieses, did seek to repay the harm done by 〈◊〉 in those parts: which his intent appearing plain, and all hope of the peace being thereby cut off; Thimbro was sent into Asia to make war upon Struthas; and others were appointed to other places, whereby the war, being scattered about, all the Isles and Towns on the firm Land grew almost to the manner of piracy and robbery, affording many skirmishes, but few great actions worthy of remembrance. Thimbro was slain by Struthas, and in his place Diphridas was sent who demeaned himself more warily. Dircyllidas was removed from his charge at Abydus, because he had not impeached Thrasybulus in his enterprises about Hellespont; Anaxibius, who succeeded him, was surprised and slain in a skirmish by Iphierates the Athenian. Thrasybulus, departing from Lesbos toward Rhodes, was slain by the way at Aspendus. The City of Rhodes had long before joined with the 〈◊〉, who erected there (as was their manner) an aristocraty, or the Government of a few the principal Citizens, where as contrariwise the Athenians were accustomed to put the Sovereignty into the hands of the people, each of them seeking to assure themselves, by erecting in the Towns of their Confederates a Government like unto their own: which doing (where more especial cause did not hinder) caused the Nobility to favour Sparta, and the Commons to incline to Athens. The people of Aegina roved upon the coast of Attica, which caused the Athenians to landlord an Army in Aegina, and besiege their town: but this siege being raised by the assistance of the 〈◊〉 fleet, the Islanders began anew to molest Attica, which caused the Athenians to man their ships again, that returned beaten, having lost four of thirteen. The loss of these ships was soon recompensed by a victory which Chabrias the Athenian General had in Aegina, whereupon the Islanders were feign to keep home, and leave to the Athenians the Seas free. It may well seem strange that the City of Athens, having but newly raised her walls; having not by any fortunate and important battle secured her estate from dangers by land; but only depending upon the assistance of such Confederates, as carried unto different ends, had often discovered themselves irresolute in the common cause; would sand a fleet and an Army to Cyprus, in defence of Euagoras, when the mastery of the Seas, was so ill assured, that an Island lying in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, had ability to vex the coast of Attica. But as the overweening of that City did 'cause it usually to embrace more than it could compass; so the insolency and shameless injustice of the people, had now bred in the chief Commanders, a desire to keep themselves far out of sight, and to seek employments at such distance as might secure them from the eyes of the envious, and from public judgements, out of which few or noon escaped. For which cause Timotheus did pass away much part of his time in the Isle of Lesbos; Iphicrates in Thrace; and Chabrias now did carry away into Cyprus a greater force than his Country well could have spared, with which he returned not when the business in Cyprus come to an end, but sought new adventures in Egypt, whereby arose neither thanks to himself, nor profit to his City, though honour both to him and it. The Athenians being thus careless of things at hand, had a notable blow given unto them, shortly after that Chabrias was go to Cyprus, even within their own Haven. For Teleutias, a Lacedaemonian, being made Governor of Aegina, conceived a strong hope of surprising the Navy of Athens, as it lay in Piraeus; thinking aright that it was an harder matter to encounter with ten ships prepared for the fight, than with twenty lying in harbour, whose Mariners were asleep in their Cabins, or drinking in Taverns. Wherhfore he failed by night unto the mouth of the Port, which entering at the break of day, he found (according to his expectation) most of the men on shore, & few or noon left aboard to make resistance: by which means he took many ships laden with merchandizes, many fishermen, passengers, and other Vessels, also three or four Galleys, having sunk or broken, and made unseruiccable, as many of the rest as the time would suffer. About this time Pharnabazus, the Lieutenant of Phrygia, had one of the King's Daughters given to him in marriage, with whom he lived about the Court; and many Officers that favoured the Lacedæmonians were placed in the lower Asia; by whose assistance, the fleet of Sparta grew victorious about Hellespont; in such wise, that perhaps they should not have needed the peace, which they themselves procured by Antalcidas, from the great King, the conditions whereof were such as are mentioned before, giving freedom to all the Cities of Greece, and dividing the Country into as many several States as there were petty Boroughs in it. Thus Artaxerxes having bought his own peace with money, did likewise by his money become arbitrator & decider of Controversies between the Greeks', disposing of their business in such wise as stood best with his own good. The 〈◊〉 of Artaxerxes his decree was, That all Asia and Cyprus should be his own; the Isles of Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scirus be subject to Athens; all other Greek Towns, as well the little as the great, be set at liberty; and that whosoever should refuse this peace, upon them the approvers of it should make war, the King assisting them by Land and Sea, with men, and ships, and treasure. The Athenians were so discouraged by their losses at Sea; the Lacedæmonians by revolt of their Confederates, and the necessity of maintaining many Garrisons, for which they wanted money; and other States by the miseries of the war, whereof they seen no end; that all (excepting the Thebans) did consent unto these Articles. This was called the peace of Antalcidas: whereof the Lacedæmonians taking upon themselves the execution, did not only compel the Argives to departed out of Corinth (which under pretence of defending they held by Garrisons, lately thrust into it, not as Patrons, but as Lords) and the Thebans to leave Boeotia free, of which Province Thebes had always held the government: the Thebans themselves being also comprehended under the name of the Boeotians; but caused the Mantinaeans to throw down their own City, and to devil in Villages: alleging that they had formerly been accustomed so to do, though purposing indcede to chastise them, as having been ill affected to Sparta in the late War. By these courses the Lacedæmonians did hope that all the small Towns in Greece would, when occasion should require it, willingly follow them in their wars, as Authors of their liberty; and that the great Cities having lost all their dependents, would be unable to make opposition.   

§. X. The wrare which the Lacedæmonians made upon Olynthus. They take Thebes by treason; and Olynthus by famine.  
Whilst these wars, which ended without either victory or profit, consumed the riches and power of Greece, the City of Olynthus in Thrace was grown so mighty, that she did not only command her Neighbour-Townes, but was become terrible to places far removed, and to Sparta itself. Great part of Macedonia, together with Pella, the principal City of that Kingdom, was taken by the Olynthans, who following the usual pretence of the Lacedæmonians, to set at liberty the places over which King Amyntas did tyrannize, had almost now driven him out of his Dominions, and taken all to themselves. The Citizens of Acanthus and of Apollonia, being nearest unto the danger of these encroaching neighbours, acquainted the Lacedæmonians with their fear, affirming that this Dominion of the Olynthians would be too strong for all Greece, if some continuance of time should give it reputation, which only it wanted, wherefore they requested assistance, but in such terms as did sounded of compulsion; protesting that either they must war upon Olynthus, or become subject unto her, and fight in her defence. Hecreupon was made a hasty levy of men, two thousand being presently sent a way with promise to be seconded by a greater Army. Whilst these two thousand gave such beginning to the war, as agreed with their small number, the body of the Army following them, surprised the Citadel of Thebes, which was betrayed into the hands of Phoebidas the Lacedoemonian, by some of the Magistrates, who sought to strengthen their faction by the slavery of their Country. The Thebans were ill affected to Sparta, but had not in any one point violated the peace lately made between them; which caused the Lacedæmonians to doubt whither this act of Phoebidas were more worthy of reward or of punishment; In conclusion, profit so far over weighed honesty, that the deed was approved, many principal Citizens of Thebes condemned to death, many driven into banishment, and the Traitors rewarded with the government of the City: by whose authority, and the force of the Garrison, the Thebans were compelled to serve the Lacedæmonians, in all, and more than all that they could require. This access of power having strengthened the Lacedæmonians, caused them to entertain the greater forces about Olynthus, which (notwithstanding the loss of one great battle, and some other disasters) they compelled at length by famine to tender itself to their obedience.   

§. XI. How the Thebans recovered their liberty, driving out the Lacedaemonian Garrison.  
AFter this Olynthian War, which endured almost three years, it seemed that no Estate in Greece was able to make head against that of Sparta: but it was not long ere the Thebans found means to shake off their yoke, and gave both example and means to others to do the like. One of the banished men found by conference with a Scribe of the Theban Magistrates, coming to Athens, that the tyranny wherewith his Country was oppressed, pleased him no better than it did those who for fear of it were fled from home. Whereupon a plot was laid between these two, that soon found very good success, being managed thus. Seven of the banished men forsook Athens privily, and entered by night into the fields of Thebes; where spending the next day secretly, they come late in the evening to the Gates like husbandmen returned from work, and so passed undiscovered unto the house of Charon, whom Phyllidas the Scribe had drawn into the 〈◊〉. The day following, a solemn feast being then held in the City, Phyllidas promised the Governors, who were insolent and lustful men, that he would convey unto them that night the most beautiful Dames of the Town, with whom they should take their pleasure. Having cheered them with such hope, and plenty of good wine, he told them when the time of performance (which they urged) come, that he could not make good his promise, unless they would 〈◊〉 their followers, because the Gentlewomen, who attended without a Chamber, would not endure, that any of the servants should see their faces. Upon this occasion the attendants were dismissed, and the Conspirators, attired like Ladies and their Maids, brought into the place; who taking advantage of the Governors lose behaviour, slew them all upon the sudden with Daggers, which they brought hidden under their garments. Than presently casting off their disguise, they went to other places, where feigning themselves to come to the Governors upon business, they got admittance, and slew those which were of the Lacedaemonian faction. By the like device they broke into the prison; slew the Gaoler; and set at liberty such as they thought 〈◊〉, and being followed by these desperate men, proclaimed liberty, making the death of the Tyrants known. The Captain of the Castle hearing the Proclamation, thought the Rebels to be stronger than indeed they were: the Citizens contrariwise mistrusted, that it was a practice to discover such, as would be forward upon occasion of revolting. But as soon as daylight revealed the plain truth, all the people took arms & besseged the Castle, sending hastily to Athens for secure. The Garrison also sent for aid unto the Towns adjoining, whence a few broken troops coming to the rescne, were defeated on the way by the horsemen of Thebes. On the other side the banished Thebans did not only make speed to assist their Countrymen, but procured some Athenians to join with them, and thereby come so strong into the City, that the Castle was yielded, more through fear than any necessity, upon condition that the Soldiers might quietly departed with their Arms; for which composition the Captain at his return to Sparta was put to death. When the news of the doings at Thebes, and the success arrived at Sparta, an Army was raised forth with, and all things prepared as earnestly for the recovering of that City, as if some part of their ancient inheritance had been taken from the Lacedæmonians, and not a Town perfidiously usurped by them, restored to her own liberty, Cleombrotus, one of the Kings, was sent on this expedition, who having wearied his followers, with a toilsome Winter's journey, returned home without any good or harm done; leaving Sphodrias, with part of his Army, at Thespies', to infested the Thebans; who doing them some displeasures, made large amendss by a foolish attempt upon the Haven of Athens, which failing to take, he wasted the Country adjoining, and drove away Cat-tail, causing by this outrage the Athenians to enter with all their power into the War, out of which they were before very carefully seeking how to withdraw themselves.    

CHAP. XII. Of the flourishing estate of Thebes, from the battle of Leuctra to the battle of 〈◊〉.  

§. I. How Thebes and Athenr joined together against Sparta. How the Athenians made peace for themselves, and others, out of which the Thebans were excluded. The battle of Leuctra, and beginning of the Theban greatness.  
THE Lacedæmonians were men of great resolution, and of much gravity in all their proceed, but one dishonourable rule they held, That all respects with standing the commodity of Sparta were to be neglected; the practice of which doctrine, even by the best and wisest of them, did greatly blemish that Estate, but when it was put in execution by insufficient overweening men, it seldom failed to bring upon them in stead of profit unjustly expected, both shame & loss. And so it befell them in these enterprises of Phoebidas, upon the Castle of Thebes, and Sphodrias upon the Piraeus. For howsoever Agesilaus did spoil the Country about Thebes, in which he spent two Summers, yet the diligence of the Thebans repaired all, who by the good success of some attempts, grew stronger than they were at the first.  
The Athenians likewise began to look abroad, sailing to the Isle of Corcyra, where they ordered things at their pleasure, and having in some fights at Sea prevailed, began as in the Peloponnesian war, to surround Peloponnesus with a Navy; afflicting so the Lacedæmonians, that had not the Thebans by their insolency wearied their friends, and caused them to seek for peace, it 〈◊〉 been very likely that the end of this war, should have soon come to a good end, which nevertheless, being prosecuted by the Thebans (who opposed at once both these two great Estates) left the City of Sparta as much dejected as the beginning found it proud and tyrannous. But the Athenians perceiving how Thebes encroached every day upon her weak Neighbours, not sparing such as had been dependents upon Athens, and finding themselves, whilst engaged in such a war, unable to 〈◊〉 their complaining friends, resolved to settle the affairs of 〈◊〉, by renewing that for me of peace which Antalcidas had brought from the Persian. Wherhfore they sent Messengers to Thebes, peremptorily signifying, That it was their intent to finish the War; to which purpose they willed the Thebans to sand Ambassadors along with them to Sparta; who readily condescended, fearing otherwise that they should be left out of the 〈◊〉 of peace, which come to pass, being so wrought by the courageous wisdom of Epaminondas, who understood far better than his Countrymen, what was to be feared or hoped. In this Treaty the Lacedæmonians and Athenians did soon 〈◊〉; but when the Thebans offered to swear to the Articles in the name of the Boeotians; Agesilaus required them to swear in their own name, and to leave the Boeotians free, whom they had lately reduced under their obedience. Whereunto Epaminondas made answer, That the City of Sparta should give example to Thebes by setting the Laconians free; for that the Signory of Boeotia did by as good right appertain to the Thebans, as that of Laconia to the Spartans'. This was well and truly spoken; but was heard with no patience: For Agesilaus bearing a vehement hatred unto those of Thebes, by whom he was drawn back out of Asia into Greece, & disappointed of all the glory which he had hoped to achieve by the Persian War, did now very passionately urge that point of setting the Boeotians at liberty, and finding it as obstinately refused, he dashed the name of the Thebans out of the league. At the 〈◊〉 time Cleombrotus the other King of Sparta lay in Phocis, who received command from the Governors of Sparta forthwith to enter upon the Land of the Thebans with all his power, which he did, and was there slain at Leuctra, and with him the flower of his Army. This battle of Leuctra being one of the most famous that ever were fought between the Greeks', was not so notable for any circumstance foregoing it, or for the managing of the fight itself, as for the death of the King, and many Citizens of Sparta, but especially, for that after this battle (between which and the conclusion of the general peace there passed but twenty days) the Lacedæmonians were never able to recover the strength and reputation which had formerly made them redoubted far and near; whereas contrariwise the Thebans, whose greatest ambition had in former times confined itself unto the little Region of Boeotia, did now begin to undertake the leading and command of many People and Estates, in such wise, that soon after they brought an Army of threescore and ten thousand strong unto the Gates of Sparta. So much do the afflictions of an hard war, valiantly endured, advance the affairs of the distressed, and guide them into the way of Conquest, by stiffening that resolution with a manly temper, which wealth and ease had through luxury, rechlessenesse, and many other vices or vanities, made 〈◊〉 and effeminate.   

§. II How the Athenians took upon them to maintain the peace of Greece. New troubles hence arising. EPAMINONDAS invadeth and wasteth the Territory of Lacedaemon.  
THe Athenians, refusing to take advantage of this overthrow fallen upon their old Enemies, and new Confederates the Lacedæmonians; did nevertheless finely give them to understand, that their Dominion was expired, and therefore their pride might well be laid away. For taking upon themselves the maintenance of the peace lately concluded, which Agesilaus (perhaps of purpose to make benefit of quarrels that mightarise) had left unperfect, they assembled the Deputies of all the Estates confederated at 〈◊〉; where the general liberty of all Towns, as well small as great, was ratified, under the style Of the Athenians, and their Associates. Hereupon began fresh garboils. The Mantinaeans, claiming power by this decree to order their affairs at their own pleasure, did (as it were) in despite of the Spartans', who had enforced them to raze their town, re-edify it, & ally themselves with such of the Arcadians as stood worst affected to Sparta. The Arcadians, a strong Nation, consisting of many Cities, were distracted with factions; some desiring to hold good correspondency with the Lacedæmonians; some to weaken & keep them low; yet all pretending other ends. The Lacedæmonians durst not give impeachment to the Mantinaeans; nor take upon them to correct their ill-willers among the Arcadians, till such time as the factions broke out into violence, and each part called in foreign help. Than was an Army sent from Sparta, as it were in defence of the people of Tegea, against the Mantinaeans, but indeed against them both. Agesilaus had the leading of it, but effected nothing. The Thebans had by this time subdued the Phocians, & were become head of the Locrians, Acarnanians, Euboeans, & many others; with the power of which Countries they entered Feloponnesus in favour of the 〈◊〉, who had, upon expectation of their coming abstained from giving battle to Agesilaus. The Army of the Spartans' being dismissed, and Epaminondas joined with the Arcadians; the Region of 〈◊〉 was invaded and spoiled: a thing so strange, that no Oracle could have found belief if any had foretold it. Almost six hundred years were spent, since the Dorians, under the posterity of Hercules, had seized upon Laconia, in all which time the sound of an enemies trumpet was not heard in that Country: Ten years were not fully past, since all Greece was at the devotion of the Spartans': but now the Region which neither Xerxes with his huge Army could once look upon, nor the mighty forces of Athens, and other Enemie-States had dared to set foot on, saving by stealth, was all on a light fire, the very smoke whereof the women of Sparta were ashamed to behold. All which indignity notwithstanding, the Lacedæmonians did not issue out of Sparta to fight, but sought how to preserve the Town, setting at liberty as many of their Heilotes or Slaves as were willing to bear Arms in defence of the State, and somewhat pitifully entreated the Athenians to give them secure. From Corinth and some Towns of Peloponnesus they received speedy assistance; the Athenians come forward more slowly, so that 〈◊〉 returned without battle, having rebuilded the City of Messene, and peopled it anew by calling home the ancient Inhabitants, whom the Lacedæmonians many Ages before had chased away into other Countries, possessing their Territories themselves.   

§. III The composition between Athens and Sparta for command in war against the Thebans; who again invade and 〈◊〉 Pelopennesus. The unfortunate presumption of the Arcadians.  
THis journey therefore utterly defaced the reputation of the Spartans', in such wise, that they did no longer demand the conduct of the Army, which was to be raised, nor any manner of precedence: but sending Ambassadors from Sparta, and from all the Cities which held league with it, unto Athens, they offered to yield the Admiralty to the Athenians, requesting that they themselves might be Generals by Land. This had been a composition well agreeing with the situation and quality of those two Cities; but it was rejected, because the Mariners and others that were to be employed at Sea, were men of no mark or estimation, in regard of those companies of horse and foot whereof the land-army was compounded, who being all Gentlemen or Citizens of Athens, were to have served under the Lacedæmonians. Wherhfore it was agreed that the authority should be divided by time, the Athenians ruling five days, the Lacedæmonians other five, & so successively that each of them should have command of all, both by Land and by Sea. It is manifest, that in this conclusion vain ambition was more regarded than the common profit, which must of necessity be very slowly advanced, where consultation, resolution, and performance are so often to change hands. This appeared by a second invasion of Pelopennesus, wherein the Thebans found their enemies so unable to impeach them, that having fortified Isthmus from Sea to Sea, as in former times they had done against Xerxes, they were driven out of their strength by Epaminondas, who foraged the Country without resistance. But as the Articles of this league between Athens and Sparta did, by dividing the conduct in such manner, disable the society, and make it insufficient to those ends for which it was concluded; so the example of it wrought their good, by filling the enemies heads with the like vanity. For the Arcadians considering their own numbers which they brought into the field, and having found by many trials that their people were not inferior to others in strength of body, in courage, or in good Soldiership, thought it good reason that they should in like manner share the government, with their friends the Thebans; and not always continued followers of others, by increasing whose greatness they should strengthen their own yoke. Hereupon they began to demean themselves very insolently, whereby they grew hateful to their Neighbours, and suspected of the Thebans in an ill time. For a motion of general peace having been made (which took not effect, because the City of Messene was not abandoned to the Lacedæmonians) the next enterprise of the Spartans' and their friends was upon these Arcadians, who relying too much upon their own worth, were overthrown in a great battle, their calamity being as pleasing to their Confederates, as to their Enemies.   

§. FOUR The great growth of the Theban Estate. Embassages of the Greeks' to the Persian; with the reasons why he most favoured the Thebans. Troubles in the Persian Empire, The fruitless issue of the Embassages.  
THe Thebans especially 〈◊〉 at the Arcadians misfortune, considering, that, without 〈◊〉 aid, the success of all enterprises proved so ill; whereas they themselves had by their own power accomplished very well whatsoever they took in hand, and were become not only victorious over the Lacedæmonians, but 〈◊〉 over the Thessalians, and Moderators of the great quarrels that had risen in 〈◊〉, where compounding the differences about that Kingdom, as pleased them best, they carried Philip the Son of Amyntas, and Father of Alexander the Great, as an Hostage unto Thebes. Having therefore obtained such reputation, that little 〈◊〉 wanting to make them absolute Commanders of all Greece, they sought means of alliance with the Persian King, to whom they sent Ambassador the great and 〈◊〉 Captain 〈◊〉, whose reputation drew Artaxerxes to grant unto the Thebans all that they desired; whereof two especial points were, That 〈◊〉 should remain free from the Lacedaemenians, and that the Athenians should forbear to sand their ships of War to Sea; only the later of these two was 〈◊〉 what qualified with 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 advice. The other States of Greece did also sand their Ambassadors at the same time, of whom few or noon received much contentment. For the King having found by long experience, how far it concerned him to maintain a sure party in Greece, did upon many weighty considerations resolve, to bind the Thebans firmly unto him; justly expecting, that their greatness should be on that side his own security. The Athenians had been ancient enemies to his Crown, and, having turned the profit of their victories upon the Persian to the purchase of a great Estate in Greece, maintained their 〈◊〉 in such puissant manner, that (sundry grievous misfortunes notwithstanding) they had endured a terrible war, wherein the Lacedæmonians being followed by most of the Greeks, and supplied with treasure, and all sorts of aid by Darius Nothus, were not able to vanquish 〈◊〉, till their own indiscretion brought them on their knees. The Lacedæmonians being victorious over Athens, had no sooner established their Dominion at home, than they undertook the conquest of Asia, from which though, by the commotion raised in Greece with Persian gold, they were called back, 〈◊〉 having renewed their power, and settled things in Greece, it was not unlikely, that they should upon the next advantage have pursued the same enterprise, had not they been impeached by this Theban War. But the Thebans contrariwise had always discovered a good affection to the Crown of Persia. They had sided with Xerxes in his invasion of Greece; with Darius and the Lacedæmonians against Athens: And finally, having offered much contumely to Agesilaus when he put to Sea, they drew him home by making war on the Confederates of Sparta. Besides all these their good 〈◊〉, they were no Seamen, and therefore unlikely to look abroad; whereunto if perchance they should have any desire, yet were they disabled by the want of good haven towns, which they could not seize upon without open breach of that peace, whereof they intended to become the Executors, giving liberty to all Cities that had at any time been free. Wherhfore Artaxerxes did wholly condescend unto the requests of Pelopidas, as far forth as he might without giving open defiance to the rest of Greece; and by that mean he purchased his own quiet, being never afterward molested by that Nation in the lower Asia. The ill means which the Greeks had to disturb Artaxerxes, was very beneficial to the Estate of Persia shortly after these times, in that great rebellion of all the Maritime Provinces. For had then the affairs of Greece been so composed, that any one City might without impeachment of the rest have transported an Army, to 〈◊〉 the revolting 〈◊〉, or Viceroys of Caria, Phrygia, Lydia, Mysia, Lycia, Pisidia, Pamphilia, Cilicia, Syria, and 〈◊〉, human reason can hardly found the means, by which the Empire could have been preserved from that ruin, which the divine Council had deferred unto the days of Alexander. But this great conspiracy of so many large and wealth Provinces, wanting a firm body of good and hardy Soldiers, was in short space discussed and vanished like a mist, without effect: these esfeminate Asiatiques 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the travails and dangers 〈◊〉 to war, forsaking the common cause, and each man striving to be the first, that by treason to his company should both redeem the former treason to his Prince, & purchase withal his own promotion with increase of riches. Of this commotion, which in course of time followed someactions not as yet related, I have rather chosen to make short mention in this place, than hereafter to interrupt the Narration of things more important; both for that it was like a sudden storm, rashly commenced, idly followed, and foolishly laid down, having made a great noise without effect, and having small reference to any other action regardable; as also because in the whole reign of Artaxerxes, from the war of Cyrus, to the 〈◊〉 of Egypt, I find nothing (this insurrection, and a fruitless journey against the Cadusians excepted) worthy of any mention; much less of digression from the course of the business in Greece. All, or the most of his time, passed away so quietly, that he enjoyed the pleasures which an Empire so great and wealth could afford unto so absolute a Lord, with little disturbance. The troubles which he found were only or chief Domestical; growing out of the hatred which Parysatis the Queen-Mother bore unto his wife Statira, and to such as had been the greatest enemies to her son 〈◊〉, or gloried in his death: upon whom, when by poison and mischievous practices she had satisfied her feminine appetite of revenge, thenceforth she wholly applied herself to the King's disposition, cherishing in him the lewd desire of marrying his own Daughter, & filling him with the persuasion, which Princes, not endued with an especial grace, do readily entertain, That his own will was the supreme law of his subject, and the rule by which all things were to be measured, and adjudged to be good or 〈◊〉. In this 〈◊〉 happiness Pelopidas, and the other Ambassadors of Greece, both found and 〈◊〉 him, but 〈◊〉 him by so much more assured than they found him, by how much the conclusion of his Treaty with them, being altogether to his own advantage did seem to promise', if not the perpetuity, a long endurance of the same felicity to him and his, or (at the lest) a full security of danger from Greece, whence only could any danger be feared. But such foundations of 〈◊〉 laid by mortal men in this 〈◊〉 world, like the Tower of Babel, are either shaken from heaven, or made vain and unprofitable, ere the frame can be raised to full height, by 〈◊〉 of tongues among the builders. Hereof was found a good example in the Thebans, and other Estates of Greece that had sent Ambassadors to the Persian. For whereas it had been concluded, that all Towns, as well the little as the great, should be set at liberty, and the Thebans made Protectors of this common peace, who thereby should become the judges of all controversies that might arise, and Leaders in war of all that would enter into this Confederacy; the King's letters being solemnly published at Thebes, in the presence of Ambassadors, drawn thither from all parts of Greece; when an oath was required for observation of the form of peace therein set down, a dilatory answer was made by the Ambassadors, who said, that they were sent to hear the articles; not to swear unto them. Hereby the Thebans were driven to sand unto each of the Cities to require the Oath; But in vain. For when the 〈◊〉 had boldly refused it, saying, That they did not need it; others took courage by their example to do the like, disappointing the Thebans of their glorious hopes, to whom this negotiation with Artaxerxes gave neither addition nor confirmation of greatness, but left them as it found them to rely upon their own swords.   

§. V How all Greece was divided, between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, on the one side, and Thebans on the other. Of the great tumults rising in Arcadia.  
THe condition of things in Greece at that time did stand thus. 〈◊〉 and Sparta, which in former times had commanded all that Nation, and each upon envy of the others greatness drawn all her followers into a cruel intestine war, by which the whole Country, and especially the Estate of these two Cities, was brought very low, did now conjoin their forces against the Thebans, who sought to make themselves Lords of all. The Eleans, Corinthians, and 〈◊〉, followed the party of these ancient governing Cities; either for the old reputation of them, and benefits received, or in dislike of those, who by strong hand were ready to become Rulers, to which authority they could not suddenly aspire without some injury and 〈◊〉 envy. The City of Thebes abounding with men, whom necessity had made 〈◊〉, and many victories in few years had filled with great spirits, & being so 〈◊〉 in dependents, that she had reduced all the continent of Greece without 〈◊〉 (the Region of Attica, and very 〈◊〉 part beside excepted) under such acknowledgement, as wanted not much of mere 〈◊〉, did hope to bring all Peloponnesus to the like obedience, wherein already she had set good footing by her conjunction with the States of Argos, and of Arcadia. The Argives had been always bad Neighbours to the Spartans', to whom they thought 〈◊〉 in ancient Nobility Superiors, but were far under them in valour, having been often beaten out of the field by them, and put in danger of losing all: which caused them to suspect and envy nothing more than the greatness and honour of Sparta, taking truce with her when she was at rest, and had leisure to bend her whole force against them, but firmly joining with her enemies whensoever they found her entangled in a difficult War. As the Argives were, in hatred of Sparta, sure friends of Thebes, so the Arcadians, transported with a great opinion of their own worthiness, had formerly renounced and provoked against them their old Confederates and Leaders, the Lacedæmonians, and were now become very doubtful adherents to the Thebans. In which regard it was thought convenient by Epaminondas, and the State of Thebes, to 〈◊〉 an Army into Peloponnesus, before such time as these wavering friends should fall further off, and become either Neutral, or, which was to be feared, open enemies. And surely great cause there was to suspect the worst of them, considering that without consent of the Thebans, they had made peace with Athens; which was very strange, and seemed no less to the Athenians themselves, who holding a firm league with Sparta at the same time when the Arcadians treated with them, did nevertheless accept this new Confederacy, not relinquishing the old, because they found that, howsoever these Arcadians were enemies to the Lacedæmonians, they should hereby be drawn somewhat further from their alliance with Thebes, which without them was unlikely to invade Peloponnesus with a strong Army. But this did rather hasten, than by any means stay, the coming of Epaminondis; who finding the way somewhat more clear for him (because the City of Corinth, which lay upon the Isthmus, and had been adverse to Thebes, was now, by miseries of this gricuous war, driven to become Neutral) took occasion hereby, and by some disorders among the Arcadians, to visit Peloponnesus with an Army, consisting of all the power of Thebes. A great tumult had risen in Arcadia about consecrated money, which many principal men among them had laid hands on, under pretence of employing it to public uses. In compounding the differences grown upon this occasion, such, as had lest will to tender account of the money which had come into their hands, procured the Captain of some Theban Soldiers, lying in Tegea, to take prisoners many of their Countrymen, as people desirous of innovation. This was done: but the up roar thereby caused was so great, that the prisoners were forthwith enlarged, and the 〈◊〉, who had in great numbers taken Arms, with much a do scarce pacified. When complaint of the 〈◊〉 proceed come to Thebes, Epaminondas turned all the blame upon them, who had made the peace with Athens, letting them know, that he would be shortly among them, to judge of their fidelity, by the assistance which they should give him, in that war, which he intended to make in Peloponnesus. These Lordly words did greatly amaze the Arcadians; who needing not the aid of so mighty a power as he drew along with him, did vehemently suspect that great preparation to be made against themselves. Hereupon such of them as had before sought means to settle the affairs of their Country, by drawing things to some good conclusion of peace, did now forthwith sand to Athens for help, and withal dispatched some of the principal among them as Ambassadors to Sparta, by whom they offered themselves to the common defence of Peloponnesus, now ready to be invaded. This Embassage brought much comfort to the Lacedæmonians, who feared nothing more than the coming of Epaminondas, against whom they well knew, that all their forces, and best provisions, would be no more than very hardly sufficient. Forbearing therefore to dispute about prerogatives, they (who had been accustomed unto such a supremacy, as they would in no wise communicate with the powerful City of Athens, till other hope of securing their own Estate could not be thought upon) did now very gently yield to the Arcadians, that the command of the Army in chief, should be given, for the time, to that City, in whose Territory it lay.   

§. VI A terrible invasion of Peloponnesus by EPAMINONDAS.  
Certain it is, that the condition of things did at that time require a very firm consent, and uniform care of the common safety. For beside the great forces raised out of the other parts of Greece, the Argives, and Messenians, prepared with all their strength to join with 〈◊〉; who having lain a while at Nemea, to intercept the Athenians, received there intelligence, that the Army coming from Athens would pass by Sea, whereupon he dislodged, and come to Tegea, which City, and the most of all Arcadia beside, forth with declared themselves his. The common opinion was, that the first attempt of the Thebans, would be upon such of the Arcadians as had revolted; which caused the Lacedaemonian Captains to fortify Mantinaea with all diligence, and to sand for Agesilaus to Sparta, that he bringing with him all that small force of able men, which remained in the Town, they might be strong enough to abide Epaminondis there. But Epaminondas held so good espial upon his Enemies, that had not an unknown fellow brought hasty advertisement of his purpose to Agesilaus, who was then well onward in the way to Mantinaea, the City of Sparta had suddenly been taken. For thither with all speed and secrecy did the Thebans march, who had surely carried the City, notwithstanding any defence that could have been made by that handful of men remaining within it; but that Agesilaus in all flying haste got into it with his Companies, whom the Army of his Confederates followed thither to the rescue as fast as it was able. The arrival of the Lacedæmonians and their friends, as it cut off all hope from Epaminondas of taking Sparta, so it presented him with a fair advantage upon Mantinaea. It was the time of Harvest, which made it very likely, that the Mantinaeans, finding the war to be carried from their walls into another quarter, would use the commodity of that vacation, by fetching in their corn, and turning out their cattle into their fields, whilst no enemy was near that might impeach them. Wherhfore he turned away from Sparta to Mantinaea, sending his horsemen before him, to seize upon all that might be found without the City. The Mantinaeans (according to the expectation of Epaminondas) were scattered abroad in the Country; far more intent upon their haruest-businesse, than upon the war, whereof they were secure, as thinking themselves out of distance. By which presumption it fell out, that great numbers of them, and all their cattle, being unable to recover the Town, were in a desperate case; and the Town itself in no great likelihood of holding out, when the enemy should have taken all their provision of victuals with so many of the people, as had not over-dearely been redeemed, by that Cities returning to society with Thebes. But at the same time, the Athenians coming to the succour of their Confederates, whom they thought to have found at Mantinaea, were very earnestly entreated by the Citizens to rescue their goods, and people, from the danger whereinto they were fallen, if it were possible by any courageous adventure to deliver those who otherwise were given as lost. The Thebans were known at that time to be the best Soldiers of all the Greeks', and the commendation of good horsemanship had always been given to the Thessalians, as excelling in that quality all other Nations; yet the regard of honour so wrought upon the Athenians, that for the reputation of their City, which had entered into this war, upon no necessity of her own, but only in desire of relieving her distressed friends, they issued forth of Mantinaea, not abiding so long as to refresh themselves, or their horses with meat, and giving a lusty charge upon the enemy, who as bravely received them, after a long and hot fight, they remained masters of the field, giving by this victory a safe and easy retreat to all that were without the walls. The whole power of the Boeotians arrived in the place soon after this battle, whom the Lacedæmonians and their Assistants were not far behind.   

§. VII. The great battle of Mantinaea. The honourable death of EPAMINONDAS, with his commendation.  
EPAMINONDAS, considering that his Commission was almost now expired, and that his attempts of surprising Sparta and Mantinaea, having failed, the impression of terror which his name had wrought in the Peloponnesians, would soon vanish, unless by some notable act he should abate their courage in their first growth, and leave some memorable character of his expedition; resolved to give them battle, whereby he reasonably hoped both to settle the doubtful affections of his own Associates, and to leave the Spartans' as weak in spirit and ability, as he found them, if not wholly to bring them into subjection. Having therefore warned his men to prepare for that battle, wherein victory should be rewarded with Lordship of all Greece; and finding the alacrity of his Soldiers to be such as promised the accomplishment of his own desire; he made show of declining the enemy, and entrenching himself in a place of more advantage, that so by taking from them all expectation of fight that day, he might alloy the heat of their valour, and afterward strike their senses with amazement, when he should come upon them unexpected. This opinion deceived him not. For with very much tumult, as in so great and sudden a danger, the enemy ran to Arms, necessity enforcing their resolution, and the consequence of that days service urging them to do as well as they might. The Theban Army consisted of thirty thousand foot, and three thousand horse; the Lacedæmonians and their friends were short of this number, both in horse and in foot, by a third part. The Mantinaeans (because the war was in their Country) stood in the right wing, and with them the Lacedæmonians: the Athenians had the left wing, the Achaeans, Eleans, and others of less account, filled the body of the Army. The Thebans stood in the left wing of their own battle, opposite to the Lacedæmonians, having by them the Arcadians; the Eubeans, Locrians, Sicyonians, Messenians, and Thessalians with others, compounding the main battle; the Argives held the right wing; the horsemen on each part were placed in the flanks, only a troop of the Eleans were in rear. Before the footmen could join, the encounter of the horse on both sides was very rough, wherein finally the Thebans prevailed, notwithstanding the valiant resistance of the Athenians: who not yielding to the enemy either in courage or skill, were over-laied with numbers, and so beaten upon by 〈◊〉 slings, that they were driven to forsake the place, and leave their infantry naked. But this retreat was the less disgraceful, because they kept themselves together, and did not fall back upon their own footmen; but finding the Theban horse to have given them over, and withal discovering some Companies of foot, which had been sent about by Epaminondas, to charge their battle in the rear, they broke upon them, routed them, and hewed them all in pieces. In the mean season the battle of the Athenians had not only to do with the Argives, but was hardly pressed by the Theban Horsemen, in such wise that it began to open, and was ready to turn back, when the Elean squadron of Horse come up to the relief of it, and restored all on that part. With far greater violence did the Lacedæmonians and Thebans meet, these contending for Dominion, the other for the maintenance of their ancient honour, so that equal courage and equal loss on both sides made the hope and appearance of victory to either equally doubtful: unless perhaps the Lacedæmonians being very firm abiders, might seem the more likely to prevail, as having borne the first brunt, and fury of the onset, which was not hitherto remitted, and being framed by Discipline, as it were by Nature, to excel in 〈◊〉, whereof the Thebans, by practice of a few years, cannot be thought to have gotten a habit so sure and general. But Epaminondas perceiving the obstinate stiffness of the Enemies to be such, as neither the bad success of their own horse, nor all the force of the Boeotian Army, could abate so far, as to make them give one foot of ground; taking a choice Company of the most able men, whom he cast into the form of a Wedge, or Diamond, by the advantage of that figure against a squadron, and by his own exceeding virtue, accompanied with the great strength and resolution of them which followed him, did open their ranks, and cleave the whole battle in despite of all resistance. Thus was the honour of that day won by the Thebans, who may justly be said to have carried the victory, seeing that they remained Masters of the ground whereon the battle was fought, having driven the Enemy to lodge farther off. For that which was alleged by the Athenians, as a token that the victory was partly theirs, the slaughter of those Mercenaries upon whom they lighted by chance in their own flight, finding them behind their Army, and the retaining of their dead bodies; it was a Ceremony regardable only among the Greeks', and served merely for ostentation, showing that by the fight they had obtained somewhat, which the Enemy could not get from them otherwise than by request. But the Thebans arrived at the general immediate end of battle; noon daring to abide them in the field: whereof a manifest confession is expressed from them, who forsake the place which they had chosen or accepted, as indifferent for trial of their 〈◊〉 and prowess. This was the last work of the incomparable virtue of Epaminondas, who being in the head of that Warlike troop of men, which broke the Lacedaemonian esquadron, and forced it to give back in disarray, was furiously charged on the sudden, by a desperate Company of the Spartans', who all at once threw their Darts at him alone; whereby receiving many wounds, he nevertheless with a singular courage maintained the fight, using against the Enemies many of their Darts, which he drew out of his own body; till at length by a Spartan, called Anticrates, he received so violent a stroke with a Dart, that the wood of it broke, leaving the iron and a piece of the truncheon in his breast. Hereupon he sunk down, and was soon conveyed out of the fight by his friends, having by his fall somewhat animated the Spartans' (who feign would have got his body) but much more inflamed with 〈◊〉 indignation, the Thebans, who raging at this heavy mischance did with great slaughter compel their disordered enemies to leave the field; though long they followed not the 〈◊〉, being wearied more with the sadness of this 〈◊〉, than with all the travail of the day. Epaminondas being brought into his Tent, was told by the Physicians, That when the head of the Dart should be drawn out of his body, he must 〈◊〉 die. Hearing this, he called for his shield, which to have lost, was held a great dishonour: 〈◊〉 was brought unto him. He bade them tell him which part 〈◊〉 the victory; answer was made, that the Boeotians had won the field. Than said he, it is 〈◊〉 time for me to die, and withal sent for jolidas, and Diophantes, two principal 〈◊〉 of War, that were both slain; which being told him, He advised the Thebans to make Peace, 〈◊〉 with advantage they might, for that they had noon left that was able to discharge the office of a General. Herewithal he willed, that the head of the weapon should be drawn out of his body; comforting his friends that lamented his death, and want of issue, by telling them, that the victories of Leuctra and 〈◊〉 were two fair Daughters, in whom his memory should 〈◊〉.  
So died 〈◊〉, the worthiest man that ever was bred in that Nation of Grecce, and hardly to be matched in any Age or Country: for he 〈◊〉 all others in the several virtues, which in each of them were singular. His 〈◊〉, and Sincerity, his Temperance, Wisdom, and high Magnanimity, were no way inferior to his Military virtue; in every part whereof he so excelled, That he could not properly be called a Wary, a Valiant, a 〈◊〉, a Bountiful, or an Industrious, and a Provident Captain; all these Titles, and many other, being due unto him, which with his 〈◊〉 Discipline, and good Conduct, made a perfect composition of an Heroic General. Neither was his private 〈◊〉sation unanswerable to those high parts, which gave him praise abroad. For he was Grave, and yet very Affable and Courteous; resolute in public business, but in his own particular easy, and of much mildness: a lover of his People, 〈◊〉 with men's infirmities, witty and pleasant in speech, far from insolence, Master of his own affections, and furnished with all qualities that might win and keep love. To these Graces were added great ability of body, much Eloquence, and very deep knowledge in all parts of Philosophy and Learning, wherewith his mind being enlightened, rested not in the sweetness of Contemplation, but broke forth into such 〈◊〉 as gave unto Thebes, which had evermore been an underling, a dreadful reputation among all 〈◊〉 adjoining, and the highest command in 〈◊〉.   

§. VIII. Of the peace concluded in 〈◊〉 after the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉. The voyage of AGESILAUS into Egypt. His death, and qualities; with an examination of the comparison made between him and POMPEY the Roman.  
THis battle of Mantinaea was the greatest that had ever been fought in that Country between the Naturals; and the last. For at Marathon, and Plataea, the populous Armies of the barbarous Nations gave rather a great fame, than a hard trial to the 〈◊〉 valour, neither were the practice of Arms and Art Military so perfect in the beginnings of the Peloponnesian War, as long continuance and daily exercise had now made them. The times following produced no actions of worth or moment, those excepted which were undertaken against fortaine enemies, proving for the most part unfortunate. But in this last fight all Greece was interessed, which never had more able Soldiers, and brave Commanders, nor ever contended for victory with greater care of the success, or more obssinate resolution. All which notwithstanding, the issue being such as hath been related, it was 〈◊〉 best for every particular Estate, that a general peace should be established, every one retaining what he 〈◊〉 had, and noon being forced to depend upon another. The Messenians were by name comprised in this new league; which caused the Lacedæmonians not to enter into it. Their 〈◊〉 out 〈◊〉 not the rest from proceeding to conclusion; considering that Sparta was now too weak to offend her Neighbours, and therefore might well be allowed to show that anger in ceremonies, which had no power to declare itself in execution. This peace, as it gave some breath and refreshing to all the Country, so to the Cities of Athens and Sparta it afforded leisure to 〈◊〉 after wealth by foreign employment in Egypt, wither Agesilaus was sent with some small forces to assist, or indeed, as a Mercenary, to serve under Tachos King of Egypt in his war upon Syria. Chabrias the Athenian, who had before commanded under Acoris King of Egypt, went now as a voluntary, with such 〈◊〉 as he could raise, by 〈◊〉, and offer of good pay, to the same service. These 〈◊〉 Kings descended from Amyrlaeus of Sais, who rebelled against Darius' 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 retained the Country, notwithstanding all intestine dissensions, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, during three Generations of their own race, were so well 〈◊〉 with the valour of the Grcekes, that by their help (easily procured with 〈◊〉) they conceived great 〈◊〉, not only to 〈◊〉 themselves, but to become Lords of the Provinces adjoining, which were held by the Persian. What the issue of this great enterprise might have been, had it not fallen by Domestical rebellion, it is uncertain. But very likely it is, that the rebellion itself had soon come to nothing, if Agesilaus had not proved a false Traitor, joining with Nectanebus, who rose against his Prince, and helping the Rebel with that 〈◊〉 which the money of Tachos had waged. This falsehood Agesilaus excused, as tending to the good of his own Country; though it seem rather, that he grudged because the King took upon himself the Conduct of the Army, using his service only as Lieutenant, who had made full account of being appointed the General. Howsoever it come to pass, Tachos being shamefully betrayed by them, in whom he had reposed his chief confidence, fled unto the Persian, who upon his submission gave him gentle entertainment; and Nectanebus (who seems to have been the Nephew of Tachos) reigned in his stead. At the same time the Citizens of mends had set up another King, to whom all, or most of the Egyptians yielded their obedience. But Agesilaus fight with him in places of advantage, prevailed so 〈◊〉, that he left 〈◊〉 in quiet possession of the Kingdom; who in recompense of his treason to the former King Tachos, and good service done to himself, rewarded him with two hundred and thirty Talents of silver, with which booty sailing homewards, he died by the way. He was a Prince very temperate, and valiant, and a good Leader in war, free from covetousness, and not reproached with any blemish of lust; which praises are the less admirable in him, for that the discipline of Sparta was such as did endue every one of the Citizens (not carried away by the violent stream of an ill nature) with all, or the chief, of these good qualities. He was nevertheless very arrogant, 〈◊〉, unjust and vain glorious, measuring all things by his own will, and obstinately prosecuting those courses, whose ends were beyond hope. The expedition of Xenophon had filled him with an opinion, that by his hand the Empire of Persia should be overthrown; with which conceit being transported, and finding his proceed interrupted by the Thebans, and their Allies, he did ever after bear such hatred unto Thebes, as compelled that Estate by mere necessity to grow warlike, and able, to the utter dishonour of Sparta, and the irreparable loss of all her former greatness. The commendations given to him by Xenophon his good friend, have caused Plutarch to lay his name in the balance against Pompey the Great; whose actions (the solemn gravity of carriage excepted) are very disproportionable. Yet we may truly say, That as Pompey made great wars under sundry Climates, and in all the Provinces of the Roman Empire, exceeding in the multitude of employments all that were before him; so Agesilans had at one time or other, some quarrel with every Town in Greece, had made a War in Asia, and meddled in the business of the Egyptians, in which variety he went beyond all his Predecessors: yet not winning any Countries, as Pompey did many, but obtaining large wages, which Pompey never took. Herein also they are very like; Each of them was the last great Captain which his Nation brought forth in time of liberty, and each of them ruined the liberty of his Country by his own Lordly wilfulness. We may therefore well say, Similia magis omnia 〈◊〉 paria; The resemblance was nearer than the equality. Indeed the freedom of Rome was lost with Pompey, falling into the hands of Caesar, whom he had enforced to take Arms; yet the Roman Empire stood, the form of Government only being changed: But the liberty of Greece, or of Sparta itself, was not forfeited unto the Thebans, whom Agesilaus had compelled to enter into a victorious war; yet the Signiory, and ancient renown of Sparta was presently lost: and the freedom of all Greece being wounded in this Theban war, and after much blood lost, ill healed by the peace ensuing, did very soon, upon the death of Agesilaus, give up the Ghost, and the Lordship of the whole Country was seized by Philip King of Macedon, whose actions are now on foot, and more to be regarded than the contemporary passages of things, in any other Nation.     
Finis Libri Tertij.   

THE FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD: ENTREATING OF THE TIMES FROM the reign of PHILIP of MACEDON, to the establishing of that Kingdom, in the race of ANTIGONUS.  

THE FOURTH BOOK.  

CHAP. I Of PHILIP, the Father of ALEXANDER the Great, King of Macedon.  

§. I. What Kings reigned in Macedon before PHILIP.  
THE Greeks', of whom we have already made large discourse, not as as yet wearied with intestinc war, nor made wise by their vain contention for superiority, do still, as in former times, continued the invasion and vastation of each other.  
Against 〈◊〉, the greatest Monarch of that part of the World, they defended their liberty, with as happy success, as ever Nation had, and with no less honour, than hath ever been acquired by deeds of Arms. And having had a trial and experience, more than fortunate, against those Nations, they so little regarded what might come from them, who had so often forfeited the reputation of their forces, as whatsoever could be spared from their own distraction at home, they transported over the Hellespont, as sufficient, to entertain and busy them withal.  
But, as it commonly falleth out with every man of mark in the world, that they under-fall, and perish, by the hands and harms which they lest fear; so fared it at this time with the Greeks. For of Philip of Macedon (of whom we are now to speak) they had 〈◊〉 little regard, as they grew 〈◊〉 then more violent in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 other, when the 〈◊〉- growing greatness of such a Neighbour King, should, in regard of their own 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 served them for a strong argument of union and accord. But the glory of their Persian victories, wherewith they were pampered and made proud, taught them to neglect all Nations but themselves, and the rather to value at little 〈◊〉 power and purposes of the 〈◊〉, because those Kings and States, which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them than they did, had in the time of 〈◊〉, the Father of Philip, so much weakened them, and won upon them, thatthey were not (as the 〈◊〉 persuaded themselves) in any one age, likely to recover their own, much less to work any wonders against their borderers. And, indeed, it was not in their Philosophy to consider, That all great alterations are stormlike, sudden, and violent; and that it is then over-late to repair the decayed and broken banks, when great Rivers are once swollen, fast-running, and enraged. Not, the Greeks did rather employ themselves, in breaking down those defences, which stood between them and this inundation: than seek to rampare and reinforce their own fields, which by the Level of reason they might have found to have lain under it. It was therefore well concluded by OROSIUS: Graeciae Civitates 〈◊〉 imper are singulae cupiunt, imperium 
〈◊〉 l. 3. c. 12.  〈◊〉 perdiderunt; The Cities of Greece lost their command, by striving each of them to command all.  
The Kingdom of Macedon, so called of Macedon, the Son of Osiris, or, as other Authors affirm, of jupiter and Aethra, is the next Region towards the North which bordereth Greece; It hath to the East, the Aegean Sea; it is bounded on the North and Northwest, by the Thracians and Illyrians; and on the South and southwest, by 〈◊〉 and Epirus.  
Their Kings were of the family of Temenus, of the race of Hercules, and by nation Argives; who are lifted as follows. About some six years after the translation of the Assyrian Empire, Arbaces then governing Media; Caranus of Argos, commanded by an Oracle, to led a Colony into Macedon, departed thence with many people, and as he was marching through that Country, the weather being 〈◊〉 and tempestuous, he espied a great heard of Goats, which fled the storm as fast as they could, hasting them to their known place of covert. Whereupon Caranus, calling to mind, that he had also by another Oracle been directed, to follow the first troop of those beasts, that should either led him, or fly before him; He pursued 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  these Goats to the Gates of Edessa, and being undiscovered by the Inhabitants, by 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. Antios. 〈◊〉.  reason of the darkness of the air, he entered their 〈◊〉 without resistance, and possessed it. Soon after this, by the overthrow of Cisseus, Caranus become Lord of the 
Euseb. in Chron.  rest of Macedon, and held it eight and twenty years. Coenus succeeded Caranus, and reigned twelve years. Tyrimas followed Coenus, and ruled eight and twenty years.  
Perdiccas the first, the son of Tyrimas, governed one and 〈◊〉 years: a Prince, for his great valour, and many other virtues, much renowned. Solinus, Pliny, justine, 
Sol. c. 14.  Eusebius, 〈◊〉, Antiochenus, and others affirm, that he appointed a place of burial 
〈◊〉. l. 4. c. 10.  for himself, and for all the Kings of Macedon his Successors, at Aegae: assuring them, that the Kingdom should so long continued in his line and race, as they continued to lay up their bodies in that Sepulchre; wherein it is said, that because Alexander the Great failed, therefore the posterity of the Temenidae failed in him: a thing rather devised after the effect, as I conceive, then foretold by Perdiccas.  
Argoeus succeeded unto Perdiccas, and ruled eight and twenty years. 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 Chron.   
Philip the first, his successor, reigned eight and twenty years.  
Europus followed Philip, and governed six and twenty years: in whoseinfancie the Illyrians invaded Macedon, and having obtained a great victory, they pursued the same to the great danger of that State. Whereupon the Maccdonians, gathering new forces, and resolving either to recover their former loss, or to lose at once both their Kingdom and their King, they carried him with them in his Cradle into the field, and returned victorious; for they were either confident that their Nation could not be beaten (their King present;) or rather they persuaded themselves that there was no man so voided of honour and compassion, as to abandon their natural 
〈◊〉. justin.  Lord, being and Infant, and no way (but by the hands of his servants) able 
An. mian. The.  to defend himselfé from destruction The like is reported by Aimoinus, of Clotarius 
Ant. etc. 〈◊〉. l. 3 c. 82.  the son of 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 succeeded Aeropus, and ruled nine and twenty years.  
Amyntas the 〈◊〉 succeeded 〈◊〉, and reigned fifty years; 〈◊〉 lived at such time as Darius Hystaspes, after his 〈◊〉 return out of 〈◊〉, sent 〈◊〉 with an Army into Europe, who in 〈◊〉 name required 〈◊〉 to acknowledge him for his Supreme Lord, by yielding unto him Earth and Water. But his Ambassadors, as you have heard before, were, for their 〈◊〉 behaviour towards the Macedonian Ladies, slain by the direction of Alexander, who was the son of 
Herald Eus. 〈◊〉. etc.  Amyntas, and his Successor.  
Alexander, surnamed the rich, the 〈◊〉 of Amyntas, governed Macedon three and 〈◊〉 years. He did not only appease the wrath of 〈◊〉, for the slaughter of the Persian Ambassadors, by giving 〈◊〉 his Sister, to 〈◊〉 of the blood of Persia, but by that match he grew so great in 〈◊〉 grace, as 〈◊〉 obtained all that Region between the Mountains of Olympus and Hemus, to be united to the Kingdom of Macedon. Yet could not these benefits buy his affection from the 〈◊〉. For 〈◊〉 being returned into Asia, and 〈◊〉 made General of the Persian Army; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Greeks' with all his intents and purposes against 
Herald l. 8.  them. He had three sons, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 as, and Philip. 
〈◊〉 Euseb. 〈◊〉. etc.   
〈◊〉 the second, the son of Alexander, lived in the time of the Peloponnesian War, and reigned in all eight and twenty years. The Wars which he made were not much remarkable: the Story of them is found here and there by pieces, in 〈◊〉, his first six books. He left behind him two sons; Perdiccas, who was very young, and Archelaus who was base borne.  
Perdiccas the third, being delivered to the custody and care of Archelaus, was at seven 〈◊〉 of age cast into a Well and drowned by his false Guardian: who excusing this fact to Cleopatra the Mother of the young King, said, That the child in following 
Plat. in Gorg. Arist. Pol. 5.  a Goose hastily, fell thereinto by misadventure. But 〈◊〉 stayed not here: for having thus dispatched his brother, he slew both his 〈◊〉 Alcetas the son of Alexander the Rich, and Alexander the son of this Alcetas, his cozen German, and enjoyed the Kingdom of Macedon himself four and twenty years.  
This Archelaus, of whom both Plato and Aristotle make mention, though he made himself King by wicked murder, yet he performed many things greatly to the profit of his Nation. It is said, That he sought by all means to draw Socrates unto him, and that he greatly loved and honoured Eurypides the Tragedian. He had two sons, Archelaus and Orestes.  
〈◊〉 the second succeeded his Father, and having reigned seven years, he was stain in hunting, either by chance or of purpose, by 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 his younger son was committed to the education of Aeropus, of the royal 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, and had the same measure which Archelaus had measured to his 〈◊〉; for 〈◊〉 murdered him and usurped the Kingdom, which he held some six years: the same who denied passage to 〈◊〉 King of 〈◊〉, who desired after his return from the Asian expedition, to pass by the way of Macedon into 〈◊〉.  
This V surper left three sons, 〈◊〉, Argaeus, and Alexander. Pausanias succeeded 
Diod 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉.  his father Aeropus, and having reigned one year, he was driven out by 〈◊〉 the son of Philip, the son of the first Perdiccas, the son of Alexander the Rich; which Philip was then preserved, when Archelaus the Bastard slew his brother Perdiccas, his Uncle 〈◊〉, and his son Alexander. This Amyntas reigned (though very unquietly) four and twenty 〈◊〉; for he was not only 〈◊〉 by Pausanias, assisted by the Thracians, and by his brother Argaeus; encouraged by the Illyrians; and by the said Argaeus, for two years dispossessed of Macedon: but on the other side, the Olynthians, his Neighbours near the Aegaean Sea, made themselves for a while Masters of 〈◊〉, the chief City of Macedon.  
Amyntas the second had by his Wife Eurydice, the Illyrian, three Sons; Alexander the second, Perdiccas the third, and Philip the second, Father of Alexander the Great; and one Daughter called Euryone or Exione: He had also by his second Wife Gygea, three Sons; Archelaus, Argaeus, and 〈◊〉, afterward slain by their brother Philip: He had more by a Concubine, Ptolemy, 〈◊〉 Alorites, of the City Alorus, wherein he was borne.  
Alexander the second reigned not much above one year, in which time he was invaded by 〈◊〉, the son of Aeropus, but defended by Iphicrates the Athenian, while he was at that time about Amphipolis. He was also constrained (for the payment of a great sum of money) to leave his youngest brother Philip in Hostage with the Illyrians, who had subjecteth his Father Amyntas to the payment of tribute. After this, Alexander, being invited by the Alevadae against Alexander the Tyrant of Pheres in Thessaly, having redeemed his brother Philip; to draw the Thebans to his assistance, entered into confederacy with Pelopidas, being at that time in the same Country, with whom he also left Philip with divers other principal persons for the gage of his promises to Pelopidas. But 〈◊〉 his Mother falling in love with her Son-in-law, who had married her Daughter Euryone or Exione, practised the death of Alexander her son, with a purpose to confer the Kingdom on her Paramour, which Ptolemy Alorites did put in execution: by means whereof he held Macedon for three years, but was soon after slain by Perdiccas the brother of Alexander. Diodor hath it otherwise of Philip's being made pledge; and saith, That 
Diod. l 15. & 16.  Amyntas his Father delivered him for hostage to the Illyrians, by whom he was 〈◊〉 to Thebes, there to be kept: others report that Philip (while his Father was yet living) was first engaged to the Thebans, and delivered for hostage a second time by Alexander his brother.  
Perdiccas the third, after he had slain Alorites his base-brother, governed Macedon five years, and was then slain in a battle against the Illyrians, according to Diodorus; but justine affirmeth, that he perished by the practice of Eurydice his Mother, 
Iust. l. 7.  as Alexander did.   

§. II The beginning of PHILIPS reign; and how he delivered Macedon from the troubles wherein he found it entangled.  
PHILIP the second, the youngest son of Amyntas by Eurydice, having been instructed in all knowledge requisite unto the government of a Kingdom, in that excellent education which he had under Epaminondas, 
Diod. l. 16.  making an escape from Thebes, returned into Macedon, in the first year of the hundred and fifth Olympiad, which was after the building of Rome three hundred fourscore and thirteen years: and finding the many enemies and dangers wherewith the Kingdom was environed, he took on him, not as King (for 〈◊〉 left asonne, though but an infant) but as the Protector of his Nephew, and Commander of the men of 〈◊〉. Yet his fruitful ambition soon overgrew his modesty, and he was easily persuaded by the people to accept both the Title of King, and withal the absolute Rule of the Kingdom. And to say the truth, The necessity of the State of Macedon at that time required a King both prudent and active. For, besides the incursions of the 〈◊〉 and Pannonians, the King of Thrace did set up in opposition Pausanias, the Athenians, Argoeus; sons of the late Usurper Aeropus: each of these labouring to place in 〈◊〉 a King of their own Election. These heavy burdens when Philip could not well bear, he bought off the weightiest by money, and by fair promises unloded himself of so many of the rest, as he ran under the remainder happily enough. For, not withstanding that his brother Perdiccas had his death accompanied with 〈◊〉 thousand Macedonians, beside these that were wounded and taken prisoners; and that the Pannonians were destroying all before them in Macedon, and that the Athenians with a fleet by Sea, and three thousand Soldiers by Land under 〈◊〉, did beaten upon him on all sides and quarters of his Country: Yet after he had practised the men of war of Pannonia; and corrupted them with gifts; and had also bought the King of Thrace from 〈◊〉, he forth with made head against the Athenians his stiffest enemies; and, for the first, he prevented their recovery of 〈◊〉, a City on the frontier of Macedon: and did then pursue Argoeus the son of Aeropus, set against him by the Athenians, and followed him so hard at the heels, in his retreat from Aeges, that he forced him to abide the battle: which Argoeus lost, having the greatest part of his Army slain in the place. Those of the Athenians, and others which remained unbroken, took the advantage of a strong piece of ground at hand, which though they could not long defend, yet avoiding thereby the present 〈◊〉 of the Soldiers, they obtained of the vanquishers life and liberty to return into Attica. Whereupon a peace was concluded between him and the 〈◊〉 for that present, and for this clemency he was greatly renowned and honoured by all the Greeks'.   

§. III The good success which PHILIP had in many enterprises.  
NOw had Philip leisure to look Northward, and to attended the Illyrians and Poeonians, his irreconcilable enemies and borderers: both which he invaded with so prosperous success, as he slew Bardillis, King of the Illyrians, with seven thousand of his Nation, and thereby recovered all those places which the Illyrians held in Macedon: and withal, upon the death of the King of Pannonia, he pierced that Country, and after a 〈◊〉 victory obtained, he enforced them to pay him tribute. This was no sooner done, than (without staying to take longer breath) he hasted speedily towards 〈◊〉, upon the River Peneus in Thessaly, of which Town he soon made himself master; and thereby he got good footing in that Country, whereof he made use in time following. Now although he resolved either to subdue the Thessalians, or to make them his own against all others, because the horsemen of that Country were the best, and most feared in that part of Europe; yet he thought it most for his 〈◊〉 to close up the entrances out of Thrace, lest while he invaded Thessaly and Grecce towards the South, those ample Nations, lying towards the North, should either withdraw him, or overrun Macedon as in former times. He therefore attempted Amphipolis, seated on the famous River of Strimon, which parteth Thrace from Macedon, and won it. He also 〈◊〉 Pydna; and (to the North of Amphipolis) the City of Crenides (sometime Datus) and called it after his own name 〈◊〉: to the people whereof St. Paul afterward directed one of his Epistles. This place, wherein Philippi stood, is very rich in Ours of gold, out of which, greatly to the advancement of Philip's affairs, he drew yearly a thousand talents, which make six hundred thousand French Crowns.  
And that he might with the more case disburden the Thracian- shores of the Athenian Garrisons, to which he had given a great blow by the taking in of Amphipolis, he entered into league with his Father's malicious enemies the Olynthians; whom the better to fasten unto him, he gave them the City of Pydna with the Territory, meaning nothing less than that they should enjoy it, or their own Estate, many years.  
Now that he might by degrees win ground upon the Greeks, he took the fair occasion to deliver the City of Pheres in Thessaly, from the tyranny Lycophron and Tisiphonus. Who, after they had conspired with Thebes the wife of Alexander, who usurped upon the liberty of that State, they themselves (Alexander being murdered) held it also by the same strong hand and oppression that Alexander did, till by the assistance of Philip they were beaten out, and Pheres restored to her former liberty. Which act of Philip did forever after fasten the Thessalians unto him, and, to his exceeding great advantage, bind them to his service.   

§. FOUR Of the Phocian War which first drew PHILIP into Greece.  
ABout this time, to wit, in the second year of the hundred and sixth Olympiad, eight years after the battle of Mantinoea, and about the 〈◊〉 year of Artaxerxes Ochus, began that War, called Sacred. Now, as all occasions concur towards the execution of eternal providence, and of every great alteration in the World there is some 〈◊〉 preparation, though not at the first easily discerned; so did this revengeful hatred by the Thebans, Thessalians, and Locrians, conceived against the Phocians, not only teach Philip how he might with half a hand wrist the sword out of their fingers; but the Greeks' themselves beating down their own defences, to give him an 〈◊〉 passage, and beating themselves, to give him victory without peril, left nothing unperformed towards their own slavery, saving the title and imposition. Of this War the Thebans (made over-proude by their 〈◊〉 at Leuctres) were the inflamers. For at the Council of the Amphyctiones, or of the general Estates of Greece, in which, at that time, they swayed most, they caused both the Lacedoemonians and Phocians to be condemned in greater sums of money than they could well bear; the one for 〈◊〉 the Castle of Cadmea in the time of peace, the other for ploughing up a piece of ground belonging to the Temple of Delphos. The Phocians being resolved not to obey this Edict, were secretly set on and encouraged by the 〈◊〉: and for refusal were exposed as Sacrilegers, and accursed to all their Neighbour-Nations, for whom it was then lawful to invade, and destroy them at their pleasures.  
The Phocians persuaded thereunto by Philomelus, a Captain of their own, cast the same dies of hazard that Caesar after many Ages following did; but had not the same chance. Yet they dealt well enough with all the enemies of their own Nation. And the better to bear out an ungracious quarrel, of which there was left no hope of composition, they resolved to sack the Temple itself. For seeing that for the ploughing of a piece of Apollo's ground, they had so much offended their neighbour God, and their Neighbour-Nations, as worse could not befall them than already was intended; they resolved to take the gold with the ground, and either to perish for all, or to prevail against all that had commission to call them to account. The treasure which they took out of the Temple in the beginning of the War, was ten thousand talents, which in those days served them to wage a great many men, and such was their success in the beginning of the war, as they won three great battles against the Thebans, Thessalians, and Locrians, but being beaten in the fourth, their Leader Philomelus cast himself headlong over the Rocks.  
In the mean while the Cities of Chersonesus, both to defend themselves against their bad-Neighbour Philip, who encroached upon them, and to draw others into their quarrel, rendered themselves to the Athenians. Philip prepareth to get them into his hands, and at the siege of Methone lost one of his eyes. It is said, That he that shot him, did purposely direct his arrow towards him, and that it was written on the shaft thereof: Aster PHILIPPO; Aster to PHILIP; for so he was called 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  that gave him the wound. This 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 with the soil. 
〈◊〉. l 8.   
The Tyrant Lycophron before mentioned, while Philip was busied on the border of Thrace, and the 〈◊〉 engaged in the holy war, 〈◊〉 Thessaly with new forces, being assisted by 〈◊〉, Commander of the Phocian Army, in place of Philomelus. For hereby the Phocians hoped so to entertain the 〈◊〉 at home, as they should not found leisure to invade them. Hereupon was Philip the second time called into Thessaly, but both the 〈◊〉, and Macedonians, (〈◊〉 being present) were utterly overthrown by 〈◊〉; and great numbers of both Nations lost. From Thessaly, 〈◊〉 drew speedily towards 〈◊〉, and with the same victorious Army broke the forces of the 〈◊〉, and took from them their City of Coronea. But 〈◊〉 impatient of his late misadventure, after he had reenforced his Army, returned with all speed into Thessaly, there to found again the honour which he lately lost: and was the second time encountered by 〈◊〉, who brought into the field twenty thousand foot, and five hundred horse. All this great preparation sufficed not; for Onomarchus was by Philip surmounted, both in numbers and in good fortune, his Army overturned, six thousand slain, and three thousand taken: of which number himself being one, was among others hanged by Philip. Those that fled, were in part 〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉 Galleys, which 〈◊〉 alongst the coast, commanded by Chares, but the greatest number of those that took the Sea, were therein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 them. Lycophron was now again driven out of 〈◊〉, and Pheres made free as before.   

§. V Of the Olynthian War. The ambitious practices of PHILIP.  
FRom hence Philip resolved to invade Phocis itself, but the Athenians did not favour his entrance into those parts, and therefore with the help of the Lacedoemonians they retrencht his passage at the Straitss of Thermopylts. Whereupon he returned into Macedon, and after the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, Torone, and other Towns, he quarreled with the 〈◊〉, whom not long before he had wooed to his alliance, and bought his peace of them. For the Olynthians were very strong, and had 〈◊〉 both braved and beaten the 〈◊〉. It is said, that Philip having put to death 〈◊〉 his half brother (for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three sons by 〈◊〉 the Mother of Philip, and three other sons by 〈◊〉: but Philip's elder brothers by the same Mother being dead, he determined to rid himself also of the rest) the two younger held themselves within Olynthus; and that the receiving of them by the Olynthtans was the cause of the war, 〈◊〉 affirmeth. But just quarrels are balanced by just Princes, for to 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  this King all hangs were lawful that might any way serve his turn; all his affections, and passions, how divers soever in other men, were in his ambition swallowed up, and thereinto converted. For he neither forbore the murder of his own brothers, the breach of faith, the buying of other men's fidelity; he esteemed no place strong where his Ass loaden with gold might enter, Nor any City or State unconquerable, where a few of the greatest, to be made greater, could lose the sense of other men's sorrow and subjection. And because he thought it vain to practise the winning of Olynthus, till he had enclosed all the power they had within their own walls, he entered their 〈◊〉, and by the advantage of a well compounded and trained Army, he gave them two overthrows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sat down before the City itself: which done, he bought Euthicrates and Lasthenes from their people, and from the service of their Country and Common weal, by whose treason he entered the Town, slew his brothers therein, sacked it, and sold the Inhabitants for slaves by the drum. By the spoil of this place he greatly enriched himself, and had treasure sufficient to buy in other Cities withal, which he daily did. For so was he advised by the Oracle in the beginning of his undertaking, That he should make his assaults with silver spears: Whereupon Horace well and truly said.  

— 〈◊〉 Vrbium 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. Od. 16.   
〈◊〉 vir 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
Reges muneribus.—   

By gifts the Macedon 〈◊〉 Gates asunder,  
And Kings envying his estate brought under.   
And it is true that he won more by corruption and 〈◊〉, than he did by force. For as he had in all the principal Cities of Greece his secret workers (which way of Conquest was well followed by Philip the second of Spain:) So when in the contention between the Competitors for the Kingdom of Thrace, he was chosen the Arbitrator, he come not to the Council accompanied with Piety and justice, but with a powerful Army and having beaten and slain both Kings, gave sentence for himself, and made the Kingdom his own.   

§. VI How PHILIP ended the Phocian War.  
THE war still continuing between the Phocians, and the Associates of the holy war, the Boeotians, finding themselves unable to 〈◊〉 without some present aid, sent unto Philip for succour, who willingly yielded to their necessities, and sent them such a proportion of men, as were neither sufficient to master 〈◊〉 enemies, nor to assure themselves; but yet to enable them to continued the war, and to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of Greece. They also sent to 〈◊〉 Ochus for supply of treasure, who lent them thirty talents, which makes a hundred & fourscore thousand Crowns: but when with these supplies they had still the 〈◊〉 in all their attempts against the Phocians, who held from them three of their strongest Cities within Boeotia itself, They then besought Philip of Macedon that he would assist them in person, to whom they would give an entrance into their Territory, and in all things obey his Commandments in that War.  
Now had Philip what he longed for; for he knew himself in 〈◊〉 to give the 〈◊〉 to both, and so quitting all his other purposes towards the North, he marched with a speedy pace towards 〈◊〉, where being arrived, Phallecus who commanded the Phocian Army, fearing to shock with this victorious King, made his own peace, and withdrew himself with a Regiment of eight thousand Soldiers into Peloponnesus, leaving the Phocians to the mercy of the Conqueror, and for conclusion he had the glory of that war called Sacred, which the Grecians with so many mutual slaughters had 〈◊〉 for ten years, and, besides the glory, he possessed himself of Orchomene, Coronea and Corsia, in the Country of the Boeotians, who invited him to be victorious over themselves. He brought the Phocians into servitude, and wasted their Cities, and gave them but their Villages to inhabit, reserving to himself the yearly tribute of threescore talents, which make six and thirty thousand French Crowns. He also hereby (besides the fame of piety for service of the Gods) obtained the same double voice in the Council of the Amphyctiones, which the Phocians had, with the superintendency of the Pythian games, forfeited by the Corinthians, by being partakers in the Phocian sacrilege.   

§. VII. How PHILIP with ill success attempted upon Perinthus, Byzantium, and the Scythians.  
PHILIP, after his triumphant return into Macedon, by the Lieutenant of his Army Parmenio, slaughtered many thousands of the Illyrians, and Dardanians, and brought the Thracians to pay him the tenth part of all their revenues. But his next enterprise against the Perinthians stayed his fury. Perinthus was a City of Thrace, seated upon Propontis, in the midway between Sestos and Brzantium, a place of great strength, and a people resolved to defend their liberty against Philip, where the Athenians encouraged and assisted them. Philip sat down before it with a puissant Army, made many fair breaches, gave many furious assaults, built many over-topping and commanding Towers about it. But he was repelled with equal violence. For whereas Philip thought by his continual assaults to 〈◊〉 them, and waste both their men and munition, they were supplied, not only from the Persian with men and money, and succoured from Byzantium which stood upon the same Sea-coast, but they were relieved from Athens, Chio, and Rhodes, by the conduction of Photion, with whatsoever was wanting to their necessity. But because those of 〈◊〉, by reason of their neighbourhood, and the easy passage by water, gave them often and ready help; Philip removed with the one half of his Army and besieged it, leaving fifteen thousand foot before Perinthus, to force it if they could; but to be short, he failed in both attempts, (as all Princes commonly do that under-take divers enterprises at one time) and returned into Macedon with no less dishonour than loss: whereupon he made an Overture of peace with the Athenians, and greatly desired it, to which though Photion persuaded them in all he could, and that by the occasion offered they might greatly advantage their conditions; Yet Demosthenes with his eloquence prevailed in the refusal. In the mean while, Philip having digested his late affront, and supplied his expense, by the taking of an hundred and threescore and ten Merchants ships, he gathered new forces, and being accompanied with his son Alexander, led them into Scythya; but he was also unprosperous in this enterprise: For the Triballi, a people of Moesia set on him in his return, wounded him, and took from him the greatest part of the spoils, which he had gathered.   

§. VIII. How PHILIP overthrowing the Greeks' in the battle of Chaeronaea, was chosen Captaine-Generall of Greece. The death of PHILIP.  
AMong these Northern Nations (part of which he suppressed, and part quieted) he spent some eight years; and in the ninth year, after the end of the holy war, he was to his great advantage invited again by the Grecians to their assistance. For the Citizens of Amphissa having disobeyed the decree of the Amphyctiones, in which Philip had a double voice, and who by reason that the Thebans and Locrians gave countenance and aid to the Amphissensians, the rest were not of themselves able to constrain them, they besought Philip to come in person to their assistance. Now you must think that Philip was not long in resolving upon this enterprise; he needed no drawing on, whom nothing could keep back; nor other dissuasion than a mastering power could hold thence. He therefore commanded his Army forth with to march; the same being compounded of thirty thousand foot, and two thousand horse; and with as much expedition as could be made, he entered Phocis, wan Plataea, and brought into subjection all that Region.  
The rest, and especially the Athenians, although they had good cause to fear that a great part of this storm would fall on themselves, yet were they dissuaded by Demoslhenes from accepting such reasonable conditions of peace as Philip offered, and rather made choice (having drawn the Thebans to join with them) to leave the enjoying of their estates and their freedom to the chance of one battle, than to hold it either by composition, or by the grace of Philip. But this their Orators eloquence cost them dear. It is true that he could far more easily mind them of the virtue of their Ancestors, then make them to be such as they were. He might repeat unto them (with words moving passion) the wonders they wrought at Marathon, but he could not transform the Macedonians into Persians', nor draw from the dead, a Miltiades, an Aristides, a Themistocles, or a Cimon, or any of those 〈◊〉 Commanders, whose great virtues they had paid with the greatest ingratitude that ever Nation did. A Photion they had, but by the strength of a contrary faction he was at this time in disgrace, and not employed: in so much as when the Armies of Philip and the Confederates encountered, although some thousand of the Athenians abide the kill, and the like number well-near of the Thebans died with them; yet the want of worthy men on that side to hold up the rest, and to draw them on, and the many choice Captains of the Macedonians, encouraged by a King of a growing fortune, as it gave to Philip so shining a victory that Alexander by the light thereof found his way (in despite of all the Nations interjacent) into Persia, India, and Egypt; so it cut to the ground, and gave end and date to all the Grecian glory: Yea their liberty (saith Curtius) with their large Dominion won with so many difficulties, continued for so many Ages, and so often defended against the greatest Kings, was now lost in a moment, and for ever lost.  
Now this advised King (never passionate to his disadvantage) to the end he might obtain the Sovereignty over all Greece, and be acknowledged for their Captaine-Generall against the Persians', without any further hazard or trouble, was content to let go those Athenians that were taken at this battle of Cheronaea, as he also forbore to attempt any thing against their City: but in Thebes (which lately by the virtue of Epaminondas triumphed over the rest) he lodged a Garrison of Macedonians. And being soon after (according unto the long desire which he had nourished of this Sovereignty) by the general) States at Corinth, styled the first Commander of all the Grecians, and contribution of men and money granted him, he compounded an Army of great strength, and under the commandment of Attalus and Parmenio, transported the same over the Hellespont into Asia, to begin the War. Of his enterprise against Persia he sought the success from the Oracle at Delphos, from whence he received such another convertible riddle, as Croesus did when he attempted Cyrus, and was in like sort mistaken in the exposition.  
But as it is hard to discern and withstand the flatteries of our own appetites, so did Philip's ambitious desire to invade Persia abuse his judgement, so far, that the death, wherewith himself was threatened, he understood to be delivered of his enemy, whom he intended presently to invade. Before his purposed departure into Asia, he prepared for the marriage of his Daughter Cleopatra with Alexander King of Epirus, to which feast and pastimes thereat appointed, he invited all his 〈◊〉, and Allies, with the principal persons of the Grecian Cities, from whom he received much honour and many rich presents; but this was indeed the feast of his Funeral. For having refused to do justice to one Pausanias a Gentleman of his Guard, whom 〈◊〉 (greatly favoured by Philip) had first made drunk, and then left to be carnally abused by divers base persons, This Pausanias grew into so great detestation of the King's partiality in so soul a fact, as when Philip was passing towards the Theatre, he drew a sword from under his long garment and wounded him to death, when he had lived six and forty years, and reigned five and twenty. justine reports it that Olympias encouraged Pausanias to murder the King her husband, 
〈◊〉. l. 9  which after his death she boldly avowed, by the honour she did unto Pausanias in crowning his dead body, in consecrating his sword unto Apollo, by building for him a Monument, and other like Graces.   

§. IX.. What good foundations of ALEXANDER'S greatness were laid by PHILIP. Of his 〈◊〉 qualities, and 〈◊〉.  
NOw although he were then taken from the World, when he had mastered all opposition on that side the Sea, and had seen the first-fruits of his hopes and labours, changing colour towards ripeness and perfection, yet he was herein happy that he lived to see his son Alexander at man's estate, and had himself been an eyewitness of his resolution, and singular valour in this last battle.  
The foundation of whose future greatness he had laid so sound for him, with so plain a pattern of the buildings which himself meant to erect, as the performance and finishing was far more easy to Alexander, though more glorious than the beginnings were unto Philip, though less famous. For besides the recovery of Macedon itself, in competition between him and the sons of Aeropus, the one assisted by the Thracians, the other by the Athenians, and besides the regaining of many places possessed by the Illyrians, the crushing of all those Northern Kings his Neighbours, the overthrow of Olynthus, a State that despised the power of his Father, the many Maritimate Cities taken, of great strength and ancient freedom, and the subjection of that famous Nation of Greece, which for so many Ages had defended itself against the greatest Kings of the World, and won upon them; He left unto his son, and had bred up for him, so many choice Commanders, as the most of them, both for their valour and judgement in the war, were no less worthy of Crowns, than himself was that ware a Crown: For it was said of Parmenio (whom Alexander, ungrateful to so great virtue, impiously murdered) That Parmenio had performed many things challenging eternal fame, without the King, but the King, without Parmenio never did any thing worthy of renown; as for the rest of his Captains, though content to obey the Son of such a Father, yet did they not after Alexander's death endure to acknowledge any man Superior to themselves.  
Of this Prince it is hard to judge, whither his ambition had taught him the exercise of more vices, than Nature, and his excellent Education had enriched him with virtues. For besides that he was Valiant, Wise, Learned, and Master of his Affections, he had this savour of Piety, that he rather laboured to satisfy those that were grieved, than to suppress them, Whereof (among many other) we find a good example in his dealing with Arcadion, and Nicanor; whom, when for their evil speech of Philip, his familiars persuaded him to put to death; He answered them, That first it aught to be considered, whither the fault were in them that gave him ill language, or in himself: Secondly, that it was in every man's own power to be well spoken off; and this was shortly proved, for after Philip had relieved their necessities, there were noon within his Kingdom that did him more honour than they did. Whereupon he told those that had persuaded him to use violence, that he was a better Physician for evil speech than they were.  
His Epistles to Alexander his son are remembered by Cicero, and Gellius; and 
Cic. 〈◊〉. 2.  by Dion: and Chrusostom exceedingly commended. His Stratagems are gathered 
Gell. l. 9 c. 3.  
〈◊〉. 2. de 〈◊〉  by Polyaenus and Frontinus, his wise sayings by Plutarch, And albeit he held Macedon as in his own right, all the time of his reign, yet was he not the true and next Heir thereof: for Amyntas the son of his Brother Perdiccas (of whom he had the protection during his infancy) had the right. This Amyntas he married to his Daughter Cyna, who 〈◊〉 by him a Daughter called Eurydice, who was married to Philip's base son Aridaeus, her Uncle by the mothers-side: both which Olympias, Philips first Wife, and Mother to Alexander the Great, put to death; Aridaeus by 〈◊〉 torments: Eurydice she 〈◊〉  
Philip had by this Olympias, the Daughter of Neoptolemus, King of the Molossians, (of the race of Achilles) Alexander the Great, and Cleopatra. Cleopatra was married to her Uncle Alexander, King of Epirus, and was after her Brother Alexander's death slain at Sardis, by the commandment of Antigonus.  
By 〈◊〉, an Illyrtan, his second wife, he had Cyna, married as is showed before.  
By Nicasipolis, the Sister of jason, Tyrant of Pheres, he had Thessalonica, whom Cassander, after he had taken Pidna, married, but she was afterward by her Father-in-law Antipater put to death.  
By Cleopatra, the 〈◊〉 of Attalus, he had Caranus, whom others call Philip: him, Olympias, the Mother of Alexander the Great, caused to be roasted to death in a copper 
〈◊〉. l. 13. c. 2.  
Iust. l. 3.  Pan. Others lay this murder on Alexander himself. By the same Cleopatra he had likewise a Daughter, called Europa, whom Olympias also murdered at the Mother's breast.  
By Phila and Meda he had no issue.  
He had also two Concubines, 〈◊〉, whom, after he had gotten with child, he married to an obscure man, called Lagus, who bore Ptolemy, King of Egypt, called the son of Lagus, but esteemed the son of Philip: by Philinna, his second Concubine, a public Dancer, 〈◊〉 had Aridaeus, of whom we shall have much occasion to speak hereafter.    

CHAP. II Of ALEXANDER the Great.  

§. I. A brief rehearsal of ALEXANDER'S doings, before 〈◊〉 invaded Asia.  
ALEXANDER, afterward called the Great, succeeded unto Philip his Father; being a Prince no less Valiant by Nature, than by Education, well instructed, and enriched in all sorts of Learning and good Arts. He began his reign over the Macedonians four hundred and seventeen years after Rome built, and after his own birth twenty years. The strange dreams of Philip his Father, and that one of the gods, in the shape of a Snake, begat him on Olympias his Mother, I omit as foolish tales; but that the Temple of Diana (a work the most magnificent of the World) was burnt upon the day of his birth, and that so strange an accident was accompanied with the news of three several victories, obtained by the Macedonians, it was very remarkable, and might with the reason of those times be 〈◊〉 for ominous, and foreshowing the great things by Alexander afterward performed. Upon the change of the King, the Neighbour-Nations, whom Philip had oppressed, began to consult about the recovery of their former liberty, and to adventure it by force of Arms. Alexander's yong-yeeres gave them hope of prevailing, and his suspected severity increased courage in those, who could better resolve to die, 〈◊〉 to live slavishly. But Alexander gave no time to those swelling humours, which might speedily have endangered the health of his estate. For after revenge taken upon the Conspirators against his Father, whom he 〈◊〉 upon his Tomb; and the celebration of his Funerals, he first fastened unto him his own Nation, by freeing them from all exactions, and bodily slavery, other than their service in his wars; and used such Kingly 〈◊〉 towards those that contemned his young years, and such clemency to the rest that persuaded themselves of the cruelty of his disposition, as all affections being pacified at home, He made a present journey into Peloponnesus, and so well exercised his spirits among them, as by the Counsel of the States of Greece, he was according to the great desire of his heart, elected Captaine-Generall against the Persians', upon which war Philip his Father had not only resolved, (who had obtained the same title of General Commander) but had transported under the leading of 〈◊〉, and Attalus, a part of his Army, to recover some places on Asia- side, for the safe descent of the rest.  
This enterprise against the Persian occupied all Alexander's affections; those fair marks of riches, Honour, and large Dominion, he now shot at both sleeping and waking: all other thoughts and imaginations were either grievous or hateful. But a contrary wind ariseth; for he receiveth advertisement that the Athenians, Thebans, and 〈◊〉, had united themselves against him, and, by assistance from the Persian, hoped for the recovery of their former freedom. Hereto they were persuaded by Demosthenes, himself being thereto persuaded by the gold of Persia; the device he used was more subtle than profitable, for he caused it to be bruited that Alexander was slain in a battle against the tribals, & brought into the assembly a Companion whom he had corrupted to affirm, That himself was present and wounded in the battle. There is indeed a certain Doctrine of Policy (as Policy is now adays defined by falsehood and knavery) that devised rumours and lies, if they serve the turn, but for a day or two, are greatly available. It is true that common people are sometime mocked by them, as Soldiers are by false alarms in the Wars; but in all that I have observed, I have found the success as ridiculous as the invention. For as those that find themselves at one time abused by such like brutes, 〈◊〉 at other times neglect their duties, when they are upon true reports, and in occasions perilous, summoned to assemble; so 〈◊〉 all men in general condemn the Ventures of such trumpery, and for them fear upon necessary occasions to entertain the truth itself. This labour unlooked for, and loss of time, was not only very grievous to Alexander, but by turning his sword from the ignoble and effeminate Persians', against which he had directed it, towards the manly and famous Grecians, of whose assistance he thought himself assured, his present undertaking was greatly disordered. But he that cannot endure to strive against the wind, shall hardly attain the Port which he purposeth to 〈◊〉: and it no less becometh the worthiest men to oppose misfortunes, than it doth the weakest children to bewail them.  
He therefore made such expedition towards these Revolters, as that himself, with the Army that followed him, brought them the first news of his preparation. Hereupon all stagger, and the Athenians, as they were the first that moved, so were they the first that fainted, seeking by their Ambassadors to 〈◊〉 the King, and to be received again into his grace. Alexander was not long in resolving; for the Persians' persuaded him to pardon the Grecians. Wise men are not easily drawn from great purposes by such occasions as may easily be taken off, neither hath any King 〈◊〉 brought to 〈◊〉 any great affair, who hath entangled himself in many enterprises at once, not tending to one and the same certain 〈◊〉.  
And having now 〈◊〉 his borderers towards the South, he resolved to assure those Nations which lay on the northside of Macedon, to wit, the Tracians, tribals, Peones, Geteses, Agrians, and other salvage people, which had greatly vexed with incursions, not only other of his Predecessors, but even Philip his Father: with all which, after divers overthrows given them, he made peace, or else brought them into subjection. Notwithstanding this good success, he could not yet found the way out of Europe. There is nothing more natural to man than liberty; the Greeks' had enjoyed it overlong, and lost it too late to forget it; they therefore shake off the yoke once again. The Thebans, who had in their Citadel a Garrison of a thousand Macedons, attempt to force it; Alexander hasteth to their succour, and presents himself with thirty thousand foot, all old Soldiers, and three thousand horse, before the City, and gave the Inhabitants some days to resolve, being even heartsick with the desire of passing into Asia. So unwilling, indeed, he was to draw blood of the Grecians, by whom he hoped to serve himself elsewhere, that he offered the Thebans remission, if they would only deliver into his hands Phoenix and Prothytes, the stirrers up of the Rebellion. But they, opposing the mounting fortune of Alexander, (which bore all resistance before it, like the breaking-in of the Ocean-Sea) in stead of such an answer, as men besieged and abandoned should have made, demanded Philotas and Antipater to be delivered unto them; as if Thebes alone, then laid in the balance of Fortune with the Kingdom of Macedon, and many other Provinces, could either have 〈◊〉 the scale or swayed it. Therefore in the end they perished in their obstinacy. For while the Thebans oppose the Army assailant, they are charged at the back by the Macedonian Garrison, their City taken and razed to the ground, six thousand slain, and thirty thousand sold for slaves, at the price of four hundred and forty talents. This the King did to the terror of the other Grecian Cities.  
Many Arguments were used by 〈◊〉 one of the prisoners, to persuade Alexander to forbear the destruction of Thebes. He prayed the King to believe that they were rather misled by giving hasty credit to false reports, than any way malicious; for being persuaded of Alexander's death, they rebelled but against his Successor. He also besought the King to remember, that his father Philip had his education in that City, yea that his Ancestor Hercules was borne therein: but all persuasions were fruitless; the times wherein offences are committed, do greatly aggravate them. Yet for the honour he bore to learning, he pardoned all of the race of Pindarus the Poet, and spared, and set at liberty Timoclea, the sister of Theagenes, who died in defence of the liberty of Greece against his Father Philip. This Noblewoman being taken by a Thracian, and by him ravished, he threatened to take her life unless she would confess her treasure: she led the Thracian to a Well, and told him that she had therein cast it: and when the Thracian stooped to look into the Well, she suddenly thrust him into the mouth thereof, and stoned him to death.  
Now because the Athenians had received into their City so many of the Thebans, as had escaped and fled unto them for secure, Alexander would not grant them peace, but upon condition to deliver into his hands both their Orators which persuaded this second revolt, and their Captains; yet in the end it being a torment unto him to retard the enterprise of Persia, he was content that the Orators should remain, and accepted of the banishment of the Captains, wherein he was exceeding ill advised, had not his fortune, or rather the providence of God, made all the resistance against him unprofitable: for these good Leaders of the Grecians betook themselves to the service of the Persian, whom after a few days he invadeth.   

§. II How ALEXANDER passing into Asia, fought with the Persians' upon the River of Granicus.  
WHen all was now quieted at home, Alexander, committing to the trust of Antipater both Greece and Macedon, in the first of the Spring did pass the Hellespont, and being ready to disimbarke, he threw a Dart towards the Asian shore, as a token of defiance, commanding his Soldiers not to make any waste in their own Territory, or to burn, or deface those buildings which themselves were presently, and in the future to possess. He landed his Army, consisting of two and 〈◊〉 thousand foot, and five thousand horse, all old Soldiers, near unto Troy, where he offered a solemn sacrifice upon 〈◊〉 Tomb, his maternal Ancestor.  
But before he left his own coast, he put to death, without any offence given him, all his Mothers-in-lawe Kinsmen, whom Philip his Father had greatly advanced, not sparing such of his own as he suspected. He also took with him many of his tributary Princes, of whose fidelity he doubted; thinking by unjust cruelty to assure all things, both in the present and future. Yet the end of all 〈◊〉 out contrary to the policy which his Ambition had commended unto him, though agreeing very well with the justice of God; for all that he had planted, who soon 〈◊〉 withered, and rooted up; those, whom he most trusted, were the most traitorous; his mother, friends, and children, fell by such another merciless sword as his own, and all manner of confusion followed his dead body to the grave, and left him there.  
When the knowledge of Alexander's landing on Asia side was brought to Darius, he so much scorned the Army of Macedon, and had so contemptible an opinion of Alexander himself, as having styled him his servant on a letter which he wrote unto him, reprehending his disloyalty and audacity (for Darius entitled himself King of Kings, and the Kinsman of the gods) he gave order withal to his Lieutenants of the lesser Asia, that they should take Alexander alive, whip him with rods, and then convey him to his presence: that they should sink his ships, and sand the Macedons taken prisoners beyond the Red-Sea, belike into Aethiopia, or some other unhealthful part of Africa.  
In this sort did this glorious King, confident in the glittering, but heartless, multitude which he commanded, dispose of the alreadie-vanquished 〈◊〉; But the i'll destinies of men bear them to the ground, by what strong confidence soever armed. The great numbers which he gathered together, and brought in one 〈◊〉 into the field, gave rather an exceeding advantage to his enemies, than any discouragement at all. For besides that they were men utterly unacquainted with dangers, men who by the name and countenance of their King were wont to prevail against those of less courage than themselves, men that took more care how to embroder with gold and silver their upper garments, as if they attended the invasion but of the Sunbeams, than they did to arm themselves with iron and steel against the sharp pikes, swords and darts of the 〈◊〉 Macedonians; I say, besides all these, even the opinion they had of their own numbers, of which every one in particular hoped that it would not fall to his turn to 〈◊〉, filled every of them with the care of their own safety, without any intent at all to hazard any thing but their own breath, and that of their horses, in running away. The Macedonians as they come to fight, and thereby to enrich themselves with the gold and jewels of Persia, both which they needed, so the Persians', who expected nothing in that War but blows and wounds, which they needed not, obeyed the King, who had power to constrain them in assembling themselves for his service; but their own fears and cowardice, which in time of danger had most power over them, they only then obeyed, when their rebellion against so servile a passion did justly and violently require it. For saith VEGETIUS: 〈◊〉 modum bene exercitatus miles praelium cupit, ita formidat indoctus; nam sciendum est in pugnâ usum amplius prodesse quàm vires; As the well practised Soldier desires to come to battle, so the raw one fears it: for we must understand, that in fight it more avails to have been accustomed unto the like, than only to have rude strength. What manner of men the Persians' were, Alexander discovered in the first encounter, before which time it is said, by those that written his Story, That it was hard to judge, whither his daring to undertake the Conquest of an Empire so well peopled, with a handful of men, or the success he had, were more to be wondered at. For at the River of Granick, which severeth the Territory of Troy from Propontis, the Persians' sought to stop his passage, taking the higher ground and 〈◊〉 of the river to defend, which Alexander was forced (as it were) to climb up unto, and scale from the Level of the water; Great resistance (saith Curtius) was made by the Persians', yet in the end Alexander prevailed. But it seems to me, that the victory then gotten was exceeding easy, and that the twenty thousand Persian footmen, said to be slain, were rather killed in the back, in running away, than hurt in the bosoms by resisting. For had those twenty thousand foot, and two hundred and fifty horsemen, or after Plutarch, two thousand and five hundred horsemen, died with their faces towards the Macedonians, Alexander could not have bought their lives at so small a rate, as with the loss of four and thirty of all sorts of his own. And if it were also true, that Plutarch doth report, how Alexander encountered two of the Persian Commanders, Spithridates and 〈◊〉, and that the Persian horsemen fought with great fury, though in the end scattered; and lastly, how those Grecians in Darius his pay, holding themselves in one body upon a piece of ground of advantage, did (after mercy was refused them) fight it out to the last; how doth it then resemble truth, that such resistance having been made, yet of Alexander's Army there fell but twelve Footmen, 〈◊〉 two and twenty Horsemen?   

§. III A digression concerning the defence of hard passages. Of things following the battle of Granick.  
THe winning of this passage did greatly encourage the Macedonians, and brought such terror upon all those of the 〈◊〉 Asia, as he obtained all the Kingdoms thereof without a blow, some one or two Towns excepted. For in all invasions, where the Nations invaded have once been beaten upon a great advantage of the place, as in defence of Rivers, Straitss, and Mountains, they will soon have persuaded themselves, that such an enemy upon equal terms and even ground, can hardly be resisted. It was therefore Machiavel's counsel, that he which resolveth to defend a passage, should with his ablest force oppose the Assailant. And to say truth, few Regions of any great circuit are so well fenced, that Armies of such force as may be thought sufficient to conquer them, can be debarred all entrance, by the natural difficulty of the ways. One passage or other is commonly left unguarded: if all be defended, then must the forces of the Country be distracted, and yet lightly, some one place will be found that is defended very weakly. How often have the Alpss given way to Armies, breaking into Italy? Yea, where shall we find that ever they kept out an invadour? Yet are they such, as (to speak briefly) afflict with all difficulties those that 〈◊〉 over them; but they give no security to those that lie behind them: for they are of too large extent. The Towns of Lombardy persuaded themselves that they might enjoy their quiet, when the Warlike Nation of the Swissers had undertaken to hinder Francis the French King from descending into the Duchy of Milan: but whilst these Patrons of Milan, whom their own dwelling in those Mountains had made fittest of all other for such a service, were busied in custody of the Alps; Francis appeared in Lombardy, to so much the greater terror of the Inhabitants, by how much the less they had expected his arrival. What shall we say of those Mountains, which lock up whole Regions in such sort, as they leave but one gate open? The Straitss, or (as they were called) the gates of Taurus in Cilicia, and those of Thermopylae, have seldom been attempted, perhaps because they were thought impregnable: but how seldom (if ever) have they been attempted in vain? Xerxes and long after him, the Romans, forced the entrance of 〈◊〉; Cyrus the younger, and after him Alexander, found the Gates of Cilicia wide open; how strongly soever they had been locked & barred, yet were those countries open enough to a fleet that should enter on the backside. The defence of Rivers how hard a thing it is, we find examples in all histories that bear good witness. The deepest have many Fords; the swiftest and broadest may be passed by Boats, in case it be found a matter of difficulty to make a bridge. He that hath 〈◊〉 enough to defend all the length of his own bank, hath also enough to beaten his enemy; and may therefore do better to let him come over, to his loss, than by striving in vain to hinder the passage, as a matter tending to his own disadvantage, fill the heads of his Soldiers with an opinion, that they are in ill case, having their means of safeguard taken from them, by the skill or valour of such as are too good for them. Certainly, if a River were sufficient defence against an Army, the Isle of Mona, now called Anglesey, which is divided from North-Wales by an arm of the Sea; had been safe enough against the Romans, invading it under conduct of julius Agricola. But he wanting, and not meaning to spend the time in making vessels to transport his forces, did assay the fords. Whereby he so amazed the enemies attending for ships and such like provision by Sea, that surely believing nothing could be hard or invincible to men, which come so minded to War, they humbly entreated for peace, and yielded the 〈◊〉. Yet the Britain's were men stout enough; the Persians' very dastards.  
It was therefore wisely done of Alexander, to pass the River of Granick in face of the enemy; not marching higher to seek an easier way, nor labouring to convey his men over it by some safer means. For having beaten them upon their own ground, he did thereby cut off no less of their reputation, than of their strength, leaving no hope of succour to the partakers and followers of such unable Protectors.  
Soon after this victory he recovered Sardis, Ephesus, the Cities of the Trallians and Magnesia, which were rendered unto him. The Inhabitants of which, with the people of the Country, he received with great grace, suffering them to be governed by their own laws. For he observed it well; Nowm Impertum inchoantibus utilis clementiae fama; It is commodious unto such as lay the foundations of a new Sovereignty, to have the fame of being merciful. He then by Parmenio wan Miletus, and by force mastered Halicarnassus, which because it resisted obstinately, he razed to the ground. From whence he entered into Caria, where Ada the Queen, who had been cast out of all that she held (except the City of Alinda) by Darius his Lieutenants, presented herself unto him, and adopted him her son and successor; which Alexander accepted in so gracious part, as he left the whole Kingdom to her disposing. He then entered into Lycia, and Pamphilia, and obtained all the Seacoasts, and subjecting unto him Pisidia, he directed himself towards Darius (who was said to be advanced towards him with a marvelous Army) by the way of Phrygia: For all the Province of Asia the less, bordering upon the Sea, his first victory laid under his feet.  
While he gave order for the government and settling of Lycia, and Pamphilia, the sent Cleander to raise some new Companies in Peloponnesus, and marching towards the North, he entered Celenas' seated on the River Meander, which was abandoned unto him, the Castle only holding out, which also after forty days was given up: for so long time he gave them to attended succour from 〈◊〉. From Celenas' he passed on through Phrygia towards the Euxine Sea, till he come to a City called Gordium, the Regal seat, in former times, of King Midas. In this City it was that he found the Gordian- knot, which when he knew not how to undo, he cut it a sunder with his sword. For there was an ancient prophecy did promise to him that could untie it, the Lordship of all Asia; whereupon Alexander, not respecting the manner how, so it were done, assumed to himself the fulfilling of the prophesy, by he wing it in pieces.  
But before he turned from this part of Asia the less towards the East, he took care to clear the Sea-coast on his back, and to thrust the Persians' out of the islands of Lesbos, Scio, and Coos, the charge whereof he committed unto two of his Captains, giving them such order as he thought to be most convenient for that service; and delivering unto them fifty Talents to defray the charge; and with all out of his first spoil gotten, he sent threescore talents more to Antipater his Lieutenant in 〈◊〉 and Macedon. From Celenas' he removed to Ancira, now called Anguori, standing on the same River of Sangarius, which runneth through Gordium: there he mustered his Army, and then entered Paphlagonia, whose people submitted themselves unto him, and obtained freedom of tribute: where he left Catus Governor with one Regiment of Macedonians lately arrived.  
Hear he understood of the death of 〈◊〉, Darius' Lieutenant, which heartened him greatly to pass on towards him, for of this only Captain he had more respect than of all the multitude by Darius assembled, and of all the Commanders he had beside. For so much hath the spirit of some one man excelled, as it hath undertaken and effected the alteration of the greatest States and Commonweals, the erection of Monarchies, the conquest of Kingdoms and Empires, guided handfuls of men against multitudes of equal bodily strength, contrived victories beyond all hope and discourse of reason, converted the fearful passions of his own followers into magnanimity, and the valour of his enemies into cowardice; such spirits have been stirred up in sundry Ages of the world, and in divers parts thereof, to erect and cast down again, to establish and to destroy, and to bring all things, People and States, to the same certain ends, which the infinite Spirit of the Universal, piercing, moving, and governing all things, hath ordained. Certainly the things that this King did were marvelous, and would hardly have been undertaken by any man else: and though his Father had determined to have invaded the lesser Asia, it is like enough that he would have contented himself with some part thereof, and not have discovered the River of Indus, as this man did. The swift course of victory, wherewith he ran over so large a portion of the World, in so short a space, may justly be imputed unto this, that he was never encountered by an equal spirit, concurring with equal power against him. Hereby it come to pass that his actions being limited by no greater opposition, than Desert places, and the mere length of tedious journeys could make, were like the Colossus of Rhodes, not so much to be admired for the workmanship, though therein also praiseworthy, as for the huge bulk. For certainly the things performed by Xenophon, discover as brave a spirit as Alexander's, and working no less exquisitely, though the effects were less material, as were also the forces and power of command, by which it wrought. But he that would find the exact pattern of a noble Commander, must look upon such as Epaminondas, that encountering worthy Captains, and those better followed than themselves, have by their singular virtue overtopped their valiant enemies, and still prevailed over those, that would not have yielded one foot to any other. Such as these are, do seldom live to obtain great Empires. For it is a work of more labour and longer time, to master the equal forces of one hardy and well-ordered State, than to tread down and utterly subdue a multitude of servile Nations, compounding the body of a gross unwieldy Empire. Wherhfore these parvo Potentes, men that with little have done much upon enemies of like ability, are to be regarded as choice examples of worth, but great Conquerors, to be rather admired for the substance of their actions, than the exquisite managing: exactness and greatness concurring so seldom, that I can find no instance of both in one, save only that brave Roman Caesar.  
Having thus sarre digressed, it is now time that we return unto our Eastern Conqueror; who is travailing hastily towards Cilicia, with a desire to recover the Straitss thereof before Darius should arrive there. But first making a dispatch into Greece, he sent to those Cities, in which he reposed most trust, some of the Persian Targets which he had recovered in his first battle; upon which, by certain inscriptions, he made them partakers of his victory. Herein he well advised himself; for he that doth not as well impart of the honour which he gaineth in the Wars, as he doth of the spoils, shall never be long followed by those of the better sort. For men which are either well borne or well bred, and have more of wealth than of reputation, do as often satisfy themselves with the purchase of glory; as the weak in fortune, and strong in courage, do with the gain of gold and silver.  
The Governor of Cilicia hearing of Alexander coming on, left some Companies to keep the Straitss, which were indeed very defensible; and withal, as Curtius noteth, he began over-late to prize and put in execution the Counsel of Memnon: who in the beginning of the Wars advised him to waste all the provisions for Men and Horse, that could not be lodged in strong places, and always to give ground to the invader, till he found some such notable advantage as might assuredly promise' him the obtaining of victory. For the fury of an invading Army is best broken, by delays, change of diet, and want, eating sometimes too little, and sometimes too much, sometimes reposing themselves in beds, and more oftener on the cold ground. These and the like sudden alterations bring many diseases upon all Nations out of their own Countries. Therefore if Darius had kept the Macedonians but a 〈◊〉 from meat and sleep, and refusing to give or take battle, had wearied them with his light horse, as the Parthians afterward did the Romans, he might perchance have saved his own life, and his estate. For it was one of the greatest encouragements given by Alexander to the Macedonians, in the third and last fatal battle, that they were to fight with all the strength of Persia at once.  
Xerxes, when 〈◊〉 invaded Greece and fought abroad, in being beaten, lost only his men; but Darius being invaded by the Greeks', and fight at home, by being beaten, lost his Kingdom; 〈◊〉, though the 〈◊〉 burned all in Attica to the Gates of Athens, yet could not be drawn to hazard a 〈◊〉: for the invaded aught evermore to fight upon the advantage of time and place. Because we read Histories to inform our understanding by the examples 〈◊〉 found, we will give some instances of those that have perished by adventuring in their own countries, to charge an invading Army. The Romans, by fight with Hannibal, were brought to the brink of their destruction.  
Pompey was well advised for a while, when he gave Caesar ground, but when by the importunity of his Captains he adventured to fight at Pharsalia, he lost the battle, lost the freedom of Rome, and his own life.  
Ferdinand, in the Conquest of Naples, would needs fight a battle with the French to his confusion, though it was told him by a man of sounded judgement, that those Counsels which promise' 〈◊〉 in all things, are honourable enough.  
The Constable of France made frustrate the mighty preparation of Charles the Fift, when he invaded Provence, by wasting the Country, and for bearing to fight; so did the Duke of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the French in Naples, and dissolve the boisterous Army of the Prince of Orange in the low-countrieses.  
The Leigers, contrary to the advice of their General, would needs fight a battle with the Bourgonians, 〈◊〉 their Country, and could not be persuaded to linger the time, and stay their advantage; but they lost eight and twenty thousand upon the place. Philip of Valois set upon King Edward at Cressie, and King john (when the English were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tired out, and would in short time by an orderly pursuit have been wasted to nothing) 〈◊〉 the black Prince with great fury, near Poitiers, to join battle with him: But all men know what lamentable success these two French Kings found. Charles the 〈◊〉 of France made another kind of Fabian Warfare; and though the English burnt and 〈◊〉 many places, yet this King held his resolution to forbear blows, and followed his advice which told him, I bat the English could never get his inheritance by smoke; and it is reported by Bellay and Herrault, 〈◊〉 King Edward was wont to say of this Charles, that he wan from him the Duchy of Guien without ever putting on his Armour.  
But where God hath a purpose to destroy, wise men grow short-lived, and the charge of things is committed unto such as either cannot see what is for their good, or know not how to put in execution any sounded advice: The course which 〈◊〉 had propounded, must in all appearance of reason have brought the Macedonian to a great perplexity, and made him stand still a while at the Straitss of Cilicia, doubting whither it were more shameful to return; or dangerous to proceed. For had Cappadocia and Paphlagonia been wasted whilst Alexander was far off; and the Straitss of Cilicia been defended by Arsenes, Governor of that Province, with the best of his forces: hunger would not have suffered the 〈◊〉, to stay the trial of all means that might be thought upon, of forcing that passage; or if the place could not have been maintained, yet might Cilicia, at better leisure have been so thoroughly spoiled, that the heart of his Army should have been broken, by seeking out miseries with painful travail.  
But Arsenes leaving a small number to defend the Straitss, took the best of his Army with him, to waste, & spoil the Country; or rather, as may seem, to find himself some work, by pretence of which he might honestly run further away from Alexander. He should rather have adventured his person in custody of the Straitss, whereby he might 〈◊〉 have saved the Province; and in the mean time, all that was in the fields, would have been conveyed into strong Towns. So should his Army, if it were driven from the place of advantage, have found good entertainment within walled Cities, and himself with his horsemen have had the less work in destroying that little which was left abroad. Handling the matter as he did, he gave the Cilicians 'cause to wish for Alexander's coming, and as great cause to the Keepers of the passage not to hinder it. For cowards are wise in apprehending all forms of danger. These Guardians of the Straitss, hearing that Arsenes made all haste to join himself with Darius, burning down all as he went, like one despairing of the defence, began to grow circumspect, and to think that surely their General, who gave as lost the Country behind their backs, had exposed themselves unto certain death, as men that were good for nothing else, but to dull the Macedonian swords. Wherhfore, not affecting to die for their Prince and Country (which honour they seen that Arsenes himself could well forbear) they speedily followed the footsteps of their General, gleaning after his Harvest. Thus Alexander without labour got both the entrance of Cilicia, abandoned by the cowardice of his Enemies, and the whole Province that had been alienated from the Persian side by their indiscretion.   

§. FOUR Of the unwarlike Army levied by DARIUS against ALEXANDER. The 〈◊〉 courses which DARIUS took in this expedition. He is vanquished at Issus; where his Mother, Wife, and Children are made prisoners. Of some things following the battle of Issus.  
IN the mean season Darius approached; who (as Curtius reports) had compounded an Army of more than two hundred & ninety thousand Soldiers, out of divers Nations; justine musters them at three hundred thousand Foot, and a hundred thousand Horse; Plutarch at six hundred thousand.  
The manner of his coming on, as Curtius describes it, was rather like a masker than a man of War, and like one that took more care to set out his glory and riches, than to provide for his own safety, persuading himself, as it seemed, to beaten Alexander with pomp and sumptuous Pageants. For, before the Army there was carried the holy fire which the Persians' worshipped, attended by their Priests, and after them three hundred and threescore and five youngmen, answering the number of the days of the year, covered with Scarlet; then the Chariot of jupiter drawn with white Horses, with their Riders clothed in the same colour; with rods of gold in their hands; And after it, the Horse of the Sun: Next after these followed ten sumptuous Chariots, inlaied and garnished with silver and gold, and then the Vanguard of their horse, compounded of twelve several Nations, which the better to avoid confusion, did hardly understand each others language, and these marshaled in the head of the rest, being beaten, might serve very fitly to disorder all that followed them; in the tail of these Horses the Regiment of foot marched, with the Persians' called immortal, because if any died, the number was presently supplied: and these were armed with chains of gold, and their coats with the same metal embroidered, whereof the sleeves were garnished with pearl, baits, either to catch the hungry Macedonians withal, or to persuade them that it were great incivility to cut and to deface such glorious garments. But it was well said: Sumptuosè inductus miles, se virtute superiorem alijs non existimet, cum in 〈◊〉 oporteat fortitudine animi, & non vestimentis muniri, quoniam hostes vestibus non debellantur; Let no man think that he exceedeth those in valour, whom he exceedeth in gay garments, for it is by men armed with fortitude of mind, and not by the apparel they put on, that enemies are beaten. And it was perchance from the Roman Papyrius that this advice was borrowed, who when he fought against the Samnites in that fatal battle, wherein they all swore either to prevail or die, thirty thousand of them having appareled themselves in white garments, with high crests and great plumes of feathers, bade the Roman Soldiers to lay aside all fear: Non enim cristas 〈◊〉 facere, & per picta atque aurata scuta transire Romanum pilum; For these plumed crests would 〈◊〉 no body, and the Roman pile would boar holes in painted and gilded shields.  
To second this Courtlike company, fifteen thousand were appointed more rich and glittering than the former, but appareled like Women (belike to breed the more terror) and these were honoured with the Title of the King's Kinsmen. Than come Darius himself, the Gentlemen of his Guard-robe, riding before his Chariot, which was supported with the gods of his Nation, cast and cut in pure gold; these the Macedonians did not serve, but they served their turns of these, by changing their 〈◊〉- bodies into thin portable and current coin. The head of this Chariot was set with precious stones, with two little golden Idols, covered with an open-winged-Eagle of the same metal: The hinder part being raised high whereon Darius sat, had a covering of inestimable value. This Chariot of the King was followed with ten thousand Horsemen, their Lances plated with silver, and their heads guilt; which they meant not to embrew in the Macedonian blood, for fear of marring their beauty. He had for the proper Guard of his person two hundred of the blood Royal, blood too Royal & precious to be spilled by any valorous adventure, (I am of opinion that two hundred sturdy fellows, like the Swissers, would have done him more service) and these were backed with thirty thousand footmen, after whom again were led four hundred spare horses for the King, which if he had meant to have used, he would have marshaled somewhat nearer him.  
Now followed the Rearward, the same being led by Sisygambis the King's Mother, and by his 〈◊〉, drawn in glorious Chariots, followed by a great train of Ladies their attendants on 〈◊〉- back, with fifteen Wagons of the King's children, and the wives of the Nobility, waited on by two hundred and fifty Concubines, and a world of Nurses, and Eunuches, most sumptuously appareled. By which it should seem that Darius thought that the Macedonians had been Comedians or 〈◊〉; for this troop was far fit to behold those sports than to be present at battles. Between these and a company of slight-armed slaves, with a world of Valets, was the King's treasure, charged on six hundred Mules, and three hundred Camels, brought, as it proved, to pay the Macedonians. In this sort come this Maygame-King into the field, encumbered with a most unnecessary train of Strumpets, attended with troops of divers Nations, speaking divers languages, and for their numbers impossible to be marshaled, and for the most part so 〈◊〉, & so rich in gold and in garments, as the same could not but have encouraged the nakedest Nation of the world against them. We find it in daily experience that all discourse of magnanimity, of National Virtue, of Religion, of Liberty, and whatsoever else hath been wont to move and 〈◊〉 virtuous men, hath no force at all with the common Soldier, in comparison of spoil and riches. The rich ships are boarded upon all disadvantages, the rich Towns are furiously assaulted, and the plentiful Countries willingly invaded. Our English Nations have attempted many places in the Indieses, and run upon the 〈◊〉 headlong, in hope of their Royals of plate, and Pistolcts, which had they been put to it upon the like disadvantages in Ireland, or in any poor Country, they would have turned their Pieces and Pikes against their Commanders, contesting that they had been brought without reason to the Butchery and slaughter. It is true that the war is made willingly, and for the most part with good success, that is ordained against the richest Nations; for as the needy are always 〈◊〉, so plenty is wont to shun peril, and men that have well to live, do rather study how to live well. I mean wealthily, than care to die (as they call it) honourably. Car ou il ny 'arien a gaigner, que des coups volontiersil ny ' vapas; No man makes hazel to the market, where there is nothing to be bought but blows.  
Now if Alexander had beheld this preparation before his consultation with his Soothsayers, he would have satisfied himself by the outsides of the Persians', and never have looked into the 〈◊〉 of Beasts for success. For leaving the description of this second battle (which is indeed nowhere well described, neither for the confusion and hasty running away of the Asians could it be) we have enough by the slaughter that was made of them, and by the few that fell of the Macedonians, to inform us what manner of resistance was made. For if it be true that threescore thousand Persian footmen were slain in this battle, with ten thousand of their horsemen: Or (as Curtius saith) an hundred thousand footmen, with the same number of horsemen, and besides this slaughter, forty thousand taken prisoners, while of Alexander's Army there miscarried but two hundred and fourscore of all sorts, of which numbers Arianus and other Historians cut off almost the one half: I do verily believe, that this small number rather died with the over-travaile and painestaking in kill their enemies, than by any strokes received from them. And surely if the Persian Nation (at this time degenerate and the basest of the World) had had any savour remaining of the ancient valour of their forefathers; they would never have sold so good cheap, and at so vile a price, the Mother, the Wife, the Daughters, and other the King's children; had their own honour been valued by them at nothing, and the King's safety and his estate at less. Darius by this time found it true, that Charidemus a banished Grecian of Athens had told him, when he made a view of his Army about Babylon, to wit, That the multitude which he had assembled of divers Nations, 〈◊〉 attired, but poorly armed, would be found more terrible to the Inhabitants of the country, whom in passing by they would devour, than to the Macedonians, whom they meant to assail; who being all old and obedient Soldiers, imbattailed in gross squadrons, which they call their Phallanx, well covered with Armour for defence, and furnished with weapons for offence of great advantage, would make so little account of his delicate Persians', loving their ease and their palate, being withal ill armed and worse disciplined, as except it would please him to entertain (having so great abundance of treasure to do it withal) a sufficient number of the same Grecians, and so to encounter the Macedonians with men of equal courage, he would repent him over-late, as taught by the miserable success like to follow.  
But this discourse was so unpleasing to Darius (who had been accustomed to nothing so much as to his own praises, and to nothing so little as to hear truth;) as he commanded that this poor Grecian should be presently slain: who while he was a sundering in the Tormentors hand, used this speech to the King, That Alexander, against whom he had given this good counsel, should assuredly revenge his death, and lay deserved punishment upon Darius for despising his advice.  
It was the saying of a Wise man: Desperata eius Principis salus est, cuius aures ita sormatae sunt, ut aspera quae utilia, nec 〈◊〉 nisi jucundum accipiat; That Prince's safety is in a desperate case, whose ears judge all that is profitable to be too sharp, and will entertain nothing that is unpleasant.  
For liberty in counsel is the life and essence of counsel; Libert as 〈◊〉 est eius vita, & essentia, quaerepta consilium evanescit.  
Darius did likewise value at nothing the Advice given him by the Grecian Soldiers that served him, who entreated him not to fight in the Straitss: but had they been Counsellors and directors in that War, as they were underlings and commanded by others, they had with the help of a good troop of horsemen been able to have opposed the fury of Alexander, without any assistance of the Persian footmen. For when Darius was overthrown with all his cowardly and confused rabble, those Grecians, under their Captain Amyntas, held firm, and marched away in order in despite of the vanquishers. Old Soldiers are not easily dismayed: we read in Histories ancient and modern, what brave retraits have been made by them, though the rest of the Army in which they have served, hath been broken.  
At the battle of Ravenne, where the Imperialls were beaten by the French, a squadron of Spaniards, old Soldiers, come off unbroken and undismayed; whom when Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemures, and Nephew to Lewis the twelfth, charged, as holding the victory not entire by their escape, he was over-turned and slain in the place. For it is truly said of those men, who, by being acquainted with dangers fear them not, That, Neglecto periculo imminentis mali opus ipsum quantumuis difficile aggrediuntur; They go about the business itself, how hard soever it be, not standing to consider of the danger, which the mischief hanging over their heads may bring: and as truly of those that know the wars but by hearsay. Quod valentes sunt & praevalentes ante pericula, in ipsis tamen periculis discedunt; They have ability enough, and to spare, till dangers appear; but when peril indeed comes, they get them go.  
These Grecians also that made the retract, advised Darius to retire his Army into the plain of Mesopotamia, to the end that Alexander being entered into those large fields and great Champions, he might have environed the Macedonians on all sides with his multitude; and withal they counseled him to divide that his huge Army into parts, not committing the whole to one stroke of Fortune, whereby he might have fought many battles, and have brought no greater numbers at once then might have been well marshaled and conducted. But this counsel was so 〈◊〉 to the cowardly affections of the Persians', as they persuaded Darius to invirone the Grecians which gave the advice, and to cut them in pieces as Traitors. The infinite wisdom of God doth not work always by one and the same way, but very often in the alteration of Kingdoms and Estates, by taking understanding from the Governors, so as they can neither give nor discern of Counsels. For Darius that would needs fight with Alexander upon a straightened piece of ground, near unto the City of Issus, where he could bring no more hands to fight than Alexander could, (who by the advice of Parmenio stayed there, as in a place of best advantage) was utterly overthrown, his Treasure lost, his Wife, Mother, and Children (whom the Grecians his followers had persuaded him to leave in Babylon, or elsewhere) taken prisoners, and all their train of Ladies spoiled of their rich Garments, jewels, and Honour: It is true, that both the Queen, with her Daughters, who had the good hap to be brought to Alexander's presence, were entertained with all respect due unto their birth, their Honours preserved, and their jewels and rich Garments restored unto them; and though Darius Wife was a most beautiful Lady, and his Daughters of excellent form, yet Alexander mastered his affections towards them all: only it is reported out of Aristobulus the Historian, that he embraced the Wife of the valiant Memnon, her Husband lately dead, who was taken flying from 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉, at which time the Daughters of Ochus, who reigned before Darius, and the Wives and Children of all the Nobility of Persia in effect, fell into captivity; at which time also Darius' Treasure (not lost at Issus) was seized, amounting to six thousand and two hundred talents of coin, and of Bullion five hundred talents, with a world of riches beside.  
Darius himself leaving his brother dead, with divers other of his chief Captains (casting the Crown from his head) hardly escaped.  
After this overthrow given unto Darius, all Phoenicia (the City of tire excepted) was yielded to Alexander, of which Parmenio was made Governor.  
Aradus, Zidon, and Biblos, 〈◊〉 Cities of great importance, of which one Strato was King (but hated of the people) acknowledged Alexander. Good fortune followed him so fast that it trod on his heels; for Antigonus, Alexander's Lieutenant in Asia the less, overthrew the Cappadocians, Paphlagonians, and others lately revolted; Aristodemus, Darius Admiral, had his Fleet partly taken, and in part drowned by the Macedonians newly levied; the Lacedæmonians that warred against Antipater were beaten; four thousand of those Greeks which made the retreat 〈◊〉 the last battle, forsaking both the party of Darius and of Alexander, and led by Amyntas into Egypt, to hold it for themselves, were buried there; for the time was not yet come to divide Kingdoms.  
Alexander, to honour Ephestion, whom he loved most, gave him power to dispose of the Kingdom of Zidon. A man of a most poor estate, that laboured to sustain his life, being of the Royal blood, was commended by the people unto him, who changed his Spade into a Sceptre, so as he was beheld both a Beggar and a King in one and the same hour.  
It was a good desire of this new King, when speaking to Alexander, he wished that he could bear his prosperity with the same moderation, and quietness of heart, that he had done his adversitic; but ill done of Alexander, in that he would not perform in himself that which he commended in another man's desire: for it was a sign that he did but accompany, and could not govern his felicity.  
While he made some stay in those parts, he received a letter from Darius, importing the ransom of his Wife, his Mother, and his Children, with some other conditions of peace, but such as rather become a Conqueror, than one that had now been twice shamefully beaten, not vouch safing, in his direction, to style Alexander King. It is true, that the Romans, after that they had received an overthrow by Pyrrhus, returned him a more 〈◊〉 answer upon the offer of peace, than they did before the trial of his force. But as their fortunes were then in the Spring, so that of Darius had already cast leaf, the one a resolved well armed and disciplined Nation, the other cowardly and effeminate. Alexander disdained the offers of Darius, and sent him word that he not only directed his letter to a King, but to the King of Darius himself.   

§. V How ALEXANDER 〈◊〉 and wan the City of tire.  
ALEXANDER coming near to the City of tire, received from them the present of a golden Crown with great store of victuals, and other presents, which he took very thankfully, returning them answer, That he desired to offer a sacrifice to Hercules, the Protector of their City, from whom he was descended. But the Tyrians like not his company within their Walls, but 〈◊〉 him that the Temple of Hercules was seated in the old City adjoining, now abandoned and desolate. To be short, Alexander resolved to enter it by force, and though it were a place in all men's opinion impregnable, because the Island whereon it was built, was eight hundred furlongs from the main, yet with the labour of many hands, having great store of stone from the old tire, and timber sufficient from Lybanus, he filled the passage of the Sea between the Island and the main, which being more than once carried away by the strength of the Sea upon a storm of wind, sometime by the Tyrians fired, and sometime torn asunder, yet with the help of his Navy which arrived (during the siege) from Cyprus, he overcame all difficulties and prevailed, after he had spent seven months in that attempt. The Tyrians in the beginning of the siege had 〈◊〉 drowned the messengers sent by Alexander, persuading them to tender the City, in respect whereof, and of the great loss of time and men, he put eight thousand to the sword, and caused two thousand of those, that escaped the first fury, to be hanged on Crosses on the Seashore, and reserved for slaves (faith Diodore) thirteen thousand; 〈◊〉 reckons 
〈◊〉. l.  them at thirty thousand. Many more had died, had not the Zidonians, that served Alexander, conveyed great numbers away by shipping unto their own City. 
〈◊〉. l. 18.   
Happy it was for Apollo that the Town was taken, for one of the Tyrians having dreamt, that this god meant to forsake the City, they bound him fast with a golden chain to the Idol of Hercules; but Alexander like a gracious Prince loosened him again.  
It is true, that it was a notable 〈◊〉 and a difficult but great things are made greater. For Nabuchodonosor had taken it before, and filled up the channel, that lay between the Island and the main.  
The government of this Territory he gave to Philotas, the Son of Parmenio; 〈◊〉, he committed to Socrates, and Andromachus' 〈◊〉 under Parmenio, Ephestion had the charge of the Fleet, and was directed to find Alexander at Gaza towards Egypt.   

§. VI How DARIUS offered conditions of peace to ALEXANDER. ALEXANDER wins Gaza; and deals graciously with the jews.  
IN the mean while Darius sends again to Alexander, sets before him all the difficulties of passing on towards the East, and layeth the loss of the last battle to the straightness of the place: he hoped to 〈◊〉 him, by theatning to encompass him in the plain Countries, he bids him consider, how impossible it was to pass the Rivers of Euphrates, Tigris, Araxes, and the rest, with all such other fearful things: for he that was now filled with nothing but fear, had arguments enough of that nature to present unto another. All the Kingdoms between the River of Alys, and the Hellespont, he 〈◊〉 him in Dower with high: beloved daughter. But Alexander answered, That he offered him nothing but his own, and that which victory and his own virtue had possessed him of; That he was to give conditions, and not to receive any, and that he having passed the Sea itself, disdained to think of resistance in transporting himself over Rivers. It is said, that Parmenio, who was now old and full of honour and riches, told the King, that were he Alexander, he would accept of Darius his offers; to which Alexander answered, That so would he, if he were Parmenio.  
But he goes on towards Egypt, and coming before Gaza, Betis a faithful servant to Darius, shuts the Gate against him, and defends the Town with an obstinate resolution, at the siege whereof Alexander received a wound in the shoulder, which was dangerous, and a blow on his leg with a stone; He found better men in this place than he did at the former battles, for he left so many of his Macedonians buried in the sands of Gaza, that he was forced to sand for a new supply into Greece. Here it was that Alexander first began to change condition, and to exercise cruelty. For after that he had entered Gaza by assault, and taken Betis, (whom 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. Ant. l. 11. 〈◊〉. 8.  calleth Babemesis) that was weakened with many wounds, and who never gave ground to the Assailants; he bored holes through his feet, and caused him to be drawn about the streets, whilst 〈◊〉 was as yet alive; who being as valiant a man as himself, disdained to ask him either life or remission of his torments. And what had he to countenance this his tyranny, but the imitation of his Ancestor Achilles, who did the like to Hector? It is true, that cruelty hath always somewhat to cover her deformity.  
From Gaza (saith josephus) he led his Army towards jerusalem, a City, for the antiquity 
〈◊〉. 1. c. 〈◊〉.  and great fame thereof, well known unto him while he lay before tire; He had sent for some supply thither, which jaddus the high Priest, being subject and sworn to Darius, had refused him. The jews therefore fearing his revenge, and unable to resist, 〈◊〉 the care of their estates and fafety to jaddus, who, being taught by God, issued out of the City covered with his Pontifical Robes, to wit, an upper garment of purple, embroidered with gold, with his Mitre, and the plate of gold wherein the name of God was written, the Priests and Levites in their rich ornaments, and the people in white 〈◊〉, in a manner so unusual, stately and grave, as Alexander greatly admired it. josephus reports it, that he fell to the ground before the high Priest, as reverencing the 〈◊〉 of God, and that Parmenio 〈◊〉 him for it; Howsoever it was, I am of opinion, That he become so confident in his enterprise, and so assured of the success after the prophesy of Daniel had been read unto him, wherein he seen himself, and the conquest of Persia so directly pointed at, as nothing thenceforth could discourage him or fear him. He confessed to Parmenio (saith josephus) That in Dio a City of Macedon, when his mind laboured the conquest of Asia, he seen in his sleep such a person as jaddus, and so appareled, professing one and the same God, by whom he was encouraged to pursue the purpose he had in hand with assurance of victory. This apparition, formerly apprehended only by the light of his fantasy, he now beheld with his bodily eyes; wherewith he was so exceedingly pleased and emboldened, as contrary to the practice of the Phoenicians, (who hoped to have sacked and destroyed jerusalem) he gave the jews all, and more than they desired, both of liberty and immunity, with permission to live under their own laws, and to exercise and enjoy their own Religion.   

§. VII. ALEXANDER wins Egypt: and makes a journey to the Temple of HAMMON.  
FRom jerusalem Alexander turned again towards Egypt, and 〈◊〉 it, where Darius his Lieutenant, Astaces, received him and delivered into his hand the City of Memphis, with eight hundred talents of treasure, and all other the King's riches. By this we 〈◊〉 that the Kings of Persia, who had more of affection than of 〈◊〉, gave to the 〈◊〉 man he had but the command of one City, and to the 〈◊〉 coward the government of all Egypt. When he had set things in order in Egypt, he began to travail after Godhead, towards jupiter Hammon, so foolish had prosperity made him. He was to pass over the dangerous and dry sands, where, when the water which he brought on his Camels back was spent, he could not but have perished, had not a marvelous shower of rain fallen upon him, when his Army was in extreme despair. All men that know Egypt, and have written thereof, 〈◊〉, That it never rains there; but the purposes of the Almighty God are secret, and he bringeth to pass what it pleaseth him; 〈◊〉 it is also said, That when he had lost his way in those vast deserts, that a flight of crows 〈◊〉 before the Army; who making faster wing when they were followed, and fluttering slowly when the Army was cast back, guided them over those pathless sands to 〈◊〉 Temple.  
Arrianus from the report of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, says, That he was led 
〈◊〉. l. 3.  by two Dragons, both which reports may be alike true; But many of these 〈◊〉 and things prodigious, are feigned by those that have written the Story of Alexander, as that an Eagle lay hovering directly over his head at the battle of Issus; That a Swallow flew about his head when he slept, and could not be feared from him, till it had wakened him at Halicarnasseus, foreshowing the treason of Aeropus, 〈◊〉 by Darius to have slain him; That from the iron bars of which the Tyrians made their defensive engines, when Alexander besieged them, there fell drops of blood; and that the like drops were found in a loaf of bread, broken by a Macedonian Soldier, at the same time; That a Turf of earth fell on his shoulder, when he lay before Gaza, out of which there flew a Bird into the air. The Spaniards in the conquest of the West- Indieses have many such pretty tales; telling how they have been assisted in battle, by the presence of our Lady, and by Angels riding on white horses, with the like Romish miracles, which I think themselves do hardly believe. The strangest things that I have read of in this kind being certainly 〈◊〉, was, That the night before the battle at Novarra, all the Dogs which followed the French Army, 〈◊〉 from them to the Swissers, leaping and fawning upon them, as if they had been bred and fed by them all their lives, and in the morning following, Triwlzi and Tremoville, Generals for Lewis the twelfth, were by 〈◊〉 Imperial Swissers utterly broken and put to ruin.  
The place of this Idol of jupiter Hammon is ill described by Curtius, for he bounds it by the Arabian Troglodytes on the South, between whom and the Territory of Hammon, the Region Thebais, or the superior Egypt, with the Mountain of Lybia, and the River of Nilus, are interjacent, and on the North he joins it to a Nation, called Nassamones, who bordering the Seashore, live (saith he) upon the spoils of shipwreck, whereas the Temple or grove of this Idol hath no Sea near it by two hundred miles and more, being found on the South part of Lybia; these 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. Af. Tab. 3.  being due West from it, in the South part of Marmarica.  
When Alexander come near the place, he sent some of his Parasites before him to practise the Priests attending the Oracle, That their answer might be given in all things, agreeable to his mad ambition, who affected the title of jupiters' son. And so he was saluted, Son of jupiter, by the devils prophet, whither prepared before to flatter him, or rather (as some think) defective in the Greek tongue; For whereas he meant to say Opaidion, he said Opaidios, that is; OH son of jupiter, in stead of, OH dearesonne: for which Grammatical error he was richly rewarded, & a rumour presently spted, that the great jupiter had acknowledged Alexander for his own.  
He had heard that Perseus and Hercules had formerly consulted with this Oracle, The one, when he was employed against Gorgon, The other, against Anteus & 〈◊〉; and seeing these men had derived themselves from the 〈◊〉, why might not he? By this it seems, that he hoped to make his followers and the world fools, though indeed he made himself one, by thinking to cover from the World's knowledge his vanities and vices; and the better to confirm his followers in the belief of his 〈◊〉, he had practised the Priests to give answer to such as consulted with the Oracle, that it should be pleasing to jupiter to honour Alexander as his Son. 
Curt. li. 4.   
Who this Ammon was, and how represented, either by a boss carried in a Boat, or by a Ram, or a Rams- head; I see that many wisemen have troubled themselves to findeout; but, as Arrianus speaks of Dionysius, or Liber Pater (who lived saith St. Augustine in Moses 〈◊〉) Ea quae de dijs veteres fabulis suis conscripsere, non sunt nimium curiosè pervestiganda; We must not over-curiously search into the fables, which the Ancients have written of their gods.  
But this is certain and notable, that after the Gospel began to be preached in the world, the Devil in this and in all other Idols become speechless. For that this Hammon was neglected in the time of Tiberius Caesar, and in the time of Trajan altogether forgotten, Strabo and 〈◊〉 witness.  
There is found near his Temple a 〈◊〉 called Fons solis (though Ptolemy in his third African Table sets it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that at midnight is as hot as boiling water, and at Noon as cold as any 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 which I cannot but give credit, because I have heard of some other Wells of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and because it is reported by Saint Augustine, by Didore, Herodotns, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Solinus, Arrianus, 〈◊〉, and others, and indeed our Baths in England are much warmer in the night, than in the day.   

§. VIII. How ALEXANDER marching 〈◊〉 DARIUS, was opposed very 〈◊〉 by the Enemy.  
FRom the Temple of Hammon he returned to Memphis, where among many other learned men, he heard the Philosopher Psammones, who, belike understanding that he affected the title of jupiters' Son, told him that God was the Father-King of all men in general; and refining the pride of this haughty King, brought him to say, That God was the Father of all mortal men, but that he acknowledged noon for his children save good men.  
He gave the charge of the several Provinces of Egypt to several Governors, following the rule of his Master 〈◊〉, That a great Dominion should not be continued 
Arist. Pol. l. 5.  in the hands of any one: whom therein the Roman Emperors also followed, not daring to commit the government of Egypt to any of their Senators, but to men of meaner rank and degree. He then gave order for 〈◊〉 founding of Alexandria upon the Wester-most branch of Nilus. And having 〈◊〉 settled (as he could) the estate of Egypt, with the Kingdoms of the lesser 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and Syria, (which being but the pawns of Darius his ill 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 victory would readily have redeemed,) he led his Army towards Euphrates, which passage though the same was committed to Mazeus to defend, yet 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉, and Alexander without resistance past it. From thence 〈◊〉 marched 〈◊〉 Tigris, a River for the swiftness 
Curt. l. 4.  thereof called by the Persians', The Arrow. Here, as Curtius, and Reason itself tells us, might Darius easily have repelled 〈◊〉 invading Macedonian: for the violent course of the stream was such, as it drove 〈◊〉 it many weighty stones, and those that moved not but lay in the 〈◊〉, were so 〈◊〉 and well polished by continual rolling, that no man was able to fight on so slippery a footing; nor the Macedonian footmen to wade the River, otherwise than by joining their hands and interlacing their Arms together, making one weighty and entire body to resist the swift passage and furious race of the stream. Besides this notable help, the Channel was so deep towards the Eastern shore, where Darius should have made head, as the footmen were enforced to lift their Bows, and Arrows, and Darts over their heads to keep them from being moistened, and made unserviceable by the Waters. But it was truly and understandingly said of Homer.  

Talis est hominum terrestrium mens,  
Qualem quotidie ducit pater virorumque Deorumque.   

The minds of men are ever so affected,  
As by Gods will they daily are directed.   
And it cannot be denied, that as all Estates of the World, by the surfeit of misgovernment have been subject to many grievous, and sometimes mortal diseases: So had the Empire of Persia at this time brought itself into a burning and consuming Fever, and thereby become frantic and without understanding, foreshowing manifestly the dissolution and death thereof.  
But Alexander hath now recovered the Eastern shores of Tigris, without any other difficulty, than that of the nature of the place; where Mazeus (who had charge to defend the passage both of Euphrates and it) presented himself to the 〈◊〉, followed with certain companies of Horsemen, as if with uneven forces he durst have charged them on even ground, when as with a multitude far exceeding them, he forsook the advantage which no valour of his enemies could easily have overcome. But it is commonly seen, that fearful and cowardly men do ever follow those ways and counsels, whereof the opportunity is already 〈◊〉.  
It is true that he set all provisions a fire wherewith the Macedonians might serve themselves over Tigris, thinking thereby greatly to have distressed them; but the execution of good counsel is fruitless when unseasonable. For now was Alexander so well furnished with carriages, as nothing was wanting to the competency of the Army which he conducted. Those things also which he 〈◊〉 to waste, Alexander being now in sight, were by his Horsemen saved and recovered. This, Mazeus might have done some days before at good leisure; or at this time with 〈◊〉 great a strength of horsemen, as the Macedonians durst not have pursued them, 〈◊〉 the strength of their foot out of sight, and far behind.   

§. IX.. The new provisions of DARIUS. Accidents foregoing the battle of Arbela.  
DARIUS', upon Alexander's first return out of Egypt, had assembled all the forces, which those Regions next him could furnish, and now also were the Arians, Scythians, Indian's, and other Nations arrived; Nations (saith Curtius) that rather served to make up the names of men, than to make 〈◊〉. Arrianus hath numbered them with their Leaders; and finds of footmen of all sorts ten hundred thousand, and of horse four hundred thousand, besides armed Chariots, and some few Elephants. Curtius who musters the Army of Darius at two hundred thousand foot, and near fifty thousand horse, comes (I think) nearer to the true number; and yet seeing he had more confidence in the multitude than in the valour of his Vafsals, it is like enough 〈◊〉 he had gathered together of all sorts some three or four hundred thousand, with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those fair plains of Assyria to have over- 〈◊〉 the few 〈◊〉 of the invading Army. But it is a Rule in 〈◊〉 Philosophy of the 〈◊〉.  
In omni praelio non tam multitudo, & virtus indocta, quam ars & 〈◊〉 solent 
〈◊〉  〈◊〉 victoriam; In 〈◊〉 battle skill and practice do more towards the victory, than multitude and rude 〈◊〉.  
While Alexander 〈◊〉 rest to his 〈◊〉 after their passage 〈◊〉 Tigris, there happened an 〈◊〉 of the Moon, of which the Macedonians, not knowing the cause and reason, were greatly affrighted. All that were ignorant (as the multitude 〈◊〉 are) 〈◊〉 it for a certain presage of their overthrow and destruction, in so much as they began not only to murmur, but to speak it boldly, That for the ambition of one man, a man that disdained Philip for his Father, and would needs 〈◊〉 called the Son of jupiter, they should all perish; For he not only enforced them to make war against Worlds of enemies, but against Rivers, Mountains, and the 〈◊〉 themselves.  
Hereupon Alexander being ready to march forward made a halt, and to quiet the minds of the multitude, he called before him the 〈◊〉 Astrologers, which followed him thence, that by them the Soldiers 〈◊〉 be assured that this defection of the Moon was a certain presage of good success; for that it was natural they never imparted to the common people, 〈◊〉 reserved the knowledge to themselves, so as a sorry Almanac-maker had 〈◊〉 no small folle in those days.  
Of this kind of superstitious observation Caesar made good 〈◊〉, when 〈◊〉 fought against Ariovistus and the Germane: for they being persuaded by the casting of lots, that if they fought before the change of the Moon, they should certainly loose the battle, Caesar 〈◊〉 them to abide it, though they durst not give 〈◊〉, wherein 〈◊〉 their minds already beaten by their own superstition, and being resolutely 〈◊〉 by the Romans, the whole army in effect perished.  
These Egyptians gave no other reason than this, That the Grecians were under the aspect of the Sun, the Persians', of the Moon; and therefore the Moon failing and being darkened, the state of 〈◊〉 was now in danger offalling, and their glory of being obscured. This judgement of the Egyptian Priests being noised through all the Army, all were satisfied, and their courage redoubled. It is a principle in the War, which, though devised since, was well observed then. Exercitum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad pugnam non ducat; Let not a Captain 〈◊〉 his Army to the fight, when it is possessed with matter of terror.  
It is 〈◊〉 observed by 〈◊〉, that the people are led by nothing so much as by superstition; yea, we find it in all Stories, and often in our own, that by such inventions, devised 〈◊〉, dreams, and prophecies, the people of this Land have been carried 〈◊〉- long into many dangerous tumults and insurrections, and still to their own loss and ruine.  
As Alexander drew near the Persian Army, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were surprised written by Darius to the 〈◊〉, persuading them for great 〈◊〉 of money, either to kill or 〈◊〉 Alexander. But these by the advice of Parmenio he suppressed.  
At this time also Darius his fair Wife, oppressed with sorrow, and wearied with travel, died. Which accident Alexander seemed no less to bewail than Darius, who upon the first bruit suspected that some dishonourable violence had 〈◊〉 offered her, but being satisfied by an Eunuch of 〈◊〉 own that attended her, of Alexander's Kingly respect towards her, from the day of her being taken, he desired the immortal Gods, That if they had decreed to make a new Master of the Persian Empire, than it would please them to confer on so just and continent an enemy as Alexander, to whom he once again before the last trial by battle offered these conditions of peace.  
That with his Daughter in marriage he would deliver up and resign all Asia the less, and with Egypt, all those Kingdoms between the Phoenician Sea, and the River of Euphrates; That he would pay him for the ransom of his Mother, and his other Daughter thirty thousand talents, and that for the performance thereof, he would 〈◊〉 his Son Occhus in hostage: To this they sought to persuade Alexander by such arguments as they had. Alexander causing the Ambassadors to be removed, advised with 〈◊〉 Counsel, but heard no man speak but Parmenio, the very 〈◊〉 hand of his good fortune; who persuaded him to accept of these fair conditions. 〈◊〉 told him, that the Empire between Euphrates and Hellespont was a fair addition to Macedon; that the retaining of the Persian prisoners was a great cumber, and the treasure offered for them of far better use than their persons, with divers other arguments; all which Alexander rejected. And yet it is probable that if he had 〈◊〉 his advice, and bounded his ambition within those limits, he might have lived as famous for virtue as for fortune, and left himself a Successor of able age to have enjoyed his estate, 〈◊〉 afterward, indeed, he much enlarged, rather to the greatening of others than himself: who to assure themselves of what they had usurped upon his issues, left not one of them to draw breath in the world within a few years after. The truth is, That Alexander in going so far into theEast, left behind him the reputation which he brought out of Macedon; the reputation of a just and prudent Prince, a Prince temperate, advised and grateful: and 〈◊〉 taught new lessons by abundance of prosperity, become a 〈◊〉 of wine, of his 〈◊〉 flattery, and of extreme cruelty. 〈◊〉, as Seneca hath observed, the taint of one unjust slaughter, amongst many, defaced and 〈◊〉 the flourishing 〈◊〉 of all his great acts and glorious victories obtained. But the Persian Ambassadors stay his answer, which was to this effect, That 〈◊〉 he had 〈◊〉 on the Wife and children of Darius, proceeded from his own natural clemency and magnanimity, without all respect to their Master, that thanks to an 〈◊〉 was improper; that he made no wars against adversity, but against those that resisted him; not against Women and Children, but against armed enemies: and although by the 〈◊〉 practice of Darius, to corrupt his Soldiers, and by great sums of money to persuade his friends to attempt upon his person, he had reason to doubt that the peace offered was rather pretended 〈◊〉 meant, yet he could not (were it 〈◊〉 and faithful) 〈◊〉 in haste to accept the same, 〈◊〉 Darius had made the 〈◊〉 against him, not as a King with Royal and overt-force, but as a Traitor by secret and base practice; That for the Territory offered him, it was already his own, and if Darius could beaten him back again over Euphrates, which he had already past, he would then believe that he offered him somewhat in his own power: Otherwise he propounded to himself for the reward of the War, which he had made, all those Kingdoms as yet in Darius possession, wherein, whither he were abused by his own hopes or not, the battle which he meant to fight in the day following should determine. For conclusion, he told them, that he come into Asia to give, and not to 〈◊〉; That the Heavens could not hold two Suns: and therefore if Darius could be content to acknowledge Alexander for his Superior, he might perchance 〈◊〉 persuaded to give him conditions fit for a second Person, and his Inferior.   

§. X. The battle of Arbela: and that it could not be so strongly fought as report hath made it.  
WIth this answer the Ambassadors 〈◊〉; Darius prepares to fight, and sends 〈◊〉 to defend a 〈◊〉, which he 〈◊〉 yet dared so much as to hazard. Alexander consults with his Captains, Parmenio persuades him to force Darius his Camp by night; so that 〈◊〉 multitude of enemies might not move terror in the 〈◊〉, being but few. Alexander disdains to steal the victory, and resolves to bring with him the daylight, to witness his 〈◊〉. But it was the success that made good Alexander's resolution, though the counsel given by Parmenio was more sounded: For it is a ground in War, Si pauci necessario cum multitudine pugnare cogantur, consilium est noctis tempore belli fortunam tentare. Notwithstanding upon the view of the multitude at hand, he staggers and entrenches himself upon a ground of advantage, which the Persian had abandoned: And whereas Darius for fear of surprise had stood with his Army in armour all the day, and forborn sleep all the night; Alexander gave his men rest and store of food, for reason had taught him this Rule in the War, In pugna Milites validius resistunt, sicibo 〈◊〉 refecti fuerint, nam fames intrinsecus magis pugnat, quàm ferrum exterius; Soldiers do the better stand to it in fight; if they 〈◊〉 their bellies full of 〈◊〉 and drink; for hunger within, fights more eagerly than steel without.  
The numbers which Alexander had, saith Arrianus, were forty thousand foot, and seven thousand horse; these belike were of the European Army; for he 〈◊〉 besides both Syrians, Indian's, Egyptians, and Arabians, that followed him out of those Regions. He used but a short speech to his Soldiers to encourage them; and I 〈◊〉 that he needed little Rhetoric; for by the two former battles upon the River of Granick and in Cilicia, the Macedonians were best taught with what men they 〈◊〉 to encounter. And it is a true saying, Victoria Victoriam parat, 〈◊〉 victoribus auget, & adver sarijs aufert; One victory begets another, and puts courage into those that 〈◊〉 already had the better, taking spirit away from such as have been beaten.  
Arrianus and 〈◊〉 make large descriptions of this battle, 〈◊〉 at Gaugamela; They tell us of many charges and re-charges; That the victory inclined 〈◊〉 to the Persians', sometime to the Macedonians; That Parmenio was in danger 〈◊〉 being overthrown, who led the left wing; That Alexander's Reare-guard was broken and his carriages lost; That for the fierce and valorous encounters on both sides, Fortune herself was long 〈◊〉 on whom to bestow the Garland: And lastly, That Alexander in person wrought wonders, being charged in his retreat. But, in conclusion, Curtius delivers us in 〈◊〉 but three hundred dead Macedonians, in all this terrible 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, That 〈◊〉, Perdiccas and others of name 〈◊〉 wounded. Arriannus finds not a third part of this number slain; of the Persians' there fell forty thousand (saith Curtius,) thirty thousand according to Arrianus: Ninety thousand, if we 〈◊〉 Diodor. But what can we judge of this 〈◊〉 encounter, other than that, as in the two former battles, the Persians' upon the first charge 〈◊〉 away, and that the Macedonians pursued? For if of these four or 〈◊〉 hundred thousand Asians brought into the field by Darius, 〈◊〉 man had but cast a Dart, or a Stone, the Macedonians could not 〈◊〉 bought the Empire of the East at so easy a rate, as six or 〈◊〉 hundred men in 〈◊〉 notorious battles. Certainly, if Darius had fought with Alexander upon the banks of Euphrates, and had armed but fifty or threescore thousand of this great multitude, only with Spades (for the most of all he had were fit 〈◊〉 no other weapon) it had been impossible for Alexander to have past that River so easily, much less the River of Tigris. But as a man whose Empire God in his providence had determined, He abandoned all places of advantage, and suffered Alexander to enter so far into the bowels of his Kingdom, as all hope and possibility of escape by retreat being taken from the Macedonians, they had 〈◊〉 unto them the choice, either of death or victory; to which 〈◊〉 Darius could no way constrain his own, 〈◊〉 they had many 〈◊〉 Regions to 〈◊〉 into from those that invaded them.   

§. XI. Of things following the battle of Arbela. The yielding of Babylon and 〈◊〉.  
DARIUS' after the rout of his Army recovered Arbela the same night, better followed in his flight, than in the fight. He propounded unto them that ran after him his purpose of making a retreat into Media, persuading them that the Macedonians, greedy of spoil and riches, would rather attempt Bibylon, Susa, and other Cities, filled with treasure, than pursue the vanquished. This miserable resolution his Nobility rather obeyed than approved.  
Alexander soon after Darius his departure arrives at Arbela, which with a great 〈◊〉 oftreasure, and Princely ornaments, was 〈◊〉 unto him: for the fear which conducted Darius, took nothing with it but shame and dishonour. He that had been twice beaten, should rather have sent his treasure into Media, than brought it to Arbela, so 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 where he abide the coming of his enemies; if he had been victorious, he might 〈◊〉 brought it after him at leisure, but 〈◊〉 overcome, 〈◊〉 knew 〈◊〉 unpossible to 〈◊〉 Mules and Camels laden with gold from the pursuing Enemy, seeing 〈◊〉, at the overthrow 〈◊〉 had in Cilicia, cast the Crown from his head, to run away with the more 〈◊〉. But errors are then best discerned when most incurable. Et praeterita magis 〈◊〉 possunt quam 〈◊〉; It is easier to reprehend than amend what is past.  
From Arbela Alexander took his way towards Babylon, where Mazeus in whom Darius had most confidence rendered himself, his children and the City. Also 〈◊〉 Captain of the Castle, who was keeper of the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 with flowers, burnt frankincense upon Altars of silver as Alexander passed by, and delivered unto him whatsoever was 〈◊〉 to his trust. The Magis (the Chaldean Astrologers) followed this Captain in great solemnity to entertain their new King: after these come the 〈◊〉 horsemen, 〈◊〉 rich in attire, but 〈◊〉 poor in warlike furniture. 〈◊〉 these (though not greatly to be feared) and himself, Alexander caused his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉- men to march. 〈◊〉 he entered the Castle, he admired the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the abundance of treasure therein found amounting to fifty thousand talents of 〈◊〉 uncoined. The City itself I have 〈◊〉 described with the 〈◊〉, the Towers, the Gates and the Circuit, with the wondered place of 〈◊〉 about two miles in Circuit, surrounded with a Wall of fourscore foot high, and on 〈◊〉 top thereof (being under- 〈◊〉 with Pillars) a 〈◊〉 of beautiful and fruitful trees, which it is said that one of the Kings of Babylon caused to be built, that the 〈◊〉 and other Princesses might walk privately therein. In this City, rich in all things, but most of all in Voluptuous pleasures, the King 〈◊〉 himself and the whole Army four and thirty days, 
An. b. 〈◊〉.  consuming that time in banqueting and in all sorts of 〈◊〉 exercise, which so much softened the minds of the Macedonians, not acquainted till now with the like delicacies, as the 〈◊〉 discipline of war which taught them the sufferances of hunger and thirst, of 〈◊〉 travail, and hard lodging, began 〈◊〉 to be forgotten, than neglected.  
〈◊〉 it was that those bands of a thousand Soldiers were erected, and Commanders appointed 〈◊〉 them, who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 styled Chiliarchi. This new order Alexander brought in, was to honour those Captains which were found by 〈◊〉 selected judges to have 〈◊〉 best in the late war. For before this time the Macedonian companies consisted but of five hundred. Certainly the drawing down of the foote-bands in this latter 〈◊〉 hath 〈◊〉 the cause (saith the Marshal Monluct) that the title and charge of a Captain hath 〈◊〉 bestowed on every Picque Boeuf or Spurn-Cow, for when the Captains of 〈◊〉 had a thousand Soldiers under one Ensign, and after that five hundred, as in the time of Francis the first, the title was honourable, and the Kings were lessecharged, and far better 〈◊〉. K. Henry the eighth of England never gave the commandment of any of his good ships, but to men of known valour, and of great 〈◊〉, nay sometime he made two Gentlemen of 〈◊〉 commanders in one ship: but all orders and degrees are fallen from the reputation they had.  
While Alexander was yet in Babylon, there come to him a great supply out of Europe, for 〈◊〉 sent him six thousand foot and five hundred horse, out of 〈◊〉, of Thracians three thousand foot, and the like number of horse, and out of 〈◊〉 four thousand foot and four hundred horse, by which his Army was greatly strengthened: for those that were infected with the pleasures of Babylon, could hardly be brought again, De quitter la plume pur dormir sur la dure; To change from soft beds to hard boards.  
He left the Castle and City of Babylon with the Territories about it in charge with three of his own Captains, to wit, Agathon, Minetus, and Appolidorus; to supply all wants a thousand talents: but to grace Mazeus, who rendered the city unto him, he gave him the title of his Lieutenant over all, and took with him 〈◊〉 that gave up the Castle, and having distributed to every Soldier a part of the Treasure, he left Babylon and entered into the Province Satrapene: from thence he went on towards Susa in Persia, the same with 〈◊〉, Herodotus, and Elianus call 〈◊〉, situate on the river Euleus, a City sometime governed by 〈◊〉 the Prophet. Abulites also, governor of this famous City gave it up to the Conqueror, with fifty thousand talents of silver in 〈◊〉, and twelve Elephants for the war, with all other 
Dioder speaketh of more than forty thousand talents in bullion, and of nine Million of gold, 〈◊〉 dorri. casorma excusi.  the treasures of Darius. In this sort did those Vassals of fortune, lovers of the King's prosperity, not of his person (for so all ambitious men are) purchase their own peace and safety with the King's treasures. And herein was Alexander well advised, that whatsoever titles he gave to the Persians', yet he left all places of importance in trust with his own Captains, to wit, Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, with other Cities and Provinces by him conquered; for if Darius (as yet living) had beaten the Macedonians but in one battle, all the Nobility of Persia would have returned to their natural Lord. Those that are Traitors to their own Kings, are never to be used alone in great enterprises by those Princes that entertain them, nor 〈◊〉 to be trusted with the defences of any frontier-Towne, or 〈◊〉 of weight, by the 〈◊〉 whereof they may redeem their liberty and estates lost. Hereof the French had experience, when Don Pedro de Navarra, being banished out of Spain, was trusted with Fonterabe, in the year 1523.  
While Alexander spoilt Arbela, Mazeus might have furnished the King from Babylon, and while he stayed four and 〈◊〉 days at Babylon, Abulites might have helped him from Susa: and while he feasted there, Tiridates from Persepolis might have relieved him, for the great mass of treasure was laid up in that City. But who hath sought out and friended fearful adversity? It is certain, that benefits bind not the ambitious, but the honest: for those that are but greedy of themselves, do in all changes of fortune only consult the conservation of their own greatness.  
The government of Susa, with the Castle and Treasure, he committed to his own 〈◊〉, making Abulites who rendered it unto him his Lieutenant, as he had done Mazeus and others, in giving them Titles, but neither trust nor power; for he left three thousand old Soldiers in Garrison to assure the place; and Darius Mother and her children to repose themselves.  
It is said, that Charles the fifth having promised Charles of Bourbon the government of Marseilles, if he could have forced it, and whereof he made sure account, told some of his nearest Counsellors, that he meant nothing less than the performance of that promise, because he should thereby have left the Duke (〈◊〉 from his Master) very well wherewithal to have recovered his favour.   

§. XII. How ALEXANDER come to Persepolis, and burnt it.  
FRom Susa Alexander leadeth his Army toward Persepolis, and when he sought to pass those Mountains which sunder Susiana and Persia, he was fondly beaten by Ariobarzines, who 〈◊〉 against him those Straitss, called Pyloe Persidis, or Susoeidoe; and after the loss of many Companies of his Macedonians, he was forced to save himself by retreat, causing his foot to march close together, and to cover themselves with their Targets from the stones tumbled on them from the Mountaine-top. Yet in the end he found out another path, which a Lycian, living in that Country, discovered unto him, and come thereby suddenly in view of Ariobarzanes, who being enforced to fight upon even ground, was by Alexander broken, whereupon he fled to Persepolis, but (after that they of Persepolis had refused to receive him) he returned and gave a second charge upon the Macedonians, wherein he was slain. In like manner did King Francis the first, in the year 1515. find a way over the Alpss; the Swissers undertaking to defend all the passages, who, if their footmanship had not saved them upon the King's descent on the other side, they had 〈◊〉 paid for their hard lodging on those Hills.  
Four thousand Greeks', saith Curtius, (justine numbers them but at eight hundred) having been taken prisoners by the Persians', presented themselves to Alexander now in sight of Persepolis. These had the barbarous Persians' so 〈◊〉 and defaced, by cutting off their Hands, Noses, Ears, and other Members, as they could no way have been known to their Countrymen, but by their voices; to 〈◊〉 of these Alexander gave three hundred Crowns, with new garments, and such Lands as they liked to live upon.  
Tiridates, one of Darius his false-heatted Grandes, hearing of Alexander's approach, made him know that Persepólis was ready to receive him, and 〈◊〉 him to double his pace, because there was a determination in the people to spoil the King's treasure. This City was abandoned by many of her Inhabitants upon Alexander's arrival, and they that stayed followed the worst counsel, for all was 〈◊〉 to the liberty of the Soldiers, to spoil and kill at their pleasure. There was no place in the world at that time, which, if it had been laid in balance with 〈◊〉, would have weighed it down. Babylon, indeed, and Susa, were very rich; but in Persepolis lay the bulk and main store of the Persians'. For after the spoil that had been made of money, curious plate, bullion, Images of gold and silver, and other jewels; there remained to Alexander himself one hundred and twenty thousand talents. He left the same number of three thousand Macedonians in Persepolis, which he had done in Susa, and gave the same formal honour to the Traitor Tiridates, that he had done to Abulites; but he that had the trust of the place was Nicarides, a creature of his own. The body of his Army he left here for thirty days, of which the Commanders were Parmenio and Craterus, and with a thousand horse and certain troops of chosen foot, he would needs view in the Winter-time those parts of Persia, which the Snow had covered, fruitless and foolish enterprise, but as 〈◊〉 says: Non ille ire vult, sed non potest stare; He hath not a will to go, but he is unable to stand still. It is said and spoken in his praise: That when his Soldiers cried out against him, because they could not endure the extreme frost, and make way, but with extreme difficulty, through the snow, that Alexander forsook his horse, and led them the way. But what can be more ridiculous than to bring other men into extremity, thereby to show how well himself can endure it? His walking on foot did no otherwise take off their weariness that followed him, than his sometime forbearing to drink did quench their thirst, that could less endure it. For my own little judgement I shall rather commend that Captain, that makes careful provision for those that follow him, & that 〈◊〉 wisely to prevent extreme necessity, than those witless arrogant fools, that make the vaunt of having endured equally with the common Soldier, as if that were a matter of great glory and importance.  
We find in all the Wars that Caesar made, or the best of the Roman Commanders, that the provision of victuals was their first care. For it was a true saying of Coligni, Admiral of France; That whoso will shape that beast (meaning War) must begin with his belly.  
But Alexander is now returned to Persepolis, where those Historians, that were most amorous of his virtues, complain, that the opinion of his valour, of his liberality, of his clemency, towards the vanquished, and all other his Kingly conditions, were drowned in drink; That he smothered in carousing cups all the reputation 
〈◊〉. l. 5.  of his actions past, and that by descending, as it were, from the reverend Throne of the greatest King, into the company and familiarity of base Harlots, he began to be despised both of his own and all other Nations. For being persuaded, when he was inflamed with wine, by the infamous Strumpet Thais, he caused the most 〈◊〉 and goodly Castle and City of Persepolis, to be consumed with fire, notwithstanding all the arguments of Parmenio to the contrary, who told him that it was a dishonour to destroy those things by the persuasions of others, which by his proper virtue and force he had obtained; and that it would be a most strong persuasion to the Asians, to think hardly of him, and thereby alien their hearts: For they might well believe that he which demolished the goodliest Ornaments they had, meant nothing less than (after such vastation) to hold their possession. Fere vinolentiam 
〈◊〉. Epist. 84.  crudelitas sequitur; Cruelty doth commonly follow drunkenness: For so it fell out soon after, and often, in Alexander.   

§. XIII. The Treason of BESSUS against DARIUS. DARIUS' his death.  
ABout this time he received a new supply of Soldiers out of Cilicia, and goes on to find Darius in Media. Darius had there compounded his fourth and last Army, which he meant to have increased in Bactria, had he not heard of Alexander's coming on, with whom (trusting to such companies as he had, which was numbered at thirty or forty thousand) 〈◊〉 determined once again to try his fortune. He therefore calls together his Captains & Commanders, and propounds unto them his resolution, who being desperate of good success used silence for a while. Artabazus, one of his eldest men of War, who had sometime lived with Philip of Macedon, broke the ice, and protesting that he could never be beaten by any adversity of the Kings, from the faith which he had ever aught him, with firm confidence, that all the rest were of the same disposition (whereof they likewise assured Darius by the like protestation) he approved the King's resolution. Two only, and those the greatest, to wit, 〈◊〉, and Bessus, whereof the latter was Governor of Bactria, had conspired against their Master, and therefore advised the King to lay a new foundation for the 〈◊〉, and to pursue it by some such person for the present, against whom neither the gods nor Fortune had in all things declared themselves to be an enemy: this preamble Naburzanes used, & in conclusion advised the election of his fellow Traitor Bessus, with promise, that the wars ended, the Empire should again be restored to Darius. The King swollen with disdain priest towards Naburzanes to have slain him, but Bessus & the Bactrians whom he commanded, being more in number than the rest, withheld him. In the mean while Naburzanes withdrew himself, and Bessus followed him, making their quarter apart from the rest of the Army. Artabazus, the King's faithful servant, persuaded him to be advised, and serve the time, seeing Alexander was at hand, and that he would at lest make show of forgetting the offence made, which the King being of a gentle disposition, willingly yielded, unto. Bessus makes his submission and attends the King, who removes his 〈◊〉 Patron, who commanded a Regiment of four thousand Greeks', which had in all the former Battles served 〈◊〉 with great 〈◊〉, and always made the 〈◊〉 in spite of the Macedonians, offered himself to guard his person, protesting against the Treason of Bessus, but it was not in his destiny to follow their advice who from the beginning of the War gave him faithful counsel but he inclined still to Bessus, who told him, that the Greeks' with Patron their Captain were corrupted by Alexander, and practised the division of his 〈◊〉 servants. Bessus had drawn 〈◊〉 him thirty thousand of the Army, promising them all those things by which the lovers of the World and themselves are wont to be alured to wit, riches, safety, and honour.  
Now the day following Darius plainly discovered the purposes of Bessus, and being overcome with passion, as thinking himself unable to make head against these ungrateful and unnatural Traitors, he prayed Artabazus his faithful 〈◊〉 to departed from him, and to provide for himself. In like sort he discharged the rest of his attendants, all save a few of his Eunuches; for his Guards had voluntarily abandoned him: His Persians' being most base Cowards durst not undertake his defence against the Bactrians, notwithstanding that they had four thousand Greeks' to join with him, who had been able to have beaten both Nations. But it is true, that him, which forsakes himself, no man follows. It had been far more Manlike and Kinglike to have died in the head of those four thousand Greeks', which offered him the disposition of their lives, (to which 〈◊〉 persuaded him) than to have lain bewailing himself on the ground, and suffering himself to be bound like a Slave by those ambitious Monsters that laid hand on him, whom neither the consideration of his former great estate, nor the honours he had given them, nor the trust reposed in them, nor the world of benefits bestowed on them, could move to pity: not, nor his present adversity, which above all things should have moved them, could pierce their viperous and ungrateful hearts. Vain it was indeed to hope it, for infidelity hath no compassion.  
Now Darius, thus forsaken, was bound and laid in a Cart, covered with 〈◊〉 of Beasts, to the end that by any other ornament he might not be discovered; and to add despite and derision to his adversity, they fastened him with Chains of Gold, and lo drew him on among their ordinary Carriages and Carts. For Bessus and 〈◊〉 persuaded themselves to redeem their lives and the 〈◊〉 they held, either by delivering him Prisoner to Alexander, or if that hope failed, to make themselves Kings by his slaughter, and then to defend themselves by force of Arms. But they failed in both. For it was against the nature of God, who is most just, to pardon so strange villainy, yea though against a Prince purely Heathenish and an Idolater.  
Alexander having knowledge that Darius was retired towards Bactria, and durst not abide his coming, hasted after him with a violent speed, and because he would not force his Footmen beyond their powers, he mounted on horseback certain selected Companies of them, and best armed, and with six thousand other Horse, rather ran than marched after Darius. Such as hated the Treason of Bessus and secretly forsook him, gave knowledge to Alexander of all that had happened, informing him of the way that Bessus took, and how near he was at hand: for many men of worth daily ran from him. Hereupon Alexander again doubled his pace, and his Vanguard being discovered by Bessus his Rear, Bessus brought a Horse to the Cart, where 〈◊〉 lay bound, persuading him to mount thereon, and to save himself. But the unfortunate King refusing to follow those that had betraved him, 〈◊〉 cast Darts at him, wounded him to death, and wounded the Beasts that drew him, and slew two poor Servants that attended his person. This done, they all fled that could, leaving the rest to the mercy of the Macedonian Swords.  
Polystratus a Macedonian, bcing by pursuit of the vanquished priest with thirst, as he was refreshing himself with some water that he had discovered, espying a Cart with a Team of wounded beasts breathing for life, and not able to move, searched the same, and therein found Darius bathing in his own blood. And by a Persian captive which followed this Polystratus, he understood that it was Darius, and was informed of this barbarous Tragedy. Darius also seemed greatly comforted (if dying men ignorant of the living God can be comforted) that he cast not out his last sorrows unheard, but that by this Macedonian, Alexander might know and take vengeance on those Traitors, which had dealt no less unworthily than cruelly with him, recommending their revenge to Alexander by this Messenger, which he besought him to pursue, not because Darius had desired it, but for his own honour, and for the 〈◊〉 of all that did, or should after wearc Crowns. He also, having nothing else to present, rendered thanks to Alexander for the Kingly grace used towards his Wife, Mother, and Children, desiring the immortal Gods to submit unto him the Empire of the whole world. As he was thus speaking, impatient death pressing out his few remaining spirits, he desired water, which Polystratus presented him, after which he liucd but to tell him, that of all the best things that the world had, which were lately in his power, he had nothing remaining but his last breath, wherewith to desire the Gods to reward his compassion.   

§. XIIII. How ALEXANDER pursued BESSUS, and took into his grace DARIUS his Captains.  
IT was now hoped by the Macedonians, that their travels were near an end, every man preparing for his 〈◊〉. Hereof when Alexander had knowledge, he was greatly grieved; for the bounded earth sufficed not his boundless ambition. Many arguments he therefore used to draw on his Army farther into the East, but that which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was, that Bessus, a most cruel Taitor to his Master Darius, having at his devotion the Hyrcanians, and Bactrians, would in short time (if the Macedonians should return) make himself Lord of the Persian Empire, and enjoy the first-fruits of all their former travails. In conclusion, he wan their consents to go on: which done, leaving Craterus with certain 〈◊〉 of foot, and Amyntas with six thousand Horse in Parthenia, he enters not without some opposition into Hyrcania; for the Mardons, and other barbarous Nations, defended certain 〈◊〉 for a while. He passeth the River of Zioberis, which taking beginning in Parthia, dissolves itself in the Caspian Sea: it runneth under the ledge of Mountains, which bound Parthia and Hyrcania, where hiding itself under ground for three hundred furlongs, it then riseth 〈◊〉 and follows its former course. In Zadracarta or 〈◊〉, the same City which Ptolemy writes Hyrcania, the Metropolis of that Region, he rested 〈◊〉 days, banqueting, and 〈◊〉 therein.  
Phataphernes, one of Darius his greatest Commanders, with other of his best followers, submit themselves to Alexander, and were restored to their places and governments. But of all other he graced Artabazus most highly for his approved & constant faith to his Master 〈◊〉. Artabazus brought with him ten thousand and five hundred Greeks', the remainder of all those that had served Darius; He treats with Alexander for their pardon, before they were yet arrived, but in the end they tender themselves simply without promise or composition: he pardons all but the Lacedæmonians, whom he imprisoned, their Leader 〈◊〉 slain himself. He was also wrought, (though to his great dishonour) to receive Nabarzanes that had joined with Bessus to murder Darius.   

§. XU Of THALESTRIS Queen of the Amazons; where, by way of digression it is showed, that such Amazons have been, and are.  
HEre it is said, that Thalestris or Minothea, a Queen of the Amazons, come to visit him, and her suit was, (which she easily obtained) That she might accompany him till she were made with child by him: which done (refusing to follow him into India) she returned into her own Country.  
Plutarch citeth many Historians, reporting this meeting of 〈◊〉 with Alexander, and some contradicting it. But, indeed, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 himself to Antipater, recounting all that befell him in those parts, and yet omitting to make mention of this Amazonian 〈◊〉, may justly 〈◊〉 suspicion of the whole matter as forged. Much more justly may we suspect it as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because an Historian of the same time reading one of his books to 〈◊〉 (then King of Thrace) who had followed 〈◊〉 in all his voyage; was 〈◊〉 at by the King for inserting such news of the Amazons, as Lysimachus himself had 〈◊〉 heard of. One that accompanied Alexander took upon him to writ his acts; which to amplify, He told how the King had fought single with an Elephant, and stain it. The King hearing such stuff, caught the book, and threw it into the River of Indus; saying, that it were well donc to throw the writer after it, who by inserting such fables, 〈◊〉 the truth of his great exploits. Yet as we believe and know that there are Elephants, though it were false that Alexander fought with one; so may we give credit unto writers, making mention of such Amazons, whither it were true or 〈◊〉 that they met with Alexander; as Plutarch leaves the matter undetermined. Therefore I will here take leave to make digression, as well to show the opinions of the ancient Historians, Cosmographers, and others, as also of some modern discoverers touching these warlike Women, because not only Strabo, but many others of these our times make doubt, whither, or no, there were any such kind of people. julius Solinus seats them in the North parts of Asia the less. Pom. Mela finds two 
Sol. c. 27. & 65.  Regions filled with them; the one, on the River Thermodoon; the other, near the Casptan Sea; Quas (saith he) Sauromatidas appellant; Which the people call Sauromatidas. 
Lib. 1.  The former of these two had the Cimmerians for their Neighbours; Certum est (saith Vadianus, who hath Commented upon MELA) illos proximos 〈◊〉 fuisse; It is 〈◊〉 that the Cimmerians were the next Nations to the Amazons. PTOLEMY 
Pt. l. 6.  sets them farther into the Land North-wards, near the Mountains Hippaci, not 
Asiae. Tab. 2.  far from the Pillars of Alexander. And that they had Dominion in Asia itself 
〈◊〉. l. 6. c. 20.  toward India, Solinus and Pliny tells us; Where they governed a people called the Pandeans, or Padeans, so called after Pandea the Daughter of Hercules, from whom all the rest derive themselves. Claudian affirms, That they commanded many Nations: For he speaks (largely perhaps as a Poet) thus:  

Medis lenibusque Sabaeis 
Claud. de cap.   
Imperat hic sexus: Reginarumque sub armis, 
Proserpinae.   
Barbariae pars magnaiacet.   

Over the Medes, and light Sabaeans, reigns  
This female sex: and under arms of Queen,  
Great part of the Barbarian Land remains.   
Diodorus Siculus hath heard of them in Lybia, who were more ancient (saith he) 
L. 2.  than those which kept the banks of Thermodoon, a River falling into the Euxine Sea near Heracltum.  
Herodotus doth also make report of these Amazons, whom he tells us that the Scythians call Aeorpatas, which is as much as Viricidas, or Men-killers. And that they made incursion into Asia the less, sacked Ephesus, and burnt the Temple of Diana, Manethon and aventinus report, which they performed forty years after Troy was taken. At the siege of Troy itself we readc of Penthesilea, That she come to the 
Aenciad. 1. l. 3.  succour of Priamus.  
Am. Marcellinus gives the cause of their inhabiting upon the river of Thermodoon, 
L. 22. c. 7.  speaking confidently of the Wars they made with divers Nations, and of their overthrow.  
Plutarch in the life of Theseus, out of Philochorus, Hellanicus, and other ancient Historians, reports the taking of Antiopa Queen of the Amazons by Hercules, and by him given to Theseus, though some affirm, That Theseus himself got her by stealth when she come to visit him aboard his ship. But in substance there is little difference; all confessing, That such Amazons there were. The same Author in the life of Pompey speaks of certain companies of the Amazons, that come to aid the Albanians against the Romans, by whom, after the battle, many Targets and Buskins of theirs were taken up: and he saith farther, That these women entertain the Gelae and Lelages once a year, Nations inhabiting between them and the Abanians.  
But to omit the many Authors, making mention of Amazons that were in the old times; 〈◊〉. Lopez who hath written the navigation of Orellana, which he made down 
Histor. Ind. part.  the River of Amazons from Peru, in the year 1542. (upon which River, for the divers 
2. c. 28.  turnings, he is said to have sailed six thousand miles) reports from the relation of the said Orellana, to the Council of the Indieses, That he both seen those women and fought with them, where they sought to impeach his passage towards the EastSea.  
It is also reported by Vlricus Schmidel, that in the year 1542. where he sailed up the Rivers of Paragna and Parabol, that he come to a King of that Countric, callcd Scherues, inhabiting under the Tropic of Capricorn, who gave his Captain Ernando Rieffere, a Crown of silver, which he had gotten in fight from a Queen of the Amazons in those parts.  
Ed. Lopes, in his description of the Kingdom of Congo, makes relation of such Amazons, telling us, That (agreeable to the reprots of elder times) they burn off thcir right breast, and live a part from men, save at one time of the year, when they feast and accompany them for one month. These (saith he) possess a part of the Kingdom of Monomotapa in Africa, nineteen degrccs to the Southward of the line: and that these women are the strongest guards of this Emperor, all the East Indian Portugals know.  
I have produccd these authorities, in part, to justify my own relation of these Amazons, because that which was delivered me for truth by an ancient Cacique of Guiana, how upon the River of Papamena (since the Spanish discoverics called Amazons) that these women still live and govern, was held for a vain and unprobable report.   

§. XVI. How ALEXANDER fell into the Persians' Luxury: and how he further pursued BESSUS.  
NOw as Alexander had begun to change his condition after the taking of Persepolis: so at this time his prosperity had so much overwrought his virtue, as he accounted clemency to be but baseness, and the temperance which he had used all his lifetime, but a poor and 〈◊〉 humour, rather becoming the instructors of his youth, than the condition and state of so mighty a King, as the world could not equal. For he persuaded himself that he now represented the greatness of the gods; he was pleased that those that come before him, should fall to the ground, and adore him; he ware the Robes and garments of the Persians', and commanded that his Nobility should do the like; he entertained in his Court, and Camp, the same shameless rabble of Courtesans, and Sodomitical eunuchs, that Darius had done, and imitated in all things the proud, voluptuous, and detested manners of the Persians'; whom he had vanquished. So licentious is felicity, as notwithstanding that he was fully persuaded, that the Gods whom he served (detesting the vices of the invaded) 〈◊〉 him in all attempts against them, he himself, contrary to the Religion he professed (which how Idolatrous soever it were, could not be but fearful unto him by neglecting it) become by imitation, and not by ignorance or education, a more soul and fearful Monster than Darius, from whose tyranny he vaunted to have delivered so many Nations. Yea, those that were dearest and nearest unto him, began to be ashamed of him, entertaining each other with this, and the like scornful discourse; That Alexander of Macedon was become one of Darius his licentious Courtiers; That by his example, the Macedonians were in the cnd of so many travails, more impoverished in their virtues, than enriched by their victories; and that it was hard to judge whither the Conquerors, or the Conquered were the base slaves. Neither were these opinions so reserved, but that the noise of them come to his 〈◊〉. He therefore with great gifts sought to pacify the better sort, and those of whose judgements he was most jealous; and making it known to the Army, that Bessus had assumed the title of a King, and called himself Artaxerxes, and that he had compounded a great Army of the Bactrians, and other Nations, he had arguments enough to persuade them to go on, to the end that all already gotten, might not with themselves (so far engaged) be cast away. And because they were pestered with the spoils of so many Cities, as the whole Army seemed but the guard of their carriages, (not much unlike the warfare of the French) having commanded every man's fardels to be brought into the marketplace, he together with his own, caused all to be consumed with fire. Certainly, this could not but have proved most dangerous unto him, seeing the common-Souldiers had more interest in these things which they had bought with their painful travails, and with their blood; than in the King's ambition; had not (as Seneca often observed) his happy temeritic overcome all things. As he was in his way, news come to him, that Satribarzanes, whom he had established in his former government over the Arrians, was revolted; whereupon leaving the way of Bactria, he sought him out, but the Rebel, hearing of his coming, fled to Bessus, with two thousand Horse. He then went on towards Bessus, and by setting a great pile of wood on fire, with the advantage of a strong wind, won a passage over an high and unaccessable Rock, which was defended against him, with thirteen thousand foot. For the extremity of the Flame and smoke, forced them from the place, otherwise invincible. I seen in the third civil war of France, certain Caves in Langucdoc, which had but one entrance, and that very narrow, cut out in the midway ofhigh Rocks, which we knew not how to enter by any ladder or engine, till at last, by certain bundles of straw, let down by an iron chain, and a weighty stone in the midst, those that defended it, were so smothered, as they rendered themselves with their plate, money, and other goods therein hidden. There were also some three years before my arrival in Guiana, three hundred Spaniards well mounted, smothered to death, together with their Horses, by the Countrie-people, who did set the long dry grass on fire to the Eastward of them, (the wind in those parts being always East) so as notwithstanding their flying from the smoke, there was not any one that escaped. Sr. john Borrows also, with a hundred English, was in great danger of being lost at Margarita, in the West-indieses, by having the grass fired behind him, but the smoke being timefully discovered, he recovered the Seashore with the loss of 〈◊〉 of his men. I remember these things, but to give caution to those that shall in times to come 〈◊〉 any part of those Countries, that they always, before they pass into the Land, burn down the grass and sedge to the East of them; they may otherwise, without any 〈◊〉 enemy, than a handful of straw set on fire, die the death of hony-Bees, burnt out of the Hive.   

§. XVII. A Conspiracy against ALEXANDER. The death of PHILOTAS and PARMENIO.  
ALEXANDER was, after he parted hence, no where resisted, till he come into Aria, to the East of Bactria, where the chief City of that Province, called Artacoana, was a while defended against him, by the revolt of Sartibarzanes, but in the end he received the Inhabitants to mercy. At this place his Army was reenforced with a new supply of 〈◊〉 thousand and five hundred soot, and near five hundred Horse, out of Greece, Thessalte, & other places. His journey out of Persia into these parts, is very confusedly described. For having (as all his Historians tell us) a determination to found 〈◊〉 in Bacteria, he leaves it at the very entrance, and takes the way of Hyrcania; from thence he wanders Northward towards the obscure Mardi, upon the Caspian- Sea, and thence over the Mountains Coronus into Aria, and Drangiana.  
At this time it was that the treason of Dimnus broke out, of which Philotas the son of Parmenio was accused, as accessary, if not principal. This Dimnus, having (I know not upon what ground) conspired with some others against the life of Alexander, went about to draw Nicomachus, a young man whom he loved, into the same treason. The Youth, although he was first bound by oath to secrecy, when he heard so soul a matter uttered, began to protest against it so vehemently, that his friend was like to have slain him for security of his own life. So, constrained by fear, he made show as if he had been won by persuasion, and by seeming at length to like well of the business, he was told more at large what they were, that had undertaken it. There were nine or ten of them, all men of rank; whose names Dimnus (to countenance the enterprise) reckoned up to Nicomachus. Nicomachus had no sooner freed himself from the company of this Traitor Dimnus, than he acquainted his own brother Ceballinus with the whole History: whereupon it was agreed between them, that Ceballinus (who might with lest suspicion) should go to the Court, and utter all. Ceballinus, meeting with Philotas, told him the whole business; desiring him to acquaint the King therewith: which he promised to do, but did not. Two days passed, and Philotas never broke with the King about the matter, but still excused himself to Ceballinus by the King's want of leisure. This his coldness bred suspicion, and caused Ceballinus to address himself to another, one Metron, Keeper of the King's armory, who forthwith brought him to Alexander's presence. Alexander, finding by examination what had passed between Ceballinus and Philotas, did fully persuade himself that this concealment of the treason, argued his hand to have been in the business. Therefore when Dimnus was brought before him, he asked the Traitor no other question than this: Wherein have I so offended thee, that thou shouldest think PHILOTAS more worthy to be King than I? Dimnus perceiving, when he was apprehended, how the matter went, had so wounded himself, that he lived no longer, than to give his last groan in the King's presence. Than was Philotas called, and charged with the suspicion, which his silence might justly breed. His answer was, That when the practice was 〈◊〉 unto him by Nicomachus, he judging it to be but frivolous, did forbear to acquaint Alexander there withal, until he might have better information. This error of his, (if it were only an error) although Alexander, for the notorious services of his Father Parmenio, of his brother Nicanor lately dead, and of Philotas himself, had freely pardoned and given him his hand for assurance; yet by the instigation of Craterus, he again swallowed his Princely promise, and made his enemies his judges: Curtius gives a note of Craterus in this business; How he persuaded himself, that he could never find a better occasion to oppress his private enemy, than by pretending piety, and duty towards the King. Hereof a Poet of our own hath given a note as much better, as it is more general in his Philotas.  

See how these great men clothe their private hate,  
In these fair colours of the public good,  
And to effect their ends, pretend the State,  
As if the State by their affection stood,  
And armed with power and Princes jealousies,  
Will put the lest conceit of discontent  
Into the greatest rank of treacheries,  
That no one action shall seem innocent;  
Yea valour, honour, bounty, shall be made  
As accessaries unto ends unjust:  
And even the service of the State must lad  
The needful'st undertaking with distrust,  
So that base vilensse; idle Luxury,  
Seem safer far, than to do worthily, etc.   
Now although it were so, that the King, following the advice of Craterus, had resolved the next day to put Philotas to torment, yet in the very evening of the same night in which he was apprehended, he called him to a banquet, and 〈◊〉 as familiarly with him as at any other time. But when in the dead of the night Philotas was taken in his lodging, and that they which hated him began to bind him; he cried out upon the King in these words: OH ALEXANDER, the malice of my Enemies hath surmounted thy mercy, and their hatred is far more constant than the word of a King. Many circumstances were urged against him by Alexander himself; (for the Kings of Macedon did in person examine the accusations oftreason) and this was not the lest (not the lest offence, indeed, against the King's humour, who desired to be glorified as a God) That when Alexander wrote unto him concerning the title given him by jupiter Hammon; He answered, That he could not but 〈◊〉 that he was admitted into that sacred Fellowship of the gods, and yet he could not but withal grieve for those that should live under such a one as would exceed the nature of man. This was (saith Alexander) a firm persuasion unto me, that his heart was changed, and that he held my glory in despite. See what a strange Monster Flattery is, that can persuade Kings to kill those that do not praise and allow those things in them, which are of all other most to be abhorred. Philotas was brought before the multitude, to hear the King's Oration against him: he was brought forth in wild garments, and bound like a Thief; where 〈◊〉 heard himself, and his absent Father the greatest Captain of the World, accused, his two other Brothers, Hector and Nicanor having been lost in the present War. He was so greatly oppressed with grief, as for a while he could utter nothing but tears, and sorrow had so wasted his 〈◊〉, as he sunk under those that led him. In the end the King asked him, in what language 〈◊〉 would make his defence; he answered, In the same wherein it had pleased the King to accuse him, which he did, to the end that the Persians', as well as the Macedonians, might understand him. But hereof the King made his advantage, persuading the assembly, that he disdained the language of his own Country, and so withdrawing himself, left him to his merciless enemies.  
This proceeding of the Kings, Philotas greatly lamented, seeing the King, who had so sharply inveighed against him, would not vouchsafe to hear his excuse. For, not his enemies only were emboldened thereby against him, but all the rest, having discovered the King's disposition and resolution, contended among themselves, which of them should exceed in hatred towards him; Among many other arguments, which he used in his own defence, this was not the weakest; That when Nicomachus desired to know of Dimnus, what men of mark and power were his partners in the conspiracy (as seeming unwilling to adventure himself with mean and base Companions) Dimnus named unto him Demetrius of the King's Chamber, Nicanor, Amyntas, and some others, but spoke not a word of Philotas, who by being Commander of the Horse, would greatly have valued the party, and have encouraged Nicomachus. Indeed, as Philotas said well for himself, it is likely that Dimnus, thereby the better to have heartened Nicomachus, would have named him, though he had never dealt with him in any such practice. And for more certain proof, that he knew nothing of their intents, that practised against the King, there was not any one of the Conspirators, being many, enforced by torments, or otherwise, that could accuse him, and it is true, that adversity being seldom able to bear her own burden, is for the most part found so malicious, as she rather desires to draw others (not always deserving it) into the same danger, than to spare any that it can accuse. Yet at the last, howsoever it were, to avoid the extremity of resistless and unnatural torments, devised by his professed enemies Craterus, Cenus, Ephestion, and others, Philotas accused his own self; being persuaded that they would have stain him forthwith. But he failed even in that miserable hope, and suffering all that could be laid on flesh and blood, he was forced to deliver, not what he knew, but whatsoever best pleased their 〈◊〉, that were far more merciless than death itself.  
Of this kind of judicial proceeding S. Augustine greatly complaineth as a matter to be bewailed, saith he, with Fountains of tears. Quid cum in sua causa 
Aug. de Civit.  〈◊〉 torquetur: & cum quaeritur utrum sit nocens cruciatur: & innocens luit pro incerto 
Dei, l. 19 c. 6.  scelere certissim as poenas: non quia illud commisisse detegitur, sed quia non commisisse nescitur? What shall we say to it, when 〈◊〉 is put to torture in his own case; and tormented whilst yet it is in question whither he be guilty; and being innocent, suffers assured punishment for a fault, of which there is no certainty, not because he is known to have committed the offence, but because other do not know that he hath not committed it?  
It had been enough for Alexander's safety, if Philotas had been put to death without torment, the rest would not much have grieved thereat, because he was greatly suspected. But Hemolaus, who afterward conspired against him, made the King's cruelty and delight in blood, the greatest motive of his own ill intent. Therefore, Seneca, speaking of Alexander, saith thus: Crudelit as minime humanum malum est, indignum 
Sen. de Clem. l. 1.  tam miti 〈◊〉; ferina ista rabies est sanguine gaudere & vulneribus, & abiecto homine, in siluestre animal transire; Cruelty is not a human vice; it is unworthy of so mild a spirit. It is even a beastly rage to delight in blood and wounds, and casting away the nature of man, to become a sanage Monster.  
For the conclusion of this Tragedy, Curtius makes a doubt, whither the confession that Philotas made, were to give end to the torments which he could not any longer endure, or that the same was true indeed; For (saith he) in this case, they that speak truly, or they that deny falsely, come to one and the same end. Now, while the King's hands were yet wet in blood, he commanded that Lyncestes, son-in-law to Antipater, who had been three years in prison, should be slain: The same dispatch had all those that Nicomachus had accused: others there were that were suspected, because they had followed Philotas, but when they had answered for themselves that they knew no way so direct to win the King's favour, as by loving those whom the King fovoured: they were dismissed. But Parmenio was yet living; Parmenio, who had served with great fidelity as well 〈◊〉 of Macedon the King's Father, as himself; Parmenio that first opened the way into Asia; That had depressed Attalus the King's enemy; that had always, and in all hazards, the leading of the King's Vanguard, that was no less prudent in counsel, than fortunate in all attempts; A man beloved of the men of War, and, to say the truth, he that had made the purchase for the King of the Empire of the East, and of all the glory and fame he had: That he might not therefore revenge the death of his Son, though not upon the King, (for it was unlikely that he would have dishonoured his fidelity in his eldest age, 〈◊〉 now lived threescore and ten years) yet upon those that by the witchcraft of 〈◊〉 had possessed themselves of his affection; it was resolved that he should be dispatched. Polydamas was employed in this business, a man whom of all other Parmenio trusted most, and loved best, who (to be short) finding him in Media, and having Cleander and other Murderers with him, slew him walking in his Garden, while he was reading the King's letters. Hic exitus PARMENIONIS fuit, 
Lib. 7.  militiae 〈◊〉 clari viri; Multa sine Rege prosperè, Rex sine illo nihil magnae rei gesserat; This was the end of PARMENIO (saith CURTIUS) who had performed many notable things without the King, but the King, without him, did never effect any thing worthy of praise.   

§. XVIII. How ALEXANDER subdued the Bactrians, Sogdians, and other people. How BESSUS was delivered into his hands. How he fought with the Scythians.  
WHen these things had end, Alexander went on with his Army, and brought under his obedience the Araspians or Euergitans; he made Amenides (sometime Darius his Secretary) their Governor; then he subdued the Arachosians, and left Menon to command over them. Hear the Army, sometimes led by Parmenio, finds him, consisting of twelve thousand Macedons and Greeks', with whom he passed through some cold Regions with difficulty enough. At length he come to the foot of the Mountain Taurus towards the East, where he built a City which he honoured with his own name, and peopled it with seven thousand of his old Macedons, worn with age and with travails of the war, The Arians, who since he left them were revolted, he subdued again by the industry and valour of Caranus and Erigius; And now heresolues to find out the new King Bessus in Bactria. Bessus, hearing of his coming, prepares to pass over the great River of Oxus which divides Bactria from Sogdiana; Artabazus is made Governor of Bactria abandoned by Bessus; The Macedonian Army suffereth for want of Water, insomuch as when they come to the River of Oxus, there died more of them by drinking inordinately, than Alexander had lost in any one battle against the Persians'. And it may well be; For (as Clitus did after object unto him) he fought against women, not against men, and not against their persons but their shadows. He found on the banks of this great River no manner of Timber or other materials, to make either boats, bridges, or raff, but was forced to sow together the Hides that covered his carriages, and stuff them with straw, and on them in six days to pass over his Army; which Bessus might easily have distressed, if he had dared but to behold the Macedonian Army afar off. He had formerly complained against Darius for neglecting to defend the banks of Tigris, and other 〈◊〉, and yet now, when this traitorous slave had styled himself a King, he durst not perform any thing worthy of a slave. And therefore those that were nearest unto him, and whom he most trusted, to wit, 〈◊〉, Dataphernes, Catanes, and others the Commanders of his Army, moved both by the care of their own safety, and by the memory of Bessus his Treason and cruelty against Darius, bound him in the like manner that he had done his Master, but with this difference, that he had the chain closed about his neck like a mastiff Dog, and so was dragged along to be presented to his enemy.  
In the mean while Alexander was arrived at a certain Town inhabited with Greeks' of Miletum, brought thither by Xerxes, when long before he returned out of Greece, whose issues had well-near forgotten their Country-language. These most cruelly (after they had received him with great joy) he put to the sword, and destroyed their City. At this place he received Bessus, and having rewarded 〈◊〉 with the rest that delivered him, he gave the Traitor into the hands of Oxatre, Darius his brother, to be tormented.  
But while he now thought himself secure, some twenty thousand Mountainers assaulted his Camp; in repelling whom he received a shot in the leg, the arrow head sticking in the flesh, so as he was carried in a Horse-Lytter, sometime by the horsemen, 
〈◊〉.  sometime by the foot.  
Soon after he come unto Maracanda, which 〈◊〉 Perondinus takes to be Samarchand, the regal City of the great Tamerlaine. It had in compass threescore and ten furlongs (Curtius saith.) Hear he received the Ambassadors of the Scythians (called Auians) who offered to serve him.  
The Bactrians are shortly again with the Sogdians stirred to Rebellion, by the same Spitamenes and Catanes, who had lately delivered into his hands the Traitor Bessus. Many Cities were resolvedly defended against him, all which, after victory, he defaced and razed, kill all therein. At one of these he received a blow on the neck which struck him to the ground, and much disabled him for many days after. In the mean while Spitamenes had recovered Maracanda, against whom he employed Mencdemus with three thousand foot and eight hundred horse.  
In the heat of these tumults Alexander marched on (if we may believe Curtius and others) till he come to the River of 〈◊〉; upon whose bank he built another Alexandria 〈◊〉 furlongs in compass, which he beautified with houses within seventeen days after the walls built. The building of this City is said to have been occasion of a war between him and the Scythians; the Scythian King persuading himself, that this new Town was fortified of purpose to keep him under. I do not well understand, why the Scythians, offering war in such terrible manner that Alexander was judged by his own Soldiers to sergeant sickness for very fear, should nevertheless make svite for peace: neither find I the reason why Alexander (not intending the conquest of those Northern deserts, but only the defence of his own bank) should refuse to let them alone, with whom he could not 〈◊〉 further than they should agreed to suffer him. Yet hereof is made a great matter; and a victory described; in pursuit of which the Macedons ran beyond the bounds and monuments of Bacchus his expedition.  
The truth is, That Curtius and Trogus have greatly mistaken this River which they call Tanais. For it was the River of jaxartes, that runs between Sogdiana and Scythia, which Alexander passed over, while Menedemus was employed in the recovery of Samarchand: But Tanais which divides Asia from Europe, is near two thousand miles distant from any part of Bactria and Sogdiana, and the way desert & unknown. So that Alexander had (besides jaxartes) the great River of Volga and many others to swim over, ere he could recover Tanais: which (from the place where he was) he could hardly have discovered with the Army that followed him, if he had employed all the time that he lived in Asia in that travail.  
Wherhfore it is enough to believe, that the Asiatic Scythians, making some offer to disturb the erection of this new City, which was like to give some hindrance to their excursions, were driven away by the Macedonians; and being naked of defensive Arms, easily chased some ten or twelve miles; which is the substance of Curtius his report. As for the limits of Bacchus his journey; like enough it is that Bacchus (if in his life time he were as sober a man, as after his death he was held a drunken God) went not very far into that waste Countric, where he could find nothing but trees and stones, nor other business than to set up a monument.  
Threescore of the Macedons are said to have been slain, and one thousand one hundred hurt in this fight, which might casily be in passing a great River, defended against them by good Archers. Of Scythian horses one thousand eight hundred were brought into the Camp, and many prisoners. It is sorbidden by some Historians, and indeed it is hardly possible, to set down the numbers of such as perish in battle: yet Caesar commonly did it. And where the diligence of the 〈◊〉 hath been so inquisitive into the greatness of their own success, that writers have been able to deliver such particulars by credible report, I hold it not unlawful to set down what we find; especially when it serves to give light to the business in hand. The small number which the Macedonians lost; the omission of the number which they slew (a thing not usual in Curtius, who forbears nothing that may set out the greatness of Alexander) and the little booty that was gotten; do make it probable, that this war was no better than the repulsion of a few roving Tartars (the like being yearly performed by the Moscovite, without any boast) and therefore better omitted by some Historians, than so highly extolled as a great exploit by others.  
While Alexander was assuring himself of those Scythians bordering upon jaxartes, he received the ill news that Menedemus was slain by Spitamenes, the Army (by him led) broken, and the greatest numbers slain, to wit, two thousand foot, and three hundred horse. He therefore, to appease the rebellion, and to take revenge of Spilamenes, makes all the haste he can; but Spitamenes flies into Bactria. Alexander kills, burns, and lays waste all before him; not sparing the innocent children, and so departs, leaving a new Governor in that Province.  
To repair this loss he received a great supply of nineteen thousand Soldiers out of Greece, Lycia, and Syria; with all which, and the old Army, he returns towards the South, and passeth the River of Oxus; on the Southside whereof he built six Towns near each other for mutual succour. But he finds a new startup-rebell, called 〈◊〉, (a 〈◊〉) followed with thirty thousand Soldiers that defended against him a strong piece of ground on the top of a high Hill; whom when Alexander had sought in vain to win by fair words, he made choice of three hundred youngmen, and promised ten talents to the first, nine to the second, and so in proportion to the rest, that could find a way to creep up to the top thereof. . This they performed with the loss of some two and thirty of their men, and then made a sign to Alexander, that they had performed his commandment. Hereupon he sent one Cophes to persuade Arimazes to yield the place; who, being showed by Cophes that the Army of Macedon was already mounted up, yielded simply to Alexander's mercy, and was (with all his kindred) scourged and crucified to death; which punishment they well deserved for neglecting to keep good watch in so dangerous a time. For the place, as seems by the description, might easily have been defended against all the Armies of the World. But, what strength cannot do; Man's wit, being the most forcible engine, hath often effected; Of which I will give you an example in a place of our own.  
The Island of Sarke, joining to Garnsey and of that government, was in Queen 〈◊〉 time surprised by the French, and could never have been recovered again by strong hand, having 〈◊〉 and corn enough upon the place to feed so many men as will serve to defend it, and being every way so inaccessible, that it might be held against the Great Turk. Yet by the industry of a Gentleman of the Netherlandss, it was in this sort regained. He anchored in the road with one Ship 〈◊〉 small burden, and, pretending the death of his Merchant, besought the French, being some thirty in number, that they might bury their Merchant in hallowed Ground, and in the Chapel of that Isle; offering a present to the French of such Commodities as they had aboard; whereto (with condition that they should not come ashore with any weapon, not not so much as with a Knife) the Frenchmen yielded. Than did the Flemings put a Coffin into their Boat, not filled with a dead carcase, but with Swords, Targets, and Harquebuses; The French received them at their landing; and searching every of them so narrowly as they could not hide a Penknife, gave them leave to draw their Coffin up the Rocks with great difficulty; some part of the French took the Flemish Boat and rowed aboard their Ship, to fetch the commodities promised, and what else they pleased, but being entered, they were taken and bound. The Flemings on the Land, when they had carried their Coffin into the Chapel, shut the door to them, and taking their weapons out of the Coffin, set upon the French; they run to the Cliff and cry to their Company 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fleming to come to their succour, but finding the Boat charged with Flemings, yielded themselves and the place. Thus a Fox-tail doth sometimes help well to piece out the Lions-skinne, that else would be too short.   

§. XIX. How ALEXANDER slew his own friends.  
AFter these Sogdian and Scythian Wars, we read of Alexander's kill of a Lion, and other frivolous matter, and that he committed the Government of Maracanda, & the Country about it, to Clitus, and how he slew him sooneafter, for valuing the virtue of Philip the father before that of Alexander the son, or rather because he objected to the King the death of Parmenio, and derided the Oracle of Hammon: for therein he touched him to the quick, the same being delivered in public and at a drunken Banquet. Clitus, indeed, had deserved as much at the King's hands, as any man living had done, and had in particular saved his life, which the King well remembered when he come to himself, and when it was too late. Yet to say the truth. Clitus his insolency was intolerable. As he in his Cups forgot whom he offended, so the King in his (for neither of them were themselves) forgot whom he went about to slay, for the grief whereof he tare his own face and sorrowed so inordinately, as, but for the persuasions of Calisthenes, it is thought he would have slain himself.  
Wine begat Fury, Fury matter of Repentance: but preceding mischiefs are not amended by succeeding bewail: Omne vitium ebriet as & incendit, & detegit; obstantem malis conatibus 〈◊〉 removet; ubi possedit animum nimia vis vini, quicquid mali 〈◊〉, emergit: non facit ebrietas vitia, sed protrahit; Drunkenness both kindles and lays open every vice; it removes out of the way that shame which gives impediment unto bad attempts; where wine gets the mastery, all the ill that before lay hidden breaks out: drunkenness indeed rather discovers vices, than makes them.  
Soon after this, Spitamenes, who slew Bessus, and had lately revolted from Alexander, was murdered by his Wife, and his head presented to Alexander. Spitamenes being taken away, the Dahans also seized upon his fellow-conspirator Dataphernes, and delivered him up. So Alexander being now freed from all these pettie-Rebels, disposed of the Provinces which he passed over, and went on with his Army into Gabaza, where it suffered so much Hunger, Cold, Lightning, Thunder, and Storm, as he lost in one Tempest a thousand of his Train. From hence he invaded the Sacans and destroyed their Country. Than come he into the Territory of Cohortanes, 
Curt. lib. 9  who submitted himself unto him, feasted him greatly, and presented him with thirty beautiful Virgins, among whom Roxane, afterward his Wife, was one: which although all the Macedonians disdained, yet noon of them durst use any freedom of speech after Clitus his death. From hence he directed his course towards India, having so increased his numbers, as they amounted to an hundred and twenty thousand armed men.  
In the mean while he would needs be honoured as a God: whereto that he might allure the Macedonians, he employed two pernicious Parasites, 〈◊〉 and Gleo; whom Calisthenes opposed: For, among many other honest arguments used to the assembly, he told Cleo, That he thought, that Alexander would disdain the gift of Godhead from his Vassals; That the opinion of Sanctity, though it did sometime follow the death of those, who in their lifetime had done the greatest things, yet it never accompanied any one as yet living in the world. He further told him, That neither Hercules nor Bacchus were Deified at a banquet, and upon drink, (for this matter was propounded by Cleo at a carousing feast) but that, for the more than manly acts by them performed while they 〈◊〉, they were in future and succeeding Ages numbered among the gods. Alexander stood behind a partition and heard all that was spoken, waiting but an opportunity, to be revenged on Calisthenes, who being a man of free speech, honest, learned, and a lover of the King's honour, was yet soon after tormented to death, not for that he had betrayed the King to others: but because he never would condescend to betray the King to himself, as all his detestable flatterers did. For in a conspiracy against the King made by one Hermolaus and others (which they confessed) he caused Calisthenes without confession, accusation, or trial, to be torn asunder upon the rack: This deed, unworthy of a King, Seneca thus censureth. Hoc est ALEXANDRI crimen aeternum, quod nulla virtus, nulla bellorum foelicitas redimet. Nam quotiens quis dixerit, Occidit Persarum multa millia: opponitur, & CALLISTHENEM: Quotiens dictum erit, Occidit DARIUM: opponitur, & CALLISTHENEM. Quotiens dictum erit, Omnia Oceano tenus vicit, ipsum quoque tentavit novis classibus, & Imperium ex angulo Thraciae usque ad Orientis terminos protulit: dicetur, sed CALLISTHENEM occidit. Omnia licet antiqua Ducum Regumque exemplatransierit, ex his quae fecit nihil tam magnum erit quam scelus CALISTHENES; This is the eternal crime of ALEXANDER, which no virtue nor felicity of his in War shall ever be able to redeem. For as often as any man shall say, He slew many thousand Persians'; it shall be replied, He did so, and he slew CALISTHENES: When it shall be said, He slew DARIUS, it shall be replied, and CALISTHENES; When it shall be said, He wan all as far as to the very Ocean, thereon also he adventured with unusual Navies; and extended his Empire from a corner of Thrace, to the utmost bounds of the Orient, It shall be said withal; But he killed CALLLISTHENES. Let him have outgone all the ancient examples of Captains and Kings; noon of all his acts makes so much to his glory, as CALISTHENES to his reproach.   

§. XX. Of ALEXANDER'S journey into India. The battle between him and PORUS.  
WIth the Army before remembered, of one hundred and twenty thousand foot and horse, Alexander did enter the borders of 〈◊〉, where such of the Princes, as submitted themselves unto him, he entertained lovingly, the rest he constrained; kill Man, Woman, and Child, where they resisted. He then come before Nisa built by Bacchus, which after a few days was rendered unto him. From thence he removed to a Hill at hand, which on the top had goodly Gardens filled with delicate first-fruits and Vines, dedicated to Bacchus, to whom he made feasts for ten days together. Now when he had drunk his fill, he went on towards Dedala, and thence to Acadera, Countries spoiled and abandoned by the Inhabitants, by reason whereof, victuals 〈◊〉, he divides his 〈◊〉: Ptolemy led one part, Cenon another, and himself the rest. They take many Towns, whereof that of greatest fame was Mazage, which had in it three hundred thousand men; but after some resistance, it was yielded unto him by 〈◊〉 the Queen, to whom again he restored it; at the siege of this City he received a wound in the leg. After this, Nora was taken by Polysperchon, and a Rock of great strength by himself: he wannealso a passage upon one Eryx, who was 〈◊〉 by his company, and his head presented to Alexander. This is the sum of Alexander's doings in those parts, before such time as he arrived at the River of Indus. Coming to Indus, he found there Ephestion, who (being sent before) had prepared boats for the transportation of his Army, and ere Alexander's 〈◊〉, had persuaded Omphis King of that part of the Country to submit himself to this great Conqueror. Therefore, soon upon Alexander's coming, Omphis presented himself with all the strength of his Country, and six and fifty Elephants, unto him; offering him his service and assistance. He made Alexander know, that he was an Enemy to the next two great Kings of that part of India, named Abiasares and Porus; wherewith Alexander was not a little pleased, hoping by this disunion to make his own victory by far the more easy. He presented Alexander with a Crown of gold, so did he the rest of his Commanders, and withal fourscore talents of silver coin, which Alexander not only refused, but to show that he was covetous of glory, not of gold, he gave Omphis a thousand talents of his own treasure, besides other Persian rarities. Abiasares, having heard that Alexander had received his enemy Omphis into his protection, resolved to make his own peace also: For, knowing that his own 〈◊〉 did but equal that of Omphis, and that there was no other difference between them, than that which the chance of War gave, he thought it an ill match when Alexander, who had already beaten under foot all the greatest Princes of Asia, should make himself a Party and Head of the quarrel. So had Alexander noon now to stand in his way but Porus, to whom he sent a commandment, that he should attended him at the border of his Kingdom, there to do him homage. But from Porus he 〈◊〉 this manly answer; That he would satisfy him in his first demand, which was to attended him on his borders, and that well accompanied; but for any other acknowledgement he was resolved to take counsel of his Sword. To be short, Alexander resolves to pass over the River Hydaspes, and to found Porus at his own 〈◊〉. Porus attends him on the farther bank with thirty thousand foot, fourscore and ten Elephants, and three hundred armed Chariots, and a great troop of Horse. If Darius had done the like on Tigris, Alexander had surely stayed somewhat longer ere he had seen India. The River was four furlongs broad, which makes half a mile, and withal deep and swift. It had in it many islands, among which there was one well shadowed with wood, and of good capacity. Alexander sent 〈◊〉 up the River with a great part of the Army, shrouding the rest from the view of Porus: who by this device being drawn from his first encamping, sets himself down opposite to Ptolemy, supposing that the whole Army of Macedon meant to force their passage there. In the mean while Alexander 〈◊〉 the farther shore without resistance. He orde's his troops and advanceth towards Porus, who at first rather 〈◊〉, that Abiasares his Confederate (but now the Confederate of fortune) had been come over Hydaspes to his aid, than that Alexander had past it. But he finds it otherwise, and sends his Brother Hagis with four thousand horse, and a hundred armed wagons to entertain him. Each wagon had in it four to fight, and two to guide it; but they were at this time of little use: for there had fallen so much rain, and thereby the fields were so moistened, as the horses could hardly troth. The Scythians & Dahans had the Vanguard, who so galled these Indian's, as they broke their reins, & other furniture, overturning the wagons, and those in them. Perdiccas also gave up the Indian horsemen, and the one & the other were forced to recoil. Porus moves forward with gross of his 〈◊〉, that those of his Vanguard scattered might recover his Rear: Alexander being followed with Ephestion, Ptolemy, and Perdiccas, took on him to charge the Indian horsemen on the left wing, commanding Cenus or Cenon to invade the right; Antigonus and Leonatus, he directed to break upon Porus his battle of foot, strengthened with Elephants, Porus himself being carried upon one of them of the greatest stature. By these beasts the Macedonian foot were most offended; but the Archers and Darters being well guarded with the long and strong Pikes of the Macedons, so galled them, as being enraged, they turned head, and ran over the foot that followed them: In the end, and after a long and doubtful fight, by the advantage of weapon, and by the courage and skilfulness of the Macedonian Captains, the victory fell to Alexander, who also far exceeded Porus in number: for besides the Macedonians and other Eastern and Northern Nations, Porus was assailed by his own Confederate and Country people. Yet for his own person he never gave ground otherwise then with his sword towards his enemies, till being weakened with many wounds, and abandoned by his army, he become a prisoner to the Conqueror, from whom again he received his estate with a great enlargement.   

§. XXI. How ALEXANDER finished his expedition, and returned out of India.  
I Forbear to trouble myself and others with a frivolous discourse of Serpents, Apes and Peacocks, which the Macedonians found in these their travails: or of those petty Wars which Alexander made between the overthrow of Porus, and his sailing down the River of Indus. The descriptions of places about the head and branches thereof are better known unto us in this Age, by means of our late Navigations into those parts, than they were in any former times. The magnificence and riches of those Kings we could in no sort be persuaded to 〈◊〉, till our own experience had taught us, that there were many stranger things in the World, than are to be seen between London and Stanes.  
Our great traveler Mandevile, who died in the year 1372. and had seen so much of the World, and of the East India, we accounted the greatest fabler of the World; yet had he another reputation among other Nations, as well able to judge as we. Witness the Monument made of him in the Covent of the Friars Guillimins in Liege, where the religious of that place keep some things of his, come pour honourable 
Guic. in Disc. of the Low Countries.  memoire de son Excellence; For an honourable memory of his Excellency, saith Guichar dine.  
The Countries towards the Springs of Indus, and where those many Rivers of Hydaspes, Zaradriss, Acesine, and the rest, fall into the main stream, are now possessed by the great Mogor, the ninth from Tamberlane, who commands all that tract between Persia and Indus towards the West, as also a great extent of Country towards Ganges. In the mouth of Indus, the Ascension, a ship of London, suffered shipwreck, in the year 1609. and some of the company travailed over Land till they come to Agra, the same great City (as I take it) which our later Cosmographers call Nagra, being named of old Dionysopolis.  
Phylostratus in the life of Apollonius Tyanaeus, speaking of the expedition of Bacchus and Hercules into the East India, tells us, that those two great Captains (whom Alexander sought by all means to out-fame) when they endeavoured to subject unto them the Oxydracae, a people inhabiting between the Rivers of Hyphasis and Ganges, they were beaten from the assault of their cities with thunder and lightnings. This may well be understood by the great Ordinance that those people had then in use. For it is now certainly known, that the great Kings of the uttermost East, have had the use of the Canon, many hundreds of years since, and 〈◊〉 since their first 〈◊〉 and greatness, which was long before Alexander's time. But Alexander pierced not so far into the East. It sufficed, that having already overwearied his Army, he discovered the rest of India by fame. The Indian Kings whom he had subdued, informed him, that a Prince called Aggramenes, who commanded many Nations 〈◊〉 yonder the River of Ganges, was the powerfullest King of all those Regions: and that hewas able to bring into the field two hundred thousand Foot, three thousand Elephants, twenty thousand Horse, and two thousand armed Chariots. With this report, though Alexander were more inflamed, than ever to proceed in this discovery and conquest, yet all the art he had, could not persuade the Soldiers to wander over those great deserts beyond Indus and Ganges, more terrible unto them than the greatest Army that the East could gather. Yet at the last contented they were, after many persuasive Orations, to follow him towards the South, to discover such part of the Ocean Sea, as was nearer at hand, whereunto the River of Indus was their infallible guide. Alexander seeing that it would be no otherwise, 〈◊〉 a pretty trick, wherewith he hoped to beguile posterity, and make himself seem greater than he was. He enlarged his Camp, made greater trenches, greater cabbines for the Soldiers, greater Horse-stalles, and higher mangers than his Horses could feed in. He caused all furniture of Men and Horses to be made larger than would serve for use; and scattered these Armours and Bridles about his Camp, to be kept as relics, and wondered at by the Savages. Proportionable to these he raised up twelve 〈◊〉 Altars to be the monument of his 〈◊〉 end. This was a ready way to increase the fame of his bigness; to his greatness it could add nothing save a suspicion, that it was less than is thought, seeing he strove so earnestly to make it thought more than it was.  
This done, he returned again to the bank of Acesine, and there determined to set up his fleet where Acesine and Hydaspis encounter, where to testify by a surer monument, how far he had past towards the East, he built by those rivers two Cities: the one he called Nicaea, and the other Bucephalon, after the 〈◊〉 of his beloved Horse Bucephalus. Here again he received a fourth supply of six thousand Thracian Horsemen, 〈◊〉 thousand Foot, and from his Lieutenant at Babylon five and twenty thousand Armours, garnished with silver and gold, which he distributed among his Soldiers. About these Rivers he wan many Towns, and committed great slaughter on those that resisted; It is then written of him, that assaulting a City of the Oxidracans, he leapt from the top of the wall into it, and fought, I know not how long, against all the Inhabitants; tales like those of Bevis of Southampton, frivolous and incredible. Finally, he passed down the River with his fleet, at which time also the news come unto him of a rebellion in Bactria, and then of the arrival of an hundred Ambassadors from a King of India, who submitted himself unto him. He 〈◊〉 these Ambassadors upon a hundred beds of gold, with all the sumptuosity that could be devised, who soon after their dispatch returned again with a present of three hundred Horse, one hundred and thirty Wagons, and to each four Horses, a thousand Targets, with many other things rare and rich.  
Their entertainments ended, he sails towards the South, passeth through many obscure Nations, which did all yield unto him 〈◊〉 quietly, or compelled by force: among these he builded another Alexandria. Of many places which he took in this passage, Samus was one, the Inhabitants whereof fought against him with poisoned Swords, with one of which Ptolemy (afterward King of Egypt) was wounded, and cured by an herb which Alexander dreamt that he had seen in the mouth of a Serpent.  
When he come near the outlet of Indus (being ignorant of the tides of the Sea) his Galleys as they were on a sudden shuffled one upon another by the Flood, so on the Ebb they were left on the dry ground, and on the sandy banks of the River, wherewith the Macedonians were much amazed, but after he had a few days observed well the course of the Sea, 〈◊〉 past out of the rivers mouth some few miles, and after Sacrifices offered to Neptune returned: and the better to inform himself, he sent Nearchus and Onesicritus, to discover the coast towards the mouth of Euphrates. Arrianus in the beginning of his sixt Book hath written this passage down the River of Indus at length, with the manner of the Vessels, in which he transported his Army, the Commanders that were used therein, and other the marvelous provisions made.  
Near the outlets of this River, he spent some part of the Winter, and in eighteen days march from thence recovered 〈◊〉, in which passage his Army suffered such misery for want of food, that of a hundred and twenty thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse, which he carried into India, not the fourth part returned alive.   

§. XXII. Of ALEXANDER'S Riot, Cruelty, and death.  
FRom Gedrosia, Alexander led his Army into Carmania, and so drawing near to Persia, he gave himself wholly to feasting and drinking, imitating the triumphs of Bacchus. And though this Swinish vice be hateful enough in itself, yet it always inflamed this King to Cruelty. For (saith Curtius) the Hangman followed the feast, for ASPASTES one of his Provincial Governors he commanded to be slain, so as neither did the excess of voluptuousness qualify his cruelty, nor his cruelty hinder in aught his voluptuousness.  
While he refreshed his Army in these parts, a new supply of five thousand foot and a thousand horse, was brought him by Cleander, and his fellows, that had been employed in the kill of Parmenio. Against these Murderers great complaint was made by the Deputies of the Provinces, in which they had commanded; and their offences were so outrageous, as Alexander was persuaded, that, had they not altogether despaired of his return out of India, they durst not have committed them. All men were glad of the occasion, remembering the virtue of him, whom they had slaughtered. The end was, That Cleander, and the other chief, with six hundred Soldiers by them employed, were delivered over to the Hangman: every one rejoicing that the Ire of the King was at last executed on the ministers of his Ire.  
Nearchus and Onesicritus were now returned from the coast, and made report of an Island rich in gold, and of other strange things; whereupon they were commanded to make some farther discovery: which done, that they should enter the mouth of Euphrates, and find the King at Babylon.  
As he drew near to Babylon, he visited the Sepulchre of Cyrus in Pasargada, now 
Arrianus hath a far different description of 〈◊〉 Tomb.  called Chelquera: where he was presented with many rich gifts by Orsines, one of the Princes of Persia, of the race of Cyrus. But because Bagoas, an 〈◊〉 in especial 〈◊〉 with the King, was neglected, he not only practised certain lose fellows to witness against Orsines, that he had rob Cyrus tomb, for which he was condemned to die; but he assisted the Hangman with his own hands in tormenting him. At which time also Alexander caused Phradates to be slain, suspecting his greatness. Caeperat (saith CURTIUS) esse 〈◊〉 ad repraesentanda supplicia, item ad deteriora credenda; He began head longly to shed blood, and to believe false reports. It is true, that he took a way to make all men weary of his government, seeing cruelty is more fearful, than all the adventures that can be made against it.  
At this time it is said, that Calanus the Philosopher burnt himself, when he had lived 〈◊〉 and thirteen years. Whither herein he followed the custom of his Country, being an Indian, Or sought to prevent the 〈◊〉 and incommodity of elder age, it is uncertain: but in this the Historians agreed, that foreseeing and foreshowing Alexander's death, he promised to meet him shortly after at Babylon.  
From Pasargada he come to Susa, where he married Statira, Darius his eldest Daughter, giving her younger 〈◊〉 to his beloved Ephestion, and 〈◊〉 other Persian Ladies to his Captains. There were six thousand guests invited to the feast, to each of which he gave a cup of gold. Here there come unto him three thousand young soldiers out of his conquered Provinces, whereat the Macedonians greatly murmured. Harpalus, his Treasurer in Babylon, having lavishly consumed the moneys in his keeping, got him going with five thousand talents, and six thousand hired Soldiers, but he was rejected in Greece, and there slain. Alexander greatly rejoiced at the fidelity of the Greeks, whom Harpalus with these forces and treasures could not stir: yet he sent commandment, that they should again receive their banished men, whereunto (fearful of his indignation) all submitted themselves, (except the Athenians) though they resolved, that it was a manifest preparation towards their bondage. After this there followed a marvelous discontentment in his Army, because he had resolved to sand into Macedon all those old Soldiers which could no longer endure the travel of War, and to keep the rest in Asia. He 〈◊〉 many orations to satisfy them, but it was in vain during the tempest of their fury. But afterward, as Whales are drawn to the Land with a twine thread, when they have tumbled a while, so are the unconsiderate multitude easily conducted when their first passions are evaporate. With such as were licensed to departed, he sent 〈◊〉, to whom he gave the 〈◊〉 of Macedon, Thessaly, and Thrace, which Antipater had held from his first departure out of Europe, who had beaten the rebellious Greeks in his absence, discharged the trust committed unto him with great fidelity, and sent him so many strong supplies into Asia from time to time. Certainly, if Alexander had not taken counsel of his cups, he would have cast some better colour on this alteration, and given Antipater a stronger reason for his remove, than to have employed him in the conduction of a new supply to be brought him to Babylon, the war being now at an end. For Antipater seen nothing in this remove, but the King's disposition to sand him after Parmenio, and the rest. With this Antipater, the King, notwithstanding his great courage, had no great appetite to grapple: Princes, though jealous, doc not stand in doubt of every man ill affected though valiant: but there is a kind of Kingly courage, compounded of hardiness and understanding, which is many times so fearful unto them, as they take leave both of Law and Religion, to free themselves thereof.  
After he had sent for Antipater, he made a journey into Media to settle things there; where Ephestion, whom he favoured most of all men, dies. The King according to the greatness of his love, laments his loss; hangs his Physician; and bestows upon his Monument twelve thousand talents: After which he returns to Babylon. Thither Antipater come not, but sent; and not to excuse himself, but to free himself. For if we believe Curtius (whom Plutarch and others gainsay) Antipater by his Sons, Cassander, Philip, and jolla, who waited on Alexander's cup, gave him poison, Thessalus (who was of the conspiracy) having invited him to a drinking feast of purpose. For after he had taken a carouse in Hercules his cup, a draft of drink stronger than Hercules himself, he quit the World within a few days.  
Certainly the Princes of the World have seldom found good, by making their ministers overgreat, and thereby suspicious to themselves. For he that doth not acknowledge fidelity to be a debt, but is persuaded, that Kings aught to purchase it from their Vassals, will 〈◊〉 please himself with the price given. The only restorative, indeed, that 〈◊〉 it, is the goodness and virtue of the Prince, and his liberality makes it more diligent; so as proportion and distance be observed. It may be that Antipater having commanded two or three Kingdoms twelve years, knew not now how to play any other part; no more than Caesar did, after he had so long a time governed the Gauls, where heutterly forgot the art of obedience. A most cruel and ungrateful traitor Antipater was, if Curtius do not bely him: For though he feared some ill measure upon his remove (the Tragedies of Parmcnio, Clitus, and Calisthenes, having been so lately acted) yet he knew nothing to the contrary, but that the King had resolved to have given him some other great government in Asia: The old Soldiers thence returned, having perchance desired to be governed by Craterus, whom they had followed in all the former War.   

§. XXIII. Of ALEXANDER'S Person and qualities.  
Howsoever it were, Alexander's former cruelties cannot be excused, no more than his vanity to be esteemed the son of jupiter, with his excessive delight in drink and drunkenness, which others make the cause of his fever and death. In that he lamented his want of enterprising, and 〈◊〉 to consider what he should do when he had conquered the World, Augustus Caesar found just cause to deride him, as if the well governing of so many Nations & Kingdoms, as he had already conquered, could not have offered him matter more than abundant, to busy his brains withal. That he was both learned and a lover of learning, it cannot be doubted. 〈◊〉 Francis Bacon, in his first book of the advancement of learning, hath proved it sufficiently. His liberality I know not how to praise, because it exceeded proportion. It is said, That when he gave a whole City to one of his Servants, He, to whom it was given, did out of modesty refuse it, as disproportionable to his fortune: to whom Alexander replied, That he did not inquire what become him to accept, but the King to give: of which SENECA; Animosa vox videtur & regia, cum sit stultissima. 
L. 2. de Ben. c. 1.  Nihil enim per se quenquam decet. Refert, quid, cui, quando, quare, ubi, etc. sine quibus facti ratio non constabit; habeatur personarum & dignitatum proportio, & cum sit 〈◊〉 virtutis modus, aeque peccat quod excedit, quam quod deficit; It secmes a brave & royal speech, whereas indeed it is very foolish. For nothing simply considered by itself beseems a man. We must regard what, to whom, when, why, where, and the like; without which considerations no act can be approved. Let honours be proportioned unto the persons: for whereas virtue is ever limited by measure, the excess is as faulty as the defect.  
For his Person, it is very apparent, That he was as valiant as any man, a disposition taken by itself, not much to be admired; For I am resolved that he had ten thousand in his Army as daring as himself. Surely, if adventurous natures were to be commended simply, we should confounded that virtue with the hardiness of thieves, Ruffians, and mastiff Dogs. For certainly it is no way praiseworthy but in daring good things, and in the performance of those lawful enterprises, in which we are employed for the service of our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Commonweals.  
If we compare this great Conqueror with other Troublers of the World, who have bought their glory with so great destruction, and effusion of blood, I think him far inferior to Caesar, and many other that lived after him, seeing he never undertook any warlike Nation, the naked Scythians excepted, nor was ever 〈◊〉 with any Army of which he had not a most mastering advantage, both of weapons and of Commanders, every one of his Father's old Captains by far excceding the best of his Enemies. But it seemeth, Fortune and Destinies (if we may use those terms) had found out and prepared for him, without any care of his own, both heaps of Men, that willingly offered their necks to the yoke, and Kingdoms, that invited and called in their own Conquerors. For conclusion, we will agreed with Seneca, who speaking of Philip the Father, and Alexander the Son, gives this judgement of them. Quod non minores fuere pestes mortalium quàm inundatio, qua planum 
Natur. quast, l. 3. q. 1.  omne perfusum est, quàm conflagratio qua magna pars animantium 〈◊〉; That they were no less plagues to mankind, than an oner-flow of waters, drowning all the levill; or some burning drought, whereby a great part of living creatures is scorched up.    

CHAP. III The reign of ARIDAEUS.  

§. I. Of the question about succession to ALEXANDER.  
THE death of Alexander left his Army (as 〈◊〉 the Athenian then compared it) in such case, as was that monstrous Giant Polyphemus, having lost his only eye. For, that which is reported in fables of that great Cyclops, might well be verified of the Macedonians: their force was intolerable, but for want of good guidance uneffectual, and harmful chief to themselves. The causes whereof (under the divine ordinance) were, partly the uncertainty of Title to succession in the Kingdom of Macedon, partly the stubborn pride of Alexander himself, who thinking noon worthy to be his Heir, did refuse to establish the right in any one, leaving every one to his own fortune: but especially the great ambition of his followers, who all had learned of their Master to suffer no equals; a lesson soon taught unto spirits reflecting upon their own worth, when the reverence of a greater object faileth.  
Ithath formerly been showed, That Philip (the Father of Alexander) governing in Macedon as Protector, assumed unto himself the Kingdom, not rendering it unto Amyntas, (the Son of his elder brother Perdiccas) when he grew to man's estate; but only bestowing upon him in marriage a Daughter of his own: by which bond, and much more by his proper strength, he assured the Crown unto himself: Amyntas never attempting aught against Philip; though (with price of his life) he did against Alexander in the beginning of his reign. Wherhfore Eurydice the sole issue of his marriage, aught in reason to have been acknowledged Queen after Alexander; as having better Title thereto, than either He or Philip had, when they lived, unless (peradventure) some Law of that Nation forbade the reign of women. But the excellent virtue of those two Princes had utterly defaced the right of all Pretenders, not claiming from their own bodies: and so great were their conquests, that Macedon itself was (in regard of them) a very small Appendix, and no way deserving to be laid in balance against the demand of their posterity, had they left any able to make challenge of the Royal seat.  
Alexander having taken many wives, had issue by noon of the principal of them. 〈◊〉 the Daughter of Artabazus a Persian had borne unto him a young Son: and Roxane the Daughter of Oxyartes (whom he had more solemnly married) was left by him great with child. But the baseness of the Mothers, and contempt of the conquered Nations, was generally alleged in Bar of the Plea made for them, by some that would (perhaps) have wrought out their own ends, under the name of Alexander's children.  
Cleopatra the sister of Alexander, widow to the King of Epirus, and Aridaeus his base brother (son to Philip by a Concubine of no account) who had married the Lady Eurydice before mentioned, were next in course. Of Cleopatra there was no speech, which may give suspicion, that either Law or Custom had made that sex uncapable of the 〈◊〉 Aridaeus (besides his bastardy) was neither for person nor quality fit to rule as King; yet upon him the election fell, but slowly, and (as happeneth often) for lack of a better: when the Counsellors having over-labored their disagreeing wits in devising what was best, were content for very weariness to take what come next to hand.  
Ptolemy (soon after King of Egypt) concurring with them who rejected all mention of the half- Persian brood, King Alexander's children, was of opinion, that the rule of all should be given to the Captains, that going for law which by the greater part of them should be decreed: so far was he from acknowledging any one as true Heir to the Crown.  
This Ptolemy was called the son of Lagus, but reputed of Philip: who having used the company of 〈◊〉 Ptolomeis mother, delivered her in marriage to Lagus being great with child. Therefore, whither it were so, that he hoped well to work his own fortune out of those dissensions, which are incident unto the consultations of many ambitious men, equal in place, forcing them at length to redeem their quiet with subjection to one, deserving regard by his blood, and trust for his even carriage; or whither he desired only to get a share to himself, which could not have come to pass, had all been given to one: plain enough it is, that he thought not on preferring Aridaeus before himself; and therefore gave such counsel as fitted his own and other men's purposes. Yea, this device of his took place in deed, though not in form as he had propounded it: For, it was in effect all one, to have assembled at Alexander's empty chair, as Ptolemy had conceived the form of their consultations, or to set in the chair such a King as Aridaeus, no wiser than the chair itself. Also the controversies arising were determined by the greater part of the Captains; by the greater part, if not in number, yet in pvissance.  
But as these counterfeit shows of dissembling aspirers, do often take check by the plain dealing of them, who dare to go more directly to work: so was it like to have fared with Ptolemy and the rest, when Aristonus, another of the Captains, interpreted the words of Alexander; saying, That he left his Kingdom to the worthiest, as designing Perdiccas, to whom (lying at the point of death) he delivered his ring. It seemed good in reason, that Alexander should be disposer of his own purchases; and those tokens of Alexander's purpose appeared plain enough, so long as no man would interpose another construction: every one being uncertain how the secret affections of the rest might be inclined. Many therefore, either out of their love, or because they would not be of the latest, urged Perdiccas to take upon him the 〈◊〉 Royal. He was no stranger to the Royal blood; yet his birth gave him not such reputation, as the great favour of his dead King, with whom he had been very inward, and that especially since the death of Ephestian (a powerful Minion) into whose place he was chosen. For his own worth he might well be commended, as a good man of War, and one that had given much proof of his private valour. But very surly he was: which quality (joined with good fortune) carried a show of Majesty: being checked with misadventure, it was called by a true name Pride; and rewarded with death.  
In the present business a foolish overweening did him as great harm, as it had been great happiness to have succeeded Alexander. For not content to have the acclamation of the Soldiers, approving the sentence of Aristonus, he would needs counterfeit modesty; thinking that every one of the Princes would have entreated him to take the weighty burden of an Empire, which would be the less envious, the more solemnity he used in the acceptance. It is truly said, He that feigneth himself a sheep, may chance to be eaten by a Wolf. Meleager, (a man by nature envious, and bearing a particular hatred to Perdiccas) took advantage of his irresolute behaviour, and very bitterly inveighed against him. In conclusion, he pronounced, that whosoever was Heir to the Crown, the Soldiers aught to be Heirs to the treasure; and therefore he invited them, who were nothing slow, to share it. This disturbed all the Consultation. The Captains were left alone, far enough from agreeing, and not able to have brought any conclusion to good effect without consent of the Soldiers, who greedy of spoil thronged about Meleager.   

§. II The election of ARIDAEUS, with the troubles thereabout arising; the first division of the Empire.  
During this uproar, mention was made of Aridaeus by some one, and entertained with good liking of many, until at last it grew to the voice of the Army. Meleager having with drawn himself tumultuously from the company of the Lords, was glad of so saire an occasion to make himself great: therefore he produced Aridaeus, commended him to the Soldiers, who called him by his Father's name Philip, and brought him into the Palace, investing him in Alexander's Robes, and proclaiming him King. Many of the Nobles withstood this election, but in vain: for they could not resolve what course to follow, rejecting this. Only Python, a hotheaded man, took upon him to proclaim the Son of Alexander by Roxane, according to the counsel which Perdiccas at first had given, appointing Perdiccas and Leonatus his Protectors. But this child was not yet borne, which made that attempt of Python vain. Finally, Perdiccas with six hundred men, and Ptolemy with the King's Pages took upon them to defend the place where Alexander's body lay: but the Army conducted by Meleager, who carried the new King about wither he listed, easily broke in upon them, & enforced them to accept Aridaeus for their 〈◊〉 Lord. Than by the intercession of the ancient Captains, a 〈◊〉 was propounded and admitted, but on neither side faithfully meant.  
Leonatus, who was of the Royal blood, a goodly Gentleman and valiant, issued out of Babylon, being followed by all the horse, which consisted (for the most part) of the Nobility. Perdiccas' abode in the City (but standing upon his guard) that he might be ready to take the opportunity of any commotion, that should happen among the infantry, The King (who was governed by Meleager) commanded or gave leave to have Perdiccas made away; which attempt succeeded ill, being neither secretly carried, nor committed to sure executioners. Their coming was not unexpected: and they were by Perdiccas rebuked with such gravity, that they departed honester than they come; being sorry of their bad enterprise. Upon the news of this attempt the camp was in an uproar, which the King seeking to pacify, wanted authority, as having newly got the Crown by them, and holding it by their courtesy. The matter itself afforded no good excuses, and his indiscretion made them worse. He said, that no harm was done, for Perdiccas was alive: but their exclamations were against the tyrannous enterprise, which he imputed to Meleager; abandoning the surest of his friends to the rage of the multitude, who were not appeased, until the King by offering to resign his estate unto them, renewed out of their pity that favourable affection, which had moved them to set him up at the first.  
Perdiccas' having now joined himself with Leonatus, kept the fields, intending to cut off all provision of victuals from the City. But after sundry Embassies passing between the King and the Nobles, (they requiring to have the Authors of sedition given up into their hands; the King, that Meleager might be joined with Leonatus and Perdiccas, as a Third in government of the Army) things were compounded according to the King's desire. Meleager should have done well to consider, that such men as had one day demanded his head, were not like the day following to give him a principal place among them without any new occasion offered, had not some purpose of 〈◊〉 lurked under their great facility. General peace was renewed, and much love protested where little was intended. The face of the Court was the same which it had been in Alexander's time: but no longer now did the same heart give it life; and windy spirits they were which moved in the arteries. False reports were given out by appointment of Perdiccas, tending to his own disgrace; but in such terms as might seem to have proceeded from Meleager: who finding part of the drift, but not all, took it as an injury done to himself; and (as desirous of a true friendship) desired of Perdiccas, that such authors of discord might be punished. Perdiccas (as a lover of peace) did well approve the motion; and therefore agreed that a general Muster should be made, at which time the disturbers of the common quiet should receive their punishment (as was the manner for Soldiers offending) in presence of the Army. The plot was mischievously laid: Had Meleager given way to seditious rumours, he must needs have incurred the general hatred of all, as a sour of dissension; and thereby with public approbation might have been cut off, as having often offended in that kind: his Prince being too weak a Patron. Now seeking redress of these disorders, he hastened his own ruin, by a less formal, but more speedy way. This kind of Muster was very solemn, and practised with many ceremonies, as for cleansing of the Army. The Horsemen, the Elephants, the Macedonian foot, the Mercenaries, were each according to their quality set in array, a part from others, as if they had been of sundry sorts, met at adventure: which done, the manner was to skirmish (as by way of exercise) according to direction of their several Captains. But at that time the great battle of Macedonian Pikes, which they called the Phalanx, led by Meleager, was of purpose bestowed in a ground of disadvantage; and the countenance of the horse and Elephants beginning to give charge upon them, was such, as discovered no 〈◊〉 pastime nor good intent. Kings were always wont to fight among the horsemen: of which custom Perdiccas made great use that day, to the utter confusion of his enemies. For Aridaeus was always governed by him, which for the present had him in possession. Two or three days before he had sought the death of Perdiccas at the instigation of Meleager: now he rides with Perdiccas up and down about the footmen, commanding them to deliver unto the death all such as Perdiccas required. Three hundred they were who were cast unto the Elephants, and by them slain, in the presence of the King, who should have defended them, and of their affrighted companions. But these three hundred were not the men whose punishment Meleager had expected: they were such as had followed him, when he disturbed the first consultation that was held about the election of a new King, and some of them his especial friends. Having therefore kept himself quiet a while, as unwilling to give offence to them which had the advantage; when he seen their proceed tend very manifestly to his destruction, he fled a way into a Temple, which he found no Sanctuary: for thither they sent and slew him.  
The Army being thus corrected was led into the City, where a new Council of the Princes was held, who finding what manner of man their King was, divided all the Provinces of the Empire among themselves; leaving to Aridaeus the office of a Visitor, and yet making Perdiccas his Protector, and Commander of the forces remaining with him. Than were the funerals of Alexander thought upon; whose body having been seven days neglected, was opened, and embalmed by the Egyptians: no sign of poison appearing, how great soever the suspicion might be. The charge of his burial was committed to Aridaeus: one of the Captains, who was two years preparing of great and costly show, making a stately Chariot in which the corpse was laid; many corpses of his friends being laid in the ground, before that of Alexander was bestowed in Alexandria, a City of his own building in Egypt.   

§. III The beginning of the Lamian War.  
Whilst these things were in doing, or presently after, Antipater and Crater us, two principal Noble men, and inferior to noon of Alexander's followers, if not greater than any of the rest, were busied in Greece with a War, which the Athenians more bravely than wisely had begun in Alexander's life, but now did prosecute more boldly than before, upon the courage which they had taken by his death. Alexander, not long before he died, had commanded that all the banished Greeks' (few excepted) should be restored unto their former places. He knew the factious quality of the Grecian Estates, and therefore thought so to provide, that in every City he would have a sure party. But it fell out otherwise: For he lost the hearts of many more than he wan by this proud injunction. His pleasure indeed was fulfilled; yet not without great murmuring of the whole Nation, as being against all order of Law, and a beginning of open tyranny. The Athenians greatly decayed in estate, but retaining more, 〈◊〉 was needful, of their ancient spirits, forbade the execution of this decree in their Dominions; so did also the Aetolians, who were valiant men, and inhabited a Region well fortified by nature: yet neither of them took Arms, but seemed to bear themselves, as men that had done no more than they might well 〈◊〉 by reason: nevertheless to prevent the worst, the Athenians gave secret instructions to Leosthenes a Captain of theirs, willing him to levy an Army, but in his own name, and to keep it in a readiness for their use. This was no hard thing for Leosthenes to do: great numbers of Greek Soldiers being lately returned from the Asian War in poor estate, as defrauded of their pay by the Captains. Of these he had gathered up eight thousand, when the certain news were brought of Alexander's death: at which time the City of Athens declared itself, and more honourably than wisely, proclaimed open War against the Macedonians, for the liberty of Greece. Hereupon Leosthenes drew in the Aetolians, and some other Estates, gave battle to the Boeotians, who sided with Antipater, and overthrew them; growing so fast in reputation, and so strong in Adherents; That Antipater (arming in all haste, yet suspecting his own strength) was feign to sand into Asia to Craterus for secure.  
Nothing is more vain than the fears and hopes of men, shunning or pursuing their destinies afar off, which deceive all mortal wisdom, even when they seem near at hand. One month was scarcely past, since nothing so heavily burdened the thoughts of Antipater as the return of Craterus into 〈◊〉; which he then feared as death, but now desired as the most likely assurance of his life. Craterus, whom Alexander held as of all men the most assured unto him, was sent into Macedon to convey home the old Soldiers (that was the pretence) and to succeed Antipater in the government of Macedon and Greece. The suspicions were strong that he had a privy charge to put Antipater to death: neither did that which was commonly published sounded much better; which was, That Antipater should be sent unto the King, as Captain of the young Soldiers, newly to be levied in Europe. For Alexander was much incensed against him by his Mother Olympias: and would sometimes give out speeches testifying his own jealousy and hatred of him; but yet he strove to smother it, which in a cruel Prince betokeneth little good. Few of Alexander's Lieutenants had escaped with life: most of them indeed were mean persons in regard of those who followed him in his Indian expedition, and were therefore (perhaps) removed to make place for their betters. But if the King's rigour was such, as could find rebellious purposes (for so he interpreted even lewd government) in base persons; little might Antipater hope for, who having sitten Viceroy ten years in the strongest part of the Empire, was called away to the presence of so fell a Master, and the envy of a Court, wherein they had been his inferiors, which would now repined to see him their equal. Therefore whither his fear drew him to prevention, working first the King's death by poison, given by his Son jolaus, Alexander's cupbearer; or whither it broke not forth until opportunity had changed it into the passion of revenge, which was cruelly performed by his Son Cassander: great cause of much fear he had, which I note in this place, as the ground of effects to be produced in very few years.  
At the present Craterus was sent for, and all the Captains of companies lying near, solicited to make haste. Not without cause. For in Macedon there could not at that time be raised more than thirteen thousand foot, and six hundred horse; which Muster was of raw Soldiers, all the force of the Country being emptied into Asia. The Thessalians indeed who had long stood firm for Philip and Alexander, who also were the best horsemen of Greece, furnished him with very brave troops, that might have done great service, had their faith held out, which they changed for the liberty of Greece. With these forces did Antipater in 〈◊〉 try the fortune of a battle with Leosthenes; rather (as may seem) fearing the increase of his enemy's power and rebellion of the 〈◊〉, (were they not checked at the first) than presuming on his own strength. For Leosthenes had of Athenians, Aetolians, and Mercenaries, two & twenty thousand foot, besides the assistance of many petty Signories, and of some Illyrians, and Thracians: of horse he brought into the field about two thousand and five hundred; but overstrong he was that way also, when once the Thessalians had revolted unto him. So Antipater lost the day: and his loss was such, that he neither was able to keep the field, nor to make a safe retreat into his own Country: therefore he fled into the Town of Lamia, which was well fortified, and well provided of all things necessary to bear out a siege. Thither did Leosthenes follow him, present him battle again, and upon the refusal close up the Town with earth-workes, and a wall. There will we leave him for a while, travailing in the last honourable enterprise that ever was under taken by that great City of Athens.   

§. FOUR How PERDICCAS employed his Army.  
KIng Aridaeus living under the rule of Perdiccas, when all the Princes were go each to his own Province, kept a naked Court: all his greatness consisting in a bore title, supported by the strength of his Protector, who cared not for him otherwise than to make use of him. Perdiceas had no Province of his own peculiar, 〈◊〉 was he like to be welcome to any whom he should visit in his Government. A stronger Army than any of the rest he had, which he might easily hope in that unsettled condition of things to make better worth to him, than many Provinces could have been. The better to accomplish his desires, he closely sought the marriage of 〈◊〉, the sister of Alexander; yet about the same time he either married Nicaea the Daughter of Antipater, or made such love to her as blinded their 〈◊〉, who did not somewhat narrowly search into his doings.  
Ariarathes the Cappadocian, the second of that name, and tenth King of that Country, had continued faithful to the Persian Empire as long as it stood: following the example of his forefathers, even from Pharnaces the first that reigned in Cappadocia, who married Atossa sister to the great Cyrus. Some of his Ancestors had (indeed) been oppressed by the Persians': but what Fortune took from them at one time Virtue restored at another, and their faithful Princes had much increased all. But now in the fatal Period of so great an Empire, with much wisdom, and (Darius being slain) with sufficient honour, he might have acknowledged the Macedonian in the Persians' room. This he did not; neither did Alexander call him to accounted, being occupied with greater cares. But Perdiccas, who had no greater business wherein to entertain his Army, found it expedient both for the honour of the Empire, to take in that inland Kingdom, surrounded with Provinces of the Macedonian conquest, and for his own particular to have one opportune place of sure retreat, under the government of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 friend. Therefore he entered Cappadocia, fought with Ariarathes, who drew into the field thirty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse (a strong Army, had it not encountered a stronger, and better trained) wan the victory, and thereby the whole Kingdom. But with much 〈◊〉 did he use the victory: for having taken Ariarathes prisoner with many others, he crucified him, and as many of his Kindred as he could light upon: and so delivered that Province to Eumenes, whom of all men living he trusted most.  
Another part of his forces he had committed to Python; rather as to the most honourable of such as remained about him, than as to the most assured. Python was to subdue the Greeks', rebelling in the high Countries of Asia. Above twenty thousand foot, and three thousand horse they were, (all old Soldiers) who planted in Colonies by Alexander, to bridle the barbarous Nations, were soon weary of their unpleasant habitations, and the rude people, among whom they lived: and therefore took advantage of the present troubles to 〈◊〉 unto themselves a better fortune. Against these Python went, more desirous to make them his own, than to destroy them: which intent of his Perdiccas discovering, did both give him in charge to put all those Rebels to the sword, giving the spoils of them to his Soldiers, and further enjoined it unto Python's Captains (his own creatures) that they should see this command executed. These directions for use of the victory might have proved needless; so uncertain was the victory itself. A Captain of the Rebels commanding over three thousand, corrupted by Python, did in the heat of the fight (which was very doubtful) 〈◊〉 without necessity to a Hill not far off. This dismayed the rest, and gave the day to Python: who being far enough from Perdiccas, offered composition to the vanquished, granting unto them their lives and liberty, under condition of laying down their arms; and hereupon he gave them his faith. Being master of these companies, he might well have a good opinion of his own power: all power being then valued by strength in followers, when as noon could vaunt himself as free Lord of any Territory. He had thirteen thousand foot, and eight thousand eight hundred horse, besides these new Companions, whom needless fear without great loss had caused to leave the field: but in true estimation all the greatness whereof Python might think himself assured, was (and soon appeared to be) inherent in Perdiccas. For by his command were ten thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, of those which followed Python, levied; the Rulers of the Provinces carefully obeying the letters of Perdiccas, by which they were enjoined to give assistance to that business: and by virtue of the precept given unto them by Perdiccas, did the Macedonians cut in pieces all those poor men who had yielded themselves; leaving Python as naked as he come forth to return unto his great Master.  
Now was Perdiccas mighty above the mighty, and had fair leisure to pursue his hopes of marriage with Cleopatra, and thereby to make himself Lord of all: but this must be secretly carried for fear of opposition. How it succeeded will appear, when the Lamian war taketh ending.   

§. V The process of the Lamian War.  
WE left Antipater hardly besieged, wanting means to free himself without succours from his friends in Asia. Those helps not appearing so soon as he expected, he come to parley with 〈◊〉, & would have yielded unto any terms of reason, wherewith men possessed with hope of victory, do seldom limit their desires. Leosthenes willed him without further circumstance to submit himself to discretion. This was too much for him, that had once commanded over them, who now required of him such a dishonourable composition. Wherhfore knowing that the extremities, from which as yet he was far enough, could bring no worse with it, Antipater prepared for the defence; and the other for winning the Town, which felt great want of victuals.  
In this lingering war, the Aetolians (whither weary of sitting still at a siege, or having business which they pretended at home) took their leave, & returned into their own Country. Their departure left the trenches so thinly manned, that Antipater found means to sally out upon his enemies to their great loss: for many were 〈◊〉, and Leosthenes himself among them, ere he could be repulsed into the Town. Yet hereby the Macedonians were nothing relieved, 〈◊〉 victuals wasted, and they were not strong enough to deal with the Greeks in open fight. Craterus was long in coming. Lysimachus who was nearest at hand in Thrace, had work too much of his own, leading no more than 4000 foot, and 2000 horse, against Seuthas the Thracian King, who brought into the field above four times that number; and though Lysimachus, not without loss, had gotten one victory, yet the enemy abounding in multitude, felt not the blow so much as might abate his courage. Therefore Leonatus was earnestly solicited by Antipater's friends, to make all haste to the rescue. He had the government of 〈◊〉 the less, and was able to raise an Army of more than 20000 foot, and 2500. horse, whither levied out of his Province, or appointed unto him out of the main Army, it is uncertain. Certain it is, that he was more willing to take in hand the journey into Greece, than Antipater was to have him come. For Cleopatra had written unto him, desiring his presence at Pella, the chief City of Macedon, and very kindly offering herself to be his wife; which letters he kept not so close as had been requisite, and therefore brought himself into great suspicion, that soon ended with his life. Antiphilus, chosen General by the Athenians in place of Leosthenes, hearing of his approach, forsook the siege of Lamia, and took the ready way to these great Conquerors of Asia, with purpose to give them an evil welcome home, before Antipater and they should join in one. He had (notwithstanding the departure of the Aetolians) the advantage of Leonatus in horse, by the odds of 2000 Thessalians; in other things he was equal to him; in cause he thought himself Superior; in the fortune of that day he proved so: for he won a great victory (chief by virtue of the Thessalians) which appeared the greater by the end of Leonatus himself; who fight valiantly, was driven into a marish 〈◊〉 of ground, where he found his death, which desperately he had sought among the Indian's, but it waited for him at home, not far from the place of his nativity. He was the first of Alexander's Captains which died in battle, but all, or most of the rest, shall follow him the same way. After this day, the Athenians did never any thing suitable to their ancient glory.  
The vanquished Macedonians were too weak to renew the fight, & too proud to 〈◊〉. They betook themselves to high grounds, unfit for service on horseback, and so abode in sight of the enemy that day; the day following Antipater with his men come into their camp and took the charge of all. The Athenians perceiving their strength to be at the greatest, and fearing left that of the enemy should increase, did earnestly seek to determine the matter quickly by another battle. But still Antipater kept himself on ground of advantage: which gave more than reasonable confidence to the Greeks', many of whom departed to their homes, accounting the enemy to be vanquished. This recklessness (incorrigible in an Army of voluntaries) was very inexcusable; seeing that the victories by Land were much 〈◊〉 by losses at Sea, where the 〈◊〉 labouring to have made themselves once again Masters, were put to the worst.  
But now the fatal captivity of Greece come on, of which she never could be delivered unto this day. Craterus with a strong Army having made great marches from Cilicia, passed over into Europe, and coming into Thessaly, joined himself with Antipater. The forces of 〈◊〉, Antipater, and Craterus, being joined in one, contained forty thousand waightily armed, three thousand light-armed men, and five thousand horse; of which numbers the Greeks' wanted a thousand and five hundred in horse, in foot eighteen thousand. Carefully therefore did Antiphilus labour to avoid the necessity of a battle, until such time as the Towns confederate, should return unto the camp those bands which had straggled from it. But those companies were so slow in coming, and Antipater so urgent upon the Greeks, that compelled they were to put the matter in hazard without further attendance. Like enough it is, that with a little more help they had carried away the victory: for the Thessalians had the upper hand, and held it, until such time as they perceived their battles (over-laied with multitude) retire unto the higher grounds, which caused them also to fall back. So the Macedonians become Lords of the field, having little else to boast of, considering that with the loss of a hundred and 〈◊〉 men, they had purchased only the death of some five hundred enemies. Yet hereof was great use made. For the Greeks', as not subject unto the full command of one General, and being every one desirous to preserve his own estate, and City; concluded to make a treaty of peace with Antipater; who being a subtle artificer, & well understanding their aptness to division, refused to hearken to any general composition, but willed every City to deal apart for itself. The intent of his device was so apparent, that it was rejected; the Greeks' choosing rather to abide the coming of their Assistants, whose unreasonable carelessness betrayed the cause. Antipater and Craterus besieging & winning 〈◊〉 towns in Thessaly, which the army of the Confederates wanted means & courage to relieve, wearied that Nation from attending any longer upon other men's unlikely hopes, with their own assured and present calamity.   

§. VI Of the peace granted to Athens by ANTIPATER. Of DEMOSTHENES his death.  
THe Thessalians falling off, all the rest soon followed severally, and sued for peace; the gentle conditions given to the most forward, inviting such as were slack. Only the 〈◊〉 and Aetolians held out. Little favour could they hope for, having been Authors of this tumult; and their fear was not great; the seat of the war being far from them. But the celerity of Antipater confounded all their imaginations; who sat still at Athens, 〈◊〉 upon courses of prosecuting the War to come, which come to their doors, before their consultation could find issue. He was ready to enter upon their Frontiers; they had no ability to resist, and were as heartless as friendless. All that remained was to sand Ambassadors, desiring peace upon some good terms: necessity enforcing them to have accepted even the very worst. Photion, with Demades the Orator, and Xenocrates the Philosopher, were chief of this Embassage; Photion as the most Honourable; Demades as a strong Persuader; (both of them well respected by Antipater) and Xenocrates, as one admired for wisdom, gravity of manners, and virtue; but all these ornaments consisting in speculation, and therefore of less regard, when their admiration was to cost much in real effects.  
Antipater calling to mind the pride of Leosthenes, required of the Athenians, that they should wholly submit themselves to his pleasure; which being (perforce) granted, he commanded them to defray the charges of the war past, to pay a fine, and 〈◊〉 a Garrison. Further, he abrogated the popular estate, committing the government of the City to those of most wealth, depriving of the right of suffrage all such as wanted a convenient proportion of riches.  
About nine thousand they were, all men of good substance, to whom the 〈◊〉 of the Commonwealth was given; a number great enough to retain the name and form of a 〈◊〉. But the rascal multitude of beggarly persons, accustomed to get their livings out of the common troubles, being now debarred from bearing offices and giving their voices, cried out, that this was a mere Oligarchy; the violent usurpation of a few encroaching upon the public right. These turbulent fellows (of whom King Philip had been wont to say, That war to them was peace, and peace war) Antipater planted in Thrace, and gave them lands to manure; leaving as few of them as he could to molest the quiet of Athens.  
To the same end (yet withal for satisfying his own suspicions and hatred) he caused Demosthenes and Hyperides famous Orators, with some others to be slain. Had the death of these two, especially of Demosthenes, been forborn, the rest of his proceed in this action might well have passed for very mild: whereas now all such, as either are delighted with the 〈◊〉 of Demosthenes, or have surrendered their judgements to Authors justly admiring him, as the most eloquent of all that ever did speak and writ, condemn him utterly, calling him a bloody tyrant. Such grace and reputation do the learned arts find in all 〈◊〉 Nations, that the 〈◊〉 done to a man, famous in one of them, is able to blemish any action, how good soever otherwise it be, or honourably carried.  
Demosthenes had taken Sanctuary in the Temple of Neptune, in the Isle of Calauria; there did Archias (sent with Soldiers by Antipater for the purpose) find him, and gently persuade him to 〈◊〉 the place, but not so prevailing, 〈◊〉 threatened violence. Than Demosthenes, entreating a little respite as it had been to writ somewhat, secretly took poison, which he had kept for such a necessity, and so died; rather choosing to do the last execution upon himself, than to fall into the hands of such as hated him. Only this act of his (commendable, perhaps, in a Heathen man) argued some valour in him; who was otherwise too much a coward in battle, howsoever valiant in persuading to enterprises; wherein the way to very honourable ends was to be made through passages 〈◊〉 dangerous. He loved money well, and had great sums given him by the Persian, to encourage him, in finding work for the Macedonians at home. Neither did he ill (me thinks) in taking from the Persians' which loved not his Country, great reward, for speaking such things as tended to his Countries good; which he did not cease to procure, when the Persians' were no longer able to give him 〈◊〉. Such as in tender contemplation of his death can endure no honourable, though true, mention of Antipater, may (if they can) 〈◊〉 Lucian, who tells us, That it was Antipater's purpose to have done him great honour. Sure it is, that he was a 〈◊〉 enemy to the Macedonians; therefore discretion required that he should be cut off.  
The matters of Athens 〈◊〉 thus ordered, the chief command was left in the hands of Photion, a virtuous man, and lover of his Country, yet applying himself to the necessity of the times; by which commendations he had both at other times done the City much good, and now procured this peace, which (though grievous to freemen, yet favourable to the vanquished) he endeavoured carefully to preserve.   

§. VII. How CRAYERUS and ANTIPATER were drawn from their Aetolian Wars into Asia. The grounds of the first 〈◊〉 between the 〈◊〉 Lords.  
SO Antipater with Craterus returned into Macedonia, where they strengthened their friendship with a new alliance; Craterus taking Phila, the Daughter of Antipater, to Wife.  
Shortly after they went against the Aetolians, whose poverty was not so easily daunted, as the luxurious wealth of the more powerful State of Athens had been. Their Country was rough and mountainous, having many places of great fastness, into which they conveyed such of their goods as they most esteemed, and of their people, as were least fit for war: with the rest they fortified the strongest of their Cities, and so abode the coming of the Macedonians, whom they manfully 〈◊〉. With great obstinacy did the Macedonians contend against the difficulties of the places, which the Aetolians made good as long as their victuals held out. But when Craterus had shut up all passages, and utterly debarred them of relief; then were they put to a miserable choice; either to descend from their strong holds, and fight upon equal ground, with unequal numbers; or to endure the miseries of hunger and cold, against which they could make no long resistance; or to yield themselves to the Macedonians: who incensed by the loss of many good Soldiers, were not like to leave so stubborn enemies in places, which might give confidence to rebellion. In cases of extremity, much fineness of wit apprehending all circumstances of danger commonly doth more hurt, than a blunt consideration of that only, which at the presentis in hand. These Aetolians did not as yet want meat; but their enemies daily molested them: wherefore as yet they thought upon nothing but fight. Fortune was gracious to their 〈◊〉. For such news come out of Asia into the Macedonian camp, as made Antipater and Craterus think 〈◊〉 hour a month, till they had rid their hands of these Aetolians, giving them whatsoever conditions they would ask. yet with purpose to call them to severe account; yea, to root them out of Greece by death, or by captivity, when once they should have settled the affairs of Asia; as they hoped and desired. But of men's purposes God is the disposer: in whose high Counsel it was ordained, that this poor Nation should continued a troublesome bar to the proceed of Macedon and Greece, and (when time had ripened the next 〈◊〉) an open gate to let the Roman Conquerors into those and other Provinces. Likewise concerning the matters of Asia, the reformation intended by Antipater and 〈◊〉, was so far from taking effect, that it served merely as an introduction to all the civil wars ensuing.  
The grounds of the Asiatic expedition, which did set the world in an uproar, were these. Antipater and Craterus were of Alexander's Captains the mightiest in reputation: The one, in regard of his ancient precedency, and the present rule which he bore in the parts of Europe. The other, as of all men the best beloved, and most respected, both of Alexander and of the whole Army. Next unto these had Perdiccas been; whom the advantage of his presence at the King's death did make equal, or superior, to either of these, if not to both together. The first intents of Perdiccas were, to have consorted with these two, and to have been with them a third partner in the government of all; to which purpose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the discourse of marriage with one of Antipater's Daughters. But feeling in short space the strength of that gale of 〈◊〉 which bore him up, he began to take wing and soar quite another way. Aridaeus was a very simple man, yet 〈◊〉 well enough to wear the 〈◊〉 of that Majesty, whereof Perdiccas being Administrator, and hoping to become 〈◊〉, the practice was more severe than had been in the days of Alexander: the desire to seem terrible, being very familiar with weak Princes, and their ambitious Officers, who know no other means of preserving themselves from contempt, and of giving such a fiery lustre to their actions, as my dazzle the eyes of the beholders. How cruelly the poor Greeks' in the higher Asia were all put to the sword; and how tyrannously the King and Princes of Cappadocia were crucified, hath already been 〈◊〉. The 〈◊〉 were the next who felt the wrath of these counterfeit Alexander's. One City of theirs was utterly razed; the children sold for slaves, and all the rest massacred. The Isaurians by this example grown desperate, when after two or three days trial they found themselves unable to continued the defence, locked themselves into their houses, and set the Town on fire, into the flame whereof the youngmen did throw themselves, after that they had a while repelled the Macedonians from the walls.  
These exploits being performed, the Army had no other work than to sift the ashes of the burnt City for gold and silver; but Perdiccas had business of greater importance troubling his brains. Nothing was more contrary to his ends, than to sit still without employment: letting his Soldiers grow idle about him, whilst others grew great, and took deep root in their several Provinces. He purposed therefore to transport his forces into Europe, under pretence of bringing the King into Macedonia, the seat of his Ancestors, and head of the Empire. The King's presence would make the offices of his Viceroys (during the time) actually void; Antipater with Craterus being once in case of private men, and only Perdiccas holding authority, the match with Cleopatra might easily be made. So should greatness meet with a good title; and what more could be wished? Some impediment the power of Ptolemy might give, who held Egypt well fortified with men, but much better with love of the people; yet if the business prospered in Macedonia, like enough it was that either Ptolemy would follow of himself, or be driven to come to reason. Antigonus likewise then governing in Phrygia, a busie-headed man, and ill affected to the side, was to be looked into, and made away, for fear of further trouble. So thought Perdiccas, and was deceived in so thinking. Antigonus was as good a man of war, of as deep a judgement, as high a spirit, and as great undertaking, as any of Alexander's Captains. His employments had been less than some of theirs, which made him also the less respected. But his thoughts were as proud as theirs: for, he valued himself by his own worth, not by the opinions of other men; with careful attention had he watched Perdiccas, and sounded the depth of his purposes, which it was now high time to discover. For Perdiccas having with a jealous eye pried into the demeanour of Antigonus, and finding him no way fit for his turn, caused him to be charged with such accusations, as might suffice to take away his life, especially by a judge that sought his death. This device Antigonus would not seem to perceive, but prepared himself in show to make answer, indeed, to make escape, which easily he did, putting himself and his son Demetrius aboard of some Athenian Galleys, that carried him to Antipater, laden with such tidings, as finished the Aetolian war before mentioned.  
As the coming of Antigonus made Craterus and Antipater manifestly perceive their own danger: so his flight gave Perdiccas to understand that his intentions were laid open, and must now be justified by the sword. Therefore he prepared as fast as he could, not only for defence, but (as having on his side the King's name) to meet with them at home, who were nothing slack in providing to encounter him. Ptolemy being advertised of these proceed, and considering how nearly they concerned him, sided with Antipater. To his government of Egypt he had annexed the Dominion of Cyrene, not without consent of the chief Citizens; and now in the midst of these garboils he celebrated the funeral of Alexander with great solemnity, purchasing thereby to himself much good will and many partakers, notwithstanding the terrible report of the King's Army coming against him.   

§. VIII. PERDICCAS his voyage into Egypt, and his death.  
PERDICCAS, uncertain which way to bend his main power, at length resolved to set upon Ptolemy; leaving Eumenes to keep to his use, against Craterus and Antipater, the parts of Asia bordering upon Europe.  
It may seem strange, that he did not rather make head against those who were to come out of Greece with a great number, and of more able men than Ptolemy could bring. Perhaps he thought to make a quick end with Ptolemy; or believed that Craterus would not be ready for him soon enough. Sure it is that he took a bad course, and made it worse with ill handling.  
Ptolemy by his sweet behaviour alured many to his party, without help of any bad arts. Perdiccas contrariwise was full of insolency, which never faileth to be rewarded with 〈◊〉; that is truly defined. An affection founded upon opinion of an unjust contempt. The whole story of his proceed in Egypt is not worth relating: for he did nothing of importance; but (as a wilful man) tired his followers, and wasted them in hard enterprises without success. His most forcible attempt was upon a little Town, called the Camel's Wall: thither he marched by night, with more haste then good speed; for Ptolemy preventing him, did put himself into the place, where behaving himself not only as a good Commander, but as a stout Soldier, he gave the foil to Perdiccas, causing him to retire with loss; after a vehement, but vain, assault continued one whole day. The night following, Perdiccas made another journey, (which was his last) and come to the divisions of Nilus, over against Memphis. There with much difficulty he began to pass over his Army into an Island, where he meant to encamp. The current was strong, the water deep, and hardly foordable. Wherhfore he placed his Elephants above the passage, to break the violence of the stream, and his horse men beneath it; to take up such as were carried away by swiftness of water. A great part of his Army being arrived on the further bank, the channel began to wax deep; so that whereas the former companies had waded up to the chin, they who should have followed could find no footing. Whither this come by rising of the water, or flitting away of the ground; (the earth being broken with the feet of so many Men, Horse, and Elephants) no remedy there was, but such as had passed must repass again, as well as they might: for they were too weak for the enemy, and could not be relieved by their fellows. With great confusion therefore they committed themselves to the River, wherein above two thousand of them perished, a thousand were devoured by Crocodiles; a miserable spectacle even to such as were out of danger; such as were strong and could swim, recovered the Camp; many were carried down the stream, and driven to the contrary bank, whereby they fell into the hands of their enemies.  
This misfortune exasperated the Soldiers against their General, giving liberty to their tongues, which long time had concealed the evil thoughts of their hearts. While they were thus murmuring, news come from Ptolemy, which did set them in an uproar. Ptolemy had not only showed much compassion on those who fell into his hands alive, but performed all rights of funeral to the dead carcases, which the River had cast upon his side; and finally, sent their bones and ashes to be interred by their Kinsmen or Friends. This did not only move the common Soldier, but made the Captains fall to mutiny, thinking it unreasonable to make war upon so virtuous and honourable a person, to fulfil the pleasure of a Lordly ambitious man, using them like slaves. The sedition growing strong wanted only a head, which it quickly found. Python was there, who inwardly hated Perdiccas, for the disgrace which he had suffered by his procurement, after the victory upon the rebellious Greeks'. Python had lived in honourable place about Alexander; he was in the division of the Provinces made Governor of Media; he had followed Perdiccas, and being in all things (the Protectorship excepted) equal to him, had nevertheless been scornfully used by him, which now he requited. Drawing together a hundred of the Captains, & a good part of the horse, which consisted of the Gentry, (the footmen having declared themselves before) he entered the Tent of Perdiccas, where without further circumstance they all ran upon him, and 〈◊〉 him. Such end had the proud mis-governing authority of Perdiccas. He might have lived as great as any, could he have suffered any as great as himself; yea, peradventure master of all, had he not been too masterly over those which were already his.  
The next day Ptolemy come into the camp, where he was joyfully received; he excused himself of things past, as not having been Author, or given cause of the War, and was easily believed: the favour of the Army being such toward him, that needs they would have made him Protector in the room of Perdiccas. But this he refused. It was an office fit for one, that would seek to increase his greatness with his trouble. Ptolemy was well enough already; wherefore, for his own quiet he forbore to accept it, and for their well-deserving of him he procured that honourable charge to Python, and to Aridaeus the Captain, who having had some companies of Soldiers, to furnish with their attendance the solemnities of Alexander's Funerals, did with them adhere to him against Perdiccas.  
In the midst of these businesses come news of two great victories obtained by Eumenes; which news, had they arrived two or three days sooner, had been entertained with joyful acclamations; and would have given such reputation to Perdiccas, as bad caused both his private maligners to continued his open flatterers, and his open enemies to have accepted any tolerable composition. But these good tidings coming in ill time, when death had stopped the ears which would have given them welcome, found bad acceptance, as shall be showed hereafter.   

§. IX.. Victories of EUMENES in the lower Asia.  
BEfore we proceed in the relation of things, happening about the person of the King, it is meet that we speak of those businesses in the lower Asia, which were handled by Eumenes with notable dexterity, whileft Perdiccas was occupied in the Egyptian wars. Alcet as, the brother of Perdiccas, and Neoptolemus, had received command from Perdiccas to be assistant to Eumenes, and to follow his directions. But Alcetas made flat answer, That he would not; alleging the backwardness of his men to bear arms against so great a person as Antipater, and a man so much honoured as 〈◊〉, Neoptolemus was content to make fair show, but inwardly he repined at the Precedency given to Eumenes, as thinking himself the better man. Eumenes discovering, through the counterfeited looks of Neoptolemus, the mischief lurking 〈◊〉 his heart, wisely dissembled with him, in hope to win him by gentle behaviour, and sweet language, that commonly are lost, when bestowed upon arrogant creatures. Yet the better to fortify himself, that he might stand upon his own strength, he raised out of the Countries under his jurisdiction, about six thousand horse, giving many privileges to such as were serviceable, & training them well up. Not without great need. For when upon advertisement of the great preparations made by Craterus and Antipater (who had newly passed the Hellespont) for the invasion of his Provinces, he willed Neoptolemus to come to him with all his power, Neoptolemus did (indeed) advance, but in hostile manner, though vnprouoked, presented him battle. Neoptolemus had secretly covenanted with Antipater to lay open the way for him to the conquest of Asia, which now intending to perform, he thy Master's sons wife, even as 〈◊〉 hath said. This their often using of the name of JEHOVAH, which is the proper Name of the true God, is a sign that they had the knowledge of him.  
Now although it be the opinion of Saint 〈◊〉, and some later writers, as 〈◊〉, Oleaster, Musculus, Calvin, Mercer, and others, that Laban was an Idolater, because he retained certain Idols, or household God's, which 〈◊〉 stole from him; yet that he believed in the true God it cannot be denied. For he acknowledgeth the God of Abraham and of 〈◊〉, and he called Abraham's servant, blessed of JEHOVAH, as aforesaid. So as for myself I dare not avow, that these men were out of the Church, who sure I am were not out of the faith.   

§. VI That the naming of ABRAHAM first of the three brethren, Gen. 11. v. 26. doth 〈◊〉 prove that he was the eldest: together with divers reasons 〈◊〉 that ABRAHAM was not the eldest son of TERAH.  
TO the main objection which I answer last, because it seemeth of most strength, by which, those that strive to shorten the times, endeavour to prove that Abraham was the eldest son of Terah, and borne in the 70. year of Terahs' life: grounding themselves first and chief on this place of the Scripture, And TERAH lived 70. years and begat ABRAHAM, NAHOR, and HARAN: To this I say, that although Abraham in this 
Gen. 11. v 26.  verse be first named, yet the same is no proof at all that he was the eldest & first born son of Terah. For it is no necessary consequence, that the first named in Scriptures was therefore eldest in blood and birth, neither doth it appear, that it pleased God to make especial choice of the first sons in nature and time: for Seth was not the first borne of Adam; nor Isaac of Abraham; nor jacob of Isaac; nor juda and joseph of jacob: nor David the eldest of jesse; nor Solomon of David: as is formerly remembered.  
But it is written of NOAH; NOAH was 500 years old, and NOAH begat SHEM, HAM, and JAPHET: showing that at the 500 year of his age he began to beget the first of those three sons. For according to S. Augustine, speaking generally, Nec 〈◊〉 
Aug. 〈◊〉. super Gen. 25.  est in his or do nativitatis, sed significatio futurae dignitatis: in qua excelluit ABRAHAM. The order of nativity is not here to be respected, but the signification of the future dignity: in which ABRAHAM was preferred. And therefore, as in the order of the sons of Noah: so is it here; where it is said, that TERAH 〈◊〉 70. years, and beg at ABRAHAM, NAHOR, and HARAN: For it was late ere Terah began to beget Sons, himself being begotten by his Father Nachor at 29. as other his Ancestors were at 30. The like also happened to 〈◊〉: for whereas Adam begat Seth at 130; 〈◊〉 Kenan at 90; Kenan Mahalaleel at 70; Mahalaleel jered at 60: Noah was yet 500 years old when he began to beget the first of his three sons, as aforesaid. And S. Augustine in the place before cited, rather inclineth to the opinion that Abraham was the youngest of Terahs' sons, then otherwise: though for his excellency he was worthily named first. His own words are these: Fieri enim potuit ut posterior sit generatus ABRAHAM: sed merito excellentiae, qua in Scripturis valdè commendatur, prior 〈◊〉 nominatus. It might be, saith he, that ABRAHAM was begotten later: but was first named in regard of his excellency, for which in 〈◊〉 he is much commended. So as the naming first or last proveth nothing who was first or last borne: either in those issues of Noah, or in these of Terah: Neither hath God any respect of the eldest in nature, as touching his election or spiritual blessing, for Moses nameth first the children of the promise, and the 〈◊〉 and first in God's favour. Piet as ergò vel 〈◊〉 potiùs electio divina, quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 trahit pietatem, & Dei 〈◊〉, prim as partes dat SEMO in liberis NOA, & ABRAHAMO in liberis There. Piety, saith he, or rather divine election, which doth evermore draw with it or after it 〈◊〉 and the fear of God, gave place and precedency to SEM among the children of NOAH, and to ABRAHAM among those of There.  
For the rest it is manifest, that Abraham entered Canaan in the 75. year of his age. And it was in Canaan that Hagar bore him Ishmael, when Abraham had lived 86. years. 
Gen. 12. 4.  It was at Her are (the South border of Canaan) that Sarah bore Isaac, when Abraham 
Gen. 16. 16.  had consumed 100 years. It was from the valley of Mamre in Canaan that Abraham rose out, when he rescued Lot and overthrew Amraphel: and he had then but the age of 83. years: and it is as manifest that he parted from Haran after his Father 
Act. 7. 4. &  Terah was dead. But if Terah begat Abraham at 70. year old, then must Abraham 
Gen. 14.  have been 135. years when he first set his foot in Canaan: seeing Terah must be dead ere he parted, and so 70. added to 135. made 205, the true age of Terah, which is contrary to all those places of Scripture before remembered. For he entered at 75: he rescued Lot at 83: he had 〈◊〉 at 86: he had Isaac at 100 proved by the former places.  
Moreover, if Abraham were the eldest son of Terah, and borne in the 70. year of his age: then had 〈◊〉 lived till Isaac had been 35. years old, and Ishmael, 49. both which must then have been borne in Mesopotamia, and therein fostered to that age: unless we should either deny credit to S. Stephen, who saith that Abraham departed from Mesopotamia after his Father's death: or else give credit to the interpretation of Daniel Angelocrator, who in his 〈◊〉, saith it was about his Father's death: because the Greek word, 〈◊〉, may be transported by the Latin sub, aswell as by post: which though elsewhere it may be, yet cannot it be so in this place. For it were most improperly spoken, to say that those things were done about Terahs' death, which were 60. years before. Wherhfore supposing Abraham to have been borne in the 70. year of Terah; we must give those times and places of birth to Abraham's children, which no authority will warrant; For Abraham had no children in Vr of Chaldea, nor in Haran: nor in 10. years after his arrival into 〈◊〉. For the year of Terahs' death, in which Abraham left Haran, was the year of the World 2083. and the year of Ismael's birth was the World's year 2094: which maketh 10. years difference. And that Isaac was borne in Canaan, and was to be offered upon the mountain Moriah therein, 39 miles from Berjabe, where Abraham then inhabited: and that three Angels first of all appeared to Abraham in the valley of 〈◊〉, no man doubteth.  
And therefore it cannot be that any of Abraham's sons were borne in Mesopotamia; nor while Terah lived; nor in less than 10. years after Terahs' death: and then consequently was not Abraham the eldest son of Terah, nor borne in the 70. 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 age.  
Thirdly, whereas Abraham come into Canaan at 75: if Terah had begotten 〈◊〉 70, then had Terah lived but 145. for 70. and 75. make 145. which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Gen. 12.  been the full age of Terah: but Terah lived 205. year: and therefore was not Abraham borne in the 70. year of Terah.  
Fourthly, the ages of Lot and Sarah make it manifest, that Haran was the elder, if not the eldest brother of Abraham; for Sarah or 〈◊〉 wanted but 10. years of 〈◊〉 age: Isaac being borne when Abraham was 100 and Sarah 90. years old.  
It follows then, that if Abraham had been the elder brother of Haran, Haran must have begotten Sarah at 9 years old: for granting that Haran was borne but one year after Abraham, and Sarah within 10. years as old as Abraham, then of necessity must Haran beget her, when he had lived but 9 years; which were too ridiculous to imagine.  
And that 〈◊〉 was Sarah, Rab. Solomon affirmeth; both names, saith he, bearing the same signification; and names of principality. Again, to what end was the word 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 inserted in this place, if Sarah were not meant thereby? for to was shamefully disappointed. For though his footmen, being all Macedonians, had much the better, and prevailed far upon Eumenes his battles; yet were his horse driven out of the field, and himself compelled, with a few of them, to run away, leaving naked the backs of his Macedonian footmen, to be charged by Eumenes, who forced them in such wise, that casting down their Pikes, they cried for mercy, and gladly took their oath to 〈◊〉 him faithful service. Antipater and Craterus endeavoured with many goodly promises to draw Eumenes into their society, who contrariwise offered himself, as a mean of reconciliation, between Perdiccas and Craterus, whom he dearly loved; professing withal his hatred to Antipater, 〈◊〉 constant faith to the cause which he had undertaken to maintain.  
Whilst these negotiations were on foot, Neoptolemus come with his broken crew to Antipater, and his Associates, vilifying Eumenes, and calling him a Scribe (at which foolish railing they laughed) but extolling the virtue of 〈◊〉 (as well 〈◊〉 might) with high commendations; assuring them, that if Craterus did but once 〈◊〉, or that his voice were but heard by any Macedonian in Eumenes his Camp, the victory was won, for they would all forthwith revolt unto him. Earnestly therefore he desired them to give him aid against Eumenes, and especially requested that Craterus might have the leading of the Army to be sent. Their own affections did easily lead them to condescend to his motion; and good hope there was, that the reputation of Craterus might prevail as much, as the force which he drew along. For he had in the midst of Alexander's venities, when others (imitating their King) betook themselves to the Persian fashions of garments and customs, retained the ancient Macedonian form of behaviour, and apparel; whereby he become very gracious with the common Soldiers, who beheld these new tricks of Asia, with discontented eyes, as reproachful and derogarorie to the manners of their native country. So Antipater took the way toward Cilicia, to hold Perdiccas at bay, and to join with Ptolemy. Craterus used great celerity, to have taken Eumenes reveling (as he hoped) according to the common fashion of Captains after a great victory. But he had a wary and well advised enemy to encounter, who kept good espial upon him, and with much wisdom fore seen all that was to be feared, and the means of prevention, which his courage did not fail to execute.  
Eumenes was not ignorant, that Craterus was able to defeat him without battle, yea without stroke; him therefore he feared more than the Army following him: (yet the Army following him was such, as much exceeded his own in footmen, but was inferior in horsemen) and thought it more uneasy to keep the Macedonians from revolting to him, than from knowing him. Hereupon he took in hand a strange piece of work, which desperation of all courses else taught him, and wise managing, prosperously accomplished. He gave out reports, that Neoptolemus was returned with such company as he could gather together, and had gotten Pigres (a Captain of no great estimation, who lay not far off) to join with him. Having animated his men against Neoptolemus, whom he knew to be despised and hated among them, (as having been vanquished by some of them, & for saken others in plain field, whilst they valiantly fought in his quarrel) he took great care to keep them from receiving any intelligence of the enemies matters. Peremptorily he commanded, that no Messenger nor Trumpeter should be admitted; and not herewith satisfied, he placed against Craterus no one Macedonian, nor any other that much would have regarded him had he been known: but Thracians, Cappadocians, and Persians', under the leading of such, as thought more highly of noon, than of Perdiccas and himself. To these also he gave in charge, that without speaking or hearkening to any word, they should run upon the enemy, and give him no leisure to say or do any thing, but fight. The directions which he gave to others, he did not fail to execute in his own person: but placing himself in the right wing of his battle, opposite to Neoptolemus, who (as he understood) conducted the left wing on the contrary side, he held the Macedonians arranged in good order, and ready to charge the enemy as soon as the distance would give leave. A rising 〈◊〉 of ground lay between them, which having ascended, the Armies discovered each other: but that of Eumenes every way prepared for the fight, the other wearied with long journeys, which over-hastily they had made, seeking the deceitful issue of frivolous hopes. Than was it high time for Craterus (having failed in surprising them as enemies) to 〈◊〉 himself to his old friends and fellow-soldiers, of whom he could see noon. Phoenix a Tenidian, and Artabazus a Persian, had the leading of that side, who mindful of their instructions, began to give upon him, with such countenance as told him his error; which to redeem, he bade his men fight and win the day, and take the spoil to themselves. But the Bear whose skin he sells is not yet caught. The ground whereon the battle was fought gave most advantage to the horse, who encountered very roughly on all parts: especially about Eumenes and Neoptolemus, who as soon as they had discovered one another, could not contain themselves, but with great rage met body to body, and letting lose their bridles, grappled so violently together, that their horses ran from under them, leaving both of them tumbling on the ground. Neoptolemus rose first up, but Eumenes had his sword first drawn, wherewith he houghed the other, causing him to fall down and fight upon one knee. In this conflict they received many wounds, but Neoptolemus giving slight ones took such as were deadly, by which he died in the place, and was there (being half-dead halfe-alive) stripped by his mortal enemy, whose revilings he requited, lying even at the last gasp, with one wound in the groin, dangerous had it not wanted force. The death of Neoptolemus caused his followers to run away upon the spur, and seek shelter behind the battles of their foot. They were nothing hotly pursued. For Eumenes pained himself to carry succour to his left wing, which he suspected much to be distressed; but found accompanied with the same fortune, that had assisted him when he fought in person. Craterus had gallantly borne himself a while, and sustained the impression of Artabazus and Phoenix, with more courage than force; holding it nothing agreeable with his honour to retire and protract the fight, when he was charged by men of little estimation or note. Otherwise it is not unlikely, that he might have either carried the day, or preserved himself to a better adventure by giving ground, as the rest (when he and Neoptolemus were slain) did. But whilst he sought to preserve his reputation, he lost his life by the fall of his horse, or his falling from his horse, through force of a wound received; upon which accident he was trampled under foot by many that knew him not, and so perished unknown, till it was too late to know it. Eumenes coming to the place where he lay, made great lamentation, as having always loved and honoured Craterus, of whose death he was now become the instrument. The vanquished Army entertained a Treaty of peace with Eumenes, making show of willingness to become his followers; but their intent was only to refresh themselves, which (by his permission) having done, they stolen away by night, and fled toward Antipater.  
This battle fought within ten days of the former, wan to Eumenes more reputation than good will: for his own Soldiers took the death of Craterus heavily; and the Armies lying further off were enraged with the news. But other matters there were which incensed men against him, besides the death of Craterus, whereof it manifestly appeared, that he was as sorry as any that pretended greater heaviness. His Army wanted pay. This was a great fault; which he wisely amended, by giving to them the spoil of such Towns as were ill-effected to him. So he redeemed the love of his own men, who of their mere motion appointed unto him a guard for defence of his person. Others were not so easy to be reconciled. They who had been Traitors to Perdiccas, hated him for his faithfulness, as greatly, as they thought that he would hate them for their falsehood; neither found they any fairer way of excusing their late revolt, than by accusing and condemning the side which they had forsaken. Wherhfore they proclaimed Eumenes a Traitor, and condemned him to die: but it was an easier matter to give that sentence, than to put it in execution.   

§. X. Quarrels between 〈◊〉 the Queen, and PYTHON the Protector. PYTHON resigns his office, into which ANTIPATER is chosen.  
PYTHON and Aridaeus being chosen Protectors of King Aridaeus, and the children of Alexander, took the way to Asia the less, conducting the Army through Syria. Of these two, Python was the greater in reputation, yet far too weak to sustain so important a charge. For Eurydice, wife to King Aridaeus, was come to her husband, a Lady of a masculine spirit, well understanding what she was or should be, and thinking herself able to support the weight which Fortune had laicd upon her foolish husband, being due to her own title. Her Mother Cyna, sister to Alexander by her Father King Philip, was married (as hath been showed) to Amyntas, who was right Hcire to the Kingdom of Macedon, being the only son of King Perdiccas, Philip's elder brother.  
This Cyna was a warlike woman; she had led Armies, and (as a true Sister of Alexander) fight hand to hand with Caeria Queen of the Phrygians, a Virago like unto herself, had slain her. She brought up this Eurydice in the same unwomanly art of war, who now among the Soldiers began to put in practice the rudiments of her education, to the small contentment of Python, that could not brook her curious intermeddling in his charge. Whither it were so, that Python had some purpose to advance the son of Alexander by Roxane, to the Kingdom; (as once he had sought to do) or whither the Queen did suspect him of some such intent; or whither only desire of rule caused her to quarrel with him; quarrel 〈◊〉 did, which disturbed the proceeding against Eumenes. The Army having shaken off such a rank-rider as Perdiccas, would not afterward be reined with a twined thread. Python bearing himself 〈◊〉 his office, took upon him to give directions in the king's name, which the Queen did oftentimes control, using the same name, with more authority, and better liking of the Soldiers. Python, seeing this, would needs resign his office, whither upon weariness of the contentions daily growing, or on purpose to bring the Queen into envy, it is uncertain. Perhaps he thought, that now being the far worthiest man in the Camp, he should be entreated to retain the place, and have his authority confirmed, or (as might be) increased, were it but for want of a fit Successor. Eurydice was nothing sorry at this course; for now she thought to manage the affairs of the Empire at her own will, being freed from the trouble some assistance of a Protector. But the Soldiers disappointed both her and Python, of their contrary expectations: choosing Antipater, the only powerful man of Alexander's Captains, then living, into the room of Python. Hereat the Queen fretted exceedingly, and began to deal earnestly with the Macedonians, that they should acknowledge no Lord save only the King their Sovereign. Yet she failed of her purpose, being hindered (as may seem) by three things: the apparent weakness of her husband: the growth of Alexander's children, who (though borne of outlandish women) were bred in the Macedonian camp; and the mightiness of Antipater, who commanding a great Army near at hand arrived in few days at the camp, and enforced Eurydice to hold herself content. Antipater was of such power, that he needed not to work by any close devices, as Perdiccas had done: he had no concurrents, all the Governors of Provinces that remained alive, acknowledged him their better: yea, many of them he displaced out of hand, putting others in their rooms. This done, he took the King, Queen, and Princes along with him into Macedonia, leaving Antigonus General of the Royal Army: to whom for his good services done, and to be done against Eumenes, he gave the rule of Susiana, besides his former Provinces, and committed into his hands the government of Asia during that war.   

§. XI. ANTIGONUS Lieutenant of Asia, wins a battle of EUMENES, 〈◊〉 and besiegeth him in Nora: He vanquisheth other followers of PERDICCAS.  
HEre begins the greatness of Antigonus, whose power in few years overgrowing, the rest wanted little of spreading itself over the whole Monarchy. He was to make war upon Eumenes, Alcetus the brother, and Attalus the brother in-law to Perdiccas: work enough to keep his Army employed in the public service, till such time as he might found occasion to make use of it in his own business. The first of these which he undertook was Eumenes, with whom Alcetus and Attalus refused to join, having unseasonably contended with him in time of common danger about the chief place. Eumenes had an Army strong in number, courage, and all needful provisions; but obedient only at discretion. Therefore Antigonus tried all ways of corrupting his Soldiers; tempting first the whole Army with letters: which practice failing by the cunning of Eumenes (who made show as if he himself had scattered abroad those letters, to try the faith of his men) he dealt apart with such Captains, as he thought most easy to be won. Of these Captains one rebelled, breaking out too hastily before any help was near him, yet looking so carelessly to himself, that he and his were surprised, when he thought his enemies far off. Another follower of Eumenes (or rather of good fortune, which he thought now to be in company with Antigonus) kept his treachery secret, reserving it for the time of execution. Upon confidence of the treason which this false man Apollonides had undertaken, Antigonus presented battle to Eumenes; in the heat whereof Apollonides, General of the horse to Eumenes, fled over to the contrary side, with such as he could get to follow him: but was closely followed by some, whose company he desired not Eumenes, perceiving the irrecoverable mischief which this traitorous practice brought upon him, pursued the villain, and cut him off before he could thrust himself into the troops of Antigonus, and boast of his treachery. This was some comfort to Eumenes in the loss of that battle, which disabled him utterly to keep the field, and left it very hard for him to make a safe retreat. Yet one thing he did which much amazed his enemies, and (though a matter of small importance) caused Antigonus himself to admire his high resolution. It was held no small part of the victory to get possession of the dead bodies. 〈◊〉, whilst Antigonus held him in chase, turned out of the way, and fetching a compass, returned to the place where the battle had been fought; there he burned (according to the manner of the time) the bodies of his own men, and interred the bones and ashes of the Captains, and common Soldiers, apart, raising up heaps of earth as Mountains over them, and so went his way. As this bold adventure bred in the Macedonians, (returned to their camp) great admiration of his brave spirit: so the news which Menander (who was set to look unto their carriages) brought and published among them, enticed them to love him as their honourable friend. He had found Menander in an open Plain, careless, as after an assured victory, and loaden with the spoils of many Nations, the rewards of their long service; all which he might have taken: but fearing jest such a purchase should prove a heavy burden to him, whose chief hope consisted in swift expedition, he gave secret warning to Menander to fly to the mountains, whilst he detained his men (whom authority could not have restrained) by this sleight, setting them to bait their horses. The Macedonians extolled him for this courtesy, as a noble Gentleman, that had forborn when it lay in his power to strip them out of all their wealth, and make their children slaves, and to 〈◊〉 their wives: but Antigonus told them, that he had not forborn to do this out of any good will to them; but out of mere subtlety had avoided those precious fetters, which would have hindered his speedy flight. He told them true. For Eumenes did not only think all carriages to be over-burdensome, but the number of his men to be more troublesome than available in his intended course. Wherhfore he sent them from him as fast as he could, wishing them to shifted for themselves; and retaining only five hundred horse, and two hundred foot. When he had wearied Antigonus awhile in following him up and down, he come to Nora: where again, keeping no more about him, than necessity required to make good the place, he lovingly dismissed all the rest. Nora was a little Fortress in the borders of 〈◊〉 & Cappadocia, so strongly situated that it seemed impregnable, and so well victualled and stored with all necessaries, that it might hold out for many years. Thither did Antigonus follow, him, with more desire to make him his friend, than to vanquish him in war. To this purpose he entertained parley with him, but in vain. For whereas Antigonus offered him 〈◊〉, and his love; Eumenes required restitution of his Provinces, which could not be granted without Antipater's consent. Than was Nora closed up; where Antigonus leaving sufficient strength for continuance of the siege, took his journey into Pisidia against Alcetus and Attalus, with whom he made short work. He come upon them unexpected, and seized on passages, which wanted not men, but such a Captain as Eumenes, to have defended them. 〈◊〉 and Attalus, as they had been too secure before his coming, so were they too adventurous in sighting at the first sight, upon all disadvantages: and their folly was attended with suitable event. Attalus with many principal Captains was taken; Alcetus 〈◊〉 to the City of Termesus, where the love of the younger sort was toward him so vehement, that stopping their ears against all persuasions of the ancient men, they needs would hazard their lives and their Country in his defence. Yet this availed him nothing: For the Governors of the Town having secretly compounded with Antigonus, caused the young men to sally out; and using the time of advantage, they with their servants did set upon Alcetus, who unable to 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 himself. His dead body was conveyed to Antigonus, and by him barbarously torn, was cast forth without burial. When Antigonus was go, the young men interred the carcase with solemn funerals, having once been minded to set on fire their own town in revenge of his death. Such favour had he purchased with courteous liberality: but to make an able General, one virtue, how great soever, is insufficient.   

§. XII. PTOLEMY wins Syria and Phoenicia. The death of ANTIPATER.  
Whilst these things were in doing, the rest of the Princes lay idle, rather seeking to enjoy their Governments for the present, than to confirm or enlarge them. Only Ptolemy looking abroad, wan all Syria and Phoenicia: an action of great importance, but not remarkable for any circumstance in the managing. He sent a Lieutenant thither with an Army, who quickly took Laomedon prisoner, that ruled there by appointment of Antipater, and formerly of Perdiccas; but (as may seem) without any great strength of Soldiers, far from assistants, and vainly relying upon the authority which had given him that Province, and was now occupied with greater cares, than with seeking to maintain him in his Office.  
Antipater was old and sickly, desirous of rest, and therefore contented to let Antigonus pursue the dispatch of those businesses in Asia. He had with him 〈◊〉, one of the most ancient of Alexander's, Captains, that had lately suppressed a dangerous insurrection of the Aetolians, which Nation had stirred in the quarrel of Perdiccas, prevailing far at the first, but soon losing all that they had gained, whilst Antipater was abroad in his Cilician expedition. In this Polysperchon, Antipater did repose great confidence; so far forth, that (suspecting the youth of his own Son Cassander of insufficiency in so great a charge) he bequeathed unto him on his deathbed the Government of Macedon and Greece, together with his Office of Protectorship. So Antipater died, being fourscore years old, having always travailed in the great affairs of mighty Princes, with such reputation, that Alexander in all his greatness was 〈◊〉 of him, and the successors of Alexander did either quietly give place unto him, or were unfortunate in making oppositions. In his private qualities he was a subtle man, temperate, frugal, and of a Philosophical behaviour, not unlearned, as having been Scholar to Aristotle, and written some Histories. He had been much molested by Olympias, Alexander's mother, whom after the death of her Son, he compelled to abstain from coming into Macedonia, or entermeddling in matters of estate: yea, at his own death he gave especial direction, that no woman should be permitted to deal in the administration of the Empire. But this precept was soon forgotten; and yet, ere long, by sorrowful experience approved to have been sounded and good.   

§. XIII. Of POLYSPERCHON who succeeded unto ANTIPATER in the Protectorship. The insurrection of CASSANDER against him.  
POLYSPERCHON was very skilful in the art of war, having long time been Apprentice in that occupation; other qualities, requisite in so high an Office as he underwent, either Nature had not given to him, or Time had rob him of them. He managed his business more formally, then wisely, as a man of a second wit, fit to assist, than command in chief. At the first entrance upon the stage, he called to counsel all his friends, wherein, for weighty considerations (as they who weighed not the contrary reasons held them) the Queen Olympias was revoked out of Epirus into Macedon, that the presence of Alexander's mother might countenance and strengthen their proceed. For the condition of the times requiring, that the Governors of Provinces abroad should keep greater Armies, than were needesull or easy to be retained about the person of the King in Macedonia; it seemed expedient, that the face of the Court should be filled with all majesty, that might give authority to the Injunctions from thence proceeding, and by an awful regard contain within the bounds of duty such as could not by force have been kept in order, being strong, and lying too far off.  
Such care was taken for prevention of imaginary dangers and out of sight, whilst present mischief lay unregarded in their bosoms. Cassander, the Son of Antipater, was not able to discover that great sufficiency in Polysperchon, for which his father had reposed in him so much confidence: neither could he discern such odds in the quality of himself and Polysperchon, as was in their fortune. He was left Captain of one thousand; which Office by practice of those times was of more importance, than the title now seems to imply. He should thereby have been as Campe-master, or Lieutenant general to the other: a place no way satisfying his ambition, that thought himself the better man. Therefore he began to examine his own power, and compare with the forces likely to oppose him. All that had relied on his Father, were his own assured, especially such as commanded the Garrisons bestowed in the principal Cities of Greece. The like hope was of the Magistrates, and others of principal authority, in those Commonweals, whose forms had been corrected by Antipater, that they would follow the side, and draw in many partakers: it concerned these men in their own particular to adhere unto the Captains, by whom their faction was up-held; and by whom the rascal multitude, covetous of regaining the tyrannous power which they had formerly exercised over the principal Citizens, were kept in order, obeying their betters perforce. Besides all these helps, Cassander had the secret love of Queen 〈◊〉, who had in private rendered him such courtesy, as was due only to her husband. But neither the Queen's favour, nor all his other possibilities, gave him confidence to brcakc out into open rebellion; because he seen 〈◊〉 much reverenced among the Macedonians, and strong enough to suppress him, before he could have made head. Therefore he made show of following his pleasures in the country, and calling many of his friends about him, under pretence of hunting, advised with them upon the safest course, and most free from all suspicion. The neccssitic was apparent of raising an Army, before the business were set on foot; and to do this, opportunity presented him with fair means. Ptolemy had by fine force, without any commission, annexed Syria to his government of Egypt and Cyrene: this was too much either for the King to trust him with, or for him to part with. Antigonus upon the first news of Antipater's death, began to lay hold upon all that he could get, in such sort, that he manifestly discovered his intent of making himsclfe Lord of all Asia. These two therefore stoodc in needc of a civil War; which Cassander well noted, and presumed withal, That the friendship which had passed between his Father and them, would avail him somewhat. Whereupon he secretly dispatched messengers to them both; and within a little while 〈◊〉 himself on a sudden over the Hellespont, that he might in person advance the business with grcater spcede. Much persuasion is needless in winning a man to what hc desireth. Antigonus coveted nothing more, than to find 〈◊〉 work, by raising some commotion in Greece. Yet (as formalities must not be neglected) Cassander did very earnestly press him, by the memory of his Father, and all requisite conjurations, to assist him in this enterprise; telling him, that Ptolemy was ready to declare for them, and urging him to a speedy dispatch. Antigonus on the other side repaid him with the same coin; saying, That for his own sake, and his dead Fathers, whom he had very dearly loved, he would not fail to give him all manner of succour. Having thus feasted one another with words, they were nothing slack in preparing the common means, leading to their seucrall ends.   

§. XIIII. The unworthy courses held by POLYSPERCHON, for the keeping down of CASSANDER.  
GReat necessity there was of timely provision. For Polysperchon needed no other instructions to inform him of Cassander's drift, than the news of his departure. He was not ignorant of the ready disposition, which might be found in Antigonus and Ptolemy, to the strengthening of rebellion; and well he knew that one principal hope of Cassander was reposed in the confidence of such as ruled in the Grecian Estate. Therefore (loving to work circumspectly) he called another Council, wherein it was concluded, That the Popular form of government should be erected in all the Cities of Greece; the Garrisons withdrawn; and that all Magistrates and principal Men, into whose hands Antipater had committed the supreme authority, should forthwith be either slain or banished. This was a sure way to diminish the number of Cassander's friends, and to raise up many enemies to 〈◊〉 in all quarters. Yet hereby was disclosed both an unthankful nature in Polysperchon, and a factious malice in his adherents. For how could he be excused of extreme ingratitude, that for hatred of the Son went about to dishonour the Father's actions, whose only bounty had enabled him to do it? or what could be said in their defence, who sought to destroy many worthy men, friends to the State, by whom the Greeks' were held restrained from stirring against the Macedonians: and in opposition to their private Enemy, gave the rule of things to base Companions, and such as naturally maligned the Empire? But as in man's body, through 〈◊〉 wcs newly issuing from one branch, a finger is more vexed by inflammation of his next Neighbour, than by any distemper in the contrary hand: so in bodies politic, the humours of men, subdivided in faction, are more enraged by the disagreeable qualities of such as curb thcm in their 〈◊〉 purposes, than they are exasperated by the 〈◊〉 opposition of such as are divided from them in the main trunk. Hereby it comcs to pass, that contrary religions are invited to help against Neighbour Princes; bordering encmies drawn in, to the part in civil wars; and ancient hatred called to counsel against injurious friends. Of this fault Nature is not guilty; she hath taught the arm to offer itself unto manifest loss in defence of the head: they are depraved affections, which tender men sensible of their ownc particular, and 〈◊〉 of the more general good, for which they werc created.  
The decree, whereby the Greeks' were presented with a vain show of liberty, ran under the King's name; but so, as 〈◊〉 might easily discern, that Polysperchon had guided his pen. For the main point was, That they should follow such directions, as Polysperchon gauc, and treat with him about all difficulties. In the rest it contained such a deal of kindness, as 〈◊〉 on a sudden from those who had kept them in hard subjection, might well appcarc to have some other root than the pretended good will; and was of itself too base and unfit for a King to use toward his 〈◊〉 Subjects, and often subdued Rebels.   

§. XU Of the great commotions raised in Athens by POLYSPERCHONS' decree. The death of PHOTION.  
Nevertheless the Athenians with immoderate joy entertained this happie-seeming Proclamation, and sought how to put it in execution without further delay. But Nicanor, Captain of the Garrison, which kept one of their Havens, called Munychia, in the lower part of the Townc, would needs take longer time of deliberation, than was pleasing to their hasty desires.  
Nicanor, as a trusty follower of Cassander, was by him shifted into the place, and Menillus (that was Captain there before) discharged, when Antipater was newly dead. His coming to Athens was no way gratcfull to the Citizens, who soon after hearing the news of 〈◊〉 death, cried out upon Photion, saying, That he had sufficient intelligence of that accident, and might by advertising them in due time, have put into their hands a fair opportunity of thrusting out the Macedonians. But these exclamations argued no more than 〈◊〉 desire to shake off the Macedonian yoke. far more grievously would they have bcene offended, had they known the instructions, which Cassander had given to Nicanor, and his 〈◊〉 to follow them. It was concluded, That he should not only retainc Munychia, any injunction to the contrary not withstanding; but that hce should find means to thrust some Companies into 〈◊〉, and fortify that also, which was the principal Haven, against the high-Towne. How to accomplish this, he rather wanted some reasonable pretence, than good ability. But the Athenians were not long in giving him sufficient cause to do that, which he would have done without any cause given. They desired him to come unto their Council, assembled in the Piraeus, there to consider of the King's Proclamation: wither upon Photions' word and safe conduct he come, and earnestly pressed them to hold with Cassander in the war which was ready to break fourth. Contrariwise they urged him first of all, to make them Masters of their own, which how to use, they might consult afterwards, Each of them refusing to condescend unto the others demand; the Athenians (who did always measure justice by profit, yet seldom thrived by that course) practised with Dercyllus, a Captain following Polysperchon, and then lying near at hand, that he should enter into the Town, and take Nicanor prisoner. But Photion, who then governed in Athens, a man very unlike to the rest of the Citizens, being nothing pleased with such a trick of politic dishonesty, did quietly suffer him to departed and save himsclfc.  
〈◊〉 hereupon began to devise upon taking Piraeus; not as following now the project of Cassander, but prosecuting his own just revenge. He levied as many Soldiers as he could, and drew them closely into Munychia; which done, he issued into Piraeus, took it, and entrenched himself thercin, to the exceeding discomfort of the Athenians, who lately impatient of his keeping the one Haven, seen him now Master of both. Alexander, the son of Polysperchon, come 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after with an Army. Than were the Citizens in great hope of recovering all, and addressed themselves unto him; who made fair shows, intending mere mischief, which they perceived not, being blinded with the vain Epistles of his Father, and of Olympias the old Queen. Olympias taking upon her to command, before she durst well adventure to return into Macedon, had peremptorily charged Nicanor to restore to the Athenians the places which hce held: but he would first consider more of the matter. Polysperchon had further ordained, that the Isle of Samos should be rendered unto them: a goodly offer, had it accorded with his power and meaning. He was (indeed) so far from purposing to let them have Samos, that as yet he did not thoroughly intent to lct them have themselves. The commodity of their Havens was such, as he would rather get into his own hands, than leave in theirs; yet rather wished in theirs, than in Cassander's. His son Alexander not ignorant of this, made fair show to the Athenians, and spent much labour in communing with Nicanor, but suffered not them, for whom he seemed to labour, to intermeddle with the business. Hereupon the Citizens grew jealous, and the displeasure they conceived against him they powered out upon Photion, depriving him of his office. This was done with much tumult: banished men and strangers, thrusting themselves into the assembly of the Citizens, who distracted with sundry passions, growing out of their present misfortunes, thought every one that best could inucigh against things past, a most likely man to find some remedy for the evil threatening them. In this hurly burly was Alexander devising how he might come to some good point of composition with Nicanor, and held much privy conference with him; which he could not so secretly carry, but that his negotiation was discovered, whereby the uproar in the Town was so far incrcased, that Photion with many of his friends were accused, and driven to seek saveguard of their lives by flight. So they come to Alexander, who entertained them gently, and gave them his letters of commendation to his Father, desiring him to take them into his protection.  
Polysperchon was in the Country of Phocis, ready to enter with an Army into Attica. Thither come Photion with his Companions, hoping well that the letters which they brought, and their own deserts, (having always been friends to the Macedonians, as far as the good of their Country gave leave) should be enough to get patronage to their innocency. Besides all this, Dinarchus a Corinthian, Polysperchons familiar friend, went along with them, (in an evil hour) who promised to himself and them great favour, by means of his acquaintance. But Polysperchon was an unstable man, very earnest in what he took in hand, yet, either for want of judgement in following them, or of honesty in holding the best of them, easily changing his intended courses, and doing things by the halves, which made him commonly fail of good success. For fear of Cassander, he had offered wonderful kindness to the Athenians; this had caused them to love him: out of their love he gathered hope of deceiving them, which made him to change his mind, and seek how to get into his own hands those keys, with which Cassander held them fast locked up: finding himself disappointed of this purpose, and suspected as a false dishonourable man, he stood wavering betwecne the contrary allurements of profit and reputation. To keep the Athenians perforce at his dcuotion, would indcede have done well: but the effecting of this began to grow desperate; and many Towns of importance in Grecce began to cast their eyes upon his proceeding in that action. Whcrefore he thought it the wisest way to redeem their good opinion, by giving all contentment unto the popular faction, which then was grown to be Master of that City. And in good time for this purpose were the Athenian Ambassadors come, 〈◊〉 (as one may say) upon Photions' hcelcs, whom they were sent to accuse. Thcse had solemn audience giucn to them in the King's prescnce, who was attended by many great Lords, and for 〈◊〉 sake was glorified with all exterior shows of majesty; yet all too little to change Aridaeus into Alexander: for he did nothing there, but either laugh or chafe, as he seen others do. For beginning of the business Polyspherchon commanded that Dinarchus should be tortured and slain. This was enough to testify his 〈◊〉 affection to the Commonalty of Athens, in that he spared not his old acquaintance for their sake; whose Ambassadors he then bade to speak. When their errand was done, and answer to it made by the accused, who had no indifferent hearing, Photion and the rest were pronounced guiltic of treason; but to give sentence, and do the 〈◊〉 upon them, was (for Honour's sake) referred unto the City of Athens, because they were Burgesses. Than were they sent away to Athens, where the rascal multitude, not suffering them to speak for themsclucs, condemned them to die. So they perished being innocent. But the death of Photion, a man very conspicuous, made the fortune of the rest to be of the less regard. Five and forty times had he been chosen Governor of the City, never suing for the placc, but sent for when he was absent: so well was his integrity known, and so highly valued, even of such as were no pretenders to the same ucrtue. Hec was a good Commander in War, wherein though his actions wcre not 〈◊〉 great, yet were they of good importance, and ncuer unfortunate. Ncuer did the City repent of having followed his counsel: nor any private man of having trusted his word. Philip of Macedon highly esteemed him; so, and much more did Alexander, who (bcsides other signs of his love) sent him two hundred talents of silver, and offered to bestow upon him of four Cities in Asia any one which hce would choose. But Photion refused these and other gifts, howsoever importunately thrust upon him; resting well contented with his honest poverty: wherein he lived above fourscore years, and then was compelled by the unjust judgement of wicked men to drink that poison, which by just judgement of the righteous God, so infected the City of Athens, as from that day forwards it never brought forth any worthy man resembling the virtue of their Ancients.   

§. XVI. Of POLYSPERCHON his vain expedition against CASSANDER.  
NOt long after these things were done, Cassander with such forces as Antigonus lent him, entrcd into Piraeus; which news drew Polysperchon headlong into Attica, with a great Army, but so ill victualled, that he was feign to departed without any thing done. Only he had given some impediment to the enemy; who not contented with 〈◊〉 what he held, began to look out, and make new purchases abroad. Finding therefore himself unable to drive Cassander out of Athens, he left his son Alexander, with such number of men, as excecded not the proportion of victuals, to withstand his further encroaching. The greatest part of his Army he carried into Peloponnesus, to make the Country sure to himself, wherein Cassander had many Friends.  
His doings in Peloponnesus were such, as they had been in other parts of Greece. First, he began to fight with Edicts, restoring the Democraty, or Popular form of government. He commanded that the principal Citizens, that had by Antipater been made Rulers, should be either slain, or driven into exile. This decree took immediate effect in most places: The vulgar sort being very ready to seal the Charter of their freedom and authority, with the blood of those who had kept them in subjection. Yet many Cities there were, which delighted in the rule of the chief Citizens; and many which wished well to Cassander; especially they of Megalopolis, on whom Polysperchon meant to inflict an exemplary punishment of disobedience to him, which he termed Rebellion. Megalopolis had in it fifteen thousand serviceable men, well furnished of necessaries, and resolved to endure the worst. And need there was of such resolution. For Polysperchon coming thither with all his power did so much, that 〈◊〉 overthrew, by a Mine, three of their Bulwarks, and all the space of wall between them. But the Defendants manfully repelled the Macedonians which come up to the breach; and at the same time with great labour they raised up an inner wall, to bear out the next assault. The Assailants having failed to carry the Town at the first attempt, took much pain to clear the ground, and make fair way for their Elephants, whose violence was likely to overthrow all that come in their way. But the townsmen perceiving their drift, prepared boards driven through with long nails, which they used as gall-throps, bestowing them slightly, covered with the points upwards, in the way by which the beasts were to pass. Neither did they set any to encounter them in front, but appointed certain light-armed men to beaten upon their sides with Arrows and 〈◊〉, as they were instructed by some that had learned the manner of that fight in the Asian Wars. Of these provisions they made happy use in the next assault. For by them were the Elephants (wherein the enemy chief trusted) either sorely hurt, or driven back upon the Macedonians, whom they trampled under feet. Polysperchon come as iil 〈◊〉 for long abode to Megalopolis, as before to Athens. Therefore being neither able to dispatch the business quickly, nor to take such leisure as was requisite, he forsook the siege, with some loss, and much dishonour; leaving some part of his Army to lie before the Town for his credit.  
After this he sent Clitus, his Admiral, to Sea, to join with Aridaeus that was come out of Phrygia, and to cut off all succour which might come to the enemy out of Asia. Cassander also 〈◊〉 his whole Fleet under Nicanor, who taking along with him some ships of Antigonus, come to the Propontis, where he fought with Clitus, and was beaten. But Antigonus hearing of the overthrow, gathered together the ships that were escaped, and manning them very well, sent out 〈◊〉 again, assuring him of the victory, as well he might. For he sent out sufficient numbers of light-armed men, whom he had caused to be wafted over the Straitss in small Vessels by night; these before daylight setting upon Clitus, drove his men, that lay securely on the land, headlong into their ships; in which tumult Nicanor arriving did assail them so lustily, that few or noon escaped him.  
This loss at Sea, together with his bad success by Land, brought Polysperchon into great contempt. He had a good facility in penning bloody decrees, but when the execution was referred to his own sword, he could find the matter more difficult. Wherhfore the Athenians, perceiving that he had left them to shifted for themselves, and was not able to give them protection against the enemy which lay in their bosoms, come to agreement with Cassander; accepting a Governor of his appointment; and 〈◊〉 all things to the same state wherein Antipater had left them. The like inclination to the party of Cassander, was found in very many Cities of Greece, which daily and willingly revolted unto him; as to an industrious man, 〈◊〉 likely to prevail in the end. Thus was the whole Country set in a combustion, uneasy to be quenched; which presented unto Antigonus an 〈◊〉, that he neglected not, of making himself Lord of Asia.   

§. XVII. ANTIGONUS seeks to make himself an absolute Lord: and thereupon treats with EUMENES, aho disappointeth him. Phrygia and Lydia won by ANTIGONUS.  
ANTIGONUS had in Antipater's life time a firm resolution, to make unto himself the utmost benefit that he might of the Army committed to his charge. And in fair season for advancement of his purposes come the news of Antipater's death; even then, when all the business in Pisidia was dispatched, and no more employment for the Army remaining, save only the continuance of the siege of Nora; a small thing of itself, but as hard as a greater matter; and requiring few men, but much time; when time of all things was most precious. Eumenes lay in that Fort of Nora, able to make the place good, and hoping that the mutability, to which the present estate was manifestly subject, would in continuance of some years (which he might abide) work more for him, than his enemies in that space could work against him. His most fear was, that for want of exercise in that narrow Castle, his men and horses might grow sickly and unserviceable: which made him to practise many devices of keeping them in health and lusty. But when he had continued shut up in this manner about a year, his hopes come to good pass, and he was eased of his cares by Antigonus himself, whose forces held him besieged.  
Antigonus knowing the great sufficiency of Eumenes, and considering his fidelity showed unto Perdiccas, thought that he could not find in all the world a fit man than him, to employ in managing those high designs, wherein he doubted not that he should be withstood by the mightiest Princes of the Empire. He sent therefore to Eumenes by one that was friend to them both, acquainting him with some part of his intent, and promising to make him a greater Lord than ever he had been, and the next man to himself, if things fell out as he desired: in regard whereof he required only his friendship, and thereupon sent him an oath to take; which done, he might at his good pleasure issue safely out of Nora, and enjoy his perfect liberty. Eumenes perusing the form of the oath, perceived the meaning of Antigonus; which was, rather to make him his follower than his fellow. For whereas, in a few words, it mentioned the King and Princes of the blood, rather to keep the Decorum, than upon any loyal intent; the binding words and sum of all the rest were such, as tied him fast only to Antigonus, omitting all reservation of duty to the King or any other. This he liked not, holding it unseemly to become a sworn man to him, with whom he had fought for the mastery, and being assured that his voluntary assistance, which way soever he gave, would be more acceptable, and far more honourable, than the course propounded. Yet would he not therefore break off the negotiation, and wait for some better occasion of enlargement, which might perhaps be long in coming: but seeming to be well agreed with Antigonus, he prepared to give up his Hold and departed. As for the oath itself, when he come to take it, he made show of dislike, in that it was not solemn enough for such personages as they were, who could not be too ceremonious in 〈◊〉 their Allegiance. The Macedonians which lay encamped before Nora, liked his words, and gave him leave to put in Olympias, and the children of Alexander, binding himself to them and their adherents, as well as to Antigonus; and so he departed.  
Antigonus had taken upon him, as soon as he come down to the Seaside, to remove some of the Governors of Provinces, behaving himself according to the authority which he had received of Antipater, to exercise in the time of war. Neither did he want sufficient pretence whereby to justify his proceed. For if Polysperchon might lawfully hold the Protectorship, which the old man doting on his deathbed bequeathed unto him, as a legacy, without consent of the Princes or Soldiers; why might not he himself as well retain the Lieutenantship of Asia, that was granted unto him for the general good of the State, in presence of the whole Army, by the King, and by Antipater, who had power to ordain what should seem convenient whilst he lived, not to dispose of things that should happen after his death? To give a fair colour to his ambition, this was enough: if any were not herewith satisfied, he had threescore thousand footmen, ten thousand horse, & thirty Elephants in a readiness to answer them.  
The first that perceived his drift, and provided to resist him, was Aridaeus Governor of Phrygia; who fortified the Towns of his own Province, and sought to have won Cyzicus, a fair Haven Town, and seated very conveniently for him, but was feign to go away without it. Hereupon Antigonus took 〈◊〉 to command him out of the Country. Aridaeus was so far from obeying him, that he sent forces to relieve Eumenes. Nevertheless finding that he was unable of himself to make long resistance, he took such companies as he could draw along with him, and so passed over into Europe, to complain at the Court. The like fortune had Clitus, who ruled in Lydia, and sought the like remedy of his 〈◊〉, with some hope at the first (for both of them were entertained with very good words) which quickly vanished, and grew desperate, when they were beaten at Sea, as hath already been declared.   

§. XVIII. ANTIGONUS pursues EUMENES. EUMENES having authority from the Court, raiseth great War against ANTIGONUS in defence of the Royal house.  
ANTIGONUS having thus gotten into his hands all, or most of Asia the less, was able to have entered Macedon, and seized upon the Court; which that he forbore to do, it proceeded (as may seem) for some of these reasons. It would have bred as much jealousy in Cassander, as fear in Polysperchon, which might have brought them to terms of reconciliation; It would ask more time than he could spare; and the envy which followed the Protectorship was such, as he that had power enough without the Office, aught rather to shun, then to pursue. Besides all this, it was manifest that Eumenes would not only refuse to take his part, but would make war upon him in defence of the Royal house, to which it was found that Antigonus did not stand well-affected. Against him therefore he bent his course, and with an Army of twenty thousand foot, and four thousand Horse, made great haste toward Cilicia, hoping to suppress him before he should be able to make head.  
Eumenes was one of those few that continued faithful to their dead master, which being well known in the Court, he had commission sent unto him from thence to raise an Army, and make war upon Antigonus, taking of the King's treasure as much as he should need. Other letters also there were directed to all the Governors of Provinces, requiring them to give assistance to Eumenes, and be ordered by his direction: especially to the Captains of the old Soldiers, called the Argyraspides, or siluer-sheelded bands, commandment was given to be at his appointment. He had of his old followers gathered together two thousand foot, and five hundred horse, before this authority was given him: but now he purposed with all the strength which he could make, to fight with Antigonus in defence of the Royal blood. Olympias had written to him, desiring him to bring help to her and her Nephew the son of Alexander; and in the mean time to give her his advice in that which Polysperchon required of her: for she was desirous to return into Macedon, but suspected his ambition, as not contained within lawful bounds. Eumenes therefore counseled her to remain in Epirus, till such time as he could bring the war to a good issue; which done, he 〈◊〉 that his faith and care should not be wanting to the seed of Alexander.  
Strange it is to consider, that in all the Empire scarce any one could be found among the Noblemen, in whom Alexander's mother, wives, and children, might repose firm confidence, saving only this Eumenes, a stranger to the Macedonian blood, borne at Cardia, a City of Thrace. His reputation was no more than his own 〈◊〉 had made it; his followers obeyed at their own discretion; and compelled he was to travail as far as Persia, to gather together an Army sufficient, to resist the enemies that pursued his heels.   

§. XIX. How the Princes of Macedon stood affected mutually. OLYMPIAS takes ARIDEUS and EURYDICE, whom she cruelly puts to death.  
NOw, forasmuch as in this present war all the Rulers of the Provinces did intermeddle; and great alterations happened, not only in the parts of Asia, but Macedon itself, which brought a new face unto the State, by the extirpation of the royal house of Philip and Alexander: I hold it convenient in this place, before we enter into the particulars of the war itself, to show briefly how the great ones did mutually stand 〈◊〉; and by what passions they were drawn into those courses, which overthrew most of them, and out of their ruins built the greatness of a few: as like wise to what extremity the fraction broke out in Macedon itself, about the main controversy of title to the Crown, whereupon all other quarrels were or should have been depending.  
Aridaeus the King, being simple and fearful, did only what he was bidden.  
Polysperchon, desirous to continued long in Office, had a purpose to advance the son of Alexander by Roxane to the Kingdom, and become Governor to a King of his own making.  
Eurydice the Queen discovering plainly this intent, and meaning nothing less than to let her husband serve as a Stolen, keeping the throne warm till another were grown old enough to sit in it, grew acquainted with Cassander, who hated the memory of Alexander, and was therefore the fit for her turn.  
Cassander held fresh in mind the danger wherein his family had been through Alexander's malice, together with the indignity offered to himself by Alexander, who knocked his head against a wall for deriding one that adored him after the Persian manner. The displeasure hereof; and the pleasure which he took in the amorous Queen, made him to resolve, both to suppress the lineage which he hated, and to maintain his beloved mistress, either by supporting her weak husband, or by taking her to be his own wife.  
The rest of the Lords held it a thing indifferent who reigned over all, so as they might reign in their several Countries, and establish their authority in such wise, that it might not be taken from them.  
Among these, Ptolemy and Antigonus were well enough already, if their ambition would have suffered them to see it.  
Pitho and Seleucus lying far off, and being strong, had some good hope to encroach upon their neighbours. Against these, Pencestes and some others with much ado hardly made resistance, until such time as Eumenes come to them; who propounded to himself great matters which he lived not to accomplish.  
Olympias the old Queen (as it is common with stepdames) hated the children of her husband by his other wives. It was thought that she had given poison to 〈◊〉, which failing to take away his life, had much impaired both his body and wits. Now she considering, that Eumenes was too full of business to come home so soon as she wished that he should; and that Cassander daily prevailed in Greece: thought it the best way to join with Polysperchon, and set up, as King, her Nephew Alexander, the son of Roxane, removing 〈◊〉 before Cassander were able to defend him. To this intent she procured men among her kindred in Epirus, and so took her way towards Polysperchon, who joining with her, entered into Macedon.  
Eurydice hearing these news, wrote very earnestly to Cassander, praying him to set aside all other business, and come to secure her. She herself by entreaty, gifts and promises, drew to her party as many of the 〈◊〉 as she could, until she thought her own side strong enough; and then taking her husband with her, went boldly forth against Olympias, and the Traitor Polysperchon.  
These two Queens met armed, as if the matter should have been determined by their own hands, which ended without any stroke stricken, by the revolt of those who followed Eurydice. For as soon as the Macedonians beheld Olympias; calling to mind her former Estate, and the victorious reigns of her husband and son, they refused to lift any weapon against her. Eurydice finding herself thus forsaken, fled towards 〈◊〉, but was intercepted and made prisoner with her husband.  
Olympias having obtained this victory without blood, thought that all things would succeed as easily, and that upon the same considerations for which they had refused to bear Arms against her, the Macedonians would not stick to maintain 〈◊〉, whatsoever her proceed were. Having therefore shut up 〈◊〉 and his wife in a close room, where they could scarce turn round, she fed them through a little hole, till after a while it come in her head, (for fear jest the people should have commiseration of him, that had reigned almost six years and a half) to put them to death. So she delivered 〈◊〉 to some barbarous Thracians, who took away his life by cruel torments: to Eurydice she sent a sword, a halter, and a cup of poison, willing her to choose the instrument of her own death, who praying that the like presents might one day be sent to Olympias, yielded her neck to the halter, having spent her last curses not in vain. 〈◊〉 the brother of Cassander, and a hundred the chief of his friends, did Olympias then choose out, all whom she commanded to be slain. His brother jolaus that was already dead and buried, she accused of poison given to Alexander, & thereupon caused his Tomb to be thrown down, and his bones to be scattered abroad. The Macedonians wondering at this fury, began to condemn themselves, and the folly of Polysperchon, who had, quite contrary to Antipater's charge given on his deathbed, called this outrageous woman to the government of the Empire.   

§. XX. How CASSANDER was revenged upon OLYMPIAS.  

† 1 The great expedition of CASSANDER. OLYMPIAS shuts herself into Pydna, where CASSANDER besiegeth her. AEACIDES King of Epirus, coming to secure OLYMPIAS, is forsaken, and banished by his own Subjects.  
CASSANDER at that time lay before Tegea, in Peloponnesus; wither when all these ill tidings were brought to him, he never stayed to take the City, nor to give order for the State of things in that Country, (though Alexander the son of Polysperchon were there with an Army) but compounding with them of Tegea, he willed his associates to look to themselves as well as they could, till his return, and so in all haste he took his journey toward Macedon, carried headlong with the greedy desire of just revenge. The Aetolians had taken the Straitss of Thermopylae, in favour of the Queen and 〈◊〉, to hinder his passage; but he, not willing to misspend any time in dealing with them, got together as many ships as he could, great and small, with which he transported his Army into Thessaly. There he divided his companies, appointing some under Callas, a subtle Captain, to hold Polysperchon busied, who then lay encamped near to 〈◊〉; with the rest he marched directly against 〈◊〉. She, having once prevailed by the respect given to her dignity, took more care how to appear Majestical, than to make herself strong. To this end she made a solemn progress to Pydna, a Sea-towne, and well fenced, having in her company all the flower of the Court, especially the great Ladies, among whom was Roxane, and her young son Alexander, heir to the great Alexander, by his grandmother's designment: who, during his minority, kept the Sovereign power in her own hands. But all this pomp served to little use, against the violence of the enemy, that soon presented himself before the walls; only it fed the besieged with a vain hope of succour, that would from all parts arrive, to rescue persons of their quality. And hereof there soon appeared fair likelihood, which as soon vanished, and went away in smoke.  
For Aeacides King of Epirus, made great haste to bring succour to Olympias, his cozen, with whom Deodamia his daughter was also shut up. Nevertheless, his Subjects were nothing forward in this expedition; but finding certain passages taken in the way by Cassander's men, they called upon him to retire, and quit the enterprise. The King's importunity urging them to proceed, and the obstinate refusal of the Army, broke out at length into such terms, that when he had raged in vain against the multitude; his authority, with which he thought to have prevailed upon them, 〈◊〉 by them taken from him, and he compelled to forsake his Kingdom, and to wander up and down in foreign Countries a banished man, his people joining with the enemy, against whom he had led them forth to 〈◊〉.  
Pydna in the mean time was closed up straightly, both by Sea and Land, so that neither any could issue out of the City, nor any relief be conveyed into it; but it held out as long as any food was left, no memorable service being done there, whilst great actions were managed abroad.   

†. II A continuation of OLYMPIAS her 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 defeated. Extreme famine in Pydna. OLYMPIAS yields to CASSANDER.  
NOw, though order of time require it, that we should rehearse the doings of EUMENES and ANTIGONUS in this place, leaving OLYMPIAS yet a while to the hour of her destiny, which grows the 〈◊〉 upon her, because she may discern it coming; yet that we may not be compelled to interrupt the course of our narration, by inserting her Tragedy in the midst of things, not manifestly coherent with it; we will here (as elsewhere we have done, and elsewhere must) continued to an end one History, that we may not be therewith distracted, when we shall come to the relation of another. All the hope of the besieged, remaining in Polysperchon, was in like manner disappointed, as their former trust had been, which was reposed in the succours of the Epirot. For Callas, who was sent against him, found the means to corrupt the greatest part of his Army with money, leaving him within a little while so slenderly accompanied, that he was fit for no other business of war, than a swift retreat. When famine had so far prevailed in the city, that the horses were killed as a precious food, many men feeding on the dead carcases of their fellows, and sawdust being given to the Elephants for provender; some of the soldiers obtaining the Queen's leave, (who could not deny it) others, without ask leave, yielded themselves to the enemy, & were by him gently relieved, and sent abroad into the Country. The news of the Queen's affairs, dispersed by these men, did so affright her wil-willers, that such as had reserved themselves to the event, come in apace, and submitted them to Cassander. At length, when the mortality 〈◊〉 so great in the Town, that the living were even poisoned with the noisome sent of the dead; Olympias bethought herself of stealing away by Sea in a Galley that she had: wherewith her success was as bad as in the rest. For God had appointed this Town, by her chosen as a place of refuge, to be unto her as a house of torment, and a jail, out of which she should not be delivered, but unto an evil death. Being therefore utterly broken with miseries, which daily afflicted her and the other Ladies, unaccustomed to so wretched a kind of life, she offered composition, and with much labour hardly obtained of Cassander (who having fetched her Galley out of the Haven, accounted himself as good as master of her body) a grant of her own life. Immediately upon her apprehension, Pella, the chief City of the Kingdom, was yielded to Cassander. Amphipolis did stand out: for Aristonus, to whom Olympias had given charge of such forces as were left abroad in the Country, taking courage from the success of some petty services wherein he had prevailed, began to promise' himself great unlikelihoods. But Olympias, to win Cassander's favour, very earnestly required him upon his faith to her, that he should give it up. He did so, and presently after was killed by his private enemies, that were set on by Casiander, who partly hated him upon old respects, partly doubted him, as a man likely to seek innovation.   

†. III The death of OLYMPIAS, and her condition.  
WHen Olympias had now heard sorrowful tidings of all her friends, she herself was called into question, and accused in an assembly of the Macedonians, for the murders (they were so styled in her affliction, which in time of prosperity she called justice) by her committed. There was she, (being not heard nor called to speak) condemned to die. The svite was commenced and prosecuted against her, by the kindred of those whom she had slain. But it was at Cassander's instigation; who (to hasten the execution) sent her word, that he would furnish her, with a ship, and other necessaries, to save herself by flight: which when she refused, saying, that she would pled for herself, and tell her own tale; she dissembled no longer, but sent unto her such men as hated her most, who took away her miserable life. She was daughter, and sister, unto two Kings of Epirus; wife, and mother, unto two the mightiest Kings, of that, or many other ages; a stout Lady, and of unreprovable chastity, but her ambition was boundless, her hatred unappeasable, and her fury in revenge, most unwomanly. Her perverse conditions made her husband seek other wives and Concubines, which caused her to hate both him, and them. She was thought privy to her husband's death; after which, very cruelly she slew his late wife Cleopatra, having first murdered one of her two children in her arms, and with a beastly fury broiled the other alive in fire, in a copper basin. For these things, her son Alexander (otherwise loving her well) forbade her to meddle in the government of Macedon. But God more severe unto cruel Tyrants, than only to hinder them of their wills, permitted her to live & fulfil the rest of her wickedness; (which was his justice upon the adulteries of Philip, and the oppression done by him and others) after all which, He rewarded her malice, by returning it upon her own head.   

†. FOUR CASSANDER celebrates the funeral of ARIDEUS and 〈◊〉; and seeks to make himself King of Macedon.  
AFter her death, Cassander gave honourable burial to Aridaeus and Eurydice, among their Progenitors, Kings of Macedon. And looking further into his own possibilities of greatness, he married the Lady Thessalonica, whom he had taken at Pydna, being the daughter of King Philip, by another of his wives; that by her he might have some title to the Crown. For the same end he committed Roxane, and 〈◊〉 young son, to close prison, removing thereby some part of his impediment. And, the better to increase his fame, and purchase love, built a City, called by his own name Cassandria, that soon grew to be very great and powerful. He reaedified likewise Thebes in Greece, and restored it unto the old inhabitants, after it had lain twenty years waste, being utterly razed by Alexander. By these means, especially by the restoration of Thebes, whereunto all Greece voluntarily contributed, he grew so strong, that few remained enemies unto him; and they, with much labour, hardly could resist him. Leaving him therefore daily prevailing in Greece, we will return to them, who contended in Asia, for less titles, but larger Provinces, with greater forces.     

CHAP. FOUR Of the great Lordship which ANTIGONUS got in Asia.  

§. I. The journey of EUMENES into Persia. His wise dealing with those that joined with him.  
EUMENES, having joined unto his company the Argyraspides, made haste into the Eastern parts, to take possession of those Countries, according to his commission, and strengthen himself against 〈◊〉. He took his journey through Coelosyria and Phoenicia, hoping to reclaim those Provinces, usurped with the rest of Syria (as hath been showed) by Ptolemy, to the King's obedience. But to effect this, his haste of his passing forward was too great, his Army too little, and the readiness of the people, to return to their due obedience, noon at all. Besides all which impediments, one inconvenience troubled him in all his proceed, making them the less effectual. The Captains of the Argyraspides were so froward, that they scorned to repair to him, and take his directions, and their fidelity was so 〈◊〉, that he might have more easily dealt with open Traitors. It was not expedient, that he, being General, should weaken his authority by courting them; neither lay it in his power to keep them in order by compulsion. Therefore he 〈◊〉, that Alexander had appointed unto him in a dream, a place for their meeting, namely, in a rich pavilion, 〈◊〉 an empty throne was placed, as if Alexander himself had been present at their consultations. Thus he freed himself from their vain pride; but of their faith he could have no assurance. Yet when Ptolemy requested them, & Antigonus bribed them to forsake him, they continued (though not without considering of the matter) to take his part. So he marched on, sending before him the King's warrant; which Pytho & Seleucus refused to obey; not as rejecting the king's authority, but excepting against the person of Eumenes, as a man condemned to die by the Macedonian Army, for the death of Craterus. Eumenes, knowing well that he was not to rely upon their assistance, who stood otherwise affected then his affairs required, and were not to be dealt with by persuasion, sought passage by strong hand, through the Country of Babylon, in such wise that Seleucus, having in vain assayed to hinder him, by opening the 〈◊〉 of Euphrates, was glad at length to grant him friendly way, as desirous to be rid of him. Thus he come to Peucestes and the rest of the Eastern Lords, who were glad of his company, because of the differences between Pytho, Seleucus, and themselves. Yet the contention about superiority, grew very hot among them; every one finding matter enough, to feed his own humour of self-worthiness. But the former device of assembling in one pavilion, made all quiet; the conclusion ever being sure to follow that which Eumenes propounded, who was both wisest in giving advice, and best able to reward, by means of the authority given him, to take what he pleased of the King's treasures. By these means he won to himself many of those, who had most power to do good or hurt.   

§. II How ANTIGONUS, coming to set upon EUMENES, was driven off with loss.  
ANTIGONUS, hearing that Eumenes lay in the Province of Susa, had an earnest desire to follow him, and drive him further from the King's treasures, which were kept there. To which end, as soon as he had made himself strong enough, he removed out of Mesopotamia, where he had wintered; and taking to him Pytho and Seleucus, with their men, he marched directly against the enemies, with intent to give them battle. Eumenes had fortified the Castle of Susa and was retired back toward Persia, keeping the River of Tigris between him and his pursuers. The passages of the River were well guarded, and good espial kept upon Antigonus, to observe which way he took. Before he come to Tigris itself, he was to pass over Coprates, a great River, and not foordable, which he sought to do by small vessels, whereof he had no great store. A great part of his Army had gotten over, when Eumenes, who kept a bridge upon Tigris, come with a thousand horse, and four thousand foot, to see their demeanour: and finding them out of order, charged them, broke them, and drove them headlong back into Coprates, wherein most of them were drowned; very few escaping with life, except four thousand that yielded themselves prisoners, in sight of Antigonus, that was not able to relieve them. This loss made 〈◊〉 glad to fall off; and the heat of that Country in the dog-days, breeding diseases in his Army, by which many perished, caused him to remove as far as into 〈◊〉. So he took Python with him; (leaving Seleucus to besiege the Castle of Susa) and seeking to go the nearest way, passed through savage Nations, that continually vexing him with skirmishes, slew great numbers of his men, before he could arrive in Media, with his troops that were quite heartbroken.   

§. III Of EUMENES his cunning. A battle between him and ANTIGONUS.  
AFter his departure, Eumenes with his associates fell into consultation, about the remainder of their business. Feign he would have had them to enter upon those Provinces, which Antigonus had left behind him; to which also the Captains of the Argyraspides or Siluershields were very inclinable, as desiring to draw nearer to Greece. But Peucestes, and the rest, whose dominions lay in the high Countries, had more care of their own particular Estates, and would needs march Eastward. These carried it; for the Army was not strong enough to divide itself into parts.  
When they come into Persia, Peucestes, ruling there, feasted them royally, & sought by all means to win the Soldiers love to himself. Eumenes perceiving whereunto those doings tended, suffered him a while to keep good cheer, till the time of war drew near. Than did he feign an Epistle, directed, as from Orontes Governor of Armenia, to Peucestes himself: The purport whereof was; that Olympias had vanquished 〈◊〉, and sent over a great Army under Polysperchon, to join with Eumenes. These news, as they filled the Camp with vain joy, so they wrought in all men's minds a great willingness to obey Eumenes, by whom was the likeliest appearance of their preferment; wherein they dealt wisely, he being far the most sufficient Commander, as they found soon after. For when Antigonus, coming out of Media, drew near unto them, Eumenes by some mischance was fallen sick, and feign to be carried in a Litter; the Army marched in very bad array, and was likely to have been forced to take battle in that disorder. But Eumenes, when the rest of the Captains were amazed, was carried about the Army in his Litter, and upon the sudden did cast his men into so good form, that Antigonus, perceiving him a far off, could not refrain from giving him deserved commendations. Yet he did not cease to promise' great rewards to the Captains, and all sorts of men, if they would forsake Eumenes: which hopes deceiving him, he come to the trial of a battle. Eumenes had more Elephants than Antigonus; otherwise, he was inferior in number both of horse and foot by a third part. The battle was fought with variable success, and great loss on both sides, continuing a great part of the day, and of the night following. Yet the victory was uncertain. For Eumenes could not force his men to lie far from their carriages: by which means Antigonus (who had a more absolute command over his) encamping on the ground whereon they fought, had in his power the dead bodies; which was accounted the sign of victory; for he buried his own, and gave leave to his enemies craving it, to do the like. But a greater sign of victory had Eumenes. For he abode still in the same place, and not only buried his men very honourably, at great leisure, but held the Country round about; whereas Antigonns was glad (having tarried but one day) to steal away by night, and return into Media, from whence he come.   

§. FOUR Of divers stratagems practised by ANTIGONUS, and EUMENES, one against the other.  
THus did the War continued doubtful, and was protracted to a greater length, each part having stout Soldiers, and skilful Generals: but the side which had hitherto prevailed, being hindered by the equal authority of many, from pursuing all advantages to the best. Antigonus grew daily weaker in men and repuration, so that to repair himself he could find no way safer, then to put all to adventure. He knew that his enemies lay in their wintering places, quartered far asunder, so that if he could suddenly come among them, he was likely to put them in great distress. Between him and them, the way was not long, being only nine days journey, but very bad, through a rough dry wilderness, hardly passable. Another way, fairer and leading through a Country well peopled, but requiring twenty five days journey, he forsook, partly for the length, partly, and chiefly, because he would come undiscovered. So therefore taking his journey in the dead of Winter, he forbade unto his men the use of fire by night, because he would not have them descried a 〈◊〉 off. This commandment had been well observed four or five 〈◊〉, when continuance of time (as commonly) breeding negligence, and 〈◊〉 cold weather pinching them, they were bold to cherish themselves, being near to their ways end. The light of these fires gave notice of their coming; which being reported to Peucestes, and other Captains, they were so astonished with the sudden danger, that in all haste they betook themselves to flight. But Eumenes, meeting with the news, began to hearten his affrighted companions, promising to make Antigonus march leisurely, and willing them to abide, and draw up their men together. They could scarce believe him; yet they were content to be ruled, and did as he appointed, who failed not in making his word good. He took with him some companies of the readiest men, wherewith he occupied certain tops of mountains, looking toward the Camp of Antigonus: there he chose a convenient ground to encamp upon, and made great store of fires in sundry places, as if the whole Army had been present. This was a sorrowful spectacle to Antigonus who thought himself prevented of his purpose; and began to fear jest he should be compelled to fight, whilst his men were tired with a long and painful journey. Therefore he resolved to turn aside, and take the way to such places, as might better serve to refresh his Army. This he did with great care and circumspection, at the first, as knowing how ready Eumenes would be upon all advantages. But after a while, considering that no 〈◊〉 stirred about him, he began to pause, and think in himself, that somewhat or other was not fallen out according to his opinion. To be the better informed in the matter, he caused some Inhabitants of that Desert to be taken, and brought before him; of whom he learned, that they had seen no other Army than his thereabouts, but only a few men that kept 〈◊〉 on the hil-tops. It vexed him exceedingly to find that he had been so deluded. Therefore he went against these troops with great fury, meaning to take sharp vengeance on them, for having so deceived him. But by this time, 〈◊〉 strength was arrived there, which could not be forced without much business, and long stay. All the Army was come, save only Eudamus, Captain of the Elephants, who, besides those beasts, had no more than four hundred horsemen in his company. Antigonus hearing of this supply coming to his enemies, sent above two thousand horse, and all his light-armed footmen, to cut it off by the way. 〈◊〉 being fallen into this danger, was feign to place his Elephants round about his carriages, and so to defend himself as well as he 〈◊〉; for his horsemen, overlaied with multitudes, were quickly broken, and driven to run away upon the spur. Neither knew they, who sat upon the Elephants, which way to turn them; for on all sides they received wounds, and were not able to requited them with the like. In this extremity there appeared brave troops of horse and foot, that come unexpected to the rescue; and charging the assailants upon the back, drove them to seek their own safety by speedy flight. These were sent by Eumenes; who though 〈◊〉 knew not what his adversary meant to do, yet he knew very well what was fittest for him to do: and therefore, playing both games himself, provided the remedy.   

§. V The conspiracy of PEUCESTES and others, against EUMENES his life.  
BY these means Eumenes wan great honour, and was by the whole Army acknowledged a most expert General, and well worthy of the chief command. But Peucestes, and the other Captains, 〈◊〉 of their own much insufficiency, were so transported with envy, that they could now no longer contain their vile thoughts, but held communication, as upon a necessary point, how they might find means to murder him.  
Surely, it is great injustice to impute the mischief, contrived against worthy men, to their own proud carriage, or some other ill deserving: For, though it often happen, that small vices do serve to counterpoise great virtues; (the sense of evil being more quick and lasting, than of good) yet he shall bewray a very foolish malice, that, wanting other testimony, will think it a part of wisdom, to find good reason of the evils, done to virtuous men, which oftentimes have no other cause than their virtue itself. Eumenes, among many excellent qualities, was noted to be of singular courtesy, of a very sweet conversation among his friends, and careful by all gentle means to win their love, that 〈◊〉 to bear him any secret ill affection. It was his mere virtue that overthrew him, which even they that sought his life acknowledged. For they concluded that he should not be slain, before the battle were fought with Antigonus, wherein they confessed that it stood best with their safety, to be governed by his directions. Of this treason, he was quickly advertised by Eudamus, to whom he had done many pleasures, and by some others of whom he used to borrow money when he needed not, to the end that they should be careful of his good, for fear of losing their own. Considering therefore, and discoursing with himself of the villainy intended against him, he made his last will, and burnt all his write that contained any matter of secret: which done, he revolved many things in his mind; being doubtful what course were best to follow. All the Nobles of the Empire stood ill affected to the Royallbloud, excepting those which were with him, that were more in number, than in worth. How things at that time stood in Macedon and Greece, either he knew not, or, knowing the truth, knew nothing that might encourage him to seek their help, that needed his. To make his own peace with Antigonus, had been against his faith to Olympias, and the Princes, that had committed this great power into his hands. For which cause also it may be thought, that he forbore, either to loose the battle willingly, or to fly into Cappadocia, and make shift for himself among his old friends. At length he resolved to do his best against the common enemy, and afterwards to look to himself as well as he might.   

§. VI The last battle between ANTIGONUS and EUMENES.  
THe Soldiers, especially those old bands of the Siluershields, finding Eumenes perplexed, and not knowing the cause, entreated him not to doubt of the victory, but only to bring them into the field, and set them in array; for the rest, they alone would take sufficient order. The like alacrity was generally found in the common Soldiers faces; but the chief Commanders were so mischievously bend against him, that they could not endure to think upon being beholding to him for the victory. Yet he ordered the battle so well, that, without their ownegreat fault, they could hardly fail of getting the upper hand.  
Before the Armies come to joining, a horseman from the side of Eumenes, proclaimed with a loud voice to the followers of Antigonus, That their wickedness, in fight against their own fathers, would now be punished, as it well deserved. This was not spoken in vain. For the Siluershields were men of threescore or seventy years old, strengthened more by continual exercise, than decayed by age, and excelling in courage, as having passed through greater dangers, than 〈◊〉 like to be presented in that fight. Therefore Antigonus his men (who had often been beaten by them, and were now to try their last hope with these resolute warriors, the most Ancient and best regarded of all Alexander's Soldiers) grew very pensive, and advanced heavily, suspecting their own cause, and fearing the threatenings uttered would prove true.  
Antigonus was now again far the stronger in horse, which gave him cause of great hope; the ground, on which they were to fight, being a plain leveled field. Placing therefore himself and his son Demetrius in his right wing, and committing the left wing to Python, he did set forward courageously against the enemies, that were ready to give him a sharp entertainment.  
Eumenes took unto him Peucestes, with the rest of the Lords, and stood in the 〈◊〉 wing of his battle, in the face of Antigonus, meaning both to prevent the Traitors, his Companions, of all means to make head against him on the sudden, and (withal) to give proof of his own valour, which perhaps he should no more 〈◊〉, in the face of all his enemies. In the right wing, opposite unto Python, he bestowed the weakest of his horse and Elephants, under one Philip, an honest man, and (which was enough at such a time) obedient: commanding him to protract the fight, and make a leisurable retreat, expecting the event of the other side.  
So they joined very fiercely; Antigonus, labouring to make himself master of all; Eumenes, to die an honourable death, or to win such a victory upon his open enemies, as might give him leisure and opportunity to deal with his false friends.  
The footmen of Antigonus, being, even in their own opinions, far inferior to those whom they must encounter, were at the first brunt presently defeated by the Siluershields, who slew above five thousand of them, losing of their own, not one man. But in horse, Eumenes was so over-matched, that he could not repel Antigonus, who 〈◊〉 him very hard, but was feign to stand wholly upon defence. Yet his courage wrought so well by example, among his followers, that the enemy could not win one foot of ground upon him, until such time as Peucestes, with one thousand five hundred horse, withdrew 〈◊〉 out of the battle, leaving his companions fight to defend his back.  
Than did Eumenes desperately rush amongst his enemies, labouring to break open the way unto Antigonus himself. And though he failed of his purpose; yet with great slaughter he did so beaten upon them, which come in his way, that the victory hung a long time in suspense, uncertain which way to incline.  
The ground whereon they fought, being of a slight sandy mould, through the trampling of horses, men, and Elephants, did cast up such a cloud of dust, as hindered the prospect, so that no man could see what was done a little from him. Antigonus finding 〈◊〉 advantage, dispatched away some companies of horse, that passed undiscovered beyond Eumenes his battles, and come to his carriages, which lay about half a mile from the place of fight, slenderly guarded, (for that the whole body of the Army lay 〈◊〉 them and danger) and therefore easily taken. Had Peucestes retired himself no further than unto the carriages, he might not only have defended them, but peradventure have surprised those which come to surprise them, and so have done as good a piece of service as a better man. But he was gotten somewhat further, to a place, where out of danger he might expect the event: and Eumenes was so over-laboured both in body and mind, that he could not give an eye to every place, being not well able to continued where he was.  
It happened so, that the Elephants meeting together, those of Antigonus had the better hand; whereupon Eumenes, finding himself every way overcharged, began to give back, and withdrew himself and his companies in good order, to the other side of the battle, where Philip (as he was directed) had by fight and retiring together, kept that wing from loss. The Antigonians had felt so much of Eumenes that day, that they were well contented to let him departed quietly, and wished not to see him come again; as feign he would have done.  
The loss of the carriages was reported unto him, as soon as he had any leisure to hear how things went: whereupon he presently ordered his men for a fresh charge, and sent for Peucestes that was not far off, requesting him to bring in his men, and renew the fight, whereby he trusted, not only to recover their own goods, but to enrich themselves with the spoils of the 〈◊〉. Peucestes not only refused to join with him, but immediately withdrew himself into a safer place, where he might be further from such dangerous temptations.  
By this, the night grew on; and both Armies, wearied with fight, were desirous to return into their Camps. Yet Antigonus conceived hope of doing somewhat more; and therefore taking half his horsemen, he waited upon Eumenes a part of his way homewards, but found no opportunity to offend him: the other half he committed to Python, willing him to set upon the Siluer-shelds in their retreat; which yet he forbore to do, because it appeared too full of danger. So the battle ended; wherein Antigonus had not so much the better in horse, as the worse in foot: but the spoil which he got, by surprising his enemy's carriages, made amendss for all his other losses.   

§. VII. How EUMENES was betrayed to ANTIGONUS, and slain.  
EUMENES, coming into his Camp, and finding the Siluershields extremely discontented with their 〈◊〉, began to cheer them up, and put them in hope of recovering all with advantage. For their brave demeanour that day had so crushed the enemy, that he had no power left, wherewith to abide them in open field, and was much less able to draw their Carts after him, through that great Wilderness, over the high mountains.  
But these persuasions availed nothing. Peucestes was go; the other Captains would needs return into the high Countries; and the Soldiers had no desire either to fly or to fight, but only to 〈◊〉 their goods. Wherhfore Teutamus, one of the two Captains of the Siluershields, (who had in former times readily consented unto traitorous motions, in hope of gain, but was letted by his partner Antigenes) finding, as he thought, a fit occasion of making himself great, and winning the love of those bands, dealt secretly with Antigonus, requesting him to restore unto those old Soldiers their goods, which he had taken, being the only reward of their services, in the wars of Philip and Alexander.  
Antigonus, as a subtle man, knew very well, that they which requested more than they had reason to expect, would also, with a little entreaty, 〈◊〉 a great deal more than they promised; and therefore he lovingly entertained the messengers, filling them with hopes of greater matters than they desired, if they would put Eumenes into his hands, by whom they were seduced to make war against him. This answer pleased them so well, that they forthwith devised how to deliver him alive. Wherhfore coming about him, as at other times, to do their duty, and protending more joy of their 〈◊〉, than sorrow of their loss, which they said they would redeem by another fight; in the midst of this goodly talk they leapt upon him, caught hold of his sword, and bound 〈◊〉 fast. So they haled him away; and stopping their ears against all persuasions, would not yield so far, as to loosen one of his hands and let him kill himself, but brought him alive (that was their own General, under whom they had obtained many victories) as it had been in triumph, into the Camp of their enemies.  
The press of men, running out of the Camp to see him, was so great, that Antigonus was feign, to sand a guard of horsemen and Elephants, to keep him from being smothered; whom he could not suddenly resolve, either to kill or save. Very few they were that sued for his life; but of these, Demetrius the son of Antigonus was one; the rest were desirous to be rid of him quickly; thinking belike, that if he were saved, he would soon be the chief in reputation, for his great ability. So after long deliberation, Antigonus concluded, that it was the safest way, to put him to death; which intending to have done by famine (perhaps because he would keep it awhile in his own power, to reverse the sentence, as desiring, if it might be, to have him live his friend) haste of other business made him do it by the sword.  
To this end come all the travails of that worthy general Eumenes; who had with great wisdom, fidelity, and patience laboured in vain, to uphold the family which God had purposed to cast down. He is reckoned among the notable examples of Fortune's mutability; but more notable was his government of himself, in all her changes. Adversity never lessened his courage, nor Prosperity his circumspection. But all his virtue, industry, and wit, were cast away, in leading an Army, without full power, to keep it in due obedience. Therefore it was not ill answered, by Gaspar de Collignie, Admiral of France in our days, to one that foretold his death, which ensued soon after in the massacre of Paris; That rather than to lead again an Army of Voluntaries, he would die a thousand times.  
Antigonus himself gave to the body of Eumenes honourable Funeral; and rewarded the Treason, wrought against him, with deserved vengeance. One chief Captain of the 〈◊〉- shields he burned alive; many of the other Captains he slew; & to the whole multitude of the Siluershields, that had betrayed so worthy a Commander, he appointed a Leader, that should carry them into far Countries, under pretence of wars; but with a privy charge, to consume them all, as perjured wretches, letting noon of them return alive unto his friends and kindred, or so much as once behold the Seas, that beaten upon the shores of Greece and Macedon.   

§. VIII. How 〈◊〉 slew PYTHON, and occupied MEDIA. How he removed Governors of Provinces, and made himself Lord of Persia, carrying away PEUCESTES.  
THe two Armies being joined thus in one, were carried into Media, where they spent the rest of the Winter; the common Souldieridly; the principal men intentively bend unto the business ensuing. Python began to consider his own deservings; for that the whole war had been chiefly maintained by the strength and riches of his Province. Besides, he thought himself as good a man as Antigonus, unless it were in the soldiers opinion, which he judged easy to be purchased with gifts, and therefore spared not to assay them with great 〈◊〉. But in following this course, he was driven by necessity to trust many, of whom he stumbled upon some, that were unsecret, and others, bearing him no sincere affection. Thus was his purpose discovered to Antigonus, who (nothing like to Python) dissembled his indignation, and rebuked the informers, as breeders of dissension between him, and his honourable friend, unto whom he meant to commit the Government of all those Countries: his own business calling him into the lower Asia. These reports, coming daily to his ears, did finely delude Python. By his greatness with Alexander; his authority in that Province where they lay, whereof he was Governor; and the love of the soldiers which he had bought with money; he was strong enough to maintain, even an offensive war. But what need had he to use the sword, when he was likely without contention, to obtain more than his own ask? Therefore he come as soon as he was sent for, to take his farewell of Antigonus, and to divide the Provinces with him, that meant nothing less than to yield to any such division. As soon as he come, he was taken, and accused, condemned to die, and slain out of hand. For Antigonus, having begun with Eumenes his ancient friend, was not afterward restrained by any consideration of old acquaintance, from cutting down indifferently all that stood in his way: but swam carelessly through the blood, wherein at the first he doubtfully waded.  
When this business was ended, he appointed a new Governor in Media, to order the Province, and a Captain, to suppress all commotions: thinking belike, that the power and authority, so divided, would hardly agreed in one against him, from whom both were derived.  
After this he marched into Persia, where he was entertained, as absolute Lord of Asia. There began he to show how well he understood his own mightiness. For he placed and displaced, at his pleasure, Governors in all Provinces, leaving noon in Office, that were not his own creatures, excepting such as lay too far off to be 〈◊〉 easily.  
Peucestes, who ruled in Persia, thought with good cheer to redeem old offences, but was deceived, having to do with one, that could not be taken with such baits: he was carried away, and feasted with goodly words of promise, that never took effect. Thus he, that envied the virtue of his friend, was driven to flatter (in vain) the fortune of his enemy, after which he lived a contemptible life, till 〈◊〉 died obscurely a man forgotten.   

§. IX.. How SELEUCUS was chased out of Babylon, by ANTIGONUS. The great riches of ANTIGONUS.  
SELEUCUS was the next in this visitation; one that had from time to time continued in the same tenor of goodwill to Antigonus, and now gave proof of his hearty affection toward him, by making the Captain of the Castle of Susa to meet him on the way, rendering unto him that strong 〈◊〉, and all the treasures therein bestowed. This offer was so great, that Antigonus (though having in his hands the Keeper of the place) could hardly believe it; but used him with excessive kindness, for fear so good a mood should change. In that Castle he found all the treasures of Alexander, with the jewels of the Persian Kings, which, added to his former store of money, made up twenty five thousand talents. Having all this, he might well accounted himself a happy man, if riches were sufficient to happiness. But large dominion was the mark at which he aimed; therefore he proceeded, with intent to leave no Country behind his back, that should not acknowledge him for Sovereign Lord. Coming to Babylon, he was entertained by Seleucus with all possible demonstration of love, and honoured with presents, beseeming the 〈◊〉 of a King. All this he accepted with great gravity, as being due to him; and began to require an account of the revenues of that Province. This demand Seleucus held unreasonable; saying, that it was not needful for him to tender unto any man an account of that Province, which was given unto him, in respect of his many good services to the State. But whither he spoke reason or not, it sufficed, that Antigonus was powerful; who urged him daily to come to a reckoning. Manifest it was, that neither want of money, nor any other 〈◊〉, moved Antigonus to press him thus, but only the desire to pick matter of quarrel against him, whereof it was likely that he should found such issue, as Python and Peucestes had done. Therefore taking with him only fifty horse, be conveyed himself away, and fled into Ptolemy's Dominions; desiring him to protect him from the violence of such a man, as went about to oppress all, that in former times had been his betters, or at lest his equals. Antigonus was glad of his flight; for now all those Countries were yielded unto him without battle, whereas to fight with Seleucus for them he wanted all pretence; and to kill him it was not his desire, having received many benefits of him, and those not intermixed, as commonly it happens, with any injuries. Yet it is reported, that the Chaldaeans brought a strange prophesy to Antigonus, bidding him look well to himself, and know, that if Seleucus did escape his hands, he should recover Babylon, yea, win all Asia, and kill Antigonus in battle. Easy believers may give credit to this tale. Had it been true, me thinks, Antigonus rather should have hanged those Chaldaeans, for giving him no warning till it was too late, than sent pursuers (as they say that he did) after him, whom the destinies preserved for so great purposes. When he had settled things at Babylon, he took his journey into Cilicia, where he wintered. There he took up ten thousand talents more of the King's treasures, and casting his accounts, found his yearly income to amount unto eleven thousand Talents.    

CHAP. V. Of the great civil War between ALEXANDER'S Captains: and how they assumed the name and state of Kings.  

§. I. The combination of PTOLEMY, CASSANDER, and others, against ANTIGONUS. Their demands, and his 〈◊〉.  
THIS great riches, and the rest of his power, made Antigonus dreaded, 〈◊〉, and suspected, whereby he quickly was embarked in a new War. Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, had privily combined themselves together, intending to hinder his further growth, and bring him to more reason, than of his own accord he seemed like to yield unto. Of their practices he had some notice; the good entertainment given unto Seleucus, giving him sufficient cause of mistrust. Therefore he sent Ambassadors to them severally, entreating them to continued firm in their love toward him, that would be ready to requited them with the like. The cold answers which they made, occasioned his hasty preparation against the most forward of them, which was Ptolemy; it being likely that a good army should 〈◊〉 more than a fair message. Therefore, as soon as the season of the year would permit, he took the way toward 〈◊〉, and was encountered by Embassage from them all. These told him, that their Lords did much rejoice at his victory, obtained against Eumenes their common enemy, and the honour that he had thereby gotten. In which war, forasmuch as they being his Confederates, must have endured great loss with hazard of their whole estates, if the contrary faction had prevailed; they held it very just, that all should be partakers in the first-fruits of that voyage, wherein they had been all adventurers. Wherhfore they desired him, that making between them all an equal division of the treasures that were in his hands, (a thing easy to be done) he would also take some convenient order for enlarging their Dominions, according to the rate of his new purchases. This might best be to every ones liking if he would make over Cappadocia, with Lycia, to Cassander; and Phrygia, bordering upon the Hellespont, to Lysimachus; for whereas his own Dominions were so much extended Eastward by his late victory, he might well spare some of those western Provinces, to those that were seated in the West. As for Ptolemy, he would not crave any new addition, but rest contented within his own Territories. Provided always, that Seleucus their common friend, and partner in the late war, might be restored to his own, out of which he had been driven so injuriously, that all of them were forced to take it deeply to heart; requiring amendss, with his friendly consent unto their demands, which otherwise they must labour to obtain with armed hands.  
Antigonus knew, that after many losses received, he should yet be able to redeem peace whensoever he listed, with these, or perhaps with easier conditions. Neither was he so weak, to give away quietly any part of his strength into the hands of such bad friends, for fear only, jest it should be taken from him perforce. Rather he hoped that he should be able to found them work, more than enough to defend their own. Therefore, he roundly answered the Ambassadors, that it was no part of his meaning to communicate with other men the profit of that victory, which he alone without other men's help had obtained. Though indeed they had already sufficiently gained by him, if they could see it, having by his means kept their governments, whereof they were like to be 〈◊〉 by Polysperchon, and the counsel of estate in Macedon. But what marvel was it, if they considered not how he had saved them, seeing one of them had forgotten the time, when coming to him as a fugitive, & begging succour, he was by his mere 〈◊〉 relieved, and enabled to get all that he now held? Cassander did not (said he) in those days command me to surrender Provinces, and give him his equal share of my treasures; but (for his Father's sake) desired me to pity him, and help him against his enemies: which I did; by lending him an Army, and Fleet, on confidence whereof he now presumes to threaten me. As for Seleucus, how can he complain of wrong, that durst not stay to pled his right? I did use him well; but his conscience told him that he had deserved ill: else he would not have fled. Let them that so curiously search into my doings, consider well their own, which some of them can hardly justify. I am now in the way to Syria, meaning to examine Ptolemy's proceed; and after him to deal with others, if they continued to provoke me.   

§. II The preparations and beginnings of the Wars.  
WHen the Ambassadors were dismissed with this answer, nothing was thought upon but war. Antigonus perceiving that he should be invaded from Europe, as soon as he were entered into Syria; left his Nephew Ptolemy to guard the Sea coasts, and hinder Cassander from landing in Asia: giving him also in charge, to drive out of Cappadocia some that were already sent over to molest him. Likewise he dispatched Messengers into Greece and Cyprus, not unfurnished of money, to draw friends to his side, and raise up troubles to his enemies. Especially, he laboured to make himself the strongest by Sea; to which purpose he rather hastened, than foreslowed his journey into Syria, that he might get possession of Mount Libanus, which afforded many excellent commodities for building of a Navy. Therefore, having erected Beacons, and laid post horses throughout all Asia, to give swift advertisement of all occurrences, he invaded Syria, that was not held against him by any power sufficient to maintain the field.  
Ptolemy lay in Egypt, the strength and heart of his Dominion, where he was beloved and honoured of the people as their natural Lord: his other Provinces he kept with a few Garrisons, better serving to contain the people within obedience, than to confront a foreign enemy. So Antigonus took many Cities, and Places, of that Country, and began to set great numbers of Artificers on work in making ships, which was one of his most earnest cares. In these businesses he consumed a year and three months; not idly. For he took joppe, and Gaza, which were yielded unto his discretion, and well used. The strong City of Tyrus held out long, but was compelled in the end, by famine, to tender itself upon composition, that Ptolemy's Soldiers might departed with their Arms; which was permitted.  
Ptolemy was not asleep, whilst these things were in doing, though he kept himself within the bounds of Egypt, as indeed it behoved him to do. His forces were not able to stand against Antigonus in plain field, but likely they were to increase, which made him willing to protract the time. Nevertheless by Sea (where his enemy was as yet unready) he sent his Fleet into all quarters, whereof Seleucus had the chief command.  
Seleucus passed with an hundred sail along the coast of Syria, in the full view of Antigonus, and his Army, to their no little discomfort. He landed in Cyprus, which was then governed by many 〈◊〉 Lords; of whom the greatest adhered to 〈◊〉, the rest were, by the Factors of Antigonus, bought for him with gold, but now redeemed by the Egyptian with sharp steel.  
The same 〈◊〉 of aid by Sea encouraged the Precedent of Caria (called also Cassander, but not the son of Antipater, howsoever by the painful and learned writer Reinerus Reineccius, he is by some oversight, counted for the same) to declare for Ptolemy, and his Confederates, and busily employ in their quarrel all his forces, which he had hitherto kept in good neutrality, and thereby enjoyed rest; but now he threw himself into dangerous war, choosing rather to undergo trouble at hand, than to fall under certain ruin, though somewhat further distant, which would have overwhelmed him, if Antigonus had beaten all the rest.   

§. III How each party sought to win the assistance of Greece. ANTIGONUS his declaration against CASSANDER. ALEXANDER the son of POLISPERCHON revolteth from ANTIGONUS, who had set him up.  
IN the mean season all care possible was taken on both sides, to assure unto them the people of Greece, whose aid which way soever it inclined was of great importance. Herein at the first, Antigonus sped so well by large effusion of his treasure, that he drew to him the Lacedæmonians, and other Peloponnesians, of whom he waged eight thousand, and caused Polysperchon (who had a good while made hard shifts) to rouse himself again, and taking upon him the title of Captain of Peloponnesus, to make head against Cassander.  
These hopeful beginnings encouraged him to proceed further in the same kind. Wherhfore to make Cassander the more odious, he called together both his own Soldiers, and all the 〈◊〉 and Macedonians that were to be found thereabouts. To these he declared, That Cassander had very cruelly slain Olympias, mother to the great Alexander; and not herewith contented, had shut up in close prison the poor Lady Roxane, Alexander's wife, and his son begotten on her body. That all this proceeded from a desire to make himself King over the Macedonians; which well appeared by his enforcing the Lady Thessalonica, Daughter to King Philip, a match unfit for a man of no greater Parentage than he, to join with him in marriage. That in 〈◊〉 despite of those dead Princes, Philip, and Alexander, he had planted the Olynthians, rooted out by Philip, in a new City by him built, and called by his own name Cassandria; and had re-edified the City of Thebes, which for the great treason of the inhabitants, was leveled with the ground by the victorious hand of Alexander. For these reasons he required them to make a decree, that Cassander should restore to absolute liberty the Lady Roxane, and her son; and should yield obedience to the Lord Lieutenant General of the Empire (by which name Antigonus himself was understood) or else should be reputed a Traitor, and open Enemy to the State. Furthermore he propounded, that all the Cities of Greece should be restored into freedom; this he did, not because he was careful of their good, but for the need which he had of their assistance.  
These things being decreed, Antigonus was persuaded, that not only the Greeks' would adhere unto him, as to their loving Patron, and fall off from Cassander; but that the Rulers of Provinces, who had hitherto suspected him as a man regardful of nothing, but his own benefit, would correct their opinion, and think him the most faithful of all others to the Royal blood. But concerning his loyalty to the young Prince, the world was too wise to be deceived with vain shows. His undertaking for the liberty of the Greeks' was more effectual, and got easy belief, in regard of his present hatred to Cassander. Yet herein also Ptolemy strove to be as earnest as he, making the like decree, in hope to win to himself that valiant Nation, which afforded men far more serviceable in war, than were to be found in any Province of the Empire.  
And this indeed was the point, at which both sides aimed. Wherein Antigonus 〈◊〉 to make all sure, deceived himself, not without great cost. For he gave to Alexander the son of Polysperchon five hundred talents, willing him to set the war on foot in Peloponnesus, whereby it might appear, that on his side was meant nothing 〈◊〉, than what was openly pretended.  
In Peloponnesus, Cassander's men had, with much bloodshed, 〈◊〉 afflicted the contrary 〈◊〉; and he himself perceiving, that they were more easily spoiled as enemies, than retained as friends, thought it the best way, to make what use he could of them, that were not long like to continued his. Finally, perceiving that Alexander come furnished with plenty of gold, wherewith he was able, not only to win the doubtful, but to corrupt such as might seem best assured: he thought it a good part of wisdom, to surrender upon fair conditions, that which he could not assure himself to hold any long time by force. Therefore he sent one to deal with Alexander, about the matters in controversy; letting him know, that Antigonus was very skilful in setting men together by the ears, not caring who prevailed, but only desiring to have them wearythemselues, 〈◊〉 he was busied elsewhere; that so at length he might find opportunity to set upon the stronger. If therefore Alexander were so wise, as to keep in his purse the five hundred Talents which he had, and without stroke stricken, to receive the whole Lordship of Peloponnesus; it should be freely put into his hands by Cassander. Provided, that he should from thenceforth renounce all confederacy made with Antigonus, and enter into a sure and faithful league with Ptolemy, Cassander, and the rest of the Confederates. Otherwise, he might well persuade himself, that the Country which his Father could not keep, when he was indeed the Lieutenant of the Empire, should not in haste be won by him, that was only the Factor of a proud injurious man, so styling himself, but not acknowledged by others.  
Alexander had lived a while with Antigonus since the beginning of these wars; among whose followers it was not hard to discover the intent, (which he did not carry very secret) of making himself absolute Lord ofall. Therefore he was soon entreated to accept so good an offer; and did not stick to enter into that league, whereby he was to become a free Lord, and subject unto no man's control.  
How beit this his honour continued not long, ere he lost both it and his life together, by treason of the Sisyonians; who thinking thereby to have made themselves free, were soon after vanquished in battle by Cratesipolis, Alexander's wife, a discreet and valiant Lady. She in revenge of her husband's death, crucified thirty of the Citizens taken in fight; and having by severity taught them obedience, did afterwards contain her Army in good order, and governed those places that 〈◊〉 held, with the love and commendation of her Subjects and Neighbours.   

§. FOUR The Aetolians rise against CASSANDER in favour of ANTIGONUS, and are beaten. A fleet and land-army of ANTIGONUS, utterly defeated by PTOLEMY'S Lieutenant. In what terms the war stood at this time. ANTIGONUS draws nearer to 〈◊〉.  
ANTIGONUS, when he found, that with so much money he had only bought an enemy, began to raise troubles to Cassander and his other adversaries in Greece, by stirring up the Aetolians against them; Likewise he laboured to win to his party the islands in the Greek Seas, by whose assistance he might be the better able to deal with Ptolemy, that greatly prevailed by reason of his strong fleet. But neither of these attempts had the success which he expected. The Aetolians, a factious Nation, and always envying the greatness of their Neighbours, were often in commotion, but so, that commonly their gains equalled not their losses. Cassander wan some of their own Countric; fortified the 〈◊〉 against them, and compelled 〈◊〉, King of the Illyrians, whom he vanquished in battle, to for sake their side, and 〈◊〉 himself to bear no Arms against Cassander's friends.  
On the other side, as many petty islands were drawn to join with Antigonus: so the fleet of the Rhodians under Theodatus, who was Admiral to Antigonus, passing along the coast of Asia towards Cyprus, with an 〈◊〉 under conduct of Perilaus marching on the shore for mutual assistance, was quite overthrown by Ptolemy's Navic. Polyclytus, who in Ptolemy's behalf had been sent into Peloponnesus against Alexander, finding no need of his service in that Country, because Alexander was come over to their side, returned homewards, and by the way heard of the course which these Antigonians held, whom he 〈◊〉 cunningly surprised. He road with his Fleet behind a Cape, which the enemies were to double, his Land-forces he placed in ambush, whereinto Perilaus falling was taken prisoner, with many of his men, and many were slain, making little resistance. Theodatus the Admiral perceiving this, made all haste to help his fellows that were on Land; but whilst he with all his Fleet were intentive only to that business, Polyclytus appeared at their backs; who as soon as he perceived their disorder, hastened about the Capc, and charging them behind suffered not one of them to escape him. These ill tidings caused Antigonus to deal with Ptolemy about some composition. First, he sent Ambassadors; afterwards they met in person. But Antigonus would not yield unto the demands of Ptolemy: so the parley was vain.  
Hitherto each part seemed to have indifferently sped in the War, and thereby to have equal cause of hope and fear. This late victory with the good success of his affairs in Cyprus, did seem to make amendss to Ptolemy for his losses in Syria. Likewise the revolt of Alexander from Antigonus did equal the Confederacy, made between the Aetolians and him; as also those petty skirmishes, that had been in Asia the less, to Antigonus his advantage, were sufficiently recompensed by others of like regard, but adverse to him; and by the troubles brought upon his estates in those parts by the two Cassander's.  
Contrariwise, Antigonus valued the loss of his men, money, and ships, no otherwise than as the paring of his nails, that were left long enough, and would easily grow again; but the enlargement ofhis Territory by addition of Syria, he prized at a higher rate, as if thereby he had fed upon a 〈◊〉 of Ptolemy his enemy, and strengthened the body of his own Empire. Concerning other accidents, whereof the good were hitherto sufficient to counterpoise the bad, he meant to proceed as occasion should direct, which commonly is not long wanting to them, that want no money.  
That which most molested him was the attempts of his enemies upon Asia the less; wherein though as yet they had gotten little, yet had he 'cause to fear, jest the people being tied unto him by no bond of allegiance, might upon small occasion revolt from him, to men of as honourable reputation as he himself. To prevent this, and to be 〈◊〉 to Greece, he held it expedient for him to be there in person, where his affairs did seem to prospero the worse, by reason of his absence. Therefore he left part of his 〈◊〉 in Syria, under his son Demetrius, to whom being then but two and twenty years old, he appointed many ancient Captains as assistants, or rather as Directors: the rest he carried with him into Phrygia, where he meant to winter.   

§. V How LYSIMACHUS and CASSANDER vanquished some enemies, raised against them by ANTIGONUS. The good success of ANTIGONUS in Asia and Greece: with the rebellion of many Cities against CASSANDER.  
THe coming of Antigonus into those parts, wrought a great alteration in the procesle of his business thereabouts. For his enemies had short leisure to think upon molesting him in Asia: they themselves were held over-hardly to their own work on Europe side. 〈◊〉 a King of the Thracians, joining with some Towns that rebelled against Lysimachus, brought also the bordering 〈◊〉 into the quarrel. All these relied upon Antigonus, who was to help them with money, and other aid. The Aetolians likewise took courage, and rose against Cassander, having Aeacides, lately restored to the Kingdom of Epirus, their assistant. But Lysimachus gave unto his Rebels no time to confirm themselves. He suddenly presented himself before two of the Cities that had rebelled, and compelled them by fear to return to their duty. He fought a battle with the Scythians, and wild Thracians, and drove them out of the Country. Finally, he overcame Seuthes; and following the heat of his victory, slew Pausanias in battle, whom Antigonus had sent over with an Army; and all his men he did either put to ransom, or fill up with them his own Bands. The like success had Philip, Cassander's Lieutenant, against the Aetolians. For he wasted their Country; fought with the Epirotes, that come to help them; and after the victory, fought again with their forces joined in one, overthrowing them, and kill Aeacides that unfortunate King. Finally, he drove the Aetolians out of most of their Country, and forced them to seek their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wild Mountains. of the Epirotes he sent as prisoners to Cassander, the principal authors of the King's restitution, and of the present War.  
Yet these actions required some time, and wearied Antigonus his adversaries with painful travail; after which they remained only saviours. Antigonus himself at fair leisure, wan all Caria the whilst, and sent Armies into Peloponnesus, and other parts of Greece, bestowing 〈◊〉 upon all the Cities he took out of Cassander's hands. The whole Country of Peloponnesus (excepting Sition and Corinth) with the Isle of Euboea, and many places of the firm Land, were by these means won to be his in true and vehement affection, ready to do or suffer any thing for him that had made so evident a demonstration of his readiness, to give them the liberty indeed, which others promised in idle words. Many States desirous of the same benefit, would 〈◊〉 have showed their good will; but they were kept in by 〈◊〉 Garrisons, who was too wise to trust them lose. Therefore Antigonus made show as if he would pass over into Macedon: by which terror he forced Cassander to repair thither in all haste, with the best of his strength, leaving many good Towns of Greece so weakly guarded, that well they might take courage to 〈◊〉 themselves, if any foreign succour appeared. The aid which they desired was not long wanting. The Lieutenants of Antigonus, taking the advantage of Cassander's departure, entered the Country; drove his Garrisons out of divers Cities; forced the Governor of Athens to enter into league with their Lord; wan the Citadel of Thebes, and set the people at liberty. This last action was somewhat remarkable. For Thebes had not long before been raised out of her old ruins by the mere power of Cassander; of which act he was accused by Antigonus, as if it had been some heinous crime. Yet now the same Antigonus winneth the City, and the love of the Inhabitants, only by expelling him that was their Founder. So much are men readier to thank the Increaser, than the Author of their good; and rather to look forward upon those hopes, which vainly they extend beyond all measure, than backward upon their miserable nullity, that held them uncapable of being any thing.   

§. VI Victories of PTOLEMY by Sea. A great battle at Gaza, which PTOLEMY and SELEUCUS wan, against DEMETRIUS the Son of ANTICONUS.  
AS the presence or nearness of Antigonus gave life to his affairs in the lower Asia, and Greece; so the designs of his enemies, taking advantage of his absence, ruined the very foundations of those great works in the Eastern parts, wherewith in the year preceding he had overtopped them. The Isle of Cyprus, whose Princes wavered between contrary affections, inclining one while to Antigonus, another while faintly regarding their covenant with Ptolemy, was visited by an Egyptian fleet, wherewith Ptolemy, in his own person, 〈◊〉 reduced them to a more settled order, putting some to death, carrying others away prisoners, and leaving a Lieutenant of his own appointment, Governor of the whole Country. With the same fleet he ran alongst the Seacoasts, wasting a great part of Caria and Cilicia, with the spoils of which he enriched his followers, and returned laden to Cyprus. Demetrius the son of Antigonus, hearing frequent reports of the miseries, wherewith his Father's subjects were oppressed, made all haste out of Syria to the rescue, taking only his Horse and light-armed foot with him, because the business required expedition. But in vain did he 〈◊〉 himself and his followers, in hasty 〈◊〉 of one, that by launching out into the deep, could in a few minutes delude the labour of so many days, if need had so required. Answerable to the vanity of this expedition was the success. For Ptolemy was go, before Demetrius come into 〈◊〉. Neither was it certain, whither having lightened his ships of their burden in Cyprus, he would return upon those maritime Countries; or make toward Syria, where his coming was expected. He was indeed go into Egypt, and there with 〈◊〉 was describing a royal Army, which he levied with all convenient speed, for the recovery of Syria. This was more than Demetrius knew. Therefore he was feign to choose out of uncertainties the most likelihood, and return the way that he come, with all his companies, which were fit for service in the open field, than to be bestowed in Garrisons among the Cilicians. He had scarce refreshed his Men and Horses in Syria, when the news arrived of Ptolemy's coming with a puissant Army, to give him battle. Hereupon he called to counsel his principal friends, who advised him to give way to the time, & expect some better opportunity in the future: being a young man, and weakly furnished with means to resist such ancient and famous Generals, as Ptolemy and Seleucus. This counsel 〈◊〉 rather to proceed from the cold temper of those aged men that gave it, than from any necessity growing out of the present business. For Demetrius considering himself to be the son of Antigonus, and now General of his Father's Army, thought his own title weighty enough to be laid in balance against the bore names of those two great Commanders. Neither found he much reason that should move him to distrust his forces, as insufficient. His men were better exercised than the enemies, and promised as much as could be required. Therefore persuading himself, that such odds of number, and of great fame, would rather serve to adorn his victory, than hinder him in obtaining it, he resolved to put the matter to trial, without expecting the advantage of more help. So animating his Soldiers with hope of spoil and rewards, he abode the coming of the Enemies at Gaza, with purpose to encounter them, as soon as they had finished their wearisome journey over the Deserts of Arabia.  
Ptolemy and Seleucus issuing out of so rich a Province, as Egypt, come so well provided of all necessaries, that their Army felt not any great gricuance of the evil way, when battle was presented them, which confidently they undertook. In all things else they had the odds of Demetrius; of Elephants they were utterly unprovided. But how to deal with those beasts they were not ignorant. They had prepared a kind of Palisado, fastened together with chains, and sharpened in such manner, that the Elephants could not seek to break upon it, without receiving much hurt. The rest of their forces, which (besides that they had advantage in multitude) were heartened with many fortunate services, by them performed that year, whilst the enemies had wearied themselves, either with vain journeys, or long and dulling expectation, they disposed in such order, as best answered to the form, wherein Demetrius was embattled. The fight began, and was maintained with equal courage, for a long time, each part striving more to win honour, than to satisfy any other passion, as having little cause of hatred, or revenge. But after some continuance, the greater number holding better out, the error of Demetrius, who upon no necessity would needs fight a battle with disadvantage, began to appear by his losses. He had committed himself to Fortune, having more to loose by her than he could get: but in this fight she was idle, and left all to be decided by strong hands; unless it may be said, that the terror brought upon his men, by the loss of his Elephants, was bad luck. Those beasts were in that kind of war hardly to be resisted on plain ground, and therefore at the first they made great spoil amongst Ptolemy's men. Afterwards seeking to break through the Palisado, they were sorely hurt, and every one of them taken. This disaster caused the Horsemen of Demetrius to faint. They had laboured hard, and prevailed little, till now perceiving that all must lie upon their hands, who were ill able to make their own places good, they began to shrink, and many of them to provide for their safety by timely flight, which example the rest quickly followed. When Demetrius had striven so long in vain to make his men abide, that he himself was likely to be lost; he was feign to give place to the stronger, making a violent retreat as far as to Azotus, which was about thirty miles from the place of battle. A great part of his carriages was in Gaza, wither some of his company turned aside, hoping to save such goods, as in haste they could pack up. This foolish covetousness was their destruction, and the loss of the Town. For whilst they forgetful of the danger, had filled the streets with sumpter Horses, & cloyed up the gates, thronging, some to get in and fetch, others, to carry out what they had already laden, Ptolemy's Army broke in without resistance, taking them with their goods and the City altogether.  
This victory restored unto Ptolemy the best part of Syria, a Province more easy in those times to get, than to keep; and opened the way unto all the greatness of Seleucus. For between Gaza and Phoenicia no place offered resistance. In Coelosyria and Phoenicia, some towns held out a while, but were soon taken in by Ptolemy. Among these were the great Cities of Tyrus and Sidon; of which Sidon was given up by the Inhabitants; Tyrus by the Garrison, falling to mutiny against their Captain; who trusting to the strength of it, had made great vaunts, but was pardoned by Ptolemy, and honourably entertained, in respect of his fidelity.   

§. VII. How SELEUCUS recovered Babylon, and made himself Lord of many Countries in the highest Asia. The AERA of the Kingdom of the Greeks', which began with the Dominion of SELEUCUS.  
WHile Ptolemy followed his business with such prosperity, Seleucus took leave of him, and went up to Babylon, to try his own fortune; which he found so favourable, that recovering first his own Province, he become at length master of the better part of Alexander's purchases.  
This expedition of Seleucus was very strange, and full of unlikelihoods. Histraine consisted of no more than eight hundred foot, and two hundred horse, a number too small to have been placed as Garrison, in some one of those main great Cities, against which he carried it into the higher Asia. But little force is needful, to make way into strong places, for him that already stands possessed of their hearts which devil within the walls. The name of Seleucus was enough; whom the Babylonians had found so good a Governor, that noon of them would find courage to resist him; but left that work to Antigonus his own men, wishing them ill to speed. Some of the Macedonians that were in those Countries, had the like affection; others made a countenance of war, which by easy compulsion they left off, and followed new Ensigns. This added courage to the people, who come in apace, and submitted themselves joyfully to Seleucus. In a defection so general, it was not a safe course for the Antigonians, to thrust themselves into the Towns of most importance: for every man of them should have been troubled with daily enemies, in his own lodging. It remained that they should issue forth into the field, and try the matter by fight. But the treason of one principal man, who revolted to the enemy, with more than a thousand Soldiers following him, so dismayed the rest, that they did no more than seek to make good one strong place, wherein were kept the Hostages and Prisoners, that Antigonus held for his security in those quarters. This Castle, belike, they had not fortified in times of leisure, against dangers, that were not then apparent. Seleucus quickly took it; and so got the entire possession of Mesopotamia and Babylon.  
Antigonus had bestowed in Media and Persia, forces convenient for defence of those Provinces, that were the utmost of his Dominion. In the Countries about Euphrates he had not done the like: for his own great Army lay between them and all enemies. Therefore when the victory at Gaza had opened unto Seleucus the way into those parts; he found little impediment in the rest of his business. Having now gotten what he sought; it behoved him to seek how he might keep his get: for his own forces were too small, and his friends were ill able to lend him any more. That which his friends could not do for him; his enemies did. Nicanor, to whom Antigonus had committed his Army in Media, joining unto himself, out of Persia and other Countries, all needful help come with ten thousand foot, and seven thousand horse, either to save all from being lost, or to drive Seleucus out of that which he had won.  
Against this power, Seleucus had only four hundred horse, and somewhat above three thousand foot, where with to oppose himself: his large conquest of unwarlike Nations having yielded him many loving subjects, but few soldiers. Therefore when his enemies were near to the River of Tigris, he withdrew himself from the place where his resistance was expected, into certain marshes not far off; where he lay secretly waiting for some advantage. Nicanor thought that he had been fled, and was the less careful in fortifying his camp. In recompense of this vain security, his camp was taken by surprise, the first night of his arrival; the Satrapa, or Lieutenant of Persia, together with sundry of the Captains, were slain, he himself was driven to flee for his life into the Deserts; and the whole Army yielded unto Seleucus: whose gentle demeanour, after the victory, drew all Media, Susiana, and the Neighbour Provinces, to acknowledge him their Lord without any further stroke stricken.  
This victory of Seleucus gave beginning unto the new style, of The Kingdom of the Greeks', an account much used by the jews, Chaldaeans, Syrians, and other Nations in those parts. I will not make any long disputation about the first year of this Aera. The authority of that great Ginger Ptolemy, from which there is no appeal, makes it plain, that the five hundred and nineteenth year of NABONASSAR, 
〈◊〉. Almag l. 11 c. 7. & 8.  was the fourscore and two year of this account. Other inference hereupon 〈◊〉 needless, than that note of the learned GAURICUS, That the first of these years 
L. Gauric. in annotat. ad locum citatum.  was reckoned complete, at Babylon, together with the end of four hundred thirty and eight years after NABONASSAR. With the observation of the Saturn, recorded by Ptolemy, agrees (as it aught) the calculation of Bunting; finding the same Planet to have been so placed in the sign of Virgo, as the Chaldaeans had observed it, in the same year; which was from Nabonassar the five hundred and nineteenth; from Seleucus the fourscore and two year; and the last of the hundred thirty and seventh Olympiad. These observations of the Celestial bodies, are the surest marks of time: from which he that wilfully varies, is inexcusable. As for such occurrences in Historic, and the years of succeeding Princes (that are not seldom ambiguous, by reason of unremembered fractions) if they seem to be here-against, it is not greatly material. Yet thus much is worthy of note; that these years of the Greeks' were not reckoned in all Countries from one beginning; as plainly appears in the difference of one year, that is found between actions, related by the several Authors of the two Books of the Maccabees, who follow divers accounts. He that shall adhere to the time defined by Ptolemy, may apply the other supputations thereunto, as being no farther from it, than a years distance.   

§. VIII. How PTOLEMY lost all that he had won in Syria. What the causes were of the quiet obedience, performed unto the Macedonians, by those that had been subject unto the Persian Empire. Of divers petty enterprises, taken in hand by ANTIGONUS and DEMETRIUS, with ill success.  
IN a happy hour did Seleucus adventure, to go up to Babylon, with so few men as his friend could then well spare: for had he stayed longer upon hope of getting more Soldiers, Ptolemy could have spared him noon at all. Demetrius the son of Antigonus, having lost the battle at Gaza, received from Ptolemy all his own goods, his Pages, and Servants, in free gift, and there withal a courteous message, to this effect: That no personal hatred was the ground of this War, which he and his Confederates held with Antigonus; but only terms of honour, wherein they would seek to right themselves after such manner, that other friendly Offices, without reference to the quarrel, should not be forgotten.  
This Noble dealing of Ptolemy, did kindle in Demetrius an earnest desire of requiting him, with some as brave liberality. Which to effect, he gathered together the remainder of his broken troops; drew as many as could be spared, out of the Garrisons in Cilicia, or other Provinces thereabouts, and advertising his Father of his misfortune, besought him to sand a new supply, wherewith he might redeem his honour lost. Antigonus, upon the first news of this overthrow, had said, That the victory which Ptolemy wan upon a beardless Boy, should be taken from him by bearded men: yet upon desire that his son, whom he tenderly loved, should amend his own reputation. He was content to 〈◊〉 a stand in Phrygia. Ptolemy hearing of Demetrius his preparations, did nevertheless follow his own business in 〈◊〉; thinking it enough, to sand part of his Army under Cilles his Lieutenant, against the 〈◊〉 of those, that had been already vanquished, when their forces were entire. This peradventure would have been sufficient: had not Cilles too much underualued the power of such an Enemy. He thought that this young Gallant, having lately saved his life by flight, would now be more careful of having a fair way at his back, than adventurous in setting further forward, then urgent reason should provoke him. In this confidence he passed on without all fear; as one that were already Master of the field, and should meet with noon, that would issue out of their places of strength, to make resistance. When Demetrius was informed of this 〈◊〉 march; he took the lightest of his Army, and made his journey with such diligence, one whole night, that early in the morning, he come upon Cilles unexpected, and was on the sudden, without any battle, Master of his Camp: taking him alive, with his Soldiers, and their carriages all at once.  
This exploit served not only to repair the credit of 〈◊〉, which his losseat Gaza had almost ruined: but further it enabled him, to recompense the bounty of Ptolemy, with equal favour, in restoring to him Cilles, with many 〈◊〉 of his friends, accompanied with rich presents. But neither was Ptolemy so weakened by this loss, nor Demetrius so emboldened by his victory, that any matter of consequence thereupon ensued. For 〈◊〉 feared the coming of Ptolemy; and therefore he fortified 〈◊〉 in places of advantage: Ptolemy on the other side was loathe to engage himself in an enterprise, wherein he might perceive, that if the coming of Antigonus found him entangled, he should either be driven to make a shameful retreat, or a dangerous adventure of his whole estate, in hope of not much more than already he possessed.  
Antigonus, indeed, was nothing slow in his way towards Syria; wither he made all haste, not so much to relieve his son, as to embrace him. For he rejoiced exceedingly, that the young man had so well acquitted himself, and being left to his own advice, performed the office of a good Commander. Wherhfore to increase the reputation of this late victory he brought such forces, as might serve to re-conquer all Syria: meaning, that the honour of all, should be referred unto the good foundation, laid by his son; whom from this time forwards, he employed in matters of greatest importance.  
Ptolemy had now less reason, to encounter with Antigonus, than before his coming to have assailed the Camp of Demetrius. Yet he made it a matter of consultation; as if he had dared more than he meant. But all his Captains advised him to retire into Egypt; alleging many good arguments, to that purpose: which they might well perceive to be agreeable to his own intent, by his propounding that course; not without remembrance of the good success against Perdiccas, in the like defensive war. So he departed out of Syria, preserving his honour; as being rather led by mature deliberation, than any sudden passion of fear: and he departed at fair leisure, not only carrying his treasures along with him, but staying to dismantle some principal Cities, that he thought most likely to trouble him in the future. All the Country that he jest at his back, fell presently to Antigonus, without putting him to the trouble of winning it by pieces: so easy was it in those times, for the Captain of a strong Army, to make himself Lord of a great Province.  
We 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wonder, that these Kingdoms of Syria, Media, Babylon, and many other Nations, (which the victory of Alexander had overrun, with so hasty a course, as gave him not leisure to take any good view of them) were so easily held not only by himself, but by the Captains of his Army after him. The hot contentions for superiority between the King of Israel, and those of Damascus; between Egypt, and Babylon; Babylon, and Nineve; the Persians', and many Countries; argue a more manly temper, to have once been in those people; which are now so patiented of a foreign yoke, that like Sheep or Oxen, they suffer themselves to be distributed, fought for, won, lost, and again recovered, by contentious Masters; as if they had no title to their own heads, but were borne to follow the fortune of the Macedonians. This will appear the more strange, if we shall consider, how the several States of Greece (many of which had never possessed so large Dominion, as might 'cause their Spirits to swell 〈◊〉 their ability) did greedily embrace all occasions of liberty: and how these proud Conquerors were glad to offer it, desiring to have them rather friends than servants, for fear of further inconvenience.  
It must therefore be noted, that most of these Countries had always been subject unto the rule of Kings, or petty Lords, whom the Babylonians and Persians' long since had root ed out, & held them in such bondage, that few of them knew any other Law, than the command of foreign Masters. This had utterly taken from them all remembrance of home-born Princes, & incorporated them into the great body of the Persian Empire: so that wanting within themselves all sovereign power, or high authority, the life & spirit of every Estate; they lay as dead, and were bereaved of motion, when that Kingdom fell, whereof they lately had been members.  
Why the Persian Satrapae, or Princes of that Empire, did not when Darius was taken from them, as the Macedonian Captains, after the death of Alexander, 〈◊〉 to lay hold upon those Provinces, which had many ages been subject unto them, and scarce four years in quiet 〈◊〉 of their enemies; or why at lest they contended not (when the terrible name of that great Conqueror did cease to affright them) to get their shares among his followers, if not wholly to dispossess them of their new purchases: it is a question, wherein, who is not satisfied, may found no less reason to suspect the History, than authority to confirm it. For we seldom read, that any small Kingdom, prevailing against a far greater, hath made so entire a conquest, in the compass often years, as left unto the vanquished no hope of 〈◊〉, nor means to rebel; especially when such disorders, or rather utter confusion hath ensued, by the fury of civil war among the Victors.  
The 〈◊〉 why the Macedonians held so quietly the Persian Empire, is well set down by Machiavelli; and concerns all other Kingdoms, that are subject unto the like form of Government: the sum whereof is this. 〈◊〉 the Prince doth hold all his Subjects under the condition of slaves; there is the conquest easy, and soon assured: Where ancient Nobility is had in due regard, there is it hard to win all, and 〈◊〉 to keep that which is won. Examples of this are the Turkish Empire, and the Kingdom of France. If any invader should prevail so far upon Turkey, that the great Sultan and his Children (for brethren he 〈◊〉 not to suffer alive) were taken or slain: the whole Empire would quickly be won, and easily kept, without any danger of rebellion. For the Bassas, how great soever they may seem, are mere slaves; neither is there in all that large Dominion, any one man, whose personal regard could get the people to follow him in such an attempt, where in hope of private gain, should not countervail all apparent matter of fear. Contrariwise, in France, it were not enough for him that would make a conquest, to get into his hands the King and his Children; though he further got the better part of the Country, and were by far the strongest in the field. For, besides the Princes of the Royal blood, there are in that Kingdom store of great men; who are mighty in their several Countries, and having certain Royalties and Principalities of their own; are able to raise War, in all quarters of the 〈◊〉; whereunto the remembrance of their own ancient Families, and long continued Nobility, will always stir up and inflame them, so that until every one piece were won, and every one (an endless work) of the chief Nobility, brought under or destroyed, the victory were not complete, nor well assured. It is true, that such power of the Nobility, doth oftentimes make way for an invader; to whom the discontentments of a few can easily make a fair entrance. But such assistants are not so easily kept, as they are gotten: for they look to be satisfied at 〈◊〉, in all their demands; and having what they would, they soon return to their old 〈◊〉, upon condition to keep what they have, unless they be daily hired with new rewards: wherein it is hard to please one man, without offending another as good as himself. The 〈◊〉, on the other side, needs not to fear any peril, that might arise from the discontented spirits of his principal men. The greatest mischief that any of them could work against him, were the betraying of some 〈◊〉 Town, or the wilful loss of a battle: which done, the Traitor hath spent his sting, and must either fly to the enemy, whereby he loseth all that he formerly did hold, or else, in hope of doing some further harm, he must adventure to excuse himself unto his Master, who seldom forgives the Captain, that hath not striven by desperate valour against misfortune. As for making head, or 〈◊〉 their followers against the great Sultan, and so joining themselves unto any invader; it is a matter not to be doubted: for noon of them have any followers or dependents at all, other than such, as are subject unto them, by virtue of their 〈◊〉 and Commissions. Now as this base condition of the principal men, doth leave unto them no 〈◊〉, whereby to oppose themselves against the flourishing estate of their Prince; so would it weaken both their power and their courage in giving him 〈◊〉, if 〈◊〉 should make him stand in need of them. For there is scarce any one among the Turks 〈◊〉, or provincial Governors, that knows either from whence he was brought, or from whom descended, nor any one among them, that by the loss and utter ruin of the Turkish Empire, can loose any foot of his proper inheritance, and it is the proper inheritance of the subject, which is also a Kingdom unto him, which makes him fight with an armed heart against the Conqueror, who hath no other device painted on his Ensign, than the picture of 〈◊〉.  
As is the Turkish Empire, so was the Persian, void of liberty in the Subjects, and utterly destitute of other Nobility, than such as depended upon mere favour of the Prince. Some indeed there were of 〈◊〉 Royal blood, and others, descended from the Princes that joined with Darius, the Son of Hystaspes, in oppressing the Magis: these were men of reputation in Persia; but their reputation consisted only in their 〈◊〉, and their safety in not 〈◊〉 with affairs of State, which made them little esteemed. In what small account these Persian Princes were held, it may appear by this, that the 〈◊〉 Uncles, Cozen Germane, and Brethrens, were called by the Kings, Their Slaves, and so did style themselves, in speaking unto these great Monarches. That upon every light occasion of displeasure they were handled as Slaves; it is easy to be discerned, in that example of cruelty, practised by Xerxes upon his own brother M sistes, which hath been formerly noted, in place more convenient. As for the Satrapae, or Governors of the Provinces, it is needless to cite examples, proving them to have been mere slaves: it may suffice, that their heads were taken from them at the Kings will; that is, at the will of those Women and eunuchs, by whom the King was governed.  
To this want of Nobility in Persia, may be added the general want of liberty convenient among the people: a matter no less available, in making easy and sure the conquest of a Nation, then is the cause assigned by Machiavelli. For as Aesop his Ass did not care to run from the enemies, because it was not possible, that they should load him with heavier burdens, than his Master caused him daily to bear: so the Nations, that endure the worst under their own Princes, are not greatly fearful of a 〈◊〉 yoke; Nor will be hasty to shake it off, if by experience they find it more light, then was that whereunto they had be nelog accustomed. This was it that made the Gascoignes bear such faithful affection to the Kings of England; for that they governed more mildly than the French: this enlarged the Venetian jurisdiction in Lombardy; for the Towns that they wan, they wan out of the hands of Tyrannous oppressors: and this did 'cause the Macedonians, with other Nations, that had been subject unto the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 followers, to serve the Romans patiently, if not willingly; for that by them they were eased of many burdens, which had been imposed upon them by their own Kings.  
So that of this tameness, which we find in those that had been subjects of the Persian Kings, the reasons are apparent. Yet some of these there were, that could not so easily be contained in good order by the Macedonians: for they had not indeed been absolutely conquered by the Persian. Such were the Sogdians, Bactrians, and other Nations about the Caspian Sea. Such also were the Arabians bordering upon Syria: against whom Antigonus sent part of his Army; thinking therewith to bring them under; or rather to get a rich booty. The Captain that he sent, fell upon the Nabathaeans, at such time as they were busied in a great Mart, wherein they traded with the more remote Arabians, for Myrrh, Frankincense, and other such commodities. All or most of these rich wares, together with five hundred talents of silver, and many prisoners, the Macedonians laid hold upon: for their coming was sudden, and unexpected. But ere they could recover Syria, the 〈◊〉 overtook them, and finding them weary with long marches, made such a slaughter, that of four thousand foot, and six hundred horse, only fifty horse 〈◊〉. To revenge this loss, Demetrius was set out with a greater power: yet all in vain; for he was not resisted by any Army, but by the natural defence of a vast Wilderness, lack of water, and of all things necessary. Therefore he was glad to make peace with them; wherein he lost not much honour: for they craved it, and gave him presents. Returning from the Nabathaeans, he viewed the Lake Asphaltites, whence he conceived hope of great profit that might be raised, by gathering the Sulphur. With this good husbandry of his son, Antigonus was well pleased; and appointed men to the work: but they were slain by the Arabians, and so that hope vanished.  
These petty enterprises, with the ill success accompanying them, had much impaired the good advantage against Ptolemy: when the news of 〈◊〉 his victories in the high Countries, marred all together. For neither was the loss of those great and wealth Provinces, a matter to be neglected, neither was it safe to transport the war into the parts beyond Euphrates, whereby Syria and the lower Asia should have been exposed, to the danger of ill-affected Neighbours. A middle course was thought the best; and Demetrius, with fifteen thousand foot and three thousand horse, was sent against Seleucus. These forces being sent away, 〈◊〉 did nothing, and his son did less. For Seleucus was then in Media; his Lieutenants about Babylon withdrew themselves from necessity of fight; some places they fortified and kept; Demetrius could hold nothing that he got, without setting in Garrison more men than he could spare; neither did he get much; and therefore was feign to set out the bravery of his expedition, by burning and spoiling the Country; which he did thereby the more alienate, and as it were acknowledge to belong unto his enemy, who thenceforth held it as his own assured.  
Antigonus had laid upon his son a peremptory commandment, to return unto him at a time 〈◊〉: reasonably thinking (as may seem) that in such an 〈◊〉 state of things, either the War might be ended, by the fury of the first brunt; or else it would be vain to strive against all difficulties likely to arise, where want of necessaries should 〈◊〉 the valour, that by length of time was like to become less terrible to the Enemy. Demetrius therefore leaving behind him five thousand foot, and a thousand horse, rather to make show of continuing the war, than to effect much, where himself, with greater forces could do little more than nothing, forsook the enterprise, and went back to his Father.   

§. IX.. A general peace made and broken. How all the house of ALEXANDER was destroyed.  
THese ambitious heads, having thus wearied themselnes with 〈◊〉 travail, in seeking to get more than any one of them could hold; were contented at length to come to an agreement: wherein it was concluded, that each of them should hold quietly, that which at the present he had in possession. As no private hatred, but mere desire of Empire had moved them to enter into the war; so was it no friendly reconciliation, but only a dullness growing upon the slow advancement of their several hopes, that made them willing to breath a while, till occasion might better serve to fight again.  
Besides that main point, Of retaining the Provinces which every one held, there were two Articles of the peace, that gave a fair, but a false colour, to the business: That the son of ALEXANDER by ROXANE, should be made King, when he come to full age; and, That all the Estates of Greece should be set at liberty. The advancement of young Alexander to his Father's Kingdom, seems to have been a matter, forcibly extorted from Antigonus; in whom was discovered a purpose, to make himself Lord of all. But this, indeed, more nearly touched Cassander. For in his custody was the young Prince and his Mother: neither did he keep them in sort answerable to their degree; but as close prisoners, taken in that war, wherein they had seen the old Queen Olympias taken and murdered, that sought to have put them in possession of the Empire. The mutual hatred and fear between them, rooted in these grounds, of injuries done, and revenge expected; upon this conclusion of peace, grew up faster than any time before, in the heart of Cassander: who seen the Macedonians turn their favourable expectation, towards the son of their late renowned King.  
All this, either little concerned Antigonus; or tended greatly to his good. The young Prince must first have possession of Macedon: whereby Cassander should be reduced to his poor office, of Captain over a thousand men, if not left in worse case. As for them that held Provinces abroad, they might either do as they had done under Aridaeus; or better, as being better acquainted with their own strength. He in the mean time, by his readiness to acknowledge the true Heir, had freed himself from that ill favoured imputation, of seeking to make himself Lord of all that Alexander had gotten.  
The like advantage had he in that Article, of restoring the Greeks' to their liberty This liberty had hitherto been the subject of much idle discourse: but it never took effect. Antigonus held scarce any Town of theirs, Cassander occupied most of the Country: which if he should set free; he must be a poor Prince; if not, there was matter enough of quarrel against him, as against a Disturber of the common peace.  
In the mean season, the Countries lying between Euphrates and the Greek seas, together with a great Army, and money enough to entertain a greater, might serve to hold up the credit of Antigonus, and to raise his hopes, as high as ever they had been.  
With much disadvantage do many men contend, against one that is equal to them all in pvissance, Cassander's friends had left him in an ill case; but he could not do withal: for where every one man's help is necessary to the war, there may any one make his own peace; but no one can stand out alone; when all the rest are weary. The best was, that he knew all their affections: which tended to no such end as the becoming Subjects unto any man; much less to the son of an Asiatic woman, of whom they had long since refused to hear mention. Therefore he took a short course, and caused both the child & his Mother to be slain: freeing thereby himself in a trice, from the dangerous necessity of yielding up his government, which he must have done when the child had come to age. Roxane was a Lady of singular beauty, which was perhaps the cause, why Perdiccas desired to have her son, being as yet unborn, proclaimed Heir to the great Alexander. Immediately upon the death of Alexander, she had used the favour (if it were not love) of Perdiccas, to the satisfying of her own bloody malice, upon Statira, the Daughter of King Darius; whom Alexander had likewise married according to the custom of those Countries, wherein plurality of wives is held no crime. For having by a counterfeit letter, in Alexander's name, gotten this poor Lady into her hands, she did, by assistance of Perdiccas, murder her and her Sister, and threw their bodies into a Well, causing it to be filled up with earth. But now, by God's just vengeance, were she and her son made away, in the like secret fashion; even at such time, as the near approaching hope of a great Empire had made her life, after a wearisome imprisonment, grow dearer unto her than it was before.  
The fact of Cassander was not so much detested in outward show; as inwardly it was pleasing unto all the rest of the Princes. For now they held themselves free Lords, of all that they had under them; fearing noon other change of their estates, than such as might arise by chance of war; wherein every one persuaded himself of success, rather better than worse. Hereupon all of them (except Lysimachus and Seleucus, that had work enough at home) began to rouse themselves: as if now the time were come, for each man to improve his own stock. Antigonus his Lieutenants were busy in Peloponnesus, and about 〈◊〉: while their Master was careful in following other, and some greater matters that were more secretly to be handled. He pretended the liberty of Greece: yet did the same argument minister unto Ptolemy, matter of quarrel, against both him and Cassander; Ptolemy complaining (as if he had taken the matter deeply to heart) that 〈◊〉 had put Garrisons into some Towns, which aught, in fair dealing to be set at liberty. Vndercolour of redressing this enormity, he sent an Army into Cilicia; where he won four Towns, and soon after lost them, without much labour of his own or his Enemies.  
After this, putting to Sea with a strong Fleet, he ran along the coast of Asia, winning many places: and in that voyage alured unto him a nephew of Antigonus (a good Commander, but discontented with the ill requital of his services) whom finding shortly, as false to himself as he had been to his own Uncle, he was 〈◊〉 to put to death. But in doing these things, his desire to set the Greeks' at liberty, appeared not so plain, as he wished that it should: for their case was no way bettered, by his molesting Antigonus in Asia. Therefore to get the love of that valiant Nation, He made at the last an expedition into Greece itself: where having set free some little islands, and landed in Peloponnesus, he raised so great an expectation of finishing the long desired work, that Cratesipolis, the Widow of Alexander, Polysperchons' son, gave up into his hands the Towns of Sition and Corinth.  
Ptolemy had conceived a vain belief, that the Greeks' emboldened by his 〈◊〉 and assistance, would all of them take heart, and rise up in arms: whereby with little labour, their liberty 〈◊〉 be gotten; and he be acknowledged as Author of this immortal benefit. But long servitude had well-near extinguished the ancient valour of that Nation: and their ill fortune, in many likely attempts to recover freedom, had so tired their spirits, that they would no more stir in pursuit thereof; but sat idly still, as wishing it to fall into their mouths.  
The 〈◊〉, about these times, began to fortify their Town with walls; 〈◊〉 no longer in their virtue (for both it, and the discipline that upheld it were too much impaired) that had been a wall to their Town and Territory.  
The Athenians were become as humble servants, as they had been, in times past, insolent Masters: erecting as many statues in honour of Demetrius Phalereus, as there were days in the year. This Demetrius was now their Governor; and 〈◊〉 governed them with much moderation: but in spite of their hearts, as being set over them by Cassander. By this base temper of the principal Cities, it is 〈◊〉 to gather, how the rest of the Country stood affected. Ptolemy could not get them, to set their helping hands, to their own good; and to furnish him with the promised supplies of 〈◊〉 and victuals. Credible it is, that he had a true meaning to deliver them from thraldom; as judging the commodity that would arise by annexing them to his party, a matter of mote weight, than the loss that Cassander should receive thereby, who could hardly retain them, if once Antigonus took the work in hand. But when he found such difficulty in the business, he changed his purpose: and renewing his former friendship with Cassander, he retained Sition, and Corinth in his own possession.  
Before the coming of Ptolemy into Greece, Cassander bade been held occupied with very much work. For (besides his pains taken in wars among barbarous Princes) he found means to allure unto himself, the Lieutenants of Antigonus, that were in Peloponnesus, and about Hellespont: making his own advantage, of their discontentments. By the like skilful practice, He freed himself from a greater danger: and made those murders which he had committed seem the less odious, by teaching his enemies to do the like. Old Polysperchon, that had made so great a stir in the reign of Aridaeus, did after the death of Roxane and her Child, enter again upon the Stage: leading in his hand 〈◊〉 son of the great Alexander, and meaning to place him in his Father's Throne.  
The name of this young Prince was Hercules: he was begotten on Barsine, the Daughter of Artabazus a Persian; but had been less esteemed than the son of Roxane, either for that his Mother was held no better than a Concubine, or else perhaps, in regard of the favour which 〈◊〉, and after him Olympias, did bear unto Roxane. At this time, the death of his brother had moved such compassion, and regard of his being Alexander's only living child, had procured unto him such good will, that the demand which 〈◊〉 made in his befalse, was deemed very just and honourable. There were indeed more hearts than hands, that joined with this young Prince: yet wanted he not sufficient strength of hands, if the heart of him that lest aught, had not been most false. Cassander had raised an Army, to withstand his entry into 〈◊〉: but little trust could he repose in that Army, whose wishes he perceived to be with Hercucles. Therefore he assayed Polysperchon himself with gifts and promises; wherewith at length he prevailed so far, that the old Villain was contented to murder his Pupil, choosing rather with many curses, and soul dishonour, to take the offered Lordship of Peloponnesus, and Commander of an Army; than to purchase a Noble fame with dangerous travail, in maintaining his faith, unto both his dead and living Sovereigns.  
Antigonus had not all this while been 〈◊〉; though his losses were hitherto the chief witnesses, of his having been a stirrer in these commotions, He thought it enough for him at the present, to retain his own: and therefore took order for the recovery of those places, which Ptolemy had taken pains to win. As for the rest it no wav grieved him, to see Cassander incur the general hatred of men by committing those murders, of which the profit was like to redound unto him that was the most powerful: or to see Polysperchon and Ptolemy sweat, in a busy war against 〈◊〉. If they would have continued their quarrels, he could well have 〈◊〉 them leisure, and have thought the timewell spent, in beholding their contentions. For he was thoroughly persuaded, that when the rest had wearied themselves in vain with long strife, his armies and treasures, wherein he exceeded them all, would bring all under. According to these haughty conceits, he demeaned himself among his followers; looking big upon them, and like a King before his time. This was it that caused so many of them to revolt 〈◊〉 him: but it was no great loss to be forsaken by those that looked with envious eyes upon that fortune whereon their own should have depended. Against this envy of his own men, and the malice of others, Antigonus busily sought a remedy, such as was like to give him a goodly title to the whole Empire.  
〈◊〉, Sister unto the great Alexander, lay for the most part in Sardes; whom he had a great desire to take to wife. This his desire was not without good hope: for 〈◊〉 she discovered much 〈◊〉 thereunto, yet was she in his power, and might therefore be entreated, were it only for fear of being enforced. But it was not his purpose, to get her by compulsive means: either because his fancy being an old man, was not over-violent; or rather because his ambition, whereunto all his affections had reference, could have made small use of her, by doing such apparent wrong. She had been married unto Alexander King of Epirus, after whose death she come to her brother in Asia; hoping, belike, to find a new husband in his Campe. But neither any of those brave Captains, that were, in times following, so hot in love with her, durst then aspire unto her marriage: nor did her brother, full of other cares, trouble himself with providing her of an husband. She therefore, being a lusty 〈◊〉 suffered her blood, so far to prevail against her honour, that she supplied the want of an husband by entertainment of Paramours. Alexander hearing of this, turned it to a jest: saying, that she was his sister, and must be allowed this liberty, as her portion of the Empire. When by his death, the Empire lay in a manner, void, and the portion due to her therein, grew, in men's opinion, greater than it had been: then did many 〈◊〉 to obtain her, while she herself desired only a proper man, with whom she might led a merry life. To this purpose did she invite Leonatus unto her; who made great 〈◊〉; but was cut off by death, ere he come to her presence. Now at the last, after long tarrying, she had her choice of all 〈◊〉 great Commanders: 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, Lysimachus, and Cassander, being all her earnest wooers. All these (Antigonus excepted) had wives already, 〈◊〉 had many wives, and many Concubines, whom he respected as much as his wives, being noted of too much dotage in that kind. This hindered not his suit: peradventure it advanced it, by giving to Cleopatra, some hope of mutual toleration. To him therefore she 〈◊〉 herself, and was taking her iournic from Sardes towards him; when Antigonus his Deputy in that City, made her to stay, until his Masters further pleasure should be known. Antigonus had now a Wolf by the ears: he neither could well hold her, nor durst let her go. She would not be his wife; he had noon honest pretence to force her; and to keep her prisoner, had been the way by which he might have incurred a general hatred, lasting perhaps beyond her life; as the course taken by 〈◊〉 against Roxane (a Lady less respected than Alexander's own sister) did well testify. Therefore he thought it the wisest way to procure her death: for to let any other enjoy the commodity of so fair a title to the Kingdom, it was no part of his meaning. To this purpose he sent instructions to the Governor of Sardes; willing him in any case to do it secretly. So the fact was committed, and certain women about her put in trust with the murder: which women afterwards were put to death, as mischievous conspirers against the life of that good Lady. So was Antigonus 〈◊〉 from blame, at the lest, in his own opinion: but the world was less 〈◊〉, than to be so deluded. How the murder was detected, we 〈◊〉 not ask: for seldom is that bloody crime unrevealed; and never so ill smothered, as when great persons are the Authors.  
Thus was the whole race of 〈◊〉 and Alexander the Great extinguished, and it was extinguished by the hands of such as thought upon nothing 〈◊〉 than the execution of God's 〈◊〉, due unto the 〈◊〉 of these powerful, but merciless Princes. Wherhfore the ambitious frames, 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 Tyrants, upon so wicked 〈◊〉 of innocent blood, were soon after cast down, over-whelming themselves or their children, with the ruins, as the sequel will declare.   

§. X. How DEMETRIUS, the son of ANTIGONUS, gave liberty to Athens, 〈◊〉 the Garrisons of CASSANDER out of those parts. The immoderate honours decrced by the 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 and DEMETRIUS.  
NOne being left 〈◊〉, that had any title to the Kingdom; it stood with good reason, that they which were Lords of the Provinces, acknowledging no Superior, should freely profess themselves Kings in name, as they were already in substance. Yet had this name ill beseemed the weaker, while the strongest of all did forbear it: neither seemed it 〈◊〉 in the judgement of Antigonus, to crown his last action with such a title, as if he had attained unto greatness by that soul murder, the infamy whereof he was careful how to discharge from his own head. He purposed therefore to undertake a plausible enterprise, even the liberty Greece: whereby it was apparent, that he might get such honour as would not only drown all bad reports, but make him be thought equal to any name of 〈◊〉, whereof in seeming 〈◊〉, he was not covetous. To this purpose, he delivered a strong Army, with a Navy of two hundred and fifty sail, and five thousand talents of silver, unto Demetrius his son: willing him to begin at Athens, and thence to proceed, in setting all the Country free.  
Demetrius come to Athens before he was expected: so that without resistance he entered the Haven; it being thought that a fleet of Ptolemy, Cassander's good friend, had been arrived. But when it was known, both who he was, and what was the cause of his coming; the joy of the Citizens broke out into loud acclamations; 〈◊〉 Phalereus forsook the Town, and withdrew himself to 〈◊〉, under safe conduct; only the Garrison in Munychia strove to make good that 〈◊〉, which after a while was won upon them by force. During the siege of Munychia, Demetrius went to Megara; whence he expelled the Garrison of Cassander, and so restored the City to liberty.  
I think it not impertinent, sometimes to relate such accidents, as may 〈◊〉 no better than mere trifles: for even by trifles, are the qualities of great People as well disclosed, as by their great actions; because in matters of importance, they commonly strain themselves, to the observance of 〈◊〉 commended rules; in lesser things they follow the current of their own Natures. The Lady 〈◊〉 lay in Patras, and 〈◊〉 a great desire to see Demetrius; hoping, belike, that she might, by his means, better her estate, and recover her Towns of Sytion and Corinth, detained by Ptolemy, to whose Lieutenant, in those places, Demetrius before his departure out of Greece, offered money for the surrender of them. Yet the only business pretended was love. He being advertised hereof, left his forces in the Country of Megara, and taking a company of his lightest armed, for guard of his person, made a long journey to meet with her. This troop also, he caused to lodge a great way from his Tent, that noon might see her when she come. As closely as the business was carried, some of his enemies had gotten knowledge of it; whereby they conceived good hope, that the diligence of a very few men, might overthrow all 〈◊〉 great preparations of Antigonue; and bring him to any terms of reason, by taking his 〈◊〉 son prisoner. Their project fell but a little short of the effect. For they come so suddenly upon him, that he had no better shift, than to muffle himself in an old cloak, and creep away disguised; leaving them to ransack his Tent. There was in this Prince a strange medley of conditions; especially an extreme 〈◊〉 in wanton pleasures, and a painful industry in matter of war. He was of a most amiable countenance, a gentle nature, and a good wit; excellent in devising Engines of war, and curious in working them with his own hands. He knew better how to reform his bad fortune, then how to rule his good. For adversity made his valour more active: prosperity 〈◊〉 him with an overweening, wherein he thought, that he might do what he listed. His fortune was as changeable, as were his qualities: turning often round, like the picture of her wheel, till she had wound up the thread of his life, in such manner as follows to be showed.  
Returning to his Camp, and finishing his business at Megara; he resolved no longer to attended the issue of a siege, to affaile Munychia by force, that so he might accomplish the liberty of Athens: which, until it was fully wrought out, he refused to enter into the City. Munychia was strongly fortified: yet by continuance of the assault, the multitude without, through help of their Engines that scoured the walls, 〈◊〉 upon the resolution of those that lay within it, and wan the place in two days. The walls, and all the defences of that piece against the City, were leveled with the ground, & so was it freely put into the Citizens hands, to whom withal was given their liberty, with promise to aid them in maintaining it.  
The fame of this action was louder, than of any other victory, gotten by Demetrius with greater skill and industry. For the Athenians, having forgotten how to employ their hands, laboured to make up that defect with their tongues: converting to base flattery, that 〈◊〉 of theirs, which the virtues of their Ancestors had suited unto more manly arguments.  
They decreed, unto Antigonns and Demetrius, the name of Kings; they consecrated the place, in which Demetrius leapt from his Chariot, when he entered their City, and built there an Altar, calling it of DEMETRIUS the a-lighter; they called them by the Na nes of the gods their saviours, ordaining that every year, there should be chosen a Priest of these gods; and further, that such as were employed by their State, in dealing with either of these two Princes, should not be called Ambassadors, but Theori, or Consulters with the gods; like as were they, whom they sent unto the Oracle of jupiter or Apollo.  
It were a frivolous diligence, to rehearse all their flatteries; these being so gross. Hereby they not only corrupted the young Prince; but made that acclamation, which best would have pleased the old man, to be of no use. For he could not handsomely take upon him the name of King, as imposed by the Athenians; unless he would seem to approve their vanity, in loading him with more than human honours. Yet was he so tickled, with this their fine handling him, that when their 〈◊〉, or Consulters come shortly after, desiring him to relieve them with Corn, and Timber to build ships; he gave them almost a hundred thousand quarters of wheat, and matter sufficient to make a hundred Galleys. So gracious was his first Oracle: or rather, so weak is great power in resisting the assaults of flattery.   

§. XI. The great victory of DEMETRIUS against PTOLEMY in Cyprus. How ANTIGONUS and DEMETRIUS took upon them the style of Kings; wherein others followed their example.  
FRom this glorious work, Antigonus called away Demetrius, unto a business of greater difficulty: meaning to employ his service against Ptolemy in Cyprus. Before his departure out of Greece, he was willed to establish a general Counsel, that should treat of matters, concerning the common good of the Country. About the same time, Antigonus withdrew his own Garrison out of Imbros, committing their liberty entire, into the people's hands: whereby it might appear, that as he would not permit any other to oppress the Greeks', so would he be far from doing it himself. This was enough, to hold his reputation high, among these new purchased friends: it followed, that he should convert his forces, to the winning of ground upon his Enemies.  
A pitiful Tragedic had lately happened in Cyprus; through the indiscretion of Menelaus, Ptolemy's brother, and his Lieutenant in that Isle. Nicocles, King of Paphos, was entered into some practice with Antigonus: yet not so far that he thought himself past excuse; by which confidence, he was perhaps, the more easily detected. To cut off this negotiation, & the false-hearted King of Paphos at one blow, Menelaus was sent thither: who surrounding Nicocles his house with Soldiers, required in Ptolemy's name, to have him yielded to the death. Nicocles offered to clear himself; but Menelaus told him, that die he must, and bade him come forth quietly. This desperate necessity caused the unhappy King to rid himself of life: and his death struck such an impression into his wife, that she not only slew herself, but persuaded the wives of her husband's brethren, to do the like. Also those brethren of Nicocles, unto whom Ptolemy had intended no ill, being amazed with the suddenness of this calamity, did shut up the Palace, and setting it on fire, consumed it, with all that was in it, and themselves together.  
Whatsoever the crime objected was; Nicocles perished as a man innocent, because he was not suffered to make his answer. Of this sad accident, though Menelaus deserved the blame, for his rigorous proceeding: yet is it to be thought, that much dislike fell also upon Ptolemy: as men that are grieved, cast an ill affection, even upon those, that gave the farthest removed occasion.  
Not long after this, Demetrius come into Cyprus, with a power sufficient, against any opposition that Ptolemy was like to make. The Cypriots did little or nothing against him: either because they had small strength, or for that they held it a matter 〈◊〉, whom they acknowledged as their Lord, being sure that they should not themselves have the rule of their own Country. Menelaus therefore, out of his Garrisons, drew forth an 〈◊〉, and fought with Demetrius. But he was beaten, and driven to save himself within the walls of Salamis; where he was so hardly besieged, that without strong succour he had no likelihood to make good the place, much less to retain possession of the whole Island. His greatest help at the present, was the 〈◊〉 of his Soldiers; whom no rewards could win from him, nor good usage (when any of them were taken prisoners, and enrolled in the enemies bands) keep from returning to him, with the first opportunity. Most of them were Mercenaries: but all their goods were in Egypt, which was enough to keep them faithful. Yet could not this their resolution have stood long, against 〈◊〉 of number, which Demetrius had of men as resolute, and against his terrible Engines of battery, if 〈◊〉 had not hasted to the rescue.  
Ptolemy brought with him, a hundred and forty Galleys, besides two hundred ships of burden, for transporting his Army and Carriages. This flect made a terrible show, when it was descried a far; though more than half of it, was unfit for service, in fight at Sea. Wherefore to make the opinion of his forces the more dreadful, Ptolemy sent unto 〈◊〉, a threatening message: willing him to be go, unless he would be overwhelmed with multitudes, and trampled to death in a throng. But this young Gallant repaid him with words of as much bravery, promising to let him escape, upon condition, that he should withdraw his Garrisons out of Sition and Corinth.  
Demetrius had no more than one hundred and eighteen Galleys; but they were, for the most part, greater than those of Ptolemy; better stored, with weapons fit for that service; and very well furnished with Engines in the prows, to beaten upon the Enemy. Nevertheless he stood in great doubt of threescore Galleys that lay in the Haven of Salamis, jest Menelaus with them should set upon his back: in which case, it was likely that all should go very ill with him. Against this mischief, he bestowed ten of his own Galleys in the mouth of that Haven, to keep Menelaus from issuing forth, and setting his horsemen on the shore, to give what assistance they could, he with the rest of his fleet, puts to Sea against Ptolemy.  
The fight began early in the morning, and continued long, with 〈◊〉 success. The Generals were not ranged opposite one to the other; but held each of them the left wing of his own 〈◊〉. Each of them prevailed against the squadron wherewith he encountered; but the success of Demetrius was to better purpose. For his victory in one part was such, as caused others to fall out of order, and finally drove all to betake themselves unto speedy flight. As for Ptolemy, he was 〈◊〉 to leave his 〈◊〉 upon the enemy in one part of the fight, that he might relieve and animate those of his own which needed him in another. Wherein he found his loss overgreat to be repaired, by contending any longer against the fortune of that day; and therefore he laboured only to save himself, in hope of 〈◊〉 event, that might follow some other time.  
There fell out in this battle no unusual accident; yet was the victory greater than could have been expected. The occasions whereof were, partly the great skill in Sea-seruices, which the Greeks' and Phoenicians, that were with 〈◊〉, had, above those which followed Ptolemy: partly the good furniture of the Ships, wherein consisted no less, than in the quality of those with whom they were manned. Further, we may reasonably judge, that the two hundred ships of burden, carrying the strength of Ptolemy's Army, did not more encourage his own men, and 〈◊〉 his enemies the day before the fight; than breed in each part the contrary affections, when in the beginning of the fight, they fell off, and stood aloof. For though it were fitting, that they should so do; yet a multitude, prepossessed with vain conceits, will commonly apprehended very slight occasions, to think 〈◊〉 abandoned. Besides all this, the expectation, that Menelaus issuing with his fleet out of Salamis, should charge the enemies in stern, was utterly frustrate. He was kept in perforce, by the ten ships appointed to bar up the mouth of the Haven: which they manfully performed, as great necessity required.  
Such disappointment of expectation, doth much abate the courage of men in fight; especially of the assailants: whereas on the contrary, they that find some part of their fears vain, do easily gather hopeful spirits, and conceive an opinion of their own ability to do more than they had thought upon, out of their not suffering the harm that they had imagined.  
Whatsoever the causes of this victory were, the fruit was very great. For Ptolemy had no more than eight Galleys that accompanied him in his flight: all the rest of his fleet was either taken, or sunk. Neither did Menelaus any longer strive against the violence of Fortune; but yielded up all that he held in Cyprus, together with his Army, consisting of twelve thousand foot, and a thousand and two hundred horse, and those Galleys in the Haven of Salamis. The same 〈◊〉 of Spirit was found in the common Soldier, as well that was taken at Sea, as that had served the Egyptian by Land: noon of them reposing any more confidence in Ptolemy, but willingly becoming followers of a new Lord, whose Army they now increased.  
It was generally believed, that much more depended on the event of this fight, than the Isle of Cyprus; for which they contended. Wherhfore the common expectation was great; especially Antigonus, whom it most concerned, was deeply perplexed with cares, thinking every day a year, till he were advertised of the issue. In this mood Aristodemus found him, a notable flatterer, whom 〈◊〉 had honoured, with the Message of these good news. Aristodemus had be thought himself of a trick, whereby to double the welcome of his joyful errand: He caused his ships to ride at Anchor, a good distance from the shore; he himself landed in a Cockboat, which he sent immediately back to the ship; and so all alone, he went forward, looking very sadly that no part of his tidings might appear in his countenance. Report of his arrival (for it was not known where he had been) come presently to Antigonus, who sent Messenger after Messenger, to meet him on the way, and bring speedy word how all went. But neither any answer, nor so much of a look, as might intimate the purport of his errand, could be won from this demure Gentleman. Thus marched he fair and softly forward, with a great throng at his heels (that served well to set out his Pageant) until he come in sight of Antigonus; who could not contain himself, but went down to meet him at the 〈◊〉, and hear the news. Than did Aristodemus, upon the sudden, with a high voice salute Antigonus by the name of King; uttering the greatness of the victory (with as much pomp, as before he had 〈◊〉 it with silence) in the hearing of all the people; who with loud acclamations, gave that name of King, both to 〈◊〉, and to his son Demetrius. Antigonus, in 〈◊〉 of the long suspense, wherein Aristodemus had held him, said that it should also be long ere 〈◊〉 received his reward. But the title of King, together with the Diadem, which his 〈◊〉 did set on his head, he could not wish a fairer occasion to assume: wherefore he readily accepted them, and sent the like to his son.  
When it was once noised abroad, that Antigonus and Demetrius called themselves Kings; it was not long ere their fellows were ready to follow the good example. 〈◊〉 his friends would by no means endure, that their Lord should be thought a man dejected for the loss of a fleet: therefore they saluted him also King. Lysimachus in Thrace had boldness enough, to put the Diadem about his own head. Seleucus had, before this time, among the Barbarous people, taken upon him as King: but now he used the style in differently, as well among the Greeks' and Macedonians, as in dealing with others. Only Cassander held himself contented with his own name: whereby howsoever he might shadow his pride, he no way lessened the 〈◊〉 of his cruelty, against his Master's house. But the name which he forbore, his sons, after him, were bold to usurp, though with ill success, as will appear, when they shall enter upon the Stage; whereon these old Tragedians, under new habits, as no longer now the same persons, begin to play their parts, with bigger looks, and more boisterous actions, not with greater grace and judgement, than in the Scenes already past.    

CHAP. VI Of the wars between the Kings of Egypt, Asia, Macedon, I 〈◊〉, and others: until all ALEXANDERS Princes were consumed.  

§. I. The Expedition of ANTIGONUS against Egypt, with ill success.  
ALL the rest of these Kings had taken that name upon them, an imitation of Antigonus himself, as 〈◊〉 his greatness: which was such as gave him hope to swallow them up, together with their new titles. Bcing not ignorant of his own strength, he resolved to single out Ptolemy, and make him an example to others: who should hardly be able to stand, when the greatest of them was fallen. To this purpose he prepared an Army of eighteen thousand foot, and eight thousand horse, with fourscore and three Elephants: as likewise a fleet of a hundred and fistie Galleys, and a hundred ships of burden. The Land-forces he commanded in person: of the Name 〈◊〉 was Admiral.  
When all was ready for the journey, the Seamen advised him to stay yet eight days longer, and expect the setting of the Pleyades. But his hasty desire to prevent all preparations for resistance that Ptolemy should make, rejected this counsel; imputing it rather to their fear than skill: wherefore he departed from Antigonia (a Town which he had built in Syria, and called after his own name, that was soon changed into 〈◊〉, by his mortal Enemy) and come to Gaza; where he met with his fleet. The nearer that he drew to Egypt, the more haste he made: thinking by celerity to prevail more then by his great power. He caused his Soldiers to carry ten days provision of victuals; and had many Camels loaden with all necessaries for passing the 〈◊〉, over which he marched with no small toil, though he met with no resistance. At Mount Cassius, which is near adjoining to Nilus, he seen his Fleet, riding at Anchor, not far from the shore; in ill case, and many ships wanting. It had been sorely beaten with soul weather, wherein some were lost, others 〈◊〉 back to Gaza, or scattered elsewhere into such creeks as they could recover: Demetrius himself, with the best and strongest vessels, did so long beaten it up against the wind, that all his fresh water was spent; in which extremity, he and 〈◊〉 his must have perished, had not the tempest ceased when it did, and Antigonus appeared in sight, from whom these overwearied, thirsty and Sea-beaten Soldiers received relief; After these painful travails there followed a War no less painful than to little purpose; for Ptolemy had so fortified all the passages upon the River of Nilus, as he assured himself either to end the war there, or if his 〈◊〉 should happen to be forced, yet could it not be done, but so much to the weakening of the Assailants, as he should afterward, with a second Army (which he held entire) entertain the invader upon advantage enough. All that Antigonus sought, was to come to blows speedily: Ptolemy on the contrary, to beaten Antigonus by the belly. It is true that Nilus gave him water enough, but would he had noon 〈◊〉 warm it, and while Antigonus assaulted the Rampires raised upon the River in vain, Ptolemy assayed the faith of his Soldiers with good success, for with great gifts, and greater promises, he ferried them over so 〈◊〉, as had not Antigonus thrust some assured Regiments, upon the passages next the enemy, and in the mean while taken a resolution to return, Ptolemy had turned him out of Egypt, ill attended.  
Some of them indeed he laid hands on, in the way of their escape, and those he put to death with extreme torments; but in all likelihood with the same ill success that 〈◊〉 had formerly done, when he invaded Egypt: had he not readily removed his Army further off, from the noise of their entertainment, that had already been won from him. To prevent therefore as well the present danger of his stay, as the shame following a forced retreat, he secretly practised the advice of his Council, upon whom the burden must be laid of his entrance, and leaving Egypt.  
It is indeed less predudiciall in such like cases, that errors, dishonours, and losses, be laid on councillors and Captains, than on Kings, on the Directed, than on the Director: for the honour and reputation of a Prince is far more precious, than that of a vassal. Charles the fift, as many other Princes have done, laid the loss and dishonour he received in the invasion of France, by the way of Province, to Antony de Leva, whither justly or no, I know not; but how soever all the Historians of that time agreed, that the sorrow thereof cost that brave Captain his life. Certainly to give any violent advice in doubtful enterprises, is rather a testimony of love, than of wisdom, in the giver; for the ill success is always cast upon the Council, the good never wants a Father, though a false one, to acknowledge it. Yet I have sometime known it, that great commanders, who are for the present in place of Kings, have not only been dissuaded, but held in a kind by strong hand, from hazarding their own persons, and yet have those kind of Mutineers never been called to a marshals Court.   

§. II How the City of Rhodes was besieged by DEMETRIUS.  
THis departure of Antigonus left behind it many dead carcases, and a great deal ofioy in Egypt. Ptolemy held a solemn feast, and sent Messengers abroad, loaden with glad news, to Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander, his Confederates: strongly encouraging all that side with the report of this his late felicity, though it appeared but in a defensive war. Antigonus on the contrary flattered himself with another interpretation, calling the joys of his enemies for witnesses of his own greatness, seeing they arose but from so little things: his enemies being but bore saviours by the last bargain, and himself, as he supposed, having lost but a little time, and no part of his honour in the late retreat. How soever it were, yet he meant to follow his affairs henceforth in another fashion, for that which he could not cleave asunder by great blows, he purposed by little & little to pair off, by cutting off the branches first, to fell the Tree itself with the more facility. To effect which, he resolved (leaving the great ones to grow awhile) to root up the dependents of his Enemies: dependents, whom the forenamed Confederates should be forced, either to relieve, or to lose; and hereby he doubted not, to draw them into the field, where the advantage of power, and of all other warlike provisions, promised him victory.  
At this time the Cities of Rhodes was very mighty, being well governed, and having long held itself in good Neutrality, it drew the better part of all the trade of those parts, and thereby a great deal of riches to itself, to maintain which, and to increase it, it furnished and kept on the Seas a Fleet of well armed ships, by which it not only beaten off all Pirates and petty thieves, but the reputation of their strength was thereby so much increased, as all the neighbour Princes sought their alliance and confederacy.  
In this so dangerous a time (in which they must either refuse all that sought them, and so 〈◊〉 friendless and apart, or join themselves to some one; and thereby forego the peace, by which their greatness had grown) their affections carried them to the Egyptian: both because the greatest part of their trade lay that way, as also for that Antigonus his disposition, greatness, & neighbourhood was fearful unto them. This affection of theirs, with some other passages, more apparent; gave argument of quarrel to Antigonus, who began to declare himself against them by 〈◊〉 injuries, of taking some of their ships, with such other grievances, while he made a more weighty preparation, to pursue the war against them, openly & strongly. All things soon after ordered according to the greatness of the enterprise, he employed his son Demetrius against them in their own Island, who brought such terror upon the Citizens, that laying aside all respect of friendship and honour, they offered him their assistance, and service against whom soever. Demetrius, who knew from whence this change come, and that the alteration was persuaded by fear, and not by love; raised his demands to an intolerable height, requiring a hundred Hostages to be delivered him, and liberty to lodge in their Port as many ships of war as himself pleased. These conditions more properly to be imposed upon a State already conquered, then on those who as yet had heard of nothing but a constrained assistance, restored unto the Rhodians their lost courage, and made them resolve to defend their liberty to the last man: this taught them to enfranchise all their able bondmen, and wisely rather to make them their fellow-Citizens, than to make themselves fellow-slaves with them.  
Demetrius having refused the fair conditions offered, (as the Rhodians the fearful ones propounded unto them) makes preparation for a long siege, and finding no appearance to carry the place in fury, he set in hand with his Engines of battery; in the invention and use of which, he never showed himself a greater Artisan, than in this war. But in conclusion, after the Citizens had sustained all the assaults given them for a whole year, after many brave sallies out of the Town, and the famine which they endured within the Town, which had proved far more extreme, if Ptolemy had not with many hazards relieved them, Demetrius by mediation of the Graecian Ambassadors, gave over the siege; a hundred Hostages they gave him for performance of the peace made, but with exception of all the Magistrates and officers of the City.  
Hereunto Demetrius was brought by the usual policy of war, and state: for while with the flower of all his father's forces, he lay before Rhodes, Cassander recovered many of those places in Greece, which Demetrius had formerly taken from him, neither did Cassander make the war as in former times, by practice and surprise, but by a strong and well compounded army, which he himself led as far as into Attica, and therewith greatly distressed and endangered Athens itself. On the other side (though with less success) did Polysperchon invade Peloponnesus. These dangerous undertakings upon Greece, advised the 〈◊〉 and Aetolians to dispatch their 〈◊〉 towards Demetrius, and advised Demetrius, rather to abandon the enterprise of Rhodes, than to abandon the great honour which he had formerly gotten, by setting all Greece at liberty.  
Demetrius was no sooner out of the Island, then that the Rodians erected statues in honour of Lysimachus, & Cassander, but for Ptolemy, whom they most affected, and from whom they received their most relief, they consulted with the Oracle of jupiter, whither it were not lawful to call him a God. The Priests which attended in the Temple of Hammon, gave the same fair answer for Ptolemy, which they had formerly done for Alexander his Master, for as Alexander consulted the Oracle with an Army at his heels; so was Ptolemy at this time Lord of the soil: and yet was this a far more cleanly creation, than that done by the Athenians, who Deified Antigonus and Demetrius, by decree of the people. A mad age it was, when so many of Alexander's Captains could not 〈◊〉 themselves with the style of Kings, but that they would needs be called gods.   

§. III How DEMETRIUS prevailed in Greece. CASSANDER desires peace of ANTIGONUS, and cannot obtain it. Great preparations of war against 〈◊〉.  
DEMETRIUS coming with a strong Fleet and Army into Greece, quickly drove Cassander out of Attica; and pursuing his fortune, chased him beyond the straitss of Thermopylae. Herein his reputation did much avail him; which was so great, that six 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 Soldiers revolted unto him. So partly by the greatness of his name, partly by force, he recovered in short space all that Cassander held in those straitss, and giving liberty unto the people, he bestowed upon the Athenians those 〈◊〉, which had been fortified against them, to block them up. Than went he into Peloponnesus, where he found the like, or more easy success: for he suddenly took Argos, Corinth, Sition, and the most of the Country, bestowing liberty upon such as needed it. The Town of 〈◊〉 he translated by consent of the Citizens, from the old seat into another place. and called it after his own name Demetrias. This done, he betook himself to his pleasure: At the Islhmian games, he caused himself to be proclaimed Captain General of Greece, as Philip and Alexander had been in former times: whereupon (as if he were now become as great as Alexander) he despised all others, making it a matter of jest, that any, save himself or his father, should usurp the name of King. But in his behaviour he 〈◊〉 so far unlike to a King, that in all the time of his leisure, he deserved noon other name then of a drunken Palliard. Yet were the Athenians as ready as ever to devise new honours for him: among which they made one 〈◊〉, that whatsoever King Demetrius should command, aught to be held sacred with the gods, and just with Men.  
All Greece being now at the disposition of Antigonus, Cassander stood in great fear, 〈◊〉 the war should fall heavily upon him in Macedon: which to avoid, he knew no better way, then to make peace with his enemy's 〈◊〉. And to that purpose he sent Ambassadors; but had no better answer from Antigonus, then that he should 〈◊〉 his whole estate to his discretion. This proud demand made him look about him, and labour hard in 〈◊〉 his friends, both to assist him, and take heed to themselves; neither found he them slow in apprehending the common Danger: for Lysimachus knew, that if once Cassander had lost Macedon, Demetrius would soon be Master of Thrace. Neither were Ptolemy and Seleucus ignorant of that, which was like to befall them, if Antigonus were suffered to put himself in quiet possession of those Provinces in Europe. Wherhfore it was agreed, that with joint forces they should all together set upon the common Enemy.  
Hereof Antigonus had notice: but scorned all their preparations, saying, That he would as easily scatter them, as a flock of Birds are driven away with a stone. With these 〈◊〉 he pleased himself, and no way hindered the proceed of his Enemies. He lay at that time in his Town of Antigonia (a name that it must shortly lose) where he was carefully providing to set out some stately game and Pageants, in 〈◊〉 of his glory. But thither was brought unto him the tumultuous news of Lysimachus his victories about Hellespont. For Cassander had committed unto Lysimachus part of his forces, wherewith to pass over into Asia, while himself with the rest should oppose Demetrius on Europe 〈◊〉. So Lysimachus passing the Hellespont, began to make hot war upon the subjects of Antigonus; getting some of the Cities in those parts, to join with him, by fair means; winning others by force, and wasting the Country round about.  
To repress this unexpected boldness, Antigonus made hasty journeys, and come soon enough to recover his losses, but not strong enough to drive Lysimachus home, or compel him to come to battle. Lysimachus waited for the coming of Seleucus; keeping himself the whilst from necessity of fight. But Babylon was far off; and Seleucus his preparations were too great to be soon in a readiness. The Winter also did hinder his journey: which enforced them on both sides to rest in some quiet, without performing any matter of importance. This delay of debating the quarrel in open field, held all those Nations in a great suspense, and bred much expectation. Yet might all have come to nothing, had not Antigonus been so froward, that he refused to yield unto any peaceable conditions. At length Seleucus drew near with a mighty Army of his own (for he had gathered strength in that long time of leisure, which Antigonus had given him) and with great aid from Ptolemy, that was joined with his forces.  
To help in this needful case, Demetrius was called over into Asia by his Father's letters: which he readily obeyed. Before his departrue out of Greece, he made peace with Cassander, upon reasonable terms: to the end he might not be driven to leave any part of his Army for defence of the Country; and that his journey might be without any such blemish of reputation, as if he had abandoned his dependents: for one Article of the peace was, That all the Cities of Greece should be at liberty. Cassander was glad to be so rid of an Enemy, that was too strong for him. Yet would this league have done him little good, if things had fallen out contrariwise then they did in Asia; seeing the ratification thereof was referred unto Antigonus. It sufficed, that for the present, every one found means to clear himself of all encumbrances else where, to the end that each might freely apply himself to the trial of the main controversy in 〈◊〉.   

§. FOUR How ANTIGONUS was slain in a great battle at Ipsus, near unto Ephesus; wherein his whole estate was lost.  
SELEUCUS, with his son Antiochus, joining with Lysimachus, compounded a great Army, which was (all considered) not inferior to that of the Enemy. In greatness of name (that helpeth much in all wars, but especially in the Civil) they were rather unanswerable, than equal to their adversaries: for Antigonus had of long time kept them under with a mastering spirit, and had been reputed a King indeed, when the rest were held but Usurpers of the title. Likewise Demetrius was generally acknowledged a brave Commander, having given proof of his worth in many great services of all kinds, and enriched the Art of war with many inventions, which even his enemies, & particularly Lysimachus, did much admire. Seleucus, who had sometimes flattered Antigonus, and fearfully stolen away from him to save his life; with vong Antiochus, a Prince not heard of before this journey; and Lysimachus, that had lived long in a corner, hardly keeping his own from the wild Thracians; wanted much in reputation, of that which was yielded to their opposites: yet so, that as ancient Captains under Philip and Alexander, two of them were held worthy enough, to receive any benefit that fortune might give, and the third a Prince of great hope, whereof he now come to make experience.  
The Soldiers, on both sides, were for the most part hardy and well exercised: many of them having served under Alexander; though of those old Companies, the long space of two and twenty years had consumed the greatest number. But concerning their affections; the followers of Seleucus were easily persuaded, that in this battle they must either get the upper 〈◊〉, or put in extreme danger all that belonged unto the Confederate Princes: whereas Antigonus his men could discern no other necessity of fight, than the obstinate quality of their Lord, that needs would be Master of all. Antigonus had about threescore and ten thousand foot, ten thousand horse, and threescore and fifteen Elephants. His enemies were six thousand short of him in number of their foot; in horse they had the odds of five hundred; of Elephants they had four hundred, and a hundred and 〈◊〉 armed Chariots of war; which helps, though they little had availed the Persians', yet were they not to be despised, in the hands of a good Captain.  
Antigonus himself, either troubled with the unexpected greatness of his enemy's forces, or presaging little good like to ensue, grew very pensive, communing much in private with his son whom he commended to the 〈◊〉 as his Successor: whereas in former times he had never been so jocund; as towards the hour of battle, nor had been accustomed to make his son, or any other, privy to his counsel, before it required execution. Other tokens of bad luck, either foregoing the fight, or afterwards devised, I hold it needless to recount: Diana of Ephesus dwelled near to the place of battle, a busy Goddess in many great fights, and therefore likely to have been thrust into the fable, if any matter, nearly resembling a miracle, had chanced.  
It is easy to believe, that these two so gallant Armies, containing well-near all the strength of Alexander's whole Empire, performed a notable fight, being led by such worthy Commanders, and whom the issue thereof did highly concern. Yet are few of the particulars recorded: an easy loss in regard of the much variety, wherewith every story aboundeth in this kind. The most memorable things in the battle, were these: Demetrius with his best force of horse, charged valiantly upon young Antiochus; whom when he had broken, and put to flight, he was so transported with the heat of his good success, that he never gave over his pursuit, but left his Father naked, and lost thereby both him, and the victory. For when Seleucus perceived this advantage, he enterposed his Elephants, between Demetrius and the Phalanx of Antigonus: and with many troops of horse offering to break upon the enemy's battle, wheresoever it lay most open, he did so terrify the Antigonians, that a great part of them rather chose to revolt from their Lord, whilst they were fairly invited, than to sustain the fury of so dangerous an impression. This cowardice or rather treason of some, discouraged others; and finally, cast them all into flight; exposing their General to the last end of his destinies. Antigonus was then fourscore years old, very fat and unwieldy, so that he was unapt for flight, if his high spirit could have entertained any thought thereof. He had about him some of his most trusty followers, and as many others as he could hold together. When one that perceived a great troop making towards his person told him, Sir King, yonder company means to charge you; he answered, Well may they; for who defends me? but anon DEMETRIUS will relieve us. Thus expecting, to the very last, that his son should come to the rescue, he received so many Darts into his body, as took away his lately ambitious, but then fearful hopes, together with his troublesome life.  
His great ability in matter of Arms, together with his unsatiable desire of Empire, have sufficiently appeared in the whole Volume of his action. He was more feared by his enemies, than loved by his friends; as one that could not moderate his fortune, but used insolence towards all alike, as if it had been some virtue nearest representing a Kingly Majesty. This was the cause that so many of his followers revolted to his enemies; and finally, that a great part of his Army forsook him in his last necessity. For those Kings and Princes that call all the careful endeavours of their Vassals, only duty and debt; and are more apt to punish the lest offences, than to reward the greatest services: shall find themselves upon the first change of fortune, (seeing it is love only that stays by adversity) not only the most friendless, but even the most contemptible, and despised of all other. This Antigonus found true in part, while he lived; in part he left it to be 〈◊〉 upon his son.   

§. V How DEMETRIUS forsaken by the Athenians after his overthrow, was reconciled to SELEUCUS and PTOLEMY, beginning a new fortune, and shortly entering into new quarrels.  
FOr Demetrius, at his return, from the idle pursuit of young Antiochus, finding all quite lost, was glad to save himself, with four thousand horse and five thousand foot, by a speedy retreat unto Ephesus, whence he made great haste towards Athens, as to the place, that for his sake would suffer any extremity. But whilst he was in the midst of his course thither, the Athenian Ambassadors met him with a decree of the people, which was, that noon of the Kings should be admitted into their City. These were Ambassadors, not Theori, or Consulters with the Oracle. It was a shameless ingratitude in the Athenians, to reward their Benefactor, in his misery, with such a decree: neither did any part of his calamity more afflict the unfortunate Prince, than to see his adversity despised by those whom he had thought his surest friends. Yet was he feign to give good words. For he had left many of his ships in their Haven, of which he now stood in great need, and therefore was feign to speak them fair, that sometimes had grossly flattered him. But he shall live to teach them their old language, and speak unto them in another tune. When he had gotten his ships, he sailed to the Isthmus, where he found nothing but matter of discomfort. His Garrisons were every where broken up; the Soldiers having betaken themselves to his enemies pay. So that he was King only of a small Army and Fleet, without money or means wherewith to sustain him and his followers any long time. All the rest or the greatest part of his Father's large Dominion, was now in dividing among the Conquerors, and those few places which as yet held for him (having not perchance heard the worst of what had happened) he no way knew how to relieve, for to put himself into the field on that side of the Sea, he had no power, and to enclose himself in any of them, how strong soever, were but to imprison his fortune, and his hopes, or therein indeed to bury himself and his estate: He therefore creeping thorough those bushes that had fewest briars, fell upon a corner of Lysimachus his Kingdom, whereof he gave all the spoil, that was gotten, to his Soldiers, his own losses having been too great to be repaid again by small prizes.  
In the mean while the Confederate Princes had where withal to busy themselves, in the partition of those Provinces, of which their late victory had made them Lords, wherein Seleucus had a notable advantage by being present, and Master of the field, for neither Ptolemy, nor Cassander were at the overthrow given, having only sent certain troops to reinforce the Army which Seleucus led, who took hold of a part of Asia the less and all Syria, being no otherwise divided from his own Territory, than by the River of 〈◊〉. For there had not any order been taken by the Confederates, for the 〈◊〉 of all those Lands: because they did not expect so prosperous an issue of that war, which they made only in their own common defence. It was therefore lawful for 〈◊〉, to make the best benefit that he could of the victory, at which, nevertheless others did repined, and though they neither could nor durst accuse him ofill dealing for the present, yet seeing the over-greatnesse of Seleucus brought no less danger to the rest of the new Kings, than that of Antigonus had done, they consulted upon the same reason of state as before, how to oppose it in time. Neither was Seleucus ignorant of what they had determined, for he read it in the Law universal of Kingdoms and States, needing no other intelligence. Hereupon they forget friendship on all sides, and cure themselves of all unprofitable passion, the hatred of each to other, and their loves being laid on the one side, against their profits on the other, were found so far too light, as Seleucus, who had to day slain Antigonus the father, and driven Demetrius the son out of Asia, sought to morrow how to match himself with Stratonica, Demetrius his daughter, and so by Demetrius to serve his turn against Lysimachus.  
The story of this Stratonica, with whom young Antiochus, the son of Seleucus fell so passionately in love, and so distempered, as Seleucus his father, to save his sons life, gave her (though she were his wife) unto him, and how his passion was discovered by his pulse, is generally noted by all Writers. But neither did this alliance between Seleucus and Demetrius; between Ptolemy and Lysimachus; between Demetrius and Cassander; between Demetrius and 〈◊〉; though for the present it brought him again into the rank of Kings; otherwise tie any of them to each other, than the marriages between Christian Kings have done in later times, namely between the Austrians, the Arragonians, the French, and other Princes; neither have the Leagues of those elder times been found more faithful, than those of the same later times have been; as in the stories of Charles the eighth of France, and of Charles the Emperor, of Francis the first, and of the Kings of Naples, Dukes of Milan and others, the Reader may observe: between whom from the year of our Lord, One thousand, four hundred, ninety and five, when Charles the eighth undertook the Conquest of Naples, to the year one thousand five hundred 〈◊〉 and eight, when Henry the second died, the Histories of those times tell us, that all the bonds, either by the bed or by the book, either by weddings, or Sacramental Oaths, had neither faithful purpose nor performance. Yet did Demetrius reap this profit by giving his daughter to his enemy Seleucus, that he recovered Cilicia from Plistarchus, the brother of Cassander; who had gotten it as his share in the division of Antigonus his possessions: for the Intruder was not strong enough to hold it by his proper forces from him, that entered upon it as a lawful Heir, neither would Seleucus lend him any help, as by the rule of Confederacy he should have done against the common enemy. So Plistarchus with very angry complaint, as well against Seleucus as Demetrius, went unto Cassander; wither Phila, their sister, followed him shortly, to pacify them both, and keep all quiet; being sent for that purpose by Demetrius her husband, that was not strong enough to deal with Cassander, and therefore glad to make use of that bond of alliance betwixt them, whereof in his own prosperity, he never took notice to the others good. About the same time he took to wife a daughter of Ptolemy (plurality of wives being familiar with these Macedonians, that had learned it in their Eastern conquests) and so was he by two marriages rather freed from two enemies, then strengthened with two friends, for neither of them wished him any good, otherwise then might seem to advance their own ambitious desires.  
Seleucus and Ptolemy could both of them have been contented better, that Demetrius, with help of their countenance, should seek his fortune somewhat farther off, than settle his estate under their noses. Particularly, Seleucus thought that Cilicia lay very fitly for himself: and Ptolemy had a great appetite (which yet he concealed a while) to the Isle of Cyprus. Now whither it were so, that Seleucus would feign have set his new father in law upon the neck of Lysimachus; or whither he were indeed greedy of the bargain, he offered to buy of Demetrius for ready money, his late purchase of Cilicia. Hereunto Demetrius would not hearken, but meant to keep as much Land as he could, having already found in Cilicia twelve thousand talents of his father's treasure, that would serve him to make sport a while. This refusal so displeased Seleucus, that in angry terms he demanded the City of tire and Sidon, to be surrendered unto him; which were the only places in Syria, that had not followed the fortune of the late great battle. In stead of giving them up, Demetrius took present order to have them better manned; and spoke it stoutly, That were he overcome a thousand times, yet would he not hire Seleucus to become his son in law. In this quarrel Seleucus was generally reprehended, as one of a malignant disposition, that would break friendship with his father-in-law for two Towns, from whom he had already taken more than well he knew how to govern. But the fire consumed itself in words, which had it 〈◊〉 upon arms, like it is that the weaker should have found friends out of envy to the stronger.   

§. VI How DEMETRIUS wan the City of Athens, and prevailed in Greece, but lost in Asia. Of troubles in Macedon following the death of CASSANDER.  
IN the mean while, the Athenians not knowing how to use the liberty, which Demetrius had bestowed on them, were fallen by sedition, under the tyranny of Lachares. Through which alteration their distempered City was so weakened, that it seemed ill able to keep off the punishment due to their late ingratitude. This advantage hastened him, whom they had once called their God and Saviour, to present himself unto them, in the habit of a revenging fury. He brought against them all the force that he could well spare from other employments, which were at that time perhaps the more, because his doubtful Eastern friends, were unwilling to give impediment to any business, that might entangle him in Greece. His first enterprise in Athens had ill success; a great part of his fleet perishing in a tempest. But he soon repaired the loss; and (after some victories in Peloponnesus, where he wan divers Towns that had fallen from him) returning to the enterprise, wasted the Country of Attica, and cut off all relief from the City, both by Land and Sea.  
Athens was not able to feed the great multitude within it, any long time: for it stood in a barren soil, and wanted now the command of those islands, and places abroad, from whence it was wont to be stored with victuals; being also destitute of means to keep such a Navy, as might bring in supply, or dare to do any thing at Sea, against that of Demetrius. Yet was there some hope of succour from Ptolemy, who (trusting thereby to win the love of Greece) had loaden a hundred and fifty ships with corn, and sent them to relieve the hungry City. But these hundred and fifty were unable to deal with three hundred good fight ships, which Demetrius had; rather they feared to become a prey to him, and therefore hasted them away 〈◊〉, as having done enough, in adventuring to come so near, that they might be descried. This broke the heart of the people; among whom the famine was so extreme, that a Father and his Son did fight for a dead Mouse, which dropped down between them from the house top. Wherhfore they sent Ambassadors to yield up the Town, and crave pardon, having so far offended, that out of desperation, they made it a capital offence, to propose any motion of peace. Yet were they feign to abolish this decree: rather because they knew not what else to do, then because they hoped to be forgiven.  
Demetrius, contented with the honour of the victory, did not only forbear to take away the lives of these unthankful men; which they had submitted unto his mercy; but out of his liberality gave them food, and placed in Office amongst them such as were most acceptable to the people. Nevertheless he was grown wiser than to trust them so far as he had done in times past. And therefore, when (among other flattering acclamations) they bade him take their Havens, and dispose of them at his pleasure; he was ready to lay hold upon the word, and leave a 〈◊〉 Garrison within their walls, to keep them honest perforce. After this he went into Peloponnesus, vanquished the Lacedæmonians in two battles, and was in very fair possibility to take their city: when the dangerous news called him in all haste, of Lysimachus and Ptolemy; that prevailed 〈◊〉 upon him elsewhere, than himself did upon his enemies in Greece. Lysimachus had won many Towns in Asia; Ptolemy had gotten all the Isle of Cyprus, except the City of Salamis, wherein Demetrius had left his Children & Mother, that were straightly besieged. Whilst he was bethinking himself which way to turn his forces, a notable piece of business offered itself, which thrust all other cares out of his head.  
Cassander was lately dead in Macedon, and soon after him, Philip his eldest son, whose two younger brethren, Antipater and Alexander, 〈◊〉 for the Kingdom. In this quarrel Thessalonica the Daughter of King Philip, whom 〈◊〉 had married, seemed better affected to Alexander, then to her elder son: who thereupon grew so enraged, that most barbarously he slew his own Mother. The odiousness of this fact gave a fair lustre to Alexander's cause: drawing the generality of the Macedons to take his part, as in revenge of the Queen's death, upon that wicked parricide Antipater. But Antipater was so strongly backed by Lysimachus, whose Daughter he had married; that Alexander could not hope to make his party good without some foreign aid. For which cause he called in both Pyrrhus and Demetrius; who how they dealt with him, it will soon appear, in the following Tragedy, of him and his brother. Their Father Cassander had been one that shifted well for himself, at such time as every man sought how to get somewhat, in the ill ordered division of the Empire. He was cunning in practise, and a good Soldier: one of more open dealing then were his Companions, but withal more impudent, rudely kill those, whom others would more wisely have made away. He deeply hated the memory of Alexander, that had knocked his head against a wall, upon some opinion of contempt. With Olympias he had an hereditary quarrel, derived from his Father, whom she could not abide. Her feminine malice did so exasperated him, by cruelty, that she used against his friends, both alive and dead; as it made him adventure upon shedding the Royal blood; wherewith, when once he had stained his hands, he did not care how far he proceeded in that course of murder. His carefulness to destroy those women and children, whose lives hindered his purpose, argues him to have been rather skilful in matters of Arms, than a valiant man: such cruelty being a true mark of cowardice, which fears afar of the dangers, that may quietly pass away: and seeks to avoid them by base and wicked means, as never thinking itself safe enough, until there be nothing left, that carries likelihood of danger. Of Olympias and Roxane it may be said, that they had well deserved the bloody end which over took them; yet ill beseemed it Cassander to do the office of a Hangman. But Alexander's children had by no law of men deserved, to die for the tyranny of their Father. Wherhfore, though Cassander died in his bed, yet the divine justice brought swords upon his wife and children, that well revenged the cruelty of this bloody man, by destroying his whole house, as he had done his Masters.   

§. VII. 〈◊〉 PYRRHUS and his doings in Macedon. The death of CASSANDER'S children. DEMETRIUS gets the Kingdom of Macedon; prevails in 〈◊〉 against the Greeks; Loseth reputation in his war against PYRRHUS, and in his 〈◊〉 Government, and prepares to win Asia. How all conspire against DEMETRIUS. PYRRHUS and LYSIMACHUS invade him, his Army yields to PYRRHUS, who shares the Kingdom of Macedon with LYSIMACHUS.  
PYRRHUS, the Son of that unfortunate Prince Aeacides, which perished in war against Cassander, was hardly preserved, being a sucking Infant, from the fury of his Father's enemies. When his Fosterers had conveyed him to Glaucias, King of Illyria; the deadly hatred of Cassander would have bought his life with the price of two hundred talents. But no man can kill him that shall be his Heir. Glaucias was so far from betraying Pyrrhus, that he restored him by force to his Father's Kingdom, when he was but twelve years of age. Within the compass of six years, either the indiscretions of his youth, or the rebellious temper of his Subjects, drove him out of his Kingdom, and left him to try the world anew. Than went he to Demetrius (who married his sister) become his Page; followed him awhile in his wars; was with him in the great battle of Ipsus, whence he fled with him to Ephesus; and was content to be hostage for him, in his reconciliation with Ptolemy. In Egypt he so behaved himself, that he got the favour of Berenice, Ptolemy's principal wife; so that he married her Daughter, and was thereupon sent home, with money and men, into Epirus; more beholding now to Ptolemy, than to Demetrius. When he had fully recovered the Kingdom of Epirus, and was settled in it, then fell out that business between the children of Cassander, which drew both him and Demetrius into Macedon.  
Antipater, the elder of Cassander's sons, was so far too weak for Pyrrhus, that he had no desire to attended the coming of Demetrius, but made an hasty agreement, and divided the Kingdom with his younger brother Alexander; who likewise felt the aid of Pyrrhus so troublesome, that 〈◊〉 was more willing to sand him away, than to call in such another helper. For Pyrrhus had the audacity to request, or take as granted, by strong hand, Ambracia, Acarnania, and much more of the Country, as the reward of his pains: leaving the two brethren to agreed as well as they could about the rest. Necessity enforced the brethren to composition: but their composition would not satisfy Demetrius, who took the matter heinously, that he was 〈◊〉 for, and made a fool, to come so far with an Army, and 〈◊〉 no work for it. This was a frivolous complaint; whereby it appeared, that Demetrius had a purpose to 〈◊〉 as Pyrrhus had done, and so much more, by how much he was stronger. Hereupon it seemed to Alexander a wise course, to remove this overdiligent friend, by murdering him upon some advantage. Thus Demetrius reported the story, and it might be true; though the greatest part, and perhaps the wisest, believed it not. But the issue was, that Alexander himself was feasted and slain by Demetrius; who took his part of the Kingdom, as a reward of the murder; excusing the fact so well, by telling his own danger, and what a naughty man Cassander had been, that all the Macedonians grew glad enough to acknowledge him their King. It fell out happily, that about the same time Lysimachus was busied in war with a King of the wild Thracians: for thereby he was compelled to seek peace of Demetrius, which to obtain, he caused the remainder of Macedon to be given up; that is, the part belonging to Antipater, his son in law. At this ill bargain 〈◊〉 grievously stormed, though he knew not how to amend it: yet still he stormed; until his Father in law, to save the labour of making many excuses, took away his troublesome life. Thus in haste, with a kind of neglect, and as it were to avoid molestation, were slain the children of Cassander: of Cassander that had slain his own Masters children, in a wise course of policy, with careful meditation (so much the more wicked as the more long) studying how to erect his own house, that fell down upon his grave, ere the earth on it was thoroughly settled.  
It might be thought, that such an access of Dominion, added much to the greatness of Demetrius. But indeed it showed his infirmity; and thereby made him neglected by many, and at length hated by all. For he had no Art of civil Government: but thought (or showed by his actions that he thought) the use and fruit of a Kingdom, to be noon other, than to do what a King listed. He gave himself over to Women and Wine, laughing openly at those that offered to trouble him with supplications, and the tedious discourse of doing justice. He had more skill in getting a Kingdom, than in ruling it: war being his recreation, and luxury his nature. By long rest (as six years reign is long to him, that knows not how to reign one year) he discovered so much of his worst condition, as made both the people weary of his idleness; and the Soldiers, of his vanity. He was freed from care of matters in Asia, by hearing that all was lost: though more especially, by hearing that Ptolemy had with great honour, entertained and dismissed his mother and children. This afforded him the better leisure, of making war in 〈◊〉: where he vanquished the Thebans, and won their City twice in short space, but used his victory with mercy. Against Lysimachus he would feign have done somewhat (the peace between them notwithstanding) at such time as he was taken by the Thracians; but Lysimachus was freely dismissed, and in good case to make resistance ere Demetrius come; so as this journey purchased nothing but enmity. Another expedition he took in hand against Pyrrhus, with no better, or rather with worse event. Pyrrhus held somewhat belonging to Macedon; which he had indeed as honestly gotten, as Demetrius the whole Kingdom; he had also made excursions into Thessaly. But there needed not any handsome pretence of quarrel, seeing Demetrius thought himself strong enough, to overrun his enemy's Country, with two great Armies. It is a common fault in men, to despise the virtue of those, whom they have known raw Novices in that faculty, wherein themselves are noted as extraordinary. Pyrrhus was a Captain, whom later ages, and particularly the great Hannibal, placed higher in the rank of Generals, than either Demetrius, or any of Alexander's followers. At this time, he miss that part of the Army, which Demetrius led, and fell upon the other half: which he overthrew, not with more commendations of his good conduct, than of his private valour, showed in single combat against Pantauchus, Demetrius his Lieutenant; who being a strong man of body, challenged this young Prince to fight hand to hand, and was utterly beaten. The loss of this battle did not so much offend the Macedonians, as the gallant behaviour of Pyrrhus delighted them. For in him they seemed to behold the lively figure of Alexander in his best quality. Other Kings did imitate, in a sergeant manner, some of Alexander's graces, and had good skill in wearing Princely vestures: but (said they) noon, save Pyrrhus, is like him indeed, in performing the office of a Captain.  
These rumours were not more nourished by the virtue of the Epirot, than by dislike of their own King; whom they began to disesteem, not so much in regard of his unprofitable journey into Epirus (for he had wasted much of the Country, and brought home his Army in good case) as of his insolence, that grew daily more and more intolerable. His apparel seemed, in the eyes of the Macedons, not only too sumptuous and newfangled, but very unmanly; and serving chief to be a daily witness, how much he contemned them and their good opinion. Of his soldiers lives he was reckless: and suffered unwisely this un-princely sentence to escape out of his mouth; That the more of them died, the fewer he was to pay. He made a mockery of justice; and (as it were, to publish unto all his Subjects, how little he esteemed it or them) having by a show of popularity invited Petitioners, and with a gracious countenance entertained their Supplications, he led the poor suitors after him in great hope, till coming to a bridge, he threw all their write into the River; pleasing himself, in that he could so easily and so boldly delude the cares of other men. By these courses he grew so odious, that Pyrrhus gathered audacity, and invading Macedon, had almost won it all with little resistance. Demetrius lay then sick in his bed: who recovering health, and taking the field, had such great odds of strength, as made Pyrrhus glad to forsake his win and be go.  
At length he began to have some feeling of the general hate; which to redress, he did not (for he could not) altar his own conditions; but purposed to altar their idle discourses of him, by setting them on work in such an action, wherein his best qualities might appear; that is, in a great war. His intent was to invade Asia, with a Royal Army: wherein the fortune of one battle might give him as much, as the fortune of another had taken from him. To this end, he first made peace with Pyrrhus; that so he might leave all safe and quiet at home. Than did he compose a mighty Army, of almost a hundred thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse: with a Navy of five hundred sail, wherein were many ships, far exceeding the greatness of any that had been seen before; yet so swift and useful withal, that the greatness was lest part of their commendation.  
The terrible fame of these preparations, made Seleucus and Ptolemy suspect their own forces, and labour hard with Lysimachus and Pyrrhus, to join against this ambitious son of Antigonus; that was like to prove more dangerous to them all, than ever was his Father. It was easily discerned, that if Demetrius once prevailed in Asia, there could be no security for his friends in Europe; what league soever were of old concluded. Therefore they resolved to begin with him betimes, and each to invade 〈◊〉 quarter of Macedon, that lay next his own Kingdom. Lysimachus come first, and against him went Demetrius with a great part of his Army: but whilst he was yet on the way, news were brought into his Camp, that Pyrrhus had won Berrhaea. The matter was not overgreat: were it not, that minds prepared with long discontent, are ready to lay hold upon small occasions of dislike. All the camp was in uproar: some wept, others raged, few or noon did forbear to utter seditious words, and many desired leave of Demetrius, to go to their own houses, meaning indeed to have go to Lysimachus.  
When Demetrius perceived the bad affection of his Army, he thought it the wisest way, to led the Macedonians further off from Lysimachus their own Countryman, against Pyrrhus that was a stranger: hoping by victory against the Epirot, to recover the love of his followers, in such sort that he might afterwards at leisure deal with the other. But herein his wisdom beguiled him. For the Soldiers were as hasty as he, to meet with Pyrrhus; not intending to hurt him, but longing to see that noble Prince, of whom they daily heard the honourable fame. Some spoke of his valour; some inquired, others answered, of his person, his armour, and other tokens whereby he might be known; as particularly, by a pair of Goat's horns, that he wore on his crest. It was not likely, that these men should hurt him. divers of them stoleaway, and ran over into Pyrrhus his camp: where the news that they brought, were better welcome than their persons. For they said, and it was true, that if the Macedonians might once get sight of Pyrrhus, they would all salute him King. To try this, Pyrrhus road forth, and presented himself bareheaded in view of the camp, wither some were sent before to prepare his welcome. The news of his arrival found a general applause, and every one began to look out, with desire to set eye on him. His face was not so well known as his helmet; therefore he was admonished to put it on; which done, all come about him, and proffered their service; neither were there any, that spoke for Demetrius; only some (and they the most moderate of tongue) bade him be go betimes; and shifted for himself. So Demetrius threw aside his masker's habit, and attiring himself poorly, did fearfully steal away out of his own Camp: deserving well this calamity, whither it were so, that he would not harken to the good counsel of his friends, or whither his behaviour deprived him of such friends, as would dare to let him hear the unpleasant sound of necessary truth.  
Whilst Pyrrhus was making this triumphant entry into the Kingdom of Macedon; Lysimachus come upon him very unseasonably, and would needs have half: saying, that he had done as much as Pyrrhus in the war, and therefore had reason to challenge his part of the gains. The bargain was quickly made, and the division agreed upon: each of them being rather desirous to take his part quietly, than to fight for the whole; as hoping each of them, to work his fellow quite out of all, upon better opportunity.   

§. VIII. How DEMETRIUS gathering 〈◊〉, enterprised many things with ill success, in Greece and Asia. How he was driven upon SELEUCUS, and compelled to yield himself. His imprisonment and death.  
THe Athenians, were as unthankful to Demetrius in this his adversity, as they had been in former times. For they presently forsook his friendship, and called Pyrrhus out of Macedon to be their Patron. Demetrius, when he went against Lysimachus, had left a great part of his forces in Greece, under his son Antigonus. Therefore it is like, that he had soon gotten an Army; though Phila his wife (who is highly commended for a wise and virtuous Lady) did poison herself, upon desperate grief of his misfortune. The first, upon whom he attempted to show his anger, were the Athenians, that had well deserved it. He began to lay siege to their Town: but was pacified by Crates the Philosopher, whom they made their 〈◊〉; and taking fair words instead of satisfaction, passed over into Asia, with eleven thousand Soldiers, meaning to try his fortune against Lysimachus, for the Provinces of Lydia and Caria.  
At his first coming into those parts, fortune seemed to smile upon him. For many good Towns, willingly, or by compulsion, yielded to his obedience. There were also some Captains, that fell from Lysimachus to him, with their companies, and treasures. But it was not long, ere Agathocles the son of Lysimachus, come upon him, with an Army so strong, that it was not for Demetrius his good, to hazard his last stock against it. Wherhfore, he resolved, to pass through Phrygia and Armenia, into Media, and the Provinces of the higher Asia; trusting to find a Kingdom somewhere in those remote quarters. The execution of this counsel was grievously impeached by 〈◊〉: who pursued him close, and cut off all his provisions, driving him to take which ways he could, without following his intended course. In many skirmishes, Demetrius vanquished this troublesome enemy: nevertheless, he could not be shaken off, but continued afflicting the poor titulary King, with extreme famine, At length, in passing the River Lycus, so many of Demetrius his men were lost, that the rest could no longer make resistance: but were driven to travail with such speed, as might well be called a plain flight. So that with famine, pestilent diseases following famine, and other accidents of war, eight thousand of them were consumed: the rest, with their Captain, escaped into Cilicia. Seleucus had gotten possession of Cilicia, whilst Demetrius was occupied in Greece: yet was it no part of Demetrius his errand, to lay claim to the Country; but with vehement and humble letters he besought his son in law, to call to mind their alliance, and to pity him in his great misery. These letters at the first wrought well with Seleucus, and he condescended to the request: yet considering further how 〈◊〉 had carried himself, when he recovered strength after the battle at Ipsus, he changed his purpose, and went against him with an Army.  
Many treaties were held between them; of which noon took effect, through the jealousy of Seleucus. Therefore, mere 〈◊〉 enforced Demetrius, to fight like a mad man; and his fury got him some victories, though of small importance. At length sickness took and held him forty days, in which time, a great number of his few men, ran to the enemy. This notwithstanding he still held out, and once had like to have taken Seleucus in his bed, had not his coming been discovered by fugitives, that gave the alarm. Finally, when all his Army had forsaken him, and left him with a few of his friends to shifted for himself, he was compelled by the last of those adherents (for even some of those few forsook him) to 〈◊〉 unto Seleucus.  
Seleucus hearing this, was exceeding glad and sent him very comfortable messages. But the approbation of his own humanity, by his followers, was such, as renewed his jealous thoughts; and hindered him from admitting Demetrius to his presence, though otherwise he used him with as much favour, as any prisoner could wish. He was kept under sure guard in a demie island, wherein were goodly walks, 〈◊〉, and Parks for hunting. He had all that he asked royally, and friends allowed to visit him, at his, and their pleasure. Only his liberty was reserved unto the coming of young Antiochus and Stratonica, out of the high Countries. In this sort he spent three years, living merrily all the while (as one that now enjoyed the happiness, which with so much travail and bloodshed, he had sought in vain) and then died, leaving to his son Antigonus, the same which his father had left unto himself; that is, friends and hope. His ashes were honourably buried in Corinth; his qualities have appeared in his actions, and the fortune of his house will show itself hereafter, in times and places convenient.   

§. IX.. The death of PTOLEMY, of LYSIMACHUS, and of SELEUCUS, that was last of ALEXANDER'S Captains: with other occurrences.  
ABout the same time that Demetrius died, died also Ptolemy King of Egypt; a virtuous Prince, warlike, gentle, bountiful, and (which in those times was a rare commendation) regardful of his word. He had, by many Wives and Concubines, many children, out of whom he selected Ptolemy Philadelphus, and caused him to reign together with himself, two or three years before he died, that so he might confirm him in the inheritance of the Kingdom. At this, Ptolemy Ceraunus (for all of that house assumed the name of Ptolemy) was grievously incensed. But no man cared for his anger. Therefore he went to Seleucus, who gave him loving entertainment. There were now only two of Alexander's Captains left, Seleucus and 〈◊〉. These two needs would fight for it, who should be the longest liver of that brave Company. The true ground of their quarrel was, their near equality of strength, and want of one to part them. The pretence was the murders which Lysimachus had committed upon many of his Nobles, together with his poisoning Agathocles his eldest son: whose wife and children fled unto Seleucus for aid.  
The 〈◊〉 after seven months pause, having spent their first heat of admiration, began to harken so well to Lysimachus, their natural Countryman, that they forsook Pyrrhus, upon noon other ground than because he was an Alien. This they had known well enough before: but they did him no great wrong in taking lightly from him, which they lightly gave him. Lysimachus had reigned about five years alone, when the City of Lysimachia (built by him, and called after his name) falling by an earthquake, appeared, by events, to have foreshowed the fall of his house. His own jealousy, and the instigation of a mother in law, caused him to poison his Son Agathocles, which drew upon him that war, wherein (after the loss of all his fifteen children, that were taken away by divers accidents) he perished himself.  
Seleucus was encountered by Lysimachus on Asia side, where one battle concluded the war, with Lysimachus his death. It pleased Seleucus more than the victory, that he was the last of all the great Heröes which had followed Alexander. For now he seemed to himself, as Lord and Heir of all the conquered world. So he passed over into Macedon, to take possession of Europe, where there was noon to withstand him. But there he ended his days, and within seven months followed Lysimachus, and other of his fellows, by a bloody death: being treacherously slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus, whose friend and Patron he had been. Seventy and seven year old he was, when he fought with Lysimachus, and Lysimachus was seventy and four. With them ended the generation of old Captains, that had seen the days, as it were of another world under the Persian: yet was there left one equal to any of them, in the 〈◊〉 of war: even Pyrrhus the Epirot, of whom we spoke before; that is now ready to enter into war with the Romans, a more warlike people, than Alexander himself ever did encounter. Of which war, and of which people, it is needful that we here make mention, as of a story more important, than any likely to ensue in Greece, or in the great Kingdoms, that were held by Alexander's Successors, with less (and still decreasing) virtue, than was that, by which they were first purchased.    

CHAP. VII. The growth of Rome: and settling of the Eastern Kingdoms.  

§. I. How the Romans enlarged their Dominion in Italy, from the death of TULLUS HOSTILIUS, unto such time as they were 〈◊〉 by PYRRHUS.  
HOw Rome was founded by Romulus; settled in good order by Numa Pompilius; and by many, though small, victories, it gathered strength; unto such time as it become the head of Latium, by the conquest of Alba, in the reign of Tullus Hostilius: it hath been already noted, in due order of time. But where as now the Roman greatness, beginneth to encounter the power of Greece; and extending itself out of 〈◊〉, to over whelm the Dominions of other States and Princes: I hold it convenient (as in like cases I have done) briefly to set down the growth of this mighty City, in a compendious relation, of those many actions, which could not have been delivered in the ages, wherein they were severally performed, without much interruption of the History, that was then occupied in matter more important.  
After the death of Tullus 〈◊〉 (who when he had reigned two and thirty years, was burnt together with his house by lightning) Ancus 〈◊〉, Grandchild to 〈◊〉 Pompilius by his daughter, and not much unlike him in disposition, succeeded in the Kingdom of Rome. He walled the City about; enlarged it with the hill Aventine, which he enclosed; built a bridge over Tiber, and the City of 〈◊〉 upon the Sea, sixteen miles distant from Rome. Finally, having reigned four and twenty years, he died, and by his last Will he left his children in charge with one 〈◊〉, the son of Damaratus a Corinthian, who avoiding Cypselus King of Corinth his tyranny, had fled into Hetruria, and dwelled in Tarquinij, by the name of which Town he was afterwards called 〈◊〉. From that City in Hetruria coming to Rome, and encouraged by some ominous occurrents, together with his wife 〈◊〉 prophecy, he grew a favourite of Ancus Martius; by his Grecian wit humouring the factions of the Roman Court, in so much that after his 〈◊〉, he become not only Protector to the children, but Governor to the City. He doubled the number of Senators, and enlarged the Centuries of Horsemen: neither was he less eminent in war, than in peace: for he prevailed often against the Tuscans, and from his victories, the chiefest ornaments of triumph took their original. When this Lucius Tarqvinius had reigned eight and thirty years, he was slain by the sons of Ancus Martius, to whom he had been left Guardian. But Tavaquil his wife, perceiving what was done, informed the people, from out of an high Turret, that her Husband was wounded, and sick, but not dangerously. And withal signified unto them, that in the interim of his sickness, one Servius Tullius, whom from his birth she always prophesied to be borne to great hopes, (the son of P. Corniculanus and Ocrisia, a well descended, but captive woman) brought up in her house, and husband unto her daughter, should supply her husband's place, in governing the State, until his recovery: which government, being thus at first obtained by cunning, he afterwards usurped as his right. He first ordained Ratements, Subsidies, and valuations of the people's wealth; among whom, at that time, fourscore thousand were mustered, of which number consisted their whole corporation; and by distinction of Dignities, Ages, Trades, and Offices, he managed the Kingdom in as good sort, as if it had been a private household, At length, having two daughters of different natures, the one mild and gentle, the other fierce and outrageous: and finding also that the two sons of Tarqvinius Priscus, Sextus and Aruus, which had been committed to his tuition, were of different dispositions, proprotionably answering to his daughters; he (willing to add water, not oil, to fire) gave the mild daughter to Sextus the hotheaded son; and the violent, to Aruus, the gentle, in marriage. But whither by intended courses, or by accident, it 〈◊〉; the two mild ones being made away, the furious natures were readily joined in marriage: who soon concurring, and calling the Senate together, began to lay claim to the Kingdom. Upon this tumult, Servius Tullius hasting to the Senate, (where he thought by authority to have bridled insolency) was thrown down the stairs, and going home sore bruised, was slain by the way, when he had reigned forty and four year. Than Tullia his daughter, first proclaiming her husband Tarqvinius Superbus King; returning home, enforced her Coachman to drive his Chariot over her father's corpses; whereupon the street had the denomination of wicked street. This Tarquin, exercising cruelty without justice, and tyranny without mercy, upon the people and Senators; having tired himself and them at home, used the same rage of treachery upon his borders. He took Ocriculum, Suessa Pometia, and the Gabijs. The issue of besieging Ardea, a town eighteen miles distant from Rome, was of bad success. In the heat of which war, his son Sextus Tarqvinius violently ravished that chaste Lady Lucretia, his kinsman Collatine's wife: who in way of expiation for so 〈◊〉 a deed, thought good to wash out those spots of infamy with her own blood; so (having first bequeathed the revenge unto her father Sp. 〈◊〉 Tricipitinus, her husband Collatine, and junius Brutus) she killed herself: whereupon (chief by junius Brutus his resolution) Tarqvinius Superbus, with his wife and children, was deposed and banished; and fled to Porsenna King of Hetruria for secure, in the five and twentieth year of his reign, and the two hundred forty and fourth from the building of their City: in which space Rome had scarce gotten full possession of 〈◊〉 miles round about her.  
〈◊〉 Brutus by the help of Collatine, having expelled Tarquin, and freed his Country from that heavy yoke of bondage, enforced the people by solemn oath, never to admit any government by Kings amongst them: whereupon they ransacked their King's goods, consecrated their fields to Mars, and conferred the government of the State upon Brutus and Collatine. But because the name of King was odious in their ears, they changed the manner of their government, from perpetual to annual, and from a single governor to a double; jest perpetual or sole dominion might be some motive to usurpation; and in stead of Kings they called them Consuls, signifying, as it may be interpreted, Providers: that their titles might remember them of their place, which was to be always mindful of their Citizen's welfare. And yet was it so hard settling of troubled waters, that the people, after this innovation of State, scarce daring to assure themselves of their own security, enforced Tarqvinius Collatine to resign 〈◊〉 authority, fearing that tyranny would be 〈◊〉, and supposing that the very name & affinity with the house of Tarquin, savoured already of their condition. In his room was substituted Valerius Publicola, who that he might (as his name reporteth) be gracious in the people's 〈◊〉, gave liberty, in matters of controversy, to appeal from the 〈◊〉 to the people: and that he might as well in goods as in person, avoid occasion of suspicion, caused his own house to be pulled down, because it was built in a place defensible, as if it had been a Citadel. Neither was Brutus any ways deficient in matter of greater moment; which concerned as well the people's safety, as their 〈◊〉: for having got intelligence, that some greener wits, and in the first rank his own sons, were itching after innovations, hoping to restore the banished Kings; he caused them, publicly in the Marketplace, to be whipped, and then to be brought all unpartially to the block.  
Hitherto the Romans, having by the unblemished integrity of Brutus, well appeased all inbred quarrels at home, now hereafter employ their 〈◊〉 designments, against Foreigners; first, for their liberty; secondly, for enlarging of their possessions; and lastly, for defending their confederate Provinces, and extending their Empire. For Rome, situated as it were in the midway between Latium and the Tuscans, having as yet but narrow bounds, being in her minority, could not but give occasion of offence to her neighbours; until by main opposition, having prevailed against her borderers, she used them as instruments, whereby to obtain the rest.  
Their first war, in the first year of Consuls, was against Porsenna King of Hetruria: who being over-persuaded by Tarquin's lamentation, come to Rome, together with the banished King, and with great forces, to 〈◊〉 him again in his Kingdom.  
In the first conflict, Horatius Cocles, having long time borne the main brunt of his enemies, on the bridge over Tiber; at length, feeling himself too faint to stand against so many, caused the bridge behind him to be broken down, and with his armour, leaping into the River, like a hunted Stag, refreshed his hot spirits, and returned safe to his fellows, with the like resolution to sustain a new charge. Porsenna, although by this he had well-nigh won the hill janiculus, which is the very entrance unto the City, and found the victory, in a manner, assuredly his own: yet admiring their valour, and terrified by the constant resolution of Mutius 〈◊〉 (who having by error slain Porsenna his Secretary, instead of the King himself, did in scorn of torments threatened, burn off his own hand) he thought it not any 〈◊〉 prejudicial, either to his 〈◊〉, or credit, to enter league with them at the worst hand. And yet the edge of Tarqvinius his spleen, was not quite abated, though Aruns his 〈◊〉, and Brutus his enemy, in single combat, had slain each other. And here the Romans, although they lost Brutus, got the field; and their Ladies, whose Champion he was, for 〈◊〉 chastity, not for beauty, mourned the loss of him one whole year. Into his place, for the residue of his year, was subrogated Sp. Lucretius 〈◊〉, father to Lucretia: and in his room (〈◊〉 naturally before the year expired) Horatius Puluillus.  
Tarquin, upon his overthrow, feeling the fates disastrous, thought it no boot to strive against the stream, and spent the residue of his time; which was about fourteen years, privately at Tusculum. Yet his son-in-law Mamilius Tusculanus, stomaching afresh at those old repulses, because Porsenna had made peace with the Romans, and denied further secure unto the Tarquin's, mustered up his Latines, and gave battle to the Romans, at the Lake 〈◊〉; where the conflict was fierce, and the issue uncertain, until Aulus 〈◊〉, the Roman Dictator, (for they had created this Magistracy greater than Consuls, purposely for this War, when first it was expected) to 〈◊〉 his soldiers courage, threw their own Ensigns amid the Enemies; and Cossus or Spurius Cassius (master of the Horse men, an assistant Officer to the Dictator) commanded to take off their bridles, that they might run with free violence, to recover again their Ensigns. This fight was so well performed, that a report went current of Castor and Pollux, two Gods, who come on 〈◊〉- white Steeds, to be eye-witnesses of their valour, and fellow helpers of their victory; for the General consecrated a Temple to them, as a stipend for their pains. After this the Romans fierce spirits, having no object of valour abroad, reflected upon themselves at home; and the sixteenth year after the King's expulsion, upon instigation of some desperate bankrupts, thinking themselves wrongfully oppressed by the Senate and Consuls, they made an uproar in the holy Mount; until by Mevenius Agrippa, his discreet allusion, of the inconvenience in the head and bellies discord, to that present occasion, they were reconciled to the Senate: with condition, that they might have some new Magistrates created, to whom they might appeal in cases of variance, and make them Solicitors in their controversies, the Consuls authori ie notwithstanding. This was enacted; and they were called the Tribunes of the people. After this atonement amongst themselves, they had continual War with the Latins, concerning their bounds and limits, and with other neighbouring States. Among these, the Volsci and Aequi held them longest; who made war, of themselves, upon the Romans: whereby they lost the best City in their whole jurisdiction, Corioli.  
In this conquest, T. Martius got the surname of Coriolanus: a name honourable then, as derived from a great victory: although, by reason of the poverty of the Town, a Roman General, in after times, would have been ashamed of that title. But yet these graces had been no occasion of disparagement, had he not afterwards, in a great time of dearth, advised to cell corn, which they procured from Sicily, at too high a rate, to the people: whereupon, Decius Must, their Tribune, in their behalf, accused him, and after judgement, banished him. Coriolanus flying to the Volsci, whom lately beforehe had vanquished, incensed them to renew their forces again; which being committed unto him, and to Attius Tullus, he prevailed in field, so far forth, that he was come within four or five miles of the City. Encamping there he made so sharp war, and was at such defiance, with his Country, that he would not relent by any supplications of Ambassadors, until his Mother Veturia, and Volumnia his wife, with a pitiful tune of deprecation, showing themselves better Subjects to their Country, than friends to their son and husband, were more available to Rome, then was any force of arms. Hereupon Coriolanus dismissing his Army, was after put to death among the Volsci, as a Traitor, for neglecting such opportunity: or (as others surmise) living with them until old age, he died naturally.  
Not long after this, the Veij in Hetruria, provoked the Romans; against whom the Fabiuses, three hundred and six in number, all of one Family, entreated and obtained, that they only might be employed, as it had been in a private quarrel. These Fabiuses, after some good services, lying encamped at Cremera, were circumvented and all slain: one only of that whole house, had been left, by reason of infancy, at home; from whom afterward sprang Fabius Maximus, who vanquished Hannibal.  
In process of time, the Romans were also troubled with the Volsci, at the hill Algidum, two miles from Rome; where Lucius 〈◊〉 their Consul, with his whole Army, had been discomfited, had not L. Quintius 〈◊〉 chosen Dictator, and taken from the plough to the highest honour in Rome, with success answerable to his expedition, dispersed his enemies, and freed his Country in the space of sixteen days. In the continuance of this Volscian war it was, that Appius Claudius, one of the ten men, whom they had two years before chosen Governors of the State, and inactors of Solon's laws amongst them, procured from Athens (abrogating in the mean while the Consuls, 〈◊〉 all other Magistrates) would have 〈◊〉 Virginia, the daughter of T. Virginius, Captain of a Company, and lying then in camp at 〈◊〉. Hereupon the people, in an uproar, took the Hill 〈◊〉, and after much variance, enforced the ten men, to resign up their authority again, to new Consuls.  
After this, either new quarrels, or desire to revenge old losses, drew the Romans into a new 〈◊〉, against the 〈◊〉, and their adherents, upon whom having tried their forces, with 〈◊〉 of Captains, and variety of event, they vanquished the 〈◊〉, and the Fidenates, and 〈◊〉 subdued the Veientes. In conquering the Falisci, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 showed no less 〈◊〉 than fortitude. For when a Schoolmaster, by training forth into the Roman camp, many children of the principal Citizens, thought to betray the Town, yielding them all up as Hostages: Camillus delivered this Traitor bound unto his Scholars, willing them to whip him back into the City; which forthwith yielded unto him in 〈◊〉 of his justice. The siege of Veij was ten years, and so troublesome that the Romans were there first enforced to winter abroad under beasts skins (to which they were the more easily induced, because then first they received pay) and to make vows never to return without victory.  
At length winning the City by a Mine, they got so large spoils, that they consecrated their tenths to Apollo Pythius: and the whole people in general, were called to the ransacking of the City. But yet they were no less unthankful to Camillus for his service, then before they had been to 〈◊〉; For they banished him the City, upon some occasion of inequality in dividing the spoils: yet he requited their unkindness with a new piece of service, against the fury of the 〈◊〉: who being a populous Country, and very healthful, the fathers (as sometimes now) lived so long, that the sons, destitute of means, were enforced to roave abroad, seeking some place, where to set up their rest: and withal being a Nation vast in body, rude by nature, and barbarous in conditions, wandered as Roversover many Countries. Some of them lighting on Italy, set upon Clusium, a Town in Hetruria; whereof Rome having information (and being careful of her Confederate Towns) sent Ambassadors, warning them to desist from such injurious enterprises. But the barbarous people, not regarding the message, upon some injury offered by the Roman Ambassadors, converted their forces from Clusium towards Rome; and giving a great overthrow to the Romans, by the River Allia, upon the sixteenth day before the Calendss of August (which day was after branded for unlucky, and called Alliensis in the Roman Calendar) they hastened towards the City. Than was Rome the true map of misery and desolation. For some leaving the city; some creeping into holes; Priests hiding their relics; and every one shifting for himself, ere the enemy come; Rome was abandoned, as indefensible. The Vestal Virgins, in this tumult, were safely conveyed away; the Ancients of the City, gathering 〈◊〉 out of desperate fear, did put on their Robes, and taking their leave 〈◊〉 the world, did seat themselves in Thrones, in their several houses, hourly expecting the messengers of death, and meaning to die, as they had lived, in State. The younger sort, with M. Manlius their Captain, took upon them to make good the Capitol.  
By this, the Gauls were entered the City, who seeing all quiet, at first suspected some ambush; afterward finding all secure, they fell to the spoil, committing all to the fire and sword. As for the old Senators, that sat in their Majesty, with a grave resolution: having first reverenced them as Gods, anon they tried whither they would die like men. When the City was thoroughly rifled, they attempted the Capitol: which held them work for the space of seven Months. Once they were like to have surprised it by night, but being descried by the gaggling of Geese, M. Manltus did awaken, and kept them from entrance. At length a composition was agreed upon: the Gauls being weary, and the Romans hungry. The bargain was, that the Gauls should take a thousand pound weight in gold, to desist from their siege. Whilst the gold was in weighing, the Gauls, with open insolency, made their weights too heavy: Brennus, their Captain, casting his sword into the balance, and, with a proud exprobration, saying, that the vanquished must be patiented 〈◊〉. But in the midst of this cavilling, come Furius Camillus, with an Army, from Ardea, (where he had lived in his banishment) and fell upon the Gauls, with 〈◊〉 violence, that he dispersed their troops, quenched the fire of the City 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blood, 〈◊〉 them to restore the spoils with advantage, and forbear the gold, in accepting which, they had lately been so nice. Further, having rid the City of them, he so hotly pursued them, through a great part of Italy, that the remainder of their Army, which escaped from him, was very small. Other Armies of the Gauls, which followed this first, had the like ill success. They were often beaten by the Romans; especially the victories of M. Torquatus, and of M. Valerius 〈◊〉 (each of which in single fight, slew a Champion of the Gauls) abated their presumption, and restored courage to the Romans, Camillus, for his notable service, was afterwards accounted a second Romulus:  
The people, after this destruction of their City, were earnestly bend to go to the Veij to inhabit; but Camillus dissuaded them.  
About the same time, somewhat before the siege of Veij, they changed their government from 〈◊〉 to military Tribunes. The government of these also, after some years, was by 〈◊〉 dissension interrupted: so that one while Consuls ruled: another while there was an Anarchy: Than the Tribunes were restored and 〈◊〉 again, till after many years expired, the Consular authority was established; it being enacted, that one of the Consuls should all ways be a Plebeian. This was after the building of the City, three hundred sixty five years. And now Rome by suppression of her neighbour Countries, crceping well forward out of her Minority, dares set forth against the warlike Samnites, who dwelled almost one hundred and thirty miles off: situated between Campania and Apulia. These did so strongly invade the Campanians their Neighbours, that they forced them to yield themselves subjects to Rome, and undergo any conditions of Tribute, or whatsoever else to obtain protection: which the Romans, although both Countries had been their Confederates, yet not willing that the greater, like fish, should devour the less, easily allowed off; aiming themselves at the good situation of Campania, the abundance of Corn and Wine, pleasant Cities and 〈◊〉, but especially Capua itself, the fairest City then in all Italy.  
The Families 〈◊〉 the Papyrij and Fabiuses were most employed in the managing of this war, which endured the space of fifty years. And in this season were the Romans oftentimes dangerously encountered by the Samnites, as when T. Veturius, and Sp. Posthumius were Consuls, and discomfited by Pontius at Caudium, with no small ignominy: and when Q. Fabius Gurges lost the field with three thousand men. But for these losses, many great victories made large amendss: The greatest whereof were gotten by L. Papyrius, and by Quintus Fabius Maximus.  
The Samnites drew the Etrurians into their quarrel. But the force of the Samnites was well broken, ere the Etrurians (the greater and richer, but less warlike Nation) began to stir. So the one and the other of these two Countries, become at length, tributary to Rome.  
In the continuance of this long war it was, (though in time of truce between the Romans and Samnites) that the Latins began to challenge equal freedom in the Corporation of Rome, and right in bearing Office, so that they required to have one of the Consuls yearly chosen out of them.  
This demand, of the Latins, was not unreasonable. For the Romans themselves were a Latin Colony; besides all which, they made offer, to change their name, and to be all called Romans. But the Romans were too proud, to admit any such capitulation. So a great battle was fought between them: wherein the fortune of Rome prevailed, by the virtue of the Consuls.  
Manlius Torquatus, and the elder Decius, were then Consuls, whom the Soothsayers advertised, that the side should be victorious, which lost the General in fight. Hereupon, Decius the Consul, exposed his life to the Enemy, and purchased victory (as was believed) by his death. In which kind of devoting himself for his Army, the son of this Decius, being after Consul, did 〈◊〉 his father, in the Hetrurian war. But (as Tully well notes) it was rather the desperate resolution of these Deccis, that purchased victory, by rushing into the midst of the enemies, wherein their Soldiers followed them, than any great commendation of such a religion, as required the 〈◊〉 of so worthy Citizens, to be sacrificed for their Country. The discipline of Manlius was no less resolute, than the valour of Decius. He forbade any one to forsake his place, and fight single with an enemy. For breach of which order, he caused his own son to be put to death, who had slain a Captain of the Latins, being challenged in single fight.  
When the Latins, the Aequi, Volsci, Hernici, Campani, Samnites, and 〈◊〉, with some other people, were brought under obedience; it was a vain labour for any people of Italy, to contend against the Romans.  
Yet the Sabines adventured to try their fortune; and found it bad. For Curius Dentatus, the 〈◊〉 Consul, wasting all their Country with fire and sword, from the River Nar and Velia, to the Adriatic Sea, brought them into quiet subjection.  
The last of the Italians, that made trial of the Roman Arms, were the Tarentines, and their adherents. These had interposed themselves as Mediators, between the Romans and Samnites; with a peremptory denunciation of war, unto that party, which should dare to refuse the peace by them tendered. These threats, which discovered their bad affection to Rome, ended in words; but when the Samnites were utterly subdued, matter enough of quarrel was found, to examine their ability of performance.  
The Romans complained, that certain ships of theirs were rob; and sent Ambassadors unto Tarentum, to require amendss. Upon some wrong done to these Ambassadors, was laid the foundation of that War; wherein the Lucan's, Messapians, Brutians, and Appulians, joining with the Tarentines, procured the Samnites, and other Subjects of Rome, to rebel, and take their part. But some experience of the Roman strength, taught all these people to know their own weakness. Wherhfore they agreed to sand for Pyrrhus, by whose aid (being a Graecian, as the Tarentines also were) great hope was conceived, that the Dominion of Rome should be confined, unto more narrow bounds, than all Italy, which already, in a manner it did overspread.   

§. II How PYRRHUS warred upon the Romans, and vanquished them in two battles.  
PYRRHUS, forsaken by the Macedonians, and unable to deal with Lysimachus, was compelled a while to 〈◊〉 in rest: which he abhorred no less than a wifer Prince would have desired. He had a strong Army, and a good Fleet, which in that unsettled estate of things, was enough to purchase a Kingdom: but the fall of Demetrius had so increased the power of Lysimachus, that it was no point of wisdom, to make an offensive war upon him, without far greater forces. Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, held Corinth, at the same time, and some other Towns, with the remainder of his father's Army and treasures, left in his hand. Upon him it is like that Pyrrhus might have won; but it was better to let him alone, that he might serve to give some hindrance to Lysimachus.  
In this want of employment, and covetous desire of finding it, the Tarentine Ambassadors come very fitly to Pyrrhus: and they come with brave offers, as needing noon other aid than his good conduct, which to obtain, they would cast themselves under his protection. They had in their company, some of the Samnites, Lucanians, Messapians, and others; which promised, in behalf of their several Nations, as much as could be desired. This encouraged Pyrrhus, and filled him with hopes of goodly conquests; that he might enlarge his Empire to the West, as far as Alexander had gotten Eastward; and still by one victory open the gate unto another. To which effect it is said, that once he answered Cyneas his chief Counsellor, ask what he meant to do after every of the victories which he hoped to get: that, having won Rome, he would soon be Master of all Italy; that, after Italy he would quickly get the Isle of Sicily; that, out of Sicily he would pass over into Africa, and win Carthage, with all the rest of the Country, & being strengthened with the force of all these Provinces, he would be too hard, for any of those, that were now so proud and troublesome. But Cyneas inquired yet further, what they should do, when they were Lords of all: Whereunto Pyrrhus (finding his drift) answered pleasantly, that they would live merrily; a thing (as Cyneas then told him) that they presently might do, without any trouble, if he could be contented with his own.  
Nevertheless, this Italian expedition seemed unto Pyrrhus, a matter of such consequence, as was not to be omitted, in regard of any scholastical 〈◊〉. Wherhfore he prepared his Army; of almost thirty thousand men, well sorted, and well trained Soldiers: part of which he sent over before him under Cyneas, with the rest he followed in person. At his coming, he found the 〈◊〉 very prompt of tongue, but in matter of execution, utterly careless to provide for the War. Wherhfore he was feign to shut up their Theatre, and other places of pleasure and resort; enforcing them to take Arms, and making such a strict muster, as was to them very unpleasing, though greatly behoving to their estate.  
Whilst he was occupied with these cares, 〈◊〉 the Roman Consul drew neare, and began to waste Lucania, a Province confederate with the Tarentines in this War.  
The Lucanians were not ready to defend their own Country; the 〈◊〉 were careless of the harm, that fell not (as yet) upon themselves; the Tarentines were 〈◊〉 prepared than they would have been, but their valour was little: all of these had been accustomed to shrink, for fear of the Roman 〈◊〉: and therefore it fell out happily, that Pyrrhus relied more upon his own forces, than the issue of their vaunting promises. He was now driven, either to set forward, with those that himself had brought into Italy, and the assistance of the Tarentines, wherein little was to be reposed; or else to weaken the reputation of his own sufficiency, which by all means he was careful to up-hold. In good time a great part of his forces, that had been scattered by soul weather at Sea, were safely come to him: with which he resolved to assay the valour of the Romans, against whom he proudly marched.  
Laevinus the Consul was not affrighted, with the terrible name of a great King; but come on confidently to meet him, and give him battle, ere all his adherents should be ready to join with him. This boldness of the Roman, and the slackness of the Messapians, Lucanians, Saemnites, and others, whom the danger most concerned, caused Pyrrhus to offer a treaty of peace: requiring to have the quarrel, between the Romans and his 〈◊〉 friends, referred to his arbitrement. Whither he did this to win time, that the Samnites and their fellows might arrive at his Camp; or whither, considering better at near distance, the weight of the business, which he had taken in hand, he were desirous to quit it with his honour; the short answer, that was returned to his 〈◊〉, gave him no means of either the one or the other: for the Romans sent him this word, that they had neither chosen him their judge, nor feared him their enemy.  
Hereupon, both Armies hastened their march unto the River of Siris: 〈◊〉 intending to fight, before the arrival of the Samnites; Pyrrhus, to hinder him from passing that River, until his own Army were full. Upon the first view of the Roman Camp, it was readily conceived by Pyrrhus, that he had not now to 〈◊〉 with barbarous people, but with men well trained in a brave discipline of war: which caused him to set a strong Corpse de guard, upon the passage of the river, that he might not be compelled to fight, until he seen his best advantage. But he quickly found, that this new enemy was not only skilful in the Art of war, but courageous in execution. For the Roman Army entered the Ford, in face of his Corpse de guard; and their horse, at the same time, began to pass the River, in sundry places: which caused the Greeks' to forlake the defence of their bank, and speedily retire unto their Campe.  
This audacity forced Pyrrhus to battle; wherewith he thought it best to present them, ere their whole Army had recovered firm footing, and were in order. So 〈◊〉 his Captains how to marshal his battles; himself with the horse, charged upon the Romans: who stoutly received him, as men well exercised in sustaining furious impressions. In this fight, neither did his courage 〈◊〉 him beyond the duty of a careful General; 〈◊〉 his providence in directing others, 〈◊〉 the manifestation of his personal valour. It behoved 〈◊〉 indeed to do his best; for he never met with better opposers. Once, and shortly after the fight began, his horse was slain under him: afterwards, he changed armour with a 〈◊〉; but that friend paid his life for the use of his King's armour, which was torn from his back. This accident had almost lost him the battle: but he perceiving it, discovered his face, and thereby restored courage to his men, and took from the Romans their vain joy. The fight was obstinate, and with the greater loss (at lest of more eminent men) on Pyrrhus his side, as long as only spear and sword were used. But when the Elephants were brought into the wings, whose unusual for me and terrible aspect, the horses of the Romans (unaccustomed to the like) were not able to sustain; then was the victory quickly gotten. For the Roman battles, perceiving their horse put to rout, and driven out of the field; finding also themselves both charged in flank, and over-borne, by the force, and huge bulk, of these strange beasts; gave way to necessity, and saved themselves, as well as they could, by hasty flight: in which consternation, they were so forgetful of their discipline, that they tarried not to defend their Camp, but ran quite beyond it, leaving both it, and the honour of the day, entirely to Pyrrhus.  
The fame of this victory was soon spread over Italy; and the reputation was no less than the fame. For it was a matter very rare to be heard, that a Roman Consul, with a select Army, should lose in plain battle, not only the field, but the Camp itself, being so notably fortified, as they always were. And this honour was the more bravely won by Pyrrhus, for that he had with him noon of his Italian friends, save the unwarlike 〈◊〉. Neither could he well dissemble his content that he took, in having the glory of this action peculiarly his own, at such time as he blamed the Lucan's and Samnites, for coming (as we say) a day after the fair. Nevertheless, he wisely considered the strength of the Romans, which was such, as would better endure many such losses, than he could many such victories. Therefore he thought it good to compound with them, whilst with his honour he might; and to that purpose he sent unto them Cyneas his Ambassador; demanding only to have the Tarentines permitted to live at rest, and himself accepted as their especial friend. This did Cyneas, with all his cunning, and with liberal gifts, labour to effect: but neither man nor woman could be found in Rome, that would take any bribe of him; neither did their desire of recovering their captives, or their danger, by the rising of many States in Italy against them, so incline them to peace, as the vehement exhortation of Appius Claudius, an old and blind Senator, did stir them up to make good their honour by war. So they returned answer, that whilst Pyrrhus abode in Italy, they would come to no agreement with him.  
Such was the report, that Cyneas made, at his return, of the Roman pvissance and virtue; as kindled in Pyrrhus, a great desire of confederacy, with that gallant City. Hereupon many kind Offices passed between them: but still when he urged his motion of peace, the answer was, He must first departed out of Italy, and then treat of peace.  
In the mean season, each part made provision for war; the Romans leaving a more mighty army than the former; and Pyrrhus being strengthened with access unto his forces, of all the East parts of 〈◊〉. So they come to trial of a second battle, wherein (though after long and cruel fight) the boisterous violence of the Elephants, gave to Pyrrhus a second victory. But this was not altogether so joyful as the former had been: rather it gave him cause to say, that such another victory would be his utter undoing. For he had lost the flower of his Army in this battle: and though he drove the Romans into their Camp, yet he could not force them out of it, nor seen any likelihood of prevailing against them, that were like to be relieved with daily supplies, whilst he should be driven to spend upon his old stock. Neither could he expect, that his Elephants should always stand him in stead. A little knowledge of their manner in fight, would soon teach the Romans, that were apt Scholars in such learning, how to make them unseruiccable. Wherhfore he desired nothing more, than how to carry his honour safe out of Italy: which to do (seeing the Romans would not help him, by offering or accepting any fair conditions of peace, or of truce) he took a slight occasion, presented by fortune, that follows to be related.   

§. III The great troubles in Macedon and Sicill. How PYRRHUS, being invited into Sicill, for sook Italy; wan the most of the Isle; and lost it in short space. PYRRHUS returns into Italy; where he is beaten by the Romans, and so goes back to his own Kingdom.  
WHen Ptolemy Ceraunus had traitorously murdered his Benefactor and Patron Seleucus, he presently seized upon all the Dominions of 〈◊〉 in Europe, as if they had been the due reward, unto him, that had slain the Conqueror. The houses of Cassander and Lysimachus were then fallen to the ground: neither was there in Macedon any man of strength and reputation enough, to advance himself against Ceraunus. The friends of Lysimachus were rather pleased to have him their King, that had (as he professed) revenged their Lord's death; than any way offended with the odiousness of his fact, by which they were freed from subjection, to one, against whom they had stood in opposition. Many there were, that upon remembrance of his Father's great virtue, gathered hope of finding the like in Ceraunus: persuading themselves that his reign might prove good, though his entrance had been wicked. These affections of the Macedonians did serve to defeat Antigonus the son of Demetrius, that made an attempt upon the Kingdom. As for Antigonus, the son of Selencus, he was far off, and might be questioned about some part of Asia, ere he should be able to bring an Army near unto Europe. Yet he made great show of meaning to revenge his father's death: but being stronger in money then in arms, he was content, after a while, to take fair words, and make peace with the murderer. While these three strove about the Kingdom, Pyrrhus, who thought his claim as good as any of theirs, made use of their dissension: threatening war, or promising his assistance, to every one of them. By these means he strengthened himself, and greatly advantaged his Italian voyage, which he had then in hand: requesting money of Antiochus, ships of Antigonus, and soldiers of Ptolemy, who gave him his daughter in marriage, and lent him a strong power of Macedonian Soldiers, and of Elephants (covenanting to have them restored at two years end) more for fear than for love: that so he might free himself from trouble, & quietly enjoy his Kingdom.  
Thus Ptolemy grew mighty on the sudden; and the power that by wicked means he had gotten, by means as wicked he increased.  
All Macedon and Thrace being his, the strong City of Cassandria was held by Arsinoe his sister, the widow of Lysimachus, who lay therein with her young children. Her he circumvented by making love to her, and (according to the fashion of those times, wherein Princes regarded no degree of consanguinity) taking her to wife, with promise to adopt her children: a promise that he meant not to perform; for it was not long, ere he slew them, and drove her into exile.  
In the pride of this good success, which his villainy found; vengeance come upon him from a far, by the fury of a Nation, that he had never heard of. Belgius' a Captain of the Gauls, having forced his passage through many Countries, unto the confines of Macedon, sent a proud message to Ceraunus, commanding him to buy peace with money, or otherwise, to look for all the miseries of war. These Gauls were the race of those, that issued out of their Country, to seek new seats in that great expedition, where in Brennus took and burnt the City of Rome. They had divided themselves, at their setting forth, into two Companies; of which the one fell upon Italy; the other passing through the Countries that lie on the Northern side of the Adriatic Sea, made long abode in Pannonia, and the Regions adjoining, where they forced all the neighbour Princes to redeem peace with tribute, as now they would have compelled Ceraunus to do; unto whose borders they come about an hundred and eight years after such time as their fellows had taken Rome.  
When their Ambassadors come to Ptolemy, ask what he would give: His answer was, that he would be contented to give them peace, but it must be with condition, that they should put into their hands their Princes as hostages, and yield up their arms; for otherwise, he would neither pardon their boldness, nor give any credit to their words. At this answer, when it was returned, the Gauls did laugh, saying, that they would soon confute with deeds, the vanity of such proud words. It may seem strange, that he, who had given away part of his Army unto Pyrrhus, for very fear; should be so confident in undertaking more mighty enemies. The King of the Dardanians offered to lend him twenty thousand men against the Gauls; but he scorned the offer; saying, that he had the children of those, which under the conduct of Alexander, had subdued all the East. Thus he issued forth against the barbarous people, with his famous Macedonians, as if the victory must needs have followed the reputation of a great name. But he son found his great error, when it was too late. For the enemies were not only equal in strength of body, and fierceness of courage, but so far superior to the Macedonians in numbers, that few or noon escaped their fury. Ptolemy himself grievously wounded, fell into their hands, whilst the battle continued; and they presently struck off his head, which they showed to his men, on the top of a Lance, to their utter astonishment.  
The report of this great overthrow filled all Macedon with such desperation, that the people fled into walled Towns, and abandoned the whole Country as lost. Only Sosthenes, a valiant Captain, animating as many as he could, gathered a small Army, with which he many times got the upper hand, and hindered Belgius from using the victory at his whole pleasure. In regard of this his virtue, the Soldiers would have made him King; which title he refused, & was content with the name of a General. But (as mischiefs do seldom come alone) the good success of Belgius, drew into 〈◊〉, Brennus, another Captain of the Gauls, with an hundred and fifty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse; against which mighty Army, when Sosthenes with his weak troops made opposition, he was easily beaten, and the Macedonians again compelled to hide themselves within their walls, leaving all their Country to the spoil of the Barbarians.  
Thus were the Macedonians destitute of a King, and trodden down by a Nation, that they had not heard of; in less than fifty years after the death of Alexander, who sought to discover and subdue unknown Countries, as if all Greece, and the Empire of Persia had been too little for a King of Macedon.  
Very seasonably had these news been carried to Pyrrhus in Italy, who sought a fair pretext of relinquishing his war with the Romans; had not other tidings out of Sicily distracted him, and carried him away in pursuit of nearer hopes. For after the death of Agathocles, who ragined over the whole Island, the Carthaginians sent an Army to conquer Sicily, out of which, by him, they had been expelled. This Army did so fast prevail, that the Sicilians had no other hope to avoid slavery, than in submitting themselves to the rule of Pyrrhus; whom, being a Graecian, and a noble Prince, they thought it more for their good to obey, then to live under the well known heavy yoke of Carthage. To him therefore, the Syracusans, Leontines, and Agragentines, principal Estates of the Isle, sent Ambassadors, 〈◊〉 desiring him to take them into his protection.  
It grieved Pyrrhus exceedingly, that two such notable occasions, of enlarging his Dominions, should fall out so unluckily, both at one time. Yet whither he thought the business of Sicily more important, or more full of likelihood; or whither perhaps he believed (as come after to pass) that his advantage upon Macedon would not so hastily pass away, but that he might find some occasion to lay hold on it, at better leisure, over into Sicily he transported his Army, leaving the Tarentines to shifted for themselves; yet not leaving them free as he found them, but with a Garrison in their Town, to hold them in subjection.  
As his departure out of Italy, was rather grounded on headlong passion, than mature advice; so were his actions following, until his return unto Epirus, rather many and tumultuous, then well ordered, or note-worthie. The Army which he carried into that Isle, consisted of thirty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse: with which, soon after his descent in Sicill, he forced the 〈◊〉, out of all, in effect, that they held therein. He also won the strong City of Eryx, and having beaten the Mamertines in battle, he began to change condition, and turn Tyrant. For he drove Sostratus (to whom his cruelty was suspect) out of the Island, and put Thenon of Syracuse to death, being jealous of his greatness; which two persons had faithfully served him, and delivered the great and rich City of Syracuse into his hands. After this, his fortunes declined so fast, as he served himself, and salved the disreputation of his leaving Sicill, by an Embassage sent him from the Tarentines, and Samnites, imploring his present help against the Romans, who since his leaving Italy, had well-neare dispossessed them of all that they had.  
Taking this fair occasion, he embarked for Italy; but was first beaten by the Carthaginian Galleys, in his passage, and secondly assailed in Italy itself, by eighteen hundred Mamertines, that attended him in the straitss of the Country. Lastly, after he had recovered Tarentum, he fought a third battle with the Romans, led by M. Curius, who was victorious over him, and forced him out of Italy, into his own Epirus.  
A Prince he was far more valiant than constant, and had he been but a General of an Army, for some other great King or State, and had been directed to have conquered any one Country or Kingdom, it is to be thought, that he would have purchased no less honour than any man of war, either preceding or succeeding him; for a greater Captain, or a valianter man, hath been no where found. But he never stayed upon any enterprise; which was, indeed, the disease he had, whereof not long after he died in Argos.   

§. FOUR How ANTIGONUS, the son of DEMETRIUS, delivered Macedon from the Gauls. How PYRRHUS won the Kingdom of Macedon from ANTIGONUS.  
THe virtue of Sosthenes being too weak, to defend the Kingdom of Macedon; and the fortune which had accompanied him against Belgius, failing him in his attempts against Brennus: the Macedonians were no less glad to submit themselves unto the government of Antigonus, than they had formerly been desirous to free themselves from the impotent rule of his father Demetrius. His coming into the Country, with an Army, Navy, and treasure beseeming a King, did rather breed good hope in the people, than fill them with much confidence: for he was driven to use against the Barbarians, only those forces, which he brought with him, having noon other than good wishes of the Macedons, to take his part. Brennus, with the main strength of his Army, was go to spoil the Temple of Apollo at Delphos, having left no more behind him, than he thought necessary to guard the borders of Macedon, and Pannonia; which were about fifteen thousand foot, and three thousand horse. These could not be idle, but thought to get somewhat for themselves, in the absence of their fellows: and therefore sent unto Antigonus, offering to sell him peace, if he would pay well for it; which by the example of Ceraunus, he had learned (as they thought) not to refuse. Antigonus was unwilling to weaken his reputation by condescending to their proud demands: yet he judged it unfit to exasperate their furious choler, by uncourteous words or usage, as Ceraunus had over-fondly done. Wherefore he entertained their Ambassadors in very loving and sumptuous manner, with a royal feast: wherein he exposed to their view, such abundance of massy gold and silver, that they were not so much delighted with the meat, as with sight of the vessels, wherein it was served. He thought hereby, to make them understand, how great a Prince he was, and how able, if need required, to wage a mighty Army.  
To which end, he likewise did show unto them, his Camp and Navy, but especially his Elephants. But all this bravery served only to kindle their greedy appetites; who seeing his ships heavy loaden, his Camp full of wealth, and ill fortified, himself (as it seemed) secure, and his men, both in strength and courage inferior unto the Gauls, thought all time lost, wherein they suffered the present possessors, to spend the riches which they accounted assuredly their own. They returned therefore to their Companions, with noon other news in their mouths, than of spoil and purchase: which tale, carried the Gauls headlong, to Antigonus his camp, where they expected a greater booty, than the victory over Ceraunus had given to Belgius. Their coming was terrible and sudden; yet not so sudden, but that Antigonus had notice of it, who distrusting the courage of his own men, dislodged somewhat before their arrival, and conveyed himself, with his whole army and carriage, into certain woods adjoining, where he lay close.  
The Gauls, finding his Camp forsaken, were not hasty to pursue him, but fell to ransacking the empty Cabbines of the Soldiers; in hope of finding all that was either lost or hidden. At length, when they had searched every place in vain, angry at their lost labour, they marched with all speed toward the Seaside; that they might fall upon him, whilst he was busy in getting his men and carriages a shipboard. But the success was no way answerable to their expectation. For being proud of the terror which they had brought upon Antigonus, they were so careless of the Seamen, that without all order, they fell to the spoil of what they found on the shore, and in such ships as lay on ground.  
Part of the Army 〈◊〉 left Antigonus, where he lay in covert; and had saved itself by getting aboard the fleet: in which number were some well experienced men of war: who discovering the much advantage offered unto them, by the desperate presumption of their enemies, took courage, and encouraged others, to lay manly hold upon the opportunity. So the whole number, both of Soldiers and Mariners, landing together, with great resolution, gave so brave a charge upon the disordered 〈◊〉, that their contemptuous boldness was thereby changed into sudden fear, and they, after a great slaughter, driven to cast themselves into the service of Antigonus.  
The fame of this victory, caused all the barbarous Nations in those quarters, to re-entertaine their ancient belief of the Macedonian valour: by which, the terrible and resistless oppressors of so many Countries, were overthrown.  
To speak more of the Gauls, in this place; and to show how, about these times, three Tribes of them passed over into Asia the less, with their wars and conquests there; I hold it needless: the victorious arms of the Romans, taming them hereafter, in the Countries which now they wan, shall give better occasion, to rehearse these matters briefly.  
Howsoever the good success of Antigonus got him reputation, among the barbarous people, yet his own Soldiers, that without his leading, had won this victory, could not thereupon be persuaded to think him a good man of war: knowing that he had no interest in the honour of the service, wherein his conduct was no better, then creeping into a wood.  
This (as presently will appear) was greatly helpful unto Pyrrhus: though as yet he knew not so much. For Pyrrhus, when his affairs in Italy stood upon hard terms, had sent unto Antigonus for help: not without threats, in case it were denied. So was he sure to get, either a supply, wherewith to continued his war against the Romans, or some seeming honourable pretence, to forsake Italy, under colour of making his word good, in seeking revenge. The threats which he had used in bravery, mere necessity forced him, at his return into 〈◊〉, to put in practice.  
He brought home with him, eight thousand foot, and five hundred horse: an army too little to be employed, by his restless nature, in any action of importance; yet greater than he had means to keep in pay: Therefore he fell upon Macedon; intending to take what spoil he could get, and make Antigonus compound with him, to be freed from trouble. At his first entrance into this business, two thousand of Antigonus his soldiers, revolted unto 〈◊〉; and many Cities, either willingly or perforce, received him. Such fair beginnings, easily persuaded the courage of this daring Prince, to set upon Antigonus himself, and to hazard his fortune, in trial of a battle, for the whole Kingdom of Macedon.  
It appears, that Antigonus had no desire to fight with this hot warrior; but thought it the wisest way, by protracting of time, to weary him out of the Country. For Pyrrhus overtook him in a strait passage, and charged him in the rear; wherein were the Gauls, and the Elephants, which were thought the best of his strength: a manifest proof that he was in retreat. The Gauls very bravely sustained Pyrrhus his impression; yet were broken at length (when most of them were slain) after a sharp fight: wherein it seems, that Antigonus keeping his Macedonian Phalanx within the strength, and not advancing to their succour, took away their courage, by deceiving their expectation. The Captains of the Elephants were taken soon after; who finding themselves exposed to the same violence that had consumed so many of the Gauls, yielded themselves and the beasts. All this was done in full view of Antigonus, and his Macedonians, to their great discomfort: which emboldened Pyrrhus, to charge them where they lay in their strength. Where the Phalanx could be charged only in a front, it was a matter of extreme difficulty (if not impossible) to force it. But the Macedonians had seen so much, that they had no desire to fight against Pyrrhus; who discovered so well their affections, that he adventured to draw near in person, and exhort them to yield. Neither the common Soldier, nor any Leader, refused to become his follower. All forsook Antigonus, a few horsemen excepted, that 〈◊〉 along with him to Thessalonica; where he had some small forces left, and money enough to entertain a greater power, had he known where to levy it. But whilst he was thinking how to allure a sufficient number of the Gauls into his service; whereby he might repair his loss: Ptolemy, the son of Pyrrhus, come upon him, and easily defeating his weak forces, drove him to fly from the parts about Macedon, to those Towns a far off in Peloponnesus, in which he had formerly lurked, before such time as he looked abroad into the world, and made himself a King.  
This good success revived the spirits of the Epirot, and caused him to forget all sorrow, of his late misfortunes in the Roman war: so that he sent for his son Helenus (whom he had left with a Garrison, in the Castle of Tarentum) willing him to come over into Greece, where was more matter of conquest, and let the Italians shifted for themselves.   

§. V How PYRRHUS assailed Sparta without success. His enterprise upon Argos, and his death.  
PYYRRHUS had now conceived a great hope, that nothing should be able to withstand him; seeing, that in open fight, he had vanquished the Gauls, beaten Antigonus, and won the Kingdom of Macedon; There was not in all Greece, nor, indeed, in all the Lands that Alexander had won, any Leader of such name and worth, as deserved to be set up against him: which filled him with the opinion that he might do what he pleased. He raised therefore an Army, consisting of five and twenty thousand foot, two thousand horse, and four and twenty Elephants; pretending war against Antigonus, and the giving liberty to those Towns in Peloponnesus, which the same Antigonus held in subjection; though it was easily discovered, that such great preparations were made, for accomplishment of some design more important, than war against a Prince already vanquished, and almost utterly dejected. Especially the Lacedæmonians feared this expedition, as made against their State. For Cleonymus, one of their Kings, being expelled out of his Country, had betaken himself to Pyrrhus: who readily entertained him, and promised to restore him to his Kingdom. This promise was made in secret; neither would Pyrrhus make show of any displeasure that he bore unto Sparta; but contrariwise professed, that it was his intent, to have two of his own younger sons trained up in that City, as in a place of noble discipline. With such colours he deluded men, even till he entered upon Laconia; where presently he demeaned himself as an open enemy: excusing himself and his former dissembling words, with a jest; That he followed herein the Lacedaemonian custom, of concealing what was truly purposed. It had been, indeed, the manner of the Lacedæmonians, to deal in like sort with others, whom, in the time of their greatness, they sought to oppress: but now they complained of that, as falsehood, in Pyrrhus, which they always practised as wisdom, till it made them disinherited, forsaken, and almost contemptible. Nevertheless, they were not wanting to themselves in this dangerous extremity. For the old men and women laboured in fortifying the Town; causing such as could bear arms, to reserve themselves fresh against the assault: which Pyrrhus had unwisely deferred, upon assurance of prevailing.  
Sparta was never fortified, before this time, otherwise then with armed Citizens: soon after this (it being built upon uneven ground, and for the most part, hard to approach) the lower and more accessible places, were fenced with walls; at the present, only trenches were cast, and barricadoes made with Carts, where the entrance seemed most easy. Three days together it was assailed by Pyrrhus, exceeding fiercely; and no 〈◊〉 stoutly defended. The desperate courage of the Citizens preserved the Town the first day, wherinto the violence of Pyrrhus had forced entrance the second day, but that his wounded horse threw him to the ground, which made his Soldiers more mindful of saving the person of their King, than of breaking into the City, though already they had torn in sunder the barricadoes. Presently after this, one of Antigonus his Captains got into Sparta with a good strength of men; and Areus the King returned out of Crete (where he had been helping his friends in war) with two thousand men, little knowing the danger, in which his own country stood until he was almost at home. These succours did not more animate the Spartans', then kindle in Pyrrhus a desire to prevail against all impediments. But the third days work showed, how great his error had been, in forbearing to assault the Town at his first coming. For he was so manfully repelled, that he seen no likelihood of getting the place, otherwise than by a long siege: in which tedious course he had no desire to spend his time.  
Antigonus had now raised an Army, though not strong enough to meet the enemy in plain field, yet able to hinder all his purposes. This made Pyrrhus doubtful what way to take; being diversly affected, by the difficulty of his enterprise in hand, and the shame of taking a repulse in his first attempt. Whilst he was thus perplexed, letters come from Argos, inviting him thither; with promise, to deliver that City into his hands.  
Civil dissension raging then hotly in Argos, caused the heads of several factions to call in Pyrrhus and Antigonus; but the coming of these two Princes, taught the Citizens wit, and made them desirous to rid their hand of such powerful Assistants, as each of the two Kings pretended himself to be. Antigonus told the Argives, that he come to save them from the tyranny of Pyrrhus; and that he would be go if they needed not his help. On the other side, Pyrrhus would needs persuade them, that he had noon other errand, than to make them safe from Antigonus; offering in like manner, to departed if they so desired.  
The Argives took small pleasure, in hearing the Fox and Kite at strife, which of them should keep the Chickens from his enemy: and therefore prayed them both, to divert their powers some other way. Hereunto Antigonus readily condescended, and gave 〈◊〉 to assure his word: for he was the weaker, and stood in need of goodwill. But Pyrrhus thought it enough to promise': Hostages he would give noon, to his inferiors: especially, meaning deceit. This made them suspect his purpose to be such, as, indeed, it was. Yet he less regarded their opinions, than to hold them worthy of assurance, by giving such a bond, as he intended to break ere the next morning.  
It was concluded, that a Gate of the City should be opened by night unto Pyrrhus, by his Complices within Argos: which was accordingly performed. So his Army, without any tumult, entered the City: till the Elephants, with Towers on their backs, cloyed the way, being too high to pass the Gate. The taking off, and setting on again, of those Towers, with the trouble thereto belonging, did both give alarm to the City, and some leisure to take order for defence, before so many were entered, as could fully master it. Argos was full of ditches, which greatly hindered the Gauls (that had the vanguard) being ignorant of the ways, in the dark night. The Citizens, on the other side, had much advantage, by their knowledge of every by-passage: and setting upon the enemies on all sides, did put them to great loss, and more trouble.  
Pyrrhus therefore, understanding by the confused noise, and unequal shout of his own men, that they were in distress, entered the City in person, to take order for their relief, and assurance of the place. But the darkness, the throng, and many other impediments, kept him from doing any thing of moment, until break of day. Than began he to make his passage by force, and so far prevailed, that he got into the Marketplace. It is said, that seeing in that place, the Image of a Wolf and a Bull, in such posture as if they had been combatant, he called to mind an Oracle, which threatened him with death, when he should behold a Bull fight with a Wolf: and that hereupon he made retreat.  
Indeed, the coming of Antigonus to the rescue, the disorder and confusion of his own men; with divers ill accidents, gave him reasonable cause to have retired out of the City, though the Wolf and Bull had been away. The tumult was such, that no directions could be heard; but as some gave back, so did others thrust forward, and the Argives pressing hard upon him, forced Pyrrhus to make good his retreat, with his own sword. The tops of the houses were covered with women, that stood looking on the fight. Among these was one, that seen her own son in dangerous case, fight with Pyrrhus. Wherhfore, she took a tile-stone, or slate, and threw it so violently down on the head of Pyrrhus, that he fell to ground astonished with the blow; and lying in that case, had his head cut off.  
Thus ended the restless ambition of Pyrrhus, together with his life: and thus returned the Kingdom of Macedon to Antigonus; who forthwith possessed the army, the body, and the children of his enemy. The body of Pyrrhus had honourable funeral, and was given by Antigonus unto Helenus his son; which young Prince he graciously sent home, into his Father's Kingdom of Epirus. From this time forwards, the race of Antigonus held the Kingdom of Macedon; the posterity of Seleucus reigned over Asia and Syria; and the house of Ptolemy had quiet possession of Egypt: until such time, as the City of Rome, swallowing all up, digested these, among other Countries, into the body of her own Empire.     
Finis Libri Quarti.   

THE FIRST PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD: ENTREATING OF THE TIMES FROM the settled rule of ALEXANDER'S Successors in the East, until the ROMANS, prevailing over all, made Conquest of ASIA and MACEDON.  

THE FIFT BOOK.  

CHAP. I Of the first Punic War.  

§. I. A discussion of that problem of LIVY; Whither the Romans could have resisted the great ALEXANDER. That neither the Macedonian nor the Roman Soldier, was of equal valour to the English.  
THAT question handled by LIVY, Whither the great ALEXANDER could have prevailed against the Romans, if after his Eastern conquest, he had bend all his forces against them, hath been, and is, the subject of much dispute; which (as it seems to me) the arguments on both sides do not so well explain, as doth the experience that Pyrrhus hath given, of the Roman power, in his days. For, if he, a Commander (in Hannibal's judgement) inferior to Alexander, though to noon else, could with small strength of men, and little store of money, or of other needful helps in war, vanquish them in two battles, and endanger their estate, when it was well settled, and held the best part of Italy, under a confirmed obedience: what would Alexander have done, that was abundantly provided of all which is needful to a Conqueror, wanting only matter of employment, coming upon them before their Dominion was half so well settled. It is easy to say, that Alexander had no more, than thirty thousand foot, and four thousand horse (as indeed, at his first passage into Asia, he carried over, not many more) and that the rest of his followers were no better than base effeminate Asiatiques. But he that considers the Armies of Perdiccas, Antipater, Craterus, Eumenes, Ptolemy, Antigonus, & Lysimachus, with the actions by them performed, every one of which (to omit others) commanded only some fragment of this dead emperors power; shall easily find, that such a reckoning is far short of the truth.  
It were needless to speak of Treasure, Horses, Elephants, Engines of battery, and the like: of all which, the Macedonian had abundance; the Roman having naught, save men and arms. As for Sea-forces; he that shall consider after what sort the Romans, in their first Punic war, were trained, in the rudiments of Navigation; sitting upon the shore, and beating the sand with poles, to practise the stroke of the Oar, as not daring to launch their ill-built vessels into the Sea; will easily conceive, how far too weak they would have proved in such services.  
Now for helpers in war; I do not see, why all Greece and Macedon, being absolutely commanded by Alexander, might not well deserve to be laid in balance, against those parts of Italy, which the Romans held in ill-assured subjection. To omit therefore all benefit, that the Eastern world, more wealthy, indeed, than valiant, could have afforded unto the Macedonian: let us only conjecture, how the States of Sicill and Carthage, nearest neighbours to such a quarrel (had it happened) would have stood affected. The Sicilians were, for the most part, Grecians; neither is it to be doubted, that they would readily have submitted themselves unto him, that ruled all Greece besides them. In what terms they commonly stood, and how ill they were able to defend themselves, it shall appear 〈◊〉 on. Sure it is, that Alexander's coming into those parts, would have brought excessive joy, to them that were feign to get the help of Pyrrhus, by offering to become his subjects. As for the Carthaginians; if Agathocles, the Tyrant of Syracuse, hated of his people, and ill able to defend his own besieged City, could, by adventuring to sail into Asrick, put their Dominion, yea and Carthage itself, in extreme hazard; shall we think that they would have been able to withstand Alexander? But, why do I question their ability, seeing that they sent Ambassadors, with their submission, as far as Babylon, ere the war drew near them? Wherhfore it is manifest, that the Romans must, without other succour, than perhaps of some few Italian friends (of which yet there were noon, that forsook them not, at some time, both before and after this) have opposed their valour, and good military discipline, against the power of all Countries, to them known, if they would have made resistance. How they could have sped well, in undertaking such a match; it is uneasy to find in discourse of human reason. It is true; that virtue and fortune work wonders: but it is against cowardly fools, and the unfortunate: for whosoever contends with one too mighty for him; either must excel in these, as much as his enemy goes beyond him in power; or else must look, both to be overcome, and to be cast down so much the lower, by how much the opinion of his fortune and virtue renders him suspected, as likely to make head another time against the vanquisher. Whither the Roman, or the Macedonian, were in those days the better Soldier, I will not take upon me to determine: though I might, without partiality, deliver my own opinion, and prefer that Army, which followed not only Philip and Alexander, but also Alexander's Princes after him, in the greatest dangers of all sorts of war; before any, that Rome either had, or in long time after did sand forth. Concerning fortune; who can give a rule that shall always hold? Alexander was victorious in every battle that he fought: and the Romans in the issue of every war. But forasmuch as Livy hath judged this a matter worthy of consideration; I think it a great part of Rome's good fortune, that Alexander come not into Italy: where in three years after his death, the two Roman Consuls, together with all the power of that State, were surprised by the Samnites, and enforced to yield up their arms. We may therefore permit Livy to admire his own Romans, and to compare with Alexander those Captains of theirs, which 〈◊〉 honoured sufficiently, in being thought equal to his followers: that the same conceit should blind our judgement, we cannot permit without much vanity.  
Now in deciding such a controversy, me thinks it were not amiss, for an Englishman, to give such a sentence between the Macedonians and Romans, as the Romans once did (being chosen Arbitrators) between the Ardeates and Aricini, that 
〈◊〉 Dec. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉  strove about a piece of land; saying, that it belonged unto neither of them, but unto the Romans themselves.  
If therefore it be demanded, whither the Macedonian, or the Roman, were the best Warrior? I will answer: The Englishmen. For it will soon appear, to any that shall examine the noble acts of our Nation in war, that they were performed by no advantage of weapon; against no savage or unmanlie people; the enemy being far superior unto us in numbers, and all needful provisions, yea as well trained as we, or commonly better, in the exercise of war.  
In what sort Philip wan his Dominion in Greece; what manner of men the 〈◊〉 and Indian's were; whom Alexander vanquished; as likewise of what force the Macedonian Phalanx was, and how well appointed, against such arms as it commonly encountered: any man, that hath taken pains to read the foregoing 〈◊〉 of them, doth sufficiently understand. Yet was this Phalanx never, or very seldom, able to stand, against the Roman Armies: which were embattled in so excellent a form, as I know not, whither any Nation besides them have used, either before or since. The Roman weapons likewise, both offensive and defensive, were of greater use, than those with which 〈◊〉 other Nation hath served, before the fiery instruments of Gunpowder were known. As for the enemies, with which Rome had to do: we find, that they, which did over-match her in numbers, were as far over-matched by her, in weapons; and that they, of whom she had little advantage in arms, had as little advantage of her in multitude. This also (as Plutarch well observeth) was a part of her happiness; that she was never over-laied with too great wars at once.  
Hereby it come to pass, that having at first increased her strength, by accession of the Sabines; having won the State of Alba, against which she adventured her own self, as it were in wager, upon the heads of three Champions: and having thereby made herself Princess of Latium: she did afterwards, by long war, in many ages, extend her Dominion over all Italy. The Carthaginians had well-neare oppressed her: but their Soldiers were Mercenary; so that for want of proper strength, they were easily beaten at their own doors. The Aetolians, and with them all, or the most of Greece, assisted her against Philip the Macedonian: 〈◊〉 being beaten, did lend her his help, to beaten the same Aetolians. The wars against Antiochus, and other Asiatiques, were such as gave to Rome small cause of boast, though much of joy: for those opposites were as base of courage, as the lands which they held were abundant of riches. Sicily, Spain, and all Greece, fell into her hands by using her aid, to protect them against the Carthaginians and Macedonians.  
I shall not need to speak of her other conquests: it was easy to get more when she had gotten all this. It is not my purpose to disgrace the Roman valour (which was very noble) or to blemish the reputation of so many famous victories: I am not so idle. This I say; that among all their wars, I find not any, wherein their valour hath appeared, comparable to the English. 〈◊〉 my judgement seem overpartiall; our wars in France may help to make it good.  
First, therefore it is well known; that Rome (or perhaps all the world beside) had never any so brave a Commander in war, as julius Caesar: and that no Roman army was comparable unto that, which served under the same Caesar, Likewise, it is apparent, that this gallant Army, which had given fair proof of the Roman courage, in good performance of the Helvetian war, when it first entered into Gaul; was nevertheless utterly disheartened, when Caesar led it against the Germane. So that we may justly impute, all that was extraordinary in the valour of Caesar's men, to their long exercise, under so good a Leader, in so great a war. Now let us in general, compare with the deeds done by these best of Roman Soldiers, in their principal service; the things performed in the same Country, by our common English Soldiers, levied in haste, from following the Cart, or sitting on the shop-stall: so shall we see the difference. Herein will we deal fairly, and believe Caesar, in relating the acts of the Romans: but will call the French Historians to witness, what actions were performed by the English. In Caesar's time, France was inhabited by the Gauls, a stout people, but inferior to the French, by whom they were subdued; even when the Romans gave them assistance. The Country of Gaul was rend in sunder (as Caesar witnesseth) into many Lordships: some of which were governed by petty Kings, others by the multitude, noon ordered in such sort as might make it appliable to the nearest Neighbour. The factions were many, and violent: not only in general through the whole Country, but between the petty States, yea in every City, and almost in every house. What greater advantage could a Conqueror desire? Yet there was a greater. Ariovistus, with his Germane, had overrun the Country, and held much part of it in a subjection, little different from mere slavery: yea, so often had the Germane prevailed in war upon the Gauls, that the Gauls (who had sometimes been the better Soldiers) did hold themselves no way equal to those daily Invaders. Had France been so prepared unto our English Kings, Rome itself, by this time, and long ere this time, would have been ours. But when King Edward the third began his war upon France, he found the whole Country settled in obedience to one mighty 〈◊〉; a King whose reputation abroad, was no less than his pvissance at home; under whose Ensign, the King of 〈◊〉 did serve in person; at whose call, the Genoese, and other Neighbour States, were ready to take arms: finally, a King, unto whom one 
a The Dolphin of Viennois.  Prince gave away his Dominion, for love; 
b The King of Majorca.  another sold away a goodly City and Territory for money. The Country lying so open to the Roman, and being so well fenced against the English; it is noteworthy, not who prevailed most therein (for it were mere vanity, to match the English purchases, with the Roman conquest) but whither of the two gave the greater proof of military virtue. Caesar himself doth witness, that the Gauls complained of their own ignorance in the Art of war, and that their own hardiness was overmastered, by the skill of their enemies. Poor men, they admired the Roman Towers, and Engines of battery, raised and planted against their walls, as more than human works. What greater wonder is it, that such a people was beaten by the Roman; than that the Caribes, a naked people, but valiant, as any under the sky, are commonly put to the worse, by small numbers of Spaniards? Besides all this, we are to have regard, of the great difficulty that was found, in drawing all the Gauls, or any great part of them, to one head, that with joint forces they might oppose their assailants: as also the much more difficulty, of holding them long together. For hereby it come to pass, that they were never able to make use of 〈◊〉: but sometimes compelled to stay for their fellows; and sometimes driven, to give or take battle, upon extreme disadvantages, for fear, lest their Companies should fall asunder: as indeed, upon any little disaster, they were ready to break, and return every one to the defence of his own. All this, and (which was little less than all this) great odds in weapon, gave to the Romans, the honour of many gallant victories. What such help? or what other worldly help, than the golden metal of their Soldiers, had our English Kings against the French? Were not the French as well experienced in feats of War? Yea, did they not think themselves therein our superiors? Were they not in arms, in horse, and in all provision, exceedingly beyond us? Let us hear, what a French writer saith, of the inequality that was between the 
john de Serres.  French and English, when their King john was ready to give the 〈◊〉- set, upon the 
JEAN avoit tout l'auantage par dessus EDOVARD, le numbered, lafoy force, le 〈◊〉, le pays, le prciuge (qui n'est pas communement une consideration de peu d'importance aux affairs du monde) & avee soi l'elite de sa Cavalry, jors estimee la meilleure de tout son Royalme.  Black Prince, at the battle of Poitiers. JOHN had all advantages over EDWARD, both of number, force, show, Country, and conceit (the which is commonly a consideration of no small importance in worldly affairs) and withal, the choice of all his horsemen (esteemed then the best in Europe) with the greatest and wisest Captains of his whole Realm. And what could he wish more?  
I think, it would trouble a Roman antiquary, to find the like example in their Histories; the example, I say, of a King, brought prisoner to Rome, by an Army of eight thousand, which he had surrounded with forty thousand, better appointed, and no less expert warriors. This I am sure of; that neither Syphax the Numidian, followed by a rabble of half Scullions, as Livy rightly terms them, nor those cowardly Kings Perseus and Gentius, are worthy patterns. All that have read of Cressie and Agincourt, will bear me witness, that I do not allege the battle of Poitiers, for lack of other, as good examples of the English virtue: the proof whereof hath left many a hundred better marks, in all quarters of France, than ever did the valour of the Romans. If any man impute these victories of ours to the long Bow, as carrying farther, piercing more strongly, and quicker of discharge than the French Crossbow: my answer is ready; that in all these respects, it is also (being drawn with a strong arm) superior to the Musket; yet is the Musket a weapon of more use. The Gun, and the Crossbow, are of like force, when discharged by a Boy or Woman, as when by a strong Man: weakness, or sickness, or a sore finger, makes the Longbow unserviceable. Moore particularly, I say, that it was the custom of our Ancestors, to shoot, for the most part, point blank: and so shall he perceive, that will note the circumstances of almost any one battle. This takes away all objection: for when 〈◊〉 Armies are within the distance of a Butts length, one flight of arrows, or two at the most can be delivered before they close. Neither is it in general true, that the long Bow reacheth farther, or that it pierceth more strongly than the Crossbow: But this is the rare effect of an extraordinary arm; whereupon can be grounded no common rule. If any man shall ask, How then come it to pass, that the English wan so many great battles, having no advantage to help him? I may, with best commendation of modesty, refer him to the French Historian: who relating the victory of our men at Crevant, where they passed a bridge, in face of the enemy, useth these words; The English comes with a 
john de Serres.  conquering bravery, as he, that was accustomed to gain every where, without any stay: he forceth our guard, placed upon the bridge, to keep the passage. Or I may cite another place of the same Author, where he tells, how the Britons, being invaded by Charles the eighth, King of France, thought it good policy, to apparel a thousand and two hundred of their own men in English Cassocks; hoping that the very sight of the English read Cross, would be enough to terrify the French. But I will not stand to borrow of the French Historians (all which, excepting De Serres, and Paulus Aemylius; report wonders of our Nation) the proposition which first I undertook to maintain; That the military virtue of the English, prevailing against all manner of difficulties, aught to be preferred before that of Romans, which was assisted with all advantages that could be desired. If it be demanded; why then did not our Kings finish the conquest, as Caesar had done? my answer may be (I hope without offence) that our Kings were like to the race of the Aeacidae, of whom the old Poet Ennius gave this note; Belli potentes sunt magè quam sapienti potentes; They were more warlike than politic. Who so notes their proceed, may find that noon of them went to work like a Conqueror: save only King Henry the fift, the course of whose victories, it pleased God to interrupt by his death. But this question is the more easily answered, if another be first made. Why did not the Romans attempt the conquest of Gaul, before the time of Caesar? why not after the Macedonian war? why not after the third Punic, or after the Numantian? At all these times they had good leisure: and then especially had they both leisure, and fit opportunity, when under the conduct of Marius, they had newly vanquished the Cimbri, and Teutones, by whom the Country of Gaul had been piteously wasted. Surely, the words of Tully were true; that with other Nations, the Romans fought for Dominion; with the Gauls, for preservation of their own safety.  
Therefore they attempted not the conquest of Gaul, until they were Lords of all other Countries, to them known. We on the other side, held only the one half of our own Island; the other half being inhabited by a Nation (unless perhaps in wealth and numbers of men somewhat inferior) every way equal to ourselves; a Nation anciently & strongly allied to our enemies the French, and in that regard, enemy to us. So that our danger lay both before and behind us: and the greater danger at our backs; where commonly we felt, always we feared, a stronger invasion by land, than we could make upon France, transporting our forces over Sea.  
It is usual, with men, that have pleased themselves, in admiring the matters which they find in ancient Histories; to hold it a great injury done to their judgement; if any take upon him, by way of comparison, to extol the things of later ages. But I am well persuaded, that as the divided virtue of this our Island, hath given more noble proof of itself; than under so worthy a Leader, that Roman Army could do, which afterwards could win Rome, and all her Empire, making Caesar a Monarch; so hereafter, by God's blessing, who hath converted our greatest hindrance, into our greatest help, the enemy that shall dare to try our forces, will find cause to wish, that avoiding us, he had rather encountered as great a pvissance, as was that of the Roman Empire. But it is now high time, that laying aside comparisons, we return to the rehearsal of deeds done: wherein we shall find, how Rome began, after Pyrrhus had left Italy, to strive with Carthage for Dominion, in the first Punic war.   

§. II The estate of Carthage, before it entered into war with Rome.  
THe City of Carthage had stood above six hundred years, when first it began to contend with Rome, for the mastery of Sicil. It forwent Rome one hundred and fifty years in antiquity of foundation: but in the honour of great atchivements, it excelled far beyond this advantage of time. For Carthage had extended her Dominion in Africa itself, from the west part of Cyrene, to the straits of Hercules, about one thousand and five hundred miles in length, wherein stood three hundred Cities. It had subjecteth all Spain, even to the Pyrenaean Mountains, together with all the islands in the Mediterran Sea, to the west of Sicily; and of Sicily, the better part. It flourished about seven hundred and thirty year, before the destruction thereof by Scipio: who besides other spoils, and all that the Soldiers reserved, carried thence four hundred & seventy thousand weight of silver, which make of our money (if our pounds differ not) fourteen hundred and ten thousand pound sterling. So as this glorious City ran the same fortune, which many other great ones have done, both 〈◊〉 and since. The ruin of the goodliest pieces of the world, foreshows the dissolution of the whole.  
About one hundred years after such time as it was cast down, the Senate of Rome caused it to be rebuilt: and by Gracchus it was called junonia: it was again and again abandoned and 〈◊〉, taken and retaken; by Gensericus the Vandal, by Bellisarius under justinian, by the Persians', by the Egyptians, & by the 〈◊〉. It is now nothing. The seat thereof was exceeding strong: and, while the Carthaginians commanded the Sea, invincible. For the Sea compassed it about, saving that it was tied to the main by a neck of land; which passage had two mile and more of breadth (Appian saith, three mile, and one furlong) by which we may be induced, to believe the common report, that the City itself was above twenty mile in compass; if not that of Strabo, affirming the circuit to have been twice as great.  
It had three walls, without the wall of the City; and between each of those, three or four streets, with vaults under ground, of thirty foot deep, in which they had place for three hundred Elephants, and all their food: over these they had stables for four thousand horse, and Granaries for all their provender. They had also lodging in these streets, between these out-walles for four thousand horsemen and twenty thousand footmen, which (according to the discipline used now by those of China) never pestered the City. It had towards the South part, the Castle of Byrsa; to which Servius gives two and twenty furlongs in compass, that make two mile and a half. This was the same piece of ground, which Dido obtained of the Libyans, when she got leave to buy only so much land of them, as she could compass with an Ox hide. On the west side it had also the salt Sea, but in the nature of a standing pool; for a certain arm of Land, fastened to the ground, on which the City stood, stretched itself towards the west continent, and left but seventy foot open for the Sea to enter. Over this standing Sea was built a most sumptuous Arsenal, having their ships and galleys riding under it.  
The form of their Commonweal resembled that of Sparta; for they had titulary Kings, and the Aristocratical power of Senators. But (as Regius well observeth) the people in later times usurped too great authority in their councils. This confusion in government, together with the trust that they reposed in hired Soldiers, were helping causes of their destruction in the end. Two other more forcible causes of their ruin, were their avarice and their cruelty. 
a In Pol. Arist. l. 2. c. 9  Their avarice was showed both in exacting from their Vassals (besides ordinary tributes) the one 
b The Turks, at this day, do also take the one half of the 〈◊〉 man's corn, 〈◊〉 labours the earth; yea, they take tribute 〈◊〉 of the bodies, and of the souls of the 〈◊〉 their Vassals, by bereaving them of their ablest children, & bringing them up in the 〈◊〉 Religion. The Irish take the fourth 〈◊〉; & were wont 〈◊〉 cate up with their 〈◊〉, footmen, and 〈◊〉, what they 〈◊〉, of the other three parts remaining. The husbandman & the yeoman of England, are the freest of all the World: And reason good; for of them have the bodies of our victorious 〈◊〉 been compounded. And it is the freeman, & not the 〈◊〉 that hath courage, & the sense of shame deierued by cowardice.  half of the first-fruits of the earth; and in conferring of great Offices, not upon gentle and merciful persons, but upon those who could best tyrannize over the people, to augment their treasures. Their cruelty appeared, in putting them to death without mercy, that had offended through ignorance: the one of these rendered them odious to their 〈◊〉, whom it made ready, upon all occasions, to revolt from them: the other did break the spirits of their Generals, by presenting in the heat of their actions abroad, the fear of a cruel death at home. Hereby it come to pass, that many good Commanders of the Carthaginian forces, after some great loss received, have desperately cast themselves with all that remained under their charge, into the 
How free 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yeomen have been, in times, not long since past, 〈◊〉 hath showed in his praise of our Country's laws. But I may say, that they are more free now than ever: and our Nobility & Gentric more servile. For since the excessive bravery, and vain expense of our Grandes, hath taught them to raise their Rents, since by Enclosures, and dismembering of manours, the Court Baron, and the Court Leet, the Principalities of the Gentry of England, have 〈◊〉 dissolved, the Tenants, having paid unto their Lords their 〈◊〉 Rent, own them now no service at all, and (perhance) 〈◊〉 little love.  throat of destruction; holding it necessary, either to repair their losses quickly, or to ruin all together: and 〈◊〉 of them have dared, to manage their own best projects, after that good form, wherein they first conceived them, for fear 〈◊〉 the manner of their proceeding should be misinterpreted: It being the 〈◊〉 rule, to crucify, not only the unhappy 〈◊〉, but even him, whose bad counsel had prosperous event. The faults, wherewith, in general, they of Carthage are taxed, by Roman Historians, I found to be these; lust, cruelty, avarice, craft, unfaithfulness, and perjury. Whither the Romans themselves were free from the same crimes, let the trial be referred unto their actions. The first league between Carthage and Rome, was very ancient: having been made, the year following the expulsion of Tarquin. In that league, the Carthaginians had the superiority, as imposing upon the Romans, the more strict conditions. For it was agreed, that the Romans should not so much as have trade, in some part of Africa, nor suffer any ship of theirs to pass beyond the headland, or cape, then called the fair 〈◊〉, unless it 〈◊〉 by force oftempest: whereas on the other side, no Haven in 〈◊〉 was forbidden to the Carthaginians. A second league was made long after, which (howsoever it hath pleased 
* 〈◊〉 Dec. 1. l. 7.  Livy to say, that the Romans granted it, at the Carthaginians entreaty) was more strict than the former: prohibiting the Romans to have trade in any part of Africa, or in the Island of Sardinia.  
By these two treaties it may appear, that the Carthaginians had an intent not only to keep the Romans (as perhaps they did other people) from getting any knowledge of the state of Africa; but to countenance & uphold them, in their troubling all Italy, whereby they themselves might have the better means to occupy all Sicily, whilst that Island should be destitute of Italian succours. Hereupon we find good cause, of the joy that was in Carthage, and of the Crown of gold, weighing twenty & five pound, sent from thence to Rome, when the Samnites were overthrown. But the little state of Rome prevailed faster in Italy, than the great power of Carthage did in Sicill. For that mighty Army, of three hundred thousand men, which Hannibal 
Xenoph Graec. hist. l. 1.  conducted out of Africa into Sicill, wan only two Cities therein; many great fleets were devoured by tempests; and howsoever the Carthaginians prevailed at one time, the Sicilians, either by their own valour, or by assistance of their good friends out of Greece, did at some other time repair their own losses, and take revenge upon these Invadours. But never were the people of Carthage in better hope, of getting all Sicily, than when the death of Agathocles the Tyrant, had left the whole Island in combustion; the estate of Greece being such, at the same time, that it seemed impossible, for any succour to be sent from thence. But whilst the Carthaginians were busy, in making their advantage, of this good opportunity; Pyrrhus, invited by the Tarentines, and their fellows, come into Italy, where he made sharp war upon the Romans. These news were unpleasing to the Carthaginians, who, being a subtle Nation, easily foresaw, that the same busy disposition, which had brought this Prince, out of Greece into Italy, would as easily transport him over into Sicily, as soon as he could finish his Roman war. To prevent this danger, they sent Mago Ambassador to Rome; who declared in their name, that they were sorry to hear, what misadventure had befallen the Romans, their good friends, in this war with Pyrrbus; and that the people of Carthage were very willing to assist the state of Rome, by 〈◊〉 an Army into Italy; if their help were thought needful, against the Epirots.  
It was, indeed, the main desire of the Carthaginians, to hold 〈◊〉 so hardly to his work in Italy, that they might, at good leisure, pursue their business in Sicily: which caused them to make such a goodly offer. But the Romans were too highminded: and refused to accept any such aid of their friends, left it should blemish their reputation, and make them seem unable to stand by their own strength. Yet the message was taken lovingly, as it aught; and the former league between Rome and Carthage renewed, with covenants added, concerning the present business; That if either of the two Cities made peace with Pyrrhus, it should be, with reservation of liberty, to assist the other, in case that Pyrrhus should invade either of their Dominions. All this notwithstanding, and notwithstanding that the same Mago went and treated with Pyrrhus, using all means to sounded his intentions (a matter very difficult, where one upon every new occasion changeth his own purposes) yet Pyrrhus found leisure to make a step into Sicill: where, though in fine he was neither getter nor saver, yet he clean defeated the purposes of Carthage, leaving them at his departure thence, as far from any end, as when they first began.  
So many disasters, in an enterprise, that from the first undertaking, had been so strongly pursued, through the length of many generations, might well have induced the Carthaginians to believe, that an higher providence resisted their intendment. But their desire, of winning that fruitful Island, was so inveterate; that with unwearied patience, they still continued in hope, of so much the greater an harvest, by how much their cost and pains therein buried had been the more. Wherhfore they recontinued their former courses; and by force or practice, recovered in few years, all their old possessions: making peace with Syracuse, the chief City of the Island, that so they might the better enable themselves to deal with the rest.  
Somewhat before this time, a troop of Campanian Soldiers, that had served under Agathocles, being entertained within Messana as friends, and finding themselves too strong for the Citizens, took advantage of the power that they had to do wrong; and with perfidious 〈◊〉, slew those that had trusted them; which done, they occupied the City, Lands, Goods, and Wives, of those, whom they had murdered. These Mercenaries called themselves 〈◊〉. Good Soldiers they were: and like enough it is, that mere desperation, of finding any that would approve their barbarous treachery, added rage unto their 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 therefore noon other colour of their proceed, than the law of the stronger, they overranne the Country round about them.  
In this course, at first, they sped so well, that they did not only defend Messena against the Cities of Sicily Confederate; to wit, against the Syracusians, and others, but they rather won upon them, yea, and upon the Carthaginians, exacting tribute from many Neighbour places. But it was not long, ere fortune turning her back to these Mamertines, the Syracusians won fast 〈◊〉 them, and finally, confining them within the walls of Messana, they also with a powerful Army besieged the City. It happened ill, that about the same time, a contention began, between the Syracusian Soldiers, then lying at Megara, and the Citizens of Syracuse, and Governors of the Commonwealth; which proceeded so far, that the Army elected two Governors, among themselves; to wit, Artemidorus, and 〈◊〉, that was afterward King. Hieron, being for his years excellently adorned with many virtues, although it was contrary to the policy of that State, to approve any election made by the Soldiers, yet for the great clemency he used at his first entrance, was by general consent established and made 〈◊〉. This Office, he rather used as a Scale, thereby to climb to some higher degree, than rested content with his present preferment.  
In brief, there was somewhat wanting, whereby to strengthen himself within the City; and somewhat without it, that gave impediment, to his obtaining, and safe keeping, of the place he sought; to wit, a powerful party within the Town, and 〈◊〉 mutinous troops of Soldiers without, often and easily moved to sedition and tumult. For the first, whereby to strengthen himself, he took to wife the daughter of Leptines, a man of the greatest estimation and authority among the 〈◊〉. For the second, leading out the Army to besiege Messana, he quartered all those Companies, which he held suspected, on the one side of the City, and leading the rest of his horse and foot unto the other side, as if he would have assaulted it in two several parts, he marched away under the covert of the Town walls, and left the Mutineers to be cut in pieces by the assieged: So returning home, and levying an Army of his own Citizens, well trained and obedient, he hasted again towards Messana, and was by the Mamertines (grown proud by their former victory over the Mutineers) encountered in the plains of Mylaeum, where he obtained a most signal victory, and leading with him their Commander 〈◊〉 into Syracuse, himself by common consent was elected and saluted King. Hereupon the Mamertines, finding themselves utterly enfeebled, some of them resolved to give themselves to the Carthaginians, others to crave assistance of the Romans: to each of whom, the several factions dispatched Ambassadors for the same purpose.  
The Carthaginians were soon ready to lay hold upon the good offer: so that a Captain of theirs got into the Castle of Messana, whereof they that had sent for him gave him possession. But within a little while, they that were more inclinable to the Romans, had brought their Companions to so good agreement, that this Captain, either by force, or by cunning, was turned out of doors, and the Town reserved for other Masters.  
These 〈◊〉 did much offend the people of Carthage; who crucified their Captain, as both a Traitor and Coward; and sent a Fleet and Army to besiege Messana, as a Town that rebelled, having once been theirs. Hieron, the new made King of Syracuse (to gratify his people, incensed with the smart of 〈◊〉 lately received) added his forces to the Carthaginians, with whom he entered into a league, for exterminating the 〈◊〉 out of Sicil. So the Mamertines on all sides were closed up within Messana: the Carthaginians lying with a Navy at Sea, and with an Army on the one side of the Town, while est Hieron with his Syracusians, lay before it on the other side.  
In this their great danger, come Appius Claudius the Roman Consul, with an Army to the straits of Sicily: which passing by night with notable audacity, he put himself into the Town, and sending Messengers to the Carthaginians, and to Hieron, required them to departed; signifying unto them, that the Mamertines were now become 〈◊〉 with the people of Rome, and that therefore he was come to give them protection, even by force of war, if reason would not prevail.  
This 〈◊〉 was utterly neglected; And so began the war between Rome and 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉, it will then be time to show, on which part was the justice of the quarrel, when some actions of the Romans lately foregoing this, have been first considered.   

§. III The beginning of the fist Punic war. That it was 〈◊〉 undertaken by the Romans.  
WHen Pyrrhus began his wars in Italy, the City of Rhegium, being well affected to Rome, and not only fearing to be taken by the Epirot, but much more distrusting the Carthaginians, as likely to seize upon it in that busy time, sought aid from the Romans, and obtained from them a Legion, consisting of four thousand Soldiers, 〈◊〉 the conduct of Decius Campanus, a Roman Perfect; by whom they were defended and assured for the present. But after a while, this Roman Garrison, considering at good leisure, the fact of the Mamertines, committed in Messana, (a City in Sicily, situate almost opposite to Rhegium, and no otherwise divided than by a narrow Sea, which severeth it from Italy) and rather weighing the greatness of the booty, than the odiousness of the villainy, by which it was gotten; resolved finally, to make the like purchase, by taking the like wicked course. Confederating therefore themselves with the Mamertines, they entertained their Hosts of Rhegium, after the same manner; dividing the spoil, and all which that State had among themselves.  
When complaint was made to the Senate & people of Rome, of this outrage; they finding their honour thereby greatly stained (for no Nation in the world made a more severe profession of justice, than they did, during all the time of their growing greatness) resolved, after a while, to take revenge upon the offenders. And this they performed shortly after, when they had quenched the fires, kindled in Italy, by Pyrrhus. For, notwithstanding that those Romans in Rhegium (as men for the foulness of their fact, hopeless of pardon) defended themselves with an obstinate resolution: yet in the end, the assailants forced them; and those which escaped the present fury, were brought bound to Rome, where after the usual torments by whipping inflicted, according to the custom of the Country, they had their heads stricken from their shoulders; and the people of Rhegium were again restored to their former liberties and estates.  
This execution of justice being newly performed, and the fame thereof sounding honourably through all quarters of Italy: messengers come to Rome, from Messana, desiring help against the Carthaginians, and Syracusians, that were in a readiness to inflict the like punishment upon the Mamertines, for the like offence. An impudent request it was, which they made: who having both given example of that villainy to the Roman Soldiers, and helped them with joint forces to make it good, entreat the judges to give them that assistance, which they were wont to receive from their fellow-theeves.  
The Romans could not suddenly resolve, whither the way of honesty, or of profit, were to be followed; they evermore pretended the one, but they many times walked in the other. They considered, how contrary the course of succouring the Mamertines was, to their former counsels, and actions: seeing for the same offences they had lately put to torment, and to the sword, their own Soldiers, and restored the oppressed to their liberty. Yet when they beheld the description of the Carthaginian Dominion, and that they were already Lords of the best parts of 〈◊〉, of the Mediterran islands, of a great part of Spain, and some part of Sicily it 〈◊〉; whilst also they feared, that Syracuse therein seated (a City in beauty and riches, little, at that time, inferior to Carthage, and far superior to Rome itself) might become theirs; the safety of their own estate spoke for these Mamertines: who, if they (driven to despair by the Romans) should deliver up Messana, with those other holds, that they had, into the hands of the Carthaginians, then would nothing stand between Carthage, and the Lordship of all Sicily: for Syracuse itself could not, for want of secure, any long time subsist, if once the Carthaginians, that were Masters of the Sea, did fasten upon that passage from the main Land. It was further considered; that the opportunity of Messana was such, as would not only debar, all succours out of the continent, from arrival in Sicily; but would serve as a bridge, whereby the Carthaginians might have entrance into Italy, at their own pleasure.  
These considerations, of profit at hand, and of preventing dangers, that threatened from afar, did so prevail, above all regard of honesty, that the Mamertines were admitted into Confederacy with the Romans, and Ap. Claudius the Consul, presently dispatched away for Messana: into which he entered, and undertook the protection of it, as is showed before. The befiegers were little troubled with his arrival; and less moved, with his requiring them, to desist from their attempt. For they did far exceed him in number of men; The whole Island was ready to relieve them in their wants; and they were strong enough at Sea, to hinder any supply from getting into the Town. All this Appius himself well understood: and against all this, he thought the stiff metal of his Roman Soldier, a sufficient remedy. Therefore, he resolved to issue out into the field, and to let the enemies know, that his coming was to sand them away from the Town; not to be besieged by them within it.  
In executing this determination, it was very beneficial to him, that the enemy lay encamped in such sort, as one quarter was not well able to relieve another in distress. Hieron was now exposed to the same danger, whereinto he had wilfully cast his own mutinous followers, not long before: only he was strong enough (or thought so) to make good his own quarter, without help of others. Against him Ap. Claudius issued forth, and (not attempting, by unexpected sally, to surprise his trenches) arranged his men in order of battle, wherewith he presented him. The Syracusian wanted not courage to fight; but surely, he wanted good advice: else would he not have hazarded all his power against an enemy, of whom he had made no trial; when it had been easy, and as much as was requisite, to defend his own Campe. It may be, that he thought to get honour, wherewith to adorn the beginning of his reign. But he was well beaten; and driven to save himself within his Trenches: by which loss, he learned a point of wisdom, that stood him and his Kingdom in good stead, all the days of his life. It was a foolish desire of revenge, that had made the Syracusians so busy, in helping those of Carthage, against the Mamertines.  
Had Messana been taken by the Carthaginians, Syracuse itself must have sought help from Rome, against those friends which it now so diligently assisted. Hieron had (in respect of those two mighty Cities) but a small stock, which it behoved him to govern well: such another loss would have made him almost bankrupt. Therefore he quietly broke up his Camp, and retired home: intending to let them stand to their adventures, that had hope to be gainers by the bargain. The next day, Claudius perceiving the Sicilian Army go, did with great courage, and with much alacrity of his soldiers, give charge upon the Carthaginians: wherein he sped so well, that the enemy forsook both field and camp, leaving all the Country open to the Romans; who having spoiled all round, without resistance, intended to lay siege unto the great City of Syracuse.  
These prosperous beginnings, howsoever they animated the Romans, and filled them with hopes, of attaining to greater matters, than at first they had expected: Yet did they not imprint any form of terror in the City of Carthage, that had well enough repaired greater losses than this; in which no more was lost, than what had been prepared against the Mamertines alone, without any suspicion of war from Rome.  
Now in this place I hold it seasonable, to consider of those grounds, whereupon the Romans entered into this war; not how profitable they were, nor how agreeable to rules of honesty (for questionless the enterprise was much to their benefit, though as much to their shame) but how allowable in strict terms of lawfulness; whereupon they built all their allegations in maintenance thereof. That the Mamertines did yield themselves, and all that they had, into the Romans hands (as the Campanes, distressed by the Samnites, had done) I cannot find: neither can I find, how the messengers of those folk, whereof one part had already admitted the Carthaginians, could be enabled to make any such surrendrie, in the public name of all their Company.   

§. FOUR Of the Island of Sicil.  

†. I The quality of the Island: and the first Inhabitants thereof.  
THe defence of the Mamertines, or the possession of Messana, being now no longer, since the first victories of Appius Claudius, the objects of the Roman hopes; but the Dominion of all Sicily being the prize, for which Rome and Carthage, are about to contend: it will be agreeable unto the order, which in the like cases we have observed, to make a brief collection, of things, concerning that noble Island, which hath been the stage of many great acts, performed, as well before and after, as in this present War.  
That Sicily was sometimes a Peninsula, or Demie-Isle, adjoined to Italy, as a part of Brutium in Calabria, near unto Rhegium, and afterward by violence of tempest severed from the same: it is a general opinion of all antiquity. But at what certain time this division happened, there is no memorial remaining, in any ancient writer. Strabo, Pliny, and Dionysius, affirm, that it was caused by an earthquake; Silius, 
Plin. l. 2 c. 〈◊〉 Sil. l. 〈◊〉  and Cassiodorus, do think it to have been done by the rage and violence of the tide, and surges of the Sea. Either of these opinions may be true; for so was Euboea 〈◊〉 from Boeotia; Atalante and Macris, from Euboea; silly here in England, from the 〈◊〉 of Cornwall; and Britain itself (as may seem by 〈◊〉 arguments) from the opposite continent of Gaul. But for Sicily, they which lend their ears to fables, do attribute the cause of it to Neptune (as Eustathius witnesseth) who with his three-forked Mace, in favour of jocastus, the son of Aeolus, divided it from the main land, and so made it an Island, which before was but a Demie-Isle; that by that means, he might the more safely 〈◊〉, and possess the same. Diodorus Siculus, moved by the authority of Hesiodus, ascribeth the labour of sundering 
Orion. l. 4. 〈◊〉. 14.  
Diod. l. 〈◊〉.  it from Italy, to Orion: who, that he might be compared to Hercules (cutting 
〈◊〉. de Fast. 〈◊〉  through the rocks and mountains) first opened the Sicilian straits, as Hercules did those of Gibraltar.  
They which value the islands of the midland Sea, according to their quantity and content, do make this the greatest, as Eustathius and Strabo, who affirm this, not only to excel the rest for bigness, but also for goodness of 〈◊〉. As concerning the 〈◊〉 of this Island, Pomponius Mela saith, it is like that Capital letter of the Greeks, which they call Delta, namely, that it hath the figure of a triangle; which is generally known to be true. That the whole Island was consecrated to 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, all old writers with one consent affirm. To Ceres it was dedicated, because it first taught the rules of setting and sowing of Corn: to Proserpina, not so much, for that she was from hence violently taken by Pluto, as because (which Plutarch and Diodorus do report for truth) that Pluto, as soon as she, uncovering herself, first showed herself to be seen of him, gave her the Dominion thereof.  
Of the fertility and riches of this Country, there is a famous testimony written by Cicero, in his second Oration against Verres, where he saith, that Marcus Cato did call it the Granary, and Storehouse of the Commonwealth, and the Nurse of the vulgar sort. The same Cicero doth add in that place; that it was not only the storehouse of the people of Rome: but also that it was accounted for a well furnished treasury. For without any cost or charge of ours (saith he) it hath usually clothed, maintained, 
〈◊〉 l. 6.  and furnished, our greatest Armies, with leather, apparel, and corn. Strabo reporteth almost the same thing of it. Whatsoever Sicily doth yield (saith Solinus) whither by the Sun, and temperature of the air, or by the 〈◊〉 and labour of man, it is accounted next unto those things that are of best estimation: were it not, that such things, as the earth first putteth forth, are extremely overgrown with saffron. Diodorus Siculus saith, that in the fields, near unto Leontium, and in 〈◊〉 other places of this Island, wheat doth grow of itself, without any labour, or looking to, of the husbandman. Martianus showeth, that there were in it six Colonies, and sixty Cities: there are that reckon more, whereof the names are found scatteringly in many good Authors.  
Now besides many famous acts, done by the people of this Island, as well in peace as war; there be many other things, which have made it very renowned, as the birth of Ceres; the ravishing of Proserpina; the Giant Enceladus; the mount Aetna, Scylla and Charybdis, with other antiquities, and rarities; besides those learned men, the noble Mathematician Archimedes; the famous Geometrician Euclides; the painful Historian Diodorus; and Empedocles the deep Philosopher.  
That Sicily was at first possessed and inhabited by Giants Laestriogones, and Cyclopss, barbarous people, and uncivil; all histories and fables do jointly with one consent aver. Yet Thucydides saith, that these savage people dwelled only in one part of the Island. Afterwards the Sicanis, a people of Spain, possessed it. That these Sicanis were not bred in the Isle (although some do so think,) Thucydides and Diodorus do constantly avouch.  
Of these it was named Sicania. These Sicanis were invaded by the Siculi; who, inhabiting that part of Latium, 〈◊〉 Rome was afterward built, were driven by the Pelasgi from their own seats, and finding no place upon the continent, which they were able to master and inhabit, passed over into this Island, three hundred years before the Greeks' sent any Colonies thither: and (saith Philistus) eighty years before the fall of Troy. These Siculi gave the name of Sicilia, to the Island; and making war upon the Sicanis, drove them from the East and Northern part thereof, into the West and South. At their landing, they first built the City Zancle, afterward called Messena; and after that, Catana, Leontium, and Syracuse itself, beating from thence the Aetolians, who long before had set up a Town in that place. As for the name of Syracuse, it was not known, till such time as Archias of Corinth (long after) won that part of the Island from the Siculi; Neither did the Siculi at their first arrival dispossess the Aetolians thereof, but some hundred years after their descent, and after such time as they had founded the Cities before named, with Neae, Hybla, Trinacia, and divers others.  
After these Siculi come another Nation out of Italy, called Morgetes; who were thence driven by the Oenotrians. These sat down in that part of Sicily, where they afterward raised the Cities of Morgentum, and Leontium. For at this time the Siculi were divided, and by a civil war greatly 〈◊〉. Among these ancient stories, we find the last voyage, and the death of Minos, King of Crect. Thucydides, an Historian of unquestionable sincerity, reports of Minos, that he made conquest of many islands: and some such business, perhaps, drew him into Sicil. But the common report is, that he come thither in pursuit of Daedalus. The tale goes thus: Daedalus 〈◊〉 the revenge of 〈◊〉, come into Sicily to Cocalus, King of the Sicanis, and during his abode there, he built a place of great strength, near unto 〈◊〉, for Cocalus, to lay up his treasure in; together with many notable works, for which he was greatly admired and honoured.  
Among the rest, he cast a Ram in gold, that was set up in the Temple of Venus Erycina; which he did with so great arte, as those that beheld it, thought it rather to be living, than counterfeit.  
Now Minos, hearing that Cocalus had entertained Daedalus, prepares to invade the Territory of Cocalus; but when he was arrived, Cocalus doubting his own strength, promiseth to deliver Daedalus. This he performs not, but in the mean while, kills Minos by treason, and persuades the Cretans, Minos his followers, to inhabit a part of Sicily; the better (as it seems) to strengthen himself against the Siculi. Hereunto the Cretans (their King being dead) gave their consent, and builded for themselves the City of Minoa, after the name of their King Minos. After, they likewise built the Town of Engyum, now called gang: and these were the first Cities, built by the Greeks in Sicily, about two ages before the war of Troy; for the grand children of Minos served with the Greeks at the siege thereof.  
But after such time as the Cretans understood, that their King had by treason been made away; they gathered together a great Army, to invade Cocalus: and landing near unto Camicus, they besieged the same five years, but in vain. In the end (being forced to return, without any revenge taken) they were wracked on the coast of Italy; and having no means to repair their ships, nor the honour they had lost, they made good the place whereon they fell, and built Hyria, or Hyrium, between the two famous Ports of Brundisium, and Tarentum. Of these Cretans come those Nations, afterward called japyges, and Messapij.  
After the taking of Troy, Aegisthus and Elymus, brought with them certain troops into Sicily, and seated themselves among the Sicanis; where they built the Cities of Aegesta and Elyma.  
It is said, that Aeneas visited these places in his passage into Italy: and that some of the Trojans, his followers, were left behind him, in these Towns of Sicily: whereof there want not good Authors, that make Aeneas himself the founder.  
About the same time, the Phoenicians seized upon the Promontories of Pachinus, and Lilybaeum, and upon certain small Isles adjoining to the main Island: which they fortified, to secure the trades that they had with the Sicilians; like as the Portugals have done in the East India, at Goa, Ormus, 〈◊〉 and other places. But the Phoenicians stayed not there; for 〈◊〉 they had once assured their descents, they built the goodly City of Panormus, now called Palerma.  
These we find, were the Nations, that inhabited the Isle of Sicily, before the war of Troy, and 〈◊〉 the Greeks in any numbers began to straggle in those parts.  
It may perchance seem strange to the Reader, that in all ancient story, he finds one and the same beginning of Nations, after the flood; and that the first planters of all parts of the World, were said to be mighty and Giantlike men; and that, as Phoenicia, Egypt, Lybia, and Greece, had Hercules, Orestes, Antaeus, Typhon, and the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  like; as Denmark had Starchaterus, remembered by Saxo Grammaticus; as Scythia, Brittany, and other Regions, had Giants for their first Inhabitants; so this Isle of Sicily had her Lestrigones and Cyclopes. This discourse I could also reject for feigned and fabulous; did not Moses make us know, that the 〈◊〉, Emims, Anakim's, and Og of Basan, with others, which sometime inhabited the Mountains and Deserts of 〈◊〉; Ammon, and Mount Seir, were men of exceeding strength and stature, 
Tertul. de Resurr.  and of the races of Giants: and were it not, that Tertullian, St. Augustine, Nicephorus, Procopius, Isidore, Pliny, Diodore, Herodotus, Solinus, Plutarch, and many other 
Aug. de Civit. Dei l. 15. 〈◊〉 Et 〈◊〉. in Gen.  Authors, have confirmed the opinion. Yea, Vesputius, in his second Navigation into America, hath reported, that himself hath seen the like men in those 
Niceph. l. 2. c. 37. Procop. l. 2. de Bello 〈◊〉. Plin. l. 7. c. 〈◊〉.  parts. Again, whereas the selfsame is written of all Nations, that is written of any one; as touching their simplicity of life, their mean fare, their feeding on acorns and roots, their poor cottages, the covering of their bodies, with the skins of beasts, their hunting, their arms, and weapons, and their warfare, their first passages over great Rivers, and arms of the Sea, upon rafts of trees tied together; and afterward, their making boats, first, of twigs and leather, then of wood; first, with Oars, and then with sail; that they esteemed as Gods, the first finders out of Arts; as of Husbandry, of Laws, and of Policy: it is a matter, that makes me neither to wonder at, nor to doubt of it. For they all lived in the same newness of time, which we call Old time, and had all the same want of his instruction, which (after the Creator of all things) hath by degrees taught all Mankind. For other teaching had they noon, that were removed far off from the Hebrews, who inherited the knowledge of the first Patriarches, than that from variable effects they began, by time and degrees to find out the causes: from whence come Philosophy Natural; as the Moral did from disorder and confusion; and the Law from cruelty and oppression.  
But it is certain, that the Age of Time hath brought 〈◊〉 stranger and more incredible things, than the Infancy. For we have now greater Giants, for vice and injustice, than the World had in those days, for bodily strength; for cottages and houses of clay and timber, we have raised Palaces of stone; we carve them, we paint them, and adorn them with gold; insomuch as men are rather known by their houses, than their houses by them; we are fallen from two dishes, to two hundred; from water, to wine and drunkenness; from the covering of our bodies with the skins of beasts, not only to silk and gold, but to the very skins of men. But to conclude this digression, Time will also take revenge of the excess, which it hath brought forth; Quam long a dies peperit, 〈◊〉 auxit, longissima subruit; Long time brought forth, longer time increased it, and a time, longer than the rest, shall overthrow it.   

†. II The plantation of the Greeks in Sicil.  
WHen the first inhabitants had contended long enough about the Dominion of all Sicily: it happened, that one Theocles, a Greek, being driven upon that coast by an Easterly wind; and finding true the commendations thereof, which had been thought fabulous, being delivered only by Poets; gave information to the Athenians of this his discovery, and proposed unto them the benefit of this easy conquest, offering to become their guide. But Theocles was as little regarded by the Athenians, as Columbus, in our grandfathers times, was by the English. Wherhfore he took the same course, that Columbus afterwards did. He over-laboured not himself in persuading the Noble Athenians (who thought themselves to be well enough already) to their own profit; but went to the Chalcidians, that were needy and industrious, by whom his project was gladly entertained. By these was built the City of Naxus, and a Colony planted of Euboeans.  
But the rest of the Greeks were wiser than our western Princes of Europe: for they had no Pope, that should forbidden them, to occupy the void places of the World. Archias of Corinth followed the Euboeans, and landed in Sicily, near unto that City, called afterward 
* Syracuse, as Cicero relates, was the greatest, and most goodly City of all that the Greeks' possessed. For the situation is both strong, and of an excellent prospect, from every entrance, by Land, or Sea. The Port was (for the most part) environed with beautiful building: and that part which was without the City, was on both sides bankt up, and sustained with beautiful walls of Marble. The City itself was one of the greatest of the World: for it had in compass (as Sirabo reporteth) without the triple wall thereof, 180. furlongs; which made of our miles about 18. It was compounded of four Cities, (〈◊〉 saith, of five) to with, Insula, 〈◊〉, Tycha, and Neapolis: of which greatness, the ruins and foundations of the walls do yet witness.  Syracuse: of which, that part only was then compassed with a wall, which the Aetolians called Homothermon; the Greeks, Nasos; the Latins, Insula. 
After such timas the Doors of 〈◊〉 had driven out the Sicilians, this goodly City, for a long time become the seat of Tytants The first whereof was 〈◊〉: The second, Hiero, the elder: The third, Thrasybulus: The fourth, and fift, Dionysius, the elder, and younger: The sixt, Dion: The seventh Agathocles: The eight, 〈◊〉: The ninth, Hiero the younger: The tenth and last, 〈◊〉: who being slain at Leontium, at length the Romans conquered it under the conduct of Marcellus.  He with his Corinthians having overcome the Siculi, drove them up into the Country; and after a few years, their multitudes increasing, they added unto the City of the Island, that of Acradina, Tycha, and Neapolis. So as well by the commodity of the double Port, capable of as many ships, as any Haven of that part of Europe, as by the fertility of the soil; Syracuse grew up in great haste, to be one of the goodliest Towns of the World. In short time the Greeks' did possess the better part of all the Sea-coast; forcing the Sicilians to withdraw themselves into the fast and mountainous parts of the Island, making their Royal residence in Trinacia.  
Some seven years after the arrival of Archias; the Chalcidians, encouraged by the success of the Corinthians, did assail, and obtain the City of Leontium, built and possessed by the Siculi. In brief, the Greeks' win from the 〈◊〉, and their Associates, the Cities of Catana, and Hybla, which, in honour of the Megarians that forced it, they called Megara.  
About five and forty years after Archias had taken Syracuse; Antiphemus and Entimus, the one from Rhodes, the other from Crete, brought an Army into Sicily, and built Gela; whose Citizens, one hundred and eight years after, did erect that magnificent and renowned City of Agrigentum, governed according to the Laws of the Dorians.  
The Syracusians also, in the seuentieth year after their plantation, did set up the City of Acra, in the Mountains; and in the ninetieth year Casmena, in the Plains adjoining; and again, in the hundred and thirtieth year of their dwelling in Syracuse, they built Camerina; and soon after that, Enna, in the very Centre of the Island. So did the Cumani, about the same time, recover from the Siculi the City of Zancle, which they had founded in the strength between Sicily and Italy. They of Zancle had been founders of Himera.  
Not long after this Doriaeus the Lacedaemonian built Heraclia; which the Phoenicians, and Carthaginians, fearing the Neighbourhood of the Spartans', soon after invaded and ruined, though the same were again ere long re-edified.  
Selinus also was built by a Colony of Megara: and Zancle was taken by the Messenians; who having lost their own Country, gave the name thereof unto this their new purchase. Such were the beginnings of the greatest Cities in this Island.   

†. II Of the government and affairs of Sicily, before DIONYSIUS his Tyranny.  
THe most part of the Cities in Sicily, were governed by the rule of the people, till such time as Phalaris began to usurp the state of Agrigentum, and to exercise all manner of tyranny therein.  
This was that Phalaris, to whom Perillus, the cunning Artificer of a detestable Engine, gave an hollow Bull of brass, wherein to enclose men, and scorch them to death: praising the device with this commendation; That the noise of one tormented therein, should be like unto the bellowing of a Bull. The Tyrane gave a due reward to the inventor; by causing the first trial to be made upon himselfeHee reigned one and thirty years, saith Eusebius; others give him but sixteen: Howsoever it were, one Telemachus, in the end, fell upon him with the whole multitude of Agrigentum, and stoned him to death; being thereto animated by Zeno, 〈◊〉 whilst the Tyrant was tormenting the same Zeno, to make him confess some matter of conspiracy.  
After the death of Phalaris, the Citizens recovered their liberty, and enjoyed it long, till Thero usurped the government of the Commonweal: at which time also Panaetius made himself Lord of Leontium; and Cleander, of Gela: but Cleander, having ruled seven years, was slain by one of the Citizens. Cleander being dead, his brother Hypocrates succeeded in his room, and greatly afflicted the people of Naxos, of Zancle or Messena, and of Leontium; whom with divers other of the ancient inhabitants, he forced to acknowledge him their Lord. He also made war with the Syracusians, and, in the end, got from them, by composition, the City of Camerina. But when he had reigned seven years, he was slain in a battle against the Siculi, before Hybla.  
At this time did the Syracusians change their form of Government, from Popular to Aristocratical; a preparation towards a Principality, whereinto it was soon after changed. After the death of Hypocrates, Gelon (descended from the Rhodians, which together with the Cretans had long before, among other of the Greeks, seated themselves in Sicily) that had commanded the forces of Hypocrates, in the former war, with notable success, become Lord of Gela. He, after his Master's death, breaking the trust committed unto him by Hypocrates over his children, and being in possession of Gela, took the occasion and advantage of a contention in Syracuse, between the Magistrates and the People. For coming with a strong 〈◊〉 to the succour of the Governors, driven out by the multitude, they elected him their Prince, being the first, and (indeed) the most famous, that ever governed the Syracusians. 
Pausan l. 6.  This change happened in the second year of the threescore and twelfth Olympiad; wherein the better to establish himself, he took to wife the Daughter of Thero, who had also usurped the state of Agrigentum.  
Now this Gelon, the son of Dinomenes, had three brethren; Hiero, Polyzelus, and Thrasibulus: to the first of which he gave up the City of Gela, when he had obtained the Principality of Syracuse. For, after that time, all his thoughts traveled in the strengthening, beautifying, and amplifying of Syracuse. He defaced Camerina, that a little before was fallen from the obedience of the Syracusians who built it, and brought the Citizens to Syracuse. The Megarians that had moved a war against him, he over-came; the richer sort he brought to Syracuse; and the people he sold for slaves. In like manner dealt he with other places upon like occasion. Not long after this, Thero, a Prince of the Agrigentines, having dispossessed Terillus, of his City Himera; the Carthaginians were drawn into the quarrel by Anaxilus, Lord of Messena, Father-in-law to Terillus: and Gelon was also solicited by his Father-in-law, Thero. Gelon was content, and in fine, after divers conflicts, the Carthaginians, and other Africans, led by Amilcar, were overthrown by Gelon: and an hundred and fifty thousand of them left their bodies in Sicil. 
Herod. & Diod.   
This Gelon it was, to whom the Athenians and Lacedæmonians sent for succour, when Xerxes with his huge Army past the Hellespont. He, for their relief having armed thirty thousand Soldiers, and two hundred ships, refused nevertheless to sand them into Greece, because they refused him the commandment of one of their Armies, either by Sea, or by Land. So he used to their Ambassadors only this saying, That their Spring was withered; accounting the Army, by him prepared, to be the flower of the Greek Nations.  
The Carthaginians, after this great loss received, fearing the invasion of their own Country, sent to Gelon by their Ambassadors, to desire peace; who grants it them on these conditions; That from thenceforth they should not sacrifice their children to Saturn; That they should pay him two thousand talents of silver; and present him with two armed ships, in sign of amity. These conditions the Carthaginians, not only willingly accepted, but with the two thousands talents, and the ships for war, they sent unto Demarata; Gelon's wife, a crown, valued at an hundred talents of gold, with other presents. Whereby we see, that some Nations, and some Natures, are much the better for being well beaten. The wars ended; and Sicily in peace; Gelon beautified the Temples of the gods, and erected others in honour of them. So being exceedingly beloved and honoured of his Subjects, he left the World, and left for his Successor his brother Hiero. Philistus and Pliny report, That, when his body was burnt, according to the custom of that Age, a Dog of his, which always waited on him, ran into the fire, and suffered himself to be burnt with him.  
To Gelon, Hiero his brother succeeded, a man rude, cruel, covetous, and so suspicious of his brethren Polyzelus, and Thrasybulus, as he sought by all means to destroy them. Notwithstanding all this; by the conversation which he had with Simonides, he become of better condition, and greatly delighted with the study of good Arts. divers quarrels he had, as well with thereon of Agrigentum, as with other Cities: all which he shortly after compounded, and gave a notable overthrow to the Carthaginians, whom Xerxes had incited to invade Sicily, fearing the succours which Gelon had prepared, to aid the Grecians, against him. He also overthrew in battle Thrasydaeus, the son of thereon, and thereby restored the Agrigentines, to their former liberty. But in the end, he lost the love of the Syracusians; and after he had reigned eleven years, he left the Kingdom to his brother Thrasybulus, who become a most unjust and bloody Tyrant. Thrasybulus enjoyed his Principality no longer than ten months. For, notwithstanding the force of mercenary Soldiers, which he entertained for his guards, he was beaten out of Syracuse by the Citizens; to whom, being besieged in Acradina, 〈◊〉 restored the government, and was banished the Island. From whence he sailed into Greece, where he died a private man, among the Locrians.  
And now had the Syracusians recovered again their former liberty, as all the rest of the Cities did, after which they had never sought, had the Successors of Gelon inherited his virtue, as they did the Principality of Syracuse. For in all changes of Estates, the preservation aught to answer the acquisition. Where a liberal, valiant, and advised Prince, hath obtained any new Signiory, and added it to that of his own or exalted himself from being a private man, to the dignity of a Prince; it behoveth the Successor to maintain it by the same way and art, by which it was gotten.  
To conclude, Syracuse (though not without blows, ere she could cleanse herself of the creatures and lovers of Gelon) was now again become Mistress of herself, and held herself free, well-neare threescore years, to the time of Dionysius; though she were in the mean while greatly endangered by a Citizen of her own, called Tindario.  
Now, to prevent the greatness of any one among them, for the future, they devised a kind of banishment of such among them, as were suspected; taking pattern from the Athenian Ostracism. They called this their new devised judgement of exile, Petalismus, wherein every one wrote upon an Olive leaf (as at Athens they wrote upon shells) the name of him, whom he would have expelled the City. He that had most suffrages against him, was banished for five years. Hereby, in a short time, it come to pass, that those of judgement, and best able to govern the Commonweal, were by the worst able, either suppressed, or thrust out of the City. Yea, such as feared this Law, though they had not yet felt it, withdrew themselves as secretly as they could; seeking some place of more security, wherein to maintain themselves. And good reason they had so to do; seeing there is nothing so terrible in any State, as a powerful and authorised ignorance. But this Law lasted not long. For their necessity taught them to abolish it, and restore again the wiser sort to the Government; from which, the Nobility having practised to banish one another, the State become altogether Popular. But after a while, being invaded by Ducetius, King of the Sicilians, thatinhabited the inner part of the Island (who had already taken Enna, and some other of the 〈◊〉 Cities, and overthrown the Army of the Agregentines) the Syracusians sent forces against him, commanded by an unworthy Citizen of theirs called Bolcon. This their Captain made nothing so much haste to find Ducetius, against whom he was employed, as he did to flee from the Army he led, as soon as Ducetius presented him battle. So for want of conduct, the greatest number of the Syracusians perished.  
But making better choice among those, whom they had banished, they levy other troops: by whom, in conclusion, Ducetius being beaten, submitteth himself, and is constrained to leave the Island for a time. Yet it was not long, ere he returned again, and built the City Collatina on the Seaside.  
Ducetius being dead; all the Greek Cities did in a sort acknowledge Syracuse: Trinacia excepted; which also by force of arms, in the fourscore and fift Olympiad, they brought to reason.  
But they do not long enjoy this their Superintendency. For the Citizens of Leontium, being oppressed by them, seek aid from the Athenians, about the sixt year of the Peloponnesian War. In this svite they prevailed by the eloquence of Gorgias their Orator; and got an hundred Athenian Galleys to secure them, under the leading of Laches, and Charoeades. To this fleet, the Leontines, and their Partners, added one hundred more; with which forces, and with some supplies brought by Sophocles, Pythodorus, Eurymedon, and other Athenian Captains, they invaded the Territories of the Syracusians, and their Partisans; wan and lost divers places; took Messana; and, in the seventh year of the Peloponnesian War, lost it again. They also at the same time, attempted Himera, but in vain. The fire of this quarrel took hold upon many Cities, which invaded each others Territory with great violence. But when they had wearied themselves on all hands, and yet could see noon issue of the war; the Leontines, without the advice of the Athenians, come to an accord with the Syracusians, and were admitted into their society, with equal freedom. So the Athenians, who hoped to have greatened themselves in Sicily, by the division and civil war, were disappointed of their expectation, by the good agreement of the Sicilians, and feign to be go with the broken remainder of their fleet. This they knew not how to amend; but (according to the custom of popular Estates) by taking revenge upon their own Commanders. So they banished Pythodorus, and Sophocles, and laid an heavy fine upon Eurymedon. Shortly after this, followed the most memorable War, that ever was made by the Greeks' in Sicily: which was that of the Athenians, against the Selinuntines, and Syracusians, in favour of the Cities of Egesta, Leontium, and Catana. They of Selinus had oppressed the Egestans; and they of Syracuse, the Leontines, and the Catanians: which was the ground of the war. For, the Athenians undertook the protection of their old friends: And, in 〈◊〉 of the Athenians, aid from Lacedaemon was sent to the Syracusians. The Lacedæmonians dealt plainly, having noon other end, than that which they pretended, namely, to help a people of their own Tribe, that craved their succour, being in distress. The Athenians scarce knew what to pretend: for their preparations were so great, as discovered their intent to be noon other, than the conquest of the whole Island. Yet they which had called them in, were so blinded with their own passions, that they would not believe their own eyes; which presented unto them a Fleet, and Army, far greater, than the terrible report of fame had made it.  
In this expedition, the City of Athens had engaged all her power; as regarding, not only the greatness of the enterprise, but the necessity of finishing it in a short space of time. For the Lacedæmonians (as hath already been showed in due place) stood at that time in such broken terms of peace with Athens, as differed not much from open war. Wherhfore it was thought necessary, either to spare cost in this great expeditio, or altogether to forbear it: which was likely to be hindered by wars at home, if their proceed were slack abroad. And surely, had not the desire of the 〈◊〉 been over-passionate, the arguments of Nicias had caused them to abstain from so chargeable a business, and to reserve their forces for a more needful use. But young counsels prevailed against the authority of ancient men, that were more regardful of safety than of honour.  
Of this business, mention hath been already made, in that which we have written of the Peloponnesian war. But what was there delivered in general terms, as not concerning the affairs of Greece, otherwise than by consequence; doth in this place require a more perfect relation, as a matter, wherein the whole State of Sicily was like to have felt a great conversion.  
Though Alcibiades had prevailed against Nicias, in exhorting the people to this great voyage; yet Nicias, together with Alcibiades, and Lamachus, was appointed to be one of the chief Commanders therein.  
These had commission and direction, as well to secure the Segestans, and to re-establish the Leontines, cast out of their places by the Syracusians, as also, by force of arms, to subject the Syracusians, and all their adherents, in Sicily, and compel them by tribute, to acknowledge the Athenians for their supreme Lords. To effect which, the forenamed Captains were sent off, with an hundred and thirty Galleys, and five thousand one hundred Soldiers, besides the thirty ships of burden, which transported their victuals, engines, and other munitions for the war: and these were Athenians, Mantinaeans, Rhodians, and Candians: there were, besides these, six thousand Megarians light armed, with thirty horsemen. 
Thucid. l. 6. c. 9   
With these troops and fleets they arrive at Rhegium, where the Rhegians refuse to give them entry; but cell them victuals for their money. From thence they sent to the 〈◊〉, to know what treasure they would contribute towards the war, seeing for their sakes, they had entered thereinto. But they found by their answers; that these Egestans were poor, and that they had abused the Athenian Ambassadors with false shows of gold, having in all but thirty talents. The Athenians further were discouraged, when they found that the Rhegians, their ancient friends, and allied unto the 〈◊〉, refused to trust them within their walls. Hereupon Nicias adviseth to departed towards the Selinuntines, and to force them, or persuade them, to an agreement with the Egestans; as likewise to see what disbursements the Egestans could make; and so to return again into Greece, and not to waste Athens in a needless war. Alcibiades, on the other side, would solicit the Cities of Sicily to confederacy against the Syracusians and Selinuntines, whereby to force them unto restitution of all that they had taken from the Leontines. Lamachus, he persuades them to assail Syracuse itself, before it were prepared against them. But in the end (being excluded out of divers Cities) they surprise Catana: & there they take new counsel, how to proceed. Thence they employed Nicias to those of Egista, who received from them thirty talents towards his charges; and one hundred & twenty talents more there were of the spoils they had gotten in the Island. Thus, the Summer being spent in idle consultations, & vain attempts, the Athenians prepare to assail Syracuse. But Alcibiades having been accused at home, in his absence, was sent for back by the Athenians, to make his answer: and the Army was left to the conduct of Nicias and Lamachus. These Commanders obtain a landing place very near unto Syracuse, by this device.  
They employ to Syracuse an inhabitant of Catana, whom they trust; and instruct him, to promise' unto the Syracusians, that he would deliver into their hands all the Athenians, within Catana. Hereupon the Syracusians draw thitherward with their best forces. But in the mean while, the Athenians, setting sail from Catana, arrive at Syracuse, where they land at fair ease, and fortify themselves against the Town. Shortly after this, they fight, and the Syracusians had the loss: but the Athenians, wanting horse, could not pursue their victory to any great effect. They then retire themselves, with a resolution to refresh their Army at Catana, for the winter-season. From thence they made an attempt upon Messana, hoping to have taken it by an intelligence, but in vain. For Alcibiades had discovered such as were Traitors within the City to the Messenians. This he now did, in despite of his own Citizens, the Athenians; because they had recalled him from his command, with a purpose either to have put him to death, or to have banished him: whereof being assured by his friends, he took his way towards the Lacedæmonians, and to them he gave mischievous counsel against his country. While this winter yet lasted, the Syracusians sand Ambassadors to Lacedaemon, and Corinth, for aid: as likewise the Athenian Captains in 〈◊〉, sand to Athens, for supplies. Which both the one and the other obtained.  
In the Spring following (which was the beginning of the eighteenth year of the Pelopennesian war) the Athenians in Sicily, sail from the Port of Catana, to Megara, for saken of the Inhabitants; from whence foraging the Country, they obtain some small victories over the straggling Syracusians: and at their return to Catana, they receive a supply of two hundred men at arms, but without horse, which they hoped to furnish in the Island, from the Segestans, and other their adherents: they were also strengthened with a company of Archers and with three hundred talents in money.  
Hereupon they take courage, and encamp near Syracuse, upon the banks of the great Port, repelling the Syracusians, that sallied to impeach their entrenchments. They also received from their Confederates four hundred horsemen, with two hundred other horse, to mount their men at arms. Syracuse was now in effect blocked up, so as hardly any succours could enter, but such as were able to force their passage: yet the Athenians receive divers losses; among which it was not the lest, that Lamachus, one of their best Commanders, was slain.  
In the mean while, Gylyppus, and Python, with the Lacedaemonian, and 〈◊〉 forces arrive, and take land at Hymera. The Citizens of Hymera, and of 〈◊〉, together with the Selinuntines, join with them; so that with these and his own troops, Gylippus adventured to march over-land towards Syracuse. The Syracusians sand a part of their forces to meet him, and conduct him. The Athenians prepare to encounter them, expecting his arrival near unto the City, upon a place of advantage. At the first encounter, they had the better of their enemies, by reason that the Syracusian horsemen could not come to fight in those straits: but soon after, Gylippus charging them again, broke them, and constrained Nicias to sortifie himself within his Campe. Whereupon Nicias made the state of his affairs known, by his letters, to the Athenians; showing, that, without great supplies by Sea and Land, the enterprise would be lost, together with the small Army remaining. These letters received, the Athenians appoint two other Generals, Eurymedon, and Demosthenes, to join with Nicias: the one they dispatch presently with some supply; the other they sand after him in the Spring following.  
In the mean while, Gylyppus at Syracuse, fights with the Athenians, both by Sea and Land, sometimes with ill, and at other times with good success: but in conclusion, he took from them their Fort, near unto Syracuse, at the Promontory, called Plymmyrium; wherein the Athenians lost thèir treasure, and a great part of all their provisions. Not withstanding which loss, and that the Athenians themselves, in Greece, were (in effect) besieged within Athens, by the Lacedæmonians; yet were they most obstinate in prosecuting the War in Sicily, and dispatched away Demosthenes with new succours. Demosthenes, in his way towards Sicily, encountered with Polyanthes the Corwthian, with his flecte: both the Captains being bound for Sicily; the one to secure Nicias; the other, Gylippus. The loss between 〈◊〉 was in effect equal; and neither so broken, but that each of them prosecuted the enterprise they had in hand. But before the succours arrived to either, Gylippus and Ariston had assailed the Athenians in the great Port of Syracuse, and in a Sea-fight put them to the worst, to the great discouragement of the Athenians. On the neck ofthis, 〈◊〉 arrived with threescore and thirteen Galleys, charged with footmen; and (blaming the sloth of Nicias) he invaded the Syracusians, the same day that he arrived. But he made more haste, than he had good speed, being shamefully beaten, and repulsed with great loss. Hereupon Demosthenes and Enrymedon, determine to 〈◊〉 up from before Syracuse, and return to the succour of Athens: but Nicias disputed to the contrary, pretending that he had good intelligence within Syracuse, whereby he learned, that the Town could not long hold out.  
Whatsoever Nicias his intelligence was; upon the arrival of a new supply into the Town, the Athenians had all consented to departed, and to lodge at Catana: had not an Eclipse of the Moon, boding (as was thought) ill success, caused them to defer their departure. But this superstition cost them dear. For the Syracusians, Lacedæmonians, and Corinthians, with threescore and seventeen sail of Galleys, entered the great Port of Syracuse, wherein the Athenians kept their fleet, and whereon they had fortified themselves. The Athenians, in the same Port encountered them with fourscore and 〈◊〉 Galleys, commanded by Eurymedon; in which the Athenian fleet was beaten, by the lesser number, and Eurymedon slain. Now, though it were so, that the Syracusians received the more loss by Land (for the fight was general) yet when the Athenians were beaten by Sea, in which kind they thought themselves invincible, they were wonderfully cast down. For it was well said of Gylippus, to the Syracusians; When any people do find themselves vanquished in that manner of 〈◊〉, and with those weapons, in which they persuade themselves that they exceed all others, they not only lose their reputation, but their courage. The Athenians, besides the Galleys sunk and wracked, 〈◊〉 seventeen taken, and possessed by the enemy: and with great labour and loss they defended the rest from being fired, having drawn them within a Palisado, in one corner of the Port, unadvisedly: for it is as contrary to a Sea-war, to thrust ships into a strength room and corner, as it is to scatter foot in a plain 〈◊〉 against horse; the one subsisting, by being at large; the other, by close imbattaising.  
The Syracusians, having now weakened the Athenian fleet, resolve to imprison them within the Port. And to that purpose they range all their Galleys in the mouth of the Haven, being about a mile over, and there they come to Anchor; filling the Outlet with all manner of Vessels, which they man most strongly, because the Athenians, being now made desperate, should not with double ranks of Galleys break through the Syracusian fleet; which lay but single, because they were forced to range themselves over all the Outlet of the Port. They therefore, not only mored themselves strongly by their Anchors, but chained the sides of their Galleys together, and laid behind them again certain ships, which served in the former war for victuallers: to the end, that if any of their Galleys were sunk; or the chain, which joined them to their fellows, broken; the Athenians might yet find themselves, a second time, entangled and arrested. To disorder also those Athenian Galleys, which come on in form of a wedge, to break through, and force a passage, the Syracusians had left within these Galleys and Ships, enchained together, a certain number ofloose ones, to stop their course and fury. For where the way of any vessel, using oar or sails, is broken, and their speed foreslowed, they cannot force with any weight and violence, the resistance opposing.  
On the other side, the Athenians knew that they were utterly lost, except with an invincible resolution, they could make their way, and break down this great bridge of boats; or (at lest) force a passage through them in some part or other: which they resolve to hazard, with all their shipping (to the number of one hundred and ten, of all sorts) and with all the strength of their land-army, in them embarked. But the Galleys, which were within the bridge of boats, did so disorder the Athenian fleet, ere they come to force the bridge, as, albeit some few of them had broken through the chains, yet being stopped by the ships without, and assailed by other lose Galleys of the Syracusians, which were purposely left at large in the Sea, they were either taken or sunk. Three great disadvantages the Athenians had: the first, that fight within a Haven, and (as it were) in a strength, they had no room to turn themselves, nor to free themselves one from another, being entangled; the second, that having over-pestered their Galleys with Soldiers, who used offensive arms of darts and slings, they had not place upon the decks to stretch their arms: the third was, the uncomfortable end for which they fought, namely, to force a passage, by which they might save themselves by running away. To be short, the fight was no less terrible than the confusion; the slaughter great on all sides; and the noise, and the cries, so loud and lamentable, as that no direction could be heard. But in the end, the Athenians, as many as survived, were beaten back to the Land, with loss of threescore of their Galleys, broken, sunk, or abandoned. The Syracusians did also lose twenty of theirs, with Python, Commander of the Corinthians. The rest of the Athenian Galleys, running themselves into the bottom of the Port, saved themselves by the help and countenance of the land-army, there fortified. In this desperate estate, the Athenian Commanders go to counsel. Demosthenes persuades them, to furnish with fresh Soldiers those few Galleys which remained; and while the Syracusians were triumphing, and made secure by their present victory, to set upon them, and forcing their way out of the Port, to return to Athens. This was no ill counsel. For, as we have heard of many great Captains (yea, the greatest number of all that have been victorious) that have neglected the speedy prosecution of a beaten enemy; so might we produce many examples of those, who, having slept securely in the bosom of good success, have been suddenly awaked, by the re-allied Companies of a broken Army, and have thereby lost again all the honour, and advantage, formerly gotten. But 〈◊〉 opposeth the advice of Demosthenes: Others say, that the Seamen were against it. Whereupon abandoning their Galleys, they all resolve to march over land to the Cities of their Confederates, till some more favourable fortune should call them thence. On the other side, Gylippus, and other the 〈◊〉 and Corinthian Captains, with Hermocrates, exhort the Syracusians to put themselves presently into the field, and to stop all the passages, leading to those Cities of their enemies, to which the Athenians might make retreat. But many were weary, and many were wounded, and many of them thought that they had done enough for the present. Which humour in some of our Commanders at Cadez, lost us both the Indian fleet, and the spoils of many other Neighbour-places. Hermocrates, the Syracusian, finding it a lost labour, to persuade his Countrymen to any hasty prosecution, devised this good stratagem, thereby to gain time; not doubting, but that after a day or two, he should draw them willingly out. He sent two or three horsemen out of Syracuse by night, willing them to find Nicias, and (after they had assured him, that they were of the Athenians faction) to give him advice not to march away over-hastily from the place, wherein he was fortified; alleging that the Syracusians had lodged their Army, which could not long stay there, upon the passages & places of advantage, leading towards the Cities of their Allies. These tidings Nicias easily believed, and put off his journey to the third day. For men newly beaten, are (for the most part) more fearful than wise; and to them, every thistle in the field, appears, by night, a man at arms.  
The third day (leaving all their Galleys, and all their baggage) they remove; being pierced and pursued with the lamentable outcries of those that were sick and hurt: whom they abandon to the cure of their enemy's swords. The rest march away, to the number of forty thousand; and make their first passage by force, over the River of Anapus, notwithstanding the opposition of their enemies. But being every day charged in their marches, & by the Syracusian horsemen, beaten in from foraging, and provision of food, they grow weak and heartless. The Syracusians also possess the Mountain Lepas, by which they were to pass towards 〈◊〉, and thereby force them to fall back again towards the Sea coast, and to take what way they could: being unable to proceed in their journey intended. Many hard shifts they made, in difficult passages, and blind marches by night; which they were feign to endure, as having noon other means to escape from the enemy that pursued them, and held them waking with continual skirmishing. To keep all in order, Nicias undertook the leading of the Vanguard; and Demosthenes conducted the Rear. At the River Erineus, Nicias takes the 〈◊〉 of a whole nights march, leaving Demosthenes to make the retreat: who being encompassed, and overpress with numbers, in the end renders himself. The conditions he obtained, were far better than he could have hoped for; and the faith of his enemies far worse than he suspected. For he was afterward, with Nicias, murdered in prison. The Army of Demosthenes being dissolved, they pursue Nicias with the greater courage: who being utterly broken, upon the passage of the River Assinarus, rendered himself to Gylippus, upon honest conditions. Gylippus sought to preserve him, and to have had the honour, to have brought these two to Sparta; Nicias, as a noble enemy to the Lacedæmonians, and who, at the overthrow, which they received at Pylus by the Athenians, had saved the lives of the vanquished; Demosthenes, as one that had done to 〈◊〉 the greatest hurt. Hermocrates also, the Commander of the Syracusian Army, dissuaded the rest, by all the art he had, from using any barbarous violence, after so noble a victory. But the cruel, and the cowardly sort, (cowardice and cruelty, being inseparable passions) prevailed, and caused these brave Captains to be miserably murdered; one part of their Soldiers to be starved in loathsome prisons; and the rest, sold for slaves. This was the success of the Sicilian war: which took end at the river 〈◊〉, the four and twentieth day of May, in the fourscore and eleventh 〈◊〉.  
The Athenians being beaten out of Sicily; the Egestans (for whose defence, against the Selinuntines, this late war had been taken in hand) fearing the victorious Syracusians, sought help from the Carthaginians; to whom they offered themselves, and their City, as their Vassals. The Carthaginians, though ambitious enough of enlarging their Dominion in Sicily, yet considering the prosperity of the Syracusians, and their late victories over the Athenians, they stayed a while to dispute of the matter, whither they should refuse, or accept, the offer made unto them: for the Selinuntines were straightly allied to the Syracusians, as may appear by what is past. In the end, the Senators of Carthage resolve upon the enterprise; and (by a trick of their Punic wit) to separate the Syracusians from the Selinuntines, they sand Ambassadors to Syracuse: praying that City, as in the behalf of the Egestans, to compel the Selinuntines to take reason, and to rest content with so much of the lands in question, as they of Syracuse should think meet to allow them. The Syracusians approved the motion; for it tended to their own honour. But the Selinuntines would make no such appointment: rather they took it ill, that the Syracusians, with whom they had run one course 〈◊〉 fortune, in the Athenian war, should offer to trouble them, by interposing as Arbitrators, in a business, that themselves could end by force. This was right as the Carthaginians would have it. For now could they of Selinus with an ill grace crave aid of Syracuse; and the Syracusians as ill grant it unto those, that had 〈◊〉 to stand to the Arbitrement, which the Carthaginians would have put into their hands. Hereupon, an Army of three hundred thousand men is set out from Carthage, under the conduct of Hannibal, Nephew to that Amilcar, who (as you have heard before) was overthrown with the great Carthaginian Army at Himera by Gelon. Hannibal was exceeding greedy of this employment, that he might take revenge, as well of his Uncles, as of his Father's death; the one of them having been slain by the Himerans; the other by those of Selinus. Both these Cities, Hannibal, in this war, won by force of arms, sacked them, and burnt them; and having taken three thousand of the Himerans prisoners, he caused them to be led unto the place, where Amilcar was slain, and buried them there.  
After this followed some trouble at Syracuse, occasioned by the banishment of Hermocrates, who had lately been General of the Syracusian forces, against the Athenians. The malice of his enemies had so far prevailed with the ingrateful multitude, that he was condemned to exile for his mere virtue, at such time, as he was aiding the Lacedæmonians, in their war against Athens; wherein he did great service. All the honester sort within Syracuse were sorry for the injury done unto him, and sought to have him repealed. Hermocrates himself, returning into Sicily, gathered an Army of six thousand; with which he began to repair Selinus; and by many noble actions laboured to win the love of his Citizens. But the faction that opposed him was the stronger. Wherhfore, he was advised to seize upon a Gate of Syracuse, with some strength of men; whereby his friends, within the Town, might have the better means to rise against the adverse party. This he did: but presently the multitude fell to arms, and set upon him; in which conflict he was slain. But his son-in-law, Dionysius, shall make them wish Hermocrates alive again.   

†. FOUR Of DIONYSIUS the Tyrant: and others, following him, in Syracuse.  
THe Syracusians had enjoyed their liberty about threescore years, from the 〈◊〉 of Thrasybulus, to the death of Hermocrates: at which time Dionysius was raised up by God, to take revenge, as well of their cruelty towards strangers, as of their ingratitude towards their own best Citizens. For before the time of Dionysius, they had made it their pastime, to reward the virtue of their worthiest Commanders with death, or disgrace: which custom they must now be taught to amend.  
Dionysius obtained the Principality of Syracuse, by the same degrees, that many others, before him, had made themselves Masters of other Cities, and of Syracuse itself. For, being made Praetor, and commanding their Armies against the Carthaginians, and other their enemies, he behaved himself so well, that he got a general love among the people, and men of war. Than began he to follow the example of Pisistratus, that made himself Lord of Athens; obtaining a band of six hundred men, to defend his person: under pretence, that his private enemies, being traitorously affected to the State of Syracuse, had laid plots how to murder him, because of his good services. He doubled the pay of the Soldiers; alleging, that it would encourage them to fight manfully: but intending thereby to assure them to himself. He persuaded the Citizens, to call home, out of exile, those that had been banished, which were the best men of Syracuse; and these were afterwards at his devotion, as obliged unto him by so great a benefit. His first favour, among the Syracusians, grew from his accusation of the principal men. It is the delight of base people to reign over their betters: wherefore, gladly did he help them to break down, as fetters imprisoning their liberty, the bars that held it under safe custody. Long it was not, ere the chief Citizens had found whereat he aimed. But what they seen, the people would not see: and some that were needy, and knew not how to get Offices without his help, were willing to help him, though they knew his purposes to be such, as would make all the City to smart. He began early to hunt after the tyranny; being but five and twenty years of age when he obtained it: belike, it was his desire to reign long. His first work, of making himself absolute Lord in Syracuse, was, the possession of the Citadel; wherein was much good provision, and under it the Galleys were mored. This he obtained by allowance of the people; and having obtained this, he cared for no more, but declared himself without all shame or fear: The Army; the chief Citizens, restored by him from banishment; all the needy sort within Syracuse, that could not thrive by honest courses; and some neighbour-townes, bound unto him, either for his help in war, or for his establishing the faction, reigning at that present, were wholly affected to his assistance. Having therefore gotten the Citadel into his hands, he needed no more, save to assure what he had already. He strengthened himself by divers marriages; taking first to wife the daughter of Hermocrates; and after her, two at once; the one a Locrian, Doris, by whom he had Dionysius, his Successor; the other, Aristomache, the daughter of Hipparinus, and sister to Dion, honourable men in Syracuse, which bore unto him many children, that served to fortify him with new alliances.  
Yet it was not long, ere some of the Syracusians (envying his prosperity) incited the multitude, and took arms against him, even in the novelty of his Rule. But their enterprise was more passionately, than wisely governed. He had shamefully been beaten by the Carthaginians at Gela: which, as it vexed the Sicilian men at arms, making them suspect that it was his purpose to let the Carthaginians waste all, that he might afterwards take possession of the desolate places; so it inflamed them with a desire to free themselves from his tyranny. They departed therefore from him, and marched hastily to Syracuse, where they found friends to help them: there they forced his Palace, ransacked his treasures, and so shamefully abused his wife, that for the grief thereof she poisoned herself. But he followed their heels apace; and firing a Gate of the City by night, entered soon enough to take revenge, by making a speedy riddance of them. For he spared noon of his known, not, not of his suspected enemies. After that, he grew so doubtful of his life, as he never durst trust Barber to trim him, nor any person, not, not so much as his brother, to enter into his chamber, unstript and searched. He was the greatest Robber of the people, that ever reigned in any State; and withal the most unrespectively cruel.  
After this, he separated with fortification that part of the City, called the Island, from the rest; like as the Spaniard did the Citadel of Antwerp: therein he lodged his treasures, and his Guards.  
He then began to make war upon the free Cities of Sicily: but while he lay before Herbesse, an inland Town, the Syracusians rebelled against him; so, as with great difficulty he recovered his Citadel: from whence, having alured the old Soldiers of the Campanians, who forced their passage through the City, with one thousand and two hundred horse, he again recovered the mastery over the Syracusians. And when a multitude of them were busied in gathering in their Harvest, he disarmed all the Townsmen remaining: and new strengthened the Fort of the Island, with a double wall. He enclosed that part also, called Epipoles; which, with threescore thousand labourers, he finished in three weeks; being two leagues in compass. He then built two hundred new Galleys, and repaired one hundred and ten of the old; forged one hundred and forty thousand Targets, with as many swords, and head-pieces, with fourteen thousand corslets, and all other suitable arms. Which done, he sent word to the Carthaginians, (greatly enfeebled by the 〈◊〉) That except they would abandon the Greek Towns, which they held in Sicily, he would make war upon them: and, not staying for answer, he took the spoil of all the Phoenician ships, and merchandise, within his Ports; as King Philip the second did of our English, before the war in our late Queen's time. He than goes to the field with fourscore thousand foot, and three thousand horse, and sends his brother Leptines to sea, with twohundred Galleys, and five hundred ships of burden. Most of the Towns which held for Carthage yielded unto him; saving Panormus, Segesta or Egesta, Ancyrae, Motya, and Entella. Of these, he first won Motya by assault, and put all therein to the sword; but before Egesta he lost a great part of his Army, by a sally of the Citizens. In the mean while Himilco arrives; but, ere he took land, he lost in a fight at Sea, with Leptines, fifty ships of war, and five thousand Soldiers, besides many ships of burden. This notwithstanding, he recovered again Motya upon his first descent. From thence marching towards Messene, he took Lypara, and (soon after) Messena, and razed it to the ground. Now began Dionysius greatly to doubt his estate. He therefore fortified all the places he could, in the Territory of the Leontines, by which he supposed that Himilco would pass toward Syracuse; and he himself took the field again, with four and thirty thousand foot, and one thousand horse. Now, hearing that Himilco had divided his Army into two parts, marching with the one 〈◊〉 over land, and sending Mago with the other by Sea: he sent Leptines, his brother, to encounter Mago. But Leptines was utterly beaten by the Carthaginians; twenty thousand of his men were slain, and an hundred of his Galleys 〈◊〉. It is very strange, and hardly credible, which yet good Authors tell us; That one City should be able to furnish five hundred sail of ships, and two hundred Galleys: (for, so many did Syracuse arm in this war) and more strange it is, that in a battle at Sea, without any great Artillery, or Musket-shot, twenty thousand should be slain in one fight. In all our fights against the Turks, of which that at Lepanto was the most notable, we hear of no such number lost; nor in any other fight by Sea, that ever happened in our age, nor before us. When Charles the fift went to besiege Algiers, he had in all his fleet, transporters and others, but two hundred and fifty sail of ships, and threescore and five Galleys: for the furnishing of which fleet, he sought help from all the Cities and Ports of Spain, Naples, and the rest of 〈◊〉. But in old times it was the manner to carry into the field, upon extremity, as many as were needful, of all that could bear arms, giving them little wages, or other allowance: in our days it is not so; neither indeed, is it often requisite. Upon this overthrow, Dionysius posts away to Syracuse, to strengthen it: Himilco follows him, and besiegeth the Town by Land and Sea. But the Tyrant, having received aid from the Lacedæmonians, under the conduct of Pharacidas, puts himself to Sea, to make provision for his Citizens: who, in his absence, take twenty of the Carthaginian Galleys, and sink four. Hereupon, finding their own success prosperous, and that of the Tyrant exceeding ill; having also at the present weapons in their hands; they consult how to recover their liberty. And this they had done, had not Pharacidas the Lacedaemonian resisted them. It also fell out, to his exceeding advantage, that the plague was so increased, and so violent, among the Carthaginians; as it is said, that above an hundred thousand of them died thereof. He therefore, with the power that he could gather together, sets upon them both by Sea and Land; and having slain great numbers of them, forceth Himilco to desire peace. This peace Dionysius sold him for a great sum of money; on condition that he should steal away with his Carthaginians only: which he basely accepted, betraying the rest of the Africans and Spaniards. Yet no faith was kept with him: for he was pursued, and left many of his Carthaginians behind him. The rest of the Africans fell under the swords of their enemies; only the Spaniards, after they had a while bravely defended themselves, were (after their submission) entertained, and served the Conqueror.  
Many such examples of 〈◊〉 dealing have I noted in other places, and can hardly forbear to deliver unto memory the like practices, when they meet with their matches: That which happened unto Monsieur de Piles, was very suitable to this treachery, wherewith Dionysius pursued Himilco. I was present, when De Piles related the injury done unto him. He had rendered St. john d'Angelie, to the French King Charles the ninth, who besieged him therein. 〈◊〉 rendered it, upon promise made by the faith of a King, that he should be suffered to departed in 〈◊〉, with all his followers. Yet in presence of the King himself, of the Duke of Anion his brother, General of his Army, of the Queen Mother, and of divers Dukes and Marshals of France, he was set upon, and broken in his march; spoiled of all that he had; and forced to save his life by flight, leaving the most of his Soldiers dead upon the place: the King's hand and faith, warranting him to march away with ensigns displayed, and with all his goods and provisions, no whit availing him. It needs not therefore seem strange, that an Heathen Tyrant should thus break his faith, since Kings, professing Christianity, are bold to 〈◊〉 the like, or command their Captains to do it for them.  
Dionysius, after this great victory, took care to re-edify Messena. Mago, who stayed in Sicily, to hold up the Carthaginians therein, is again beaten by Dionysius; who is also beaten by the Tauromenians. A new supply of fourscore thousand Soldiers is sent from Carthage to Mago; but they take eggs for their 〈◊〉, and make peace with Dionysius, leaving the Sicilians in Tauromenium, to shifted for themselves: whom Dionysius, after a long siege, over-came, and gave their City to his mercenary Soldiers.  
He then past into Italy, obtained divers victories there, brought the Rhegians on their knees, forced them to pay him one hundred & fourscore thousand crowns, to furnish him with threescore Galleys, and to put in an hundred pledges, for assurance of their future observance of covenants. This he did, not with any purpose to perform unto them the peace that they had so dearly bought; but that having taken from them their Galleys, he might besiege them, and ruin them utterly, with the more 〈◊〉. Now to the end he might not, without some colour, 〈◊〉 the faith that he had given to them; he pretended to want victual for his Army, at such time as he seemed ready to departed out of Italy, and sent to them to furnish him the rewith; promising to return them the like quantity, at his coming home to 〈◊〉.  
His resolution was, that if they refused to furnish him, he would then make their refusal the cause of his quarrel: if they yielded to aid him with the proportion which he desired, that then they should not be able, for want of food, to endure a siege any long time against him. For to ruin them he had fully determined, at what price soever. And great reason he had to take revenge of them, if he had done it fairly, and without breach of faith. For when in the beginning of his reign, he desired them to bestow a daughter of some of their Nobility upon him, for a wife: they answered, That they had not any one fit for him, save the Hangman's daughter. Princes do rather pardon ill 〈◊〉, than villainous words. Alexander the Great forgave many sharp swords, but never any sharp tongues; not, though they told him but truly of his errors. And certainly, it belongs to those that have warrant from God, to reprehend Princes: and to noon else, especially in public.  
It is said, that Henry the fourth of 〈◊〉, had his heart more inflamed against the Duke of Byron, for his overbold and biting taunts, that he used against him before Amiens, than for his conspiracy with the Spaniard, or Sanoyan: for he had pardoned ten thousand of such as had go farther, and drawn their swords against him. The contemptuous words that Sir john parrot used of our late Queen Elizabeth, were his ruin; and not the counterfeit letter of the Romish Priest, produced against him. So fared it with some other, greater than he, that thereby ran the same, and a worse fortune, soon after.  
To be short, he made them know new bread from old. He assaulted their Town on all sides, which he continued to do eleven months, till he won it by force. He used his victory without mercy; specially against Phyton, who had commanded within it.  
Some other wars he made with the Carthaginians, after the taking and rasing of this City; and those with variable success. For as in one encounter he slew Mago, with ten thousand Africans: so the son of Mago beaten him, and slew his brother Leptines, with fourteen thousand of his Soldiers. After which he bought his peace of the Carthaginians, as they had formerly done of him; following therein the advice of Prosperity and 〈◊〉, as all Kings and States do.  
When he had reigned eight and thirty years, he died: some say, in his bed, peaceably; which is the most likely, though others report it otherwise. A 〈◊〉 man he was, and a faithless; a great Poet, but a foolish one. He entertained Plato a while, but afterward, for speaking against his tyranny, he gave order to have him slain, or sold for a slave. For he could endure no man, that flattered him not beyond measure. His Parasites therefore styled his cruelty, The hate of evil men; and his lawless slaughters, The ornaments and effects of his 〈◊〉. True it is, that flatterers are a kind of vermin, which poison all the Princes of the World; and yet they prospero better than the worthiest and valiantest men do: and I wonder not at it; for it is a world: and as our Saviour Christ hath told us, The World will love her 〈◊〉.  
To this Dionysius, his son of the same name succeeded; and inherited both his Kingdom, and his Vices. To win the love of the People, he pardoned, and released out of prison, a great number of persons, by his Father locked up, and condemned. Withal, he remitted unto his Citizens divers payments, by his Father imposed upon them. Which done, and thereby hoping, that he had fastened unto himself the people's affections; he cast off the sheeps skin, and put on that of the Wolf. For being jealous of his own Brethrens, as men of more virtue than himself, he caused them all to be slain; and all the Kindred that they had by their Mother's side. For Dionysius his Father (as hath been said) had two Wives; Doris of Locris; and Aristomache a Syracusian, the sister of Dion, which Brother-in-law of his he greatly enriched.  
By Doris he had this Dionysius, who succeeded unto him: and by 〈◊〉 he had two Sons and two Daughters; of which the elder, called 〈◊〉, he gave in marriage to his eldest Son, and her half-brother, Dionysius; the younger, called Areta, he bestowed on his Brother Theorides: after whose death, Dion took her to Wife, being his Niece.  
This Dion, a just, and valiant man, finding that Dionysius had abandoned all exercise of virtue, and that he was wholly given over to sensuality, prevailed so much with Plato, whose Disciple he had been, as he drew him into Sicily, to instruct the young King. And having persuaded the King to entertain him, he wrought so well with him, as Dionysius began to change condition; to change Tyranny, into Monarchy; and to hold the Principality, that he had, rather by the love of his People, and his National Laws, than by the violence of his Guards and Garrisons. But this goodness of his lasted not long. For Philistus the Historian, and other his Parasites, that hated Dions' 〈◊〉, wrought him out of the Tyrant's favour; and caused him soon after to be banished out of Sicily, to the great grief of the whole Nation. For whereas Dion had made offer to the King, either to compound the quarrels between him and the Carthaginians, of whom Dionysius stood in great fear, or (at lest) if they refused it, to furnish him with fifty Galleys at his own charge, during the war against them: his enemies found means, by sinister 〈◊〉, to convert his good will into matter of treason. They told Dionysius, that all the great commendations, given of Plato, had tended to noon other end, then to soften his mind, and to make him neglect his own affairs, by the study of Philosophy; whilst Dion, in the mean time having furnished fifty Galleys, under colour of the King's service, had it in his own power, either to deliver to the Syracusians their former liberty, or to make himself Lord and 〈◊〉 of their State.  
It is likely, that the honest and liberal offer which he made, to serve the King with so great a preparation, at his own charge, begot him many enemies. For they that had served the King for noon other end, than to raise and enrich themselves, and had already been raised and enriched, thought themselves bound to make the same offer, that Dion had made, if the King had had the grace to conceive it aright. But these covetous and ignorant cowards, that had neither the knowledge, nor the daring, that Dion had, were bold to style his Love and Liberality, Pride and Presumption; and heartened the young King, in his oppressing, and eating up his own people, of whose spoils they themselves shared no small portion. I have heard it, That when Charles the fift had the repulse at Algiers in Africa, Ferdinando Cortese, one of the bravest men that ever Spain brought forth, offered unto the Emperor, to continued the siege at his own charge. But he had never good day after it. For they that envied his victories, and his conquest of Mexico in the west Indieses, persuaded the Emperor, that Cortese sought to value himself above him; and to have it said, That what the Emperor could not, Cortese had effected, and was therefore more worthy of the Empire, than he that had it.  
When Dion was newly 〈◊〉, the Tyrant was contented, at first, to sand him the revenues of his Lands, and permit him to dispose of his movables, at his own pleasure: not without giving hope, to recall him in short time. Had he continued in this good mood, like enough it is, that Dion would have 〈◊〉 well pleased to live well, as he did, at Athens. But after sometime, Dionysius made Port-sale of this Nobleman's goods; and thereby urged him to take another course; even to seek the restitution of his Country to liberty. The virtues of Dion, especially his great liberality, had purchased much love in Greece. This love made him suspected and hated of the Tyrant: but it stood him in good stead, when he sought to raise men, with whose help he might return into Sicil. Yet he got not above eight hundred (for he carried the matter closely) to follow him in this adventure. But many of them were men of quality, and fit to be Leaders. Neither did he doubt of finding in Syracuse, as many as should be needful, that would readily assist him. Therefore he landed boldly in Sicily; marched to Syracuse; entered the City without resistance; armed the multitude; and won all, save the Citadel.  
Dionysius was then absent in Italy; but he quickly had advertisement of this dangerous accident. Wherhfore he returned hastily to 〈◊〉: whence, after many vain treaties of peace, and some forcible attempts to recover the Town, he was feign to departed; leaving yet the Castle to the custody of Apollocrates, his eldest son. Yet ere he went, his Minion Philistus, coming with a strength of men to assist him, was beaten, taken, and put to death by torment. But Dion, for 〈◊〉 recovery of his Country's liberty, had the same reward, that all worthy men have had from popular Estates. He was disgraced, assaulted, and forced to abandon the City. He retired himself to the Leontines, who receive him with great joy. Soon after his departure from Syracuse, new troops enter the Castle: they sally out, assail, spoil, and burn a great part of the City. Dion is sent for, with humble request: yet, ere he could arrive, Dionysius his Soldiers were retired; and the Townsmen, thinking themselves secure, shut the gates against Dion. But the next night they of the Castle sally again, with greater 〈◊〉 than ever; they kill Man, Woman, and Child, and set fire in all parts of the Town. In this their extremity Dion comes the second time to their succour; the love of his Country surmounting all the injuries that he had received. He sets upon the Garrison of the Castle, with the one part of his Army; and quencheth the fire, everywhere kindled, with the other part. In conclusion, after he had conquered both the fire and the sword, that had well- 〈◊〉 burnt to ashes, and depopulated Syracuse, he recovered the Castle, with the munition and furniture thereof, and sent Apollocrates, after Dionysius his Father, into Italy. But their malice, of whom he had best deserved, and whom he had loved most, gave an untimely end to his days. For he was soon after this his victory, murdered by Calyppus; who, after he had, with ill success, a while governed Syracuse, was slain with the same Dagger, with which he had murdered Dion.  
Ten years after the death of Dion, Dionysius, with the assistance of his friends in Italy, recovers his estate, and returns to Syracuse, driving Nysaeus thence, whom he found Governor therein. The better sort of the Citizens, fearing, more than ever, his cruelty, flee to Icetes, a Syracusian borne, and then ruling the Leontines. Icetes enters into confederacy with the Carthaginians, hoping by their assistance, not only to prevail against Dionysius; but by the hatred of the Syracusians towards Dionysius, to make him also Lord of their City. The Syracusians, being deservingly afflicted on all sides, sand to the Corinthians for secure. Icetes also sends thither, and dissuades the Corinthians, as well as he can, from intermeddling in the business. He tells them, by his messengers, That he had entered into league with the Carthaginians, who were so strong by Sea, that it was not in the power of Corinth, to landlord any Army in Sicil. But the Corinthians, being by this treason of Icetes, more enraged then dissuaded, sent Timoleon with nineteen Galleys, to deliver Syracuse from tyranny. In the mean while, Icetes had entered Syracuse, and with the help of the Carthaginians, driven Dionysius into the Castle, where he besieged him.  
Icetes, being himself a Tyrant in Leontium, rather sought how to enlarge his power, than, how to deliver his Country. Therefore, hearing that Timoleon was arrived at Rhegium, he sent to 〈◊〉 him, to return his fleet; for that all things were (in effect) established in Sicil. The Carthaginian Galleys were also in the same Port of Rhegium; whose Captains advised Timoleon, to get him go in peace. They had far more Galleys there, than he had, and were like to compel him, if he would not be persuaded. Timoleon, finding himself overmastered, makes request to the Carthaginian Captains, that they would be pleased to enter into Rhegium, and there, in an open assembly of the people, to deliver unto him those arguments, for his return, which they had used to him in private; that he might, by public testimony, discharge himself to the Senate of Corinth.  
The Carthaginians, persuading themselves, that a victory, obtained by a few fair words, was without loss, and far more easy, than that of many blows and wounds, yielded to Timoleon's desire. But while the Orations were delivering, Timoleon, favoured by the 〈◊〉, stole out of the press; and having set sail, before the Gates were opened to the Carthaginians, he recovered the Port of Tauromenium, where he was joyfully received by Andromachus the Governor. From thence he marched toward Abranum, were surpising Icetes his Army, he slew a part thereof, and put the rest to run. It is the nature of victory to beget friends. The Adranitans joined with him; and so did Mamercus, the Tyrant of Catana. Dionysius also sent to Timoleon, offering to surrender the Castle of Syracuse into his hands, as thinking it better to yield up himself, and the places which he could not defend, unto the Corinthians, than either to Icetes, whom he disdained, or to the Carthaginians, whom he hated. Now Timolcon, who within fifty days, after his arrival, had recovered the Castle of Syracuse, and sent Dionysius to Corinth, to live there a private man, was still invaded by the Armies, and molested by the practices of Icetes. For he besieged the Corinthians within the Castle of Syracuse, and attempted (but in vain) the murder of Timolcon.  
The Corinthians sand unto Timoleon a supply of two thousand foot, and two hundred horse, which are stayed in Italy by soul weather. Icetes is strengthened with threescore thousand Africans, brought unto him by Mago (all which he lodgeth within Syracuse) and 〈◊〉 an hundred and fifty Galleys, to keep the Port. This was the first time, that ever the Carthaginians had dominion within the walls of that City. With this great Army, Icetes assaulteth the Castle. Timoleon sends them victuals, and succour, in small boats, by night, from Catana. Mago and Icetes do therefore resolve to besiege Catana; but they were no sooner on their way towards it, with part of their forces, than Leon, Captain of the Corinthians, sallied out of the Castle, and took that part of Syracuse, called 〈◊〉, which he fortified.  
In the mean while, the two thousand Corinthians arrive: with whom, and two thousand other Soldiers, Timoleon 〈◊〉 towards Syracuse. Mago abandoneth Icetes, being frighted out of Sicily (which he might easily have conquered) with an idle rumour of treason. This made him return to Carthage; where the general exclamation against his cowardice, did so much affright him, that for fear of farther punishment, he hanged himself. Timoleon enters the City, and beats down the Castle (which he called the nest of Tyrants) to the ground. But he found the City when the strangers were fled, in effect desolate; so as their horses did feed on the grass, growing in the marketplace. Therefore, he writes to Corinth, for people to re-inhabite it. Ten thousand are sent out of Greece; many come from Italy; others, from other parts of the Island.  
But a new storm ariseth. Asdrubal and Amilcar, Carthaginians, arrive about Lilybaeum, with threescore and ten thousand Soldiers, transported (with all their provisions) in a thousand ships of burden, and two hundred Galleys. Timoleon marcheth thither, and chargeth this great Army upon the passage of a River.  
A tempest of rain, hail, and lightning, with boisterous winds, beating upon the faces of the Carthaginians, they are utterly broken: ten thousand slain; five thousand taken; with all their carriages and provisions: among which there were found a thonsand corslets, gilt, and graven. After this Timoleon, gave an overthrow to Icetes, and following his victory, took him, with his son Eupolemus, and the General 
Plut. in vit. 〈◊〉.  of his horse, prisoners; whom he caused all to be slain: and afterwards (which was imputed to him for great cruelty) he suffered Icetes his wives and daughters to 〈◊〉 put to death. But this was the revenge of God upon Icetes, who (after the murder of Dion) had caused Arete, Dions' wife and a young child of his, with Aristomache his sister, to to be cast into the Sea.  
He again prevailed against Mamercus, Tyrant of Catana, and won Catana itself. Mamercus fled to Hippon Tyrant of Messena: but Timoleon, pursuing him, won the town; delivering Hippon, to his Citizens, who tormented him to death, The same end had Mamercus, and all other, the Tyrants in Sicil.  
Finally, he made peace with the Carthaginians; on condition, That they should nor pass the River of Lycus. After this, he lived in great honour among the Syracusians, till his death; and was solemnly buried by them in the marketplace of their City: the day of his Funerals, being for ever ordained to be kept holy among them.  
After such time, as Timoleon had delivered Syracuse, from the tyranny of Dionysius, and brought peace to the whole Island; the inhabitants enjoyed their liberty in peace, about twenty years. The Cities and Temples were repaired; the Trade renewed; the Merchant sailed in safety; and the Labouring man enjoyed the first-fruits of the earth in quiet. But it was impossible that a Nation which neither knew how to govern, nor how to obey; which could neither endure Kings, nor men worthy to be Kings, to govern them; should any long time subsist.  
Twenty years after the death of Timoleon, there started up an Agathacles among them, a man of base birth, and of base condition; who from a Beggar, to a common Soldier; from a Soldier to a Captain; and so from degree to degree, rising to be a Praetor; finally become Lord and Sovereign of the Syraousians. Many fortunes he ran, and underwent as many dangers, ere he obtained the Principality. For he had more than once attempted it, and was therein both beaten and banished. A passing valiant man he was, and did notable service, as well for those by whom he was employed, as also for the Syracusians, and against them. For in their wars against those of Enna, and the Campanes, he did them memorable service: and on the contrary, as memorable service for the Murgantines, against the Syracusians. For being entertained by the people of Murgantia, and made General of their forces, he sacked Leontium; and besieged Syracuse so straightly, that the Citizens were driven to crave aid, even from their ancient and natural enemies, the Carthaginians. Amilcar was sent by the Carthaginians, to relieve Syracuse. With him Agathocles wrought so well, that he got him to make peace between himself and the Syracusians; binding himself by promise and oath, to remain a friend and servant to the state of Carthage, for ever after. Amilcar entertained the business, and compounded the quarrels between Agathocles, and the Syracusians. Agathocles is chosen Praetor; he entertains five thousand Africans, and divers old Soldiers of the Murgantines, under colour of a purpose to besiege Herbita. With these, and with the assistance of the poor and discontented Syracusians (the City being also divided into many factions) he assails the Senators, kills all his enemies and opposites; divides the spoil of the rich, among the poor; and gives liberty to his Soldiers, to rob, to ravish, and to murder, for two whole days and nights, without controlment: the third day, when they had blunted their barbarous appctites, and strewed the streets with ten thousand dead carcases, besides those that had broken their necks over the walls; their fury had no further subject to work on.  
Agathocles, in an assembly of the people (being an eloquent knave) persuaded them, that, for the violent sickness, by which the commonwealth was utterly consumed, he found no better, than the violent remedies, which he had administered; & that he affected no other thing, than the reducing of the state from an Oligarchy, or the rule of a few tyrannous Magistrates, to the ancient & indifferent Democraty, by which it had been governed, from the first institution, with so great glory and prosperity. This he did, to have the crown clapped on his head (as it were) perforce. For as he knew, that he had left noon living, within the City, fit, nor able, to exercise the office of a Magistrate: so knew he right well, that all they which had assisted, in the murder and spoil of their fellow-Citizens, had no other hope of defence, than the support of a law less Lord, who had been partaker with them, in their villainies and cruelties committed. So as this Rabble, his Oration ended, proclaimed him King: again and again, saluting, and adoring him, by that name, as if it had been given to him by some lawful election. Hence had our King Richard the third a piece of his pattern; but the one was of base; the other, of Kingly parents; the one took liberty from a Commonweal; the other sought only to succeed in a Monarchy; the one continued his cruelty to the end; the other, after he had obtained the Crown, sought, by making of good laws, to recover the love of his people.  
The life of this Tyrant, is briefly written by 〈◊〉; more largely and particularly by Diodorus Siculus: the sum whereof is this. The same Amilcar that had brought him into Syracuse, and that had lent him five thousand men to help in the massacre of the Citizens, was also content to wink at many wrongs, that he did unto the Confederates of the Carthaginians. It was the purpose of Amilcar, to settle Agathocles in his tyranny, and to let him vex and waste the whole Island; because it was thereby like to come to pass, that he should reduce all Sicily into such terms, as would make it become an easy prey to Carthage. But when the Cities, confederate with the Carthaginians, sent their Ambassadors, with complaint of this ill dealing to Carthage; the Punic faith (so much taunted by the Romans, as no better than mere falsehood) showed itself very honourable, in taking order for the redress. Ambassadors were sent to comfort the Sicilians, and to put Agathocles in mind of his covenants; Amilcar was recalled home into Africa, and a new Captain appointed to succeed in his charge, with such forces, as might compel Agathocles to reason, if otherwise he would not hearken to it. All this tended, to save their Confederates, from suffering such injuries in the future. For that which was past (since it could not be recalled) they took order to have it severely punished. Amilcar was accused secretly, and by way of scrutiny: the suffrages being given, but not calculated; and so reserved, until he should return. This was not so closely handled, but that Amilcar had some notice of it. In managing his business with Agathocles, it is likely that he had an eye to his own profit, as well as to the public benefit of his Country. For he had made such a composition with the Syracusian, as gave him not only means to weaken others, but to strengthen himself, both in power and authority, even against the Carthaginians. Such is commonly the 〈◊〉 of those, that hope to work their own ends by cunning practices: thinking to deal subtly, and finely, they spin their threads so small, that they are broken with the very wind. Amilcar seen, that his Carthaginians had a purpose to deal substantially; and that therefore it would be hard for him, to make them follow his crooked devices: which if he could not do, it was to be expected, that their anger would break out into so much the greater extremity, by how 〈◊〉 the more they had concealed it. Therefore he followed the example, which some of his fore-goers had taught him; and, for fear of such a death, as the judges might award him, he ended his own life in what sort he thought best. This desperation of Amilcar served to inform Agathocles of the Carthaginians intent. He seen they would not be deluded with words, and therefore resolved to get the start of them in action. He dissembled no longer; but, in stead of spoil and 〈◊〉, made open war upon all their Adherents. He had made the better part of Sicily his own, ere the Carthaginian forces arrived: which thinking to have encountered an ill-established Tyrant, found him ready, as a King, to defend his own, and give them sharp entertainment. They were beaten by him; and their Navy was so Tempest-beaten, that they could neither do good by Land, nor Sea, but were glad to leave their business undone, and return into Africa.  
The Carthaginians prepare a new fleet: which being very gallantly manned and furnished, was broken by soul weather, and the best part of it cast away, even whilst it was yet within kenning of their City. But Amilcar, the son of Gisco, gathering together the remainders of this shipwreck, was bold to pass over into Sicily, and landed not far from Gela; where Agathocles was soon ready to examine the cause of their coming. Many skirmishes passed between them, in which (commonly) the Syracusian had the better. But his good success begat presumption; whereby he lost a battle, more important than all the 〈◊〉 fights. One adverse chance is enough to overthrow the state of a Tyrant, if it be not up-held by great circumspection. The war was soon transferred to the walls of Syracuse; within which Agathocles was closed up, and driven to make his last defence by their help, who may be judged to have loved him not very greatly. But the Inhabitants of Syracuse, after that great massacre of the principal men, made in the beginning of this new tyranny, were (for the most part) such, as had been either mercenary Soldiers, enfranchised slaves, or base and needy people; helpers in establishing the present Government, and Executioners of the murders, and spoil, committed in that change. If there were any other (as some there were) they were so well observed, and (withal) so fearful, that they durst not stir. But it was not enough, that they all agreed in the common defence of themselves and their City; Famine was likely to grow upon them, and 〈◊〉 them to change their resolution. In this necessity, Agathocles adventured upon a strange course, which the event commended, as wise. He embarked as many as he thought meet, in those vessels that road in the Haven; and committing the government of the City to his brother Antander, willed the people to be of good courage, for that (as he told them) he had bethought himself of a mean, both to raise the siege, and to repair all other losses. A Carthaginian fleet lay in the mouth of the Haven, both to hinder the entrance of victuallers, and to keep the besieged from issuing forth.  
Now, at such time as Agathocles was ready to departed, advertisement come, that many ships of burden, laden with corn, and other provisions, were drawing near unto Syracuse. To intercept these, the Carthaginians hoist sail, and launch forth into the deep. They were not far go, when they might behold Agathocles, issuing forth 〈◊〉 the Bort, with purpose (as they thought) to give convoy unto his victuallers. Hereupon they 〈◊〉 about, and make amain towards him, as thinking him the better booty. He neither abode their coming, nor fled back into the City, but made all speed towards Africa; and was pursued by the Carthaginians, as long as day would give them light. In the mean season, the victuallers were gotten into Syracuse; which was the more plentifully relieved by their coming, for that Agathocles had unburdened the place of no small number. When the Carthaginian Admiral perceived; first, that by pursuing two fleets at once, he had miss of them both; and secondly, that Agathocles returned not again, but was go to seek his fortune elsewhere; he thought it good to pursue those that were fled, and to attended so well upon them, that they should not have leisure to do mischief in some other part.  
The Carthaginian Navy followed Agathocles (whither by chance, or by relation of such as had met with him at Sea) directly towards Africa, and overtook him after six days. He had (at the first) a great start of them; so that (belike) they rowed hard; and wearied themselves, in seeking their own misfortune. For he fought with them, and beaten them; and, having sunk, or taken many, drove the rest to fly which way they could, laden with strange tidings of his voyage.  
When Agathocles had landed his men in Africa, then did he discover unto them his project; letting them understand, That there was no better way to divert the Carthaginians, not only from Syracuse, but from all the Isle of Sicily, than by bringing the war to their own doors. For here (said he) they have many that hate them, and that will readily take arms against them, as soon as they perceive that there is an Army on foot, which dares to look upon their walls. Their Towns are ill fortified; their people untrained, and unexperienced in dangers; the mercenary forces, that they levy in these parts, will rather follow us than them, if we offer greater wages than they can give: which we may better promise' and make good, by letting them have some share with us in all the wealth of the Carthaginians, than our enemies can do, by making some addition to their stipends. Thus he talked, as one already Master of all the riches in Africa; and with many brave words encouraged his men so well, that they were contented to set fire on all their ships (reserving one or two, to use as Messengers) to the end that no hope should remain, save only in victory. In this heat of resolution, they win by force two Cities; which after they had thoroughly sacked, they burned to the ground; as a mark of terror to all that should make resistance. The Carthaginians, hearing this, are amazed; thinking that Amilcar is broken, and his whole Army destroyed in Sicil. This impression so dismays them, that when they know the truth of all, by such as had scaped in the late Sea-fight, yet still they fear, and know not what. They suspect Hamilcar's faith, who had suffered Agathocles to land in Africa: they suspect their principal Citizens at home, of a meaning to betray Carthage, unto the enemy; they raise a great Army, and know not unto whose charge they may safely commit it.  
There were at that time two famous Captains in the City, Hanno, and Bomilcar; great enemies, and therefore the more unlikely to conspire against the Commonwealth. These are made Generals of the Army levied, which far exceeded the forces of Agathocles. But it seldom happens, that dissension between Commanders produceth any fortunate event. Necessity drove Agathocles to fight: and the courage of his men, resolved to deal with the whole multitude of the Carthaginians, made easy the victory against the one half of them. For Bomilcar would not stir: but suffered Hanno to be cut in pieces.  
The reputation of this victory, brought over a King of the Africans, from the Carthaginian society, to take part with Agathocles: who pursuing his victory, wins many Towns, and sends word to Syracuse of his good success. The Carthaginians also sand into Sicily, willing Amilcar, their General, to secure the state of Africa, which was in danger to be lost, whilst he was travailing in the conquest of Sicil. Amilcar sends them five thousand men: all his forces he thought it not needful to transport; as hoping rather to draw Agathocles back into Sicily, than to be drawn home by one, that could scarce retain his own Kingdom. But these good hopes had a bad issue. He spent some time in winning a few Towns, that adhered unto the Syracusians: and having brought his matters to some good order, he conceived a sudden hope of taking Syracuse by surprise. It was a pretty (though tragical) accident, if it were true, as Tully relates it. Amilcar had a dream, which told him that he should sup the next day within Syracuse. His fancy begot this dream, and he believed it. He made more haste, than good speed, toward the 〈◊〉: and coming upon it on the sudden, had good hope to carry it. But his enemies were prepared for him, and had laid an ambush to entrap him, whereinto he fell. So he was carried prisoner into the City; in which it was likely, that he had no great cheer to his supper: for they struck off his head, and sent it into Africa (a welcome present) to Agathocles.  
This good success of things at home, did put such courage into the Sicilian Army, that Agathocies was bold to wear a Crown, and style himself King of Africa. He had alured Ophellas, King of the Cyrenians, to take his part, by promises to deliver the Country into his hands: for that (as he said) it was sufficient unto himself to have diverted the Carthaginians from Sicily, wherein (after this war ended) he might reign quietly. Ophellas come with a great Army, and was friendly entertained. But the traitorous Sicilian, taking an advantage, did murder this his assistant; and afterwards, by good words, and great promises, drew all the Cyrenian Army to follow him in his wars. Thus his 〈◊〉 found good success; and he so prevailed in Africa, that he got leisure to make a step into 〈◊〉. Many Towns in Sicily had embraced a desire of recovering their liberty; thinking it high time to fight at length for their own freedom, after that they had so long been exposed, (as a reward of victory) either unto Aliens, or to Tyrants, of their own Country. These had prevailed far, and gotten many to take their parts, as in a common cause: when the coming of Agathocles abated their high spirits, and his good success in many fights, compelled them to obedience. Out of Sicily he returned into Africa, where his affairs stood in very bad terms. Archagathus, his son, had lost a battle; and (which was worse) had ill means to help himself: his Army being in mutiny for lack of pay. But Agathocles pacified the tumult, by the accustomed promises of great booty and spoil. It had now been time for him, to offer peace to the Carthaginians which to obtain, they would (questionless) have given to him, both money enough to pay his Army, and all that they then held in Sicil. For their City had been distressed, not only by this his war, but by the treason of Bomilcar, who failed not much of making himself Tyrant over them. But ambition is blind. Agathocles had all his thoughts fixed upon the conquest of Carthage itself: out of which dream he was awaked, by the loss of a battle, not so memorable in regard of any accident therein, as of the strange events following it. The Carthaginians, after their great misfortunes in this war, had renewed their old sacrifices of children to Saturn: from which they had abstained, ever since they made peace with Gelon. And now they made choice of some, the goodliest of their prisoners, taken in the battle, to offer unto the said Idol, in way of thankfulness for their victory. The fire, with which these unhappy men were consumed, caught hold upon the lodgings nearest unto the Altar; and spreading itself farther through the Camp, with the destruction of many men, caused such a tumult, as is usual in the like cases. At the same time, the like accident of fire burnt up the Pavilion of Agathocles. Hereupon both the Armies fled away; each of them believing, that the noise in the adverse Camp, was a sign of the enemies coming to invade it. But the Carthaginians had a safe retreat: Agathocles, by a second error, fell into a new calamity. In the beginning of this his flight in the dark, he met with his own African Soldiers; and thinking them to be enemies, (as indeed the one half of them had revolted from him, to the Carthaginians, in the last battle) he began to assail them, and was so stoutly resisted, that he lost, in this blind fight, above four thousand of his men. This did so discourage his proud heart; that being fallen from the near hope of taking the City of Carthage, unto some distrust of his own safety, he knew no more how to moderate his present weak fears, than lately he had known how to govern his ambition. Therefore he took the way that come next into his head; which was, to steal closely aboard his ships, with his younger son (the elder he suspected of Incest, and of Ambition) and so to fly into Sicily; thinking it the best course, to shifted for himself, as wanting vessels wherein to transport his Army. His elder son, Archagathus, perceived his drift, arrested him, and put him under custody: but by means of a sudden tumult, he was let lose, escaped, and fled alone, leaving both his sons behind him. His flight being noised through the Army, all was in uproar; and extremity of rage caused not only the common Soldier, but even such as had been friends to the Tyrant, to lay hold upon his two sons, and kill them. That this flight of Agathocles was extremely base; I need not use words to prove: That his fear was truly, as all fear is said to be, a passion, depriving him of the succours which reason offered, the sequel doth manifest. His forsaken Soldiers, being now a headless company, and no longer an Army to be feared, obtained nevertheless a reasonable composition from the Carthaginians: to whom they sold those places, whereof they had possession, for nineteen talents. Likewise, Agathocles himself, having lost his Army, did nevertheless, by the reputation of this late war, make peace with Carthage upon equal terms.  
After this, the Tyrant, being delivered from foreign enemies, discovered his bloody nature, in most abominable cruelties, among the Sicilians. His wants, and his fears, urged him so violently, that he was not satisfied with the spoils of the rich, or the death of those whom he held suspected: but in a beastly rage depopulated whole Cities. He devised new engines of torment; wherein striving to exceed the Bull of Phalaris, he made a frame of brass, that should serve to scorch men's bodies, and withal give him leave to behold them in their misery. So devilish is the nature of man, when reason, that should be his guide, is become a slave to his brutish affections. In these mischiefs he was so outrageous, that he neither spared Sex, nor Age; especially, when he was informed of the slaughter of his children in Africa. But this was not the way to preserve his estate: it threw him into new dangers. They whom he had chased out of their Country, took arms against him, and drove him into such fear, that he was feign to seek the love at Carthage, which, by ruling well, he might have had in Sicil. He freely delivered into the Carthaginians hands, all those Towns of the Phoenicians in Sicily, belonging unto them, which were in his possession. They requited him honourably, with great store of corn, and with four hundred talents of gold and silver. So (though not without much trouble and hazard) he prevailed against the Rebels, and settled his estate. Having no further business left in Sicily, he made a voyage into Italy. There he subdued the Brutians, rather by terror of his name, than by any force, for they yielded at his first coming. This done, he went to the Isle of Lipara, and made the Inhabitants buy peace with one hundred talents of gold. But when he had gotten this great sum, he would needs exact a greater; and finding plainly that they had no more left, he was bold to spoil the Temples of their gods. Herein (me thinks) he did well enough. For how could he believe those to be gods, that had continually given dease 〈◊〉 to his horrible perjuries? Than he returned richly home, with eleven ships loaden with gold: all which, and all the rest of his fleet, were cast away by soul weather at Sea; one Galley excepted, in which he himself escaped, to suffer a more miserable end. A grievous sickness fell upon him, that rotten his whole body, spreading itself through all his veins and sinews. Whilst he lay in this case, all desiring his end, save only Theogenia (a wife that he had taken out of Egypt) and her small children: his Nephew, the son of 〈◊〉, before mentioned, and a younger son of his own, began to contend about the Kingdom. Neither did they seek to end the controversy by the old Tyrant's decision; they regarded him not so much. But each of them laid wait for the others life: wherein the Nephew sped so well, that he slew his Uncle, and got his Grandfather's Kingdom without ask any leave. These tidings wounded the heart of Agathocles with fear and sorrow. He seen himself without help, like to become a prey to his ungracious Nephew, from whom he knew that no favour was to be expected, either by himself, or by those, whom only he now held dear, which were, Theogenia, and her children. Therefore he advised her and them to fly before they were surprised: for that otherwise they could by no means avoid, either death, or somewhat that would be worse. He gave them all his treasures and goods, wherewith he even compelled them (weeping to leave him desolate in so 〈◊〉 a case) to embark themselves hastily, and make speed into Egypt. After their departure, whither he threw himself into the fire, or whither his disease consumed him, there was noon left that cared to attended him; but he ended his life as basely, as 〈◊〉, and in as much want, as he first began it.  
After the death of Agathocles it was, that the Mamertines his Soldiers traitorously occupied Messana, and infested a great part of the Island. Than also did the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 to renew their attempts of conquering all Sicil. What the Nephew of Agathocles did, I cannot find. Likely it is that he quickly perished. For the Sicilians were driven to sand for Pyrrhus to help them, who had married with a daughter of Agathocles. But Pyrrhus was soon weary of the Country (as hath been showed before) and therefore left it; prophesying that it would become a goodly champain field, wherein Rome and Carthage should fight for superioritic. In which business, how these two great Cities did speed, the order of our Story will declare.    

§. V Arecontinuation of the Roman war in Sicil. How HIERON, King of Syracuse, for sook the Carthaginians; and made his peace with Rome.  
WHen Appius Claudius, following the advantage of his victory gotten at Messana, brought the war unto the Gates of Syracuse, and besieged that great City; Hieron found it high time for him to seek peace: knowing that the Carthaginians had neither any reason to be offended with him, for helping himself by what means he could, when they were not in case to give him assistance; and foreseeing withal, that when once he had purchased his quiet from the Romans, it would be free for him to sit still, without 〈◊〉 of molestation, whilst Rome and Carthage were fight for the mastery. In this good mood, the new Roman Consuls, M. Valerius, and C. Octacilius, found him, and readily embraced the offer of his friendship. Yet they made use of their present advantage, and sold him peace for an hundred (some say two hundred) Talents.  
These Consuls had brought a great Army into Sicily; yet did they nothing else in effect, than bring over Hiero to their side. If the Syracusian held them busied (which I find not, otherwise than by circumstances, as, by the sum of money imposed upon him, and by their performing noon other piece of service) all the whole time of their abode in the Island; then was his departure from the friendship of Carthage, no less to his honour, than it was to his commodity. For by no reason could they require, that he should suffer his own Kingdom to run into manifest peril of subersion, for their sakes, that should have received all the profit of the victory: seeing they did expose him to the whole danger, without straining themselves to give him relief. But the Carthaginians had lately made good proof of the strength of Syracuse, in the days of Agathocles: and therefore knew, that it was able to bear out a very strong siege. And hereupon it is like that they were the more slack, in sending help: if (perhaps) it were not some part of their desire, that both Rome and Syracuse should weaken one the other, whereby their own work might be the easier against them both. Yet indeed, the case of the besieged City was not the same, when the Romans lay before it, as it had been, when the Carthaginians attempted it. For there was great reason, to try the uttermost hazard of war against the Carthaginians, who sought no other thing than to bring it into slavery: not so against the Romans, who thought it sufficient, if they could withdraw it from the party of their enemies. Besides, it was not all one to be governed by Agathocles, or by Hiero. The former of these cared not what the citizens endured, so long as he might preserve his own tyranny: the later, as a just and good Prince, had no greater desire than to win the love of his people, by seeking their commodity; but including his own felicity within the public, laboured to uphold both, by honest and faithful dealing. Hereby it come to pass, that he enjoyed a long and happy reign; living dear to his own Subjects, beloved of the Romans, and not greatly molested by the Carthaginians; whom, either the consideration, That they had left him to himself, ere he left their society, made unwilling to seek his ruin; or their more earnest business with the Romans, made unable to compass it.   

§. VI How the Romans besiege and win Agrigentum. Their beginning to maintain a fleet. Their first loss, and first victory by Sea. Of Sea-fight in general.  
H JERON, having sided himself with the Romans, aided them with victuals, and other necessaries: so that they, presuming upon his assistance, recall some part of their forces. The Carthaginians find it high time to bestir them; they sand to the Ligurians, and to the troops they had in Spain, to come to their aid; who being arrived, they made the City of Agrigentum, the seat of the war, against the Romans, filling it with all manner of munition.  
The Roman Consuls, having made 
The compass was ten miles about the walls; and it had sometimes in it eight hundred thousand Inhabitants. This City, by reason of the fertility of the soil, and the neighbourhood of Carthage, grew in a short space from small beginnings, to great glory and riches. The plenty and luxury thereof was so great, as it caused Empedocles to say, That the 〈◊〉 built Palaces of such sumptuosity, as if they meant to live for ever; and made such feasts, as if they meant to die the next day. But their greatest pomp and magnificence, was in their goodly Temples, and Theatres, Water-conduits, and Fishponds: the ruins whereof at this day are sufficient argument, that Rome itself could never boast of the like. In the Porch of the Temple of jupiter Olympius, (by which we may judge of the Temple itself) there was set out on one side the full proportion of the Giants, fight with the gods, all cut out in polished marble of divers colours; a work the most magnificent and rare, that ever hath been seen: on the other side, the war of Troy, and the encounters which happened at that siege; with the personages of the Heroes that were 〈◊〉 in that war; all of the like beautiful stone, and of equal stature to the bodies of men in those ancient times: In comparison of which, the latter works of that kind, are but pertie things, and mere trifles. It would require a volume, to express the magnificence of the Temples of Hercules, 〈◊〉, Concord, 〈◊〉 Lacinia, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, Castor and Pollux, wherein the Masterpieces of those exquisite Painters, and Carvers, 〈◊〉, Zeuxis, Myron, and Polycletus, were to be seen. But in process of time it ran the same fortune that all other great Cities have done, and was ruined by divers calamities of war: whereof this war present brought unto it not the lest.  peace with Hieron, return into Italy; and, in their places, Lucius Posthumius, and Quintus Mamilius, arrive. They go on towards 
* Agrigentum was a goodly City, built by the Gelois, under conduct of Ariston and Pystilus.  Agrigentum: and finding no enemy in the field, they besiege it, though it were stuffed with fifty thousand Soldiers. After a while, the time of harvest being come, a part of the Roman army range the Country to gather corn, and those at the siege grow negligent; the Carthaginians sally furiously, and endanger the Roman Army, but are in the end repelled into the town with great loss: but by thesmart felt on both sides, the Assailants redoubled their guards, & the besieged kept within their covert. Yet the Romans, the better to assure themselves, cut a deep trench, between the walls of the City and their Camp: and another on the out side 〈◊〉; that neither the Carthaginians might force any quarter suddenly, by a sally, nor those of the Country without, break upon them unawares: which double defence kept the besieged also from the receiving any relief of victuals, and munitions, whilst the Syracusan supplies the assailants with what they went. The besieged sand for succour to Carthage: after they had been in this sort penned up five months. The 〈◊〉 embark an Army, with certain Elephants, under the command of Hanno; who arrives with it at 〈◊〉, to the West of Agrigentum. Hanno puts himself into the field, and surpriseth Erbesus, a City wherein the Romans had bestowed all their provision. By means hereof, the famine without grew to be as great, as it was within Agrigentum; and the Roman camp no less straightly assieged by Hanno, than the City was by the Romans: insomuch, as if Hieron had not supplied them, they had been forced to abandon the siege. But seeing that this distress was not enough to make them rise; Hanno determined to give them battle. To which end departing from Heraclia, 〈◊〉 makes approach unto the Roman camp. The Romans resolve to sustain him, and put themselves in order. Hanno directs the Numidian horsemen to charge their Vanguard, to the end to draw them further on; which done, he commands them to return as broken, till they come to the body of the Army, that lay shadowed behind some rising ground. The Numidians perform 〈◊〉 accordingly; and while the Romans pursued the Numidians, Hanno gives upon them, and having slaughtered many, beats the rest into their Trenches.  
After this encounter, the Carthaginians made no other attempt for two months, but lay strongly encamped, waiting until some opportunity should invite them. But Annibal, that was besieged in Agrigentum, as well by signs as messengers, made Hanno know, how ill the extremity which he endured, was able to brook such dilatory courses. Hanno thereupon, a second time, provoked the Consuls to fight. But his Elephants being disordered by his own Vanguard, which was broken by the Romans, he lost the day: and with such as escaped, he recovered Heraclea. Annibal perceiving this, and remaining hopeless of succour, resolved to make his own way. Finding therefore that the Romans, after this days victory, wearied with labour, and secured by their good fortune, kept negligent watch in the night; he rushed out of the Town, with all the remainder of his army, and past by the Roman camp without resistance. The Consuls pursue him in the morning, but in vain: sure they were, that he could not carry the City with him, which with little ado the Romans entered, and pitifully spoiled. The Romans, proud of this victory, purpose henceforth rather to follow the direction of their present good fortunes, than their first determinations. They had resolved in the beginning of this War, only to secure the Mamertines, and to keep the Carthaginians from their own coasts: but now they determine, to make themselves Lords of all Sicily; and from thence, being favoured with the wind of good success, to sail over into Africa. It is the disease of Kings, of States, and of private men, to 〈◊〉 the greatest things, but not to enjoy the lest; the desire of that which we neither have nor need, taking from us the true use and fruition of what we have already. This curse upon mortal men, was never taken from them since the beginning of the World to this day.  
To prosecute this War, Lucius Valerius and Titus Octacilius, two new Consuls, are sent into Sicil. Whereupon, the Romans being Masters of the field, many inland Towns gave themselves unto them. On the contrary, the Carthaganians keeping still the Lordship of the Sea, many maritimate places become theirs. The Romans therefore, as well to secure their own coasts, often invaded by the African fleets, as also to equal themselves in every kind of warfare with their enemies, determine to make a fleet. And herein fortune favoured them with this accident, that being altogether ignorant in shipwrights-craft, a storm of wind thrust one of the Carthaginian Galleys, of five banks, to the shore.  
Now had the Romans a pattern, and by it they began to set up an hundred Quinqueremes, which were Galleys, rowed by five on every bank, and twenty, of three on a bank: and while these were in preparing, they exercised their men in the feat of rowing. This they did after a strange fashion. They placed upon the Sea-sands many seats, in order of the banks in Galleys, whereon they placed their watermen, and taught them to beaten the sand with long poles, orderly, and as they were directed by the Master, that so they might learn the stroke of the Galley, and how to mount and draw their Oars.  
When their fleet was finished, some rigging and other implements excepted, C. Cornelius, one of the new Consuls (for they changed every year) was made Admiral: who being more in love with this new kind of warfare, then well advised, passed over to Messena with seventeen Galleys, leaving the rest to follow him. There he stayed not, but would needs row alongst the cost to Lipara, hoping to do some piece of service. Hannibal, a Carthaginian, was at the same time Governor in Panormus; who being advertised of this new Seaman's arrival, sent forth one Bloods, a Senator of Carthage, with twenty Galleys to entertain him. Bloods, falling upon the Consul unawares, took both him and the fleet he commanded. When Hannibal received this good news, together with the Roman Galleys, and their Consul; he grew no less foolish hardy than Cornelius had been. For he, fancying to himself to surprise the rest of the Roman fleet, on their own coast, ere they were yet in all points provided; sought them out with a fleet of fifty sail: wherewith falling among them, he was well beaten, and leaving the greater number of his own behind him, made an hard escape with the rest: for of one hundred and twenty Galleys, the Romans under Cornelius had lost but seventeen, so as one hundred and three remained, which were not easily beaten by fifty.  
The Romans, being advertised of Cornelius his overthrow, make haste to redeem him, but give the charge of their fleet to his Colleague, Duilius. Duilius, 〈◊〉 that the Roman vessels were heavy and slow, the African Galleys having the speed of them, devised a certain engine in the prow of his Galleys, whereby they might fasten or grapple themselves with their enemies, when theywere (as we call it) board and board, that is, when they brought the Galleys sides together. This done, the weightier ships had gotten the advantage, and the Africans lost it. For neither did their swiftness serve them, nor their Mariner's craft; the Vessels, wherein both Nations fought, being open: so that all was to be carried by the advantage of weapon, and valour of the men. Besides this, as the heavier Galleys were likely to crush and crack the sides of the lighter and weaker, so were they by reason of their breadth, more steady; and those that best kept their feet, could also best use their hands. The example may be given between one of the long boats of his majesties great ships, and a London barge.  
Certainly, he that will happily perform a fight at Sea, must be skilful in making choice of Vessels to fight in: he must believe, that there is more belonging to a good man of war, upon the waters, than great during; and must know, that there is a great deal of difference, between fight lose or at large, and grappling. The Guns of a slow ship pierce as well, and make as great holes, as those in a swift. To clap ships together, without consideration, belongs rather to a mad man, than to a man of war: for by such an ignorant bravery was Peter 〈◊〉, lost at the Vs, when he fought against the marquess of Santa Cruz. In like sort had the Lord Charles Howard, Admiral of England, been lost in the year 1588. if he had not been better advised, than a great many malignant fools were, that found fault with his demeanour. The Spaniards had an Army aboard them; and he had noon: they had more ships than he had, and of higher building and charging; so that, had he entangled himself with those great and powerful Vessels, he had greatly endangered this Kingdom of England. For twenty men upon the defences, are equal to an hundred that board and enter; whereas then, contrariwise, the Spaniards had an hundred, for twenty of ours, to defend themselves withal. But our Admiral knew his advantage, and held it: which had he not done, he had not been worthy to have held his head. Hear to speak in general of Sea-fight (for particulars are fit for private hands, then for the Press) I say, That a fleet of twenty ships, all good sailors, and good ships, have the advantage, on the open Sea, of an hundred as good ships, and of slower sailing. For if the fleet of an hundred sail keep themselves near together, in a 〈◊〉 squadron; the twenty ships, charging them upon any angle, shall force them to give ground, and to fall back upon their next fellows: of which so many as entangle, are made unserviceable, or lost. Force them they may easily, because the twenty ships, which give themselves scope, after they have given one broad side of Artillery, by clapping into the wind, and staying, they may give them the other: and so the twenty ships batter them in pieces with a perpetual volley; whereas those, that fight in a troop, have no room to turn, and can always use but one and the same beaten side. If the fleet of an hundred sail give themselves any distance, then shall the lesser fleet prevail, either against those that are a-reare and hindmost, or against those, that by advantage of over-sailing their fellows keep the wind: and if upon a Lee-shore, the ships next the wind be constrained to fall back into their own squadron, than it is all to nothing, that the whole fleet must suffer shipwreck, or tender itself. That such advantage may be taken upon a fleet of unequal speed, it hath been well enough conceived in old time; as by that Oration of Hermocrates, in Thucydides, 
〈◊〉. l. 6.  which he made to the Syracusians, when the Athenians invaded them, it may easily be observed.  
Of the Art of War by Sea, I had written a Treatise, for the Lord HENRY, Prince of Wales; a subject, to my knowledge, never handled by any man, ancient or modern: but God hath spared me the labour of finishing it, by his loss; by the loss of that brave Prince; of which, like an Eclipse of the Sun, we shall find the effects hereafter. Impossible it is to equal words and sorrows; I will therefore leave him in the hands of God that hath him. Curae leaves loquuntur, ingentes stupent.  
But it is now time to return to the beaten Carthaginians; who by losing their advantage of swift boats, and boarding the Romans, have lost fifty sail of their Galleys: as on the other side, their enemies by commanding the Seas, have gotten liberty to sail about the West part of Sicily; where they raised the siege laid unto Segesta, by the Carthaginians, and won the Town of Macella, with some other places.   

§. VII. divers enterfeats of war, between the Romans and Carthaginians, with variable success. The Romans prepare to invade Africa: and obtain a great victory at Sea.  
THe victory of Duilius, as it was honoured at Rome, with the first Naval triumph, that was ever seen in that City; so gave it unto the Romans a great encouragement, to proceed in their wars by Sea; whereby they hoped, not only to get Sicily, but all the other Isles between Italy and Africa, beginning with Sardinia, wither soon after they sent a fleet for that purpose. On the contrary side, Amilcar the 〈◊〉, lying in Panormus, carefully waited for all occasions, that might help to recompense the late misfortune: and being advertised, that some quarrel was grown between the Roman Soldiers, and their Auxiliaries, being such as caused them to encamp apart, he sent forth Hanno to set upon them; who taking them unawares, buried four thousand of them in the place. Now during the continuance of the Land-warre in Sicily, Hannibal, who had lately been beaten by Sea, but escaped unto Carthage, meaning to make amendss for his 〈◊〉 error, obtained the trust of a new fleet, where with he arrived at Sardinia: the conquest of which Island, the Romans had entertained 〈◊〉 their next enterprise. Now it so cell out, that the Romans, crossing the Seas from Sicily, arrived in the Port where 〈◊〉 with his new fleet anchored. They set upon him unawares, and took the better part of the fleet which he conducted; himself hardly escaping their danger. But it little availed him to have escaped from the Romans. His good friends the Carthaginians, were so ill pleased with this his second unfortunate voyage, that they hanged him up for his diligence: for (as it hath been said of old) Non est bis in bellopeccare; In war it is too much to offend twice.  
After this, it was long 〈◊〉 any thing of importance was done by the Consuls, till 
* If we may give credit to Antiquities which Fazellus, a diligent writer, hath left us in his History of Sicily; 〈◊〉, now called Palermo, is one of the first Cities that hath been built in all Europe. For whereas 〈◊〉 seems to make it a Colony of the Phoenicians; Ranzanus, in libello de Panormo, lib. 6. affirms that it was first, and long before the time which 〈◊〉 sets down, founded by the Chaldaeans, and Damascenes. To prove which, he tells us of two inscriptions upon marble in the Hebrew Character, found at Panormus in the time of William the second, King of Sicily, that were then beheld of all the Citizens, and other strangers; which, being translated into Latin, say as follows: 〈◊〉 Isaac filio Abrahae, & regnant in 〈◊〉, atq, in Valle Damascena, Esau filio Isaac; ingens Hebraeorum manus, quibus adiuncti sunt 〈◊〉 Damasceni, atque, Phoenices, profecti inhanc 〈◊〉 Insulam, sedes perpetuas 〈◊〉 in hoc 〈◊〉 loco, quem Panormum 〈◊〉. In the other marble table are found these words: Non est alius Deus 〈◊〉 unum Deum; non est alius Potens, praeter eundem Deum, etc. 〈◊〉 Turris Praefectus est Saphu, filius Eliphar filij Esau, 〈◊〉 jacob filij Isaac, filij Abrahami: & Turriquidem ipsi nomen est Baych; sed Turrihuic proximae nomen est Pharah. And this inscription (saith Fazellus) was found entire in the Castle Baych, in the year one thousand five hundred, thirty and four. Now whither these inscriptions were truly as ancient, as these men believe they were, I leave every man to his own faith. But that the City was of aged times, it appears by Thucydides, who affirmeth; when the Greeks' passed first into Sicily, that then the Phoenicians inhabited Panormus: which certain it is that they did in the first Punik war; to wit, the Carthaginians, who were Pboenicians, from whom the Romans (A. Aquilius, and C. Corneliu, commanding this Army) took it. And when Marcellus besieged Syracuse, it sent him in aid three thousand Soldiers. But it was rather confederate, than subject to the Romans. For Ciccro against Verres, names it among the 〈◊〉 Cities of Sicil. After Siracuse destroyed, it become the first City and Regal seat, as well of the Goths and Saracens in that Island, as of the Emperors of Constantinople; of the Normans, French, and Arragonians: which honour it holds to this day, and is much frequented, for the excellent wine which grows about it.  Panormus was besieged: where, when the Romans had sought in vain to draw the Carthaginians into the field; being unable to force that great City, because of the strong Garrison therein bestowed: they departed thence, and took certain inland Towns, as Mytistratum, Enna, Camerina, Hippana, and others, between Panormus and Messana. The year following, C. Atilius the Consul, who commanded the Roman fleet, discovered a Company of the Carthaginian Galleys, ranging the coast: and, not staying for his whole number, pursued them with ten of his. But he was well beaten for the haste he made, and lost all, save the Galley which transported him: wherein himself escaped with great labour. But ere all was done, the rest of 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 was gotten up: who renewing the fight, recovered from the Carthaginians a double number of theirs; by which the victory remaining doubtful, both challenge it. Now to try at once, which of these two Nations should command the Seas, they both prepare all they can. The Romans make a fleet of three hundred and thirty Galleys; the Carthaginians, of three hundred and fifty, 
** The 〈◊〉 are Galleys, wherein every Oar hath five men to draw it: the Quadriremes had four to an Oar: and the Triremes, three. Some have thought, that the Quinqueremes had five ranks of Oars, one over another; and the other Galleys (rateably) fewer. But had this been so, they must then have had five decks each over other: which hath seldom been seen in ships of a thousand Tons, neither could the third, fourth, and fift ranks, have reached unto the water with the Oars.  Triremes, Quadriremes, and Quinqueremes.  
The Romans resolve to transport the war into Africa; the Carthaginians, to arrest them on the coast of Sicil. The numbers, with which each of them filled their fleet, was (perhaps) the greatest that ever fought on the waters. By Polybius his estimation, there were in the Roman Galleys an hundred and forty thousand men; and in those of Carthage, an hundred and fifty thousand: reckoning one hundred and twenty Soldiers, and three hundred Rowers, to every Galley, one with the other. The Roman fleet was divided into four parts, of which the three first made the form of a Wedge or Triangle; the two first squadrons making the Flanks, and the third squadron, the Base: the point thereof (wherein were the two 〈◊〉 as Admirails) looking toward the enemy and the middle space lying empty. Their 〈◊〉 of carriage were towed by the third squadron. After all come up the fourth, in form of a Crescent; very well manned, but exceeding thin: so that the horns of it 〈◊〉 all the third squadron, together with the corners of the first and second. The order of the Carthaginian fleet 〈◊〉 cannot 〈◊〉 by the relation; but, by the manner of the fight afterwards, I conjecture, that the front of their fleet was thin, and stretched in a great length, much like to that which the French call Combat en 〈◊〉; a long front of horse, and thin: which form, since the Pistol 〈◊〉 over the Lance, they have changed. Behind this first outstretched front, their Battalions were more solid: for Amilcar, Admiral of the Cathaginians, had thus ordered them, of purpose, (his Galleys having the speed of the 〈◊〉) that, when the first fleet of the Romans hasted to break through the 〈◊〉 Galleys, they should all turn tail, and the Romans pursuing them (as after a victory) 〈◊〉 themselves, and, for 〈◊〉 of taking the Run aways, leave their other three squadrons far behind them. For so it must needs 〈◊〉 out; 〈◊〉 that the third squadron towed their horse boats, and victuallers; and the fourth had the Rearward of 〈◊〉. According to Hamilcar's direction it succeeded. For when the Romans had charged, and broken, the thin front of the 〈◊〉 first 〈◊〉, which ran away they forthwith gave after them with all speed possible, not so 〈◊〉 has looking behind 〈◊〉 for the second squadron. Hereby the 〈◊〉 were drawn near unto the body of the 〈◊〉 fleet, led by Amilcar, and by him (at the first) received great loss 〈◊〉 their second squadron come up, which so 〈◊〉 Amilcar to betake him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oars. 〈◊〉 also, who commanded the right wing of the Carthaginian fleet, invaded the Roman Rearward, and prevailed against them. But 〈◊〉 being beaten 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fell back to their succour, and put the 〈◊〉 to their heels; as not able to sullen both squadrons. The Rear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the 〈◊〉 come to the aid of their third Battalion, which towed their victuaders, which 〈◊〉 also in great danger of being beaten by the Africans: but the Consuls, 〈◊〉 their squadrons to it, but the Carthaginians on that part also to running. 〈◊〉 his victory fell to the Romans, partly by the hardiness of their Soldiers; but principally, for that Amilcar, being first beaten, could never after join himself to any of his other 〈◊〉, that remained as yet in fair likelihood of prevailing, so long as they fought upon even terms, and but squadron to squadron. But Amilcar, forsaking the 〈◊〉, thereby left a full fourth part of the Roman fleet uningaged, and ready to give 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 of the other parts that were oppressed. So as in conclusion, the Romans got the honour of the day: for they lost but four and twenty of theirs; whereas the Africans lost thirty that were sunk, and threescore and three that 〈◊〉 taken.  
Now, if Amilcar, who had more Galleys than the Romans, had also divided his fleet into four squadrons, (besides those that he ranged in the 〈◊〉 to draw on the enemies, and to engage them) and that, while he himself fought with one squadron that charged him, all the rest of the enemies fleet had been at the same time entertained, he had prevailed: But the second squadron, being free, come to the rescue of the first, by which Amilcar was oppressed: and Amilcar, being oppressed and scattered, the Consuls had good leisure to relieve both their third and fourth squadron and got the victory.  
Charles the fift, among other his Precepts to Philip the second his son, where he adviseth him concerning War against the Turks, tells him, that in all battles between them and the 〈◊〉, he should never fail to charge the janisars in the beginning of the fight, and to engage them at once with the rest. For (saith he) the janisars, who are always reserved entire in the Rear of the battle, and in whom the Turk reposeth his greatest confidence; come up in a gross body, when all the troops, on both sides are disbanded and in confusion; whereby they carry the victory before them without 〈◊〉. By the same order of fight, and reservation, did the Romans also 〈◊〉 against other Nations. For they kept their 〈◊〉 in store (who were the choice of their Army) for the upshot and last blow. A great and a victorious advantage it hath ever been found, to keep some one or two good troops to look on, when all else are disbanded and engaged.   

§. VIII. The Romans prevail in Africa. ATILIUS the Consullpropoundeth intolerable conditions of peace to the Carthaginians. He is utterly beaten, and made prisoner.  
NOw the Romans, according to their former resolution, after they had repaired and re-victualled their fleet, set sail for Africa, and arrived at the Promontory of Hercules, a great Head-land, somewhat to the East of the Port of Carthage, and some forty leagues from Heraclea in Sicily, where Amilcar himself as yet stayed. From this Head-land (leaving the entrance into Carthage) they coasted the eastside of the Promontory, till they come to Clypea, a Town, about fifty English mile from it. There they disimbarked, and prepared to besiege Clypea; which, to ease them of labour, was yielded unto them. Now had they a Port of their own on Africa side; without which all invasions are foolish. By this time were the Africans also arrived at their own Carthage; fearing that the Roman fleet and army had directed themselves thither: but being advertised, that they had taken Clypea, they made provisions of all sorts: both by Sea and Land, for their defence. The Romans sand to Rome for directions, and in the mean while waste all round about them. The order given from the Senate, was, that one of the Consuls should remain with the Army, and that the other should return, with the fleet into Italy. According to this directiou, Manlius the Consul is sent home to Rome; wither he carried with him twenty thousand African captains, with all the Roman fleet and army; except forty ships, fifteen thousand foot, and five hundred horse, that were left with Atilius.  
With these forces, Regulus easily wan some Towns and Places, that were unwalled, and laid siege to others. But he performed no great matter, before he come unto Adis. Yet I hold it worthy of relation, that near unto the River of Bagrada, he encountered with a Serpent of one hundred and twenty foot long, which he slew, not without loss of many Soldiers, being driven to use against it such engines of war, as served properly for the assaulting of Towns. At Adis he met with the Carthaginian Army, whereof the Captains were Hanno and Bostar, together with Amilcar, who had brought over out of Sicily five thousand foot, and five hundred horse to secure his Country. These (belike) had an intent; rather to weary him out of Africa, by wary protraction of time, than to undergo the hazard of a main fight. They were careful to hold themselves free, from necessity of coming to blows yet had they a great desire, to save the Town of Adis out of his hands. Intending therefore to follow their general purpose, and yet to disturb him in the siege of Adis, they encamp near unto him, and strongly (as they think) on the top of an hill: but thereby they lose the services, both of their Elephants, and of their horsemen. This disadvantage of theirs Regulus discovers, and makes use of it. He assails them in their strength, which they defend awhile; but in fine the Romans prevail, and force them from the place, taking the spoil of their camp. Following this their good fortune at the heels, they proceed to 
* This City was taken from the Turks by Charles the fift, in the year 1536. and was one of the three Keys, which he gave in charge to Philip the second his son to keep safe; to wit, this Tunis, the Key of Africa: Flushing, the Key of the Netherlandss: and Cadiz, the Key of Spain. But two of these Philip so lost, that he never found them again; the third, our English were bold, in the time of the renowned Queen Elizabeth, to wring out of his hands: where we stayed not to pick any lock, but broke open the doors, and hane rifled all, threw it into the fire.  Tunis a City within sixteen miles of Carthage, which they assault and take.  
By the loss of this battle at Adis, and more especially by the loss of Tunis, the Carthaginians were greatly dismayed. The Numidians, their next Neighbours towards the West, insult upon their misfortunes; invade, and spoil their Territory, and force those that inhabit abroad, to forsake their villages and fields, and to hide themselves within the walls of Carthage. By reason hereof, a great famine at hand threatens the Citizens. Atilius finds his own advantage, and assures himself that the City could not long hold out: yet he feared jest it might defend itself, until his time of Office, that was near expired, should be quite 〈◊〉 out, whereby the new Consuls were like to reap the honour of obtaining it. Ambition therefore, that hath no respect but to itself, persuades him to treat of peace with the Carthaginians. But he propounded unto them so unworthy and base conditions, as thereby their hearts, formerly possessed with fear, become now so courageous and disdainful, that they resolved, either to defend their liberty, or to die to the last man. To strengthen this their resolution, there arrived at the same time a great troop of Greeks', whom they had formerly sent to entertain. Among these was a very expert Soldier, named Xantippus, a Spartan: who being informed of what had passed, and of the overthrow which the Carthaginians received near unto Adis, gave it out publicly, that the same was occasioned by 〈◊〉 of the Commanders, and not of the Nation. This bruit ran, till it come to the Senate; Xantippus is sent for; gives the reason of his opinion; and in conclusion, being made General of the African forces, he puts himself into the field. The Army which he led, consisted of no more than twelve thousand foot, and four thousand horse, with an hundred Elephants. Not greater were the forces, wherewith the Carthaginians sought for all that they had, Liberty, lives, Goods, Wives, and Children: which might well make it suspected, that the Armies by Sea, before spoken of, were misse-numbred; the one consisting of an hundred and forty thousand, and the other of an hundred and fifty thousand: were it not commonly found, that they which use the service of mercenary Soldiers, are stronger abroad, than at their own doors.  
Xantippus, taking the field with this Army, marched directly towards the Romans; and ranging his troops upon fair and level ground, fittest both for his Elephants and Horse, presented them battle. The Romans wondered, whence this new courage of their enemies might grow: but confident they were that it should be soon abated. Their chief care was, how to resist the violence of the Elephants. Against them they placed the Velites, or light-armed Soldiers, as a 〈◊〉 hope; that these might, either with darts and other casting weapons, drive back the beasts upon the enemies, or at lest break their violence, and hinder them from rushing freely upon the Legions. To the same end, they made their battles deeper in file, than they had been accustomed to do. By which means, as they were the less subject unto the impression of the Elephants; so were they the more exposed unto the violence of horse, wherein the enemy did far exceed them. The Elephants were placed by Xantippus, all in one rank, before his Army; which followed them at a reasonable distance: his horsemen, and some light-armed foot, of the Carthaginians Auxiliaries, were in the wings. The first onset was given by the Elephants, against which the Velites were so unable to make resistance, that they broke into the battalions following, and put them into some disorder. In this case, the depth of the Roman battle was helpful. For when the beasts had spent their force, in piercing through a few of the first ranks; the squadrons nevertheless persisted in their order, without opening. But the Carthaginian horse, having at the first encounter, by reason of their advantage in number, driven those of Atilius out of the field, began to charge the Roman battalions in flank, and put them in great distress; who being forced to turn face every way, could neither pass forward, nor yet retire; but had much ado to make good the ground whereon they stood. In the mean while, such of the Romans, as had escaped the fury of the Elephants, and left them at their backs, fell upon the Carthaginian Army, that met them in very good array. It was no even match. The one were a disordered Company, 〈◊〉 with labour, and hurt; the other, fresh, and well prepared, to have dealt with the enemy upon equal terms. Here was therefore a greater slaughter with little fight; the Romans hastily recoiling to the body of their 〈◊〉, which being surrounded with the enemy, and spent with travail, fell all to rout, upon the defeat of these troops, that open the way to a general overthrow. So the Carthaginians obtained a full victory; destroying the whole Roman Army, save two thousand, and taking five hundred prisoners, together with Atilius the Consul. Of their own they lost no more than eight hundred mercenaries, which were slain, when the fight began, by two thousand of the Romans: that wheeling about, to avoid the Elephants, bore down all before them, and made way even to the Carthaginian trenches. These were the two thousand that escaped, when the whole Army behind them was routed. All the rest were either taken or slain. Hereby fortune made the Romans know, that they were no less her vassals, than were the Carthaginians: how insolent soever they had been in their proposition of peace, as if they had purch ased from her the inheritance of their 〈◊〉, which she never gave nor sold to any mortal man. With what joy these news were welcomed, when they come to Carthage, we may easily conjecture; and what 〈◊〉 things the virtue of one man hath often brought to pass in the World, there are many examples to prove, no less than this of Xantippus: all of them confirming that sentence of EURYPIDES, Mens una sapiens, plurium vincit manus; Many men's hands equal not one wise mind.  
After this great service done to the Carthaginians, Xantippus returned into Greece; whither for that he was more envied then honoured, or for what other cause it is unknown.  
The death of Atilius Regulus the Consul, was very memorable. He was sent from Carthage to Rome, about the exchange and ran some of prisoners on both sides: giving his faith to return if the business were not 〈◊〉. When he come to Rome, and plainly seen that his Country should lose by the bargain: so far was he from urging the Senate unto compassion of his own misery, that he 〈◊〉 persuaded to have the prisoners in Africa left to their ill destinies. This done, he returned to 〈◊〉: where for his 〈◊〉 taken, he was rewarded with an horrible death. For this his constancy and faith, all Writers highly 〈◊〉 him. But the Carthaginians seem to have judged him an obstinate and malicious enemy; that neither in his prosperity would hearken to reason, nor yet in his calamity would have the natural care, to perserue himself and others, by yielding to such an office of humanity, as is common in all wars (not grounded upon deadly hatred) only in regard of some small advantage. Whatsoever the Carthaginians thought of him; sure it is, that his faithful observance of his word given, cannot be too much commended. But that grave speech, which he made in the Senate, against the exchange of prisoners, appears, in all reason, to have proceeded from a vainglorious 〈◊〉, rather than from any necessity of state. For the exchange was made soon after his death; wherein the Romans had the worse bargain, by so much as Regulus himself was worth. As for the authority of all Historians, that magnify him in this point; we are to consider that they lived under the Roman Empire: Philinus, the 〈◊〉, perhaps did censure it otherwise. Yet the death which he suffered with extreme torments, could not be more grievous to him than it was dishonourable to Carthage. Neither do I think that the Carthaginians could 〈◊〉 themselves herein; otherwise than by 〈◊〉: saying, That the Romans deserved to be no better entreated for as much as it was their ordinary practice to use others in the like sort. Cruelty doth not become more warrantable, but rather more odious, by being customary. It was the Roman fashion, to whip almost to death, and then to behead, the Captains of their enemies whom they took, yea although they were such, as had always made saire wars with them. Wherhfore it seems not meet, in reason, that they should cry out against the like tyrannical insolence in others, as if it were lawful only in themselves.  
The consideration both of this misfortune, that rewarded the pride of Atilius his intolerable demands; and of the sudden valour, whereinto the Carthaginians fear was changed by mere desperation; calls to remembrance the like 〈◊〉 of others in prosperity, that hath bred the like resolution in those, to whom all reasonable grace hath been denied. In such cases I never hold it impertinent, to add unto one, more testimonies; approving the true rules, from which our passions carry us 〈◊〉.  
In the year 1378. the Genoese won so fast upon the Venetians, as they not only drove their Galleys out of the Sea, but they brought their own fleet within two miles of Venice itself. This bred such an amazement in the Citizens of Venice, that they offered unto the Genoese (their state reserved) whatsoever they would demand. But Peter Doria, blown up with many former victories, would hearken to no composition; save the yielding of their City and State to his discretion. Hereupon, the Venetians, being filled with disdain, thrust out to Sea with all their remaining power, and 〈◊〉 Doria with such desperate fury, that they break his fleet; kill Doria himself; take nineteen ofhis Galleys, fourscore boats of Padua, and four thousand prisoners; recover Chiozza, and all the places taken from them; and following their victory, enter the Port of Genoa, enforcing the Genoese, basely to beg peace, to their extreme dishonour and disadvantage, being beaten; which, being victorious, they might have commanded, to their greatest honour and advantage. The like happened to the Earl of Flanders, in the year 1380. when having taken a notable, and withal an over-cruell revenge upon the Gantois, he refused mercy to the rest, who in all humility, submitting themselves to his obedience, offered their City, goods, and estates, to be disposed at his pleasure. This when he had unadvisedly refused, and was resolved to extinguish them utterly; they issue out of their City with five thousand chosen men, and armed with a desperate resolution, they charge the Earl, break his Army, enter Bruges (pellmell) with his vanquished followers; and enforce him to hide himself under an heap of straw, in a poor cottage; out of which with great difficulty he escaped, and saved himself. Such are the first-fruits of insolency.   

§. IX.. How the affairs of Carthage prospered after the victory against ATILIUS: How the Romans having lost their fleet by tempest, resolve to forsake the Seas: The great advantages of a good fleet in war, between Nations divided by the Sea.  
BY the reputation of this late victory, all places that had been lost in Africa, return to the obedience of Carthage. Only Clypea stands out; before which the Carthaginians sit down, and assail it, but in vain: For the Romans, hearing of the loss of Atilius with their forces in Africa, and withal; that Clypea was besieged, make ready a gross Army, and transport it in a fleet of 〈◊〉 hundred and 〈◊〉 Galleys, commanded by M. Aemilius, and Ser. Fuluius, their Consuls. At the Promontory of Mercury, two hundred Carthaginian Galleys, set out of purpose, upon the bruit of their coming, encounter them: but greatly to their cost. For the Romans took by force an hundred and fourteen of their fleet, and drew them after them to Clypea; where they stayed no longer, than to take in their own men that had been besieged: and this done, they made amain to ward Sicily, in hope to recover all that the Carthaginians held therein. In this hasty voyage they despise the advice of the Pilots, who pray them to find harbour in time, for that the season threatened some violent storms; which ever happened 〈◊〉 the rising of Orion, and of the 
* There is no Part of the World, which hath not some 〈◊〉 times of outrageous weather besides their accidental storms. We have upon 〈◊〉 coast a Michaelmas flaw, that seldom or never fails: In the west Indieses, in the months of August and September, those most forcible winds, which the Spaniards call the 〈◊〉, or Northwinds, are very fearful: and therefore they that Navigate in those parts, take harbour till those months take end. Cbarles the fift being as ill advised, in passing the 〈◊〉 towards Algire, in the Winter quarter, contrary to the counsel of A. Doria, as he was in like unseasonable times to continued his siege before 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉, lost an hundred and forty ships by tempest, and fifteen Galleys, with all in effect in them of men, victuals, horses, and munition: a lofse no less great, than his retreat, both from before the one and the other, was extreme dishonourable.  Dogstarre. Now although the Pilots of the Roman 〈◊〉 had thus forewarned them of the weather at hand, and certified them withal, that the South coast of Sicily had no good Ports, wherein to save themselves upon such an accident: yet this victorious Nation was persuaded, that the wind and seas feared them no less, than did the Africans; and that they were able to conquer the Elements themselves. So refusing to stay within some Port, as they were advised, they would needs put out to Sea; thinking it a matter much helping their reputation, after this victory against the Carthaginian fleet; to take a few worthless Towns upon the coast. The merciless winds in the mean while overtake them, and near unto Camerina, 〈◊〉 and thrust headlong on the rocks, all but 〈◊〉 of three hundred and 〈◊〉 ships: so as their former great victory was devoured by the Seas, before the fame thereof recovered Rome.  
The Carthaginians, hearing what had happened, repair all their warlike Vessels, hoping once again to command the Seas: they are also as confident of their land-forces since the overthrow of Atilius. They sand Asdrubal into Sicily with all their old Soldiers, and an hundred and forty Elephants, embarked in two hundred Galleys. With this Army and fleet he arrives at Lilybaeum; where he begins to vex the Partisans of Rome. But adversity doth not discourage the Romans: They build in three months (a matter of great note) one hundred and twenty ships; with which, and the remainder of their late shipwreck, they row to Panormus, or 〈◊〉, the chief City of the Africans in Sicily, and surround it by Land and Water: after a while they take it, and leaving a Garrison therein, return to Rome.  
Very desirous the Romans were to be doing in Africa: to which purpose they employed C. Servilius, and C. Sempronius, their Consuls. But these wrought no wonders. Some spoil they made upon the coasts of Africa: but Fortune rob them of all their get. For in their return, they were first set upon the sands, and like to have perished, near unto the lesser Syrteses, where they were feign to heave all overboard, that so they might get off: then, having with much ado doubled the 〈◊〉 of Lilybaeum, in their passage from Panormus towards Italy, they lost an hundred and fifty of their ships by soul weather. A greater discouragement never Nation had; the God of the wars favoured them no more, than the God of the waters afflicted them. Of all that Mars enriched them with upon the Land, Neptune rob them upon the Seas. For they had now lost, besides what they lost in fight, four hundred & six ships and Galleys, with all the munition and Soldiers transported in them.  
The exceeding damage hereby received, persuaded them to give over their Navigation, and their fight by Sea, and to sand only a land-army into Sicily, under L. Caecilius, and F. Furius, their Consuls. These they transported in some threescore ordinary passage-boats, by the straits of Messana, that are not above a mile and an half broad from land to land. In like sort, the overthrow which Atilius received in Africa, occasioned chief by the Elephants, made them less choleric against the Carthaginians, than before; so that for two years after, they kept the high and woody grounds, not daring to fight in the fair and champion Countries. But this late resolution of forsaking the Seas lasted not long. For it was impossible for them to secure those places which they held in Sicily, without a Navy, much less to maintain the war in Africa. For whereas the Romans were to sand forces from Messana to Egesta, to Lilybaeum, and to other places in the extreme West parts of Sicily, making sometimes a march of above an hundred and forty English mile by land, which could not be performed with an Army, and the provisions that follow it, in less than fourteen days; the 〈◊〉 would pass it with their 〈◊〉, in eight and forty hours.  
An old example we have, of that great advantage of transporting Armies by water, between Canutus, and Edmond Ironside. For Canutus, when he had entered the Thames with his Navy and Army, and could not prevail against London, suddenly embarked; and sailing to the West, landed in Dorsetshire, so drawing Edmond and his Army thither. There finding ill entertainment, he again shipped his men, and entered the Severne, making Edmond to march after him, to the succour of Worcestershire, by him greatly spoiled. But when he had Edmond there, he sailed back again to London: by means whereof, he both wearied the King, and spoiled where he pleased, ere secure could arrive. And this was not the lest help, which the Netherlandss have had against the Spaniards, in the defence oftheir liberty, that being Masters of the Sea, they could pass their Army from place to place, unwearied, and entire, with all the Munition and Artillery belonging unto it, in the tenth part of the time, wherein their enemies have been able to do it. Of this, an instance or two. The Count Maurice of Nassau, now living, one of the greatest Captains, and of the worthiest Princes, that either the present or 〈◊〉 Ages have brought forth, in the year 1590. carried his Army by Sea, with forty Canons, to Breda: making countenance either to besiege 〈◊〉, or Gertreviden Berg; which the enemy (in prevention) filled with Soldiers, and victuals. But as soon as the wind served, he suddenly set sail; and arriving in the mouth of the Meuze, turned up the Rhine, and thence to Yssel, and sat down before Zutphen. So before the Spaniards could march over land round about Holland, above fourscore mile, and over many great Rivers, with their Cannon and carriage, Zutphen was taken. Again, when the Spanish 〈◊〉 had overcome this wearisome march, and were now far from home, the Prince Maurice, making countenance to sail up the Rhine, changed his course in the night; and sailing down the stream, he was set down before Hulst in Brabant, ere the Spaniards had knowledge what was become of him. So this Town he also took, before the Spanish army could return. Lastly, the Spanish army was no sooner arrived in Brabant, than the Prince Maurice, well attended by his good fleet, having fortified Hulst, 〈◊〉 sail again, and presented himself before Nymegen in Gelders, a City of notable importance, and mastered it.  
And to say the truth; it is impossible for any maritime Country, not having the coasts 〈◊〉 fortified, to defend itself against a powerful enemy, that is 〈◊〉 of the Sea. Hereof I had rather, that Spain than England should be an example. Let it 〈◊〉 be supposed, that King Philip the second had fully resolved to hinder Sir john Norris in the year 1589. from presenting Don Antonio, King of 〈◊〉, before the gates of Lysborne; and that he would have kept off the English, by power of his land-forces; as being too weak at Sea, through the great overthrow ofhis mighty Armada, by the fleet of Queen Elizabeth, in the year 〈◊〉. Surely, it had not been hard for him, to prepare an Army, that should be able to resist our eleven thousand. But where should this his Army have been bestowed? If about Lysborne; then would it have been easy unto the English, to take, ransack, and burn the Town of Groin, and to waste the Country round about it. For the great and threatening preparations, of the Earl of Altemira, the marquess of Seralba, and others, did not hinder them from performing all this. Neither did the hasty levy of eight thousand, under the Earl of Andrada, serve to more effect, than the increase of honour to Sr john Norris, and his Associates: considering, that the English charged these, at Puente de Burgos, and passing the great Bridge, behind which they lay, that was flanked with shot, and barricadoed at the further end, routed them; took their camp; took their generals standard with the King's Arms, and pursued them over all the Country, which they fired. If a royal Army, and not (as this was) a Company of private adventurers, had thus begun the war in Galicia; I think it would have made the Spaniards to quit the guard of Portugal, and make haste to the defence of their St. jago, whose Temple was not far from the danger. But, had they held their first resolution; as knowing, that Sir john Norris his main intent was, to bring Don Antonio, with an Army, into his Kingdom, wither coming strong, he expected to be readily and joyfully welcomed: could they have hindered his landing in Portugal? Did not he land at Penicha, and march over the Country to Lysborne, six days journey? Did not he (when all Don Antonio his promises failed) pass along by the River of Lysborne to Cascaliz, and there, having won the Fort, quietly embark his men, and departed? But these, though no more than an handful, yet were they Englishmen. Let us consider of the matter itself; what an other Nation might do, even against England, in landing an Army, by advantage of a fleet, if we had noon. This question, Whither an invading Army may be resisted at their landing upon the coast of England, were there no fleet of ours at the Sea to impeach it; is already handled by a learned Gentleman of our Nation, in his observations upon Caesar's Commentaries, that maintains the affirmative. This he holds only upon supposition; in absence of our shipping: and comparatively; as that it is a more safe and easy course, to defend all the coast of England, than to suffer an enemy to land, and afterwards to fight with him. Surely I hold with him, that it is the best way, to keep our enemy from treading upon our ground: wherein, if we fail, then must we seek to make him wish, that he had stayed at his own home. In such a case, if it should happen, our judgements are to weigh many particular circumstances, that belong not unto this discourse. But making the question general, and positive, Whither England, without help of her fleet, be able to debar an enemy from landing; I hold that it is unable so to do: and therefore I think it most dangerous to make the adventure. For the encouragement of a first victory to an enemy, and the discouragement of being beaten to the invaded, may draw after it a most perilous consequence.  
It is true, that the Martial Monluc, in his Commentaries, doth greatly complain, that by his wanting forces, wherewith to have kept the frontier of Guienne, they of the Protestant religion, after the battle of Moncounter, 〈◊〉 that Country, and gathered great strength and relief thence; for if the King (saith he) would have given me but reasonable means, i euse bien guard a Monsieur l'Admiral, de fair 〈◊〉 ses Chevaux en la Garonne; I would have kept the Admiral from watering his horses in the River of Garonne. Monsieur de Langey, on the contrary side, prefers the not fight upon a frontier with an invading enemy, and commends the delay; which course the Constable of France held, against the Emperor Charles, when he invaded Provence. Great difference I know there is, and a diverse consideration to be had, between such a Country as France is, strengthened with many sortified places; and this of ours, where our Ramparts are but of the bodies of men. And it was of invasions upon firm land, that these great Captains spoke: whose entrances cannot be uncertain. But our question is, of an Army to be transported over Sea, and to be landed again in an enemies Country, and the place left to the choice of the invader. Hereunto I say, That such an Army cannot 〈◊〉 resisted on the coast of England, without a fleet to impeach it; not, nor on the coast of France, or any other Country: except every creak, Port, or sandy Bay, had a powerful Army, in each of them, to make opposition. For let his whole supposition be granted; That Kent is able to furnish twelve thousand foot; and that those twelve thousand be laid in the three best landing places within that County, to wit, three thousand at Margat, three thousand at the Nesse, and six thousand at Foulkston, that is somewhat equally distant from them both; as also that two of these troops (unless some other order be thought more fit) be directed to strengthen the third, when they shall see the enemies fleet to bend towards it: I say, that notwithstanding this provision, if the enemy, setting sail from the Isle of Wight, in the first watch of the night, and towing their long boats at their sternes, shall arrive by dawn of day at the Nesse, and thrust their Army on shore there; it will be hard for those three thousand that are at Margat, (twenty and four long miles from thence) to come time enough to reinforce their fellows at the Nesse. Nay, how shall they at 〈◊〉 be able to do it, who are nearer by more than half the way? seeing that the enemy, at his first arrival, will either make his entrance by force, with three or four hundred shot of great Artillery, and quickly put the first three thousand, that were entrenched at the Nesse, to run; or else give them so much to do, that they shall be glad to sand for help to Foulkston; and perhaps to Margat: whereby those places will be left bore. Now let us suppose, that all the twelve thousand 〈◊〉 Soldiers arrive at the Nesse, ere the enemy can be ready to disimbarque his Army, so that hec shall find it unsafe, to land in the face of so many, prepared to withstand him; yet must we believe, that he will play the best of his own game; and (having liberty to go which way he list) under covert of the night, set sail towards the East, where what shall hinder him to take ground, either at Margat, the Downs, or elsewhere, before they at the Nesse can be well ware of his departure? Certainly, there is nothing more easy than to do it. Yea the like may be said of Waymouth, Purbeck, Poole, and of all landing places on the South Coast. For there is no man ignorant, that Ships, without putting themselves out of breath, will easily outrun the Soldiers that coast them. Les Armees ne volent point en post; Armies neither fly, nor run post, saith a Marshal of France. And I know it to be true, that a fleet of Ships may be seen at Sunset, and after it, at the Lisard; yet by the next morning they may recover Portland, whereas an Army of foot shall not be able to march it in six days. Again, when those troops, lodged on the Seashores, shall be forced to run from place to place in vain, after a fleet of Ships; they will at length sit down in the midway, and leave all at adventure. But say it were otherwise; That the invading enemy will offer to land in some such place, where there shall be an Army of ours ready to receive him; yet it cannot be doubted, but that when the choice of all our trained bands, and the choice of our Commanders and Captains, shall be drawn together (as they were at Tilburie in the year 1588.) to attended the person of the Prince, and for the defence of the City of London: they that remain to guard the coast, can be of no such force, as to encounter an Army like unto that, wherewith it was intended that the Prince of Parma should have landed in England.  
The Isle of Tercera hath taught us by experience, what to think in such a case. There are not many islands in the world, better fenced by nature, and strengthened by art: it being every where hard of 〈◊〉; having no good harbour wherein to shelter a Navy of friends; and upon every cove or watering place a Fort erected, to forbidden the approach of an enemies boat. Yet when Emanuel de Sylva, and Monsieur 
1582.  de Chattels, that held it to the use of Don Antonio, with five or six thousand men, thought to have kept the marquess of Santa Cruz, from setting foot on ground therein; the marquess having showed himself in the Road of Angra, did set sail, ere any was ware of it, and arrived at the Port des Moles, far distant from thence, where he wan a Fort, and landed, ere Monsieur de Chattels, running thither in vain, could come to hinder him. The example of Philip Strossie, slain the year before, without all regard of his worth, and of three hundred French prisoners murdered in cold blood, had instructed the Chattels and his followers, what they might expect at that marquess his hands: Therefore it is not like, that they were slow in carrying relief to Port des Moles. Whither our English would be persuaded to make such diligent haste, from Margat to the Nesse, and back again, it may be doubted. Sure I am, that it were a greater march than all the length of 〈◊〉; whereof the Frenchmen had not measured the one half when they found themselves prevented by the more nimble ships of Spain.  
This may suffice to prove, that a strong Army, in a good fleet, which neither foot, nor horse, is able to follow, cannot be denied to land where it list, in England, France, or elsewhere, unless it be hindered, encountered, and shuffled together, by a 〈◊〉 of equal, or answerable strength.  
The difficult landing of our English, at Fayal, in the year 1597. is alleged against this: which example moves me no way to think, that a large coast may be defended against a strong fleet. I landed those 〈◊〉 in Fayal, myself, and therefore aught to take notice of this instance. For whereas I find an action of my cited, with omission of my name; I may by a civil interpretation, think, that there was no purpose to defraud me of any honour; but rather an opinion, that the enterprise was such, or so ill managed, as that no honour could be due unto it. There were indeed some which were in that voyage, who advised me not to undertake it: and I hearkened unto them, somewhat longer than was requisite, especially, whilst they desired mec, to reserve the title of such an exploit (though it were not great) for a greater person. But when they began to tell me of difficulty: I gave them to understand, the same which I now maintain, that it was more difficult to defend a coast, then to invade it. The truth is, that I could have landed my men with more ease than I did; yea without finding any resistance, if I would have rowed to another place, yea even there where I landed, if I would have taken more company to help me. But, without fearing any imputation of rashness, I may say, that I had more regard of reputation, in that business, than of safety. For I thought it to belong unto the honour of our Prince & Nation, that a few Islanders should not think any advantage great enough, against a fleet set forth by Q. Elizabeth: and further, I was unwilling, that some low-country Captains, and others, not of my own squadron, whose assistance I had refused, should please themselves with a sweet conceit (though it would have been short, when I had landed in some other place) That for want of their help I was driven to turn tail. Therefore I took with me noon, but men assured, Commanders of my own squadron, with some of their followers, and a few other Gentlemen, voluntaries, whom I could not refuse; as, Sir William Brooke, Sir William Harvey, Sir Arthur Gorges, Sir john 〈◊〉, Sir Thomas Ridgeway, Sir Henry Thin, Sir Charles Morgan, Sir Walter Chute, Marcellus Throckmorton, Captain Laurence Kemis, Captain William Morgan, and others, such as well understood themselves and the enemy: by whose help, with God's favour, I made good the enterprise I undertook. As for the working of the Sea, the steepness of the Cliffs, and other troubles, that were not new to us, we overcame them well enough. And these (not withstanding) made five or six Companies of the enemies, that sought to impeach our landing, abandon the wall, whereon their Musketeers lay on the rest for us, and won the place of them without any great loss. This I could have done with less danger, so that it should not have served for example of a rule, that failed even in this example: but the reasons before alleged, (together with other reasons well known to some of the Gentlemen above named, though more private, then to be here laid down) made me rather follow the way of bravery, and take the shorter course; having it still in my own power to fall off when I should think it meet. It is easily said, that the Enemy was more than a Coward; (which yet was more than we knew) neither will I magnify such a small piece of service, by seeking to prove him better: whom had I thought equal to my own followers, I would otherwise have dealt with. But for so much as concerns the Proposition in hand; he that beheld this, may well remember that the same enemy troubled us more in our march towards Fayal, than in our taking the shore; that he sought how to stop us in place of his advantage; that many of our men were slain or hurt by him, among whom Sir Arthur Gorges was shot in that march; and that such, as (thinking all danger to be past, when we had won good footing) would needs follow us to the Town were driven by him, to forsake the pace of a man of war, and betake themselves to an hasty trot.  
For end of this digression, I hope that this question shall never come to trial; his Majesty's many movable Forts will forbidden the experience. And although the English will no less disdain, than any Nation under heaven can do, to be beaten upon their own ground, or elsewhere by a foreign enemy; yet to entertain those that shall assail us, with their own beef in their bellies, and before they eat of our Kentish Capons, I take it to be the wisest way. To do which, his Majesty, after God, will employ his good ships on the Sea, and not trust to any entrenchment upon the shore.   

§. X. How the Romans attempt again to get the mastery of the Seas. The victory of CEACILIUS the Roman Consul at Panormus: The siege of Lilybaeum. How a Rhodian Galley entered Lilybaeum at pleasure, in despite of the Roman fleet. That it is a matter of great difficulty to stop the passage of good ships. The Romans, by reason of grievous losses received, under CLAUDIUS and JUNIUS their Consuls, abandon the Seas again.  
WHen, without a strong Navy, the Romans found it altogether impossible, either to keep what they had already gotten in Sicily, or to enlarge their Dominions in Africa or elsewhere, they resolved once again, notwithstanding their late misadventures, to strengthen their fleet and ships of war. So causing fifty new Galleys to be built, and the old to be repaired, they gave them in charge (together with certain Legions of Soldiers) to the new Consuls, C. Atilius, and L. Manlius. On the other side, Asdrubal perceiving that the Romans, partly by reason of the shipwarke which they had lately suffered, partly by reason of the overthrow which they received by Xantippus in Africa, were less daring than they had been in the beginning of the war; and withal, that one of the Consuls was returned into Italy, with the one half of the Army; and that Caecilius, with only the other half, remained at Panormus: he removed with the Carthaginian forces from Lilybaeum towards it, hoping to provoke Caecilius to fight. But the Consul was better advised. For when Asdrubal had made his approaches somewhat near the Town, Caecilius caused a deep trench to be cut, a good distance without the ditch of the City: between which and his trench he left ground sufficient, to embattle a Legion of his Soldiers. To these he gave order that they should advance themselves, and pass over the new trench, till such time as the African Elephants were thrust upon them. From those beasts he commanded them to retire, by slow degrees, till they had drawn on the Elephants to the brink of the new trench, which they could by no means pass. This they performed accordingly. For when the Elephants were at a stand, they were so gawled and beaten, both by those Soldiers that were on the inside of the trench, and by those that lay in the trench itself, that being enraged by their many wounds, they broke back furiously upon their own foot men, and utterly disordered them. Caecilius, espying this advantage, sallied with all the force he had; and charging the other troops, that stood embattled, he utterly broke them, and put them to their heels; making a great slaughter of them, and taking all their Elephants.  
The report of this victory being brought to Rome, the whole state, filled with courage, prepared a new fleet of two hundred sail, which they sent into Sicily, to give end to that war, that had now lasted fourteen years. With this fleet and army the Romans resolve to attempt Lilybaeum, the only place of importance which the Carthaginians held in Sicily; and all (indeed) save Drepanum, that was near adjoining. They set down before it, and possess themselves of all the places of advantage near unto it, especially of such as command the haven, which had a very difficult entrance. They also beaten to the ground six towers of defence; & by forcible engines weaken so many other parts of the city, as the defendants begin to despair. Yet Himilco, Commander of the Place, faileth not in all that belongs to a man of War. All that is broken, herepaireth with admirable diligence; he maketh many furious sallies, and giveth to the Romans all the affronts that possibly could be made. He hath in Garrison (besides the Citizens) ten thousand Soldiers; among which there are certain Lieutenants, and other petty Officers, that conspire to tender and betray the Town. But the matter is revealed by an Achaean, called Alexon, who had formerly, in danger of the like treason, saved Agrigentum. Himilco useth the help of Alexon, to assure the hired Soldiers; and employeth Hannibal to appease the troops of the Gauls, which did waver, and had sent their agents to the enemy. All promise' constancy and truth; so that the Traitors, being unable to perform what they had undertaken, are feign to live in the Roman camp as fugitives, that had wrought no good whereby to deserve their bread. In the mean while, a supply of ten thousand Soldiers is sent from Carthage to their relief, having Hannibal the son of Amilcar, for their Conductor: who, in despite of all resistance, entered the Port and 〈◊〉, to the incredible joy of the besieged. The old Soldiers, together with the new Companies, (thereto persuaded by Himilco with hope of great reward) resolve to set upon the Romans in their Trenches, and either force them to abandon the siege, or (at lest) to take from them, or set on fire, their engines of battery. The attempt is presently made, and pursued to the uttermost, with great slaughter on both sides. But the Romans being more in number, and having the advantage of the ground, hold still their places, and with extreme difficulty defend their engines.  
They of Carthage desire greatly to understand the state of things at Lilybaeum; but know not how to sand into the Town. A certain Rhodian undertakes the service; and having received his dispatch, sails with one Galley to Aegusa, a little Island near Lilybaeum. Thence, taking his time, he steered directly with the Port; and having a passing swift Galley, he passed through the best of the 〈◊〉, and recovered the water-gate, ere any of those, which the Romans had to guard the Port, could thrust from the shores on either side.  
The next day, neither attending the covert of the dark night, nor dreading to be boarded by the Roman Galleys, who waited his return, he set sail, and shipping his Oars (his Galley being exceeding quick of steerage, and himself expert in all parts of the channel) recovered the Havens mouth, and the Sea, in despite of all the pursuit made after him. Than, finding himself out of danger of being encompassed by many, he turned again towards the mouth of the Haven, challenging any one, if any one durst come forth, to undertake him. This enterprise, and the well performing of it, was very remarkable, and much wondered at in those days: and yet, where there was no great Artillery, nor any other weapons of fire, to kill a-farre-off, the adventure which this Rhodian made, was not greatly hazardous. For in this Age, a valiant and judicious man of war will not fear to pass by the best appointed Fort of Europe, with the help of a good Tide, and a leading gale of wind: no though forty pieces of great Artillery open their mouths against him, and threaten to tear him in pieces.  
In the beginning of our late Queen's time, when Denmark and Sweden were at War; our East-land fleet, bound for Leif-land, was forbidden by the King of Denmark to trade with the subjects of his enemies, and he threatened to sink their ships if they come through the straits of Elsenour. Notwithstanding this, our Merchants (having a ship of her majesties, called the Minion, to defend them) made the adventure; and sustaining some Volleys of shot, kept on their course. The King made all the provision he could, to stop them, or sink them, at their return. But the Minion, commanded (as I take it) by William Burrough, leading the way, did not only pass out with little loss, but did beaten down, with artillery, a great part of the Fort of Elsenour; which at that time was not so well rampard, as now perhaps it is: and the fleet of Merchants that followed him, went through without any wound received. Neither was it long since, that the Duke of Parma besieging Antwerp, and finding no possibility to master it, otherwise then by famine, laid his Cannon on the bank of the River, so well to purpose, and so even with the face of the water, that he thought it impossible for the lest boat to pass by. Yet the Hollanders and Zelanders, not blown up by any wind of glory, but coming to find a good market for their Butter and Cheese, even the poor men, attending their profit when all things were extreme dear in Antwerp, passed in boats of ten or twelve Ton, by the mouth of the Duke's Cannon, in despite of it, when a strong Westerly wind, and a Tide of flood favoured them; as also with a contrary wind, and an ebbing water, they turned back again: so as he was forced, in the end, to build his Stockado overthwart the River, to his marvelous trouble and charge.  
The Fort St. Philip terrified not us in the year 1596. when we ented the Port of Calais; neither did the Fort at Puntal, when we were entered, beaten us from our anchoring by it; though it played upon us with four Demi-cannons within point blanque, from six in the morning till twelve at noon. The siege of Ostend, and of many other places, may be given for proof, how hard a matter it is to stop the passage of a good ship, without another as good to encounter it. Yet this is true, that where a Fort is so set, as that of Angra in Tercera, that there is no passage along beside it, or that the ships are driven to turn upon a bow line towards it, wanting all help of wind and tide; there, and in such places, is it of great 〈◊〉, and fearful: otherwise not.  
But to return to our adventurous Rhodian: He arrives in safety at Carthage, and makes them know the estate of Lilybaeum. Others also, after this take upon them to do the like, and perform it with the same success. The Romans therefore labour to choke the channel; and, for that purpose, fill many Merchant's ships with great stones, and sink them therein. The force of the Tides clears it again in part: but they grounded so many of those great-bellied boats in the best of the entrance, as at last it made a manifest rising and heap, like a ragged Island, in the passage. Hereby it come to pass, that a Carthaginian Galley, taking her course by night, and not suspecting any such impediment, ran herself aground thereon, and was taken. Now comes the brave Rhodian, thinking to enter, as he had done before: but this Carthaginian Galley, a little before taken, gave him chase, and gathered upon him; he finds what she is, both by her form and by her swiftness: and being not able to run from her, 〈◊〉 to fight with her. But she is too well manned for him, so that he is beaten and taken.  
Lilybaeum, after this, is greatly distressed; the Soldiers being worn with labour and watching. But in this despair there rose so violent a tempest, as some of the Romans wooden Towers, by which they overtopped the walls of Lilybaeum, were over-turned. A Greek Soldier undertakes to fire those that were fallen, and performs it: for the fire was no sooner kindled, but being blown unto by the bellows of a tempest, it increased so fast, as it become resistless, and in the end burned all to ashes, and melted the brazen heads of the battering Rams. Hereupon, despair and weariness hinder the Romans from repairing their Engines: so that they resolve, by a long siege, to starve the defendants.  
Upon relation of what had past, a supply of ten thousand Soldiers is sent from Rome, under M. Claudius, the Consul. He arrives at Messana, and marcheth over land to Lilybaeum: where having reinforced the Army, and supplied the Galleys with new Rowers, he propounds the surprise of Drepanum, a City on the other side of the Bay of Lilybaeum. This service the Captains and Soldiers willingly embrace. So the Consul embarks his troops, and arrives on the sudden in the mouth of the Port. Adherbal is Governor of the Town, a valiant and prudent man of war, who being ignorant of the new supply arrived at Lilybaeum, was at first amazed at their sudden approach; but having recovered his spirits, he persuades the Soldiers, rather to fight abroad, than to be enclosed. Herewithal he promiseth great rewards to such, as by their valour shall deserve them; offering to lead them himself, and to fight in the head of his fleet. Having sufficiently encouraged his men, he thrusts into the Sea towards the Romans. The Consul, deceived of his expectation, calls back the foremost Galleys, that he might now marshal them for defence. Hereupon some row backward, some forward, in great confusion. Adherbal finds and follows his advantage, and forceth the 〈◊〉 into a Bay at hand, wherein he rangeth himself, having the land on his back: hoping thereby to keep himself from being encompassed. But he was thereby, and for want of Sea-room, so straightened, as he could not turn himself any way from his enemies, nor range himself in any order. Therefore when he found no hope of resistance, keeping the shore on his left hand, he thrust out of the Bay with thirty Galleys, besides his own, and so fled away: all the rest of his 〈◊〉, to the number of ninety and four ships, were taken or sunk by the Carthaginians. Adherbal for this service is greatly honoured at Carthage; and Claudius, for his indiscretion and flight, as much disgraced at Rome.  
The Romans, notwithstanding this great loss, arm threescore Galleys, with which they sand away L. junius, their Consul, to take charge of their business in Sicily, junius arrives at Messana, where he meets with the whole remainder of the Roman fleet, those excepted which road in the Port of Lilybaeum. One hundred and twenty Galleys he had; and besides these, he had gotten together almost eight hundred ships of burden, which were laden with all necessary provisions for the Army. With this great fleet he arrives at Syracuse, where he stays a while; partly to take in corn; partly, to wait for some, that were too slow of sail, to keep company with him along from Messana. In the mean time, he dispatcheth away to wards Lilybaeum, his Quaestors or Treasurers; to whom he commits the one half of his victuallers, with some Galleys for their convoy.  
Abherbal was not careless, after his late victory: but studied how to use it to the best advantage. The ships and prisoners that he had taken, he sent to Carthage. Of his own Galleys he delivered thirty to Carthalon, who had threescore and ten more under his own charge; and sent him to try, what good might be done against the Roman fleet, in the Haven of Lilybaeum. According to this direction, 〈◊〉 suddenly enters the mouth of that Haven, where he finds the Romans, more attentive to the keeping in of the besieged Carthaginians, than to the defence of their own against another fleet. So he chargeth 〈◊〉, boards and takes some, and fires the rest. The Roman Camp takes alarm, and hastens to the rescue. But Himilco, Governor of the Town, is not behind hand; who sallies out at the same time, and putting the Romans in great distress, gives Carthalon good leisure to go through with his enterprise.  
After this exploit, Carthalon ran all along the South coast of Sicily, devising how to work mischief to the enemy: wherein Fortune presented him with a fair occasion, which he wisely managed. He was advertised by his Scouts, that they had descried, near at hand, a great fleet, consisting of all manner of Vessels. These were the victuallers, which the Consul junius, more hastily than providently, had sent before him towards Lilybaeum, Carthalon was glad to hear of their coming: for he and his men were full of courage, by reason of their late victories. Accounting therefore the great multitude of Roman Hulks approaching, to be rather a prey, than a fleet, likely to make strong opposition, he hastens to encounter them. It fell out according to his expectation. The Romans had no mind to fight: but were glad to 〈◊〉 shelter in an open Road, full of rocks, under covert of a poor Town, belonging to their party; that could help to save them only from the present danger, by lending them engines and other aid, wherewith to beaten off the Carthaginians that assailed them. Carthalon therefore, having taken a few of them, lay waiting for the rest, that could not long ride under those rocks, but would be forced, by any great change of wind, either to put out into the deep, or to save their men, how they could, by taking land, with the loss of all their shipping. Whilst he was busied in this care; the Consul 〈◊〉 drew near, and was discovered. Against him Carthalon makes out, and finds him altogether unprepared to fight, as being wholly ignorant of that which had happened. The Consul had neither means to fly, nor ability to fight. Therefore he likewise ran into a very dangerous creak; thinking no danger so great, as that of the enemy. The Carthaginian, seeing this, betakes himself to a Station between the two Roman fleets; where he watcheth, to see which of them would first stir, with a resolution to assault that, which should first dare to put itself into the Sea. So as now all the three fleets were on the South coast of Sicily, between the Promontory of Pachinus and Lilybaeum; a Tract exceeding dangerous, when the wind stormed at South. The 〈◊〉, who knew the times of tempest, and their signs, finding (belike) some swelling billow (for so we do in the West of England, before a Southerly storm) hasted to double the 〈◊〉 of Pachinus, thereby to cover themselves from the rage at hand. But the Romans, who knew better how to fight, than how to Navigate, and never found any soul weather in the entrails of their beasts, their Soothsayers being all 〈◊〉, were suddenly overtaken with a boisterous South wind, and all their Galleys forced against the rocks, and utterly wracked.  
This calamity so discouraged the Romans, that they resolved again to forsake the Seas, and trust only to the service of their Legions upon firm ground. But such a resolution cannot long hold. Either they must be strong at Sea, or else they 〈◊〉 not make war in an Island, against those that have a mightier fleet. Yet are they to 〈◊〉 excused, in regard of the many great calamities which they had suffered, through their want of skill. Here I cannot forbear to commend the patiented vertueof the Spaniards. We seldom or never find, that any Nation hath endured so many misadventures and miseries, as the Spaniards have done, in their Indian Discoveries. Yet persisting in their enterprises, with an invincible constancy, they have annexed to their Kingdom so many goodly Provinces, as bury the remembrance ofall dangers past. Tempests and shipwrecks, famine, overthrows, mutinies, heat and cold, pestilence, and all manner of diseases, both old and new, together with extreme poverty, and want of all things needful, have been the enemies, wherewith every one of their most noble Discoverers, at one time or other, hath encountered. Many years have passed over some of their heads, in the search of not so many leagues: yea more than one or two, have spent their labour, their wealth, and their lives, in search of a golden Kingdom, without getting further notice of it, than what they had at their first setting forth. All which notwithstanding, the third, fourth, and fift undertakers, have not been disheartened. Surely, they are worthily rewarded with those Treasuries, and Paradises, which they enjoy; and well they deserve to hold them quietly, if they hinder not the like virtue in others, which (perhaps) will not be found.   

§. XI. The City of Eryx is surprised by the Romans, and recovered by AMILCAR; Who stoutly holds war with them five years. The Romans having emptied their common treasury, build a new fleet, at the charges of private men. The great victory at Sea of LUCTATIUS the Consul; whereby the Carthaginians are forced to crave peace. The conditions of the peace between Rome and Carthage.  
THE Romans were careful, to supply with all industry, by land, the want of strength at Sea. Therefore they continued the siege of Lilybaeum, and seek to make sure to themselves all places, wither the enemies ships could not bring relief. The Consul junius, to cure the wound of dishonour, which he had received, bethought him what enterprise to undertake. In the end he resolved to attempt the Mountain and City of Eryx, with the Temple of Venus Erycina: which was the fairest and richest of all the Island; and of these, by cunning or treason, he got possession. Eryx was commodiously seated between Drepanum and Panormus; so that it seemed a fit place for a Garrison, that should restrain the Carthaginians from making roads into the Country. Wherhfore junius fortified both the top of the Mountain, and the first entrance of the passage from the bottom, (both which places were very defensible) with a good strength of men. But shortly after, in the eighteenth year of this war, the Carthaginians sent forth Amilcar, surnamed Barcas, Father of the great Hannibal, with a flect and army, who sailing to the coasts of Italy, did thoroughly repay the spoils which the Romans made in Africa. For he first of all wasted and destroyed the Territories of the Locrines, and of the Brutians, that were dependents of Rome. Than entered he into Sicily; and finding there no walled City in the Carthaginians power, that served fitly to infested the Romans, he occupied a piece of ground of great advantage, and lodged his Army thereon; to 〈◊〉 as well the Romans, that were in Panormus, as those that kept about Eryx, putting himself between both Armies with admirable resolution.  
The place that Amilcar had seized upon, was not only very strong by situation, but had the command of a Port: whereby it gave him opportunity, to scour all the coast of Italy with his fleet, wasting all along as far as to Cuma. In the Isle of Sicily he held the Romans to hard work: lying near unto Panormus, where in three years abode he did many notable acts, though not of much consequence, for that the enemy could never be drawn to hazard the main chance. Having wearied himself and the Romans long enough about Panormus, he undertook a strange 〈◊〉 of work at Eryx. The Roman Garrisons, placed there by junius, on the top, and at the bottom of the Mountain, were very strongly lodged. Nevertheless Amilcar found a way, lying towards the Seaside, by which he conveyed his men into the City of Eryx, that was about the midst of the ascent, ere the enemy knew of it. By this it come to pass, that the Romans which kept the top of the Mountain, were straightly held (as it were) besieged. And no less was Amilca himself restrained, by both of these Garrisons, and such as come to relieve them. There he found them pastime about two years more; hoping still to weary out those that lay over his head, as they on the contrary did their best, to thrust him out of those quarters.  
At this time, all the care, both of the Romans and of the Carthaginians, was bend unto the prosecuting of this business at Eryx. Wherein it seems true (as Hannibal, in Livy, spoke unto Scipio) that the affairs of 〈◊〉 never stood in better 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 3. l. 10.  terms, since the beginning of the war, than now they did. For whereas the Romans had utterly forsaken the Seas, partly by reason of their great losses; partly upon confidence of their land-forces, which they held resistless; 〈◊〉, with a small Army, had so well acquitted himself, to the honour of his Country, that by the trial of five years war, the Carthaginian Soldier was judged equal, if not superior to the Roman. Finally, when all, that might be, had been devised and go, for the dislodging of this obstinate Warrior: no way seemed better to the Senate of Rome, than once again to build a fleet; whereby, if the mastery of the Sea could once be gotten, it was likely that Amilcar, for lack of supply, should not long be able to hold out. But in performing this, extreme difficulty was found. The common treasury was exhausted: and the cost was not little, that was requisite unto such an enterprise. Wherhfore there was noon other way left, than to lay the burden upon private purses. divers of the principal Citizens undertook to build (each at his own charges) one Quinquereme, which example wrought so well, that they, whose ability would not serve to do the like, joined with some others, and laying their money together, concurred two or three of them, in building of another; with condition to be repaid, when the war was finished. By this voluntary contribution, they made and furnished two hundred new Quinqueremes: taking for their pattern, that excellent swift-rowing Galley which they had gotten from the 〈◊〉, in the Port of Lilybaeum, as was showed before. The charge of this fleet was committed to C. Luctatius Catulus; who past with the same into Sicily, the Spring following, and entered the Port of Drepanum, endeavouring by all means to have forced the City. But being advertisec that the Carthaginian fleet was at hand, and being mindful of the late losses which his Predecessors had received; he was careful to put himself in order, against their arrival.  
Hanno was Admiral of the Carthaginian fleet; a man (as his actions declare him) wise in picture, exceedingly formal, and skilful in the art of seeming reverend. How his reputation was first bred, I do not find; but it was up-held by a factious contradiction, of things undertaken by men more worthy than himself. This quality procured unto him (as it hath done to many others) both good liking among the ancient sort, whose cold temper is averse from new enterprises, and therewithal an opinion of great foresight, confirmed by every loss received. Moore particularly, he was gracious among the people, for that he was one of the most grievous oppressors of their subject Provinces; whereby he procured unto the 〈◊〉 much wealth, but therewithal such hatred, as turned it all to their great loss. He had ere this been employed against the Numidians, and wild Africans, that were more like to Rovers, than to Soldiers, in making War. Of those fugitive Nations, he learned to neglect more manly enemies, to his own great 〈◊〉, and to the great hurt of Carthage; which lost not more by his bad conduct, than by 〈◊〉 malicious counsel, when, having showed himself an unworthy Captain he 〈◊〉 himself to the long rob. Yet is he much commended in Roman 〈◊〉, as a temperate man, and one that studied how to preserve the League between Carthage and Rome. In which regard, how well he deserved of his own Country, it will appear hereafter: how beneficial he was to the Romans, it will appear, both hereafter, and in his present voyage; wherein he reduced the Carthaginians to a miserable necessity of accepting, upon hard conditions, that peace which he thenceforth commended.  
Hanno had very well furnished his Navy, with all needful provisions for the Soldiers at Eryx: (for dexterity in making preparation was the best of his qualities) but he had neither been careful in training his Mariners, to the practice of Sea-fight, nor in manning his Galleys with stout fellows. He thought, that the fame of a Carthaginian fleet was enough, to make the unexpert Romans give way: forgetting, that rather the resistless force of tempests, than any other strength of opposition, had made them to forsake the Seas. Yet in one thing he had either conceived aright, or else was sent forth well instructed. It was his purpose, first of all to sail to Eryx, and there to discharge his ships of their lading: and having thus lightened himself, he meant to take aboard some part of the land-army, together with Amilcar himself, by whose help he doubted not, but that he should be able to make the enemy repent of his new adventure to Sea. This was a good course, if it could have been performed. But Catulus used all possible diligence, to prevent the execution of this design: not because he was informed of the enemies purpose, but for that he knew it to be the best for them, and for that feared no danger so greatly, as to encounter with Amilcar. Wherhfore although the weather was very rough, and the Seas went high, when the Carthaginian fleet was descried; yet he rather chose to fight with the enemy, that had the wind of him, than to suffer this convoy to pass along to Eryx, upon unlikely hope of better opportunity in the future. All that Hanno should have done, Catulus had performed. He had carefully exercised his men in Rowing; he had lightened his Galleys of all unnecessary burden; and he had taken aboard the choice men of the Roman Land-souldiers. The Carthaginians therefore, at the first encounter, were utterly broken and defeated; having fifty of their Galleys stemmed and sunk, and seventy taken, wherein were few less than ten thousand men, that were all made prisoners: the rest, by a sudden change of wind, escaping to the Isle of Hieronesus.  
The state of Carthage, utterly discouraged by this change of fortune, knew not whereon to resolve. Means to repair their fleet in any time there were noon left; their best men of war by Sea were consumed; and Amilcar, upon whose valour and judgement the honour and safety of the Commonweal rested, was now surrounded by his enemies in Sicily, where he could not be relieved. In this extremity, they make dispatch unto Amilcar himself, and authorize him to take what course should seem best unto his excellent wisdom; leaving all conclusions to his election and sole counsel.  
Amilcar, whom no adversity, accompanied with the lest hope or possibility of recovery, had ever vanquished, looking over every promise, true or false, that the present time could make him, (for to attended any thing from the future he was not able) resolved to make trial, whither his necessity might be compounded upon any reasonable terms. He therefore sent to Luctatius the Consul an Overture of peace: who considering it well, gathered so many arguments from the present poverty of the Roman State, wasted beyond expectation in the former war, that he willingly hearkened unto it. So, in conclusion, an accord was made, but with provision, That it should hold noon otherwise, than if the Senate and People of Rome would ratify it with their allowance.  
The conditions were: First, that the Carthaginians should clearly abandon the Isle of Sicil. Secondly, that they should never under-take upon Hieron King of Syracuse, nor invade any part of his Territories, nor the Territories of any of his Friends and Allies. Thirdly, that they should set at liberty, and sand back into Italy, all the Romans, whom they hold prisoners, without ransom. Lastly, that they should pay unto the Romans two thousand and two hundred talents; which make, as the French reckon the talon, thirteen hundred and twenty thousand crowns: the same to be delivered within twenty years next following.  
These Articles were sent to Rome, where they were not thoroughly approved: but ten Commissioners were sent into Sicily, to make perfect the agreement. These Commissioners added a thousand talents to the former sum; and required a shorter time of payment. Further also, they took order, that the Carthaginians should not only departed out of Sicily itself, but should also with draw their Companies out of all the other islands between it and Italy, renouncing their whole interest therein.  
Such was the end of the first Punic War, that had lasted about twenty four years without intermission; in which time the Romans had lost, by fight or shipwreck, about seven hundred Quinqueremes; and the Carthaginians, about five hundred: the greatness of which losses, doth serve to prove the greatness both of these two Cities, and of the War itself; wherein I hold good the judgement of 〈◊〉, That the Romans, in general, did show themselves the braver Nation; and Amilcar, the most worthy Captain.    

CHAP. II Of divers actions passing between the first and second Punic Wars.  

§. I. Of the cruel war begun between the Carthaginians and their own 〈◊〉.  
THE Romans, having partly by force, and partly by composition, thrust the Carthaginians out of Sicily, and all the little islands thereunto adjacent, gave them rather means and leisure to help themselves in a following war, than cause to hold themselves contented with the present peace. It is a true rule, Quòd leges à victoribus dicuntur, accipiuntur à victis; That laws 
Q. Curt. l. 〈◊〉.  are given by the Conquerors, and received of the conquered. But the Romans had either forgotten the answer that was made unto them, by one of the Priver nates; or else had forgotten to follow it, in this weighty business. For when one of Privernum, after a rebellion, defending in the Senate the cause of his City, was demanded by a Senator, What peace the Romans might hope for, or assure themselves of, 〈◊〉 they quit their present advantage over them; he answered in these words, Sibonam dederitis, & 〈◊〉 & perpetuam; si malam, haud 〈◊〉; If the peace be good and faithful that you give us, it will be perpetual; if it be ill, then of little continuance. To this answer, the Senate, at that time; gave such approbation, that it was said, Viri & liberi 〈◊〉 auditam; an credi posse, ullum populum, aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ea conditione, cuius 〈◊〉 poeniteat, diutius quàm necesse sit mansurum? That it was the speech of a manly, and a free man; for who could believe, that any people, or indeed any one man, would continued longer in an over-burdened estate, than mere necessity did enforce? Now if the Romans themselves could make this judgement, of those Nations, who had little else, besides their manly resolution, to defend their liberty; surely, they grossly flattered themselves, in presuming, that the Carthaginians, who neither in power nor in pride, were any way inferior unto themselves, would sit down any longer by the loss and dishonour received, than until they could recover their legs, and the strength, which had a while failed them, to take revenge. But Occasion, by whom (while well entertained) not only 〈◊〉 men, but Kings and public States, have more prevailed, than by any proper prowess or virtue, withheld the tempest from the Romans for a time, and turned it most fearfully upon Africa, and the Carthaginians themselves.  
For after that the first Punic War was ended; Amilcar, leaving Eryx, went to Lilybaeum, from whence most conveniently the Army might be transported into Africa: the care of which business he committed unto Gesco, to whom, as to a man of approved sufficiency, he delivered over his charge. Gesco had an especial consideration of the great sums, wherein Carthage was indebted unto these Mercenaries; and, withal, of the great disability to make payment. Therefore he thought it the wisest way, to sand them over (as it were) by handfuls, a few at a time; that so the first might have their dispatch, and be go, ere the second or third Companies arrived. Herein he dealt providently. For it had not been hard to persuade any small number, lodged within so great a City as Carthage, unto some such reasonable composition, as the present emptiness of the common Treasury did require: so that the first might have been friendly discharged, and a good precedent left unto the second and third, whilst their desiunction had made them unable to recover their whole due by force. But the Carthaginians were of a contrary opinion. They thought to find, in the whole Army, some that would be contented to gratify the Public state, by remitting a great part of their own due: and hoped by such an example, to draw all the multitude to the like agreement and capitulation. So they detained the first and second comers; telling them, that they would make an even reckoning with all together. Thus every day the number increased, and many disorders (a thing incident among Soldiers) were committed; which much disquieted the City, not accustomed unto the like. In this regard it was thought fit, to remove them all to some other place where they might be less troublesome. This must be done by some colourable words of persuasion: for their number was already so great, that it was not safe to offend them too far. Wherhfore it is devised, that they should all attended the coming of their fellows, at Sicca: receiving every one a piece of gold, to bear his charges in the mean while. This motion is accepted, and the Soldiers begin to dislodge; leaving behind them their wives, their children, and all their baggage, as meaning shortly to fetch away all, when they come back for their pay. But the Carthaginians have no fancy to their returning into the Town; and therefore compel them to truss up their fardels, that they might have noon occasion left, to make any errands thither. So to Sicca they removed, with all their goods; and there lay waiting for news of their fellows arrival, and their own pay. Business they had noon to do, and therefore might easily be drawn to mutiny: the whole argument of their discourse inclining them to nothing else. Their daily talk was, how rich they should be, when all their money come in; how much would fall to every single share; and for how long time the City was behind hand with them in reckoning. They were all grown Arithmeticians; and he was thought a man of worth, that could find most reason to increase their demands, to the very highest, even beyond their due. No part of their long service was forgotten; but the comfortable words and promises of their Captains, leading them forth to any dangerous fight, were called to mind, as so many obligations, not to be canceled, without satisfying their expectation by some unordinarie largesse.  
Thus the time passeth away; until the whole Army being arrived, and lodged in Sicca, Hanno comes thither to clear the account. Now is the day come, wherein they shall all be made rich; especially if they can hold together, in maintaining stoutly the common cause. So think they all; and assemble themselves to hear what good news this messenger had brought: with a a full resolution to help his memory, in case he should happen to forget any part of the many promises made unto them; all which were to be considered in their Donative. Hanno gins a very formal Oration; wherein he bewails the poverty of Carthage; tells them, how great a sum of money is to be paid unto the Romans, reckons up the excessive charges, whereat the commonwealth had been in the late war; and finally desires them to hold themselves contented with part of their pay, and out of the love which they bore unto the City, to remit the rest. Few of them understood his discourse: for the Carthaginian Army was composed of sundry Nations, as Greeks', Africans, Gauls, Ligurians, Spaniards, and others, all of different languages. Yet they stared upon him, and were (as I think) little pleased with his very gesture. But when such, as conceived the whole tenor of his speech, had informed the rest what cold comfort he brought; they were all enraged, and fared like mad men, so that nothing would serve to appease them. Hanno would feign have assuaged their fury, but he knew not how: for he less understood their dissonant loud noises, than they did his Oration. An Army collected out of many countries, that have no one language common to all, or to the greater part of them, is neither easily stirred up to mutiny, nor easily pacified, when once it is broken into outrage. The best that Hanno can do, is to use the help of Interpreters, and messengers. But these Interpreters mistake his meaning; some, for want of skill; others, of set purpose; and such as deliver his errands in the worst sense, are best believed. Finally, they think themselves much abused by the Carthaginians, and resolve to demand their own in peremptory terms, at a nearer distance. In this mood they leave Sicca, and march as far as Tunis, that is within a little of Carthage, and there they encamp.  
Now begin the Carthaginians to found their one error. It is a good rule,  

Curandum inprimis, ne magna iniuria fiat  
Fortibus & miseris.   

Have special care, that valiant poverty  
Be not oppressed with too great injury.   
But this proud city, having neglected the rule, hath also been careless in providing to secure herself against the inconvenience that might follow. She had suffered the whole multitude, whereunto she was like to give cause of discontent, to join itself into one body, when the several troops might easily have been dispersed: she hath turned out of her gates the wives, children, and goods of these poor men, which had she retained in show of kindness, she might have used them as Hostages, for her own safety; and by employing a miserable pennie-father, in her negotiation with men of war, she hath weakened the reputation of her bravest Captains, that might best have served to free her from the threatening danger. Yet likely enough it is, that Amilcar had no desire to be used as an instrument in defrauding his own soldiers of their wages: epecially considering, that as he best could bear witness of their merits, so was he not ignorant, that means to content them were not wanting, if the Citizens had been willing thereunto. Hereto may be added a probable conjecture, that Hanno, with his complices, who at this very time was a bitter enemy to Amilcar, had the boldness to impose the blame of his own wretched counsel, upon the liberal promises made by the Captains. Amilcar therefore did wisely, in suffering those that maligned him, to have the managing of their own plot, and to deal the cards which themselves had shuffled. This they continued to do as foolishly, as they had at first begun. They furnish a market at Tunis, for the soldiers; whom they suffer to buy what they list, and at what price they list. They sand ever and anon some of their Senators into the Camp; who promise to satisfy all demands, as far forth as it should be possible. And thus by shifting from one extreme to another, they make the soldiers understand, into what fear the City was driven; which cannot but add much insolency to the passions already stirred up.  
This sudden change of weather, and the true cause of it, is quickly 〈◊〉 by the Army, which thereupon grows wise, and finding the season fit, labours to make a great harvest. Money must be had, and without any abatement. This is granted. Many have lost their horses, in public service of the state. The state shall pay for them. They had lived some years, by making hard shift, without receiving their allowance of victuals from Carthage. If they had lived, they wanted not meat; therefore what was this to the Carthaginians? Was it not all one, whither the ships did bring in provision; or their Captain direct them where to fetch it? But this would not serve. They said that they had been sometimes driven to buy; and that (since they could not remember, how much, or at what rate they bought) they would be paid for their provision, during the whole time, and according to the dearest price that wheat had borne, whilst the war lasted. Such are now the demands of these Mutineers; who might easily have been satisfied with far less charges, and far more honour, by receiving their due at the first. But now they make noon end of craving. For whilst the Carthaginians are perplexed, about this corne-monie; the Soldiers have devised many more tricks, whereby to extort a 〈◊〉 sum of money, without all regard of shame. Since therefore no good end could be found of these controversies which daily did multiply, it was thought convenient, that one of the Carthaginians, which had commanded in Sicily, should be chosen by the Soldiers, to reconcile all differences. Hereunto the Army condescended, and made choice of Gesco: partly out of good liking to him, who had showed himself at all times a friendly man to them, and careful of their good, especially when they were to be transported into Africa: partly out of a dislike which they had 〈◊〉 of Amilcar; for that he had not visited them in all this busy time. So Gesco comes among them; and, to please them the better, comes not without money: which might give better countenance to his proceed, than barren eloquence had done to the negotiation of Hanno. He calls unto him first of all, the Captains, and then, the several Nations apart; rebuking them gently for that which had passed; advising them temperately concerning the present; and exhorting them to continued their love unto the State, which had long entertained them, and would always be mindful of their good services. After this he began to put hand to his purse: offering to give them their whole pay in hand; and then after to consider of other recknoning, at a more convenient time. This had been well accepted, and might have served to bring all to a quiet pass; if two seditious ringleaders of the multitude had not stood against it.  
There was in the Camp one Spendius, a sturdy fellow, and audacious, but a slave; that in the late war had fled from a Roman whom he served, and therefore stood in fear, jest he should be delivered back to his Master; at whose hands he could expect no less, than to be whipped and crucified. This wretch could find no better way to prolong his own life, than by raising such troubles as might serve to withdraw men from care of private matters, and make his own restitution impossible, were his Master never so importunate. With Spendius there associated himself one Matho; an hote-headed man, that had been so forward in stirring up the tumult, as he could not choose but fear, jest his own death should be made an example, to deter others from the like seditious behaviour. This Matho deals with his Countrymen, the Africans; telling them, that they were in far worse condition, than either the Gauls, the Greeks', the Spaniards, or any foreign mercenaries. For (saith he) these our companions have no more to do, than to receive their wages, and so get them go: but we, that are to stay behind in Africa, shall be called to another manner of account, when we are left alone; so that we shall have cause to wish, that we had returned home beggars, rather than loaden with the money, which (little though it be) shall break our backs. Ye are not ignorant, how tyrannically these our haughty Masters of CARTHAGE do reign over us. They think it reasonable, that our lives and goods should be at their disposition; which they have at other times been 〈◊〉 to take away from us, even without apparent cause, as it were to declare their Sovereignty: what will they now do, seeing that we have demeaned ourselves as free men, and been bold to set a good face on the matter, demanding our own, as others have done? You all do know, that it were a very shame for us, if having been as forward in every danger of war, as any other men, we should now stand quaking like slaves, and not dare to open our mouths, when others take liberty to require their due. This notwithstanding ye may assure yourselves, that we are like to be taught better manners, as soon as our fellows are go: in regard of whom they are contented to shadow their indignation with a good, but a forced countenance. Let us therefore be wise; and consider, that they hate and fear us. Their hatred will show itself, when their fear is once past: unless we now take our time, and, whilst we are the stronger, enfeeble them so greatly, that their hatred shall not be able to do us wrong. All their strength consisteth in money, wherewithal they have hired others against us, and us against others. At the present they have neither money nor friends. The best 〈◊〉 that ever served them, whereof we are no small part, lies at their gates, ready to help us if we be men. A better opportunity cannot be expected: for were our swords once drawn, all AFRICA would rise on our side. As for the CARTHAGINIANS, wither can they sand for help? The case itself is plame: but we must quickly resolve. Either we must prevent the diligence of GESCO, by incensing these GAULES and SPANIARDS, and procuring them to draw blood, or else it behoveth us to please our goodmasters, by joining with them against our fellows, yea by offering to forgive unto them all our wages, if so (peradventure) they may be won to forgive us, or not overcruelly to punish our faults already committed. He is worthily a wretched slave, that neither hath care to win his Master's love, nor courage to attempt his own liberty.  
By such persuasions Matho wins the African soldiers to his own purpose. They are not now so greedy of money, as of quarrel; which he that seeks, will not miss to find. When Gesco therefore offered to pay them their whole stipend presently, but referred their other demands, for horses and victuals to some other more convenient time; they break into great ontrage, and say that they will have all, even all at once, and that out of hand. In this tumult, the whole Army flock together about Matho and Spendius; whose diligence is not wanting, to add more fuel to the fire already blazing. Matho and Spendius are the only men to whom the soldiers will harken: if any other stand up to make a speech, a shower of stones, flying about his ears, puts him to silence, that he shall never afterwards speak word more. Neither stay they to consider what it is that any man would say: enough hath been said already by these good spokesmen; so that no other word (though perhaps to the same purpose) can be heard, save only throw, throw.  
Now the Rebellion begins to take form. Matho and Spendius are chosen Captains; who, followed by a desperate crew of Russians, will suffer no man to make his own peace, but pursue their own ends, under fair pretence of the common cause. All which notwithstanding, Gesco is not wanting to the good of his country, but adventures himself upon their fury. One while he deals with the Captains, and other principal men; taking them by the hand, and giving gentle words: another while he works with the several Nations; putting them all in hope of their own hearts desire if any reason would content them. Noon of them are so sullen as the Africans: indeed noon of them had so good cause. They require him peremptorily, to give them their own, and not to feed them with words. The truth is, that they are not so covetous as they seem: but will be more glad of an ill answer, then of a good payment. This is more than Gesco knows: he sees not that Matho hath, any more than bore words, to bestow upon them. Wherhfore, as rebuking their inconsiderate heat, he tells them, That they may do well, if they stand in want of money, to seek it of their Captain, Matho. This is enough. Shall he both defraud them & deride them? They stay no longer, but lay violent hands upon the treasure that he had brought; yea upon him also, and all that are with him: as intending to take this in part of payment, and, for the rest, to take another course. Matho and Spendius are glad of this. It had little pleased them to see their fellows begin to grow calm, by his fair language: wherefore they cast into bonds both him, and all the Carthaginians that they can find; that so the Army may be freed from danger of good admonition, which they call Treason. After this follows open war. Matho solicits all Africa; and his Ambassadors are every where well entertained. Neither is it needful to use persuasion: the very fame of this rebellion sufficeth to draw the whole country into it. Now must the Carthaginians be plagued for those oppressions, with which they have plagued others. It is true that adversity hath never been untold of her errors: and as she is ever assured to hear her own, so commonly with her own she undergoes those of other men. The Africans, finding the Carthaginians hung under the wheel, tell them boldly, that their Impositions were merciless; that they took from them the one half of their corn; that they doubled their tributes in all things else; and that they inflicted upon their vassals the greatest punishments for the lest offences. These cruelties the Carthaginians themselves have forgotten: but the people, that have suffered so much, retain all in perfect memory. Wherhfore not only such as can bear arms, are ready to do service in this great Commotion; but the very women bring forth their jewels, and other ornaments, offering all to sale for maintenance of so justa quarrel. By this great forwardness, and liberal contribution, Matho and Spendius are supplied with a strong aid of threescore and ten thousand Africans: and are moreover furnished with money, not only to satisfy the present appetite of their men, but sufficient to continued the war begun, though it should be of long endurance.   

§. II divers observations upon this war with the mercenaries.  

†. I Of Tyranny, and how tyrants are driven to use help of mercenaries.  
HEre let us rest awhile, as in a convenient breathing place: whence we may take prospect of the subject, over which we travail. Behold a tyrannical City, persecuted by her own mercenaries with a deadly war. It is a common thing, as being almost necessary, that a tyranny should be upheld by mercenary forces: it is common that mercenaries should be false: and it is common that all war made against Tyrants, should be exceeding full of hate and cruelty. Yet we seldom hear, that the ruin of a Tyranny is procured or sought, by those that were hired to maintain the power of it: and seldom or never do we read of any war, that hath been prosecuted with such inexpiable hatred, as this that is now in hand.  
That which we properly call Tyranny, is A violent form of government, not respecting the good of the 〈◊〉, but only the pleasure of the Commander. I purposely forbear to say, that it is the unjust rule of one over many: for very truly doth Cleon in Thucydides tell the Athenians, that their dominion over their subjects, 
〈◊〉. l. 6.  was noon other than a mere tyranny; though it were so, that they themselves were a great City, and a popular estate. Neither is it peradventure greatly needful, that I should call this form of commanding, violent: since it may well and easily be conceived, that no man willingly performs obedience, to one regardless of his life and welfare; unless himself be either a mad man, or (which is little better) wholly possessed with some extreme passion of love. The practice of tyranny, is not always of a like extremity: for some Lords are more gentle, than others, to their very slaves; and he that is most cruel to some, is mild enough towards others, though it be but for his own advantage. Nevertheless, in large Dominions, wherein the Rulers discretion cannot extend itself, unto notice of the difference which might be found between the worth of several men; it is commonly seen, that the taste of sweetness, drawn out of oppression, hath so good a 〈◊〉, as continually inflames the Tyrant's appetite, and will not suffer it to be restrained with any limits of respect. Why should he seek out bounds, to prescribe unto his desires, who cannot endure the face of one so honest, as may put him in remembrance of any moderation? It is much that he hath gotten, by extorting from some few: by sparing noon, he should have riches in goodly abundance. He hath taken a great deal from every one: but every one could have spared more. He hath 〈◊〉 all their purses, and now he hath enough: but (as Covetousness is never satisfied) he thinks that all this is too little for a stock, though it were indeed a good yearly Income. Therefore he deviseth new tricks of robbery, and is not better pleased with the gains, then with the Art of getting. He is hated for this, and he knows it well: but he thinks by cruelty to change hatred into fear. So he makes it his exercise, to torment and murder all, whom he suspecteth: in which course, if he suspect noon unjustly, he may be said to deal craftily; but if Innocency be not safe, how can all this make any Conspirator to stand in fear, since the Traitor is no worse rewarded, than the quiet man? Whereforehee can think upon noon other security, than to disarm all his Subjects; to fortify himself within some strong place; and for defence of his Person and state, to hire as many lusty Soldiers as shall be thought sufficient. These must not be of his own Country: for if not every one, yet some one or other might chance to have a feeling of the public misery. This considered, he allures unto him a desperate rabble of strangers, the most unhonest that can be found; such as have neither wealth nor credit at home, and will therefore be careful to support him, by whose only favour they are maintained Now jest any of these, either by detestation of his wickedness, or (which in wicked men is most likely) by promise of greater reward, than he doth give, should be drawn to turn his sword against the Tyrant himself: they shall all be permitted to do as he doth; to rob, to ravish, to murder, and to satisfy their own 〈◊〉, in most outrageous manner; being thought so much the more 〈◊〉 to their Master, by how much the more he sees them grow hateful to all men else. Considering in what Age, and in what Language I writ; I must be feign to say, that these are not dreams: though some Englishman perhaps that were unacquainted with History, lighting upon this leaf, might suppose this discourse to be little better. This is to show, both how tyranny grows to stand in need of mercenary Soldiers, and how those Mercenaries are, by mutual obligation, firmly assured unto the Tyrant.   

†. II That the tyranny of a City over her Subjects is worse, than the tyranny of one man: and that a tyrannical City must likewise use mercenary Soldiers.  
NOw concerning the tyranny, wherewith a City or State oppresseth her Subjects; it may appear some ways to be more moderate, then that of one man: but in many things it is more intolerable. A City is jealous of her Dominion; but not (as is one man) fearful of her life: the less need hath she therefore, to secure herself by cruelty. A City is not luxurious in consuming her treasures; and therefore needs the less, to pluck from her Subjects. If war, or any other great occasion, drive her to necessity, of taking from her Subjects more than ordinary sums of money: the same necessity makes either the contribution easy, or the taking excusable. Indeed, no wrongs are so grievous and hateful, as those that are insolent. Remember (saith Caligula the Emperor, to his Grandmother Antonia) that I may do what I list, and to whom I list: these words were accounted horrible, though he did her no harm. And 〈◊〉 reckons it, as the compliment of all torments, inflicted by a cruel Roman Dame upon her slaves; that whilst she was whipping them, she painted her face, talked with her Gossips, and used all signs of neglecting what those wretches felt. Now seeing that the greatest grievances wherewith a domineering State offen death her Subjects, are free from all sense of indignity: likely it is, that they will not extremely hate her, although desire of liberty make them weary of her Empire. In these respects it is not needful, that she should keep a Guard of licentious cutthroats, and maintain them in all villainy, as a Dionysius or Agathocles must do: her own Citizens are able to terrify, and to hold perforce in obedience, all malcontents. These things, considered alone by themselves, may serve to prove, That a City is scarce able to deserve the name of a Tyranness, in the proper signification.  
All this notwithstanding, it shall appear, That the miseries, wherewith a Tyrant lodeth his people, are not so heavy, as the burdens imposed by a cruel City. Not without some appearance of truth, it may be said, that Lust, and many other private passions, are no way incident to a City or Corporation. But to make this good, we shall have need to use the help of such distinctions, as the Argument in hand doth not require. Was not Rome lascivious, when Cato was feign to rise and leave the Theatre, to the end, that the reverend regard of his gravity, might not hinder the people, from calling for a show of naked Courtesans, that were to be brought upon the open stage? By common practice, & general approved custom, we are to censure the quality of a whole State; not by the private virtue or vice of any one man; nor by metaphysical abstraction of the universal from the singular; or of the Corporation, from those of whom it is compounded. I say therefore (as I have said elsewhere) That it were better to live under one pernicious Tyrant, then under many thousands. The reasons, proving this, are too many to set down: but few may suffice. The desires of one man, how inordinate soever, if they cannot be satisfied, yet they may be wearied; he is not able to search all corners; his humour may be found, and soothed; age or good advice, yea, or some unexpected accident, may reform him: all which failing, yet is there hope, that his successor may prove better. Many Tyrants have been changed into worthy Kings: and many have ill used their ill-gotten Dominion, which becoming hereditary to their posterity, hath grown into the most excellent form of Government, even a lawful Monarchy. But they that live under a tyrannical City, have no such hope: their Mistress is immortal, and will not slacken the reins, until they be pulled out of her hands; and her own mouth receive the bridle of a more mighty Chariotier. This is woeful: yet their present sufferings make them less mindful of the future. New flies, and hungry ones, fall upon the same sore, out of which, others had already sucked their fill. A new Governor comes yearly among them, attended by all his poor kindred and friends, who mean not to return home empty to their hives, without a good lading of wax and 〈◊〉. These fly into all quarters, and are quickly acquainted with every man's wealth, or whatsoever else, in all the Province, is worthy to be desired. They know all a man's enemies, and all his fears: becoming themselves, within a little space, the enemies that he feareth most. To grow into acquaintance with these masterfull guests, in hope to win their friendship, were an endless labour (yet it must be under-gone) and such as every one hath not means to go about: but were this effected, what availeth it? The love of one Governor is purchased with gifts: the Successor of this man, he is more loving than could be wished, in respect of a fair Wife or Daughter: then comes the third, perhaps of the contrary faction at home, a bitter enemy to both his fore-goers, who seeks the ruin of all that have been inward with them. So the miseries of this tyranny are not simple; but interlaced (as it were) with the calamities of civil war. The Romans had a Law De Repetundis, or Of Recovery, against extorting Magistrates: yet we find, that it served not wholly to restrain their Provincial Governors; who presuming on the favour of their own Citizens, and of their kindred and friends at home, were bold in their Provinces, to work all these enormities rehearsed; though somewhat the more sparingly, for fear of judgement. If the subjects of Rome groaned under such oppressions; what must we think of those, that were vassals unto Carthage? The Romans imposed no burdensome tributes; they loved not to hear, that their Empire was grievous; they condemned many noble Citizens, for having been ill Governors. At Carthage all went quite contrary: the rapines newly devised by one Magistrate, served as precedents to instruct another; every man resolved to do the like, when it should fall to his turn; and he was held a notable Statesman, whose robberies had been such, as might afford a good share to the common treasure. Particular examples of this Carthaginian practice, are not extant: the government of Verres the Roman, in Sicily, that is lively set out by Tully, may serve to inform us, what was the demeanour of these Punic Rulers, who stood in fear of no such condemnation, as Verres underwent. By prosecuting this discourse, I might infer a more general Proposition; That a City cannot govern her subject Provinces so mildly, as a King: but it is enough to have showed, That the tyranny of a City is far more intolerable, than that of any one most wicked man.  
Suitable to the cruelty of such Lords, is the hatred of their subjects: and again, suitable to the hatred of the subjects, is the jealousy of their Lords. Hence it followed, that, in wars abroad, the Carthaginians durst use the service of African soldiers; in Africa itself, they had rather be beholding to others, that were farther fetched. For the same purpose did Hannibal, in the second Punic War, shifted his mercenaries out of their own Countries; ut Afri in Hispaniâ, Hispani in Africâ, melior 
Liu. Dec. 3. l. 1.  〈◊〉 ab domo futurus uterque miles, velut mutuis pignoribus obligati stipendia facerent; That the Africans might serve in Spain, the Spaniards in Africa, being each of them like to prove the better Soldiers, the farther they were from home, as if they were obliged by mutual pledges. It is disputable, I confess, whither these African, and Spanish hirelings, could properly be termed Mercenaries: for they were subject unto Carthage, and carried into the field, not only by reward, but by duty. Yet seeing their duty was no better than enforced, and that it was not any love to the State, but mere desire of gain, that made them fight; I will not nicely stand upon propriety of a word, but hold them, as Polybius also doth, no better than Mercenaries.   

†. III The dangers growing from the use of mercenary Soldiers, and foreign Auxiliaries.  
THe extreme danger, growing from the employment of such Soldiers, is well observed by Machiavelli: who showeth, that they are more terrible to those whom they serve, than to those against whom they serve. They are seditious, unfaithful, disobedient, 〈◊〉, and destroyers of all places and countries, whereinto they are drawn; as being held by no other bond, than their own 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉, that which is most fearful among such hirelings, is, that they have often, and in time of greatest extremity, not only refused to fight, in their defence, who have entertained them, but revolted unto the 〈◊〉 part; to the utter ruin of those Princes and States, that have trusted them. These Mercenaries (saith Machiavelli) which filled all Italy, when Charles the eighth of France did pass the Alpss, were the cause that the said French King won the Realm of Naples, with his Buckler without a sword. Notable was the example of Sforza, the Father of Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan; who being entertained by Queen joane of Naples, abandoned her service on the sudden; and forced her to put herself into the hands of the King of Arragon. Like unto his father was Francis Sforza, the first of that race Duke of Milan: who, being entertained by the Milanese, forced them to become his slaves; even with the same Army which themselves had levied for their own defence. But Lodovick Sforza, the son of this Francis, by the just judgement of God, was made a memorable example unto posterity, in losing his whole estate by the treachery of such faithless Mercenaries, as his own father had been. For, having waged an 〈◊〉 of Swissers, and committed his Duchy, together with his person, into their hands; he was by them delivered up unto his enemy the French King, by whom he was enclosed in the Castle of Loches to his dying day.  
The like inconvenience is found, in using the help of foreign Auxiliaries. We see, that when the Emperor of Constantinople had hired ten thousand Turks, against his neighbour Princes; he could never, either by persuasion or force, set them again over Sea upon Asia side: which gave beginning to the Christian servitude, that soon after followed. Alexander, the son of Cassander, sought aid of the great Demetrius: but Demetrius, being entered into his Kingdom, slew the same Alexander, who had invited him, and made himself King of Macedon. Syracon the Turk was called into Egypt by Sanar the Sultan, against his Opposite: but this Turk did settle himself so surely in Egypt, that Saladine his Successor become Lord thereof; and of all the holy Land, soon after. What need we look about for examples of this kind? Every Kingdom, in effect, can furnish us. The Britons drew the Saxons into this our Country; and Mac Murrough drew the English into Ireland: but the one and the other soon become Lords of those two Kingdoms.  
Against all this may be alleged, the good success of the united Provinces of the Netherlandss, using noon other than such kind of Soldiers, in their late war. 〈◊〉 these Low Countries have many goodly and strong Cities, filled with Inhabitants that are wealthy, industrious, and valiant in their kind. They are stout Seamen and therein is their excellency; neither are they bad, at the defence of a place well fortified: but in open field they have seldom been able to stand against the Spaniard. Necessity therefore compelled them to seek help abroad: and the like necessity made them forbear to arm any great numbers of their own. For, with money raised by their Trade, they maintained the war: and therefore could ill spare, unto the Pike and Musket, those hands, that were of more use in helping to fill the common purse. Yet what of this? they sped well, Surely they sped as ill as might be, whilst they had noon other than mercenary Soldiers. Many 〈◊〉 attempts, made by the Prince of Orange, can witness it: and that brave Commander, Count Lodowick of Nassau, felt it to his grief, in his retreat from Groeninghen; when in the very instant, that required their service in fight, his mercenaries cried out aloud for money, and so ran away. This was not the only time, when the hired soldiers of the States, have either sought to hide their cowardice under a show of 〈◊〉; or at lest, by 〈◊〉 covetousness, have ruined in one hour the labour of many months. I will not stand to prove this by many examples: for they themselves will not deny it. Neither would 〈◊〉 touch the honour of Monsieur the Duke of 〈◊〉, brother to the French King; save that it is folly to conceal what all the world knows. He that would lay open the danger of foreign Auxiliaries, needeth no better 〈◊〉. It is commonly found, that such Aiders make themselves Lords over those, to whom they lend their succour: but where shall we meet with such another as this Monsieur, who, for his protection promised, being rewarded with the Lordship of the Country, made it his first work, to thrust by violence a galling yoke upon the people's neck? Well, he lived to repent it, with grief enough. Even whilst he was counterfeiting unto those about him, that were ignorant of his plot, an 〈◊〉 sorrow for the poor Burghers of Antwerp, as verily believing the Town to 〈◊〉 surprised and won; the death of the Count St. Aignan, who fell over the wall, and the Cannon of the City, discharged against his own troops, informed him better what had happened; showing that they were his own French, who stood in need of pity. Than was his feigned passion changed, into a very bitter anguish of mind; wherein, 〈◊〉 his breast, and wring his hands, he exclaimed, Helas, mon Dieu, que veulx tu fair de moy; Alas, my God, what wilt thou do with me? So the affairs of the Netherlands will not serve to prove, that there is little danger in using mercenary soldiers, or the help offorraine Auxiliaries. This notwithstanding they were obedient unto necessity, and sought help of the English, Scots, and French: 〈◊〉 they did wisely, and prospered. For when there was in France a King, partaker with them in the same danger; when the Queen of England refused to accept the Sovereignty of their Country, which they offered, yet being provoked by the Spaniard their 〈◊〉, pursued him with continual war; when the heir of England reigned in Scotland, a King too just and wise (though not engaged in any quarrel) either to make profit of his Neighbour's miseries, or to help those that had attempted the conquest of his own inheritance: then might the Netherlanders very safely repose confidence, in the forces of these their Neighbour-Countries. The soldiers that come unto them from hence, were (to omit many other commendations) not only regardful of the pay that they should receive; but well affected unto the cause that they took in hand: or if any were cold in his devotion, to the side whereon he fought; yet was he kept in order, by remembrance of his own home, where the English would have rewarded him with death, if his faith had been corrupted by the Spaniard. They were therefore trusted with the custody of Cities; they were held as friends, and patrons; the necessity of the poorer sort was relieved, before the payday come, with lend, and other helps, as well as the ability of the States could permit. When three such Princes, reigning at one time, shall agreed so well, to maintain against the power of a fourth, injurious (or at lest so seeming) to them all, a Neighbour-Countrie, of the same Religion, and to which they all are lovingly affected: then may such a Country be secure of her Auxiliaries, and quietly intent her Trade, or other business, in hope of like success. But these circumstances meet so seldom, as it may well hold true in general: That mercenary, and foreign 〈◊〉 forces, are no less dangerous, than the enemy, against whom they are entertained.   

†. FOUR That the moderate government of the Romans gave them assurance to use the service of their own subjects in their wars. That in man's nature there is an affection breeding tyranny, which hindereth the use and benefit of the like moderation.  
HEre may it be demanded, whither also the Romans were not compelled to use service of other soldiers in their many great wars, but performed all by their own citizens? for if it were their manner to arm their own subjects; how happened it, that they feared no rebellion? if strangers; how then could they avoid the inconveniences above rehearsed? The answer is; That their Armies were compounded usually of their own citizens, and of the Latins, in equal number: to which they added, as occasion required, some companies of the Campanes, Etrurians, Samnites, or other of their subjects, as were either interessed in the quarrel, or might best be trusted. They had, about these times, (though seldom they did employ so many,) ten Roman Legions; a good strength, if all other help had been wanting: which served to keep in good order their subjects, that were always fewer in the Army than themselves. As for the Latins, if consanguinity were not a sufficient obligation; yet many privileges and immunities, which they enjoyed, made them assured unto the State of Rome: under which they lived almost at liberty, as being bound to little else, than to serve it in war. It is true, that a yoke, how easy 〈◊〉, seems troublesome to the neck that hath been accustomed to freedom. Therefore many people of Italy 〈◊〉 taken occasion of several advantages, to deliver themselves from the Roman subjection. But still they have been reclaimed by war; the Authors of rebellion have sharply punished; and the people, by degrees, have obtained such liberty, as made them esteem noon otherwise of Rome, than as the common city of all Italy. Yea, in process of time it was granted unto many cities, and those far off removed, even to Tarsus in Cilicia, where Saint Paul was borne, That all the Burgesses should be free of Rome it 〈◊〉. This favour was conferred absolutely upon some; upon some, with restraint of giving voice in election of Magistrates, or with other such limitation, as was thought fit. Hereunto may be added, that it was their manner, after a great conquest, to release unto their new subjects half of their tribute which they had been wont to pay unto their former Lords, which was a ready way, to bring the multitude into good linking of their present condition; when the review of harder times past, should rather teach them to fear a relapse, than to hope for better in the future, by seeking innovation. Neither would it be forgotten, as a special note of the Romans good government, That when some, for their well-deserving, have had the offer to be made 
Liu. Dec. 3. l. 3.  citizens of Rome; they have refused it, and held themselves better contented with their 〈◊〉 present 〈◊〉. Wherhfore it is no marvel, that Petellia, a city of the Brutians in Italy, chose rather to endure all extremity of war, than, upon any condition, to forsake the Romans; even when the Romans themselves had confessed, that 
Liu. ibid.  they were unable to help these their subjects, and therefore willed them to look to their own good, as having been faithful to the utmost. Such 〈◊〉 purchased these mild Governors, without impairing their Majesty thereby. The sum of all is: They had, of their own, a strong Army; they doubled it, by adjoining thereunto the Latins; and they further increased it, as need required, with other help of their own subjects: all, or the most of their followers, accounting the prosperity of Rome to be the common good.  
The moderate use of sovereign power being so effectual, in assuring the people unto their Lords, and consequently, in the establishment or enlargement of Dominion: it may seem strange, that the practice of tyranny, whose effects are contrary, hath been so common in all ages. The like, I know, may be said, of all Vice, and Irregularity whatsoever. For it is less difficult (〈◊〉 think otherwise) and more safe, to keep the way of justice and Honesty, than to turn 〈◊〉 from it; yet commonly our passions led us into by-paths. But where 〈◊〉, Anger, 〈◊〉, or any the like Affection, seduceth our reason; the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either bringeth with it an excuse, or at leastwise taketh away all cause of wonder. In tyranny it is not so: for as much as we can hardly descry the passion, that is of force to insinuate itself into the whole tenor of a Government. It must be confessed, that lawless desires have bred many Tyrants: yet so, that these desires have seldom been hereditary, or long-lasting; but have 〈◊〉 commonly with the Tyrant's life, sometimes before his death; by which means the Government hath 〈◊〉 reduced to a better form. In such cases, the saying of Aristotle holds, That Tyrannies 
Arist. Pol. lib. 〈◊〉. c. 12.  are of short 〈◊〉. But this doth not satisfy the question in hand. Why did the 〈◊〉 exercise Tyranny? why did the Athenians? why have many other Cities done the like? If in respect of their general good; how could they beignorant, that this was an ill course for the safety of the Weal public? If they were led hereunto by any affection; what was that affection, wherein so many thousand citizens, divided and subdivided within themselves by factions, did all concur, notwithstanding the much diversity of temper, and the 〈◊〉 of private hatred among them? Doubtless, we must be feign to say, That Tyranny is, by itself, a Vice distinct from others. A Man, we know, is Animal 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, even by Nature, to command, or to obey; every one in his proper degree. Other desires of Mankind, are common likewise unto bruit beasts; and some of them, to bodies wanting-sense: but the desire of rule belongeth unto the nobler part of reason; whereunto is also answerable an aptness to yield obedience. Now as hunger and thirst are given by nature, not only to Man and Beast, but unto all sorts of Vegetables, for the 〈◊〉 on of their life: as Fear, Anger, Lust, and other Affections are likewise natural, in convenient measure, both unto Mankind, and to all creatures that have sense, for the shunning or repelling of harm, and seeking after that which is requisite: even so is this desire of ruling or obeying, engrafted by Nature in the race of Man, and in Man only as a reasonable creature, for the ordering of his life, in a civil form of justice. All these in bred qualities are good and useful. Nevertheless, Hunger and Thirst are the Parents of Gluttony and Drunkenness, which, in reproach, are called beastly, by an unproper term: since they grow from appetites, found in less worthy 〈◊〉 than beasts, and are yet not so common in beasts, as in men. The effects of Anger, and of such other Passions as descend no lower than unto bruit beasts, are held less vile; and perhaps not without good reason: yet are they more horrible, and punished more grievously, by sharper Laws, as being in general more pernicious. But as no corruption is worse, than of that which is best; there is not any Passion, that nourisheth a vice more hurtful unto Mankind, than that which issueth from the 〈◊〉 noble root, even the depraved Affection of ruling. Hence arise those two great mischiefs, of which hath been an old question in dispute, whither 〈◊〉 the worse; That all things, or That nothing, should be lawful. Of these, a dull spirit, and overladen by fortune, with power, whereof it is not capable, occasioneth the one; the other proceedeth from a contrary distemper, whose vehemency the bounds of Reason cannot limit. Under the extremity of either, no country is able to subsist: yet the defective dullness, that permitteth any thing, will also permit the execution of Law, to which, mere necessity doth enforce the ordinary Magistrate; whereas Tyranny is more active, and pleaseth itself in the excess, with a false colour of justice. Examples of stupidity, and unaptness to rule, are not very frequent, though such natures are every where found: for this quality troubles not itself in 〈◊〉 Empire; or if by some error of fortune, it encounter therewithal, (as when Claudius, hiding himself in a corner, found the Empire of Rome) some friend or else a wife, is not wanting to supply the defect, which also 〈◊〉 doth help to shadow. Therefore this Vice, as a thing unknown, is without a name. Tyranny is more bold, and feareth not to be known, but would be reputed honourable: for it is prosperum & foelix scelus, a fortunate 〈◊〉, as long as it can subsist. There is no reward or honour (saith PETER CHARRON) assigned to those, that know how to increase, or to preserve human nature: all honours, greatness, riches, dignities, empires, triumphs, trophies, are appointed for those, that know how to afflict, trouble, or destroy it. CAES AR, and ALEXANDER, have un-made and slain, each of them, more than a million of men: but they made noon, nor left noon behind them. Such is the error of Man's judgement, in valuing things according to common opinion. But the true name of Tyranny, when it grows to ripeness, is noon other, than Feritie: the same that Aristotle saith to be worse than any vice. It exceedeth indeed all other vices, issuing from the Passions incident both to Man, and Beast; no less than Perjury, Murder, Treason, and the like horrible crimes, exceed in villainy, the faults of Gluttony and drunkenness, that grow from more ignoble appetites. Hereof Sciron, Procrustes, and Pityocamptes, that used their bodily force to the destruction of Mankind, are not better examples, than Phalaris, Dionysius and Agathocles, whose mischievous heads were assisted by the hands of detestable Ruffians. The same barbarous desire of Lordship, transported those old examples of Feritie, and these latter Tyrants, beyond the bounds of reason: neither of them knew the use of Rule, nor the difference between Freemen, and slaves.  
The rule of the husband over the wife, and of parents over their children, is natural, and appointed by God himself; so that it is always, and simply, allowable and good. The former of these, is, as the dominion of Reason over Appetite; the latter is the whole authority, which one free man can 〈◊〉 over another. The rule of a King is no more, nor noon other, than of a common Father over his whole country: which he that knows what the power of a Father is, or aught to be, knows to be enough. But there is a greater, and more Masterlie rule, which God 
Gen. c. 1. v. 28.  gave unto Adam, when he said; Have dominion over the fish of the Sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every 〈◊〉 thing that moveth upon the earth: which also he confirmed unto Noah, and his children, saying, The fear of you, and the dread of you, 
Gen. 9 2.  shall be upon every beast of the earth, and upon every fowl of the air, upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the Sea; into your hands are they delivered. He who gave this dominion to Man, gave also an aptitude to use it. The execution of this power hath since extended itself, over a great part of Mankind. There are indeed no small numbers of men, whose disability to govern themselves, proves them, according unto Aristotle's doctrine, to be naturally slaves.  
Yet find I not in Scripture any warrant, to oppress men with bondage: unless 
Arist. Pol. l. 1. c. 3  the lawfulness thereof be sufficiently intimated, where it is said, That a man shall not be punished for the death of a servant, whom he hath slain by correction, if the servant live a day or two, because he is his money; or else by the captivity of the 
Exod. c. 21. v. 21  
Num. c. 30. v. 40  Midianitish girls, which were made bondslaves, and the Sanctuary had a part of them for the Lord's tribute. Doubtless the custom hath been very ancient: for Noah laid this curse upon Canaan, that he should be a servant of servants; and Abraham 
Gen. 9 25.  had of Pharaoh, among other gifts, men-servants, and maidservants, which were noon 
Gen. 12. v. 16.  other than slaves. Christian Religion is said to have abrogated this old kind of servility: but surely, they are deceived, that think so. Saint Paul desired the liberty of Onesimus, whom he had won unto Christ: yet wrote he for this unto 
Epist. to 〈◊〉. verse 14.  Philemon, by way of request, craving it as a benefit, not urging it as a duty. Agreeable hereto is the direction, which the same Saint Paul giveth unto servants: Let every 
1. Cor. c. 7. v. 20. & 21.  man abide in the same calling wherein he was called: art thou called, being a servant? care not for it, but if thou mayst be made free, use it rather. It is true, that Christian Religion hath procured liberty unto many; not only in regard of piety, but for that the Christian Masters stood in fear, of being discovered by their slaves, unto the persecutors of religion. Mahomet like wise by giving liberty to his followers, drew many unto his impiety: but whither he forbade it, as 〈◊〉, unto his sectators, to hold one another of them in bondage, I cannot tell; save that by the practice of the Turks and Moors, it seems he did not. In England we had many bondservants, until the times of our last civil wars: and I think that the Laws concerning villeinage are still in force, of which the latest are the sharpest. And now, since slaves were made free, which were of great use and service, there are grown up a rabble of Rogues, Cutpurses and other the like Trades; slaves in Nature, though not in Law.  
But whither this kind of dominion be lawful, or not; Aristotle hath well proved, that it is natural. And certainly we find not such a latitude of difference in any creature, as in the nature of man: wherein (to omit the infinite distance in estate of the elect & reprobate) the wisest excel the most 〈◊〉, by far greater degree, than the most foolish of men doth surpass the wisest of beasts. Therefore when Commiseration hath given way to Reason: we shall found that Nature is the ground even of Masterly power, & of servile obedience, which is thereto correspondent. But it may be truly said, that some countries have subsisted long, without the use of any servility: as also it is true, that some countries have not the use of any tame cattle. Indeed the affections which uphold civil rule, are (though more noble) not so simply needful, unto the sustentation either of our kind, as are Lust, and the like; or of every one, as are hunger and thirst; which notwithstanding are the lowest in degree. But where most vile, and servile dispositions, have liberty to show themselves begging in the streets; there may 〈◊〉 more justly wonder, how the dangerous toil of seafaring men can find enough to undertake them, than how the swarm of idle vagabonds should increase, by access of those, that are weary of their own more painful condition. This may suffice to prove, that in Mankind there is found, engrafted even by Nature, a desire of absolute dominion: whereunto the general custom of Nations doth subscribe; together with the pleasure which most men take in flatterers, that are the basest of slaves.  
This being so, we find no cause to marvel, how Tyranny hath been so rife in all ages, and practised, not only in the single rule of some vicious Prince, but ever by consent of whole Cities and Estates: since, other vices have likewise gotten head, and borne a general sway; notwithstanding that the way of virtue be more honourable, and commodious. Few there are that have used well the inferior Passions: how then can we expect, that the most noble affections should not be disordered? In the government of wife and children, some are utterly careless, and corrupt all by their dull connivency: others, by masterly rigour, hold their own blood under condition of slavery. To be a good Governor is a rare commendation; and to prefer the Weal public above all respects whatsoever, is the Vertueiustly termed Heroical. Of this Virtue, many ages 〈◊〉 not many examples. Hector is named by Aristotle, as one of them; and deservedly, if this praise be due to extraordinary height of fortitude, used in defence of a man's own country. But if we consider, that a love of the general good cannot be perfect, without reference unto the fountain of all goodness: we shall find, that no Moral virtue, how great 〈◊〉, can, by itself, deserve the commendation of more than Virtue, as the Heroical doth. Wherhfore we must search the Scriptures, for patterns hereof; such as David, josaphat, and josias were. Of Christian Kings if there were many such, the world would soon be happy. It is not my purpose to wrong the worth of any, by denying the praise where it is due; or by preferring a less excellent. But he that can find a King, religious, and zealous in God's cause, without enforcement either of adversity, or of some regard of state; a procurer of the general peace and quiet; who not only useth his authority, but adds the travel of his eloquence, in admonishing his judges to do justice; by the vigorous influence of whose Government, civility is infused, even into those places, that have been the dens of savage Robbers and Cutthroats; one that hath quite abolished a slavish Brehon Law, by which an whole Nation of his subjects were held in bondage; and one, whose higher virtue and wisdom doth make the praise not only of Nobility and other ornaments, but of abstinence from the blood, the wives, and the goods, of those that are under his power, together with a world of chief commendations belonging unto some good Princes, to appear less regardable: he, I say, that can find such a King, findeth an example, worthy to add unto virtue an honourable title, if it were formerly wanting. Under such a King, it is likely by God's blessing, that a Land shall flourish, with increase of Trade, in countries before unknown; that Civility and Religion shall be propagated, into barbarous and heathen countries; and that the happiness of his subjects, shall 'cause the Nations far off removed, to wish him their Sovereign. I need not add hereunto, that all the actions of such a King, even his bodily exercises, do partake of virtue; since all things tending to the preservation of his life and health, or to the mollifying of his cares, (who, fixing his contemplation upon God, seeketh how to imitate the unspeakable goodness, rather than the inaccessible majesty, with both of which himself is endued, as far as human nature is capable) do also belong to the furtherance of that common good, which he procureth. Jest any man should think me transported with admiration, or other affection, beyond the bonds of reason; I add hereunto, that such a King is nevertherlesse a man must die, and may 〈◊〉: yet wisdom and fame shall set him free, from error, and from death, both with and without the help of time. One thing I may not omit, as a singular benefit (though there be many other beside) redounding unto this King, as the fruit of his goodness. The people that live under a pleasant yoke, are not only loving to their Sovereign Lord, but free of courage, and no greater in muster of men, then of ftout fighters, if need require: whereas on the contrary, he that ruleth as over slaves, shall be attended in time of necessity, by slavish minds, neither loving his person, nor regarding his or their own honour. Coward's may be furious, and slaves outrageous, for a time: but among spirits that have once yielded unto 
Hom. Odyss. l. 17.  slavery, universally it is found true, that Homer saith, God bereaveth a man of half his virtue, that day when he casteth him into bondage.  
Of these things, I might perhaps more seasonably have spoken, in the general discourse of Government: but where so lively an example, of the calamity following a tyrannical rule, and the use of Mercenaries, thereupon depending, did offer itself, as is this present business of the Carthaginians; I thought that the note would be more effectual, than being barely delivered, as out of a common place.    

§. III How the war against the Mercenary was diversly managed by HANNO and AMILCAR, with variable success. The bloody counsels of the Mercenaries; and their final destruction.  
BEing now to return unto those Mercenaries, from whom I have thus far digressed, I cannot readily find, by what name henceforth I should call them. They are no longer in pay with the Carthaginians; neither care they to pretend, that they seek their wages already due; so that they are neither Mercenaries, nor Mutineers. Had they all been subjects unto Carthage, then might they justly have been termed Rebels: but Spendius, and others, that were the principal part of them, aught noon allegiance to that State, which they endeavoured to subvert. Wherhfore I will borrow the name of their late occupation, and still call them Mercenaries, as Polybius also doth.  
These using the advantage of their present strength, 〈◊〉 * Utica, and Hippagrcta, 
〈◊〉 is seated in the great Bay, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Promontory of Apollo At 〈◊〉 time it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉; and by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Melba. Niger saith, that the Town 〈◊〉 is ruined, and the place, whereon it stood, now called Mazacharcs. It was very ancient, and built before 〈◊〉, saith 〈◊〉. As it flow 〈◊〉 before Carthage was set up; so did it after 〈◊〉 was thrown down by the 〈◊〉, in the third 〈◊〉 War. Famous it was by the death of Cato the younger, who held it against Cesar. 〈◊〉, that worthy Divine, was Bishop thereof in the time of Genseric the Arrian, who lived all the time of that Tyrant, and hath written the 〈◊〉 of his cruelties.  Cities of great importance, as being seated upon the western Haven of Carthage, where it is divided by a neck of land; Hippagreta standing inwards upon the great Lake; Utica further out upon the Sea. Neither was the Camp at 〈◊〉 abandoned, which lay filthy to hinder the Carthaginians, from passing up into the country: for Matho and Spendius wanted not men, to follow the war in all parts at once.  
How the Carthaginians were amazed with this unexpected peril, any man may conceive. But the business itself awakes them hastily. They are hardly priest on all sides; and therefore travailed their brains to the uttermost, how to shake off these furious dogs from their shoulders, who sometimes by night, sometimes by day, come unto the very walls of their City. In this exigent Hanno was made their General: who failed not in his accustomed diligence of making all good preparation: but had gotten together whatsoever was needful, as well to relieve a Town besieged, as to batter and assail any place defended against him. With these provisions, and with an hundred Elephants, he come to Utica; so suddenly, that the enemies as men surprised, forsook their Trenches, and retired themselves unto a rising piece of woody ground, where they might be safe against the violence of his beasts. Hanno, thinking that he had to do with Numidians, whose custom was, after any loss, to fly two or three whole days journey off; presently entered the Town; to show himself, after this his victory. But these good fellows, against whom he was to war, had learned of Amilcar, to retire and to fight again, many times in one day, as need required. Therefore as soon as they perceived, that he knew not how to use a victory; they assailed their own Camp, and with great slaughter, drove the Carthaginians out of it, forcing them to hide themselves within Utica; and got possession of all the store, that Hanno had brought for the relief of the Town. This bad beginning Hanno followed with suitable indiscretion: losing the benefit of many fair opportunites, and suffering the enemies to take possession of all the entrance from Carthage to the firm land.  
The Carthaginians, perceiving this, were exceedingly troubled, and did therefore let fall their shete-anchor; sending to the field their great Captain, Amilcar, whom they furnished with ten thousand foot of supply, and seventy Elephants. Amilcar had work enough to do, before he should be able to meet with the enemy upon equal ground. For besides other places of advantage that the Mercenaries had occupied, Hanno had suffered them to win the only Bridge, by which the River Macra, or Bagradas, was passable unto these, that were to travail into the Continent. This River had not many fords, nor those casie for a single man to get over: but upon them all was kept such guard, as gave to Amilcar little hope of prevailing in seeking way by force. As for the Bridge itself, Matho and his followers were there lodged: and had there built a Town, wherein to lie commodiously, intentive only to the custody thereof. But Amilcar had observed, that the very mouth of Bagradas used to be sometimes cloyed with sand and gravel, that was driven in by certain customary winds, & could not be driven out again, by force of that slow River, till the wind falling, or changing, suffered the weight of the waters, to disburden their channel. Hereof he made use; and taking his opportunity, passed the River; contrary to all expectation, either of the enemy, or of his own Citizens.  
There was no need to bid Spendius look about him, when once it was heard, that Amilcar was come over Bagradas: all the Mercenaries were troubled with the news; knowing that they were no longer to deal with the improvident gravity of Hanno, but with an able spirit, even with their own Master in the Art of War, whom they admired, though they hated him. But this fear was soon changed into presumption; when more than fifteen thousand of their own society, were come from Utica; and other ten thousand from the guard of the Bridge. Their Army was far greater, than that of Amilcar; and they were, in their own judgement, the better men, upon which confidence, they resolved to charge him on all sides, and beaten him down, in despite of his worth and reputation. With this resolution they attended upon him; watching for some advantage; and 〈◊〉 exhorting one another to play the men, and give the onset. Especially they that followed him in the Rear, had a great mind to begin the fight; whereunto their promptness was such, as took from them their former circumspection. Amilcar held his way towards the Bridge, keeping himself on plain grounds, that were fittest for the service of his Elephants, which he placed in front of his Army. Neither made he show of any desire to fight, but suffered the rashness of his enemies to increase, till it should 〈◊〉 into some disorder. At length perceiving, that with more boldness than good heed, they followed him so near, as would be little for their good, if he should turn upon them, he hastened his march, even to such a pace, as made a show little differing from plain flight. The Mercenaries presently fell upon his skirts; 〈◊〉, that for fear of them he was ready to run away. But whilst they confusedly, as in sudden opinion of victory, were driving at the heels of those that had the Rear; Amilcar wheeled about, and met them in the face, charging them hotly, but in very good order, so that amazed with the apprehension of inexpected danger, they fled without making any resistance. In this overthrow, there were six thousand of the Mercenaries slain, and about two thousand taken; the rest fled; some to the Camp at Utica; others to the Town at the Bridge; wither Amilcar followed them so fast, that he wan the place easily: the enemies being thence also fled unto Tunes, as not having recollected their spirits to make it good.  
The fame of this victory, together with the diligence of Amilcar in pursuing it, caused many Towns revolted, partly by fear, partly by force, to return to their former obedience. Yet was not Matho wanting to himself, in this dangerous time. He sent about Numidia and Africa, for new supplies; admonishing the people, now or never to do their best, for the recovery of their freedom; he persuaded Spendius, and 〈◊〉 that was Captain of the Gauls, to wait upon Amilcar, and always to keep the higher grounds, or at lest the foot of some hill, where they might be safe from the Elephants; and he himself continued to press the Town of Hippagreta with an hard siege. It was necessary for Amilcar, in passing from place to place, as his business required, to take such ways as there were: for all the country lay not level. Therefore Spendius, who still coasted him, had once gotten a notable advantage of ground: the Carthaginians lying in a Plain, surrounded with hills, that were occupied by the Mercenaries, with their 〈◊〉 and African succours. In this difficulty; the same of Amilcar his personal worth did greatly benefit his country. For Naravasus, a young gentleman commanding over the Numidians, was glad of this occasion serving to 〈◊〉 the acquaintance and love of so brave a man, which he much desired: and therefore come unto Amilcar, signifying his good affection to him, with offer to doc him all service. Amilcar joyfully entertained this friend; promised unto him his own daughter in marriage; and so wan from the enemies two thousand horse, that following Naravasus turned unto the Carthaginians side. With this help he gave battle unto Spendius: wherein the Numidian laboured to approve his own valour, to his new friend. So the victory was great: for there were slain ten thousand of Spendius his fellows, and four thousand taken prisoners, but Spendius himself, with Autaritus the Gaul, escaped to do more mischief. Amilcar dealt very gently with his prisoners: pardoning all offences past, and dismissing as many, as were unwilling to become his followers; yet with condition, that they should never more bear arms against the Carthagintans; threatening to take sharp revenge upon all, that should break this Covenant.  
This humanity was vehemently suspected by Matho, Spendius, and Autaritus, as tending to win from them, the hearts of their soldiers. Wherhfore they resolved to take such order, that not a man among them should dare, to trust in the good nature of Amilcar, nor to hope for any safety, whilst Carthage was able to do him hurt. They counterfeited letters of advertisement, wherein was contained, that some of their company respective only of their private benefit, and careless of the general good, had a purpose to betray them all unto the Carthaginians, with whom they held intelligence; and that it was needful, to look well unto Gesco, and his companions, whom these traitors had a purpose to enlarge. Upon this Theme Spendius makes an Oration to the soldiers, exhorting them to fidelity; and showing with many words, that the seeming humanity of Amilcar, toward some, was noon other than a bait, wherewith to entrap them all at once together; as also telling them, what a dangerous enemy Gesco would prove, if he might escape their hands. While he is yet in the midst of his tale; were letters come, to the same purpose. Than steps forth Autaritus and speaks his mind plainly: saying, that it were the best, yea the only way, for the common safety, to cut off all hope of reconciliation with Carthage; that if some were devising to make their own peace, it would go hard with those that had a care of the war; that it were better to make an end of Gesco his life, than to trouble themselves with looking to his custody; that by such a course every one should be engaged in the present Action, as having noon other hope left, than in victory alone; finally, that such as would speak here-against, were worthy to be reputed Traitors. This Autaritus was in great credit with the soldiers, and could speak sundry languages, in such sort, that he was understood by all. According to his motion therefore it was 〈◊〉, that Gesco, and all the other prisoners, should forthwith be put to horrible death, by torments. Nevertheless there were some, that for love of Gesco, sought to altar his intended cruelty; but they were forth with stoned to death, as a Document unto others; and so the Decree was put in execution. Neither were they therewithal contented; but further ordained, that all Carthaginian prisoners which they took, should be served in like sort: and that the subjects or friends of Carthage, should loose their hands, and so be sent home: which rule they observed ever afterwards.  
Of this cruelty I need say no more, then that it was most execrable feritie. As for the counsel of using it, it was like unto the counsel of ACHITOPHEL; All Israel shall hear, that thou art abhorred of thy father; then shall the 〈◊〉 of all that are with thee, be strong. Such are the first-fruits of desperation. He that is past all hope of pardon, is afraid of his own fellows, if they be more innocent; and to avoid the punishment of less offences, committeth greater. The cowardice of offenders, and the revengeful spirits of those that have been wronged, are breeders of this desperation: to which may be added, some 〈◊〉 of Laws, in 〈◊〉 the punishments of malefactors, according to the decree of their several crimes. A coward thinks all provision too little, for his own security. If PHOCAS be acoward (said the Emperor 〈◊〉) then is he murderous. To be steadfast and sure, in taking revenge; is thought a point of honour, and a deafen sative against new injuries. But wrongfully: for it is opposite to the rule of 〈◊〉; and such a quality discovered, makes them deadly enemies, who otherwise would have repent, and sought to make amendss, for the wrong done in passion. This was it, which wrought so much woe to the Carthaginians; teaching Matho, and his Africans, to suspect even their gentleness, as the introduction to extreme rigour. Like unto the errors of Princes and Governors, are the 〈◊〉 of Laws. Where one and the same punishment, is awarded unto the less offence, and unto the greater, he that hath adventured to rob a man, is easily tempted to kill him, for his own security.  
Against these inconveniences Mercy and Severity, used with due respect, are the best remedies. In neither of which Amilcar failed. For as long as these his own soldiers were any way likely to be reclaimed, by gentle courses; his 〈◊〉 was ready to invite them. But when they were transported with beastly outrage, beyond all regard of honesty and shame, he rewarded their villainy with answerable vengeance; casting them unto wild beasts, to be devoured.  
Until this time Hanno, with the Army under his command, had kept himself apart from Amilcar, and done little, as may seem, for that nothing is remembered of him, since his late losses. Neither was Amilcar sorry to want his help; as being able to do better without him. But when the war grew to such extremity, as threatened utter ruin to the one or the other side: then was Hanno sent for, & come to Amilcar, with whom he joined his forces. By this access of strength Amilcar was not enabled, to do more than in former times: rather he could now perform nothing; such was the hatred between him and his unworthy Colleague. The Towns of 〈◊〉 and Hippagreta, that had stood always firm on the Carthaginian party, did now revolt unto the enemy, murdering all the soldiers that they had in Garrison, and casting their bodies forth, without suffering them to be buried. The provisions brought by sea, for maintenance of the Army, were lost in soul weather: and Carthage itself stood in danger of being 〈◊〉, about which Matho and Spendius consulted, whilst one of the Carthaginian Generals did (as it were) bind the others hands.  
It hath in all Ages been used, as the safest course, to sand forth in great Expeditions, two Generals of one Army. This was the common practice of those two mighty Cities, Athens and Rome; which other States and Princes have often imitated; persuading themselves, that great Armies are not so well conducted by one, as by two: who out of emulation to excel each other, will use the greater diligence. They have also joined two chief Commanders in equal commission, upon this further consideration; the better to restrain the ambition of any one, that should be trusted with so great a strength. For hereofall Commonweals have been jealous, having been taught by their examples that have made themselves Tyrants over those Cities and States that have employed them. In this point, the Venetians have been so circumspect, as they have for the most part, trusted strangers, and not their own, in all the wars which they have made. It is true, that the equal authority of two commanding in chief, serveth well to bridle the ambition of one or both, from turning upon the Prince or State that hath given them trust: but in managing the war itself, it is commonly the cause of ill 〈◊〉. In wars made near unto Rome itself, when two good friends were Consuls, or such two at lest, as concurred in one desire of Triumph; which honour (the greatest of any that Rome could give) was to be obtained by that one years service; it is no marvel, though each of the Consuls did his best, and referred all his thoughts unto noon other end than victory. Yet in all dangerous cases, when the Consuls proceeded otherwise then was desired, one Dictator was appointed, whose power was neither hindered by any partner, nor by any great limitation. Neither was it indeed the manner, to sand forth both the Consuls to one war; but each went, wither his lot called him, to his own Province; unless one business seemed to require them both, and they also seemed fit to be joined in the administration. Now although it was so, that the Romans did many times prevail with their joint Generals: yet was this never or seldom, without as much concord, as any other virtue of the Commanders. For their modesty hath often been such, that the 〈◊〉 able Captain, though of equal authority, hath willingly submitted himself to the other, and obeyed his directions. This notwithstanding, they have many times, by ordaining two Commanders of one Army, received great and most dangerous overthrows; whereof in the second Punic war we shall find examples. On the contrary 〈◊〉, in their wars most remote, that were always managed by one, they seldom failed to win exceeding honour, as hereafter shall appear. Now of those ten Generals, which served the Athenians at the Battle of Marathon, it may truly be said, that had not their temper been better, than the judgement of the people that sent them forth, and had not they submitted themselves to the conduction of Miltiades; their affairs had found the same success which they found at other times, when they coupled Nicias and Alcibiades together in Sicily: the one being so over-warie, and the other so hasty, as all come to naught that they undertook; whereas Cimon alone, as also Aristides, and others, having sole charge of all, did their Country and Commonweal most remarkable service. For it is hard to find two great Captains, of equal discretion and valour; but that the one hath more of fury than of judgement, and so the contrary, by which the best occasions are as often 〈◊〉, as at other times many actions are unseasonably undertaken. I remember it well, that when the Prince of Condy was slain after the Battle of 〈◊〉, (which Prince, together with the Admiral 〈◊〉, had the conduct of the Protestant Army) the Protestant's did greatly bewail the loss of the said Prince, in respect of his Religion, person, and birth; yet comforting themselves, they thought it rather an advancement, than an hindrance to their affairs. For so much did the valour of the one, outreach the advisedness of the other, as whatsoever the Admiral intended to win by attending the advantage, the Prince adventured to loose, by being over-confident in his own courage.  
But we need no better example, than of the Carthaginians in this present business: who, though they were still sick of their ill-grounded 〈◊〉 to Hanno, and were unwilling to disgrace him; yet seeing that all ran towards ruin, through the discord of the Generals, committed the decision of their controversies, unto the Army that served under them. The judgement of the Army was, that Hanno should departed the Camp: which he did; and Hannibal was sent in his stead, one that would be directed by Amilcar; and that was enough.  
After this, the affairs of Carthage began to prospero somewhat better. Matho and Spendius had brought their Army near unto the City; and lay before it, as in a siege. They might well be bold, to hope and adventure much; having in their Camp above fifty thousand, besides those that lay abroad in Garrisons. Nevertheless, the City was too strong for them to win by assault: and the entrance of victuals they could not hinder, if any should be sent in by friends from abroad.  
Hieron, King of Syracuse, though during the wars in Sicily he 〈◊〉 the Romans, and still continued in their Alliance, yet now sent succours to the 〈◊〉: fearing their fall, and consequently his own; because if no other State gave the Romans somewhat to trouble their digestion, the Principality of Syracuse would soon be devoured by them. The Romans also gave them some slender assistance, and for the present refused good offers made unto them by the Mercenaries. This they did, to show a kind of noble disposition; which was indeed but sergeant, as the sequel manifestly 〈◊〉.  
Whilst Matho and his followers were busily pressing the City, Amilcar was as diligent, in waiting at their backs, and cutting off all that come to their supply: so that finding themselves more straightly besieged by him, than Carthage was by them, they purposed to desist from their vain attempt, and try some other course. Hereupon they issue into the field: where 〈◊〉, and one Zarcas an African Captain assisting the rebellion, take upon them to find Amilcar work; 〈◊〉 Matho in Tunis, to negotiate with their friends, and take a general care of the business. The Elephants of Carthage, and horse of 〈◊〉, made Spendius fearful to descend into the Plains. Wherhfore he betook himself to his former method of war; keeping the mountains, and rough grounds, or occupying the straightest passages, wherein the desperate courage of his men might show itself, with little disadvantage. But Amilcar had more skill in this Art, than could be matched by the labour of Spendius. He drew the enemy to many skirmishes; in all which the success was such, as added courage to his own men, and abated the strength and spirit of the Rebels. Thus he continued, provoking them night and day: still entrapping some of them, and sometimes giving them the overthrow in plain battle: until at length he got them into a strait, whence ere they should get out, he meant to take of them a good account. Their judgement was enough, to perceive their own disadvantage: and therefore they had the less stomach to fight; but awaited for help from Tunis. Amilcar prudently foreseeing, that necessity might teach them, to dare 〈◊〉, used the benefit of their present fear, and shut them close up with Trench and Rampart. There they waited miserably for succour, that come not: and having spent all their victuals, were so pinched with hunger, that they fed upon the bodies of their prisoners. This they suffered patiently, as knowing that they had not deserved any favour from Carthage; and hoping, that their friends at Tunis would not be unmindful of them. But when they were driven to such extremity, that they were feign to devour their own companions, and yet seen noon appearance or likelihood of relief: their obstinacy was broken; and they threatened their Captains with what they had 〈◊〉, unless they would go forth to Amilcar, and seek such peace as might be gotten. So Spendius, Zarxas, and Autaritus, fell to consultation, wherein it was resolved, to obey the multitude, and yield themselves, if it were so required, unto the death, rather than to perish by the hands of their own companions. Hereupon they sand to crave parle, which is granted; and these three come forth to talk with Amilcar in person. What they could say unto him, it is hard to conjecture: yet by the conditions which Amilcar granted, it seems that they took the blame upon themselves, and craved pardon for the multitude. The conditions were, that the Carthaginians should choose, out of the whole number of these enemies, any ten whom they pleased, to remain at their discretion; and that the rest should all be dismissed, each in his shirt, or in one single coat. When the peace was thus concluded; Amilcar told these Ringlcaders, that he chose them presently, as part of the ten, and so commanded to lay hands on them: the rest he forthwith went to 〈◊〉, with his whole Army in order. The Rebels, who knew not that peace was concluded upon so gentle articles, thought themselves betrayed: and therefore amazedly ran to arms. But they wanted Captains to order them; and the same astonishment, that made them break the Covenants of peace, whereof they were ignorant, gave unto Amilcar both colour of justice, in accomplishing revenge, and case in doing the execution. They were all slain: being forty thousand, or more, in number.  
This was a famous exploit: and the news thereof, exceeding welcome to Carthage; and terrible to the revolted Cities of Africa. Henceforward Amilcar, with his 〈◊〉 and Hannibal, carried the war from Town to Town, and found all places ready to yield: Utica, and Hippagreta, only standing out, upon fear of deserved vengeance; and Tunes, being held by Matho, with the remainder of his Army. It was thought fit to begin with Tunis, wherein lay the chief strength of the enemy. Coming before this Town, they brought forth Spendius, with his fellows, in view of the defendants, and crucified them under the walls; to terrify those of his old companions, that were still in arms. With this rigour the siege began; as if speedy victory had been assured. Hannibal quartered on that part of Tunis, which lay towards Carthage; Amilcar on the opposite side: too far asunder to help one another in sudden accidents; and therefore it behoved each, to be the more circumspect.  
Matho from the walls beheld his own destiny, in the misery of his companion, and knew not how to avoid it otherwise, than by a cast at dies with fortune. So he broke out upon that part of the Carthaginian Army, that lay secure, as if all danger were past, under the command of Hannibal: and with so great and unexpected fury he sallied, that after an exceeding slaughter, he took Hannibal prisoner; on whom, and thirty the most noble of the Carthaginian prisoners, he presently 〈◊〉 the death of Spendius by the same torture. Of this Amilcar knew nothing till it was too late; neither had he strength enough remaining, after this great loss, to continued the siege; but was feign to break it up, and remove unto the mouth of the River Bagradas, where he encamped.  
The terror was no less within Carthage, upon the same of this loss; than had been the joy of the late great victory. All that could bear arms, were sent 〈◊〉 the field, under Hanno; whom, it seems, they thought the most able of their captains 〈◊〉 the late accidents of War. If there were any Law among them, forbidding the employment of one sole General, near unto their City (for they are known to have trusted one man abroad) the time did not permit, in this hasty exigent, to devise about repealing it. But thirty principal men are chosen by the Senate, to bring Hanno to Hamilcar's camp, and by all good persuasions to reconcile them. This could not be effected in one day. It nearly touched Amilcar in his honour, that the carelessness of Hannibal seemed to be imputed unto him, by sending his enemy to moderate his proceed. Nevertheless after many conferences, the authority of the Senators prevailed; Amilcar and Hanno were made friends; and thenceforth, whilst this war lasted, Hanno took warning by Hannibal's calamities, to follow good directions, though afterwards he returned to his old and deadly 
Liu. Dec. 3. l. 1.  hatred.  
In the mean season Matho was come abroad; as meaning to use the reputation of his late 〈◊〉, whilst it gave some life unto his business. He had reason to do as he did: but he wanted skill to deal with Amilcar. The skirmishes, and light 〈◊〉 of war, wherein Amilcar trained his 〈◊〉, did so far abate the strength, and withal diminish the credit of Matho, that he resolved to try the fortune of one battle: wherein either his desires should be accomplished, or his cares ended. To this conclusion the Carthaginians were no less prove, than Matho: as being weary of these long troubles, and 〈◊〉 expenses; confident in the valour of their own men, which had approved itself in many trials; and well assured of Amilcar his great worth, whereunto the enemy had not what to oppose. According to this determination, each part was diligent in making provision: inviting their friends to help; and drawing forth into the field, all that lay in Garrison.  
The issue of this Battle might have been foretold, without help of witchcraft. Matho, and his followers, had nothing whereon to presume, save their daring spirits, which had been well cooled by the many late skirmishes, wherein they had learned how to run away. The 〈◊〉 had reason to dare, as having often been victorious: and in all points else they had the better of their enemies; especially (which is worth all the rest) they had such a Commander, as was not easily to be matched in that Age. Neither was it likely, that the desire of liberty should work so much, in men accustomed to servitude; as the honour of their State would, in Citizens, whose future and present good lay all at once engaged in that adventure. So the Carthaginians wan a great victory, wherein most of the Africans their enemies were slain; the rest fled into a Town, which was not to be defended, and therefore they all yielded; and Matho himself was taken alive. Immediately upon this victory, all the Africans that had rebelled made submission to their old masters: Utica only, and Hippagreta stood out, as knowing how little they deserved of favour. But they were soon forced, to take what conditions best 〈◊〉 the victors. 〈◊〉 and his fellows were led to Carthage in triumph; where they suffered all torments that could be devised, in recompense of the mischiefs which they had wrought in this war. The war had lasted three years, and about four months, when it come to this good end: which the Carthaginians, whose subjects did not love them, should with less expense, by contenting their Mercenaries, have prevented in the beginning.   

§. FOUR How the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians, that were in Sardinia, rebelled: and were afterwards driven 〈◊〉 by the Islanders. The faithless dealing of the Romans with the Carthaginians, in taking from them Sardinia, contrary to the peace.  
Whilst Matho and Spendius were making this terrible combustion in Africa; other Mercenaries of the Carthaginians had kindled the like fire in Sardinia: where murdering Bostar the Governor, and other Carthaginians, they were in hope to get, and hold that Island to their own use. Against these one Hanno was sent with a small Army (such as could be spared in that busy time) consisting likewise of Mercenaries, levied on the sudden. But these companions that followed Hanno, finding it more for their safety, and present profit, to join themselves with those that were already revolted, than to endanger themselves by battle, for the good of that commonweal, of which they had no care; began to enter into practice with the Sardinian Rebels; offering to run one course of fortune with them in their enterprise. This their offer was kindly taken; but their faith was suspected. Wherhfore, to take away all jealousy and distrust, they resolved to hung up their Commander 〈◊〉, and performed it. A common practice it hath been in all Ages, with those that have undertaken the quarrel of an unjust war, to enjoin the performance of some notorious and villainous act, to those that come into them as seconds, with offer to partake, and to assist the impious purposes which they have in hand. It is indeed the best pawn, that desperate men can deliver to each other, to perform some such Actions, as are equally unpardonable to all.  
By such a kind of cruelty did the ungrateful 〈◊〉 murder a Garrison of Achaians, sent unto them for their defence against the 〈◊〉, by Aratus; who, when he had formerly possessed himself of their City, by right of war, did not only spare the sack and spoil thereof, but gave them equal freedom with the rest of the Cities united. These 〈◊〉 are also common in our Court-warres; where, in the conquests of new fortunes, and making of new parties, and factions, without the depression or destruction of old friends, we cannot be received and trusted by old enemies. Ce sont les coups de vieille escrime. These, (say the French) be the blows of the old art of fencing.  
These Mercenaries in Sardinia were no whit less violent in their purpose, than were Spendius, and his associates: only they wanted a Matho among them, to negotiate with the inhabitants of the Province. The Islanders were no less glad, than the soldiers, that the Carthaginians were expelled the Country: but they could not agreed about the profit of the victory. The Sardinians thought that it was enough, if they rewarded the soldiers for their pains taken. Contrariwise, the soldiers were of opinion, that the title of the Carthaginians to that Isle, was devolved unto themselves, by right of conquest. The same quarrel would (in likelihood) have risen, between Spendius with his Mercenaries, and their African friends; if the common desire of both had once taken effect: unless the riches of Carthage had served to content them all. But in 〈◊〉, where there was noon other valuable reward, than possession and rule of the Country; the matter was not easily taken up. So they fell to blows; which how they were dealt, I know not; but finally, the Mercenaries were driven out, and compelled to save themselves in Italy. Before their departure out of Sardinia, they had invited the Romans into it; with as good right, as the Mamertines had called them into Sicil. Yet this offer was refused, upon reasons that follow.  
Some Italian Merchants had relieved Matho and Spendius with corn; of whom the Carthaginians took almost five hundred, and held them in prison. Hereof was made a great complaint: so that the Romans sent Ambassadors to Carthage, requiring satisfaction. It was no time for the Carthaginians to dispute: they quietly yielded to release them all. This was so kindly taken, that they forbade all their Merchants, to trade thenceforth with the Rebels; admonishing them to carry all provisions to Carthage. And upon the same reason, did they forbear to meddle with Sardinia, or to accept the City of Utica, offering itself unto their subjection. This might have served, as a notable example of the Roman faith, to all 〈◊〉: had not the issue proved, that it was mere regard of greater profit, which kept them so temperate, no longer than the hope lasted of thriving better thereby, than they should have done by open breach of faith. The whole estate of Carthage depended, at that time, upon the virtue of Amilcar: who had he been overthrown by Spendius or Matho, in one main battle, that mighty City must either have fallen into the barbarous hands of merciless villains, or have humbled herself under protection of the Romans, with whom she had lately striven for superiority. That extreme necessity, whereinto Matho reduced the City, by the fortune of one sally made out of Tunis, is enough to prove, that Carthage was not far from such a miserable choice. Wherefore it was not unwisely done of the Romans, to make such demonstration of kindness, and honourable dealing, as might invite a rich, but sinking ship, to run herself aground upon their shore. But when all was well ended in Africa, and the Carthaginians began to prepare for the recovery of Sardinia: then did Ambition put off her goodly vizor. The Romans perceiving that Carthage, beyond their hope, had recovered her feet again; began to strike at her head. They entertained the proffer of those Mercenaries, that were fled out of Sardinia; and they denounced war against this enfeebled and impoverished City, under a shameless pretence, that the preparations made for SARDINIA, were made indced against Rome itself. The Carthaginians knew themselves unable to resist; and therefore yielded to the Romans demand; renouncing unto them all their right in Sardinia. But this was not enough. They would have twelve hundred talents, in recompense belike (for I see not what reason they could allege) of the great fear which they had endured, of an invasion from Carthage. It is indeed plain, that they impudently sought occasion of war. But necessity taught the Carthaginians patience; and the money was paid, how hardly 〈◊〉 it was raised. From this time forward, let not Rome complain of the Punic faith, in breach of Covenants: she herself hath broken the peace already, which Amilcar purposeth to make her dearly repent; but what Amilcar lives not to perform, shall be accomplished by Hannibal his renowned son.   

§. V How the affairs of Carthage went between the African Rebellion, and the second Punic War.  
THe injurious dealing of the Romans, expressing their desire to pick a quarrel; 〈◊〉 to instruct the Carthaginians in a necessary lesson. That either they must make themselves the stronger, or else resolve to be obedient unto those that were more mighty. In a City long accustomed to rule, the braver determination easily took place: and the best means were thought upon, for the increase of pvissance and Empire. The strength, and the jealousy of the Romans, forbade all attempts upon the Mediterran seas; but the riches of Spain, that lay upon the Ocean, were unknown to Rome: wherefore that Province might serve, both to exercise the Carthaginians in war, and to repair their decayed forces, with all needful supplies. Of this Spanish Expedition, the charge and sovereign trust was committed unto Amilcar: upon whom his Country did wholly repose itself; in hope to recover strength by his means, that had saved it from ruine.  
Hanno, with some other envious men, that were of his faction, took little pleasure in the general love and honour, which daily increased towards Amilcar and his friends. Yet could they not deny him to be the most worthy of command in all the City: only they commended peace and quietness; advising men to beware of provoking the Romans, in whose amity they said, that the felicity of Carthage did consist. By such discourses, harsh to the ears of good Citizens, who had feeling of the wrong done to their Common weal; they got noon other reputation, than of singularity: which the ignorant sort suspected to be wisdom.  
But the glory of Amilcar was continually upheld and enlarged, by many notable services that he did, to the singular benefit of his Country. He passed the Straitss of Hercules, (now called the Straitss of Gibraltar) and landed on the western coast of Spain; in which Country, during nine years that he lived there, he subjecteth unto the State of Carthage the better part of all those Provinces. But finally, in a battle that he fought with a Nation in Portugal, called the Vettones, (defending himself a long time with an admirable resolution) he was 〈◊〉 and slain: carrying with him to the grave the same great honour and fame, by which in many signal victories, he had acquired the name of a second Mars.  
After the death of Amilcar; 〈◊〉 his son in law was made General of the Carthaginian forces in Spain. This was a good man of war; but far better in practice and cunning, than in deeds of arms. By his notable dexterity in matter of negotiation, he greatly enlarged the Dominion of Carthage: adding so many subjects and confederates thereunto, that the Romans began to grow jealous again of this hasty increase. He built a goodly City, upon a commodious Haven, in the Kingdom of Granado, opposite to that of Oran in Africa, and gave it the name of New Carthage, which to this day it nearly retaineth, being called now 
* The Spaniards have since built a City of the same name in the West Indieses: which being peopled by them in the year 1532. was sacked by the English in the year 1585.  Carthagena. With this success of the 〈◊〉 in Spain, the Romans were not a little troubled; but begin to 'cause their own negligence. For whereas they had formerly taken so much pains to beaten them out 〈◊〉 the Isle of Sicily, as suspecting their neighbourhood there; they had now, by cumbering themselves in a war of far 〈◊〉 importance, (whereof I shall speak anon) given them leisure, without interruption, to recover upon their own Continent, a Dominion by far exceeding, both in the bodies of men and in revenue, that which the Romans had taken from them. But how to help this, at the present they knew not; for they daily expected to be invaded by the Gauls, their ancient enemies, and nearest neighbours to the West. But he needeth little help of force, that knoweth himself to be feared: it is enough if he request; since his request shall have the virtue of a command.  
Yet were the Romans utterly destitute of all good colour; that might help them to intermeddle in Spain. The Spaniards were then unacquainted with Rome, whereof (in probability) they scarce had heard the name: so that there were no Mamertines, nor other such Rebels, to call in Roman succours. But in the enterprise of Sardinia, the Romans had learned an impudent pretence, that might also serve their turn in Spain. For though it were apparent, that the Spanish affairs had no relation to the peace between these two Cities; and though it were nothing likely, that Asdrubal had any purpose, to extend his victories unto the gates of Rome, or to any of the Roman frontiers: yet (as if some such matter had been suspected) they sent unto him, requiring that he should forbear to proceed any further, than to the River of Iberus. In addressing their messengers, rather to Asdrubal, than to the City of Carthage; they seem to have hoped, that howsoever the generality of the Carthaginians had sweetly swallowed many bitter pills, to avoid all occasion of war with Rome: yet the bravery of one man might prove more fastidious, and, resenting the injury, return such answer, as would entangle his whole Country in the quarrel, that they so much desired; and might embrace at leisure, when once they had found apparent cause. But Asdrubal finely deluded their expectation. He pretended no manner of dislike at all: and whereas they would have this 〈◊〉 covenant inserted into the articles of peace; he took upon him to do it, of his own power, with such appearance of conformity to their will, that they went their ways contented, and sought no further.  
If it had been so, that the State of Carthage, thereunto pressed by the Romans, for fear of present war, had ratified this new composition made by Asdrubal, yet should it not have stood bound in honour, to observe the same carefully, unless an oath had also been extorted, to make all sure. But since all passed quietly, under the bore authority of Asdrubal; this Capitulation was noon other in 〈◊〉, than a second breach of peace; whereof the Romans might be accused more justly, than they could accuse the Carthaginians of perjury, (as they after did) for 〈◊〉 to stand to it.  
By this Treaty with Asdrubal, the Romans wan some reputation in Spain. For when it was once conceived by the Spaniards, that the City which would needs be mistress over them, stood in fear herself, of receiving blows from a stouter Dame; there were soon found some, that by offering themselves to the protection of Rome, become (as they thought) fellow-servants with Carthage. But the Carthaginians will shortly teach them another lesson. The Saguntines, a people on the South side of Iberus, entered into confederacy with the Romans, and were gladly accepted. Surely it was lawful unto the Romans, to admit the Saguntines, or any other people (neither subject, nor open enemy in war to the Carthaginians) into their society: and unlawful it was unto the Carthaginians, to use violence towards any that should thus once become confederate with Rome. Nevertheless, if we consider the late agreement made with Asdrubal; we shall find that the Romans could have noon other honest colour of requiring it, than an implicit covenant of making the River Iberus a bound, over which they themselves would not pass, in any Discovery or Conquest by them intended to be made upon Spain: in which regard, they might have some honest pretence to require the like of the Carthaginians; though Rome as yet had no foot, on the one side of Iberus, whereas Carthage, on the other side of that River, held almost all the Country. Howsoever it were; this indignity was not so easily digested, as former injuries had been. For it was a matter of ill consequence, that the Nations which had heard of no greater power than the Carthaginian, should behold Saguntum resting securely among them, upon confidence of help from a more mighty City. Wherhfore either in this respect; or for that the sense is most feeling of the latest injuries; or rather for that now the 〈◊〉 were of power to do themselves right: war against Saguntum was generally thought upon, let the Romans take it how they list. In such terms were the Carthaginians, when Asdrubal died, after he had commanded in Spain eight years: (being slain by a slave, whose master he had put to death) and the Great Hannibal, son of the Great Amilcar, was chosen General in his stead.   

§. VI The estate of Greece from the death of 〈◊〉, to the reign of PHILIP the son of 〈◊〉 in Macedon.  
IN the long term of the first Punic war, and the vacation following, between it and the second; the 〈◊〉 of Greece, after the death of 〈◊〉, was grown somewhat like unto that, wherein Philip of Macedon had found it; though far weaker, as in an after-spring. The whole country had recovered by degrees, a form of liberty: the petty tyrannies (bred of those inferior Captains, which in the times of general combustion, had 〈◊〉 each upon such Towns as he could get) were, by force or accident, extirpated, and reform; and some States were risen to such greatness, as not only served to defend themselves, but to give protection to others. This conversion to the better, proceeded from the like dissensions and tumults in Macedon, as had been in Greece, when Philip first began to encroach upon it. For after many quarrels and great wars, about the Kingdom of Macedon, between Antigonus the elder, Cassander, Demetrius, Lysimachus, 〈◊〉, Pyrrhus, and the Gauls: Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, finally got and held it, reigning six and thirty years; yet so, that he was divers times thence expelled, not only by the Gauls, and by Pyrrhus, as hath been already showed, but by Alexander the son of Pyrrhus the Epirot, from whose father he had hardly won it. This happened unto him, by the revolt of his soldiers, even at such time, as having overthrown with great slaughter an 〈◊〉 of the Gauls, he was converting his forces against the Athenians, whom he compelled to receive his Garrisons. But his young son Demetrius raised an Army; wherewith he chased Alexander, not only out of Macedon, but out of his own Epirus, and restored his father to the Kingdom.  
By the help of this young Prince Demetrius (though in another kind) Antigonus got into his possession the Citadel of Corinth; which was justly termed the fetter of Greece. The Citadel called Acrocorinthus, stood upon a steep rocky hill on the North side of the town; and was by nature and art so strong, that it seemed impregnable. It commanded the town; which was of much importance, as occupying the whole breadth of the Isthmus, that running between the Aegean and jonique 〈◊〉, joineth Peloponnesus to the Main of Greece. Wherhfore he that held possession of this 〈◊〉, was able to cut off all passage by land, from one half of Greece unto the other; besides the commodity of the two Seas, upon both of which, this rich and goodly City had commodious havens. Alexander, the son of Polysperchon; and after his death, 〈◊〉 his wife, had gotten Corinth in the great shuffling of Provinces and Towns, that was made between Alexander's Princes. Afterwards it passed from hand to hand, until it come, I know not how, to one Alexander; of whom I find nothing else, than that he was thought to be poisoned by this Antigonus, who deceived his wife 〈◊〉 thereof, and got it from her by a trick. The device was this. Antigonus sent his young Demetrius to Corinth, willing him to court Nicaea, and 〈◊〉 her marriage. The foolish old widow perceived not how unfit a match she was for the young Prince, but entertained the fancy of marriage; whereto the old King was even as ready, to consent, as was his son to desire it, and come thither in person to solemnize it. Hereupon all Corinth was filled with sacrifices, feasts, plays, and all sorts of games: in the midst of which, Antigonus watched his time, and got into the Castle, beguiling the poor Lady, whose jealousy had been exceeding diligent in keeping it. Of this purchase he was so glad, that he could not contain himself within the gravity beseeming his old age. But as he had stolen it; so was it again stolen from him: neither lived he to revenge the loss of it, being already spent with age.  
Demetrius, the son of this Antigonus, succeeding unto his father, reigned ten years. He made greater proof of his virtue before he was King than after. The Dardanians, Aetolians, and Achaeans, held him continually busied in war; wherein his fortune was variable, and for the more part ill. About these times the power of the Macedonians began to decay: and the Grecians to cast off their yoke.  
Philip, the only son of Demetrius, was a young child when his father died; and therefore Antigonus, his uncle, had the charge of the Kingdom, during the minority of the Prince; but he assumed the name and power of a King, though he respected Philip as his own son, to whom he left the Crown at his death; This Antigonus was called the Tutor, in regard of his Protectorship; and was also called Doson, that is as much as, Will-give, because he was slow in his liberality. He repressed the Dardanians and Thessalians, which molested his Kingdom, in the beginning of his reign. Upon confidence of this good service, he took state upon him, as one that rather were King in his own right, then only a Protector. Hereupon the people fell to mutiny; but were soon appeased by fair words, and a seeming unwillingness of his to meddle any more with the Government. The Achaians took from him the City of Athens, soon after Demetrius his death; and likely they were to have wrought him out of all or most that he held in Greece, if their own estate had not been endangered by a nearer enemy. But civil dissension, which had overthrown the power of Greece, when it flourished most; overthrew it easily now again, when it had scarcely recovered strength after a long sickness; and gave to this Antigonus no less authority therein, than Philip the father of Alexander, got by the like advantage.  
These Achaians, from small beginnings, had increased in short time to great strength and fame: so that they grew the most redoubted Nation of all the Greeks. By the equalitic of their Laws, and by their clemency (notwithstanding that they were a long time held under by the Macedonians and Spartans') they did not only draw all others by their love and alliance, but induced, through their example, the rest of the Cities of Peloponnesus, to be governed by one Law, and to use one and the same sort of weights, measure, and 〈◊〉.  
Aratus, the Sicyonian, was the first that united them again; and gave them courage, after that they had been by the Macedonian Captains divided into many Principalities. In elder times they were governed by Kings, as most of the great Cities of Greece were; to which kind of rule they first subjecteth themselves, after the descent of the Heraclidae, when Tisamenus the son of Orestes possessed the Territory of Achaia. In this estate they continued to the time of Gyges; after whom, when his sons sought to change the Legal government of their Predecessors into Tyranny, they expelled them, and made their State popular; as seeming most equal. This form of Commonweal had continuance, with some small changes according to the diversity of times, till the reign of Philip and Alexander Kings of Macedon: who tempest-like overturned all things in that part of the world. For those twelve Cities, called the Cities of alliance, whereof Helice, and 〈◊〉 or Olenus, the Sea had eaten up a little before the Battle of Leuctres; were, by disturbance of the Macedonians, divided from 〈◊〉 other, and trained into a war, no less foolish than cruel, among themselves. But in the one hundred and four and twentieth Olympiad, in which, or near it, Ptolemy the son of Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy Ceraunus, left the world; two of the ten remaining Cities and people, namely, the Patrenses and the Dimaei, united themselves, and laid the foundation of that general accord, and reunion, which after followed. For having been, some of them Partisans with sundry Macedonian Captains, and others having been governed by petty Kings; they began to fasten themselves in a strong league of amity, partly, in the Olympiad before spoken of, and partly, at such time as Pyrrhus made his first voyage into Italy. Now after the uniting of the Patrenses and 〈◊〉, to whom also the Cites of Tritaea, and Phara, joined themselves; Aegira chased out her Garrisons: and the Burians, kill their Kings, entered with the Ceraunians into the same Confederacy. These Cities, for twenty & five years, used the same form of Government with the Achaians; who by a senatory and two Praetors, ordered all things in their Commonweal; and soon after, by one Praetor, or Commander: of 〈◊〉, Marcus Carynensis was the first, and Aratus the second.  
This Aratus was a noble young Gentleman of Sition, who living at Argos in exile, whilst his Country was oppressed by Tyrants, found means, through the help of other banished men, to enter their own City by night, with ladders; whence they chased the Tyrant, and restored the people to liberty. This was in the time of Antigonus 〈◊〉 King of Macedon, a Prince more busy in watching what to get among the Greeks', than wise in looking to his own. For fear of Antigonus, the Sicyonians entered into the Achaean league: which though at that time it received more increase, by their accession, than it added strength to them; yet the benefit of this conjunction served well enough against Antigonus, whose subtlety was somewhat greater than his valour. As the industry and counsel of Aratus delivered his Country from bondage, and fortified it by the Achaean league: so further, by his great liberality, with the exceeding great cost of one hundred and fifty talents, he pacified the inexplicable controversies, between the banished Sicyonians, which returned with him, and the other Citizens that had possession of these men's Lands; as also with the same money he drew many others to assist him in those enterprises following, that redounded to the singular good of all Achaia. The money he obtained of Ptolemie Euergetes King of Egypt; who partly had a desire to hold some strong and sure friendship in Greece, partly was delighted with the conversation of Aratus himself, that made a dangerous voyage to him into Egypt, and fed his pleasure in goodly pictures, with the gift of many curious 〈◊〉, wherein the workmen of Sition excelled.  
The first of Aratus his great attempts, was the surprise of the Acrocorinthus or Citadel of Corinth; which he wan by night, being thereinto guided by some thieves that he had hired for the purpose, who living in the place, had practised to rob Antigonus his treasury, passing in and out by a secret path among the rocks. Yet was he feign to fight for it, cre he could get it: though indeed Antigonus his Soldiers were rather overcome by their own fear, than by any force of the assailants; as mistrusting jest the Achaians were more in number, than in truth they were, and having lost the advantages of the place already, upon which they had presumed, before they were ware of any enemy.  
In these kind of night-scruices, ambushments, surprises, and practices, Aratus was very cunning, adventurous, and valiant: in open field, and plain battle, he was as timorous. By this strange mixture of cowardice and courage, he ministered argument of disputation, to Philosophers and others; Whither a valiant man (as he was esteemed, and in some cases approved) might look pale and tremble, when he began battle; and whither the virtue of Fortitude were diversified, by the sundry natures of men, and in a manner confined, unto several sorts of action. In resolving which doubts it may be said; that all virtue is perfected in men by exercise, wherein they are trained by occasion: though a natural inclination standeth in need of little practice; whereas the defect hereof must be supplied with much instruction, use, good success, and other help, yet hardly shall grow absolute in general. Such was Aratus in matter of War. In sincere affection to his Country he was unreprovable, and so acknowledged: as his following actions will testify.  
When Acrocorinthus was taken, and joined unto the Commonwealth of 〈◊〉, the Megarians revolted soon after from Antigonus, and entered into the same Corporation. So did the Troezenians, and the Epidaurians: whereby this new erected State grew so powerful, that it adventured to take Athens, from the Macedonians; and Argos and Megalopolis, from Tyrants that held them. The enterprise upon Athens was of noon effect. For though Aratus wasted the Isle of Salamis, to show his strength, and sent home the Athenian prisoners, without ransom, to allure the City by show of love; yet the Athenians stirred neither against him, nor for him, as being now grown honest slaves to the Macedonians. Upon 〈◊〉 the adventure was carried more strongly. The Achaean; come sometimes to the gates of the City, but the people stirred not: once they entered it, and might have won it, if the Citizens would have lent any help to the recovery of their own freedom; sundry times, and with divers event, they fought with the Tyrants, (who rose up one after another in Argos) in open field, and slew one of them in battle; but all sufficed not: until at length Aristomachus the Tyrant was so terrified, persuaded, and hired, by Aratus, that he consented to resign his estate. The like did Xenon the Tyrant of Hermione, and Cleonymus that had oppressed the Phliasians. Whilst this business with the Argives was on foot, Lysiadas the Tyrant of Megalopolis was so well handled by Aratus, that, without compulsion, he gave liberty to his City, and annexed it to the Council of Achaia: whereby he got such credit, that he was chosen General of their forces (which was a yearly Office, and might not be held two years together by one man) every second year, for a certain while, he and Aratus succeeding one another by turns. But those late Tyrants, and new Citizens, Lysiadas and Aristomachus, were carried with private passion from care of the general good; in which courses they opposed Aratus, to the great hurt of Achaia, as shall appear in due time.  
The Achaeans having obtain ed so much pvissance and reputation, that Ptolemy King of Egypt was become Patron of their Alliance, and (in title of honour) General of their forces by Sea and Land; made open War upon Demetrius the Son of Antigonus Gonatas, for the liberty of Athens. It is strange and worthy of noting, That when Aratus in this quarrel had lost a battle the Athenians wore Garlands, in sign of joy, to flatter their good Lords the Macedonians, that had won the victory. Such were now the Athenians become; in whom the rule was verified, that holds true in general of the multitude, Aut humiliter seruit, aut superbè dominatur; It is either base in service, or insolent in command. Nevertheless when Demetrius was dead, Aratus performed that by money, which he could not by force; and corrupting the Captain of the Macedonian Garrison, purchased liberty to the Athenians, who thenceforth held good correspondence with the Achaeans, loving them, and speaking well of them, which was all that they could do: but into their Corporation they entered not, scorning it belike, in regard of their own outworn glory.  
Now as the Commonwealth of Achaia daily increased within Peloponnesus, by justice and honesty; so did the Aetolians, in the utter part of Greece, yea and within Peloponnesus itself, wax very powerful, by sturdiness of body, and rude courage in fight, without help of any other virtue. They had stoutly defended themselves against Antipater and Craterus; partly by daring to do and suffer much; partly by the natural strength and fastness of their Countric; but especially by the benefit of the time, which called away these famous Captains to other business, as hath been related. They had molested Cassander, in favour of Antigonus; and were themselves as much plagued by him, & by the Acarnanians, a little, but a stout Nation, that took his part. Afterwards they had to doc with Demetrius, the son of the first Antigonus, and more or less, with all the Kings of 〈◊〉 succeeding him. They likewise held often War with the Acarnanians, Athamanians, Epirots, and many Cities in Peloponnesus: so that they were hardened with perpetual travail; seldom putting off their Armour. But their hardiness ill deserved the name of valour, seeing they had no regard of honesty or friendship; measuring all things by their own insolent will, and thinking all people base-minded, that were not as fierce and outrageous as themselves.  
These Aetolians had lately made great spoils in Peloponnesus, and occupied a good part of the country. They had invaded the friends of the Achaeans; taken and sacked Pallene; where although they were sound beaten by Aratus, yet their desire of gain made them greedy of a new voyage thither, as to a Country wherein somewhat was to be gotten. But they were forced to look another way, by Demetrius the son of Antigonus Gonatas: who pressed them so hardly, that they were driven to seek help of the Achaeans; which they obtained. The war which the Achaeans made upon Demetrius, without Peloponnesus, in Attica, though it tended to expelling the Macedons out of Greece, yet the benefit thereof redounded chief unto the Aetolians, at whose instance it was set on foot: for thereby were the Macedonian forces diverted from them. Neither was this good turn unacknowledged; though very basely the Aetolians, giving thanks in words, devised how to 〈◊〉 the benefit with some great mischief. They seen that the Achaeans were desirous, to bring all Peloponnesus into their Alliance and Corporation: of which intent, the Lacedæmonians were very jealous. Wherhfore these Aetolians laboured 〈◊〉, to set the Lacedæmonians and Achaeans together by the ears: hoping that if this might come to pass, they themselves should be called into help (it skilled not on what side) and so get no small share, both in booty and Territory. Neither did they forbear to communicate this their device unto Antigonus; offering to make him partaker of their gain, whom they knew to be offended with the many losses, that his Kingdom had sustained by the Achaeans. Of this plot Aratus was ware: who therefore determined to suffer many indignities, rather than to give the Lacedæmonians 'cause to take arms. But this resolution was taken somewhat too late: and not altogether in his own power to hold. He had been meddling with the Archadians, that were dependents of Lacedaemon: and thereby had provoked the 〈◊〉 to look about them, seeing that all Peloponnesus, excepting themselves, the Eleans, and a few Arcadians their friends (who also were attempted) was already become Achaean.  
The City of Sparta was in ill case about these times; and subject to the injuries of any stronger Neighbour. Pyrrhus had greatly weakened it; The Aetolians entering Laconia with an Army, had carried away fifty thousand slaves; and, which was worse, their discipline was corrupted, Avarice and Luxury reigned among them, the poor was oppressed by the rich, & the generosity of spirit, that had sometime been their general virtue, was hardly now to be found among the best of them. There were left in Sparta no more than seven hundred natural Citizens; of whom not above one hundred had lands: all the rest were needy people and desirous of innovation. Hereupon followed intestine sedition; which endangered the City most of all. Agis a good King, who sought to reform the disorders of the State, exhorted the people to a strict observation of 〈◊〉 his laws. To which purpose he caused them to pass an Act, for the abolishing of all debts, and equal division of lands. All the younger, and the poorer sort were glad of this: but the rich men opposed it. These had recourse unto Leonidas the other King, (for in Sparta were two Kings) who took their part: being himself a dissolute man, as one trained up in the Court of Syria, whence also he had his wife. In this contention Leonidas was expelled the City, and a new King chosen in his stead. But Agis his friends and Counsellors in this enterprise, abused his good meaning to their own private commodity. They were hasty to take away all debts, and cancel bonds, for they themselves were deeply indebted: but the division of lands they afterwards hindered, because their own possessions were great. Hence arose a tumult in Sparta, which these men increased by their soul oppression of the poorer Citizens. So that in fine, Leonidas was brought home, and restored to his Kingdom, and the two adverse Kings driven to take Sanctuary; out of which, Cleombrotus, the late-made King, was dismissed into exile: but Agis was trained forth, drawn into prison, and there by his enemies condemned and strangled, together with his Mother, and his old Grandmother. The like to this was never known in Sparta: and (which is the more odious) this cruelty procecded from the Ephori, Magistrates that should have given Patronage to the laws, using their power, and more power than to them belonged, against a King, that had proceeded orderly in reforming the City, as the laws required.  
The death of Agis was much lamented by all good Citizens; and served to establish the impotent rule of a few tyrannical oppressors. In which case Aratus might well hope, to adjoin Lacedaemon to the Achaean Commonwealth: though it were great injustice to take such advantages, & attempt by force, that which would have redounded to the general good of Peloponnesus, and to the benesit of Sparta itself, if it could have been wrought by persuasion.  
But the same man who redressed the disorders of 〈◊〉, and revenged the death of Agis, did also requited the injust attempts of the 〈◊〉, even in their own kind: obtruding upon them by force, an union of all Peloponnesus; though little to their good liking, for that the Lacedæmonians and their King, should have been the principal; not they and their Praetor. Leonidas having thus caused Agis to be slain, took his wife that was very rich and beautiful, and gave her in marriage (perforce) to his own son Cleomenes. This young Prince fell greatly enamoured on his wife, and sought to winnc her affection, as well as he had her person. He discoursed much with her about the purpose of her former husband Agis, and by pitying his misfortune, began to entertain a desire of accomplishing that, wherein Agis had failed. So coming himself to be King, whilst he was very young, he gladly embraced all occasions of war: for that he hoped by strong hand to effect that, which Agis, by proceeding formally, in so corrupt an estate of the City, had attempted to his own ruine. Therefore when the Ephori gave him in charge, to take and fortify Athenaeum, a Temple on the marches of Laconia, to which both they and the Megalopolitans pretended title; he readily performed it. Hereof Aratus made no complaint, but sought to take by surprise Tegea and Orchomenus, Cities then confederate with the Lacedæmonians: wherein, his intelligence sailing, he lost the labour of a painful nights travail, and discovered his enmity to Sparta; of which Cleomenes was nothing 〈◊〉. By these degrees the war began. In the entrance whereto Aratus had discovered the Aetolian practice, and therefore would have stayed the quarrel from proceeding too far. But 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 would needs fight, and he could do noon other than be ruled by them; especially seeing 〈◊〉 was so urgent. 〈◊〉 was at that time General of the Achaeans, (He & Lysiadas being of great account, since they had abandoned their tyranny) who sent unto Aratus, lying then in Athens, and required his assistance in a journey to be made into 〈◊〉. Not dissuasions of Aratus would serve: therefore he come in person, and took part of a business, little pleasing him in the present, and less in the future. When he met with Cleomenes, he durst not fight; but opposed himself against Aristomachus, who desired to give battle. Yet had the Achaeans twenty thousand foot, & one thousand horse, in their Army: whereas Cleomenes had no more than five thousand in all. This gave reputation to the 〈◊〉, and raised an ill report upon Aratus; which Lysiadas helped to make worse, by accusing his cowardice. Nevertheless the 〈◊〉 would not fall out with Aratus their Benefactor, but chose him their General the year, following, against Lysiadas his accuser that sued for the place. Being General himself, it behoved him to confute, with deeds, the slanderous words of Lysiadas. Therefore he purposed to set upon the Eleans: but was met withal on the way, near unto the Mount Lycaeus, by Cleomenes; who vanquished him in a great battle, and drove him to hide himself all night for fear, so that he was thought to have been slain. This misadventure Aratus recompensed by a trick of his own more natural occupation: performing with his broken Army, that which could hardly have been expected, had he been victorious. For whilst there was no suspicion of any great matter that he could undertake; he secretly wrought with some of the Mantinaeans, who did let him into their City. The Mantinaeans had once before joined themselves with the Achaians; but shortly upon fear, or some other passion, they gave themselves to the Aetolians; and from the Aetolians, presently after this victory, to 〈◊〉, from whom immediately they were thus won. For this their levity they were not punished, but freely admitted now again into the Achaean society. As this good success repaired the credit of Aratus; so another battle almost ruined it. Cleomenes and he encountered near unto Megalopolis; where the Achaeans had somewhat the 〈◊〉 at the first, but their General durst not follow his advantage. Thereupon 〈◊〉, of whom we spoke before, grew some what impatient with anger; and taking with him all the horse, broke upon the Lacedæmonians, whom he routed at the beginning, but pursuing them too far into places of hard passage, he was slain by them, and his followers driven back upon their own Companions; in such sort, that finally all the Army was disordered, and put to flight. This 〈◊〉 a great loss, and incensed the Achaeans against Aratus: yet their indignation proceeded no further, than that they refused to make any longer contribution, towards the pay of those Mercenaries which he had waged. This Aratus took patiently, and followed the war nevertheless; wherein though Cleomenes wan some Towns, and Aratus got the better in one small fight, yet little of importance was done; the Achaeans being 〈◊〉, and the Spartan King intentive to another business.  
Cleomenes having led into the field all that were like to hinder his purpose, and tired them with painful journeys, for sook the Achaean war on a sudden, and come unexpected home to Sparta, where he slew the 〈◊〉, and restored by force the ancient discipline of Lycurgus. Than gave he an account of his doings: and showing by what degrees the Ephori had encroached upon the power of Kings, and many disorders had grown in the City; he justified his proceed, and forth with began to make equal division of the Lands, reducing all to the first institution. He also supplied the defect of Citizens, by choosing new, out of such as were friends to the State, and valiant men: so that henceforth his Country might not altogether stand in need of mercenary help, as it lately had done, to save itself from the Aetolians, Illyrians and other enemies. All this was dispatched in great haste; the Spartans' well satisfied; and Cleomenes himself ready in the field, ere his enemies could take advantage of these his domestical troubles.  
The Achaeans hearing of this great alteration in Sparta, thought that it would be long, ere Cleomenes durst issue forth of the City, for fear of some rebellion. But it was not long ere they heard, that he had wasted all the Country of Megalopolis; had ranged over all Arcadia at his pleasure; and was admitted into Mantinaea; and ready to take other places, even of Achaia. These news displeased them not a little: but they must patiently endure to hear worse. For when Cleomenes had shaken off the power of the Ephori, that kerbed his authority, he proceeded more roundly in his work; being better obeyed, and by better men. His Lacedæmonians resumed their ancient courage; and he himself had the heart to demand the Principality of Greece. He did not therefore henceforth contend, about the possession of a few Towns: but adventured to win or loose all. The Aetolians, in favour of his attempt, declared themselves on his side: and whereas he had gotten Mantinaea, Tegea, and other places, to which they had some title, they willingly renounced all their interest unto him.  
Aratus did apprehended the danger of his Country, and seen that Antigonus with the Aetolians, or perhaps without them, would shortly make an end of that, which Cleomenes had thus begun. Therefore he devised how to provide against the worst, and either to repair all, or (if it could not be) to 〈◊〉 all from utter ruine. The office of General when it was next put upon him, be refused; fearing to be so far priest, as to hazard in one battle all the force of his Country, to which as he had never any affection, nor perchance courage, so was his manner of warfare otherwise. For he commonly attempted by surprise, and defended upon the advantage of place, after the manner of the Irish, and of all other Nations, overcharged with numbers of men. Yet did he not forsake the care of the weal public, though in aiming at the general good, it seems that private passion drew him into an ill course. He seen, that Megalopolis could not be defended without making a dangerous hazard of battle; that Mantinaea had not only opened her gates unto Cleomenes, but slain the Achaean Garrison that lay therein; that other Towns had yielded unto him, without compulsion; and that Aristomachus, once Tyrant of Argos, and since General of the Achaeans, was now revolted unto the enemy, following the fortune of Cleomenes. Ptolemie was too far off to help; and the nearness of Antigonus was very dangerous; yet might be useful, if this King would (as Polybius saith) like others, be friend or enemy, as should best agreed with his own profit. To make trial hereof, Aratus practised with some of Megalopolis, whom he found apt unto his purpose; and instructed them how to deal both with Antigonus, and the Achaeans.  
The City of Megalopolis had been well affected to the Macedonians, ever since the time of Philip the Father of Alexander, who had obliged it unto him by some especial benefits. At this time it lay nearest unto the danger; was very faithful, and therefore deserved succour; yet could not well be relieved by the Achaeans, with their own proper strength. Wherhfore it was thought meet, that Ambassadors should be sent unto the general Council of 〈◊〉, requesting leave and good allowance, to try the favour of Antigonus in their necessity. This was granted, for lack of what else to answer: and the same Ambassadors dispatched away to Antigonus. They did their own errand briefly; telling him of the good will and respect which their City had of long time borne unto him and his Predecessors; of their present need; and how it would agreed with his honour to give them aid. But when they delivered the more general matter, wherein Aratus had given them instruction; showing how the ambition of Cleomenes, and violence of the Aetolians, might redound to his own great loss or danger, if the one and the other were not in time prevented; how Aratus himself did stand affected; and what good likelihood there was of reducing the Achaeans under the Patronage of Macedon: then began Antigonus to lend a more attentive ear to their discourse. He embraced the motion: and to give it the more life, he wrote unto the Megalopolitans, that his help should not be wanting, so far forth, as it might stand with the Achaeans good liking. Particularly he commended himself, by these Messengers, to 〈◊〉; assuring them, that he thought himself highly bound to this honourable man, whose former actions he now perceived, not to have been grounded upon any hatred to the Macedonians, but only upon a just and worthy love to his own Nation. With this answer they return to Megalopolis: and are presently sent away to the Council of Achaia; there to make some speedy conclusion, as the necessity of the time required.  
The Achaeans were glad to hear, that Antigonus was so inclinable to their desire; and therefore were ready to entertain his favour, with all good correspondence. Hereunto Aratus gave his consent; and praised the wisdom of his Countrymen, that so well discerned the best and like liest means of their common safety: adding nevertheless, that it were not amiss, first of all to try their own ability; which if it failed, then should they do well to call in this gracious Prince, and make him their Patron and Protector. Thus he showed himself moderate, in that which himself of all others did most wish: to the end, that he might not afterward sustain the common reprehension, if any thing fell out amiss; since it might appear, that he had not been Author of this Decree, but only followed, and that leisurably, the general consent.  
Nevertheless in true estimation, this fineness of Aratus might have been used, with his greater commendation, in a contrary course. For it had been more honourable, to make an end of the War, by yielding unto Cleomenes that power which they gave unto Antigonus: since thereby he should both have freed his Country from all further trouble; and withal should have restored unto the universal state of Greece, that honourable condition, whereof the Macedonians had bereft it. But it is commonly found (which is great pity) that Virtue having risen to honour by degrees, and confirmed itself, (as it were) in the seat of Principality, by length of time, and success of many actions; can ill endure the hasty growth of any others reputation, where with it sees itself likely to be overtopped. Other cause to despise the Lacedæmonians there was noon; than that they lately had been in dangerous case: neither could any reason be found, why Aratus should prefer Antigonus before Cleomenes, than that he had stood in doubt of the one, when he thought himself more mighty than the other. Wherhfore he was justly plagued, when he seen his own honours reversed by the insolent Macedonians; and in stead of living as a companion with Cleomenes, that was descended of a long race of Kings, the posterity of Hercules was feign to do sacrifice unto Antigonus, as unto a God, and was finally poisoned by Philip, whose Nobility was but of five descents, and whom perhaps he might have seen his fellows, if he had not made them his Lords. By this inclination to the Macedonians, the love of Ptolemy was lost: who forth with took part with Cleomenes, though he did not supply him with such liberality, as he had used to the Achaeans; being warned, as may seem, by their example, to be more wary both in trusting & disbursing. Cleomenes himself, whilst this business with Antigonus was afoot, passed through Arcadia with an Army, & laboured by all means to draw the Achaeans to battle. At the City of Dymes in Achaia were assembled all the remaining forces of the Nation; with which it was concluded, to make trial, whither perhaps they might amend their estate, without seeking help of the Macedonian. Thither went Cleomenes, and there fought with them; where he had so great a victory, that the enemy was no longer able to keep the open field. The calamity was such, that Aratus himself durst not take upon him to be their General, when his turn come in the next election. Wherhfore the Achaeans were compelled to sue for peace; which was granted upon this easy condition: That they should not arrogate unto themselves the command of Peloponnesus, but suffer the Lacedæmonians (as in former ages) to be their Leaders in War. Hereunto if they would condescend, he promised unto them, that he would presently restore all places taken from them, and all his prisoners tansom-free: also that they should enjoy their own Laws and Liberties without molestation. This gentle offer of Cleomenes was very pleasing to the Achaeans: who desired him to come unto the City of Lerna, where a Parliament should be held, for the conclusion of the War.  
Now seemed the affairs of Greece likely to be settled in better order, than they had ever been since the beginning of the Peloponnesian Wars, yea or since the Persian Invasion: when God, who had otherwise disposed of these matters, hindered all, with a draft of cold water, which Cleomenes drank in a great heat, and thereupon fell extreme sick, and so could not be present at Lerna, but caused the Parliament to be deferred to another time. Nevertheless he sent home the chief of his prisoners, to show that he meant noon other than good faith. By this fair dealing he confirmed the Achaeans in their desire of his friendship: who assembled again at Argos, there to establish the League. But Aratus was violently bend against it; and sought by great words, and terrible threats, to make his Countrymen afraid of resolving. When all would not serve turn, he betook himself to his cunning; and sent word to Cleomenes, that he should do well to leave his Army behind him, and come alone into Argos, receiving Hostages for safety of his person. Cleomenes was already far on his way, when he met with this advertisement: and took it in ill part, that he should be thus deluded. For it had been an easy matter, to have told him so much at the first, and not have made him come so far with an Army, which afterwards he must dismiss. Yet that which chief seems to have troubled him, was the drift of his oppugners; who sought thereby, either to make him wait without the gates, and deal only with themselves and their Messengers; or if he would adventure himself into the City, then to deprive him of all Royal show, that might breed respect of him in the Multitude. This was that indeed which Aratus feared, and for which he sought to hinder his coming thither in person: jest the people, hearing the promises of Cleomenes ratified by his own mouth, should presently be won with his gentle words, & finish the bargain without more ado. Therefore Cleomenes wrote unto the whole Council, bitterly complaining against these juggling tricks: and Aratus was not far behind with him, in as bitter an Oration. So between fear of the one, and reverence of the other, the Assembly knew not how to proceed, but abruptly broke up, leaving all as it were to fortune. Cleomenes took his advantage of their present weakness, and renewed the War. Many Cities yielded unto him willingly; many he forced; and partly by force, partly by terror, he wan Argos, which never King of Sparta before him could do. In this case Aratus sent his own son to Antigonus, entreating him to defer no time, but come presently to relieve the distressed Achaeans. Antigonus gave as good words as could be wished: saving that he utterly refused to do any thing, unless he might first have Acrocorinthus put into his hand. This demand was somewhat like unto that of the Hunter, who promised to help the Horse against his enemy the Stag: but with condition, that the Horse should suffer himself to be saddled & bridled. Aratus was herewithal contented, but wanted all honest colour to do it: seeing the Corinthians had no way deserved, to be thus given away to the Macedonians. Yet at length an occasion was found; for that the Corinthians, perceiving what he intended, were minded to arrest him. So he withdrew himself out of their City, and sent word to Antigonus, that the Castle should be ready to let him in. The Corinthians on the other side ran to Cleomenes; who lost no time, but made haste with them to Corinth, where he sought how to get possession of their Castle, or at lest to save it from Antigonus, by surrounding it with Trenches, that noon might issue nor enter without his leave. Whilst this was in doing, he took special order, that Aratus his house and goods, within the Town, should be safely kept for the Owner; to whom he sent Messenger after Messenger, desiring him to come to agreement, and not to bring in the barbarous Macedonians, and Illyrians, to Peloponnesus: promising that if he would hearken to these persuasions, then would he give him double the same pension, which he had been wont to receive of King Ptolemie. As for the Castle of Corinth, which was the gate of Peloponnesus, and without which noon could hold assured sovereignty of the Country; he desired that it might not be committed unto his own disposition, but be jointly kept by the Lacedæmonians and Achaeans. All this entreaty served to no purpose. For Aratus, rejecting utterly the motion, sent his own son as an Hostage to Antigonus; and laboured with the Achaeans, to put Acrocorinthus into his hands. Which when Cleomenes understood, he seized upon the goods of Aratus in Corinth, and wasted all the Country of Sition, whereof this his Adversary was native.  
Antigonus in the mean time drew near to the Isthmus; having passed with his Army through Euboea, because the Aetolians held the straits of Thermopylae against him. This they did, either in favour of Cleomenes, which they pretended; or in doubt of the greatness, 〈◊〉 the Macedonians might attain by the good success of this journey. At his coming thither he found the Lacedæmonians ready to forbidden his entrance: and that with sufficient strength; yet with no purpose to hazard battle, but rather to weary him thence with hunger, against which he come not well provided. Antigonus therefore laboured hard to make his way by force; but he was not able so to do: he secretly got into the Corinthian Haven; but was violently driven out again, with great loss of men; finally he resolved to turn aside, and seek a passage over the gulf of Corinth, to Sition, or some other part of Achaia; but this required much time, and great preparation, which was not easily made.  
In this perplexity news from Argos come by Sea, that greatly comforted Antigonus, and no less troubled his Enemies. The 〈◊〉 were gotten into that City; and the Garrison which Cleomenes had left 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 it was not driven out of the Citadel, yet was hardly distressed, and stood in need of present help. Argos had always been enemy to 〈◊〉 and well affected to the Kings of Macedon. When Cleomenes took it, he forbore to chase out those whom he most suspected; partly, at the entreaty of friends; and partly, for that they all made show to be glad of his prosperity. They were glad indeed of 〈◊〉 his victories, both in Argos and elsewhere, as many as hoped that he would 'cause all debtors to be discharged from their creditors, as he had lately done in Sparta. But that which Cleomenes had done in Sparta, was agreeable to the Spartan institution: in other places, where it would have been tyrannical, he did it not. Thereupon, such as were disappointed of their unjust hopes, began to turn good Commonwealths-men; and called him Tyrant for his doings at home, because he would not do the like abroad. So they took their time; invited the 〈◊〉; assailed his Garrison; cut in pieces the Rescue that he sent; and compelled him at length, to forsake the defence of Corinth, and look unto the enemies that were behind his back. For when he understood, by continual messages, that his men which held the Citadel at Argos, were almost lost: he began to fear, jest his labour in guarding the entry should grow frivolous; the Achaeans in the mean while spoiling all that lay within. Therefore he forsook his custody of the Isthmus, and made all haste towards Argos: which if he could save, he meant to trust fortune with the rest. And so far he prevailed at his coming to Argos; that both Argives and Achaeans were glad to house themselves, leaving him Master of the streets: when the horse men of Antigonus were discovered afar off, hasting to relieve the Citizens; and Antigonus himself (to whom Corinth was yielded, as soon as the Spartan had turned his back) following apace with the body of his Army. Cleomenes therefore had no more to do, than to make a safe retreat. This he did; and got him home into Laconia: losing in short space all, or most, of that which he had been long in getting.  
Antigonus having showed himself at Argos, and commended the Citizens, went into Arcadia; where he wan such Castles as were held for Cleomenes, and restored them to the old Possessors. This done, he took his way to Aegium, where was held a Parliament by the Achaeans: to whom he declared the cause of his coming, and spoke brave words, that filled them with hope. The Achaeans were not behind with him; but made him Captain General over them and their Confederates; and 〈◊〉 entered into covenant with him, That they should not deal with any Prince or State, either by writing or Ambassador, without his consent. All this while, & somewhat longer, Aratus was the only man, that seemed to rule the King's heart: carring him to Sition, his own Town (for Winter was come on) where he not only feasted him as a great Prince, but suffered more than humanehonours, as sacrifices and the like, to be done unto him. This example of Aratus and his Sicyonians, was followed by the rest of Achaia: which had made (forsooth) a very wise bargain, if in stead of Cleomenes that would have been a King, it had obtained the protection of a God. But this God was poor; and wanting wherewith to pay his Macedonians, imposed the burden upon the Achaeans. This was hardly taken: yet worse must be endured in hope of better. Neither was Aratus himself over-carefully respected; when the statues of those Tyrants, which he had thrown down in Argos, were again erected by Antigonus; or when the statues, which he had erected, of those that had taken Acrocorinthus with him, were all thrown down by the same King, and one only left unto himself at his earnest entreaty. It might therefore appear, that this God was also spiteful. Nevertheless in taking revenge upon those that offended him, Aratus did satisfy his own passion by the aid of these Macedonians. For with extreme torments he did put Aristomachus to death, who had been once Tyrant of Argos; afterwards General of the Achaeans; and from them revolting unto Cleomenes, did fall at length into their hands. In like sort handled he (though not as yet) the 〈◊〉 for their ingratitude and cruelty showed to the Achaeans. For he slew all the principal Citizens, and sold the rest, men, women, and children, all for bondslaves: dividing the spoil; two parts to the Macedonians, and the third to the Achaeans. The Town itself was given by Antigonus to the Argives: who peopled it with a 〈◊〉 of their own; and Aratus having charge of this business, caused it to be new-named 〈◊〉. Surely of this cruelty there can be no better excuse; than even the flattery, which Aratus was driven to use to Antigonus: forasmuch as it was a token of servility, whereinto they had urged and brought him; whom he, as in revenge thereof, did thus requited. But leaving to speak of this change, which the coming in of the Macedonian wrought, in the Civil state of the Achaeans; Let us return into his war against the Lacedaemonian.  
The next Summer Antigonus wan Tegea, Mantinaea, 〈◊〉, Heraea, and Telphussa: Mantinaea he dispeopled, as was said before; in Orchomenus he placed a Garrison of his Macedonians; the rest he restored to the Achaeans: with whom he wintered at Aegium, where they held a Parliament. Once only Cleomenes had met him this year; and that was on the borders of Laconia, where he lay ready to defend his own Territory. The reason why he stirred no further, nor followed Antigonus to Mantinaea, and to those other Towns that he wan, was this: He had few Soldiers, and not money enough to wage more. Ptolemy the Egyptian promised much, but would perform nothing, unless he might have Cleomenes his own Mother, and his children in pledge. These were sent into Egypt; yet the aid come not. For Ptolemie was slow; as dealing in the business of Greece, rather for his minds sake, than upon any apprehension of necessity. Cleomenes therefore provided for himself, as well as his own ability would serve. He manumised all the Heilotes, which were the Lacedaemonian slaves: taking money for their liberty, and arming two thousand of them, after the Macedonian fashion. 〈◊〉 thus increased his forces, he come on the sudden to Megalopolis; that lay secure, as having defended itself in more dangerous times, and having now Antigonus near at hand in Aegium. The Town he 〈◊〉: but after he was entered, all that were fit to bear arms, rose hastily against him; & though they could not drive him out, yet saved the multitude, to whom they gave a Port free for their escape. He sent after the Citizens, offering their Town and goods to them again, if they would be of his party. But they bravely refused his offer: wherefore he sacked and ruined it, carrying with him to Sparta a great booty that he found therein. These news astonished the Achaeans at Aegium: who thereupon broke up their Parliament. Antigonus sent hastily for his Macedonians, out of their wintering places: but they were so long in coming, that Cleomenes was safely go home. Therefore he returned them back to their lodgings, and went himself to Argos, there to pass the rest of this unlucky winter, somewhat further from the eyes of the grieved Achaeans. When he had lain awhile at Argos, Cleomenes was at the gates; with no great number of men, yet with more than Antigonus had then about him. The Argives perceiving that their Country would be spoiled, if Antigonus did not issue into the field; were very earnest with him to go forth and fight. But he was wiser than to be moved with their clamours; and suffered them to see their villages burnt; to 〈◊〉 him resign his Office of Protector unto some that were more valiant; and to satisfy their passions with foolish words; rather than he would be overcome in fight, and thereby loose more honour than could easily be repaired. By this Cleomenes had his desire, in weakening the reputation of his enemy: though he thereby added-neither followers, nor other strength, unto Lacedaemon.  
Afterwards, when the season was more fit for war, Antigonus gathered together all his troops; meaning to 〈◊〉 these brauadoes of his enemy, with the conquest of Sparta. Cleomenes on the other side, laboured to keep the war from his own gates; and therefore entered upon the Country of Argos, where he made such havoc, as drew Antigonus thither, from his intended invasion of Laconia. Many great affronts the Macedonian was feign to endure, in coasting the Spartan King; that ranging over the Country of the Argives, Phliasians, and Orchomenians, drove a Garrison of his out of Oligyrtis; and did sacrifice, as it were, before his face, in the suburbs of Argos, without the Temple of juno, that was shut up; sending unto him in scorn, to borrow the keys. These were light things; yet served to dishearten the Achaean side, and to fill the enemy with courage, which was no matter of light importance. Therefore he concluded to lay apart all other regard of things abroad, and to put all to hazard; by setting up his rest, without more delay, upon Sparta itself. He had in his Army eight and twenty thousand foot, and twelve hundred horse, collected out of sundry Nations, as Macedonians, Illyrians, 〈◊〉, Epirots, Boeotians, Acarnanians, and others; together with the Achaeans, and their friends of Peloponnesus. Cleomenes had of all sorts, twenty thousand, with which he lay at Selasia: fortifying slightly the other passages into Laconia, through which the Macedonians were not likely to seek entrance. Antigonus coming to Selasia, found his enemy so strongly encamped, upon and between the hills of Eva and Olympus, that he was constrained to spend much time there, before he could advance any one foot: neither lay it in his power to come hastily to blows, which he greatly desired, without the hazard of his whole army, in assailing their wel-defenced Campe. But at length (as it happens, when men are weary both of their hopes and fears) both Kings being resolved to make an end one way or other; Antigonus attempted with his Illyrians, to force that part which lay on the hill Eva, but his Illyrians were so ill seconded by the Achaean foot, that the Spartan horse, & light-armed foot, encamped in the strength valley between those hills, issuing forth, fell upon their skirts; and not only disordered them, but were like to have endangered all the rest. If Cleomenes himself had stood in that part of the battle, he would have made great use of such a fair beginning. But Euclidas, his brother, a more valiant than skilful Soldier, commanded in that wing: who neither followed this advantage, nor took such benefit as the ground 〈◊〉, whereon he lay. Philopoemen the Arcadian of Megalopolis, who afterwards proved a famous Captain, served then on horse, as a private young man, among the Achaeans. He seeing that all was like to go to rout, if their Illyrians were driven to fall back upon the Army following them; persuaded the Captains of the Achaean horse, to break upon the Spartan Mercenaries. But they would not: partly despising his youth and want of charge; partly, for that Antigonus had given order, that they should keep their places, until they received a sign from him, which was not as yet. Philopoemen perceiving them to be more orderly, than well advised; entreated some of his own Countrymen to follow him; gave a charge upon the Spartans'; and forced them not only to leave the Illyrians, but seek how to save themselves. Being so far advanced, he found the place which the Illyrians had attempted, like enough to be won, through the unskilfulness of him that held it. Wherhfore he alighted, and persuaded the men at arms his Companions to do the like: the folly of Euclidas being manifest, who kept the top of the Hill, and stirred not to hinder those that ascended, but waited for them in a Plain, where they might fight upon even terms. So he recovered the Hill top; where though he was sore hurt, yet ye made good the place that he had gotten, until the whole Army come up to him; by which the Lacedæmonians were beaten from it, with great slaughter of them in their descent. This overthrow, and death of Euclidas, made Cleomenes loose the day: who fight bravely on the other side, upon Olympus, against Antigonus himself, was like to have been surrounded and lost, if he had not withdrawn himself with an extraordinary speed. In this battle ended the glory of Lacedaemon, which, as a light ready to go out, had with a great, but not long blaze, shined more brightly of late, then in many ages past.  
Cleomenes fled unto Sparta: where he had no desire to stay, finding only two hundred left, of six thousand Spartans' that he had led unto this battle, and most of his hired Soldiers dead, or go away. So he persuaded his people to yield themselves unto Antigonus; and promising to do all that should at any time lie in his own power, for their good, he hasted away to the Seaside (where he had shipping long before provided, against all that might happen) and embarked himself for Egypt. He was lovingly entertained by Ptolemie Euergetes; who undertook to restore him to his Kingdom; and (perhaps) meant no less, as being much delighted with his gallant behaviour and qualities. In the mean season he had a pension allowed him, of four and twenty talents, yearly. But this Ptolemie died; and his son Ptolemie 〈◊〉 succeeded him: a vicious young Prince, wholly governed by lewd Women, and base Men, unmindful of all virtue, and hating any in whom it was found. When therefore Cleomenes was desirous to return into Greece, wither the troubles in Peloponnesus did seem to invite him; Ptolemie, and his Minions, would neither give him aid; nor yet dared to dismiss him (as he desired) to try his own friends in Greece, because he was too well acquainted with the weakness of Egypt: nor well knew how to 〈◊〉 him against his will. At length they devised matter against him, and made him prisoner. The last act of him was; that with thirty of his Countrymen, he undertook a desperate enterprise: breaking out of the prison, and provoking the Alexandrians to rebel and seek their liberty. In which attempt he slew some enemies of his that he met; and having walked up and down the streets, without resistance (no man offering to take his part, or, which is very strange, to fight against him on the King's behalf) he, and his Companions, agreed together to be ministers of their own death. Upon his dead body Ptolemie was bold to show his indignation: and slew his Mother and Children, that had been sent thither as Hostages, together with the wives of his Adherents, as many as were there, attending upon the old Queen. Such was the end of Cleomones; a generous Prince, but Son of Leonidas, who had caused Agis, with his Mother and Grandmother, to come to such a bloody end, as now befell his own Wife, Son, and grandchildren.  
After the Victory at Sellasia, Antigonus without resistance entered Sparta: whereinto never the force of any Enemy, before him, could make way, He kindly entreated the Citizens, and left them to their own Laws and Government: tarrying there no longer, than two or three days; after which he hastened out of Peloponnesus, and never returned. The cause of his speedy departure was, an advertisement that he received out of Macedon; how the Illyrians overranne, and destroyed the Country. Had these news come a little sooner; or had Cleomenes either deferred the fight, a few days longer, or at leastwise tarried a few days after the fight, in Sparta: the Kingdom of Lacedaemon would have stood, and perhaps have extended itself over all Greece. But God had otherwise determined.  
Antigonus fought a great battle with the Illyrians, and over-came them. Yet therein he caught his bane: not by any wound, but by over-strayning his voice; wherewith he broke a vein that bled inwardly, and in short space finished his life, who was troubled before with a consumption of the lungs. His Kingdom descended unto Philip, the son of Demetrius, being then a Boy: as also about the same time it was, that Antiochus, surnamed (I know not why) the Great; and Ptolemie Philopater; began to reign in Asia, and Egypt; Boys all. Of these, Ptolemie, though old enough to love Harlots, when he first was King, yet continued a Boy, all the seventeen years of his reign. The unripe age of Philip and Antiochus, bred such intestine inconvenience to their Kingdoms, as is usual in the minority of Princes: but their elder years brought them acquainted with the Romans; upon which occasion, when it comes, we shall more seasonably speak of them, and of their Kingdoms, more at large.   

§. VII. How the Illyrians infested the coast of Grecce; and how they were subdued by the Romans.  
Whilst things thus passed in Greece; and whilst the Carthaginians were 〈◊〉 in their conquest of Spain: thc Romans had found themselves work among the Sardinians and Corsicans, that were easily subdued at first, and casily vanquished againc, when they rebelled. They made also war with the Illyrians, wherein they got much honour with little pain. With the Gauls they had much ado, that lasted not long; being rather, 
Liu. l. 21.  as Livy saith, a 〈◊〉 than a warrc. So that by all these light exercises, their valour was hardly kept from rust. How they got the islands in the Mediterran Sea, it hath been showed before: of their dealings with the Illyrians and Gauls, it is not meet to be uttcrly silent.  
The 〈◊〉 inhabited the Country now called Slavonia: a troublesome Nation, impatient of rest, and continually making war for gain, without either regard of friend or foe. They were invited by Dcmetrius King of Macedon, to help the Mydionians, his friends, that were bcsicged by thc Aetolians; for that they refused to be of their society. Before the Illyrian succours come, the Mydionians were so far spent, that the Aetolians contended about the booty: the old Praetor, or chief Magistrate of their Nation, who was going out of his Office, claiming to have the honour of the victory, and the division of the spoil to be referred unto him; for that he had in a manner brought the 〈◊〉 to an end, and won the Town: others, that were in hope to he chosen into the Office, contradicting this, and desiring that old orders might be kept. It was a pretic strife, and somewhat like to that of the 〈◊〉 in later ages, who thought upon dividing the prey, bcfore they had won the victories, which anon they lost, at Poitiers and at Agincourt. The Aetolians wisely compounded the difference, ordering it thus; That thc old, and the new Praetor, should be jointly entitled in the victoric, and have equal authority in distribution of the get. But the Illyrians finished the strife much more clegantly, and after another fashion. They arriucd, and landed, ere any was ware of them; they fell upon the Aetolians; & though good resistance was made, yet got the victoric, partly by forcc of their own multitudc, partly by help of the Mydionians, that were not idle in their own business, but stoutly sallied out of the Townc. Many of the Aetolians were slain, more were taken their Camp and all their baggage was lost: the Illyrians took the spoil, and wcnt their way; the Mydionians erected a Trophy, inscribing the names, both of their old and new Magistrate (for they also chosc new Officers at the same time) as the Aetolians had directed them by example.  
The success of this voyage, highly pleased Agron King of the Illyrians: not only in regard of the money, wherewith Demetrius had hired his assistance; or of the booty that was gotten; but for that having vanquished the stoutest of the Greeks, he found it not uneasy, to enrich himself by setting upon the less warlike. For joy of this he feasted, and drank so immoderately, that he fell into a Pleurisy, which in few 〈◊〉 ended his life. His Kingdomc, together with his great hopes, he left unto 〈◊〉, his wife.  
Teuta gauc her people free liberty, to rob all Natson at Sea, making no difference between friend and foc; as if she had been sole Mistress of the salt Waters. She armed a 〈◊〉, and sent it into 〈◊〉: willing he Captains, to make War where they found advantage, without any further respect. These fell with the western coast of Peloponnesus; where they invaded the Eleans, and Messenians. Afterwards they returned along by Epirus, & stayed at the City of Phoenicia, to take in victuals and other necessaries. There lay in Phoenicia eight hundred Gauls; that having been Mercenaries of the Carthaginians, went about to 〈◊〉, first Agrigentum, than Eryx, to the Romans; but failing to do either, they nevertheless 〈◊〉, and wcre for their misdecdes disarmed, and sent to Sea by the Romans, yet 〈◊〉 by these Epirots, and trusted to lie in Garrison within their 〈◊〉. The Gauls were soon grown acquainted with thc Illyrians, to whom they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; which deserved noon other, in trusting them. All Epirus was presently in arms, and hastened to drive out these unwelcome guests. But whilst the Epirots lay before the Town, there come news into their Camp, of another Illyrian 〈◊〉, that was marching thitherward by Land, under one Scerdilaidas; whom Queen Teuta had sent to help his fellows. Upon this advertisement, a part of them is sent away towards Antigonia, to make good that Town, and the straits 〈◊〉, by which these new comers must enter into their Country; 〈◊〉 part of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Phoenicia, to continued the siege. Neither the one, nor the other, sped 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 business. For 〈◊〉 found means to join with his fellows; and they that were besieged within Phoenicia, sallied out of the town, and gave such an overthrow to the Epirots, as made them despair of saving 〈◊〉 Country, without great and 〈◊〉 help from abroad. Wherhfore Ambassadors were sent to the 〈◊〉 and Aetolians: 〈◊〉 their help, with very pitiful terms of 〈◊〉. They 〈◊〉 their svit; neither was it long, before an Army, sent by these two Nations, was ready in Epirus, to present battle unto 〈◊〉. But Scerdilaidas was called home, by letters from Teuta the Queen, that signified a rebellion of some Illyrians against her: so that he had no mind to put his forces to hazard, but offered composition; which was accepted. The agreement was, That the Epirots might ransom their Townc, and all their people that were prisoners; and that the Illyrians should quietly departed, with all their booty and slaves. Having made this profitable and honourable bargain; the Illyrians 〈◊〉 into their own Country by Land, sending their booty away by Sea.  
At their coming 〈◊〉, they found no such great trouble, as that which they brought, or had occasioned in this voyage. For in fulfilling the commandment of their Queen, they had taken many Italian Merchants, whilst they lay at Phoenicia; and made them good prize. Hereof the complaints, made unto the Roman Senate, were so frequcnt, that Ambassadors were sent to require of Teuta, that she should abstain from doing such injuries. These Ambassadors found her ucry jolly; both for the riches which her flect had brought in; and for that she had, in short space, tamed her Rebels, and brought all to good order, save only the town of 〈◊〉, which her forces held straightly besieged. Swelling with this prosperity, she could hardly afford a good look to the unmannerly Romans; that found fault with her doings; and calling them by a true name, Piracy, required amendss. Yet when their speech was ended, she vouchsafed to tell them, That injury in public she would do 〈◊〉 noon: as for private matters, no account was to be made of them; neither was it the manner of Kings to forbidden their Subjects to 〈◊〉 commodity, how they best could, by Sea. But (said the younger of the two Ambassadors) we Romans have a manner, and a very laudable one, to take revenge in public, of those private wrongs that are borne out by public authoritic; therefore we shall teach you, God willing, to reform your Kingly manners, and learn better of us. These words the Queen took so impatiently, that no revenge could satisfy her, but the death of him that had spoken them. Wherhfore, without all regard of the common Law of Nations, she caused him to be slain: as if that had been the way, to set her heart at rest; which was indeed the mean, to disquiet and afflict it ever after.  
The Romans, provoked by this outrage, prepare two great Armies; the one by Sea, consisting of two hundred sail, commanded by C. 〈◊〉; the other by Land, led by A. Posthumus. They trouble not themselves any more, with requiring satisfaction; for this injury is of such nature, as must be requited with mortal war. It is indeed contrary to all human Law, to use violence towards Ambassadors: the reason and ground whereof, seems to 〈◊〉 this; that since without mediation, there would never be an end of war and destruction, therforc it was equally reccived by all Nations, as a lesson taught by Nature, that Ambassadors should pass freely, and in safety, between enemies. Nevertheless, as I take it, this general Law is not without limitation. For if any King, or State, lay hold upon Ambassadors sent by their enemies, not unto themselves, but unto some third, whom they should draw into the quarrel; then it is as lawful, to use violence to those Ambassadors (thus employed, to make the war more terrible) as it is to kill the men of war, and subjects, of an enemy. And so might the Athenians have answered it, when they slew the 〈◊〉 Ambassadors, that were sent to Xerxes, to draw him into a war upon the Athenians. Neither are those Ambassadors, which practise against the person of that Prince, in whose Countries they reside, warranted by any Law whatsoever. For whereas the true Office of an Ambassador residing, is the maintenance of amity; if it be not lawful for one Prince, to practise against the life of another, much less may an Ambassador do it without incurring justly the same danger of punishment, with other Traitors; in which case, his place gives him no privilege at all. But we will leave this dispute to the Civilians; and go on with the revenge; taken by the Romans, for the slaughter of their Ambassador Coruncanus.  
The Illyrian Queen was secure of the Romans, as if they would not dare to 〈◊〉 against her. She was indeed in an error; that hath undone many of all sorts greater and less than she, both before and since: Having more regard unto fame, than unto the substance of things. The Greeks' were at that time more famous than the Romans; the Aetolians and Epirots had the name of the most warlike people in Greece; these had she easily vanquished; and therefore thought, that with the Romans she should be little troubled. Had she considered, that her whole Army, which wrought such wonders in Greece, was not much greater, than of ten thousand men; and that nevertheless, it prevailed as much, by odds of number, as by valour, or skill in arms; she would have continued to use her advantage, against those that were of more fame than strength, with such good caution, that she should not have needed to oppose her late-gotten reputation, against those that were more mighty than herself. But she was a woman, and did what she listed. She sent forth a greater fleet than before, under Demetrius of Pharos; with the like ample commission to take all that could be gotten. This fleet divided itself; and one part of it fell with 
a 〈◊〉, sometime called Epidamus, and now Durazzo, seated upon the Adriatic Sea, between the islands of Pharos and Corcyra.  Dyrrachium; the other, with Corcyra. Dyrrachium was almost surprised by the Illyrians; yet was it 〈◊〉 by the stout Citizens. In 
b Corcyra, an Island of the Adriatic Sea, not far from Durazzo: called now Corfu, and in the possession of the 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 the Illyrians landed; wasted the Isle; and besieged the Town. Hereupon the Aetolians and Achaeans were called in to help: who come, and were beaten in a fight at Sea; losing, besides others of less note, Marcus Carynensis, the first Praetor of Achaia, whom Aratus succeeded. The Town of Corcyra, dismayed with 〈◊〉 is overthrow, opened the gates unto Demetrius Pharius; who took possession of it, with an Illyrian Garrison: sending the rest of his forces to besiege Dyrrachium. In the mean season, Teuta was 〈◊〉 with her Captain Demetrius: I know not why; but so, as he resolved to try any other course, rather than to trust her.  
The Romans were even ready to put to Sea, though uncertain which way to take, when advertisement was brought to C. Fuluius the Consul, of Demetrius his fear and discontent. Likely it was, that such an occasion might greatly help to advance the business in hand. Wherhfore the Consul sailed thither; where he found the Town of Corcyra so well prepared to his hand by Demetrius, that it not only received him willingly, but delivered into his power the Illyrian Garrison, and submitted itself unto the Roman protection.  
After this good beginning, the Consul sailed alongst the coast, to 
c 〈◊〉, a City 〈◊〉 Dyrrachium, or Durazzo, upon the Sea-coast. Pinetus calls it Sissopolis.  Apollonia; accompanied with Demetrius, whom he used thence forth as his counsellor and guide. To 〈◊〉 come also Posthumus, the other Consul, with the land-army, numbered at twenty thousand foot, and two thousand horse. Thence they hasten towards Dyrrachium, which the Illyrians had besieged; but upon news of the Roman Army, they disperse themselves. From thence the Romans enter Illyria, and take Parthenia; beaten the 〈◊〉 by Sea, take twenty of their ships; and enforce the Queen Teuta to forsake the coast, and to cover herself in Rison, far within the Land. In the end, part of the Romans haste them homeward, and leave the best places of Illyria in the hands of Demetrius; another part slays behind, and prosecutes the war, in such sort, that Teuta was forced to beg peace: which she obtained upon miserable conditions; to wit, That she should quit the better part of Illyria, & pay tribute for the rest; and from thenceforth, never sand any of her ships of war, towards the coasts of Greece, beyond the Island of Lissa: cxcept it were some one or two vessels, unarmed, and by way of Trade.  
After this Illyrian war, the Romans sent Ambassadors into divers parts of Greece, signifying their love to the Country, and how, for good will thereunto, they had made war with good success upon Teuta, and her people. They hoped, belike, that some distressed Cities would take this occasion, to desire their patronage: which if it happened, they were wise enough to play their own games. But no such matter fell out. The Ambassadors were only rewarded with thanks; and a decree made at Corinth, That the Romans thenceforth might be partakers of the Isthmian pastimes. This was an idle courtesy, but well meant by the vain Greeks', and therefore well taken by the Romans: who by this Illyrian Expedition got nothing in Greece, save a little acquaintance, that shall be more hereafter.   

§. VIII. Of the war between the Romans and Gauls, somewhat before the coming of HANNIBAL into Italy.  
THe Gauls that dwelled in Lombardy, were the next, against whom the Romans took Arms. These were a populous Nation, and often molested Rome; sometimes with their own forces, and sometimes with the assistance of those that inhabited France. Once their fortune was good; when they took Rome, and burnt it: though the issue of that war proved not answerable to the beginning, if we may give credit unto Roman Historians. In following times, their success was variable, and commonly bad. Many overthrows they received; and if they got any victory, it yielded them no profit, but was soon extorted out of their hands. They were indeed more fierce, than well advised: lightly stirred up to war, and lightly giving over. At the first brunt, they were said to be more than men; but when that was past, less than women. The Romans were acquainted with their temper, by long experience; and knew how to handle them: yet gave always careful heed to their approach, were 〈◊〉 only bruited. For the danger of them was sudden, and uncertain; by reason of their neighbourhood, and want of intelligence among them. Few of their attempts upon Rome, were called wars, but tumultus Gallici; tumults of the Gauls; and rightly. For they gave many alarms to Italy, and used to rise with great Armies: but after a few days march, and sometimes before their setting forth, any small occasion served to disperse them. Having received an overthrow; they would rest ten, or twelve years, sometimes twenty or thirty: till they were stirred up again, by younger heads, unacquainted with the danger. Whilst they rested; the state of Rome, that against these made only defensive war, had leisure to grow, by setting upon others. Herein God provided well for that Monarchy, which he intended to raise: that the Gauls never fell upon Italy, with a mighty power, in the time of any other great and dangerous war. Had they attempted to conquer it, whilst Pyrrhus was travailing in the same enterprise; or in either of the two former Punic wars: it may be doubted what would have become of this imperious City. But it seems that the Gauls had no better intelligence in the affairs of Italy, than strangers had in Gaul. At lest, they knew not how to use their times: and were therefore like to smart, whensoever the enemies, whom they had much provoked, and little hurt, should find leisure to visit them at their own home: which was now after the first Punic War. Once before this, the Romans had been bold, to set upon the Gauls in their own Country: and that was three years before the coming of Pyrrhus into Italy. At that time the Senones, a Tribe of the Gauls, invading Hetruria, and besieging Arretium, had won a great battle and slain L. Caecilius with the most of his Army. Mannius Curius the new Consul, sent Ambassadors to them, to treat about ransom of prisoners. But these Ambassadors they slew. Therefore when fortune turned to the better, the Romans followed it so well, that they expelled these Senones out of their Country, and sent a Colony of their own to inhabit it. This caused the 
c There were divers nations of the 〈◊〉; as in 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, Germany, in 〈◊〉 in France, and in Aquitane; but these 〈◊〉 were of the French race, & dwelled at this time about the mouth of the River of Po.  Boijs, another people of Gaul, to fear the like measure: who thereupon took arms, and drew the Etrurians to their side. But the Romans overthrew them in two great battles; and thereby made them sue for peace, which lasted until this cnd of the Illyrian war.  
It vexed the Gauls, to see a Roman Colony planted in their Country; who had been accustomed to enlarge their bounds, by driving out their Neighbours perforce. Wherhfore they laboured with the Transalpines (so the Romans called those in France, as lying from them beyond the Alpss, though to us they are nearer; like as they called Cisalpines, or by- 〈◊〉 the Alpss, those who dwelled between them and the Mountains) to draw them to their party: reasonably presuming, that as their disjunction had caused their loss, so their union might recompense it, with large amendss. But the business was so foolishly carried, that the Cisalpines and Transalpines, fell together by the cares, putting the Romans only to a tumult, without further trouble of war. Soon after, they were urged by a greater indignity, to go more substantially to work. For C. 〈◊〉, a popular man in Rome, proposed a Decree which was ratified by the people; That, besides one Colony already planted in the territory of the Senones, as many more should be carried thither, as would serve to people the whole Country between Ancona and Ariminum: exterminating utterly those Gauls. 〈◊〉 an offer, were it made in England, concerning either Virginia, or 〈◊〉 itself, would not overjoy the Multitude. But the Commonalty of Rome took this in so good part, notwithstanding all danger joined with the benefit, that Flaminius had ever after their good william.  
This dreadful Precedent extremely displeased the Boijs: who being Neighbours to Ariminum, feared the like displantation. And because all the rest of the Gauls had reason to resolve, that themselves also should be rooted out by degrees; the great Nation of the Insubrians, which inhabited the Duchy of Milan, joined with the Boijs, & upon a common purse entertained the Gessates, Nations about Rhodanus, wageable as the Swissers in these times. The Gessates having received a great Impressed, come to the field under the conduct of their Kings, Concolitanus & Aneroestus: who with the Boijs and Insubrians, compound an Army of fifty thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse, and those of the best men, and best appointed, that ever invaded the Roman Territoric; to whom, the Seno-galli, that had been beaten out of their possessions, gave a great increase of strength. On the contrary side, the Venetians, and the 
f Cenomanni, are the people about Bergamo, on the northside of the River Po in 〈◊〉. There were also of these 〈◊〉 in France, and inhabited the Countic of 〈◊〉.  Cenomanni, adhered to the Romans: as better believing in their prosperity and rising fortune. For fear of whose incursions therefore, the Gauls were forced to leave a good part of their Army, on the frontier of Milan: With the rest of their forces they entered into Tuscan. The Romans hearing of this danger, sand Aemilius to Rimine, to stop their passage; and in the place of C. Atilius their other Consul, who then was in Sardinia, they employ one of their Praetors, for the defence of Tuscan.  
Being at this time greatly troubled, with the consideration of this powerful Army, which the Gauls had assembled, they caused a view to be taken, as well of all their own forces, as of those of their Allies: who were no less willing than themselves, to oppose the incursions of the barbarous people; fearing, as they had cause, that their own destruction could not be prevented otherwise, than by the good fortune of Rome. The numbers, found in this Muster, deserve to be recorded: because they set out the power of the Romans in those days. With the Consuls they sent forth to the war four Legions of their own: every Legion consisting of five thousand two hundred foot, and three hundred horse; and of their Allies, thirty thousand foot, and two thousand horse. There were also appointed for Supplies (if any misadventure come to these) of the Sabines and Etrurians fifty thousand foot, & four thousand horse; which Army was to be lodged in the border of Hetruria. Of the umbri and Sarsinates, which inhabited the Apenines, there were twenty thousand; and of the Venetians and Cenomans, other twenty thousand: which latter Armies were directed, to invade the Boijs, that forcing them to defend their own Territories, the general Army of the Gauls should be thereby greatly diminished. There were beside these, to be ready against all uncertain chances of war, thirty thousand foot, and fifteen hundred horse, 〈◊〉 in Rome itself, of their own people; and of their Allies, thirtic thousand foot, and two thousand horse. Over and above these great troops; in the Roll of the Latins, that was sent unto the Senate there were numbered fourscore thousand foot, and five thousand horse; in that of the Samnites, seventy thousand foot, and of horse seven thousand, in that of the 
g 〈◊〉 and Messapyges seem to be one Nation; who are also called 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉. The Country is now 〈◊〉, containing the Northermost head-land of Calabria.  〈◊〉, and Messapyges, fifty thousand foot, and sixteen thousand horse; the Lucan's sent a list of thirtic thousand foot, and three thousand horse; the 
h A people of the kingdom of 〈◊〉.  Marsi, 
i 〈◊〉 calls them a people of Italy.  Marrucini, 
k A people of Campania, called to this day 〈◊〉, saith Leander.  Ferentani, and the Vestini, of twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse. The Romans had also two Legions in Sicily, and about Tarentum, containing eight thousand four hundred foot, and four hundred horse. So as of the Romans and Campans jointly, reckoning men armed, and fit to bear arms, there were registered two hundred and fifty thousand foot; and of horse, three and twenty thousand: of which, reckoning the Romans apart, there were an hundred and fifty thousand foot and about six thousand horse. Casting up the whole forces of all the Provinces in Italy, both of the Romans and their Confederates, it amounted to seven hundred thousand foot, and seventy thousand horse. But the number is somewhat misse-cast by Polybius; not with a purpose to enrich himself by the dead pays: for where he reckons nine hundred horse too many, he falls short nine thousand two hundred of the foot.  
How great soever this Muster was, it seems to have been like unto that, which Lodowick Sforza made, when Lewes the twelfth invaded Milan: at what time, the better to encourage himself, and his subjects, he took a Roll of all persons able to bear arms, within the Duchy, though indeed he were never able to bring a tenth part of them into the field. Certain it is, that the battles of Trebia, 〈◊〉, and Cannae, did not consume any such proportion, as was answerable to this large account. Yet were the Romans feign to arm their slaves, even for want of other Soldiers, after their overthrow at Cannae. Wherhfore the 〈◊〉 is not great, that the Carthaginians and others were little terrified, with report of such a multitude. For all heads are not fit for helmets: though the Roman Citizens were, in general, as good fight men, as elsewhere might be found.  
Notwithstanding all these counter-preparations, the Gauls keep on their way: and entering into Tuscan, destroy, and put to fire and sword, all that lay before them. From thence they march directly towards Rome; hoping to find the Romans, rather in deliberation, than in the field. But their intelligence sails them. For the Roman Army, sent into Tuscan, having taken some other way than they did, and finding that it had miss of them, come again fast after them, to arrest them in their journey. Hereof when they heard the rumour, fearing to be charged on their backs, they turned head: and in the same evening discovered the Roman Army, by whom they encamped. It was now a matter of apparent necessity, that fight they must. Wherhfore they helped themselves with a stratagem: that showed no great fineness of wit, but such, as well beseemed those that had noon other occupation than war; and stood them in good stead at the present. In the dead of the night, they 'cause their foot to march away, but not far: leaving their horse in guard; to whom they give order, to come off at the first light of day, with such a speed, as might rather argue a running away, than a retreat, as if they had not dared to abide battle. The Romans, interpreting this their hasty departure, as the Gauls desired they should, follow them in disorder. The Gauls return; charge them; and kill six thousand upon the place; the rest take a 〈◊〉 of ground of advantage, and defend themselves, till L. Aemilius, being at Ariminum, comes to their succour. Upon the coming of the Consul, the Gauls consult, whither they should give the Romans battle, or forbear. In which dispute, Aneroestus, one of their Kings, persuades them, rather to return into their own Countries; where, after they had disposed of the great spoils and riches which they had gotten, they should then renew the war, being without carriage, pester, or other impediment. This advice they all embrace; for seeing they that were Mercenaries, had obtained what they come for, to wit, the spoils of their enemies; they thought it wisdom, to hazard neither it, nor themselves, any further.  
This indeed had been a good resolution, if they had taken it, before the enemy had been in sight. But as well in the wars of these latter ages, as in former times, it hath ever been found extreme dangerous, to make a retreat in the Head ofan enemies Army. For although they that retire, do often turn head; yet in always going on from the pursuing enemy, they find within a few miles, either strength, hedge, ditch, or place of disadvantage, which they are enforced to pass in disorder. In such cases, the Soldier knows it, as well as the Captain, that he which forsakes the field, perceives, and fears some advantage of the Enemies. Fear, which is the betrayer of those succours that Reason offereth, when it hath once possessed the heart of man, it casteth thence both courage and understanding. They that make the retreat, are always in fear to be abandoned; they that lead the way, fear to be engaged: and so the hindmost treads on his heels that is foremost, and consequently, all disband, run, and perish, if those that favour the retreat, be not held to it by men of great courage. The miserable overthrow, that the French received in Naples, in the year 1503. upon a retreat made by the Marquis of Sal, doth testify no less. For although a great troop of French horse, sustained the pursuing enemy a long time, and gave the foot leisure to troth away; yet being retarded by often turnings, the Spanish foot overtook, and defeated them utterly. During the wars between the Imperialls, and the French; Boisi and Mont were lost at Brignolles, who in a bravery would needs see the enemy, before they left the field. So was Strosi overthrown, by the Marquis of Marignan, because he could not be persuaded, to 〈◊〉 the night before the Marquis his arrival. Therefore did the French King Francis the first, wisely: when without respect of point of honour, he dislodged from before Landersey, by night; as many other, the most advised Captains, (not finding themselves in case to give battle) have done. je ne trowe point (saith the Marshal MONLUC) au fait des arms chose si difficile, qu'vne retreat; I find nothing in the art of war so difficult, as, to make a safe retreat. A sure Rule it is, that there is less dishonour to dislodge in the dark, than to be beaten in the light. And hereof Mr. dela Noüe gives this judgement, of a days retreat, made in France, presently before the battle of Moncountour. For (saith he) staying upon our reputation, in show not to dislodge by night; we lost our reputation indeed, by dislodging by day: whereby we were forced to fight upon our disadvantage, and to our ruine. And yet did that worthy Gentleman, Count Lodowick of Nassau, brother to the late famous Prince of Orange, make the retreat at Moncountour with so great resolution, as he saved the one half of the Protestant Army, then broken and disbanded, of which myself was an eye-witness; and was one of them that had cause to thank him for it.  
Now the Gaul., embracing the safe advice (as they take it) of one of their Kings; turn their backs to the enemy, & their faces homeward. Aemilius follows them, as near as he can, without engaging himself, attending his advantage. In the mean while, C. Atilius the other Consul, with the Legions of Sardinia, lands at Pisa; so as the Gauls, enclosed between two Armies, are forced to fight. They therefore equally strengthen their Rear, and Front. To sustain Aemilius, they appoint the Gessates, and the Milanois; in the Front, they range the 〈◊〉, and the rest of the Gauls inhabiting upon the River of Po. The manner of the fight Polybius describeth at large: which was well fought of all hands. But in the end the Gauls fell; and so did Atilius the Consul: who died in the place, accompanied with the two Kings of the Gauls, Concolitanus and Aneroestus, with forty thousand of their Vassals.  
After this fatal overthrow, the Gauls lost courage; and, erc long, all that they held in Italy. For they were invaded the year following this overthrow, by the new Consuls, Fuluius, and Manlius. The Romans knew well how to use their victory: they gave not ten, twenty, or thirty years time, to the Gauls, to repair their forces, as the Gauls had done to them. These new Consuls beaten the Boijs; but by reason of the great rains that fell, and the great pestilence that reigned, they were compelled for that present to surccase. In the second year, Furius, and Flaminius, invade the Milanois; and prevail very far, being strongly assisted by the Cenomanni and the Venetians. Nevertheless these Consuls were revoked out of their Province, by the Senate of Rome, and compelled to resign their Office: because the Augurs, or Soothsayers, had found, that some token or other of the Birds (in which, and all sorts of their divination, the Romans were extremely superstitious) had not only foreshowed little good, when they were chosen, but had also nullified the election. C. Flaminius, receiving letters of this revocation, from the Senate, and being otherwise advertised of the contents, was not hasty to open them: but first gave battle unto the enemies, vanquished them, and spoiled their Countric; then perused the letters; and returning home obtained a triumph, sore against the will of the Senate, and not altogether with good liking of the people, who yet bore him out, for that he sided in faction with the Commonalty, though a man of great Nobility.  
This was that Flaminius, who had propounded the Decree, for dividing the Country of the Senones among the people of Rome. He was the first, or one of the first, that understanding the Majesty of Rome to be indeed wholly in the people, and no otherwise in the Senate, than by way of Delegacie, or grand Commission; did not stand highly upon his birth and degree, but courted the multitude, & taught them to know and use their power, over himself, and his fellow-Senators, in reforming their disorders. For this, the Commons highly esteemed him, and the Senators as deeply hated him. But he had the surer side, and found imitators, that rose by the same arte; which in process oftime, grew the only or chief way to preferment.  
Flaminius and his Colleague, being deposed; M. Claudius Marcellus, and Cn. Cornelius Scipio, were chosen Consuls, for the rest of that year. The Gauls about this time desired peace, and were like to have obtained it: though the new Consuls were against it, as fearing to want work. But when thirty thousand of the Gessates, following their King Britomarus, were come over the Alpss, and joined with the Insubrians: all other discourse, than of present war, was at an end. So the Consuls hasted into their Province, where they besieged Acerrae, a town not far from Novaro (so far had the Romans pierced already) in the Duchy of Milan. To divert them from this siege, Britomarus sat down before Clastidium, a Town in the same Tract, with great part of his forces: leaving the rest, with the Insubrians, to attended upon the Consuls at Acerrae, and to look to the defence of Milan. But this would not suffice, to make the Romans break up their siege. Marcellus, taking with him the greatest part of the horse, & 〈◊〉 hundred foot lightly armed; thought to deal well enough with those at Clastidium. Britomarus heard of the Consuls coming; and met him upon the way: so suddenly, that the Romans had no leisure to rest themselves after their journey, but were compelled instantly to fight: Herein Britomarus had done well; if he had not forth with, in a rash bravery, lost his game at a cast. He had advantage enough in number, both of horse and foot: but he thought so well of his own personal valour, that he road out single before his Army, provoking any one to fight with him. Marcellus was no less daring, than the barbarous King: whither more wise in this action, I will not dispute; he was more fortunate, and that sufficed to commend him. He slew and disarmed Britomarus, in presence of both Armies: whereby his own men took such courage, and his enemies were so dismayed, that without much trouble of fight, the Romans obtained a great victory.  
This was the third and last time, that ever any Roman General slew the General of the enemies, with his own hand. To this kind of victory, belonged a peculiar triumph; whereof only Romulus, Cossus, and this Marcellus, had the honour: yet I dare say, that the two Scipio's, and divers other Roman Captains, especially Caesar, were better men of war than any of these three; though they never offered up to JUPITER, Opima spolia; The Armour of a General slain by themselves, when they were 〈◊〉, nor perhaps affected so to do.  
After this victory, Acerrae was yielded to the Romans; and Milan soon after: with all that belonged to the Cisalpines, or Gauls, that dwelled in 〈◊〉. Thus was that valiant and mighty Nation, that had for so many years vexed the State of Rome, and in former times taken the 〈◊〉 itself, brought to nothing in a short time, their pleasant and fertile Territory possessed by the Romans; and the remainder of their Nation, inhabiting, Italy, so many as would not subject their necks to the Roman yoke, either forced to abandon their Countries, or to hide themselves in the cold and barren Mountains, like Outlaws and Thecues. And thus did the Romans spend the three and twenty years, following the peace made with Carthage. In part of which time, they were at such leisure, that they closed up the Temple of janus: which they never did before, (it standing always open, when they had any war) save once, in the reign of Numa; nor in long time after, until the reign of Augustus. But this their present happiness was not to last long: a dangerous war, and perhaps the greatest that had ever been, was to come unto their gates; which being well ended, they might boldly undertake, to extend their Monarchy as far, as their ambition could reach.    

CHAP. III Of the second Punic War.  

§ I The wars of HANNIBAL in Spain. Quarrels between the Romans and Carthaginians. HANNIBAL besiegeth and taketh Saguntum, whilst the Romans are busied with the Illyrians. War proclaimed between Rome and Carthage.  
HANNIBAL, the fonne of Amilcar, was about six and twenty years old, when he was chosen General of the Carthaginian forces in Spain. He was elected by the Army, as soon as Asdrubal was dead: and the election was ratified by the state at Carthage; wherewith Hanno and his Complices were nothing pleased. This was now the third of the Barchine family (so called of Amilcar, whose surname was Barcas) that had command in chief, over the men of war. Which honour would perhaps have been less envied, by these domestical enemies; if the Allies and Friends of the Barchine house, had not also borne the whole sway in government, and been the only men regarded, both by the Senate and the people. This general goodwill, as it was first purchased by the most worthy deserts of Amilcar, in saving his Country from imminent ruin, enlarging the Dominion thereof, and enriching it with treasures and great revenues; so was it retained by the same good arts, among his friends and followers. Hanno therefore, and his Partisans, being neither able to tax the virtue of their enemies, that was unreprovable; nor to perform the like services unto the Commonweal; had nothing left, whereby to value themselves, excepting the general reprehension of War, and cautelous advice of not provoking the Romans. This they seasoned otherwhiles with detraction; saying, that the 〈◊〉 faction went about to oppress the liberty of the City. But their malicious words were unregarded; and if it were factious, to bear ill will to Rome, then were all the Citizens (very few excepted) no less Barchine, than Hannibal himself. For it was long since apparent, that the oath of the Romans, to the articles of peace, afforded no security to Carthage; were she never so quiet, and officious; unless she would yield to become their Subject. Since therefore the peace was like to 〈◊〉 no longer, than until the Romans could found some good advantage, to renew the War: it was rather desired by the Carthaginians, that whilst their own state was in good case, the war should begin; than that in some unhappy time of famine or pestilence, or after some great loss of Army or Fleet, they should be driven to yield unto the impudent demands of their enemies; & to give away basely their lands and treasures, as they had lately done; or miserably fight, upon terms of disadvantage.  
This disposition of his Countrymen, Hannibal well understood. Neither was he ignorant (for his father, and other friends, had long time devised of this business) that in making war with the Romans, it was no small advantage to get the start of them. If once he could bring an Army into Italic, without molestation; there was good hope, that he should find friends and assistance, even of those people, that helped to increase the Roman armies in foreign wars. But this could never be effected, if the matter were openly disputed at Carthage. For it was to be doubted, that the Carthaginians, how glad soever they would be, to hear that he had set the war on foot, would nevertheless be slow and timorous as commonly men are in the beginning of great enterprises, if the matter were referred to their deliberation. Which if it should happen; then were the Romans like to be made acquainted, not only with the generalities of his purpose, but with such particulars as must be discoursed of, in procuring allowance to his design. This might suffice to disorder the whole Proiect. Wherefore, he resolved to lay siege unto Saguntum; which might seem not greatly to concern the Romans; and would highly please the Carthaginians, that had fresh in mind the indignity of that Spanish Towns alliance with their false friends. So should he assay both the patience of his enemies, and the disposition of his own Citizens.  
Having thus concluded, he nevertheless went fair and orderly to work: and beginning with those that lay next in his way, approached unto Saguntum by degrees. This he did (saith Livy) to give some colour to his proceed: as if he had not principally intended the war against Saguntum, but had been drawn thither by course of business. Yet reason teacheth plainly, that without regard of such formalities, it was needful to finish the conquest of the rest, before he did any thing that should provoke the Romans. First therefore he entered upon the Territory of the 
* A people (saith Stephanus) near the River of 〈◊〉. But in the old description of Spain, in Ortelius, they are found near 〈◊〉; and by Suidas, not far from New Carthage.  Olcades; and having besieged Althaea (Livy calleth it Carteia) their chief City, he become, in a few days, Master, not only thereof, but of all the other towns of their Country. This Nation which he first undertook, being subdued, and the winter at hand; he rested his Army in New Carthage, or Carthagena; and imparted liberally to the Soldiers, the spoils he had gotten in his late conquest.  
In the Spring following, he pursued the war against the 
a A people of 〈◊〉 the old.  Vaccaei: and without any great difficulty, wan first Salmantica, now called Salamanca; and after it, 
b Arbucala, or Albricala, an inland City of the 〈◊〉 in Arragon.  Arbucala, by assault: though not without a long siege, and great difficulty. But in his return, he was put to the height, both of his courage, and of his Martial judgement. For all such of the Vaccaei, as were able to bear arms, being made desperate by the spoil of their Country, with those of Salamanca, and of the 〈◊〉, that had escaped in the late overthrow, joining themselves with the Toletans; compounded an Army of an hundred thousand able men: and stayed Hannibal on the banks of the River Tagus, which runneth to the Sea by Lisbourne in Portugal. These four nations, having had experience of Hannibal's invincible courage, and that he never seen enemy, upon whom he durst not give charge; were thoroughly resolved, that his natural valour would at this time no less neglect the cold advice of discretion, than at other times it had seemed to do, when the like great occasion persuaded him to use it. But he that makes himself a body of Crystal, that all men may look through him, and discern all the parts of his disposition; makes himself (withal) an Ass: and thereby teacheth others, either how to ride, or drive him. Wise men, though they have single hearts in all that is just and virtuous; yet they are like coffers with double bottoms: which when others look into, being opened, they see not all that they hold, on the sudden, and at once. It is true, that this subtle Carthaginian, when he served under 〈◊〉, was, of all the men of mark in the Army, the most adventurous. But that which may beseem a Captain, or inferior Commander, doth not always become a Chief; though it hath sometime succeeded well with such great ones, as have been found more fortunate, than wise. At this time, our great Man of war knew as well how to dissemble his courage, as at other times to make it good. For he withdrew himself from the River side, as if 〈◊〉 to ford it; thereby to draw over that great multitude, from their banks of advantage. The Spaniards, apprehending this in such sort, as Hannibal desired that they should; thrust themselves in furic and disorder, into the swift stream, with a purpose to charge the Carthaginians, abandoning (as they thought for fear) the defences on the contrary side. But when Hannibal seen them in their way, and well-neare over; he turned back his 〈◊〉 to entertain them at their landing: and thrust his Horsemen, both above and beneath them, into the River. These carrying a kind of Lance de gay, sharp at both ends, which they held in the midst of the staff; had such an advantage over the foot, that were in the River, under their strokes, clattered together, and unable to move or shifted their bodies, as on firm ground: that they slew all those, (in a manner) without resistance, which were already entered into the water; and pursued the rest, that fled like men amazed, with so great a slaughter, as from that 〈◊〉 forward, there was not any Spaniard, on that side the River of Iberus, (the Saguntines excepted) that had the daring to lift up their hands against the Carthaginians.  
The Saguntines, perceiving the danger towards them; cried before they were hurt. They sent Ambassadors to Rome, and bemoaned themselves, as likely to suffer that, which afterwards they suffered 〈◊〉; only because of their alliance and friendship with this honourable City, which the Carthaginians hated. This tale moved the Senate: but much more a report, that Saguntum was already besieged. Hereupon some cry out, that War should be proclaimed by Land and Sea; as also that the two Consuls should be sent with Armies, the one into Spain, the other into Africa. But others went more Roman-like to work; and carried it. So it was only concluded; that Ambassadors should be sent into Spain, to view the state of their Confederates: which were indeed noon other, than the Saguntines. For if Hannibal intended war against Rome, it was likely, that he would give-them, ere it were long, a more plausible occasion to take arms against him: if he had no such purpose; yet would it be in their power, to determine what they listed themselves, upon the report of these Ambassadors; and this their gravity, in being not too rash at first, would serve to countenance their following Decree. Of these Ambassadors Livy reports, that they found Hannibal before Saguntum; but could not get audience of him, and therefore went to Carthage, where also they were not regarded, nor heard. But 〈◊〉, an Historian of sincerity less questionable, tells, that they found him at Carthagena; and had conference with him, though such as left them doubtful. This is more agreeable to the rest of Hannibal his whole course. And surely we might wonder, why the Carthaginians should afterwards admit a more peremptory Embassage (as Livy confesseth) and fall to disputation about the covenants of peace; if they had rejected that which was sent upon noon other pretence, than prevention of war.  
Whilst the Ambassadors passed to and fro, Hannibal prepared not only his forces, but some Roman pretences, against Saguntum. He found out Mamertines, or people that should do as the Mamertines in Sicily had done for the Romans; and implore his help against the Saguntines. These were the Turdetani; a Nation adjoining to Saguntum, and having many quarrels with them: (as happens commonly among Neighbours) of which, Hannibal himself had hatched some. Finding therefore such an occasion, whatsoever it was, as made him able to say, that the Saguntines had first provoked him, ere he meddled with them; he made no more ado, but sat down with his whole power before their Town. He was now more secure, than he had formerly been, of his own Citizens: for that they had not entertained the Roman Ambassadors, with any trembling reverence, as of late years they had been wont. Nevertheless, he was glad of any handsome colour, to shadow his actions, not only because the war, which he so much desired, was not proclaimed; but that he might not be checked in his course, as an open enemy, before he could set foot in Italy. The Romans had the like, though 〈◊〉 desire. They were glad of the quarrel: as hoping, that Carthage, with all thereto belonging, should thereby in short space become their own. Yet were they not hasty to threaten, before they were ready to strike; but meant to temporize, until they had an Army in readiness to be sent into Spain, where they thought to make Saguntum, the seat of the War.  
In the 〈◊〉 while, Demetrius Pharius, whom the Romans had made King over a great part of Illyria, rebelled against them: either for that he 〈◊〉 himself overstreightly tied up by them, with hard conditions; or rather because he was of an unthankful disposition. The commotion of the Gauls, and afterward, the fame of the Carthaginian war, emboldened him to despise his 〈◊〉 and Patrons: whom he aught to have defended and aided, in all perils, even with the hazard of his whole estate, which he had received of their gift. But he was a Traitor to his own Queen; and therefore dealt according to his kind, with those that had rewarded him for being such. First, he built ships, and spoiled the 〈◊〉 of Greece: against the covenants to which he was bound. Than he adventured further and seized upon some places, that the Romans kept in their own hands. If he had begun sooner, or rather if he had stayed somewhat longer, he might have sped better. For the business with the Gauls, was ended; with 〈◊〉, not thoroughly begun: when he declared himself, by his doings, an enemy, and was vanquished. The Roman Consul, Aemilius, was sent against him: who in seven days won the strong Town of Dimalum; and thereby brought such 〈◊〉 upon the Country round about, that Ambassadors were sent from all places, to yield themselves, without putting him to further pains. Only the City of Pharus, in which 〈◊〉 lay, prepared to resist: which it might have done long, if the hotheaded Rebel had not been too foolish. Aemilius landed a great part of his Army, in the Isle of Pharus, by night; and bestowed them in covert; presenting himself the next morning, with twenty ships before the Town, and offering to force the Haven. Demetrius with all his power issued out against the Consul; and was soon 〈◊〉 from the Town, by those that lay in ambush. Wherhfore he fled away through by-paths to a creak, where he had shipping ready for him, and embarked himself: leaving all his estate unto them, of whose liberality he first had it.  
This business, though it were soon dispatched, yet prevented it not the siege of Saguntum; before which Hannibal sat down, ere Aemilius was landed in Illyria. In the beginning of the siege, the 〈◊〉 were much discouraged, by reason of the brave sallies made by the Saguntines; in one of which, their General received a dangerous wound in the thigh, that caused him to lie many days unable to move. Nevertheless he was not unmindful of his work in the mean while; but gave order to raise certain movable Towers, that might equal those which 〈◊〉 built on the walls of the City; and to prepare to batter the 〈◊〉, and make a breach. These being finished and applied, had soon wrought their effect. A great & large breach was made, by the fall of divers Towers, and a great length of wall; whereat an hot assault was given: but it was so well sustained by the Saguntines, as the Carthaginians were not only beaten from the breach, and out of some ground within the Town, which upon the first fury they had won; but they were pursued even to their own trenches and camp. Nevertheless the Carthaginian Army, wherein were about an hundred and fifty thousand men, did so weary the townsmen with continual travail, that at length it got within the walls; and was only hindered from taking full possession of the City, by some counter-works of the Saguntines, that were also ready to be won. In this extremity, there was one Alcon a Saguntine, that conveyed himself out of the Town, to treat with Hannibal for some accord. But the conditions which the Carthaginian offered, were so severe, & without all compass of honour, as Alcon durst not return to propound them to his countrymen. For Hannibal demanded all that they had; gold, 〈◊〉, plate, and other riches within the City: yea, the City itself to be abandoned by the Citizens; promising, that he would assign some other place for their habitation: not allowing them, to carry out with them any other thing, wherewith to sustain themselves, than the clotheses on their backs; or other arms to defend them, than their nails and teeth. Yet might they far better have submitted themselves unto this miserable appointment, (seeing thereby they might have enjoyed their lives, & saved the honour of their wives and daughters) than to have rested at the discretion of the Conqueror, as soon after they did: by whom their wives and daughters were deflowered before their faces; and all put to sword, that were above fourteen years of age. For it was a poor comfort, which a great number of them took; when not daring to fight, and 〈◊〉 their blood at the dearest rate, they shut themselves up like most wretched creatures in their own houses, and therein burnt themselves with all that they 〈◊〉 dying 〈◊〉. The treasures found in 〈◊〉, which were very great 〈◊〉 kept, therewith to pay his Army: the slaves, and other booty, he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Sonldiers; reserving some things of choice, wherewith to present his friends at Carthage, and to animate them unto the War.  
These tidings exceedingly vexed the Romans; who had good cause to 〈◊〉 angry at their own slowness, in forbearing to sand help unto the Saguntines, that held out eight months, looking still for succour, in vain. Wherhfore they determined to repair their honour, by taking sharp revenge. To this end they sent Ambassadors again to Carthage: demanding only, Whither it were by general consent and allowance of the Carthaginians, that HANNIBAL had made war upon Saguntum; which if they granted (as it seemed they would) then to give them defiance. Hereunto answer was made, in the Senate of Carthage, to this effect: That this their second Embassage, howsoever qualified with mild words, was indeed more insolent than the former. For in that, they only required justice against Hannibal; but in this, the very State and Commonwealth of Carthage, was urged to plead guilty, or not guilty. But (said the Carthaginian speaker) whither the General of our Army in Spain, in besieging Saguntum, have only followed his own counsel; or whither he did it, by direction from us: it is not the question which the Romans aught to ask us. That which is indeed worthy examination or dispute, is; Whither it were lawful, or unlawful, for HANNIBAL to do as he hath done. For it belongs to us, to call our own Commanders in question, and to punish them according to their faults and errors; to you, to challenge us, if we have done any thing contrary to our late League and Contract. It is true, that in our negotiation with Luctatius the 〈◊〉, the Allies of both Nations were comprehended: but the Saguntines were not then of your Allies, and therefore no parties to the peace then made; for of your Allies in the future, or of ours, there was no dispute. As touching the last agreement, between you and Asdrubal, wherein you will say, that the Saguntines were comprehended by name; it is you that have taught us, how to answer that particular. For whatsoever you found in the Treaty between us and Luctatius, to your own disadvantage, you cast it upon your Consul's presumption; as promising those things, for which he had no warrant from the Senate and People of Rome. If then it be lawful for the Romans, to disavow the actions of their Consuls and Commanders, concluding any thing without punctual and precise warrant; the same liberty may we also assume, and hold ourselves no way bound in honour, to perform those bargains, which Asdrubal hath made for us, without our commandment and consent.  
This was an impertinent answer, and little better than a 〈◊〉 cavil. For Luctatius the Consul, in his Treaty of peace with the Carthaginians, had expressly referred the allowance thereof to the people of Rome. It had been therefore much better, to have dealt plainly; and to have alleged, That after this League was made, and confirmed on both parts, it was broken by the Romans, in robbing the Carthaginians of the Isle of Sardinia, and withal of twelve hundred talents: which perjury the state of Carthage, being now grown able, would revenge with open war. As for the Saguntines; it little skilled that the Romans had admitted them into confederacy, and forth with inserted their names into the Treaty of peace with Asdrubal: seeing that the Treaty with Asdrubal, and all other business between Rome and Carthage, following the violence and breach of peace, in taking away Sardinia, were no better than Roman injuries; as implying this commination, 〈◊〉 whatsoever we require, else will we make war, without regard of our oath, which we have already broken.  
But this the Carthaginians did not allege, forgetting, in heat of contention (as Polybius takes it) the best of their Plea. Yet since Livy himself doth remember and acknowledge, that the taking of Sardinia from the 〈◊〉, did inflame the spirit of Amilcar with desire of revenge: we may reasonably think, that the mention of this injury was omitted, not so much upon forgetfulness, as for that it was not thought convenient, by ripping up such ancient matter of quarrel, to show that the war, now towards, had long been thought upon, and like to be made with extraordinary force; in other manner than heretofore. In 〈◊〉, the Carthaginian Senate moved the Roman Ambassadors, to deliver unto them in plain terms the purposes of those that sent them, and the worst of that, which they had long determined against them: as for the Saguntines, and the confining of their Armies within Iberus; those were but their pretences. Whereupon Q. Fabius gathering up the skirt of his Gown, as if somewhat had been laid in the hollow thereof, made this short reply: I have here (quoth he) in my Gown-skirt both Peace and War: make you (my Masters of the Senate) election of these two, which of them you like best, and purpose to embrace. Hereat all cried out at once; Even which of them you yourself have a fancy to offer us. Mary then (quoth Fabius) take the War, and share it among you. Which all the Assembly willingly accepted.  
This was plain dealing. To wrangle about pretences, when each part had resolved to make war, it was merely frivolous. For all these disputes of breach of peace, have ever been maintained by the party unwilling, or unable to sustain the war. The rusty sword, and the empty purse, do always pled performance of covenants. There have been few Kings or States in the World, that have otherwise understood the obligation of a Treaty, than with the condition of their own advantage: and commonly (seeing peace between ambitious Princes and States, is but a kind of breathing) the best advised have rather begun with the sword, than with the trumpet. So dealt the Arragonois with the French in Naples; Henry the second, of France, with the Imperialls, when he wrote to Brisac, to surprise as many places as he could, ere the war broke out; Don john, with the Netherlandss; and Philip, the second, of Spain, with the English, when in the great Imbarge he took all our ships and goods in his Ports.  
But 〈◊〉, besides the present strength of Carthage, and the common feeling of injuries received from these enemies, had another private and hereditary desire, that violently carried him against the Romans. His father Amilcar, at what time he did sacrifice, being ready to take his journey into Spain, had solemnly bound him by oath, to pursue them with immortal hatred, and to work them all possible mischief, as soon as he should be a man, and able. Hannibal was then about nine years old, when his father caused him to lay his hand upon the Altar, and make this vow: so that it was no marvel, if the impression were strong in him.  
That it is inhuman, to bequeath hatred in this sort, as it were by Legacy, it cannot be denied. Yet for my own part, I do not much doubt, 〈◊〉 that some of those Kings, with whom we are now in peace, have received the like charge from their Predecessors, that as soon as their coffers shall be full, they shall declare themselves enemies to the people of England.   

§. II HANNIBAL takes order for the defence of Spain and Africa. His journey into Italy.  
War being thus proclaimed, 〈◊〉 resolved, not to put up his sword, which he had drawn against the Saguntines, until he had therewith opened his passage unto the gates of Rome. So began the second Punic War; second to noon, that ever the Senate and people of Rome sustained. Hannibal wintered at Carthagena; where he licenced his Spanish Soldiers to visit their friends, and refresh themselves 〈◊〉 the Spring. In the mean while he gave instructions to his brother 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 the government of Spain in his absence. He also took order, to sand a great many troops of Spaniards into Africa, to equal the numbers of Africans formerly drawn thence into Spain; to the end, that so the one Nation might remain as pledges and gauges for the other. Of the Spaniards, he transported into Africa thirteen thousand, eight hundred, and fifty foot, and twelve hundred horse; also eight hundred slingers of the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Baleares. Besides these, he selected four thousand foot, all young men, and of quality, out of the best Cities of Spain; which he appointed to be 〈◊〉 in Carthage itself, not so much in regard of their forces, as that they might serve for hostages: for among those four thousand, the best of the Spanish Citizens, and those that swayed most in their several States, had their Sons or Kinsmen. He also left with his brother, to guard the coast and Ports, fifty and seven Galleys; whereof thirty seven were presently armed, and appointed for the war. Of Africans, and other Nations strangers, he left with him above twelve thousand foot, and two thousand horse, besides one and twenty Elephants.  
Having in this sort taken order for the defence of Spain and Asrick; he sent 〈◊〉 before him, to view the passages of the Pyrenaean Mountains, and of the Alps. He also sent Ambassadors to the Mountainers of the Pyrenes, & to the Gauls, to obtain a quiet passage: that he might bring his Army entire into Italy, and not be compelled to diminish his forces, by any war in the way, till he come to encounter the Romans. His Ambassadors, & discoverers, being returned with good satisfaction; in the beginning of the Spring, he passed over the River of Iberus, with an Army consisting of fourscore and ten thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse. All those parts of Spain, into which he had not entered before, he now subdued: and appointed Hanno (not that old enemy of his house, who 〈◊〉 still at Carthage) to govern Spain on the East side of Iberus; to whom he left an Army of ten thousand foot, and one thousand horse. Being arrived at the borders of Spain, some of his Spanish Soldiers returned home, without ask leave: which that others might not also do, or attempt, he courteously dismissed many more, that seemed willing to be go. Hereby it come to pass, that the journey seemed the less tedious unto those that accompanied him; as being not enforced by compulsion. With the rest of his army, consisting now but of fifty thousand foot, and nine thousand horse, he passed the Pyrenees, and entered into Gauls. He found the Gauls that bordered upon Spain, ready in Arms, to forbidden his entrance into their Country: but won them, with gentle speech, and rich presents that he bestowed upon their Leaders, to favour his Expedition. So without any molestation, he come to the bank of Rhodanus; where dwelled, on each side of the River, a people called Volcae. These were unacquainted with the cause of his coming; and therefore sought to keep him from passing over the water. But he was greatly assisted by some of those Gauls, that inhabited on the West side of Rhodanus, to wit, by those of Vivaretz and Lionnois. For although many of them had transported themselves and their goods, into the Country of 〈◊〉, thinking to defend the further bank against him: yet such as remained, being desirous to free their Country of so many ill guests, were better pleased to have their Countrymen beaten, which had abandoned them, than to have their own store of corn and cat-tail wasted, by the long stay of so great an Army, as lay upon them. For which reason, they helped him to make boats; informed him of another more easy passage, higher up the River; and lent him guides. When the vessels for transportation of his Army were in readiness; he sent Hanno, the son of Bomilcar, up the River: himself in the mean while making countenance to enter the Ford below. The end of this labour was: that Hanno charging the Gauls unawares upon their own side, and Hannibal, at the same time, passing the River in their faces, the further bank was won, though with some difficulty; and the enemies dispersed. Yet was he greatly troubled in conveying over his Elephants; who marvelously feared the water. He was therefore driven to make raffes of trees, and cover them with earth and turf; whereof he fastened one to each bank, that might serve as a bridge, to and from another of the same sort, but lose, upon which the beasts were towed over.  
Having past this first brunt, and over come both the rage of the River, and of those that defended it, he was visited by the Princes of the Gauls Cisalpines, that inhabited Piedmont and Milan, who lately had revolted from the Romans. These informed him of the passages of the Alps, that they were not so difficult, as common report made them; & from these he received guides, with many other encouragements. All which notwithstanding; he found himself extremely encumbered by the Savoians: and lost, both of his carriages, and of his Carthaginians, more than willingly he would, or had formerly thought that he should. For he was twice mainly assailed by them, before he could recover the plain Countries on the other side. And whereas this journey over the Mountains cost him fifteen days travail, he was every day, more or less, not only charged by those Mountainers, but withal, extremely beaten with grievous weather and snow: it being in the beginning of Winter, when he began, and over-came this passage. But the fair and fertile Plains, which were now ready to receive them; with the assistance and conduct of the Cisalpine Gauls, who by their proper forces had so often invaded the Roman Territory; gave them great comfort, and encouragement to go on: having nothing else of difficulty remaining, but that which from the beginning they made account to overcome, by their proper valour and resolution; namely the Roman Armies, and resistance.   

§. III How the Romans in vain solicited the Spaniards and Gauls to take their part. The rebellion of the Cisalpine Gauls against the Romans.  
THe countries of Spain and Gaul, through which the Carthaginians marched thus far, had been solicited before, by the same Roman Ambassadors, who had denounced the war at Carthage. These, as they were instructed by the Senate, took Spain in their way homeward from Carthage, with a purpose to draw into the Roman Alliance, as many of the Cities and Princes as they could; at lest, to dissuade them from contracting any friendship with the Carthaginians. The first which they attempted, were the Volcians, a people in Spain; from whom, in open assembly, they received by one that spoke for the rest, this uncomfortable answer. With what face (saith he) can ye Romans persuade us to value your Alliance, or to prefer it before the friendship of the Carthaginians; seeing we are taught by the example of the Saguntines, to be more wise, than so? For they, relying on your faith and promised assistance, have been utterly rooted out, and destroyed by the Carthaginians; whom they might else have held their assured friends, and good neighbours, as we, and other the people of Spain have found them. Ye may therefore be go, with this resolution from us, That for our parts (and so I think, I may answer for the rest of our Countrymen) the Romans henceforth are not to expect any kindness at our hands: who are resolved, never to make account of their protection, nor amity. From the Volcians, the Ambassadors took their way towards the Gauls; using their best arguments to persuade them, not to suffer the Carthaginians to pass into Italy, through their Territory: and withal greatly glorifying themselves, their strength, and large Dominion. But the Gauls 〈◊〉 them to scorn, and had hardly the patience, to hear them speak. For shall we (said one of their Princes) by resisting Hannibal's passage into Italy, entertain a war which is not meant to be made against us? Shall we hold the war among ourselves, and in our own Territory, by force, which marcheth with a speedy pace from us, towards our ancient enemies? Have the Romans deserved so well of us, and the Carthaginians so ill, that we should set fire on our own houses, to save theirs from burning? Not, we know it well, that the Romans have already forced some Nations of ours, out of their proper Territory and inheritance; and constrained others, as free as themselves, to pay them tribute. We will not therefore make the Carthaginians, our enemies; who have no way as yet offended us, nor we them.  
With this unpleasing answer the Ambassadors returned home: carrying no good news, of friends likely to help them; but rather some assurance from the people of Massilia, which were Confederates with Rome, that the Gauls were determined to take part with their enemy. Of this inclination, the Cisalpine Gauls gave hasty proof. For when the news was brought into Italy, that the Carthaginians had passed Iberus, and were on the way towards Rome; this alone sufficed to stir up the Boijs, and Insubrians, against the Romans. These people were lately offended at the plantation of new Roman Colonies, at Cremona, and Placentia, within their Territories. Relying therefore upon the Carthaginian succour, which they supposed to be now at hand; they laid aside all regard of those hostages, which they had given to the Romans, and fell upon the new Colonies. The Towns it seems that they could not win; for Hannibal shortly after failed to get them. But they forced the Roman Commissioners, (who belike were abroad in the Country) to fly to Modena: where they besieged them. The siege of Modena had continued some small time; when the Gauls, having little skill in assaulting Cities, waxed weary, and seemed desirous to have peace, and to come to some good accord with the Romans. This they did of purpose, to draw on some meeting; that they might therein lay hand upon the Roman Deputies, thereby to redeem their Hostages, in way of exchange. And it fell out, in part, according to their wish. For the Romans sent out Ambassadors to treat with them, and to conclude a peace; whom they detained. Manlius the Praetor, who lay in these quarters with an Army, hearing this outrage; marched in all haste to the relief of the besieged. But the Gauls, having laid a strong ambush in a wood joining to the way, fell upon the Praetor so opportunely, as he was utterly overthrown, and all his followers left dead in the place; a few excepted, that recovered, by fast running, a little village, but defensible, upon the River of Po. When this was heard at Rome, C. Atilius, another of the Praetors, was hastily sent, to relieve the besieged, with one Legion, and five thousand of the Roman associates: which forces were taken out of the Consuls Army, and supplied by a new levy.  
As the Gauls were too rash and hasty: so were the Romans too slow, and indeed too ill-advised, in the beginning of this war. They were not 〈◊〉, that Carthage, which had almost servilely endured so many indignities, in time of the late peace; would be so brave and courageous on the sudden, as to attempt the conquest of Italy itself. Wherhfore they appointed one of their Consuls, to make war in Spain, the other in Africa: resting secure of all danger at home. Titus Sempronius took his way toward Africa, with an hundred & threescore Quinqueremes, or Galleys, of five to an Oar; which preparation may seem to threaten even the City of Carthage, to which it shall not come near. P. Cornelius Scipio, the other Consul, made all possible haste, by the way of Genoa, into Provence; and used such diligence, having the wind also favourable, as in five days he recovered Massilia. There he was advertised, of Hannibal his having passed the River of Rhodanus; whom he thought to have found busy yet a while in Spain. Hannibal had also news of the Consuls arrival: whereof he was neither glad, nor sorry; as not meaning to have to do with him. Each of them sent forth Scouts, to discover the others number and doings: Hannibal, about five hundred Numidians; Scipio, three hundred of his better appointed Roman horse. These met and fought, and the Numidians were beaten: yet could not the Romans greatly brag, having slain only two hundred, and lost of their own, one hundred and forty. But when Scipio drew near, to have met with the Carthaginians; he found, that they were go three days before; and that (as he then found assuredly true) with an intent to look upon the walls of Rome. This interrupted his intended voyage into Spain. Nevertheless he sent away thither his brother Cn. Cornelius Scipio, with the greatest part of his Fleet and Army, to try what might be done against Asdrubal and the other Carthaginian Lieutenants in that Country. He himself, taking with him a few choice bands, returned by Sea to Pisa; and so passing through Tuscan into Lombardy, drew together the broken troops of Manlius and Atilius, that lately had been beaten by the Gauls: with which forces he made head against the enemy, thinking to find him over-laboured, with travail of his painful journey.   

§. FOUR SCIPIO the Roman Consul overcome by HANNIBAL at Ticinum. Both of the Roman Consuls beaten by HANNIBAL, in a great battle at Trebia.  
Five months Hannibal had spent in his tedious journey from Carthagena; what great muster he could make, when he had passed the Alpss, it is not easily found. Some reckon his foot at an hundred thousand, and his horse at twenty thousand; others report them to have been only twenty thousand foot, and six hundred horse. Hannibal himself, in his Monument which he raised, in the Temple of juno Lacinia, agreeth with the latter sum. Yet the Gauls, Ligurians, and others that joined with him, are likely to have mightily increased his Army, in short space. But when he marched Eastward from the banks of Rhodinus, he had with him eight and thirty thousand foot, and eight thousand horse; of which, all save those remembered by himself in the Inscription of his Altar in Juno's Temple, are like to have perished, by diseases, enemies, Rivers, and Mountains; which mischiefs had devoured, each, their several shares.  
Having newly passed the Alpss, and scarce refreshed his wearied Army in the Country of Piedmont; he sought to win the friendship of the 
a These dwelled about Turine, a goodly City, now subject unto the Duke of Savoy: which from them took the name of 〈◊〉 Taurinorum.  Taurim, who lay next in his way. But the Taurini held war at that time with the Insubrians, which were his good friends; and refused (perhaps for the same cause) his amity. Wherhfore he assaulted their Town; and wan it by force in three days. Their spoil served well to hearten his Army; and their calamity, to terrify the Neighbour places. So the Gauls, without more ado, fell unto his side: many for fear, many for goodwill, according to their former inclination. This disposition ran through the whole Country: which joined, or was all in a readiness to join, with the Carthaginians; when the news of Scipio the Consul his arrival, made some to be more 〈◊〉, than the rest. The name of the Romans was terrible in those quarters; what was in the Carthaginians, experience had not yet laid open. Since therefore the Roman Consul was already gotten through the most defensible passages, ere any speech had been heard of his approach: many sat still, for very fear, who else would feign have concluded a League with these newcome friends; and some, for greater fear, offered their service against the Carthaginians, whom nevertheless they wished well to speed.  
This wavering affection of the Province, whereinto they were entered, made the two Generals hasten to the trial of a battle. Their meeting was at Ticinum, now called Pavia; where each of them wondered at the others great expedition: Hannibal thinking it strange, that the Consul, whom he had left behind him on the other fide of the Alps, could meet him in the face, before he had well warmed himself in the Plains; Scipio admiring the strange adventure of passing those Mountains, and the great spirit of his Enemy. Neither were the Senate at Rome little amazed, at Hannibal's success, and sudden arrival. Wherhfore they dispatched a Messenger in all haste unto Sempronius, the other Consul, that was then in Sicilia, giving him to understand hereof: and letting him further know, that whereas he had been directed to make the war in Africa, it was now their pleasure that he should forbear to prosecute any such attempt, but that he should return the Army under his charge, with all possible speed, to save Italy itself. According to this order, Sempronius sent off his Fleet from Lilybaeum; with direction to landlord the Army at Ariminum, a Port Town not far from Ravenna: quite another way from Carthage, wither he was making haste. In the mean while, Scipio and Hannibal were come so near, that fight they must, ere they could part asunder. Hereupon, both of them prepared the minds of their Soldiers, by the best arguments they had: unto which Hannibal added the Rhetoric of a present example, that he showed upon certain prisoners of the Savoyans, which he brought along with him, fitted for the purpose, into Italy. For these, having been no less miserably fettered and chained, than sparingly fed; and withal so often scourged on their naked bodies, as nothing was more in their desire, than to be delivered from their miseries by any kind of present death, were brought into the middle of the Army: where it was openly demanded, which of them would fight hand to hand with some other of his Companions, till the one of them were slain, with condition being the Victor, to receive his liberty, and some small reward. This was no sooner propounded, than all of them together accepted the offer. Than did Hannibal cause lots to be cast, which of them should enter the List, with such weapons, as the Chieftains of the Gauls were wont to use in single combats. Every one of these unhappy men wished, that his own lot might speed; whereby it should at lest be his good fortune, to end his miseries by death, if not to get a reward by victory. That couple, whose good hap it was to be chosen, fought resolvedly: as rather desiring, than fearing death; and having noon other hope, than in vanquishing. Thus were some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 matched, it skilled not how equally: for all these poor creatures were 〈◊〉, upon whatsoever uneven terms, to rid themselves out of slavery. The same affection that was in these Combatants, and in their fellows which beheld 〈◊〉; wrought also upon the Carthaginians, for whom the spectacle was ordained. For they 〈◊〉 happy, not only him, that by winning the victory had gotten his 〈◊〉, together with an horse and armour: but even him also, who being slain in fight, bade escaped that miserable condition, unto which his Companions were returned. Their General perceiving what impression this dumb show had wrought in them; began to admonish them of their own condition, speaking to this effect: That he had laid before them an example of their own estates: seeing the time was at hand, wherein they were all to run the same fortune, that these slaves had done; all to live victorious and rich; or all to die, or (which these prisoners esteemed far more grievous) to live in a perpetual slavery: That noon of them all, in whom was common sense, could promise' to himself any hope of life by flight; since the Mountains, the Rivers, the great distance from their own Countries, and the pursuit of merciless Enemies, must needs retrench all such impotent imaginations. He therefore prayed them to remember, that they, who had even now praised the fortune both of the Victor, and of the vanquished, would make it their own case; seeing there was never any in the world, appointed with such a resolution, that had ever been broken, or beaten by their enemies. On the contrary, he told them, that the Romans, who were to fight upon their own soil, and in view of their own Towns; who knew as many ways to save themselves by flight, as they had bodies of men to fight withal, could no way entertain such a resolution as theirs: seeing the same necessity, (to which nothing seems impossible) did no way press them, or constrain them. In this sort did Hannibal, with one substantial argument, That there was no mean between Victory and Death, encourage his Companions. For (saith a great Captain of France) la commodity de la retract advance lafuite; The commodity of a retreat, doth greatly advance a flat running away.  
Scipio, on the other side, after that he had given order for the laying of a bridge over the River of Ticinus, did not neglect to use the best arguments and reasons he could, to encourage the Army he led: putting them in mind of the great conquests and victories of their Ancestors; against how many Nations they had prevailed; and over how many Princes, their Enemies, they had triumphed. As for this Army commanded by Hannibal, although it were enough to tell them, that it was no better than of Carthaginians, whom in their late war they had so often beaten, by Land and Sea; yet he prayed them withal to consider, that at this time it was not only so diminished in numbers, as it rather seemed a troop of Brigants and thieves, than an Army like to encounter the Romans; but so weatherbeaten, and 〈◊〉, as neither the men, nor horses, had strength or courage to sustain the first charge that should be given upon them. Nay (said he) ye yourselves may make judgement what daring they have now remaining, after so many 〈◊〉 and miseries; seeing when they were in their best strength, after they had past the Roan, their horsemen were not only beaten by ours, and driven back to the very Trenches of their Camp, but Hannibal himself, fearing our approach, ran headlong towards the Alps: thinking it a less dishonour, to die there by frost, famine, and precipitation, than by the sharp swords of the Romans, which had so often cut down his people, both in Africa, and in Sicil.  
It was not long after this, ere the two Generals met: each being far advanced before the gross of his Army, with his Horse; and the Roman having also with him some light-armed foot, to view the ground, and the enemies countenance. When they discovered the approach one of the other; Scipio sent before him his horsemen of the Gauls, to begin the fight, and bestowing his 〈◊〉 in the voided ground between their troops, to assist them: himself with his Roman men at arms, following softly in good order. The Gauls (whither desirous to try the metal of the Carthaginians, or hoping thereby to get favour of the Romans) behaved themselves courageously, and were as courageously opposed. Yet their foot that should have aided them, shrank at the first brunt, or rather fled cowardly away, without casting a Dart; for fear of being trodden down by the enemies horse. This notwithstanding, the Gauls maintained the fight, and did more hurt than they received; as presuming that they were well backed. Neither was the Consul unmindful to relieve them: their hardiness deserving his aid; and the hasty flight of those that should have stood by them, admonishing him that it was needful. Wherhfore he adventured himself so far, that he received a dangerous wound; and had been left in the place, if his son (afterward surnamed Africanus) had not brought him off: though others give the honour of this rescue, to a Ligurian slave. Whilst the Romans were busied in helping their Consul; an unexpected storm come driving at their backs, and made them look about how to help themselves. Hannibal had appointed his Numidian light-horse, to give upon the Romans in flank, and to compass them about, whilst he with his men at arms sustained their charge, and met them in the face. The Numidians performed this very well: cutting in pieces the scattered foot, that ran away at the first encounter; and then falling on the backs of those, whose looks were fastened upon Hannibal and Scipio. By this impression, the Romans were shuffled together, and routed: so that they all betook them to their speed, and left unto their enemies the honour of the day.  
When Scipio seen his horse thus beaten, and the rest of his Army thereby greatly discouraged; he thought it a point of wisdom, having lost so many of his Fleet upon the first puff of wind, to take Port with the rest, before the extremest of the tempest overtook him. For he seen by the lowering morning what manner of day it was like to prove. Therefore his battle of foot being yet unbroken, he in a manner stole the retreat; and recovered the bridge over Ticinus, which he had formerly built. But notwithstanding all the haste that he made, he left six hundred of his Rear behind him: who were the last that should have passed, and stayed to break the bridge. Herein he followed this rule of a good man of war, Si certamen quandoque dubium videatur: tacitam miles arripiat 〈◊〉: fuga enim aliquando laudanda: which must be understood in this sort; If a General of an Army, by some unprosperous beginnings doubt the success; or found his Army fearful or 〈◊〉; it is more profitable to steal a safe retreat, than to abide the uncertain event of battle.  
It was two days after, ere Hannibal could pass the 〈◊〉; Scipio the whilst refreshing his men, 〈◊〉 easing himself of his wound in Placentia. But as soon as Hannibal presented his Army before the Town, offering battle to the Romans, who durst not accept it, nor issue forth of their camp; the Gauls, that hitherto had followed Scipio for fear, gathered out of his fear, courage to forsake him. They thought that now the long-desired time was come, in which better Chieftains and Soldiers, than Aneroestus, Britomarus, and the Gessates, were come to help them: if they had the hearts to help themselves. Wherhfore the same night they fell upon the Roman camp; wounded and slew many; especially of those guards that kept watch at the gate; with whose heads in their hands, they 〈◊〉 over to the Carthaginians, and presented their service. Hannibal received them exceeding courteously, and dismissed them to their own places: as men likely to be of more use to him, in persuading the rest of their Nation to become his Confederates, than in any other service at the present.  
About the fourth watch of the night following, the Consul stolen a retreat, as he had done before; but not with the like ease and security. Hannibal had a good eye upon him; and ere he could get far, sent the Numidians after him: following himself with all his Army. That night the Romans had received a great blow, if the Numidians, greedy of spoil, had not stayed to ransack their camp; and thereby given time to all, save some few in Rear, that were slain or taken, to pass the River of Trebia, and save themselves. Scipio, being both unable to travail by reason of his wound, and withal finding it expedient to attended the coming of his fellow-Consul; encamps himself strongly upon the banks of Trebia. Necessity required that he should so do; yet this diminished his reputation. For every day, more & more of the Gauls fell to the Carthaginian side; among whom come in the Boij, that brought with them the Roman Commissioners, which they had taken in the late Insurrection. They had hitherto kept them as Pledges, to redeem their own Hostages: but now they deliver them up to Hannibal, as tokens and pledges of their affections towards him; by whose help they conceived better hope of recovering their own men and lands. In the mean while, Hannibal, being in great scarcity of victuals, attempted the taking of Clastidium, a Town wherein the Romans had laid up all their store and munition. But there needed no force; a Brundusian, whom the Romans had trusted with keeping it, sold it for a little money.  
The news of these disasters, brought to Rome, filled the Senate and People, rather with a desire of hasty revenge, than any great sorrow for their loss received; seeing that, in a manner, all their 〈◊〉, wherein their strength and hope consisted, were as yet entire. They therefore hasted away 〈◊〉, that was newly arrived, towards Ariminum, where the Army, by him sent out of Sicily, awaited his coming. He therefore hasted hither; and from thence he marched speedily towards 〈◊〉 Colleague: who attended him upon the banks of Trebia. Both the Armies being joined in one, the Consuls devised about that which remained to be done: Sempronius receiving from Scipio the relation of what had passed since Hannibal: arrival; the fortune of the late fight; and by what error or misadventure the Romans were therein foiled: which Scipio chief laid on the revolt and treason of the Gauls.  
Sempronius, having received from Scipio the state of the affairs in those parts; sought by all means to try his fortune with Hannibal, before Scipio were recovered of his wounds, that thereby he might purchase to himself the sole glory of the victory, which he had already, in his imagination, certainly obtained. He also feared the election of the new Consuls: his own time being well-near expired. But Scipio persuaded the contrary; objecting the unskilfulness of the newcome Soldiers: and withal gave him good reason, to assure him that the Gauls, naturally 〈◊〉, were upon terms of abandoning the party of the Carthaginians; those of them inhabiting between the rivers 〈◊〉 Trebia, and Po, being already revolted. Sempronius knew all this as well as Scipio: but being both guided and blinded by his ambition, he made haste to find out the dishonour, which he might otherwise easily have avoided. This resolution 〈◊〉 Sempronius was exceeding pleasing to Hannibal: who feared nothing so much as delay and loss of time. For the strength of his Army, consisting in strangers, to wit, in Spaniards and Gauls; he no less feared the change of affection in the one, than the impatiency of the other: who being far from their own home, had many passions moving them to turn their faces towards it. To 〈◊〉 the desire of Sempronius, it fell out so, that about the same time, the Gauls inhabiting near unto Trebia, complained of injuries done by the Carthaginians. They did not supply Hannibal with necessaries, as he supposed that they might have done; although he daily reprehended their negligence, telling them, that for their sakes, and to set them at liberty, he had undertaken this Expedition. 〈◊〉 therefore how little 〈◊〉 regarded his words, he was bold to be his own Carver; and took from them by force, as much as he needed of that which they had. Hereupon they fly to the Romans for help: and, to make their tale the better, say that this wrong is done them, because they refused to join with Hannibal. Scipio cared not much for this: he suspected their falsehood, and was assured of their mutability. But Sempronius affirmed, that it stood with the honour of Rome, to preserve the Confederates from suffering injury: and that hereby might be won the friendship of all the Gauls. Therefore he sent out a thousand horse: which coming unlooked for upon Hannibal his foragers, and finding them heavy loaden cut many of them in pieces, and chased the rest even into their own camp. This indignity made the Carthaginians sally out against them: who caused them to retire faster than they come. Sempronius was ready to back his own men; and repelled the enemies. Hannibal did the like. So that at length, all the Roman Army was drawn forth; and a battle ready to be fought, if the Carthaginian had not refused it.  
This victory (for so the Consul would have it called) made the Romans in general desirous to try the main chance in open field: all the persuasions of Scipio to the contrary notwithstanding. Of this disposition Hannibal was advertised by the 〈◊〉, his spies, that were in the Roman Campe. Therefore he bethought himself how to help forward the victory, by adding some stratagem to his forces: He found in the hollow 〈◊〉 a watercourse, overgrown with high reed, a fit trench to cover an ambush. Thereinto he cast his brother Mago, with a thousand choice horse, and as many foot. The rest of his 〈◊〉, after they had well warmed and well fed themselves in their camp, he led into the field, and marched towards the Consul. Early in the morning, he had sent over Trebia some companies of Numidian light-horse: to brave the enemy, and draw him 〈◊〉 to a bad dinner, ere he had broken his fast. Sempronius was ready to take any opportunity to fight: and therefore not only issued out of his camp, but 〈◊〉 the River of Trebia, in a most cold and miserable day; his foot being wet almost to the armholes: which, together with the want of food, did so enfeeble and cool their courages, as they wanted force to handle the arms they bore. Strong they were in foot, as well of their own Nation, as of the Latins: having of the one, sixteen, of the other, twenty thousand. The mass of these they ranged in a gross Battalion, guarded on the flanks with three thousand horse: thrusting their light-armed, and Darters, in lose troops in the head of the rest, in the nature of a Vanguard. The Carthaginian numbers of foot, were in a manner equal to their enemies; in horse, they had by far the better, both in number and goodness. When therefore the Roman horse, ranged on the flanks of their 〈◊〉, were broken by the Numidians; when their foot were charged both in front and flank, by the Spaniards, Gauls, and Elephants; when finally the whole Army was unawares priest in the Rear, by Mago and his two thousand, that rose out of their place of ambush: then fell the Romans, by heaps, under the enemies swords; and being beaten down, as well fight in disorder, as flying towards the River, by the horsemen that pursued them, there escaped no more of six and thirty thousand, than ten thousand of all sorts, Horse and Foot.  
Three great errors Sempronius committed, of which every one deserved to be recompensed with the loss that followed. The first was, that he fought with Hannibal in a Champain, being by far inferior in horse, and withal thereby subject to the African Elephants, which in enclosed or un-even grounds, and woodlands, would have been of no use. His second error was, that he made no discovery of the place upon which he fought; whereby he was grossly overreached, and ensnared, by the ambush which Hannibal had laid for him. The third was, that he drenched his footmen with empty stomaches, in the River of Trebia, even in a most cold and frosty day, whereby in effect they lost the use of their limbs. For as one saith well; There is nothing more inconvenient and perilous, than to present an Army tired with travail, to an enemy fresh and fed; since where the strength of body faileth, the generosity of mind is but as an unprofitable vapour.  
The broken remainder of the Roman Army, was collected by Scipio, who got therewith into Placentia; stealing away the same night, which was exceeding rainy, from the Carthaginians; who either perceived him not, because of the showers; or would not perceive him, because they were overwearied. Sempronius escaped with extreme danger; flying through the Country that was overrun by the enemies horse. He was attended by more, than were requisite in a secret flight; yet by fewer, than could have made resistance, if the enemy had met with him. Nevertheless he got away, and come to Rome, where he did his office in choosing new Consuls for the year following: and then returned into his Province, with a fresh supply against Hannibal.   

§. V The departure of HANNIBAL from the Cisalpine Gauls into Hetruria. FLAMINIUS the Roman Consul slain; and his Army destroyed by the Carthaginians, at the Lake of Thrasymen.  
THe Winter growing on apace, was very sharp, and unfit for service: to the great contentment of the Romans, who being not able to keep the field, lay warm in Placentia, and Cremona. Yet Hannibal did not suffer them to rest very quiet: but vexed them with continual alarms; assailing divers places; taking some; beating the Gauls their adherents; and winning the Lygurians to his party, who presented him, in token of their faith full love, with two Roman Quaestors or Treasurers, two Colonels, and five Gentlemen the Sons of Senators, which they had intercepted. These, and in general all such prisoners as he had of the Romans, he held in strength places, laden with irons, and miserably fed: those of their followers he not only well entreated, but sent them to their Countries without ransom; with this protestation, That he therefore undertook the War in Italy to free them from the oppression of the Romans. By these means he hoped, and not in vain, to draw many of them to his party and assistance. But the 〈◊〉 were not capable of such persuasions. They stood in fear, jest he should make their Country the scate of the War, and perhaps take it from them. They were also more grieved than reason willed them, at his feeding upon them, and wasting their Territory. Wherhfore some of them conspired against his life; others admonished him of the danger: and these that gave him the advice, were ready soon after to practise against him; but were in like sort detected. He was therefore glad to use Perwigs of hair, and false beards of divers colours, to the end that he might not be described, nor known, to those that should undertake to make him away. Feign he would have passed the Apennines, upon the first appearance of Spring; but was compelled by the violence of weather, to tarry among the Gauls, till he had seen more Swallows than one. At length, when the year was somewhat better opened, he resolved to take his leave of these giddy Companions, and bring the war 〈◊〉 to the gates of Rome. So away he went, having his Army greatly increased with Ligurians and Gauls; more serviceable friends abroad, than in their own Country. That the passage of the Apennine Mountains was troublesome, I hold it needless to make any doubt. Yet since the Roman Armies found no memorable impediment, in their marches that way: the great vexation which fell upon Hannibal, when he was travailing through and over them, aught in reason to be imputed rather to the extremity of Winter, that makes all ways soul, than to any intolerable difficulty in that journey. Nevertheless to avoid the length of way, together with the resistance and fortifications, which may not improbably be thought to have been erected upon the ordinary passages towards Rome: he chose at this time, though it were with much trouble, to travail through the Fens and rotten grounds of 〈◊〉. In those Marshes and bogs, he lost all his Elephants, save one, together with the use of one of his eyes; by the moistness of the air, and by lodging on the cold ground, and wading through deep mire and water. In brief, after he had with much ado recovered the firm and fertile Plains; he lodged about Arretium: where he somewhat refreshed his wearied followers, and heard news of the Roman Consuls.  
C. Flaminius, and Cn. Servilius had of late been chosen Consuls for this year: Servilius, a tractable man, and wholly governed by advice of the Senate; Flaminius, an hotheaded popular Orator; who having once been rob (as he thought) of his Consulship, by a device of the Senators was afraid to be served so again, unless he quickly finished the war. This jealous Consul thought it not best for him to be at Rome, when he entered into his Office, jest his adversaries, by feigning some religious impediment, should detain him within the 〈◊〉, or found other business for him at home, to disappoint him of the honour, that he hoped to get in the War. Wherhfore he departed secretly out of the Town; and meant to take possession of his Office, when the day come, at Ariminum. The Fathers (so the Senators were called) highly displeased with this, revoked him by Ambassadors: but he neglected their injunction; and hasting to meet with the Carthaginians, took his way to Arretium, where he shortly found them.  
The fiery disposition of this Consul, promised unto Hannibal great assurance of victory. Therefore he provoked, with many indignitics, the vehement nature of the Roman: hoping thereby to draw him unto fight, ere Servilius come with the rest of the Army. All the Country between Fesulae and Arretium he put to fire and sword, even under the Consul's nose; which was enough to make him stir, that would not have sitten still, though Hannibal had been quiet. It is true, that a great Captain of France hath said; Pays gaste v'este pas perdu; A wasted Country is not thereby lost. But by this waste of the Country, Flaminius thought his own honour to be much impaired; and therefore advanced towards the Enemy. Many advised him (which had indeed been best) to have patience a while, and stay for his Colleague. But of this he could not abide to hear: saying, that he come not to defend Arretium, whilst the Carthaginians went, burning down all Italy before them, to the gates of Rome. Therefore he took horse; and commanded the Army to march. It is reported as ominous, that one of their Ensigns stuck so fast in the ground, as it could not be plucked up by the ensign-baerer. Of this tale, whither true or false, Tully makes a jest: saying, that the cowardly knave did faintly pull at it (as going now to fight) having hardily pitched it into the earth. Neither was the answer of Flaminius (if it were true) disagreeable hereto: for he commanded, that it should be digged up, if fear had made the hands too weak to lift it: ask withal; whither letters were not come from the Senate, to hinder his proceed. Of this jealousy both he, and the Senate that gave him cause, are likely to repent.  
All the Territory of Cortona, as far as to the Lake of Tbrasymene, was on a light fire, which whilst the Consul thought to quench with his enemy's blood, he pursued Hannibal so unadvisedly, that he fell, with his whole Army, into an ambush cunningly laid for him, between the Mountains of Cortona, and the Lake. There was he charged unawares, on all sides, (save only where that great Lake of Perusia permitted neither his enemies to come at him, nor him to fly from them) knowing not which way to turn, or make resistance. So was he slain in the place, accompanied with fifteen thousand dead carcases of his Countrymen. About six thousand of his men, that had the Vanguard, took courage as for the most part happens, out of desperation; and breaking through the enemies, that stood in their way, recovered the tops of the Mountains. If these had returned, and given charge upon the Carthaginians backs, it was thought that they might have greatly amended, if not wholly altered, the fortune of the day. But that violence of their fear, which kindled by necessity, had wrought the effects of hardiness; was well assuaged, when they ceased to despair, of saving their lives by flight. They stood still, in a could sweated, upon the Hill-top; hearing under them a terrible noise, but not discovering how things went, because of the great fog that held all the morning. When it grew toward noon, the air was cleared, and they might plainly discern the lamentable slaughter of their fellows. But they stayed not to lament it: for it was high time, they thought, to be go, ere they were descried, and attached by the enemies horse. This they should have thought upon sooner; since they had no mind to return unto the fight. For descried they were, and Maharbal sent after them; who overtook them by night in a Village, which he surrounded with his horse: and so they yielded the next day, rendering their arms, upon his promise of their lives and liberties. This accord Hannibal refused to confirm; saying, that it was made by Maharbal, without sufficient warrant, as wanting his authority to make it good. Herein he taught them (yet little to his own honour) what it was to keep no faith: and fitted them with a trick of their own. For if it were lawful unto the Romans, to altar covenants, or add unto them what they listed; if the Carthaginians must be feign to pay certain hundreds, and yet more hundreds of talents, besides their first bargain; as also to renounce their interest in Sardinia, and be limited in their Spanish Conquests, according to the good pleasure of the Romans, whose present advantage is more ample, than the conditions of the late concluded peace: then can Hannibal be as Roman, as themselves; and make them know, that perfidiousness gaineth no more in prosperity, than it loseth in the change of fortune. Fifteen thousand Italian Prisoners, or thereabouts, he had in his hands: of which all that were not Romans, he set free without ransom; protesting, as he had done before, that it was for their sakes, and to free them and others from the Roman tyranny, that he had undertaken this war. But the Romans he kept in strait prison, and in fetters; making them learn to eat hard meat. This was a good way, to breed in the people of Italy, if not a love of Carthage, yet a contempt of Rome: as if this war had not concerned the general safety, but only the preserving of her own neck from the yoke of slavery, which her overstrong enemies would thrust upon her in revenge of her oppressions. But an ancient reputation, confirmed by success of many ages, is not lost in one or two battles. Wherhfore more is to be done, ere the Carthaginian can get any Italian Partisans.  
Presently after the battle of Thrasimene, C. Centronius, with four thousand Roman horse, drew ncere unto the Camp of Hannibal. He was sent from Ariminum, by Servilius the other Consul, to increase the strength of Flaminius: but coming too late, he increased only the misadventure. Maharbal was employed by Hannibal, to intercept this company; who finding them amazed with report which they had newly heard of the great overthrow, charged them, and broke them: and kill almost half of them, drove the rest unto an high piece of ground, whence they come down, and simply yielded to mercy, the next day. Servilius himself was in the mean while skirmishing with the Gauls; against whom he had wrought no matter of importance, when the news was brought him, of his Colleagues overthrow and death in Hetruria; that made him hasten back to the defence of Rome.  
In these passages, it is easy to discern the first-fruits of popular jealousy, which persuaded the Romans to the yearly change of their Commanders in the wars; which greatly endangered, and retarded the growth of that Empire. Certain it is, that all men are far better taught by their own errors, than by the examples of their fore-goers. Flaminius had heard, in what a trap Sempronius had been taken up but the year before, by this subtle Carthaginian; yet suffered he himself to be caught soon after in the same manner. He had also belike forgotten, how Sempronius, fearing to be prevented by a new Consul, and ambitious of the sole honour of beating Hannibal in battle, without help of his companion Scipio, had been rewarded with shame and loss: else would he not, contrary to all good advice, have been so hasty to fight, before the arrival of Servilius. If Sempronius had been continued in his charge, it is probable that he would have taken his companion with him the second time, and have searched all suspected places, proper to have shadowed an ambush: both which this new 〈◊〉 Flaminius neglected. We may boldly avow it, that by being continued in his Government of France ten years, Caesar brought that mighty Nation, together with the Heluetians and many of the Germane, under the Roman yoke; into which parts had there been every year a new 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 would hardly, if ever, have been subdued. For it is more than the best wit in the World can do, to inform itself, within one years compass, of the nature of a great Nation, of the Factions, of the Places, Rivers, and of all good helps, whereby to prosecute a war to the best effect. Our Princes have commonly left their Deputies in Ireland three years; whence, by reason of the shortness of that their time, many of them have returned as wise, as they went out; others have profited more, and yet when they began but to know the first rudiments of War, and Government, fitting the Country, they have been called home, and new Apprentices sent in their places; to the great prejudice both of this and that Estate. But it hath ever been the course of the World, rather to follow old errors, than to examine them: and of Princes and Governors, to up-hold their slothful ignorance, by the old examples and policy of other ages and people; though neither likeness of time, of occasion, or of any other circumstance, have persuaded the imitation.   

§ VI How QFABIUS the Roman Dictator, sought to consume the force of HANNIBAL, by lingering war. MINUTIUS, the Master of the Horse, honoured and advanced by the People, for bold and successful attempting, adventures rashly upon HANNIBAL; and is like to perish with his Army, but rescued by FABIUS.  
GReatly were the Romans amazed, at this their ill success, and at the danger apparent; which threatened them in more terrible manner, than ever did war, since Rome itself was taken. They were good Soldiers; and so little accustomed to receive an overthrow; that when Pyrrhus had beaten them, once and again, in open field, all Italy was strangely affected with his success, and held him in admiration, as one that could work wonders. But Pyrrhus his quarrel was not grounded upon hate: he only sought honour, and fought (as it were) upon a 〈◊〉: demeaning himself like a courteous enemy. This Carthaginian detested the whole Roman name; against which he burned with desire of revenge. Ticinum, Trebia, and Thrasimene, witnessed his purpose, and his ability. Which to withstand, they fled unto a remedic that had long been out of use, and created a Dictator. The Dictator's power was greater than the Consuls, and scarcely subject unto control of the whole City. Wherhfore this Officer was seldom chosen, but upon some extremity, and for no longer time than six months. He was to be named by one of the Consuls, at the appointment of the Senate: though it were so, that the Consul (if he stood upon his prerogative) might name whom he pleased. At this time, the one Consul being dead, and the other too far off; the People took upon them, as having supreme authority, to give the Dignity by their election, to Q. Fabius Maximus, the best reputed man of war in the City, Novum factum, novum consilium expetit; Contrary winds, contrary courses. Q. Fabius chose M. Minutius Rufus Master of the horse: which Officer was customarily, as the Dictator's Lieutenant; though this Minutius grew afterwards famous, by taking more upon him.  
The first act of Fabius, was the reformation of somewhat amiss in matter of religion: a good beginning, and commendable; had the Religion been also good. But if it were true (as Livy reports it) that the books of Sibyl were consulted, and 
Liu. l. 〈◊〉.  gave direction in this business of devotion; then must we believe, that those books of Sibyl, preserved in Rome, were dictated by an evil spirit. For it was ordained, that some Vow, made in the beginning of this war to Mars, should be made anew, and amplified; as having not been rightly made before: also that great Plays should be vowed unto jupiter, and a Temple to Venus; with other such trumpery. This vehemency of superstition, proceeds always from vehemency of fear. And surely this was a time, when Rome was exceedingly distempered with passion: whereof that memorable accident, oftwo women that suddenly died, when they seen their sons return alive from Thrasimene, may serve to bear witness; though it be more properly an example of motherly love. The walls and towers of the City were now repaired and fortified; the bridges upon Rivers were broken down; and all care taken, for defence of Rome itself. In this tumult, when the Dictator was newly set forth against Hannibal; word was brought, that the Carthaginian fleet had intercepted all the supply, that was going to Cn. 〈◊〉 in Spain. Against these Carthaginians, Fabius commanded Servilius the Consul to put to Sea; and taking up all 〈◊〉 ships about Rome, and Ostia, to pursue them: whilst he, with the Legions, attended upon Hannibal. Four Legions he had levied in haste: and from Ariminum he received the Army, which Servilius the Consul had conducted thither.  
With these forthwith he followed apace after Hannibal; not to fight, but to affronted him. And knowing well, what advantage the Numidian horse had over the Romans, he always lodged himself on high grounds, and ofhard access. Hannibal in the mean while, pursuing his victory, had ranged over all the Country, and used all manner of cruelty towards the inhabitants; especially to those of the Roman Nation, of whom he did put to the sword, all that were able to bear arms. Passing by Spoletum and Ancona, he encamped upon the Adriatic shores; refreshed his diseased, and over-travailed Companies; armed his Africans after the manner of the Romans; and made his dispatches for Carthage, presenting his friends, which were in effect all the Citizens, with part of the spoils that he had gotten. Having refreshed his Army; fed his horses; cured his wounded Soldiers; and (as Polybius hath it) healed his horse heels of the scratches, by washing their pasterns in old wine: he followed the coast of the Adriatic Sea towards Apulia, a Northern Province of the Kingdom of Naples; spoiling the Marrucini, and all other Nations lying in his way. In all this ground that he overranne, he had not taken any one City: only he had assayed Spoletum, a Colony of the Romans; and finding it well defended, presently gave it over.  
The malice of a great Army is broken, and the force of it spent, in a great siege. This the Protestant Army foundtrue at Poitiers, a little before the battle of Moncounter; and their victorious enemies, anon after, at St. lean d'Angeley. But Hannibal was more wise. He would not engage himself in any such enterprise, as should detain him, and give the Romans leave to take breath. All his care was to weaken them in force and reputation: knowing, that when once he was absolute Master of the field, it would not be long ere the walled Cities would open their gates, without expecting any engine of battery. To this end he presented Fabius with battle, as soon 〈◊〉 he seen him; and provoked him with all manner of brauadoes. But Fabius would not bite. He well knew the differences, between Soldiers bred up, ever since they were Boys, in war and in blood, trained and hardened in Spain, made proud and adventurous by many victories there, and of late by some notable acts against the Romans; and such, as had no oftener seen the enemy, than been vanquished by him. Therefore he attended the Carthaginian so near, as he kept him from straggling too far; and preserved the country from utter spoil. He enured his men by little and little, and made them acquainted with dangers by degrees; and he brought them first to look on the Lion a far off, that in the end they might sit on his tail.  
Now Minutius had a contrary disposition, and was as fiery as Flaminius; taxing Fabius with cowardice and fear. But all stirred not this well-aduised Commander. For wise men are no more moved with such noise, than with wind bruised out of a bladder. There is nothing of more indiscretion, and danger, than to pursue misfortune: It wasteth itself sooner by sufferance, than by opposition. It is the invading Army that desires battle: and this of Hannibal, was both the invading, and the victorious. Fabius therefore suffered Hannibal to cross the Apennines, and to fall upon the most rich and pleasant Territory of Campania; neither could he by any arguments be persuaded, to adventure the Roman Army in battle: but being 〈◊〉 too weak in horse, he always kept the Hills and fast grounds. When Hannibal seen he could by no means draw this wary Dictator to fight, that the Winter come on; and that the towns stood firm for the Romans, whose Legions were in sight, though afar off; he resolved to rest his Army, that was loaden with spoil, in some plentiful and assured place, till the following Spring. But ere this can be done, he must pass along by the Dictator's camp, that hung over his head upon the Hills of Callicula, and Casilinum: for other way there was noon, by which he might issue out of that goodly Garden-countrie, which he had already wasted, into places more abundant of provision for his wintering. It was by mere error of his guide, that he first entered within these straits. For he would have been directed unto Cassinum, whence he might both assay the fair City of Capua, which had made him friendly promises under hand, and hinder the Romans from coming near it to prevent him. But his guide misunderstood the Carthaginian pronunciation, and conducted him awry another way, from Cassinum to Casilinum, whence Fabius hoped that he should not easily escape. Now began the wisdom of Fabius to grow into credit; as if he had taken the Carthaginians in a trap, & won the victory, without blows. But Hannibal reform this opinion, and freed himself, by a slight invention, yet serving the turn as well as a better. In driving the country, he had gotten about two thousand Kines; whose horns he dressed with dry faggots, and setting fire to them in the dark night, caused them to be driven up the hills. The spectacle was strange, and therefore terrible; especially to those, that knew it to be the work of a terrible enemy. What it should mean, Fabius could not tell: but thought it a device to cirumvent him; and therefore kept within his Trenches. They that kept the hill-tops, were horribly afraid, when some of these fiery Monsters were gotten beyond them; and ran therefore hastily away, thinking that the enemies were behind their backs, and fell among the light-armed Carthaginians, that were no less afraid of them. So Hannibal, with his whole Army, recovered sure ground, without molestation: where he stayed till the next morning; and then brought off his light footmen, with some slaughter of the Romans, that began to hold them in skirmish: After this, Hannibal made semblance of taking his journey towards Rome: and the Dictator coasted him in the wont manner; keeping still on high grounds, between him and the City, whilst the Carthaginian wasted all the Plains. The Carthaginian took Geryon, an old ruinous Town in Apulia, forsaken by the Inhabitants; which he turned into Barnes and Storehouses for winter, and encamped under the broken walls. Other matter of importance he did noon: but the time passed idly, till the Dictator was called away to Rome, about some business of Religion, and left the Army in charge with Minutius, the Master of the horse.  
Minutius was glad of this good occasion to show his own sufficiency. He was fully persuaded, that his Romans, in plain field, would be too hard for the Africans and Spaniards: by whom if they had been foiled already twice or thrice, it was not by open force, but by subtlety & ambush, which he thought himself wise enough to prevent. All the Army was of his opinion; and that so earnestly, as he was preferred by judgement of the Soldiers, in worthiness to command, before the cold and wary Fabius. In this jollity of conceit, he determined to fight. Yet had he been peremptorily forbidden so to do, by the Dictator; the breach of whose command was extreme peril of death. But the honour of the victory, which he held undoubtedly his own; the love of the Army; and the friends that he had at home bearing Office in Rome, were enough to save him from the Dictator's rods and axes, took he the matter never so heinously. Hannibal on the other side was no less glad, that he should play with a more adventurous gamester. Therefore he drew near: and to provoke the Romans, sent forth a third part of his Army to waste the Country. This was boldly done, seeing that Minutius encamped hard by him: but it seems, that he now despised those whom he had so often vanquished. There was a piece of high ground between the two camps; which because it would be commodious to him that could occupy it, the Carthaginians seized upon by night with two thousand of their light-armed. But Minutius, by plain force, wan it from them the next day; and entrenching himself thereupon, become their 〈◊〉 neighbour.  
The main business of Hannibal at this time was, to provide abundantly, not only for his men, but for his horses, which he knew to be the chief of his strength; that he might keep them in good heart against the next Summer: if besides this he could give the Romans another blow, it would increase his reputation, encourage his own men, terrify his enemies, and give him leave to forage the Country at william. Since therefore Minutius did not in many days issue forth of his camp, the Carthaginian sent out (as before) a great number of his men, to fetch in harvest. This advantage Minutius wisely espied, and took. For he led forth his Army, and setting it in order presented battle to Hannibal, that was not in case to accept it, even at his own Trenches. His horse, and all his light Armature, divided into many companies, he sent abroad against the foragers; who being dispersed over all the fields, and loaden with booty, could make no resistance. This angered Hannibal, that was not able to help them; but worse did it anger him, when the Romans took heart to assail his Trenches. They perceived that it was mere weakness, which held him within his camp, & therefore were bold to despise his great name, that could not resist their present strength. But in the heat of the business, Asdrubal come from Geryon with four thousand men, being informed of the danger, by those that had escaped the Roman horse. This emboldened Hannibal to issue forth against the Romans; to whom nevertheless he did not such hurt, as he had received.  
For this piece of service Minutius was highly esteemed by the Army, & more highly by the People at Rome, to whom he sent the news, with somewhat greater boast than truth. It seemed no small matter, that the Roman Army had recovered spirit, so far forth that it dared to set upon Hannibal in his own camp; and that in so doing, it come off with the better. Every man therefore praised the Master of the horse, that had wrought this great alteration; and consequently, they grew as far out of liking with Fabius, and his timorous proceed, thinking that he had not done any thing wisely, in all his Dictatorship: saving that he chose such a worthy Lieutenant; whereas indeed in no other thing he had so greatly erred. But the Dictator was not so joyful of a little good luck, as angry with the breach of discipline; and fearful of greater danger, thereon likely to ensue. He said that he knew his own place, and what was to be done; that he would teach the Master of the horse to do so likewise; and make him give account of what he had done, if he were Dictator: speaking it openly, That good success, issuing from bad counsel, was more to be feared, than calamity; for as much as the one bred a foolish confidence; the other taught men to be wary. Against these Sermons every one cried out; especially Metellus, a Tribune of the people: which Office warranted him to speak, and do what he list, without fear of the Dictator. Is it not enough (said he) that this our only Man, chosen to be General, and Lord of the Town, in our greatest necessity, hath done no manner of good, but suffered all Italy to be wasted before his eyes, to the utter shame of our State; unless he also hinder others, from doing better than himself can, or dares? It were good to consider what he means by this. Into the place of C. Flaminius he hath not chosen any new Consul all this while; Servilius is sent away to Sea, I know not why; Hannibal and He, have as it were taken Truce; Hannibal sparing the Dictator's grounds: (for Hannibal had indeed forborn to spoil some grounds of Fabius, that so he might bring him into envy & suspicion) & the Dictator giving him leave to spoil all others, without impeachment. Surely his drift is even this: He would have the war to last long, that he himself might be long in Office, and have the sole Government both of our City, and Armies. But this must not be so. It were better, that the Commonalty of Rome, which gave him this authority, should again take it from him, and confer it upon one more worthy. But jest, in 〈◊〉 the people hereto, I should seem to do him injury; thus far forth I will regard his honour: I will only propound, That the Master of the Horse may be joined in equal authority with the Dictator; a thing not more new, nor less necessary, than was the electing of this Dictator, by the People.  
Though all men, even the Senators, were ill persuaded of the course which Fabius had taken against Hannibal, as being neither plausible, nor seeming beneficial at the present; yet was there noon so injurious, as to think that his general intent, and care of the Weal public, was less than very honourable. Whereas therefore it was the manner, in passing of any Act, that some man of credit and authority, besides the Propounder, should stand up, and formally deliver his approbation; not one of the principal Citizens was found so impudent, as to offer that open disgrace, both unto a worthy parsonage, and (therewithal) unto that Dignity, whose great power had freed the State at several times, from the greatest dangers. Only C. Terentius Varro, who the year before had been Praetor, was glad of such an opportunity, to win the favour of the Multitude. This fellow was the son of a Butcher; afterwards become a shopkeeper; and being of a contentious spirit, grew; by often brabble, to take upon him as a Pleader, dealing in poor men's causes. Thus by little and little he got into Office; and rose by degrees, being advanced by those, who in hatred of the Nobility favoured his very baseness. And now he thought the time was come, for him to give an hard push at the Consulship; by doing that, which noon of the great men, fearing or favouring one another, either durst or would. So he made an hot invective, not only against Fabius, but against all the Nobility; saying, that it grieved them to see the people do well, and take upon them what belonged unto them, in matter of Government; that they sought to humble the Commons by poverty, and to impoverish them by war; especially by war at their own doors, which would soon consume every poor man's living, and find him other work to think upon, than matter of State. Therefore he bade them to be wise: and since they had found one, (this worthy Master of the horse) that was better affected unto them and his Country, to reward him according to his good deserts; and give him authority, accordingly as was propounded by the Tribune, that so he might be encouraged and enabled, to proceed as he had begun. So the Act passed.  
Before this busy day of contention, Fabius had dispatched the election of a new Consul, which was M. Atilius Regulus, in the room of C. Flaminius: and having finished all requisite business, went out of Town, perceiving well, that he should not be able to withstand the Multitude, in hindering the Decree. The news of Minutius his advancement, was at the camp as soon as Fabius: so that his old Lieutenant, and new Colleague, began to treat with him as a Companion; ask him at the first, in what sort he thought it best to divide their authority: whither that one, one day; and the other, the next; or each of them, successively, for some longer time, should command in chief. Fabius briefly told him, That it was the pleasure of the Citizens, to make the Master of the horse equal to the Dictator; but that he should never be his superior: He would therefore divide the Legions with him, by lot, according to the custom. Minutius was not herewith greatly pleased; for that with half of the Army he could not work such wonders, as otherwise he hoped to accomplish. Nevertheless he meant to do his best; and so taking his part of the Army, encamped about a mile and an half from the Dictator. Needful it was (though Livy seem to tax him for it) that he should so do. For where two several Commanders are not subordinate one unto the other, nor joined in Commission, but have each entire & absolute charge of his own followers there are the forces (though belonging unto one Prince or State) not one, but two distinct Armies: in which regard, one camp shall not hold them both, without great inconvenience. Polybius neither finds fault with this disjunction; nor yet reports, that Fabius was unwilling to command in chief successively (as the two Consuls used) with Minutius, by turns. He saith that Minutius was very refractory; and so proud of his advancement, that continually he opposed the Dictator: who thereupen referred it to his choice, either to divide the forces between them, as is said before, or else to have command over all by course. This is likely to be true. For natures impatient of subjection, when once they have broken lose from the rigour of authority, love nothing more, than to contest with it: as if herein consisted the proof and assurance of their liberty.  
It behoved the Master of the horse, to make good the opinion which had thus advanced him. Therefore he was no less careful, of getting occasion to fight, than was Fabius of avoiding the 〈◊〉. That which Minutius and Hannibal equally 〈◊〉, could not long be wanting. The Country lying between them was open and bore, yet as fit for ambush, as could be wished: for that the sides of a naked valley adjoining, had many, and spacious caves; able, some one of them, to hide two or three hundred men. In these lurking places, Hannibal bestowed five hundred horse, and five thousand foot; thrusting them so close together, that they could not be 〈◊〉. But jest by any misadventure they should be found out, and buried in their holes; he made offer betimes in the morning, to seize upon a piece of ground that lay on the other hand: whereby he drew the 〈◊〉 and thoughts of the Romans, from their more needful care, to business little concerning them. Like unto this was the occasion, which, not long before, had provoked Minutius, to adventure upon the Carthaginians. Hoping therefore to increase his honour, in like sort as he got it; he sent first his light armature, than his horse, and at length (seeing that Hannibal seconded his own troops with fresh companies) he followed in person with the Legions. He was soon caught; and so hotly charged on all sides, that he knew neither how to make resistance, nor any safe retreat. In this dangerous case, whilst the Romans defended themselves, losing many, and those of their best men: Fabius drew near, in very good order, to relieve them. For this old Captain, perceiving a far off, into what 〈◊〉 his new Colleague had rashly 〈◊〉 himself, and his followers; did the office of a good Citizen; and regarding more the benefit of his Country, than the disgrace which he had wrongfully sustained, sought rather to approve himself by hasting to do good, than by suffering his enemy to feel the reward of doing ill. Upon Fabius his approach, Hannibal retired: 〈◊〉 to be well wetted with a shower, from the cloud (as he termed the Dictator) that had hung so long on the Hill-tops. Minutius forthwith submitted himself to Fabius; by whose benefit he confessed his life to have been saved. So from this time forwards, the War proceeded coldly, as the Dictator would have it; both whilst his Office lasted, which was not long, and likewise 〈◊〉, when he delivered up his charge unto the Consuls, that followed his instructions.  
Servilius the Consul had pursued in vain a Carthaginian fleet, to which he come never within kenning. He ran along all the coast of Italy; took hostages of the Sardinians and Corsicans; passed over into Africa; and there negligently falling to spoil the Country, was shamefully beaten aboard his ships, with the loss of a thousand men. Weighing anchor therefore in all haste, he returned home by Sicily; and (being so required by the Dictator's letters) repaired to the camp, with his fellow-Consul, where they took charge of the Army.   

§. VII. The Roman people, desirous to finish the war quickly, choose a rash and unworthy Consul. Great forces levied against HANNIBAL. HANNIBAL taketh the Romans provisions in the Castle of Cannae. The new Consuls set forth against HANNIBAL.  
WIth little pleasure did they of the poorer sort in Rome, hear the great commendations, that were given to Fabius by the principal Citizens. He had indeed preserved them from receiving a great overthrow: but he had neither finished the war, nor done any thing in appearance thereto tending. Rather it might seem, that the reputation of this his one worthy act, was likely to countenance the slow proceed, or perhaps the cowardice (if it were no worse) of those that followed him, in protracting the work to a great length. Else, what meant the Consuls to sit idle the whole winter, contrary to all former custom; 〈◊〉 it was never heard before, that any Roman General had willingly suffered the time of his command to run away without any performance; as if it were honourable to do just nothing? Thus they suspected they knew not what; and were ready every man, to discharge the grief and anger of his own private loss, upon the ill administration of the public.  
This affection of the people, was very helpful to C. Terentius Varro, in his svit for the Consulship. It behoved him to strike, whilst the Iron was hot: his own worth being little or noon, and his credit over-weake, to make way into that high Dignity. But the Commonalty were then in such a mood, as abundantly supplied all his defects. Wherein to help, he had a kinsman, Bibius Herennius, than Tribune of the People; who spared not to use the liberty of his place: in saying what he listed, without all regard of truth, or modesty. This bold Orator stuck not to affirm, That Hannibal was drawn into Italy, and suffered therein to range at his pleasure, by the Noblemen; That Minutius indeed with his two Legions, was likely to have been overthrown, and was rescued by Fabius with the other two: but had all been joined together, what they might have done, it was apparent, by the victory of Minutius, when he commanded over all as Master of the horse; That without a Plebeian Consul, the war would never be brought to an end; That such of the Plebeians, as 〈◊〉 long since been advanced to honour by the people, were grown as proud as the old Nobility, and contemned the 〈◊〉 sort, ever since themselves were freed from contempt of the more mighty; That therefore it was needful to choose a Consul, who should be altogether a Plebeian, a mere new man, one that could boast of nothing but the People's love, nor could wish more, than to keep it, by well deserving of them. By such persuasions, the Multitude was won, to be wholly for 〈◊〉: to the great vexation of the Nobles, who could not endure, to see a man raised for noon other virtue, than his detracting from their honour; and therefore opposed him with all their might. To hinder the desire of the People, it fell out, or at lest was alleged, that neither of the two present Consuls could well be spared, from attending upon Hannibal, to hold the Election. Wherhfore a Dictator was named for that purpose: and he again deposed; either (as was pretended) for some religious impediment, or because the Fathers desired an interregnum, wherein they might better hope to prevail in choice of the new Consuls. This interregnum took name and being in Rome, at the death of Romulus; and was in use at the death of other Kings. The order of it was this. All the Fathers, or Senators, who at the first were an hundred, parted themselves into Ten, or Decuries; and governed successively, by the space of five 〈◊〉, one Decurie after another in order: yet so, that the Lictors, or Virgers, carrying the Fasces, or bundles of rods and axes, waited only upon the chief of them with these Ensigns of power. This custom was retained, in times of the Consuls; and put in use, when by death, or any 〈◊〉, there wanted ordinary Magistrates of the old year, to substitute new for the year following. The advantage of the Fathers herein was, that if the Election were not like to go as they would have it, there 〈◊〉 no more, than to let slip five days, & then was all to begin anew: by which interruption, the heat of the Multitude was commonly well assuaged. Upon such change of those, that were Precedents of the Election; it was also lawful unto new Petitioners, to sue for the Magistracies that lay voided: which otherwise was not allowed; but a time limited, wherein they should publicly declare themselves to seek those Offices. But no device would serve, against the general favour borne unto Terentius. One interregnum passed over; and the malice of the Fathers, against the virtue (as it was believed) of this mean, but worthy man, seemed so manifest, that when the People had urged the business to dispatch, only Terentius was chosen Consul: in whose hand it was left, to hold the election of his Colleague. Hereupon all the former Petitioners gave over. For whereas men of ordinary mark had stood for the place before; it was now though meet, that, both to supply the defect, and to bridle the violence of this unexpert, and hotheaded man, one of great sufficiency, and reputation, should be joined with him, as both Companion and opposite. So L. Aemilius Paulus, he who few years since had overcome the Illyrians, and chased Demetrius Pharius out of his Kingdom, was urged by the Nobility to stand for the place: which he easily obtained, having no Competitor. It was not the desire of this honourable man, to trouble himself any more in such great business of the Commonwealth. For, notwithstanding his late good service; He, and M. 〈◊〉 that had been his companion in Office, were afterwards injuriously vexed by the People, and called unto judgement: wherein Livius was condemned, and Aemilius hardly escaped. But of this 〈◊〉 they shall put the Romans well in mind each of them in his second Consulship, wherein they shall honourably approve their worth; the one of them nobly dying, in the most grievous loss; the other bravely winning, in the most happy victory, that ever befell that Commonwealth.  
These new Consuls, Varro and Paulus, omitted no part of their diligence in preparing for the war: wherein though Varro made the greater noise, by telling what wonders he would work, and that he would ask no more, than once to have a fight of Hannibal, whom he promised to vanquish the very first day; yet the providence and care of Paulus, travailed more earnestly toward the accomplishment of that, whereof his fellow vainly boasted. He wrote unto the two old Consuls 〈◊〉 and Atilius; desiring them to abstain from hazard of the main chance; but nevertheless, to ply the Carthaginians with daily skirmish, and weaken them by degrees: that when he and his Colleague should take the field, with the great 〈◊〉 which they were now levying, they might found the four old Legions well accustomed to the Enemy, and the Enemy well weakened to their hands. He was also very strict in his Musters; wherein the whole Senate assisted him so carefully, as if in this Action they meant to refute the slanders, with which Tcrentius and his Adherents had burdened them. What number of men they raised it is uncertain. Fourscore thousand foot, at the lest, and six thousand horse, they were strong in the field, when the day come, which Varro had so greatly desired, of looking upon Hannibal.  
Hiero, the old King of Syracuse, as he had relieved the Carthaginians, when they were distressed by their own Mercenaries; so did he now sand help to Rome, a thousand Archers, and Slingers, with great quantity of Wheat, 〈◊〉, and other provisions: fearing nothing more, than that one of these two mighty Cities should destroy the other, whereby his own 〈◊〉 would fall to ruin; that stood upright, by having them somewhat evenly balanced. He gave them also counsel, to sand forces into Africa; if (perhaps) by that means they might divert the war from home. His gifts, and good advice were lovingly accepted; and instructions were given to Titus Octacilius the Praetor, which was to go into Sicily, that he should accordingly pass over into Africa, if he fond it expedient.  
The great Levies, which the Romans made at this time, do much more serve to declare their pvissance, than any, though larger account by Poll, of such as were not easily drawn into the field, and fitted for service. For besides these Armies of the Consuls, and that which went into Sicily; twenty five thousand, with L. Posthumius Albinus another of the Praetors, went against the Gauls, to reclaim that Province, which the passage of Hannibal through it, had taken from them. The contemplation of this their present strength, might well embolden them to do as they did. They sent Ambassadors to Philip the son of Demetrius, King of Macedon; requiring him to deliver into their hands Demetrius Pharius: who having been their subject, and rebel, was fled into his Kingdom. They also sent to the Illyrians, to demand their tribute; whereof the day of payment was already past. What answer they received, it is not known: only this is known, that Demetrius Pharius was not sent unto them; and that Philip henceforth began to have an eye upon them, little to their good. As for the Illyrian money; by the shifts that they were driven soon after to make, it will appear, that the one half of it (how little soever) would have been welcome to Rome, and accepted, without any cavil about forfeiture for non payment of the whole.  
Whilst the City was busied in these cares, the old Consuls lay as near unto Hannibal, as possibly as they could, without incurring the necessity of a battle. Many skirmishes they had with him; wherein their success for the most part, was rather good than great. Yet one mischance not only blemished the honour of their other services, but was indeed the occasion, to draw on the 〈◊〉 following. Hannibal, for the most part of that time, made his abode at Geryon, where lay all his store for the Winter. The Romans, to be near him lodged about Cannusium; and, that they might not be driven to turn aside for all necessaries, to the loss of good opportunities, they bestowed much of their provisions in the Castle of Cannae: for the town was razed the year before. This place Hannibal wan; and thereby not only furnished himself, but compelled his enemies to want many needful things, unless they would be troubled with far carriage. Besides this, and more to his advantage, he enabled himself to abide in that open Country, fit for the service of his horse: longer than the Romans, having so many mouths to feed, could well endure to tarry; without offering battle; which he most desired. Of this mishap when Servilius had informed the Senate, letting them understand, how this Piece, taken by Hannibal, would serve him to command no small part of the Country adjacent; it then seemed needful, even unto the Fathers themselves, to adventure a battle with the Carthaginian, rather than suffer him thus to take root in the ground of Italy. Nevertheless, answer was returned unto Servilius, that he should have patience yet awhile: for that the Consuls would shortly be there, with a power sufficient to do as need required.  
When all things were ready in the City, and the season of the year commodious to take the field; the two Consuls, with their 〈◊〉, set forth against Hannibal. This was always done with great 〈◊〉: especially, whensoever they went forth to war against any noble or redoubted Enemy. For Sacrifices, and solemn Vows, were made unto jupiter, and the rest of their gods, for good success and victory: which being performed; the Generals in warlike attire, with an honourable train of the principal men, not only such as were of their kindred and alliance, or followed them to the war, as Voluntaries, for love, but a great number of others that meant to abide at home, were accompanied on their way, & dismissed with friendly leavetaking, and good wishes. At this time, all the Fathers, and the whole Nobility, waited upon Aemilius Paulus, as the only Man, whom they thought either worthy of this honour, or likely to do his country remarkable service. Terentius his Attendants were the whole multitude of the poorer Citizens; a troop no less in greatness, than the other was in dignity. At the parting; Fabius the late Dictator, is said to have exhorted the Consul Paulus, with many grave words, to show his magnanimity, not only in dealing with the Carthaginians, but (which he thought harder) in bridling the outrageous folly of his fellow-Consul. The answer of Paulus was, That he meant not again to run into danger of condemnation, by offending the multitude; that he would do his best for his country: but if he seen his best were likely to be ill taken, he would think it less rashness to adventure upon the Enemy's sword, than upon the malice of his 〈◊〉 Citizens.   

§. VIII. Dissension between the two Roman Consuls. Whither it be likely, that HANNIBAL was upon point of flying out of Italy, when the Romans pressed him to fight. The great battle of Cannae.  
THese new Generals, arriving at the Camp, dismissed M. Atilius one of the last years Consuls, requesting it because of his age and weakness: Servilius they retained with them, as their Assistant. The first thing that Aemilius thought necessary, was, to hearten his Soldiers with good words; who out of their bad success hitherto, had gathered more cause of fear, than of courage. He willed them to consider, not only now, their victories in times past against the Carthaginians, and other more warlike Nations than were the Carthaginians, but even their own great numbers: which were no less than all that Rome at the present was able to set forth. He told them in what danger their Country stood; how the state and safety thereof rested upon their hands; using some such other common matter of persuasion. But the most effectual part of his Oration was, That Hannibal with this his terrible Army, had not yet obtained one victory by plain force and valour: but that only by deceit and ambush he had stolen the honour, which he had gotten at Trebia and Thrasimene. Herewithal he taxed the inconsiderate rashness of Sempronius and Flaminius; of whom the one seen not his enemies, until he was surrounded by them; the other scarce seen them, when they struck off his head, by reason of the thick mist, through the darkness whereof he went groping (as it were blindfold) into their snares. Finally, declaring what advantages they had against the Enemy; and how destitute the Enemy was of those helps, by which he had hitherto prevailed against them; he exhorted them to play the men, and do their best. They were easily persuaded: for the contemplation of their own multitude, and confidence of the Roman virtue in matter of arms, gave them cause to think, that under a Captain so well experienced, and every way sufficient, as Aemilius was known to be, they should easily prevail against the Carthaginians: that come far short of them in all things else, 〈◊〉 craft; which would not always thrive. But in one thing they mistook the meaning of their General. It was his desire that they should have heart to fight; not that they should loose the patience of awaiting a convenient season. But they, having preconceived a victory, thought all delays to be impediments: and thereby sought to rob themselves of their best help; which was, good conduct. They remembered what talk they had heard at Rome: and were themselves affected with the Vulgar desire, of ending the war quickly; wherein since Aemilius had acknowledged, that the advantage was theirs, why did he make them forbear to use it? Thus thought the common Soldier: and thus also thought the Consul Terentius; who was no less popular in the Camp, than he had been in the City. Expectation is always tedious; and never more, than when the 〈◊〉 is of most importance. All men longed, both at Rome, and in the Army, to be freed from the doubtful passions of Hope and Fear: therefore Terentius, who hastened their desire to effect, was likely to win more thanks, than should his Colleague, though greater in performance.  
Thus while the Romans think themselves to have the better of their Enemies, they fall into an inconvenience, than which few are more dangerous; Dissension of their chief Commanders. Varro would fight: Aemilius would so too, but said that it was not yet time; why? because the 〈◊〉 must shortly dislodge, and remove hence, into places less fit for his horse. But shall the Romans wait, till Hannibal, having eaten up his last years provisions, return into Campania to gather a second Harvest? This would (said Varro) 〈◊〉 too much of Q. Fabius: And your haste (said Paulus) doth savour no less of C. Flaminius. Their deeds were like their words: for they commanded by turns interchangeably every day. Aemilius lodged six miles from Hannibal, where the ground was somewhat uneven. Thither if the Carthaginians would take pains to come; he doubted not to sand them away in such haste, as they should not leave running till they were out of Italy. But they come not. Terentius therefore the next day descended into the Plains; his Colleague holding him, and beseeching him to stay. Nevertheless he sat down close by Hannibal: who as an unbidden guest gave him but a rude well come and entertainment. The Carthaginian Horse, and light Armature, 〈◊〉 upon the Roman Vantcourrers; and put the whole Army in tumult, whilst it was yet in march: but they were beaten off, not without loss, for that the Romans had among their Velites, some troops weightily armed, whereas the Carthaginians had noon. The day following, Aemilius, who could not handsomely withdraw the Army out of that level ground; encamped upon the River Aufidus; sending a third part of his forces over the water, to lie upon the Eastern bank, where they entrenched themselves. He never was more unwilling to fight, than at this present: because the ground served wholly for the advantage of his enemy; with whom he meant to deal, when occasion should draw him to more equal terms. Therefore he stirred not out of his Trenches, but fortified himself; expecting when Hannibal should dislodge, and remove toward Geryon, Cannae, or some other place, where his store lay, for want of necessaries: whereof an Army foraging the country, was not likely to carry about with it sufficient quantity, for any long time.  
Here it would not be passed over with silence, That Livy differeth much in his Relation from Polybius: telling many strange tales, of the misery into which Hannibal had been driven; and of base courses that he devised to take, if the Romans could have retained their patience a little longer. He had (saith Livy) but ten days provision of meat. He had not money to pay his Soldiers. They were an unruly Rabble, gathered out of several Nations, so that he knew not how to keep them in order; but that from murmuring, they fell to flat exclamations, first, about their Pay, and Provant, and afterwards for very famine. Especially the Spaniards were ready to forsake him, and run over to the Roman side. Yea Hannibal himself was once upon the point, to have stolen away into Gaul with all his horse, and left his foot unto their miserable destinies. At length for lack of all other counsel, he resolved to get him as far as he could from the Romans, into the Southermost parts of Apulia; to the end, that both his unfaithful Soldiers might 〈◊〉 the more difficulty in running from him; and that his hunger might be relieved with the more early harvest. But whilst he was about to put this 〈◊〉 in execution, the Romans pressed him so hard, that they even forced him unto that, which he most desired; even to fight a battle upon open Champain ground: wherein he was victorious: It was not uncommendable in Livy, to speak the best of his own Citizens; and, where they did ill, to say, That, without their own great folly, they had done passing well. Further also he may be excused; as writing only by report. For thus he saith; HANNIBAL de fugâ in Galliam [dicitur] agitâsse; HANNIBAL [is said] to have bethought himself of flying into Gaul: where he makes it no more than a matter of hearsay; as perhaps was all the rest of this Relation. As for the process itself, it is very incredible. For if Hannibal, coming out of Gaul, through the Marshes and Bogs of Hetruria, could find victuals enough, and all things needful unto his Army, the Summer foregoing: what should hinder him to do the like this year; especially seeing he had played the careful husband in making a great harvest; since he had long been Master of the open field; and beside, had gotten, by surprise, no small part of the Romans provisions? Suitable hereunto is all the rest. If Hannibal had taken nothing but corn and cat-tail; his Soldiers might perhaps have fallen into mutinic for pay. But he brought gold with him into Italy: and had so well increased his stock, since he come into that Country, that he had armed his African Soldiers, all Roman-like; and loaden his followers with spoil: having left wherewith to redeem as many of his own, as were taken by the 〈◊〉; when the Romans were not willing, as finding it not easy to do the like. In this point therefore, we are to attended the general agreement of Historians: who give it as a principal commendation unto Hannibal, That he always kept his Army free from sedition, though it were composed of sundry Nations; no less different in Manners, Religion, and almost in Nature, than they were in languages: and well might he so do, having not only pronounced, That which of his men soever fought bravely with an Enemy, was thereby a Carthaginian; but solemnly protested and sworn, (besides other rewards) to make as many of them, as should deserve and seek it, free Citizens of Carthage. The running away into Gaul, was a senlesse device. Hannibal, being there with his whole Army, took so little pleasure in the Country and People, that he made all haste to get him out of it. And what should he now do there with his horse? or how could he be trusted, either there or elsewhere? yea, how could he desire to live; having betrayed all his Army; and relinquished his miserable foot, to the butchery of their enemies? This tale therefore Plutarch omitteth; who in writing the life of Hannibal, takes in a manner all his directions from Livy. But of this and the like it is enough to say, That all Historians love to extol their own countrymen; and where a loss cannot be dissembled, nor the honour of the victory taken 〈◊〉 the Enemy, and given unto blind Fortune, there to lay all the blame on 〈◊〉 strange misgovernment of their own forces: as if they might easily have won all, but lost all through such folly, as no Enemy can hope to found in them another time.  
Now let us return back to the two Armies, where they lie emcamped on the River Aufidus. Varro was persuaded, that it concerned him in honour, to make good his word unto the people of Rome; and since he had thus long waited in vain, to get the consent of Paulus, now at length to use his own authority; and, without any more disputing of the matter, to fight when his own day come. When therefore it was his turn to command; at the first break of day he began to pass the River, without staying to bid his Colleague good morrow. But Paulus come to him; and sought, as in former times, to have dissuaded him, from putting the estate of his Country to a needless 〈◊〉. Against whose words and substantial arguments, Terentius could allege noon other, than point of Honour. Hannibal had presented them battle at their Trenches: should they endure this Bravado? He had sent his Numidians over the River but even the day before, who fell upon the Romans that were fetching water to the lesser Camp; and drove them shamefully to run within their defences, which also they made offer to assail: must this also be suffered? He would not endure it: for it could not but weaken the spirit of the Roman Soldier; which as yet was lively, and full of such courage, as promised assured victory. When Aemilius perceived, that he could not hinder the obstinate resolution of his Companion; he took all care, that what he seen must be done, might be done well. Ten thousand Roman foot he caused to be left behind, in the greater camp, opposite unto the Carthaginian; to the intent, that either Hannibal might be compelled, to leave behind him some answerable number, for defence of his Trenches: (which out of his paucity he was less able to spare from the battle, than were the Romans) or that these ten thousand, falling upon the Carthaginian Camp, when the fight began, and taking it with all the wealth therein, might thereby (as commonly do such accidents) terrify and distracted the Enemies in the heat of fight. This done; the two Consuls went over the water with their Army to the lesser Cump, whence also they drew forth their men, and ranged them in order of battle: the ground on the East part of the River, seeming perhaps more fit for marshalling of their Army. Hannibal was glad of this, as he had great cause; and, without any delay, passed likewise over, somewhat higher up the stream, which 〈◊〉 from the South; leaving in his own camp so many, as he thought would 〈◊〉 to defend it, and no more. To encourage his men; He bade them look about them, and view the ground well, upon which they were to fight. They did so. And could you (said he) pray for any greater fortune, than to join battle with the Romans upon such a level ground, where the stronger in horse are 〈◊〉 to prevail? They all assented to him; and showed by their countenances, that they were very glad of it. Well then (said he further) ye are first of all to thank the gods, that have brought them hither; and then Vs, that have trained them along, and drawn them into necessity of playing for their lives, where they are sure to lose them. As for these Romans, I was feign to encourage you against them, when ye met them first but now ye may even encourage yourselves, by calling to mind that they are the men, whom ye have as often beaten as seen. Of one thing only I will put you in mind: That whereas hitherto you fought for other respects; as, to drive them before you out of Gaul; and to win the open Country, and fields of Italy; both of which ye have obtained: now are ye to fight for the Towns themselves, and all the riches within them; which this victory shall make yours. Therefore play the stout Soldiers: and ere many hours pass, ye shall be Lords of all that the Romans hold.  
When he had said this; his brother Mago come to him, whom he had sent to view the countenance of the Enemy. Hannibal asked him, what news; and what work they were likely to have with these Romans? Work enough (answered Mago) for they are an horrible many. As horrible a many as they are (thus Hannibal replied) I tell thee, brother, that among them all, search them never so diligently, thou shalt not find one man, whose name is Mago. With that he fell a laughing, and so did all that stood about him: which gladded the soldiers, who thought their General would not be so merry, without great assurance. Whither it were so, that Hannibal, in the pride of his victories already gotten, valued one Mago above many thousand Romans; or whither he intimated, that the Romans were no less troubled with thinking upon Mago and his Companions, than was Mago with beholding their huge multitude; or whither he meant only to correct the sad mood of his brother with a jest, and show himself merry unto the Soldiers: this his answer was more manly, than was the relation of his discoverer. But if Hannibal himself had been sent forth by Mago, to view the Romans; he could not have returned with a more gallant report in his mouth, than that which Captain Gam before the battle of Agincourt, made unto our King Henry the fift: saying, that of the Frenchmen, there were 〈◊〉 to be killed; 〈◊〉 to be taken prisoners; and 〈◊〉 to run away. Even such words as these, or such pleasant jests as this of Hannibal, are not without their moment; but serve many times, when battle is at hand, to work upon such passions, as must govern more of the business: especially, where other needful care is not wanting; without which they are but vain boasts.  
In this great day, the Carthaginian excelled himself; expressing no less perfection of his military skill, than was greatness in his spirit and undertakings. For to omit the commodiousness of the place, into which he had long before conceived the means to draw his enemies to battle; He marshaled his Army in such convenient order, that all hands were brought to fight, where every one might do best service. His Darters, and Slingers of the Baleares, he sent off before him, to encounter with the Roman Velites. These were lose troops, answerable in a manner to those, which we call now by a French name Enfans per dues; but when we used our own terms, the forlorn hope. The gross of his Army following them, he ordered thus. His Africans, armed after the Roman manner, with the spoils which they had gotten at Trebia, Thrasimene, or elsewhere; and well 〈◊〉 in the use of those weapons, that were of more advantage, than those where with they had formerly served; made the two wings, very deep in File. Between these he ranged his Gauls and Spaniards, armed, each after their own Country manner; their shields alike; but the Gauls using long broad sword, that were forcible in a downright stroke; the Spaniards, short and well-pointed blades, either to strike or thrust; the Gauls, naked from their navel upwards, as confident in their own fierceness: the Spaniards, wearing white cassocks embroidered with purple. This medley of two Nations, differing as well in habit and furniture, as in quality, made a gallant show; and terrible, because strange. The Gauls were strong of body, and furious in giving charge; but soon wearied, as accustomed to spend their violence at the first brunt, which disposition all that come of them have inherited to this day. The Spaniards were less eager, but more wary; neither ashamed to give ground, when they were over-pressed, nor afraid to return, and renew the fight, upon any small encouragement. As the roughness of the one, and patience 〈◊〉 the other, served mutually to reduce 〈◊〉 of them to a good and firm temper; so the place which they held in this battle, added confidence jointly unto them both. For they seen themselves well and strongly flanked with Carthaginians and other Africans; whose name was grown terrible in Spain, by their Conquests; and in Gaul, by this their present war. Since therefore it could not be feared, that any great calamity should 〈◊〉 upon them, whilst the wings on either side stood 〈◊〉: these Barbarians had no cause to shrink, or forbear to employ the utmost of their hardiness, as knowing that the Enemy could not press far upon them, without further engaging himself than discretion would allow. Hereunto may be added that great advantage, which the Carthaginian had in horse: by which he was able, if the worst had happened, to make a good retreat. The effect of contraries is many times alike. Desperation begetteth courage; but not greater, nor so lively, as doth assured Confidence. Hannibal therefore caused these Gauls and Spaniards to advance; leaving voided the place wherein they had stood, and into which they might fall back, when they should be over-hardly pressed. So, casting them into the form of a Crescent; He made them as it were his Vanguard: the two points of this great half Moon, that looked toward the 〈◊〉 space from which he had drawn it, being narrow and thin, as serving only to guide it orderly back, when need should require; the foremost part of the Ring, swelling out toward the enemies, being well strengthened & thickened against all impression. The circle hereof seemeth to have been so great, that it shadowed the Africans, who stood behind it: though such figures, cut in brass, as I have seen of this Battle, present it more narrow; with little reason, as shall anon appear: as also in the same figures it is omitted, That any Companies of Africans, or others, were left in the 〈◊〉, to second the Gauls and Spaniards, when they were driven to retreat; though it be manifest, that Hannibal in person stood between the last ranks of his long battalions, & in the head of his Rear, doubtless well accompanied with the choice of his own Nation. Between the left battalion and the River Aufidus, were the Gauls and Spanish horse, under the command 〈◊〉 Asdrubal: On the right wing, toward the wide Plains, was 〈◊〉 (Livy saith 〈◊〉) with the Numidian light-horse. 〈◊〉 himself, with his brother 〈◊〉, had the leading of the Rear. The whole sum of 〈◊〉 Army in the field this day, was ten thousand horse, and forty thousand foot; his enemies having two to one against him in foot; and He, five to three against them in horse.  
In this terrible overthrow died all the Roman foot, save two or three thousand, who (as Livy saith) escaped into the lesser camp; whence, the same night, about six hundred of them broke forth, and joining with such of those in the greater camp, as were willing to try their fortune, conveyed themselves away ere morning, about four thousand foot, and two hundred horse, partly in whole troops, partly dispersed, into Cannusum: the next day, the Roman Camps, both less and greater, were yielded unto Hannibal by those that remained in them. Polybius hath no mention of this escape: only he reports, that the ten thousand, whom Aemilius had left on the West side of Aufidus (as was showed before) to set upon the camp of Hannibal, did as they were appointed; but ere they could effect their desire, which they had well-near done, the battle was lost: and Hannibal, coming over the water to them, drove them into their own camp; which they quickly yielded, having lost two thousand of their number. Like enough it is, that at the first sight of Hannibal, coming upon them with his victorious Army, a great number of these did fly; and thereby escaped, whilst their fellows, making defence in vain, retired into their camp, and held the Enemy busied. For about two Legions they 
Liu. 1. 19  were (perhaps not half full, but made up by addition of others, whose fault or fortune was like) that having served at Cannae, were afterwards extremely disgraced by the State of Rome, for that they had abandoned their Companions fight. Of the Roman horse what numbers escaped, it is uncertain: but very few they were that saved themselves in the first charge, by getting behind the River; and Terentius the Consul recovered Venusia, with threescore and ten at the most in his company. That he was so ill attended, it is no marvel: for Venusia lay many miles off to the Southward; so that his nearest way thither, had been through the midst of Hannibal's Army, if the passage had been open. Therefore it must needs be, that when once he got out of sight, he turned up some by-way; so disappointing the Numidians that hunted country. Of such as could not hold pace with the Consul, but 〈◊〉 other ways, and were scattered over the fields; two thousand, or thereabouts, were gathered up by the 〈◊〉, & made prisoners: the rest were slain, all save three hundred; who dispersed themselves in flight, as chance led them, and got into sundry Towns. There died in this great Battle of Cannae, besides L. Aemilius Paulus the Consul; two of the Roman Quaestors or Treasurers, and one and twenty Colonels or Tribunes of the Soldiers, fourscore Senators, or such as had borne Office, out of which they were to be chosen into the Senate. Many of these were of especial mark, as having been Aediles, Praetors, or Consuls: among whom was CnSeruilius the last years Consul, and Minutius, late Master of the horse. The number of prisoners, taken in this battle, Livy makes no greater than three thousand foot, and three hundred horse: too few to have defended, for the space of one half hour, both the Roman camps; which yet the same Livy saith, to have been overcowardly yielded up. We may therefore do better, to give credit unto one of the prisoners, whom the same Historian shortly after introduceth speaking in the Senate, and saying, That they were no less than eight thousand. It may therefore be, that these three thousand were only such as the Enemy spared, when the fury of Execution was past: but to these must be added about five thousand more, who yielded in the greater camp, when their company were either slain or fled. So the reckoning falls out right: which the Romans, especially the Consul Varro, had before cast up (as we say) without their Host; nothing so chargeable, as now they find it. On the side of Hannibal there died some four thousand 〈◊〉, fifteen hundred Spaniards and Africans, and two hundred horse, or thereabouts: a loss not sensible, in the joy of so great a victory; which if he had pursued, as Maharbal advised him, and forthwith marched away towards Rome; it is little doubted, but that the War had presently been at an end. But he believed not so far in his own prosperity; and was therefore told, That he knew how to get, not how to use, a victory.   

§ IX.. Of things following the battle at Cannae.  
NOt without good cause doth Polybius reprehend those two Historians, Fabius the Roman, and Philinus the Carthaginian: who regarding more the pleasure of them, unto whose honour they consecrated their travails, than the truth of things, & information of posterity, magnified indifferently, whither good or bad, all actions and proceed, the one of his Carthaginians, the other of his Roman 〈◊〉 and Father's conscript. No man of sounded judgement will condemn this liberty of censure, which Polybius hath used. For, to recompense his junioritie, (such as it was) he produceth substantial arguments, to justify his own Relation; and confuteth the vanity of those former Authors, out of their own writings, by conference of places ill cohering: which pains it is to be suspected, that he would not have taken, had he been borne in either of these two Cities, but have spared some part of his diligence, and been contented, to have all men think better and more honourably than it deserved, of his own Country. The like disease it is to be feared, that we shall hereafter find in others; and shall have cause to wish, that either they were somewhat less Roman, or else, that some Works of their opposite Writers were extant, that so we might at lest hear both sides speak: being henceforth destitute of Polybius his help, that was a man indifferent. But since this cannot be, we must be sometimes bold, to observe the coherence of things; and believe so much only to be true, as dependeth upon good reason, or (at lest) fair probability. This attentive circumspection is needful even at the present: such is the repugnancy, or forgetfulness, which we found in the best Narration, of things following the Battle of Cannae. For it is said, that four thousand foot and horse gathered together about the Consul Terentius at 〈◊〉; that others, to the number of ten thousand got into Cannusium, choosing for their Captains, young P. Scipio, and Ap. Claudius; yet that the Consul Terentius Varro, joining his company unto those of Scipio at Cannusium, wrote unto the Senate, that he had now well-near ten thousand men about him; that these letters of the Consul were brought to Rome, when the Senate was newly risen, that had been taking order for pacifying those tumults in the City, which grew upon the first bruit of the overthrow; and yet, that Ambassadors from Capua (after some consultation, whither it were meet to sand any, or, without further circumstance, to side with Hannibal) were sent unto Terentius, and found him at Venusia, a pretty while before he wrote those letters, which overtook (in a manner) at Rome the first news of the overthrow. Among such incoherences, I hold it the best way, to omit so much as hath not some particular connexion with matter ensuing: mutual dependency in things of this nature, being no small argument of truth.  
When Hannibal had sacked the Roman camp, and trussed up the spoils, forthwith he dislodged, and marched away into Samnium; finding a disposition in the Hirpines', and many other people thereabouts, to forsake the Roman party, and make alliance with Carthage. The first Town that opened the gates unto him, was Cossa, where he laid up his baggage: and leaving his brother Mago to take in other places, He hasted into Campania. The general affection of the Multitude, in all the Cities of Italy, was inclinable unto him; not only in regard of their grievous losses, sustained abroad in the fields, which the Romans themselves, who could not hinder him from spoiling the Country, especially the poorer sort of them, did hardly endure; but in a loving respect unto that great courtesy (as it seemed) which he used, unto such of them as become his prisoners. For as at other times, so now also after his great victory at Cannae, He had lovingly dismissed as many of the Italian Confederates of Rome, as fell into his hands: rebuking them gently for being so obstinate, against him that had sought to deliver them from bondage. Neither spared he to win their love with gifts; pretending, to admire their valour; but seeking indeed, by all ways and means, to make them his, whilst all other motives were concurrent. At this time also he began to deal kindly (though against his nature) with his Roman prisoners: telling them, that he bore no mortal hatred unto their Estate; but being provoked by injuries, sought to right himself and his country; and fought with them, to try which of the two Cities, Rome or Carthage, should bear sovereign Rule, not, which of them should be destroyed. So he gave them leave to choose ten of their number, that should be sent home to treat with the Fathers about their ransom: and together with these, he sent Carthalon a Nobleman of Carthage, and General of his Horse, to 〈◊〉 the disposition of the Senate; whither it were bowed as yet by so much adversity, and could stoop unto desire of peace. But with the Romans these arts prevailed not, as shall be showed in due place. The people of Italy, all or most of them, save the Roman Colonies, or the Latins, were not only weary of their losses past, but entertained a deceivable hope, of changing their old Society for a better. Wherhfore not only the Samnites, Lucan's, Brutians, and Apulians, ancient enemies of Rome, and not until the former generation utterly subdued, began to reassume their wont spirits: but the Campans, a Nation of all other in Italy most bound unto the state of Rome, and by many mutual affinities therewith as straightly conjoined, as were any save the Latins, changed on a sudden their love into hatred; without any other cause found, than change of fortune.  
Campania, is the most goodly and fruitful Province of Italy, if not (as some then thought) of all the Earth: and the City of Capua, answerable unto the Country, whereofit was Head, so great, fair, and wealthy, that it seemed no less convenient a seat of the Empire, than was either Rome or Carthage. But of all qualities, bravery is the lest requisite unto sovereign command. The Campans were luxurious, idle, and proud: and valuing themselves like jays by their feathers, despised the unfortunate virtue of the Romans their Patrons and Benefactors. Yet were there some of the principal among them, as in other Cities, that bore especial regard unto the majesty of Rome, and could not endure to hear of Innovation. But the Plebeian faction had lately so prevailed within Capua, that all was governed by the pleasure of the Multitude; which wholly followed the direction of Pacuvius Calavius an ambitious Nobleman, whose credit grew, and was up-held by furthering all popular desires: whereof, the conjunction with Hannibal was not the lest. Some of the Capuans had offered their City to the Carthaginian, shortly after the battle of Thrasimene: whereupon chief it was, that Hannibal made his journey into Campania; the Dictator Fabius waiting upon him. At that time, either the nearness of the Roman Army, or some other fear of the Capuans, hindered them from breaking into actual rebellion. They had indeed no leisure to treat about any article of new Confederacy: or had leisure served, yet were the Multitude (whose inconstant love Hannibal had won from the Romans, by gentle usage, and free dismissing, of some prisoners in good account among them) unable to hold any such negotiation, without advice of the Senate; which mainly impugned it. So they that had promised to yield up their town to Hannibal, & to meet him on the way, with some of their nobility, that should assure him of all faithful meaning; were driven to sit still, in a great perplexity: as having failed to let in this their new friend, yet sufficiently discovered themselves, to draw upon them the hatred of the Romans. In this case were no small number of the Citizens: who thereupon grew the more incensed against their Senate; on whom they cast all the blame, easily pardoning their own cowardice. The People holding so tender a regard of liberty, that even the lawful Government of Magistrates grieved them, with an imaginary oppression; had now good cause to fear jest the Senators would become their Lords indeed, and by help of the Romans, bring them under a more strength subjection, than ever they had endured. This fear, being ready to break into some outrage, Pacuvius made use of, to serve his own ambition. He discoursed unto the 〈◊〉, as they sat in Council; about these motions troubling the City: and said, That he himself had both married a Roman Lady, and given his Daughter in marriage to a Roman: but, that the danger of forsaking the Roman party was not now the greatest: for that the People were violently bend even to murder all the Senate, and afterward to join themselves with Hannibal; who should countenance the fact, and save them harmless. This he spoke, as a man well known to be beloved himself by the People, and privy unto their designs. Having thoroughly terrified the Senate, by laying open the danger hanging over them: He promised nevertheless to deliver them all, and to set things in quiet, if they would 〈◊〉 put themselves into his hands; offering his oath, or any other assurance that they should demand, for his faithful meaning. They all agreed. Than shutting up the Court, and placing a Guard of his own followers about it, that noon might enter, nor issue forth, without his leave; He called the People to assembly: and speaking as much ill of the Senate, as he knew they would be glad to hear, he told them, that these wicked Governors were surprised by his policy, and all fast, ready to abide what sentence they would lay upon them. Only thus much he advised them, as a thing which necessity required, That they should choose a new Senate, before they satisfied their anger upon the old. So rehearsing unto them the names of one or two Senators, he asked what their judgement was of those. All cried out, that they were worthy of death. Choose then (said he) first of all some new ones into their places. Hereat the Multitude, unprovided for such an election, was silent; until at last, some one or other adventured to name whom he thought fit. The men so nominated, were utterly disliked by the whole Assembly; either for some known fault, baseness, and insufficiency; or else even because they were unknown, and therefore held unworthy. This difficulty in the new Election appearing more and more, whilst more were to be chosen; (the fittest men to be substituted, having been named among the first, and not thought fit enough) Pacuvius entreated, and easily prevailed with the people, that the present Senate might for this time be spared, in hope of amendss hereafter; which (doubtless) they would make, having thus obtained pardon of all offences past. Henceforth, not only the People, as in former times, honoured Pacuvius, and esteemed him their Patron; but the Senators also were governed by him, to whom they acknowledged themselves indebted, for saving all their lives. Neither did the Senate fail after this, by all obsequiousness, to court the People; giving the reins unto their lawless Will, who else were likely to cast them down: All the City being thus of one mind; only fear of the Romans kept them from opening their gates to Hannibal. But after the Battle at Cannae, this impediment was removed: and few there were, that would open their mouths to speak against the Rebellion. Yet forasmuch as three hundred principal Gentlemen of the Campans, did then serve the Romans in the Isle of Sicily: the Parents and Kinsmen of these prevailed so far, that Ambassadors were sent unto Terentius the Consul; to see his present case, and what it could minister of Hope or Fear. These, wheresoever they found him, found him weakly attended, and as weak in spirit, as in followers. Yet they offered him formally the service of their State; and desired to know what he would command them. But he most basely lamented unto them the greatness of the Roman misfortune: saying, that all was lost; and that the Campans must now, not help the Romans, who had nothing left wherewith to help themselves, but, make war in their defence against the Carthaginians; as the Romans had sometimes done for the Campans against the Samnites. Hereunto he is said to have added a foolish Invective, against 〈◊〉 & his 〈◊〉: telling, How he had taught them to make bridges of slaughtered 〈◊〉, and to feed upon man's flesn; with such other stuff, as only bewrayed his own fear. As for the Campans themselves, He put them in mind of their present strength: they having thirty thousand foot, and four thousand horse; with money, and all provisions, in a boundance. Thus he dismissed them, prouder than they come, and filled them with conceit of getting a great Lordship; whereas before, they were somewhat timorous, in adventuring to seek their own liberty. Having reported this at Capua: the same Ambassadors were dispatched away to Hannibal, with whom they easily made Alliance, upon these conditions; That the Campans should be absolutely free, and ruled by their own Laws; That no Citizen of theirs should be subject unto any Carthaginian Magistrate, in what case soever, whither in War or Peace; and, That Hannibal should deliver unto the Campans three hundred Roman prisoners, such as they themselves would choose, whom they might exchange for their Gentlemen which were in 〈◊〉.  
Against all this Negotiation, Decius Magius an 〈◊〉 Citizen opposed himself earnestly: using, in vain, many persuasions, to the wilful and headstrong Multitude; whom he put in mind of 〈◊〉 and the Tarentines, wishing them not to change old friends for new acquaintance. This did he, when they were sending Ambassadors to Hannibal: and this also did he, when the new Alliance was concluded; but most earnestly, when a Carthaginian Garrison was entering the Town: at which time he gave advice, either to keep it out, or to fall upon it and to cut it in pieces, that, by such a notable piece of service, they might make amendss unto the Romans, whom they had forsaken.  
Advertisement hereof was given to Hannibal: who lying about Naples not far off, sent for Magius to come speak with him in the camp. This Magius refused: alleging, that he was, by the late concluded Articles, free from subjection unto any Carthaginian; and therefore would not come. Hannibal thereupon hasted himself towards Capua: forbearing to attempt any further upon Naples; which he thought to have taken in his way by Scalado, but found the walls too high, and was not well provided, to lay siege unto it. At Capua he was entertained with great 〈◊〉 and pomp: all the people issuing forth of the Town, to behold that great Commander, which had won so many noble victories. Having taken his pleasure in the sight of that goodly City, and passed over his first Entertainments; He come into their Senate: where he commended their resolution, in shaking off the Roman yoke; promising, that ere long all Italy, and Rome itself, should be driven to acknowledge Capua as chief, and receive Law from thence. As for Decius Magius, who openly took part with the Romans their enemies; He prayed them, that they would not think him a Campan, but a Traitor to the State: and use him accordingly, giving sentence out of hand upon him, as he deserved. This was granted: and Magius delivered unto Hannibal; who unwilling to offend the Capuans, at his first coming, by putting so great a man to death, yet fearing that they might sue for his liberty, if he kept him alive, thought it best to sand him away to 〈◊〉. Thus Hannibal settled his friendship with the Campans: among whom, only this Decius Magius had openly dared to speak against him; being assisted by 〈◊〉 the son of Pacuvius. This Perolla would have murdered Hannibal, whilst he was at supper, the first night of his coming; had not his Father's authority kept him from making any such attempt. All the Town (besides) were so 〈◊〉 in the love of their new Society, that they are said to have murdered all the Romans, upon whom at the present they could lay hand; or, (which is all one) to have smothered them to death in an hot Bath.  
The same course of fortune, with those of 〈◊〉, ran some other Towns thereabouts, which depended on this, as their Mother-city. Nola, Nuceria, Naples, Casiline, and Acerrae, were the Cities next adjoining, that stood out for the Romans. Against these Hannibal went, thinking to find them weakly manned, as they were indeed, though stoutly defended.  
The Romans at this time were not in case, to put Garrisons into all their walled Towns; but were feign to leave all places, except a few of the most suspected, unto the faith and courage of the Inhabitants. Rome itself was in extreme fear of Hannibal's coming, at the first report of the overthrow at 〈◊〉: and the 〈◊〉 of that loss was so general, and immoderate, that it much disturbed the provision against apparent danger. It was hard to judge, whither the loss already received, or the fear of destruction presently threatening, were the more terrible. All the Senators found work enough; to stint the noise and lamentable bewail, whereof the ftreets were full. couriers were sent forth, to bring assured tidings how all went: whereof when letters from the Consul Varro had thoroughly informed them, they were so amazed, that they ran into barbarous superstition; and taking direction (as was said) from their fatal books, buried alive two men and women Gauls and Greeks', in their Oxe-market. If the books of Sibyl gave them such instructions; we may justly think, that Sibyl herself was instructed by the Devil. Yet is it not improbable, that extremity of fear caused them to hearken to wicked Soothsayers; whose detestable counsels they afterwards, for their own honour, (as ashamed of such Authors) imputed to the books of Sibyl. An Ambassador was sent to Delphi, to consult the Oracle of Apollo; and inquire with what prayers and supplications they might pacify the gods, and obtain an end of these calamities. This is enough to discover the greatness of their fear; though not serving to give remedy. At the same time come letters out of Sicily, from the Praetor Octacilius; whom the Senate had appointed, if he found it meet, to pass over into Africa. In these were contained news, of one Carthaginian fleet, that wasted the Kingdom of Hieron their good friend and confederate; and of another fleet, riding among the Isles Aegateis, which was in readiness to set upon Lilybaeum, and the rest of the Roman Province, if the Praetor stirred aside to the rescue of Hieron.  
In the midst of these extremities, it was thought needful to call home Terentius the Consul, that he might name a Dictator, to take sovereign charge of the Weal public, with absolute power, as necessity required. It must needs seem strange, that all sorts of people went forth to meet the Consul, & bid him welcome home, giving him thanks for that he had not despaired of the Weal public. But this was done (as may seem) by order from the Senate: which therein (doubtless) provided wisely, for upholding the general reputation. If his coming into the City, had renewed the lamentations and outcries of the people: what else would have followed, than a contempt of their wretchedness, among those that were subicct unto their Dominion? Now in 〈◊〉 this occasion (though indeed he gave it not) of bestowing upon him their welcome, and thanks; they noised abroad a fame, which come perhaps unto the ears of Hannibal, of their Magnanimity and Confidence: that might seem grounded on their remaining strength. This therefore was wisely done: But whereas Livy would have us think, that it was done generously, and out of great spirit; let me be pardoned, if I believe him not. It was done 〈◊〉, and to cover their grief: had they dared to show their indignation, they would have struck off his head; as in few years after, On. Fuluius had his life brought 
〈◊〉. 26.  into question, and was banished by them, being less blameworthy, for a 〈◊〉 offence. M. 〈◊〉, by appointment of the Senate, was nominated Dictator; and T. Sempronius, Master of the horse. These fell presently to mustering of Soldiers, of whom they raised four new Legions, and a thousand horse: though with much 
〈◊〉. 22.  difficulty; as being feign to take up some, that were very Boys. These four 〈◊〉, are elsewhere forgotten, in account of the forces levied by this Dictator; and two Legions only set down, that had been enrolled in the beginning of the year 
〈◊〉. l. 23.  for custody of the City. Wherhfore it may be, that these two Legions being drawn into the field; four new ones of Praetextati, or Striplings, were left in their places. In such raw Soldiers, and so few, little confidence was to be reposed; for which reason they increased their number, by adding unto them eight thousand sturdy slaves, that were put in hope of liberty, if they should 〈◊〉 it by manful service. This not sufficing; The Dictator proclaimed, that whosoever aught money and could not pay it, or had committed any capital offence, should forthwith be discharged of his debt, or punishment, if he would serve in the War. To arm these Companies, they were feign to take down, out of their Temples and Porches, the spoils of their enemies that had been there set up: among which, were six thousand Armours of the Gauls, that had been carried in the Triumph of C. Flaminius, a little before the beginning of this War. To such 〈◊〉 had God brought the pride of the Romans, as a due reward of their insolent oppressions, that they were feign to issue forth of their own gates, in the habit of strangers, when Hannibal was ready to encounter them with his Africans, armed Roman-like.  
About the same time it was, that Carthalon, with the Agents of the prisoners taken at Cannae, come to Rome. Carthalon was not admitted into the City, but commanded, whilst he was on the way, to be go ere night out of the Roman Territory. To the messengers of the captives, audience was given by the Senate. They made earnest Petition, to be ransomed at the public charge; not only the tears and lamentation of their poor kinsfolk, but the great need, wherein the City then stood, of able Soldiers, commending their suit; which yet they obtained not. Besides the general custom of the Romans (held by long Tradition, and strengthened by a notable Precedent, when Regulus was overthrown, and taken prisoner in the former war) not to be too tender of such as had yielded to the Enemy; much was alleged against these who now craved ransom: but the special point was, that they were wilfully lost, since theymight have saved themselves, as others did. It sufficed not unto these poor men, to say, that their offence was no greater than the Consuls: they were told, that this was great presumption. The truth was, the State wanted money: and therefore could not want excuses, whereby to avoid the disbursement: whither it were so, or not, that any such Plea was held about this matter of redemption, as we found recorded. Neither must we regard it, that the slaves which were armed for the war, are said to have 〈◊〉 more, than the sum did amount unto, that would have ransomed these prisoners. For this is but a tale, devised to countenance the Roman proceed as if they had been severe; when as indeed they were suitable to the present fortune, poor, and somewhat beggarly. Hereof it is no little proof, That Hannibal valued those Roman slaves, whom he had taken in the Camp among their Masters, at no more, than 〈◊〉 one the third part of a common Soldiers ransom: and likely it is, that he offered them at the price, whereat he thought them current. But 〈◊〉 we should suppose, that by trading with Hannibal, a better bargain for slaves might have been made, than was by the State at home, in dealing with private men; yet must we withal consider, that these private men did only lend these slaves for a while unto the Commonwealth, and were afterwards contented to forbear the price of them (when by order from 
〈◊〉. l. 24.  the Senate they were enfranchised) until the war should be ended. If Hannibal would have given such long day of payment; it is likely that the Romans would have been his chapmen: but seeing he dealt only for ready money, they chose rather to say, We will not give, than, We cannot. The like 〈◊〉, upon the same reason, but contrary pretence, was used toward the Soldiers that escaped from that great Battle. These were charged for having fled: as the prisoners were, for not flying, when they might have done so. True it is, that in such cases (if ever) that which they call raggione del Stato may serve for an excuse: when the Commonwealth being driven to a miserable Exigent, is feign to help itself, by doing injuries to private men. And so dealt the Romans now: condemning all those that had served at Cannae, to be transported into Sicily; and there to serve, not as others did, until they had fulfilled twenty years in the wars, or else were fifty years of age; but until this war should be ended, how long socuer it lasted, and that without reward. The same thrifty censure, was afterwards laid upon others, for their misbehaviour: but never upon any man of quality, save only (a good while after this, at better leisure) upon Caecilius Metellus, and a few other harebrained fools his companions; who being frighted out of their wits, with the terror of so great a loss, were devising, after the battle, which way to run out of Italy, when Hannibal as yet had scarce one Town within it. The inequality of this rigour grew shortly distasteful to the Commonalty: and was openly blamed by a 〈◊〉 of the People; 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. l. 25.  it was quietly digested, the excuse being no less apparent than the fault.  
M. junius the Dictator, having dispatched all needful business within the City, took the field with five and twenty thousand men. What he did with this Army, I cannot find: nor more of him, than this, That he spent the time about 〈◊〉; where (as may be presumed) he was not idle. To him therefore perhaps it may be ascribed, that Hannibal did no greater evil: for of any 〈◊〉 done to Hannibal, by the Romans in this their weak estate, only Marcellus had the honour. Marcellus, being than one of the Praetors, lay at Ostia with a fleet, ready to set sail for Sicily, having one Legion aboard his ships, & fifteen hundred other Soldiers newly taken up: with which forces he was to defend that liand, and do what harm he could in Africa. But hearing of the overthrow at Cannae, he sent these of his new Levy to Rome, for defence of the 〈◊〉; and marched hastily with his Legion toward Cannusium: delivering the fleet, empty of Soldiers, to P. Furius his Colleague. Thence was he called by the Magistrates, & chief Citizens of 〈◊〉, to help them: who were like to be forced by the Multitude (affected, as were the rest of the Campans) to let in the Carthaginian; and knew not how to avoid this otherwise, than by seeming to deliberate about the Articles of this new Confederacy. Wherhfore he made great journeys thitherward; and arrived even time enough to prevent the Enemy. Many idle walks Hannibal made, betwixt Nola and Naples: 〈◊〉 by fair words, and terrible threats, the one and the other City. Naples was strong, and not infected with any the lest touch of disloyalty: it had also a sure Haven; whereby it stood in the less fear, of sustaining much inconvenience, by spoil of the Lands and Villages abroad in the Country. But at Nola it was thought a valuable consideration, That Hannibal was Master of the field: which if he laid waste, all the poor people were utterly undone. So thought the Multitude: and such talk used some, that had little fear of their own private want or poverty, but a great desire to gratify the Carthaginian. Of these, one L. Bantius was chief; a stout young Gentleman, and Soldier of especial mark, well beloved in the City, and one that had done good service to the Romans: but was found by Hannibal, half dead at Cannae, and after much gentle usage, good attendance, and cure of his wounds, friendly dismissed with liberal gifts. He therefore thought, that it concerned him in honour, to return the greatest thanks he could unto so 〈◊〉 an Enemy. Marcellus perceiving this, wrought upon the same easy nature of the Gentleman: and taking notice of him, as if it had been by chance, seemed to wonder, why one that had so well deserved of the Roman state, had not repaired unto him the 〈◊〉, who desired nothing more than such acquaintance. So with many commendations, gifts, and loving entertainment, being himself also a man highly reputed for his personal valour, he made this Bantius so far in love with him, that nothing could be attempted within Nola, against the Romans, whereof he had not 〈◊〉 advertisement. At the coming of Marcellus, Hannibal removed from about Nola; and assayed, as formerly he had done, the Neapolitans: but they had lately taken in a Roman Garrison; upon confidence whereof they gave him a peremptory answer, to his discontent. Thence went he to Nuceria: which he took by composition, and so returned back again to Nola. He was not ignorant, what good affection the common people of Nola bore unto him: who although they durst not stir in his quarrel, being overawed by the Roman Garrison; yet if they seen Marcellus hardly bestead, and forced to turn his care from watching them within, to repelling the enemies assailing him without, like enough it seemed, that they would not be wanting unto the accomplishment of their own desires. He therefore brought his Army close to the Town, and skirmished often with Marcellus: not in hope thereby to do much good, but only to make show of a meaning to force the Town; which he sought in the mean while to take by intelligence. In the nighttime there passed messages between him and the Citizens his partakers: whereby it was concluded, That if once Marcellus, with all his forces, could be trained into the field, the Multitude within the Town should presently rise; and seizing upon the gates, exclude him as an Enemy. Of this Negotiation Marcellus was advertised: and fearing, jest the Conspirators would shortly adventure, even to find him busied within the City, whilst the Carthaginians should scale the walls; he thought it the surest way, to cut off the enemies hope, and sand him away betimes. Wherhfore ordering his men in three Companies, within three several gates looking towards the Enemy: He gave a strength command, that all the Citizens should keep their houses. Thus he lay close a good part of the day, to the enemies great wonder; against whom he had customarily issued forth before more early, every day, to skirmish. But when it was further noted, that the walls were bore, and not a man appearing on them; then thought Hannibal, that surely all was discovered, and Marcellus now busied with the Citizens. Whereupon he bade his men bring ladders, and make ready for the assault; which was done in all 〈◊〉. But when the Carthaginians were at the very walls, and thought nothing jesse, than that the Romans would meet them in the field: suddenly the middle gate was opened, whereat Marcellus, with the best and oldest of his Soldiers, broke forth upon them, with a great noise, to make his unexpected sally the more terrible. Whilst the Carthaginians, much out of order, were some of them flying before Marcellus, the rest making head against him: the other two gates opened, whereat in like sort issued they of the new-levied Companies, upon the enemies backs. The sudden terror was more available unto the Romans, than their force: yet the Execution was so great, that this was accounted as a victory, and reputed one of the bravest Acts performed in all that war; forasmuch as hereby it was first proved, that Hannibal might be overcome. After this, Marcellus, being freed from his enemies that were departed, took a strict account of the Citizens of Nola: condemning above threescore and ten of high Treason, whose heads he struck off; and so leaving the Town in quiet obedience unto their Senate, went and encamped hard by about Suessula. Hannibal in the mean season was go to Acerrae: where being excluded, he thought it no wisdom to lose time in persuasions, but laid siege unto it, and began on all sides to close it up. This terrified the People, who knew themselves unable to hold out. Therefore, before his Works were finished, and they 〈◊〉 surrounded; they stole out by night, and left him the Town empty: which he sacked and burnt. Than hearing news of the Dictator, that he was about Casiline, thither went Hannibal: as being unwilling, that an Enemy so near should disquiet him at Capua; where he meant to Winter. It seems, or rather indeed it is plain, that the late victory of Marcellus had nothing abated the spirit of the Carthaginian: who durst with a small part of his Army seek out the Dictator, that had with him the heart of the Roman strength. Wherhfore the joy of his Enemies, upon so slight an occasion as the death of some two thousand of his men, at the most, and those not slain in plain battle, but by a sudden eruption; witnesseth chief, in what great fear they stood of Hannibal, and how Crestfallen they were: that having three years since demanded at Carthage, the body of Hannibal, to be delivered unto their pleasure, by his own Citizens; could now please themselves, as with good news, to hear, That in a skirmish not far from Rome he appeared to be a man, and not resistless. At Casilinum the Dictator was not: but many Companies of Italians, Confederates of Rome, were gotten into the town, and held it. Five hundred of the Praenestines there were, and above four hundred of Perusia, with some of the Latins. All these had the good hap, to come too late to the Battle of Cannae, being sent by their several States to the camp: wither whilst they were marching, the tidings of that great 〈◊〉 encountered them, and sent them back sorrowful; for they loved well their Lords the Romans, under whose government they lived happily. So come they all, one after another, to Casiline, where they met and stayed. Neither had they stayed there long, ere they heard news from Capua, How that great City become the Ringleader of all the Campans into rebellion. The people of Casiline were affected as they of Capua: and therefore sought how to rid their hands of those Praenestines and their fellows; but the Soldiers were too hard for them, and after many trains laid one for another, at last they slew all the Townsmen in a night, and fortified the Western part of the Town (for it was divided by the River Vulturnus) against the Enemy. If they had run away with the goods, and pretended, that these of Casiline were as the rest of the Campans, all Traitors; they themselves might have been reputed, as no better than the Mamertines. But their constancy in defence of the place witnesseth, upon what honest reasons they surprised it. Hannibal come thither, thinking to have encountered with greater forces: but these few found him more work than he expected. divers assaults he gave, but was still repelled with loss: and many sallies they made, with variable event. The Enemy mined; and they countermined: opposing so much 〈◊〉 to his force, that he was driven to close them up, and 〈◊〉 to win them by famine. T. Sempronius Gracchus, that was Master of the horse, lay with the Roman Army higher up the River: who feign would have relieved Casiline, but that the Dictator, being go to Rome about some matters of Religion, had given him express charge not to fight till his return. Marcellus from Suessula could not come: his way being stopped by the overflow of Vulturnus; the Nolans also beseeching him not to leave them, who were in danger of the Campans, if he departed. Thus it is reported: but if the water stayed his journey, such entreaties were needless. Neither is it like, that the Dictator tarried at Rome so long, as till extreme famine had consumed the Garrison in Casiline. Wherhfore it may be thought, that the Town was lost, because the Romans durst not adventure to raise the siege. Barrels of corn were sent by night, floating down the River; and when some of these, being carried awry by an Eddie of the water, stuck among the Willows on the bank, whereby this manner of relief was discovered and prevented; Gracchus cast a great quantity of Nuts into the stream, which faintly sustained the poor besieged men. At length, when all food was spent, and whatsoever grew green under the walls was gathered for salads; the Carthaginians ploughed up the ground: whereon the besieged presently sowed Rapeseed. Hannibal seeing this, admired their patience; and said, That he meant not to stay at Casiline, until the Rapes were grown. Wherhfore, though hitherto he had refused to harken unto any Composition, as intending to make them an example to all others, by punishing their obstinacy; yet now he was content, to grant them their lives at an indifferent ransom, which when they had paid, he quietly dismissed them according to his promise. Seven hundred Carthaginians he placed in Casiline; as a Garrison for defence of the Campans; unto whom he restored it. To the Praenestine Soldiers great thanks were given, and loving rewards; among which they had offer, in regard of their virtue, to be made Citizens of Rome. But their present condition pleased them so well, that they chose rather to continued, as they were, in Praeneste: which is no weak proof, of the good cstate wherein the Cities flourished, that were subject to the Roman Government. This siege of Casiline was not a little beneficial to the Romans; as having long detained Hannibal, and consumed much of his time, that might otherwise have been better spent. For Winter overtook him, long before he could dispatch the business: which how to quit with his honour he knew not, when he was once engaged. Therefore he wintered at Capua: where he refreshed his Army, or rather corrupted it, as all Historians report, and made it effeminate; though, effeminate as it was, He there withal did often beaten the Romans in following times, as shall appear hereafter.   

§. X. Of the great supply that was decreed at Carthage to be sent to HANNIBAL in Italy. How by the malice of HANNO, and sloth or parsimony of the Carthaginians, the supply was too long deferred. That the riches of the Carthaginians grew faster, than of the Romans. Of FABIUS and other old Roman Historians, how partial they were in their writings.  
WHen Mago, the son of Amilcar, had spent some time about the taking in of such Italians, as fell from the Romans after the battle at Cannae; his brother Hannibal sent for him to Capua, and thence dispatched him away to Carthage, with the joyful message of Victory. He told the Carthaginian Senate, with how many Roman Generals his brother had fought; what Consuls he had chased, wounded, or slain; how the stout Romans, that in the former war never shunned any occasion of fight, were now grown so calm, that they thought their Dictator Fabius the only good Captain, because he never durst adventure to come to battle; that, not without reason, their spirits were thus abated, since Hannibal had slain of them above two hundred thousand, and taken above fifty thousand prisoners. He further told them of the Brutians, Apulians, Samnites, Lucan's, and other people of Italy, that following the fortune of those great victories, had revolted unto the Carthaginians. Among the rest he magnified Capua, as a goodly City, and fit to be not only (as already it was) Head of all the Capuans, but the chief seat of their Dominion in Italy: and there he informed them, how lovingly his brother had been entertained, where he meant to rest that winter, attending their supply. As for the war, He said it was even at an end, if they would now pursue it closely, and not give the Romans any breathing time, wherein to recollect themselves, and repair their broken forces. He willed them to consider, that the war was far from home, in the Enemy's Country; that so many Battles had much diminished his brother's Army; that the Soldiers, who had so well deserved, aught to be considered with liberal rewards; and that it was not good to burden their new Italian friends, with exactions of money, corn, and other necessaries; but that these things must be sent from Carthage: which the victory would requited with large amendss. Finally he caused the golden rings, taken from the fingers of the Roman Knights that were slain, to be powered out openly in the Court: which being measured, filled (as some say) three bushels, or (as others would rather have it) no more than one; adding, that by this might appear the greatness of the Roman calamity, forasmuch as noon but the 
* Thus Livy reports it: and credible it is, that while Rome was poor, the bravery of private men was not altogether so great, as the Law would have permitted; though otherwise Ius 〈◊〉, The wearing of the King, was the general privilege of the Roman Equites.  principal of that Order, were accustomed to wear that ornament.  
Whoso considers the former Punic War, may easily found, that the State of Carthage never did receive, in all the durance thereof, any such hopeful advertisements from their Captains abroad. Wherhfore it is no marvel, if the Errand of Mago found extraordinary welcome. In the vehemency of this joy, Himilco, a Senator adverse to the faction of Hanno, is said to have demanded of that great persuader unto peace with Rome, Whither he were still of opinion, that Hannibal should be yielded up unto the Romans; or whither he would forbidden them to give thanks unto the gods, for this their good success. Hereunto though it be not likely that Hanno made the same formal answer, which Livy puts into his mouth, calling the Carthaginian Senators Patres conscripti, by a term proper to the Romans, and putting them in mind of his own shameful overthrow received at the islands Aegateis: yet the sum of his speech appears to have been no less malicious, than it is set down, forasmuch as Hannibal himself, at his departure out of Italy, exclaimed against the wickedness of this Hanno; saying, that his hatred against the Barchines, had oppressed their Family, when otherwise it could not, with the ruin of Carthage. Therefore it may well be, that he made such a jest of these victories, as is reported; saying, It ill beseemed him, who had vanquished the Romans, to call for more help, as if he had been beaten; or him, that had taken their camp, filled forsooth with spoil, to make request for meat and money. To these cavils, if answer were needful, it might be said, That other booty than of horses and slaves; little was to be found in the Roman camp: the best of the Soldiers carrying no other wealth into the field, than a few 
a Liu. l. 22.  silver studs in the bridles and trappingss of their horses. If Hannibal had taken any main convoy of money and provisions, going to supply all wants of a great Army in some other Province, (as the two Scipio's are afterwards said to have done, when they wan the camp of Asdrubal, that carried along with him all the wealth of Spain, in his journey towards Italy) then might such an objection more justly have been made unto his demand of a supply. But the most likely part of Hanno his Oration, and wherein he best might hope to prevail, contained a persuasion to use their fortune with moderation; and now to seek peace, whilst they had so much the better in war.  
What would have been the issue of this counsel, if it had been followed, it were not easy to say. For though it be likely, that the Roman pride would have brooked much indignity, in freeing Italy from the danger of war, yet it is not likely, that the faith, so often broken to the Carthaginians in former times, would have been kept entire, when any opinion of good advantage had called for revenge of so many shameful overthrows; since after this war ended, and a new league concluded, no submissive behaviour could preserve Carthage from ruin, longer than until such time, as Rome was at leisure from all other wars. This counsel therefore of Hanno, though it might seem temperate, was indeed very pestilent; and served only to hinder the performance of a noble resolution. For it was concluded by a main consent of the Senate, that forty thousand Numidians, forty Elephants, and great abundance of silver, should be sent over to Hannibal: and that, besides these, twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, should be levied in Spain; not only to supply, as need should require, the Armies in that Province, but to be transported into Italy.  
This great aid, had it been as carefully sent, as it was readily decreed, the Roman Historians would not have found cause, to tax the reckless improvidence of Hannibal, in forbearing to march directly from Cannae to Rome, or in refreshing his Army among the delights of Capua: the next years work would have finished the business, with less dangerous adventure, and the pleasures, which his men enjoyed among the Campans, would have been commended, as rewards by him well thought upon, where with to animate both them and others, that were to be employed in the following war. But either the too much carelessness of those, that were loathe to make haste in laying out their money, before extreme necessity required it; or the crafty malice of Hanno, and his fellows, working upon the private humours of men, that had more feeling of their own commodity, than sense of the public need; utterly perverted, and made unprofitable in the performance, the order that had been so well set down. The 
b Liu. l. 26.  Elephants were sent: and some money peradventure; uncertain it is, how long after. But those great forces of threescore thousand foot, and four thousand horse, come not into Italy, till much was lost of that which already had been gotten, and a great part of the old Carthaginian Army, was first consumed by time, and sundry accidents of war. Only some small numbers, no way answering unto the proportion decreed, were sent into Spain; and the journey of Asdrubal thence through France into Italy much talked 〈◊〉, but he not enabled thereunto, till many years were past, and the Romans had recovered their strength.  
Hear we may note, what great riches the Carthaginians drew into their City, both by the Tributes received from their subjects, and by their wealth Trade of merchandise. For it is not long, since the war of the Mercenaries; and the perfidious tyranny of the Romans, extorting in time of greatest necessity twelve hundred talents; had exceedingly impoverished Carthage: which was before brought into great want, even by the expense of so much money, as was to be disbursed for redeeming of peace, after the loss at Aegateis. Yet we see, what great Armies of Numidians, and Spaniards, besides those already on foot, are appointed to the service in 〈◊〉, and how little the Carthaginians fear the want of money in these chargeable undertakings: whereas the Romans, on the other side, having three or four years together been forced to some extraordinary cost, are 〈◊〉 to go upon credit, 〈◊〉 for the price of those slaves, which they bought of their own Citizens to arm for their defence. Such advantage, in means to enrich their Treasury, had the wealth merchants of Carthage, trading in all parts of the Mediterran Sea, even from Tyrus their Mother-City in the bottom of the straits unto the great Ocean, above the Romans: who lived on the first-fruits of their ground; and received their Tributes from people following the same course of life. When time therefore was come, that the hatred of Rome found leisure to show itself, in the destruction of Carthage; the impudence of Roman falsehood, in seeking an honest colour wherewith to shadow the intended breach offaith, discovered plainly whence the jealousy was bred, that this mighty City would again rebel. For the Carthaginians, having given up hostages, even before the Roman Army did set forth, to perform whatsoever should be enjoined them, with condition that their City might not be destroyed; and having accordingly, when they were so 〈◊〉, yielded up all their weapons, and engines of war; the Romans told them plainly, That the City of Carthage, which was the Body of the Citizens, should be friendly dealt withal, but the Town must 〈◊〉 be demolished, and removed into some other place, that should be twelve miles distant from the Sea. For (said the Romans) this Trade of merchandise, by which ye now live, is not so fit for peaceable men, such as ye promise' to become hereafter, as is the Trade of husbandry; an wholesome kind of life, and enduing men with many laudable qualities, which enable their bodies, and make them very apt for conversation. This villainous dealing of the Romans, though sugared with glozing words, plainly shows, what good observation the elder Cato had made of the hasty growth of Carthage in riches. For when, being demanded his opinion in the Senate about any matter whatsoever it were, added still this conclusion, Thus I think; and that Carthage should be destroyed; He may seem, not only to have had regard unto that present wealth, which at his being there he had found in the City, but much more unto these times, & the great height whereunto it rose, even suddenly as we see, out of many calamities, whilst the Romans thought, that it had not been in case to dare so terrible a war.  
But as the 〈◊〉, in gathering wealth, were more industrious and skilful than the 〈◊〉; so come they far short of them, in the honourable care of the public good: having every one, or most of them, a more principal regard of his own private benefit. This made them (besides the negligence commonly found in victors) when the first heat of their affection, wherein they concluded to pursue the war strongly, was overpast, go more leisurely to work, than had been requisite in the execution. It was easy for Hanno to persuade covetous men, that they should first of all defend their own in Spain. This might be done with little charges. Afterwards, when that Province was secured, they might sand an Army into Italy; so going to work orderly by degrees. For it were no wisdom, to commit all the strength of the Commonwealth to one hazard of fortune, against the Enemies; or (which perhaps were worse) to the Government of an ambition's man, and his brethren; who having once (if they could so do) finished the war, might easily make 
* Of such ambition Hanno directly accused Hannibal, saying that he made war that so he might live compassed with Legions, as knowing no other way to make himself a King. Liu. lib. 〈◊〉.  Hannibal a King, and subdue Carthage, with the forces that he had given them to the conquest of Rome.  
By such malicious working of Hanno, and by their own slackness, incredulity, dullness, or niggardize, the Carthaginians were persuaded rather to make small disbursements in Spain, than to set up all their rest at once in Italy. Yet was it indeed impossible, to hold a Country of so large extent, and so open a coast as that of Spain, free from all incursion of the Enemy: especially the affection of the Naturals being (as in a new Conquest) ill established. A better way therefore it had been to make a running war, by which the Romans might have been found occupied, even with the ordinary Carthaginian Garrisons, or some little addition thereunto. For if it were thought meet, to defer the prosecution of their main intendment against Rome itself, until such time as every little thorn were pulled out of the sides of so great a Province, then must Emporiae have been besieged & forced: which by reason of alliance with the Massilians, gave unto the Romans, at all times when they pleased, a ready and secure Harbour. But the Town of Emporiae was too strong to be won in haste: it had long defended itself against the Barbarians; having not above four hundred paces of wall to the main Land, and exceedingly well fortified; a great Spanish Town of the same name, lying without it, that was three miles in compass, very strong likewise, and friend unto the Grecians, though not overmuch trusted. Wherhfore to force this Town of Emporiae, that was, besides the proper strength, like to be so well assisted by the Massilians, Romans, and some Spaniards; would have been a work of little less difficulty, than was the Roman war (in appearance) after the battle at Cannae: yea it had been in effect noon other, than to altar the seat of the war; which Hannibal had already fixed, with better judgement, near unto the gates of Rome. The difficulty of this attempt being such as caused it altogether to be forborn; great folly it was, to be much troubled about expelling the Romans utterly out of Spain: whom they might more easily have diverted thence, and drawn home to their own doors, by making strong war upon their City. For even so the Romans afterwards removed Hannibal into Africa, by sending an Army to Carthage; & by taking the 〈◊〉 course, they now 〈◊〉 to change the seat of the war, transferring it out of Italy into Spain. But the private affections of men, regarding the common good no otherwise, than as it is accessary to their own purposes, did make them easily wink at opportunities, and hope, that somewhat would fall out well of itself, though they set not to their helping hands. Hanno was a malicious wretch: yet they that thought him so, were well enough contented to hearken unto his discourses, as long as they were plausible, and tended to keep the purse full. In the mean while they suffered Hannibal, and all the noble house of Amilcar, to weary themselves in travail for the Commonwealth: which all Carthage in general highly commended, but weakly assisted; as if the industry of these Barchines had been somewhat more than needful. Surely the Carthaginians, in general, were far less honourable than the people of Rome: not only in government of their subject Provinces, but in administration of their own Estate; few of them preferring the respect of the Weal public above their private interest. But as they thrived little in the end, by their parsimony used toward their own Mercenaries, when the former Roman war was finished: so the conclusion of this war present, will make them complain, with feeling sighs, of their negligence in supplying Hannibal, after the victory at Cannae; when gladly they would give all their Treasures, to redeem the opportunity, that now they let pass, as if it were cost enough to sand a few handfuls into Spain.  
That both the Spanish business, and the state of Africa itself, depended wholly, or for the most part, upon success of things in Italy; the course of actions following will make manifest. Particularly how matters were ordered in Spain by the Carthaginian Governors, it is very hard, and almost impossible, to set down. For though we must not reprehend, in that worthy Historian Livy, the tender love of his own Country, which made him give credit unto Fabius and others: yet must we not, sor his sake, believe those lies, which the unpartial judgement of Polybius hath condemned, in the Writers that gave them original. It were needless to rehearse 
Pol. lib. 1.  all that may be found in Polybius, concerning the untruth of that Roman Historian Fabius. One example may suffice. He saith of Amilcar and his men at Eryx, in the former war, That having clean spent their strength, and being even broken with many miseries, they were glad to submit themselves unto the Romans. Contrary hereunto we find in the life of AMILCAR, set down by Aemilius Probus, That Eryx was in such sort held by the Carthaginians, that it seemed to be in as good condition, as if in those parts there had not been any war. These words, being referred to the brave resolution of the Carthaginian Soldiers, and the singular virtue of their General infusing such spirit into them; may be taken as not overliberall. For in the treaty of peace between Amilcar and 〈◊〉, when the Roman first of all required, that this Garrison of Eryx should lay down their Arms, and forsake Sicily, threatening, that otherwise he would not talk of any composition: Amilcar boldly bade him choose, whither he would talk of it, or no; for that the Arms, which his Country had put into his hands to use against her Enemies, it was not his purpose to yield up unto them. Now since the Romans, contrary to their custom upon like advantages, were content to let Amilcar have his will, and not to stand with him upon point of honour, whilst otherwise they might quietly rid their hands of him; plain enough it is, that they were far from thinking him a man consumed with miseries; as Fabius would have him seem. Hereunto agrees the relation of Polybius: who flatly, and by name, chargeth Fabius with untruth; saying, that howsoever Amilcar, and his Soldiers, had endured all extremity, yet they behaved themselves as men that had no sense thereof; and were as far from being either vanquished, or tired, as were their Enemies. Such being the difference between Fabius (as also perhaps between other old Writers of the Roman story) and those that had more regard of truth, than of flattering the mighty City of Rome: we must take it in good part, that howsoever Livy introduceth Hanno, in one place, joining very foolishly his own shameful overthrow at the islands, 
* Aegateis Insulas, 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉 oculos proponite, etc. Liu. lib. 21.  Aegateis, with the great services of Amilcar at Eryx, as if both of them had had a like event; yet 
a Liu. lib. 23.  elsewhere he forbeareth not to put a more likely tale (though with as impudent a commemoration of his own unhappy conduct) into the same Hanno his mouth, making him say, That the affairs of Carthage went never better, than a little before the loss of their fleet in that battle at Sea: wherein himself was General. Now, concerning the doings of the Scipio's in Spain, there is cause to wish, that this Fabius, with Val. Antias, and others of the like stamp, had either written (if they could not writ more temperately) nothing at all; or that the tender affection of Livy to his Rome, had not caused him to think too well of their relations: which are such as follow.   

§ XI. Strange reports of the Roman victories in Spain, before ASDRUBAL the son of AMILCAR followed thence his brother HANNIBAL into Italy.  
IT hath been showed already, how P. 〈◊〉 Scipio the Consul, returning from Gaul into Italy, to encounter with Hannibal at his descent from the Alps, sent before him his brother Cneus, with part of his Fleet and Army, into Spain. Two Roman Legions, with fourteen thousand foot of the Confederates, and twelve hundred horse, had been allotted unto this Consul, therewith to make war in Spain against Hannibal: who since he was marching into Italy with the strength of his Army, P. Scipio believed, that a good part of these his own forces might well be spared from the Spanish Expedition; and therefore made bold to carry some of the number back with him, sending on his brother with the rest, as his Lieutenant. Publius himself remained in Italy all the time of his Consulship: which being expired, He was sent Proconsul into Spain by the Senate, with an Army of eight thousand men, and a fleet of thirty Galleys.  
The Acts of these two Brethrens in their Province, were very great; and, as they are reported, some what marvelous. For they continually prevailed in Spain, against the Carthaginians: whom they vanquished in so many battles, & withdrew from their Alliance so many of the Spaniards their Confederates; that we have cause to wonder, how the Enemy could so often find means to repair his forces, and return strong into the field. But as the Romans, by pretending to deliver the Country from the tyranny of Carthage, might easily win unto their Confederacy, as many as were galled with the African yoke, and durst adventure to break it: so the ancient reputation of the first Conquerors might serve to arm the Naturals against these Invaders; and to reclaim those, that had revolted unto the Romans, were it only by the memory of such ill success, as the like rebellions in former times had found. Hereto may be added the Carthaginian treasure: which easily raised soldiers, among those valiant, but (in that Age) poor, and gold-thirty Nations. Neither was it of small importance, that so many of the Spaniards had their children, kinsmen, and friends, abroad with Hannibal in his Italian wars; or serving the Carthaginians in Africa. And peradventure, if we durst be bold to say it; the victories of the Scipio's were neither so many, nor so great, as they are set out by Livy. This we may be bold to say, That the great Captain Fabius, or Livy in his person, maketh an objection unto Scipio, which neither Scipio, nor Livy for him, doth answer, That if ASDRUBAL were vanquished, as SCIPIO would say, by him in Spain: 
Liu. lib. 〈◊〉.  strange it was, and as little to his honour, as it had been extremely dangerous to Rome, that the same vanquished man should invade Italy. And it is indeed an incredible narration, That Asdrubal being closed in on all sides, and not knowing how to escape out of a battle, 〈◊〉 only by the 〈◊〉 descent of Rocks, over a great River that lay at his back, ran away with all his money, Elephants, and broken troops, over Tagus, directly towards the Pyrences, and so toward Italy; upon which he fell with more than threescore thousand armed Soldiers. Neither do I see, how it hangs well together, That he chose a piece of ground very defensible, but most incommodious for his retreat, if he should happen to be vanquished; and yet, that he sent all his money and Elephants away before him, as not intending to abide the Enemy: Or how it could be true, that these his Elephants, being so sent before, could hinder the Romans (for so are they said to have done in the last battle between him and Scipio) from breaking into his camp. Wherefore we can no more than be sorry, that all 〈◊〉 records of this war, and Spanish, (if there were any) being utterly lost, we can know no more thereof, than what it hath pleased the Romans to tell us: unto whom it were no wisdom to give too much credit. In this regard, I will summarily run over the doings of the Scipio's in Spain; not greatly insisting on particulars, whereof there is no great certainty.  
Cn. Cornelius landed at Emporiae, an Haven-towne, not far within the Pyrenees, retaining still the same name with little inflexion. That by the fame of his 〈◊〉 he alured many Nations to become subject unto Rome, as the story begins of him, I could easily believe, if I understood by what occasion they had need to use his clemency, or he to give such famous example thereof, being a mere stranger, and having no jurisdiction in the Country. Yet is it certain, that he was a man very courteous, and one that could well insinuate himself into the love of the Barbarians; among whom, his dexterity in practice had the better success, for that he seemed to have noon other errand, than setting them at liberty. This pretext availed with some: others were to be hired with money: and some he compelled to yield by force or fear; especially, when he had won a battle against Hanno. Into all Treaties of accord, made with these people, likely it is that he remembered to insert this Article, which the Romans in their Alliances never forgot, unless in long times past, and when they dealt with the Carthaginians, or their Superiors; Maiestatem Pop. Rom. comiter conseruent, which is, as Tully interprets it, That they 
Orat. pro Con. 〈◊〉.  should gently (or kindly) uphold the Majesty of the People of Rome. This was in appearance nothing troublesome: yet implied it indeed an obscure covenant of subjection. And in this respect it may be true, That the Spaniards become ditionis 〈◊〉 of the Roman jurisdiction; though hereafter they will say, they had no such 
Liu. lib. 〈◊〉.  meaning. That part of the Country wherein Scipio landed, was newly subdued by Hannibal in his passage toward Italy; and therefore the more easily shaken out of obedience. Particularly in the Bargutians; Hannibal had found, at his coming among them, such an apprehension of the Roman greatness, as made him suspect, that any light occasion would make them start from the Carthaginians. Wherhfore he not only appointed Hanno Governor over them, as over the rest of the Province between Iberus and the Pyrenees, but made him also their Lord; that is, (as I conceive 
Pol. lib. 3.  it; for I do not think he gave the Principality of their Country unto Hanno and his Heirs,) He made him not only Lieutenant general over them, in matters of war, and things concerning the holding them in obedience to Carthage; but took from them all inferior Officers of their own, leaving them to be governed by Hanno at his discretion. These therefore had good cause to rejoice 〈◊〉 the coming of Scipio: with whom, others also (no doubt) found reasons to join; it being the custom of all conquered Nations, in hatred of their present Lords, to throw themselves indiscreetly into the protection of others, that many times prove worse than the former. So were the Neapolitans, and Milanois, in the age of our Grandfathers, weary by turns of the Spaniards and French; as more sensible still of the present evil which they felt, than regardful of the greater mischief, whereinto they ran by seeking to avoid it. This bad affection of his Province, would not suffer Hanno to temporize. Ten thousand foot, and a thousand horse, Hannibal had left unto him: besides which it is like, that some forces he was able to raise out of his Province. Therefore he adventured a battle with Scipio; wherein he was overthrown and taken. Following this victory, Scipio besieged Stissum, a Town hard by, and wan it. But Asdrubal having passed Iberus, and coming too late to the relief of Hanno, with eight thousand foot and a thousand horse, fell upon the Roman Sea-forces, that lay not far about Tarracon, whom he found careless, as after a victory, roving abroad in the Country; and with great slaughter drove them aboard their ships. This done, he ran up into the 〈◊〉, where he withdrew the Illergetes from the Roman party, though they had given hostages to Scipio. Scipio in the mean season was go to visit and aid his fleet: where having set things in order, he returned back, and made toward Asdrubal; who durst not abide his coming, but withdrew himself again over Iberus. So the Illergetes were compelled by force, having lost Athanagia their chief City, to pay a fine to the Romans, and increase the number of their hostages. The Ausetani likewise, Confederates of the Carthaginians, were besieged in their chief Town: which they defended thirty days; hoping in vain, that the sharp Winter, and great abundance of snow that fell, would have made the Romans to dislodge. But they were feign at length to yield: and for this their obstinacy, they were amerced twenty Talents of 〈◊〉. During the siege, the Lacetani come to help their distressed Neighbours; and were beaten home by Scipio, leaving twelve thousand of their Company dead behind them. I cannot but wonder, how these Lacetani, that are said to be the first which embraced the friendship of Scipio, should without any cause remembered, become Carthaginian on the sudden, in the next news that we hear of them. As also it is strange, that all the Sea-coast Nothward of Iberus, having lately become voluntarily ditionis Romanae; subject unto Rome, should in continuance of the Story, after a 
Liu. lib. 21.  few lines, hold war against Scipio, without any assistance of the Carthaginians. Neither can I believe, that Asdrubal, as it were by a charm, stirred up the Illergetes, making them lay aside all care of their Hostages, and take Arms in his quarrel; whilst himself had not the daring to stand against Scipio, but ran away, and saved himself beyond Iberus. Philinus perhaps, or some Carthaginian Writer, would have told it thus: That Scipio adventuring too far into the Country, was beaten by Asdrubal back to his ships, whence he durst not stir, until Winter come on: at what time this Carthaginian returned into the heart of his Province, leaving some few Garrisons to defend those places, that after Scipio wan, by returning upon them, unlooked for, through a deep snow. As for the Lacetani, Illergetes, and the rest, we may reasonably think, that they sought their own benefit: helping themselves one while by the Romans against the Carthaginians; and contrariwise, upon sense of injuries received, or apprehension of more grievous tyranny, under which they feared to be brought by these new Masters, hearkening again unto the comfortable promises of those, that had ruled them before. For that it was their intent to live under their own Country Laws, and not under Governors sent from Rome or Carthage, their demeanour in all Ages following may 〈◊〉: even from henceforth unto the days of Augustus Caesar; till when they were never thoroughly conquered.  
The year following this, Cn. Scipio had a victory against the Carthaginians in fight at Sea; or rather come upon them unlooked for, while they road at Anchor, most of their men being on shore. All their ships, that ran not too far on ground, he took: and thereby grew Master of the whole coast; landing at pleasure, and doing great hurt in all places that were not well defenced. After this victory, above one hundred and twenty Nations, or petty Estates, in Spain, are said to have submitted themselves unto the Romans, and given Hostages: whereby Asdrubal was compelled to fly into the utmost corners of the land, and hide himself in Lusitania. Yet it follows; that the Illergetes did again rebel; that Asdrubal hereupon come over Iberus; and that Scipio (though having easily vanquished the Illergetes) went not forth to meet him, but stirred up against him the Celtiberians, that lately were become his subjects and had given him Hostages. These took from the Carthaginian three Towns, and vanquished him in two battles; wherein they slew fifteen thousand of his men, and took four thousand Prisoners. Than arrived P. Scipio, with the supply before mentioned: and henceforward the two brethren jointly administered the business in Spain.  
The Carthaginians being occupied in the Celtiberian War; the two Scipio's did, haud 〈◊〉; without fear or doubt, pass over Iberus, & besiege Saguntum. Little cause of doubt had they, if Cn. had already subdued many Nations beyond it, and, among many others, the same Celtiberians, that with their proper forces were able to vanquish Asdrubal. Bostar, the Governor of Saguntum, a simple man, suffered himself to be persuaded by one Acedux a Spaniard, that the only way to get the favour and hearty good will of the Country, was by freely restoring unto them their Hostages; as resting, without any pledge, assured of their faith. But the 〈◊〉 Spaniard, being trusted with this message and restitution of the Hostages, carried them all to the Roman Generals: persuading them, as he had done Bostar, to make the Liberality their own. Hereby the Romans purchased much love: if the tale were true; and if it were not rather true, as afterward and ere this we find, that all the Spanish Hostages were left in new Carthage. I am weary of rehearsing so many particularities, whereof I can believe so few. But since we find no better certainties, we must content ourselves with these.  
The year following was like unto this: Asdrubal must be beaten again. The two Scipio's divide their forces: Cn. makes war by Land; P. by Sea. Asdrubal, with much labour and entreaty, hath gotten four thousand foot, and five hundred horse, out of Africa: He repairs his fleet; and provides every way to make resistance. But all his chief Seamen, and Masters of his ships, revolt unto the Romans: because they had been chidden the last year for their negligence, which had betrayed the Navy. The revolt of these shipmasters animates to rebellion the Carpetians, or Carpetani, an Inland people about Toledo, in the very Centre of Spain. These do much mischief, so that Asdrubal is feign to make a journey to them. His sudden coming cuts off some of them, that were found scattered abroad in the fields. But they, making head, so valiantly assail him, that they drive him, for very fear, to encamp himself strongly on an high piece of ground; whence he dares not come forth to give them battle. So they take a Town by force, wherein he had laid up all his provisions; and shortly make themselves Masters of the Country round about. This good success breeds negligence; for which they dearly pay. Asdrubal comes upon them, takes them unprepared, beats them, kills the most of them, and disperseth the rest; so that the whole Nation yieldeth to him the next day. Than come directions from Carthage; that Asdrubal should lead his Army forthwith into Italy: which we may wonder, why the Carthaginians would appoint him to do, if they had been informed by his letters in what hard case he was; and had so weakly supplied him, as is showed before. But thus we find it reported: and that upon the very rumour of this his journey, almost all Spain was ready to fall to the Romans. Asdrubal therefore sends word presently to Carthage, That this must not be so: or, if they will needs have it so, that then they must sand him a Successor, and well attended with a strong Army, which to employ they should find work more than enough; such notable men were the Roman Generals. But the Senate of Carthage is not much moved with this excuse: Asdrubal must needs be go; and Himilco, with such forces as are thought expedient for that service both by Land & Sea, is sent to take the charge of Spain. Wherefore Asdrubal hath now no more to do, than to furnish himself with store of money, that he might have wherewithal to win the friendship of the Gauls; through whose Countries he must pass, as Hannibal had done before him. The Carthaginians were greatly too blame, for not remembering to ease him of this care. But since it can be no better, he lays great Impositions upon all the Spaniards his subjects: & having gotten together as much treasure as he could, onward he marcheth toward Iberus. The Scipio's hearing these news, are careful how to arrest him on the way. They besiege Ibera (so called of the rivers name running by it) the richest town in all those quarters, that was confederate with Asdrubal: who thereupon steps aside to relieve it. The Romans meet him, and fight a battle with him: which they win the more easily, for that the Spaniards, his followers, had rather be vanquished at home; than get the victory, and afterwards be haled into Italy. Great numbers are slain: and few should have escaped, but that the Spaniards ran away, ere the battles were thoroughly joined. Their camp the Romans take, and spoil: whereby (questionless) they are marvelously enriched; all the money that could be raked together in Spain, being carried along in this Italian Expedition. This days event joins all Spain to the Romans, if any part of the Country stood in doubt before; and puts Asdrubal so far from all thought of travailing into Italy, that it leaves him small hope of keeping himself safe in Spain. Of these exploits advertisement is sent to Rome: and Letters to the Senate, from P. and Cn. Scipio, whereof the Contents are; That they have neither money, apparel, nor bread, where with to 〈◊〉 their 
Liu. l. 23.  Army and Fleet; That all is wanting; so as unless they may be supplied from Rome, they can neither hold their forces together, nor tarry any longer in the Province. These Letters come to Rome in an evil season; the State being scarcely able, after the loss at Cannae, to help itself at home. Yet relief is sent: how hardly, and how much to the commendations of that love and care, which the private Citizens of Rome bore unto the Commonwealth, shall be inserted elsewhere, into the Relation of things whereof the truth is less questionable. At the coming of this supply, the two Scipio's pursue Asdrubal, and hunt him out of his lurking holes. What else can we think; that remember the last news of him, and how fearfully he mistrusted his own 〈◊〉? They find him, and Mago, and Amilcar the son of Bomilcar, with an Army of threescore thousand men, besieging Illiturgi: (which the learned Ortelius, & others, probably conjecture to have stood, where Carinnena is now, in the Kingdom of Arragon; for there was Illiturgis, afterward called Forum julij, quite another way) a Town of the Illergetes their nearest Neighbours, for having revolted unto the Romans. The Town is greatly distressed; but most of all, for want of victuals. The Romans therefore break through between the Enemy's camps, with terrible slaughter of all that resist them: and having victuailed the place, encourage the townsmen to defend their walls as stoutly, as they should anon behold them fight manfully with the besiegers, in their behalf. So they issue forth, about sixteen thousand against threescore thousand: and kill more of the 
Liu. l. 〈◊〉  enemies, than themselves were in number, drive all the three Carthaginian Commanders, every one, out of his quarter; and took that day, besides prisoners and other booty, fifty and eight Ensigns. The Carthaginian Army, being thus beaten from Illiturgi, fall upon Incibili, that stood a little Southward from the mouth of Iberus. The Spaniards are blamed, as too greedy of earning money by war, for thus reenforcing the broken Carthaginians. But it may be wondered, whence the Carthaginians had money to pay them: since Asdrubal was lately driven to poll the Country, wanting money of his own; and being beaten in this journey, had lost his wealth carriages, when his camp was taken after the battle by Ibera. How soever it happens, the Carthaginians (according to their custom) are beaten again at Incibili: where there were of them above thirteen thousand slain, & above three 
Liu. l. 23.  thousand taken; besides two and forty Ensigns, and nine Elephants. After this, (in a manner) all the people of Spain fell from them unto the Romans. Thus could Fabius, Valerius Antias, or some other Historian, to whom Livy gave credit, conquer all Spain twice in one year, by winning famous victories; whereof these good Captains, P. and Cn. Scipio, perhaps were not ware.  
The Romans, notwithstanding this large access of Dominion, winter on their own side of Iberus. In the beginning of the next year, great Armies of the Spaniards rise against Asdrubal; and are overthrown by him. P. Scipio, to help these his friends, is forced to make great haste over the River. At Castrum altum, a place in the midway between new Carthage and Saguntum, famous by the death of the great Amilcar, P. Scipio incampeth: and stores the place with victuals, being strong and defensible; as intending to make it his seat for a while. But the Country round about is too full of Enemies: the Carthaginian horse have charged the Romans in their march, and are go off clear; falling also upon some stragglers, or such as lagged behind their fellows in march, they have cut off two thousand of them. Hereupon it is thought behoveful, to retire unto some place more assured. So Pub. withdraws himself unto Mons Victoriae: that rising somewhat Eastward from Incibili, over-lookes the Southern Outlet of Iberus. Thither the Carthaginians pursue him: His brother Cn. repairs unto him; and Asdrubal the son of 〈◊〉, with a full Army, arrives to help his Companions. As they lie thus near encamped together, P. Scipio, with some light-armed, going closely to view the places thereabouts, is discovered by the enemies: who are like to take him, but that he withdraws himself to an high piece of ground; where they 〈◊〉 him, until his brother Cn. fetch him off. After this (but I know not why) Castulo, a great city of Spain, whence Hannibal had taken him a wife, joineth with the Romans; though being far diftant from them, and seated on the head of the River Boetis. 〈◊〉 the Carthaginians pass over Iberus, to besiege Illiturgi again, wherein lodgeth a Roman garrison; hoping to win it by famine. We may justly wonder, what should move them to neglect the rebellion of Castulo, yea and the Roman Army lying so close by them, and to seek adventures further off, in that very place, wherein they had been so grievously beaten the year before. But thither they go: and thither follows them Cn. Scipio with one Legion: who enters the Town by force, breaks out upon them the next day, and in two battles kills above twelve thousand, and takes more than a thousand of them prisoners, with six and thirty Ensigns. This victory (doubtless) is remarkable: considering that the greatest Roman Legion at this time, consisted of no more than five thousand men. The vanquished Carthaginians besiege Bigarra: but that siege is also raised by Cn. Scipio. Thence the Carthaginians remove to Munda; where the Romans are soon at their heels. There is a great battle fought, that lasteth four hours, wherein the Romans get a notable victory; and a more notable would have gotten, had not Cn. Scipio been wounded. Thirty nine Elephants are killed; and twelve thousand men; three thousand prisoners taken, and seven and fifty 〈◊〉. The Carthaginians fly to 〈◊〉; and the Romans pursue them. Cn. Scipio in a Litter is carried into the field, and vanquisheth the Carthaginians again: but kills not half so many of them, as before; good cause why, for there are fewer of them left to fight. Notwithstanding all these overthrows, the Spaniards, a people framed even by nature to set war on 
Liu. l. 24.  foot quickly fill up the broken troops of Asdrubal: who having also hired some of the Gauls, adventures once more to try his fortune with the Romans. But he is beaten again, and loseth eight thousand of his men; besides Prisoners, Elephants, Ensigns, and other appurtenances. After so many victories, the Romans are even ashamed, to leave Saguntum enthralled unto the Carthaginians; since, in behalf of that City, they had at first entered into this war. And well may we think it strange, that they had not recovered it long before, since we may remember, that long before this they had won all the Country once and again. But it must not be forgotten, that they had ere now besieged Saguntum; and were feign (as appears) to go their way without it: so as they need not to blush, for having so long forborn to do that, which ere now they had attempted, but were unable to perform. At the present they win Saguntum: and restore the possession thereof unto such of the poor dispersed Citizens, as they can find out. They also waste and destroy the Country of the Turdetani, that had ministered unto Hannibal matter of quarrel against the Saguntines. This last action (questionless) was much to their honour; and wherein we may be assured, that the Carthaginians would have disturbed them, if they had been able.  
But overlooking now this long continuance of great victories, which the Romans have gotten in Spain, other print or token of all their brave exploits, we can perceive noon, than this recovery of Saguntum: excepting the stopping of Hasdrubals journey; which was indeed of greatest importance, but appertaining to their own defence. For they have landed at Emporiae, an Haven town, built and peopled by a Colony of the 〈◊〉, kin to the Massilians, friends to the Romans; They have 〈◊〉 won to their party, lost, recovered, and lost again, some petty bordering Nations of the Spaniards, that are carried one while by persuasion, other while by force, and sometimes by their own unsettled passions; and now finally they have won a Town, whereof the Carthaginians held entire possession, who had rooted out the old Inhabitants. Wherhfore we may easily believe, that when they took 〈◊〉 (if they took it not by surprise; which is to be suspected, since in this Action we find no particulars remembered, as when the same place was taken by Hannibal) they had gotten the better of their Enemies in some notable fight. In like sort also must we think, that all those battles lately remembered, after every one of which Asdrubal sat down before some place, that had rebelled, or seemed ready to rebel, were prosperous unto the Carthaginians. For it is not the custom of Armies vanquished, to carry the war from Town to Town, and beleaguer Cities of their Enemies; but to fortify themselves within their own places of strength, and therein to attended the levy and arrival of new supplies. And surely, if the Romans had been absolute Masters of the field, when they wan Saguntum, they would not have consumed a whole year following, in practising only with the Celtiberians the next adjoining people. Yet made they this, little less than two years business. Of these Celtiberians we hear before, That they have yielded up themselves unto the Romans; for security of their faith, given Hostages to Scipio; and, at his appointment, made war against the Carthaginians, with their proper forces. Wherhfore it is strange, that they are now thus hardly wrought; and, not without express condition of a great sum, hired to serve in the Roman Campe. How this may hold together I cannot perceive; unless perhaps in those days it were the Roman custom, or rather the custom of some bad Author whom Livy follows, to call every Messenger, or straggler, that entered their camp, an Hostage of that people from whom he come.  
The Celtiberians at length, hired with great rewards, sand an Army of thirty thousand to help the Romans: out of which, three hundred the fittest men are chosen, and carried into Italy, there to deal with their Countrymen that follow Hannibal in his wars. But if any of these three hundred return back into Spain, it is to be feared, that he brings with him such news of the riches and welfare of Hannibal's men, that all his fellows at home are the less unwilling to follow Asdrubal, when he shall next have a desire to lead them into Italy. Hereof we find more than probability, when these Mercenary Celtiberians meet the Carthaginian Army in the field. The two Scipio's, presuming on this access of strength, divide their forces, and 〈◊〉 out the Enemies; who lie not far off with three Armies. Asdrubal, the son of Amilcar, is nearest at hand; even among the Celtiberians, at Anitorgis. With him Cn. Scipio doubts not to take good order: but the fear is, that this one part of the Carthaginian forces being destroyed; Mago, and Asdrubal the son of Gisco, hearing the news, will make use of their distance, which is five days march, and, by running into the furthest parts of the Country, save themselves from being overtaken. Publius therefore must make the more hasty, and take with him the better Soldiers, that is, two parts of the old Roman Army; leaving the third part, and all the Celtiberians, to his brother. He that hath the longer journey to make, comes somewhat the sooner to his lives end. Mago, and Asdrubal the son of Gisco, are not studying how to run away: they find no such necessity. They join their forces together; meet with P. Scipio; and lay at him so hardly, that he is driven to keep himself close within his Trenches: wherein he thinks himself not well assured. Especially he is vexed by Masanissa, Prince of the Massaesyli, Numidians bordering upon Mauritania, in the Region called now Tremizen: to whom the chief honour of this service is ascribed, for that he becomes afterward Confederate with the Romans. In this dangerous case P. Scipio gets intelligence, that Indibilis, a Spanish Prince, is coming with seven thousand and five hundred of the 〈◊〉, to join with his Enemies. Fearing therefore to be strength shut up, and besieged, He issues forth by night, to meet with Indibilis upon the way; leaving T. Fonteius his Lieutenant, with a small company, to defend the camp. He meets with Indibilis; but is not able, according to his hope, to defeat him at the first encounter. The fight continues so long, that the Numidian horse appear (whom he thought to have been ignorant of his departure) and fall upon the Romans on all sides: neither are the Carthaginians far behind; but come so 〈◊〉 upon him in Rear, that P. Scipio, uncertain which way to turn, yet fight, and animating his men, where need most requireth, is struck through with a lance, and slain: very few of his Army escaping the same destiny, through benefit of the dark night. The like end hath Cn. Scipio within nine and twenty days after. At his meeting with Asdrubal, the Celtiberian Mercenaries all forsake him; pretending that they had war in their own Country. If Anitorgis, where Asdrubal then lay, were, as Ortelius following Beuterus takes it; a Celtiberian Town; this was no vain pretence, but an apparent truth. But we may justly believe, that they were won by Asdrubal, and easily persuaded to take as much money for not fight, as they should have had for hazarding their lives. Cn. Scipio therefore being unable to stay them; and no less unable, without their help, either to resist the Enemy, or to join with his Brother, makes a very violent retreat; herein only differing from plain flight, that he keeps his men together. Asdrubal presseth hard upon him: and Mago, with Asdrubal the son of Gesco, having made an end of Publius, hasten to dispatch his brother after him. Scipio steals from them all, by night; but is overtaken the next day by their horse, and arrested, in an open place of hard stony ground, where grows not so much as a shrub, unfit for defence of his Legions against such enemies. Yet a little Hill he finds, of easy ascent on every side; which he takes for want of a more commodious place, and fortifies with packsaddles, and other luggage, for default of a better Palisado. These weak defences the Carthaginians soon tear in sunder: and, breaking in on all hands, leave very few of them alive; that saving themselves, I know not how, within some woods adjoining, escape unto T. Fonteius, whom Publius had left in his camp, as is before said. It is a terrible overthrow, they say, out of which no man escapes. Yet, how they that were thus hemmed in on every side, in so bore a ground as afforded not a shrub to cover them, could break out, and shroud themselves within woods adjoining, I should much wonder; did not a greater miracle following call away my attention. T. Fonteius is in P. Scipio's camp, on the North side of Iberus, fearful (as may be supposed) of his own life; since his General, with two parts of the Roman Army, had little hope to remain long safe within it. Thither comes L. Martius, a young Roman Gentleman of a notable spirit: who having gathered together the scattered Soldiers, & drawn some Companies out of their Garrisons, makes a pretty Army. The Soldiers, being to choose a General by most voices, prefer this L. Martius before Fonteinus the Lieutenant; as well they may. For Asdrubal, the son of Gesco, coming upon them; this L. Martius so encourageth his men, (fond weeping when he led them forth, upon remembrance of their more honourable Generals lately slain) and admonisheth them of their present necessity, that he beats the Carthaginians into their Trenches. A notable victory perhaps he might have gotten, but that he wisely sounds the retreat; reserving the fury of his Soldiers to a greater occasion. The Carthaginians are at first amazed, and wonder whence this new boldness grows, in enemies lately vanquished, and now again little better than taken: but when they see, that the Roman dares not follow his advantage, they return to their former security; and utterly despising him, set neither Corpse dugard, nor Sentinel, but rest secure, as if no enemy were near. Martius therefore animates his soldiers with lively words; and tells them, That there is no adventure more safe, than that which is furthest from suspicion of being under-taken. They are soon persuaded to follow him, in any desperate piece of service. So he leads them forth by night, and steals upon the camp of Asdrubal: where finding no guard, but the enemies fast a sleep, or very drowsy, He enters without resistance, fires their Cabins, and 〈◊〉 a terrible alarm; so that all affrighted, the Carthaginians run headlong one upon another, they know not which way. All passages out of their camp Martius hath prepossessed, so that there is no way to escape, save by leaping down the Rampart: which as many do, as can think upon it, and run away toward the camp of Asdrubal the son of Amilcar, that lay six miles off. But Martius hath waylaid them. In a Valley between their two camps he hath bestowed a Roman cohort, and 〈◊〉 know not what number of Horse; so that into this Ambush they fall every one, and are cut in pieces. But jest perchance any should have escaped, and give the alarm before his coming; Martius hastens to be there as soon as they. By which diligent speed, He comes early in the morning upon this further camp: which with no great difficulty he enters; and partly by force, partly by apprehension of danger which the Enemies conceived, when they beheld the Roman shields, soul, and bloodied with their former execution, He drives headlong into flight, all that can save themselves from the fury of the sword. Thirty seven thousand of the enemies 〈◊〉 in this night's work; besides a thousand eight hundred and thirty, that are taken prisoners. Hereunto Valerius Antias adds, that the camp of Mago was also taken, and seven thousand slain: and that in another battle with Asdrubal, there were slain ten thousand more; besides four thousand three hundred and thirty, taken prisoners. Such is the power of some Historians. Livy therefore hath elsewhere well observed. That there is noon so intemperate, as Valerius Antias, in multiplying the numbers that have fallen in battles. That, whilst Martius was making an Oration to his soldiers, a flame of fire shone about his head, Livy reporteth as a common tale, not giving thereto any credit: and temperately concludeth, That this Captain Martius got a great name; which he might well do, if with so small forces, and in such distress, He could clearly get off from the Enemies, and give them any parting blow, though it were far less than that which is here set down.  
Of these occurrents L. Martius sent word to Rome, not forgetting his own good service, whatsoever it was, but setting it out in such wise, as the Senate might judge him worthy to hold the place of their Vicegerent in Spain: which the better to intimate unto them, He styled himself Propretor. The Fathers were no less moved with the tidings, than the case required: and therefore took such careful order, for supplying their forces in Spain, that although Hannibal come to the gates of Rome, ere the Companies, levied to serve in that Province, could be sent away; yet would they not stay a tide for defence of the City itself, but shipped them in all haste for Spain. As for that title of Propretor, which Martius had assumed, they thought it too great for him, and were offended at his presumption in usurping it: foreseeing well, that it was a matter of ill consequence, to have the soldiers abroad make choice, among themselves, of those that should command Armies and Provinces. Therefore C. Claudius Nero was dispatched away, with all convenient hazel, into Spain: carrying with him about six thousand of the Roman foot, and as many of the Latins, with three hundred Roman Horse, and of the Latins eight hundred.  
It happened well, that about these times, the affairs of Rome began to prospero in Italy, and afforded means of sending abroad such a strong supply: otherwise, the victories of Martius would ill have served, either to keep footing in Spain, or to stop the Carthaginian Armies from marching towards the Alps. For when Claudius, landing with his new forces, took charge of that remainder of the Army, which was under Martius & Fonteius; he found surer tokens of the overthrows received, than of those miraculous victories, whereof Martius had made his vaunts unto the Senate. The Roman party was for saken by most of the Spanish friends: whom how to reclaim, it could not easily be devised. Yet Claudius advanced boldly towards Asdrubal the brother of Hannibal: whom he found among the 〈◊〉, near enough at hand, encamped in a place called Lapides atri; out of which there was no issue, but only through a strength, whereon the Roman seized at his first coming. What should have tempted any man of understanding to encamp in such a place, I do not find: and as little reason can I found in that which followed. For it is said, That Asdrubal, seeing himself thus locked up, made offer to departed forthwith out of all Spain, and quit the Province to the Romans, upon condition, that he and his Army might be thence dismissed; That he spent many days, in entertaining parlce with Claudius about this business, That night by night he conveyed his footmen (a few at a time) through very difficult passages, out of the danger; and that finally taking advantage of a misty day, He stole away with all his Horse and Elephants, leaving his camp empty. If we consider, that there were at the same time, besides this Asdrubal, two other Carthaginian Generals in Spain; we shall find no less cause to wonder at the simplicity of Claudius, who hoped to conclude a bargain for so great a Country, with one of these three Chieftains, than at the strange nature of those passages: through which the footmen could hardly creep out by night; the Horse and Elephants easily following them in a dark misty day. Wherhfore in giving 〈◊〉 to such a tale, it is needful that we suppose, both the danger wherein the 〈◊〉 were, and the conditions offered for their safe departure, to have been of far less value. Howsoever it was; neither this, nor aught else that the Romans could do, served to purchase any new friends in Spain, or to recover the old which they had lost. Like enough it is, that the old Soldiers, which had chosen Martius their Propretor, took it not well, that the Senate, regardless of their good deserts, had repealed their Election, and sent a Propretor whom they fancied not so well. Some such occasion may have moved them to desire a Proconsul, and (perhaps) young Scipio by name: as if a title of greater dignity, were needful to work regard in the Barbarians; and the beloved memory of Cn. and Publius, likely to do good, were it revived in one of the same Family. Whither upon these, or upon other reasons; C. Claudius was recalled out of the Province; and Publius the son of P. Scipio sent Proconsul into Spain.  
This is that P. Scipio, who afterward transferred the war into Africa: where he happily ended it, to the great honour and benefit of his Country. He was a man of goodly presence, and singularly well conditioned: especially he excelled in Temperance, Continency, Bounty, and other Virtues that purchase love; of which qualities what great use he made, shall appear in the tenor of his Actions following. As for those things that are reported of him, savouring a little too much of the great Alexander's vanity; How he used to walk alone in the Capitol, as one that had some secret conference with jupiter; How a Dragon (which must have been one of the gods; and, in likelihood, jupiter himself) was thought to have conversed with his Mother, entering her chamber often, and vanishing away at the coming in of any man; and how of these matters he nourished the rumour, by doubtful answers; I hold them no better than mere fables, devised by Historians, who sought thereby to add unto the glory of Rome: that this noble City might seem, not only to have surpassed otheir Nations in virtue of the generality, but also in great worth of one single man. To this end nothing is left out, that might serve to adorn this Roman Champion. For it is confidently written, as a matter of unquestionable truth, That when a Proconsul was to be chosen for Spain, there durst not any Captain of the principal Citizens offer himself as Petitioner, for that honourable, but dangerous charge; That the People of Rome were much astonished thereat; That when the day of Election come, all the Princes of the City stood looking one another in the face, not one of them having the heart, to adventure himself in such a desperate service; and finally, that this P. Cornelius Scipio, being then about four and twenty years of age, getting up on an high place where he might be seen of all the Multitude, requested, and obtained, that the Office might be conferred upon him. If this were true, then were all the victories of L. Martius no better than dreams: and either very unreasonable was the fear of all the Roman Captains, who durst not follow Claudius Nero, that not long before was go into Spain Propretor; or very bad intelligence they had out of the Province, which Asdrubal the Carthaginian, as we heard even now, was ready to abandon. But upon these incoherences, which I find in the too partial Roman Historians, I do not willingly insist.  
P. Scipio was sent Proconsul into Spain; and with him was joined M. junius Syllanus, as Propretor, and his Coadjutor. They carried with them ten thousaud foot, and a thousand horse, in thirty Quinquereme Galleys. With these they landed at Emporiae; and marched from thence to Tarracon alongst the Sea-coast. At the 〈◊〉 of Scipio's arrival, it is said, that Embassages come to him apace from all quarters of the Proujace: which he entertained with such a majesty, as bred a wonderful opinion of him. As for the Enemies, they were greatly afraid of him: and so much the greater was their fear, by how much the less they could give any reason of it. If we must believe this, then must we needs believe, that their fear was even as great as could be: for very little cause there was, to be terrified with the fame of so young a man, which had as yet performed nothing. All the winter following (or, as some think, all the next year) he did nothing: but spent the time perhaps, as his fore-goers had done, in treating with the Spaniards. His first enterprise was against new Carthage: upon which he come unexpected, with five and twenty thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse; his Sea-forces coasting him, and moderating their course in such wise, that they arrived there together with him. He assailed the Town by Land and Sea; and wan it by assault the first day. The Carthaginians lost it, by their too much confidence upon the strength of it: which caused them to man it more slenderly, than was requisite. Yet it might have been well enough defended if some Fishermen of Tarracon had not discovered unto Scipio, a secret passage unto the walls; whereof the Townsmen themselves were either ignorant, or thought (at lest) that their enemies could have no notice. This City of new Carthage, resembled the old and great Carthage in situation; standing upon a demi-Iland, between an Haven and a great Lake. All the Western side of the walls, and somewhat of the North, was fenced with this Lake: which the Fishermen of Tarracon had sounded; and finding in some part thereof a shelf, whereon at low water men might pass knee-deep, or (at most) wading up to the Navel, Scipio thrust thereinto some Companies of his men; who recovered the top of the walls without resistance: the place being left without guard, as able to defend itself by the natural strength. These falling suddenly upon the backs of the Carthaginians within the City; easily forced a gate, and gave free entrance to the Roman Army. What booty was found within the Town, Livy himself cannot certainly affirm; but is feign to say, That some Roman Historians told lies without measure, in way of amplification. By that small proportion of riches, which was afterward carried by Scipio into the Roman Treasury, we may easily perceive, how great a vanity it was to say, That all the wealth of Africa and Spain, was heaped up in that one Town. But therein were bestowed all the Spanish Hostages: (or at lest of the adjoining Provinces) whom Scipio entreated with singular courtesy; restoring them unto their kindred and friends, in such gracious manner, as doubled the thanks due to so great a benefit. Hereupon a Prince of the Celtiberians, and two petty Kings of the Ilergetes and Lacetani, nearest Neighbours to Tarracon, and dwelling on the 〈◊〉 side of Iberus, for sook the Carthaginian party; and joined with the Romans. The speech of Indibilis, King of the Ilergetes, is much commended; for that he did not vaunt himself, as commonly fugitives use, of the pleasure which he did unto the Romans, in revolting from their Enemies; but rather excused this his changing side, as being thereto compelled by injuries of the Carthaginians, and invited by the honourable dealing of Scipio. This temperate estimation of his new professed friendship, was indeed no unsure token, that it should be long-lasting. But if the Ilergetes had long ere this (as we have heard before) forsaken the Carthaginian party, and stoutly held themselves as friends to Cn. Scipio; then could nothing have been devised more vain, than this Oration of Indibilis their King; excusing, as new, his taking part with the same, when he should have rather craved pardon for his breach of alliance, formerly contracted with the Father and the uncle. Most likely therefore it is, that howsoever the two elder Scipios had gotten some few places among these their Neighbours, and held them by strength; yet were the Romans never Masters of the Country, till this worthy Commander, by recovering their Hostages from the Carthaginians, and by 〈◊〉 great munificence in sending them home, wan unto himself the assured love and 〈◊〉 of these Princes. The Carthaginian Generals, when they heard of this loss, were very sorry: yet nevertheless they set a good face on the 〈◊〉; saying, That a young man, having stolen a Town by surprise, was too far transported, and overjoyed, but that shortly they would meet with him, and put him in mind of his Father and Uncle; which would altar his mood, and bring him to a 〈◊〉 convenient temper.  
Now if I should here interpose my own conjecture; I should be bold to say, That the Carthaginians were at this time busy, in setting forth towards Italy; and that Scipio, to divert them, undertook new Carthage, as his Father and Uncle, upon the like occasion, sat down before Ibera. And in this respect I would suppose, that it had not been much amiss, if the passage over the Lake had been undiscovered, and the Town held out some longer while. For howsoever that particular Action was the more fortunate, in coming to such good issue upon the first day: yet in the generality of the business, between Rome and Carthage, it was more to be wished, that Asdrubal should be stayed from going into Italy, than that half of Spain should be taken from him. Whereas therefore he had nothing left to do, that should hinder his journey; Mago, and Asdrubal, the son of Gisco, were thought sufficient to hold Scipio work, in that lingering war of taking and retaking Towns, whilst the main of the Carthaginian forces, under Asdrubal, the son of Amilcar, went to a greater enterprise: even to fight in trial of the Empire. But the Roman Historians tell this after another fashion; and say, That Asdrubal was beaten into Italy: wither he ran for fear, as thinking himself ill assured of the Spaniards, as long as they might 〈◊〉 hear the name of Scipio. Scipio, say they, coming upon Asdrubal; his Vantcourrers charged so lustily the Carthaginian horse, that they drove them into their Trenches: and made it apparent, even by that small piece of service, how full of spirit the Roman Army was, and how dejected the Enemy. Asdrubal therefore by night retired out of that even ground, and occupied an Hill, compassed on three sides with a River, very steep of ascent, and not easy of access on the foreside; by which himself got up, and was to be followed by the Romans. On the top of it there was a Plain, whereon he strongly encamped himself: and in the midway, between the top and root of the Hill, was also another Plain, into which he descended, more upon bravery, that he might not seem to hide himself within his Trenches, than for that he durst adventure his Army to the hazard of a 〈◊〉, for which this was no equal ground. But such advantage of place could not save him from the Romans. They climbed up the Hill to him; they recovered even footing with him; drove him out of this lower Plain, up into his Camp on the Hill-top: wither although the ascent were very difficult, and his Elephants bestowed in the smoothest places to hinder their approach; yet compassing about, and seeking passage where it was hardest to be found; but much more strongly breaking their way, where the Carthaginians had got up before them, they drove both Men and Elephants head long, I know not wither: for it is said, that there was no way to fly. Out of such a battle, wherein he lost eight thousand men, Asdrubal is said to have escaped; and gathering together his dispersed troops, to have marched towards the Pyrenees, having sent away his Elephants ere the fight began. Nevertheless, Mago, and Asdrubal, the son of Gisco, are reported after this, to have consulted with him about this war; and finally to have concluded, that go he needs must, were it but to carry all the Spaniards as far as might be, from the name of Scipio. How likely this was to have been true, it shall appear at his coming into Italy; whence these incoherent relations of the Spanish affairs, have too long detained us.   

§. XII. The great troubles that HANNIBAL raised in all quarters, to the City of Rome. POSTHUMIUS the Roman General, with his whole Army, is slain by the Gauls. PHILIP King of Macedon, enters into a League with HANNIBAL, against the Romans. The Romans joining with the Aetolians, make war upon PHILIP in Greece: and afterwards conclude a peace with him; the better to intent their business against the Carthaginians.  
WE left 〈◊〉 wintering at Capua: where he and his new Confederates 〈◊〉 (as may be thought) not a little, to hear the good news from Carthage of such mighty aid, as was decreed to be sent thence unto him. In former times he had found work enough, to carry the Romans corn into his own barns, and to drive away their cattle to Geryon: his victories 〈◊〉 him little other profit, than sustenance for his Army; by making him 〈◊〉 of the open field. He might perhaps have forced some walled Towns, in like sort as he did Geryon, and the Castle of Cannae: but had he spent much time, about the getting of any one place well defended; the hunger, that his Army must have endured the Winter and Spring following, until corn were 〈◊〉, would have grievously punished him for such employment of the Summer. This may have been the reason, why he forbore to adventure upon Rome after his victory at Cannae. For had he failed (as it was a matter of no certainty) to carry the City at his first coming; want of victuals would have compelled him to quit the enterprise. Yea, many of the people that opened so hastily their gates unto him, upon the fresh bruit of his glorious success, would have taken time of deliberation, and waited perhaps the event of another battle: if being, either for 〈◊〉 of means to force the City, or of necessaries to continued a siege before it, 〈◊〉 (as might seem) from the walls of Rome, he had presented himself unto them with a lessened reputation, somewhat later in the year; when time to force their obedience was wanting, unless they would freely yield it. But this great part of the care and travel was 〈◊〉, when so many States of Italy were become his: the year following, the Samnites, and other old enemies of Rome, 〈◊〉 like to receive a notable pleasure of their new alliance with Carthage, by helping to lay siege unto that proud City, which so long had held them in subjection. Thus the Winter was passed over joyfully, saving that there come not any tidings of the preparations, to second the welcome report of those mighty forces, that were decreed and expected. The Spring drew on: and of the promised supply there arrived no more, than only the Elephants. How late it was ere these come, I find not: only we found, that after this he had above thirty of them; whereas all, save one, that he brought over the Alpss, had been lost in his journey through the marshes of Hetruria. Very bad excuse of this exceeding negligence, they that brought the Elephants could make unto Hannibal. If they were his friends, they told him truly, what mischiefs the persuasion of Hanno wrought among the too niggardly Carthaginians. Otherwise, they might perhaps inform him, that it was thought a safer, though a farther way about, to pass along through Spain and Gaul, as he himself had done; and increase the Army by hiring the Barbarians in the journey; than to commit the main strength of 〈◊〉 City, to the hazard of the Seas: especially wanting a commodious Haven, to receive the fleet that should carry such a number of Men, Horses, and Elephants, with all needful provisions. With these allegations Hannibal must rest content; and seek, as well as he can, to satisfy his Italian Confederates. Therefore when time of the year served He took the field: and having finished what rested to be done at Casilinum, sought to make himself Master of some good Haven-towne thereabouts; that might serve to entertain the Carthaginian fleet; or take from his Enemies at home all excuse, which they might pretend by want thereof. To the same purpose, and to do what else was needful, He sent Himilco unto the Locrians, and Hanno to the Lucan's: not forgetting at once to assay all quarters of Italy, yea, the Isles of Sicily and Sardinia; since the siege of Rome must needs be deferred unto another year. Hanno made an ill journey of it, being met, or overtaken, by T. 〈◊〉 Longus: who slew above two thousand of his men; with the loss of fewer, than three hundred Romans. But Himilco sped far better. By help of the Brutians, his good friends, he wan Petcllia or Petilia by force; after it had held out some months. He wan likewise Consentia; and Croton, that was forsaken by the Inhabitants. Also the City of Locri, which was of great importance, yielded unto him: as did all other places thereabouts; except only the Town of Rhegium, overagainst Sicil.  
The great faith of the Petilians is worthy to be recorded, as a notable testimony of the good government, under which the Roman subjects lived. As for the Samnites, Campans, and others, whose earnestness in rebellion may seem to prove the contrary; we are to consider, That they had lately contended with Rome for Sovereignty, and were now transported with ambition: which Reason can hardly moderate, or Benefits alloy. The Petilians, in the very beginning of their danger, did sand to Rome for help: where their Messengers received answer from the Senate, That the public misfortunes had not 〈◊〉 means, to relieve their Associates that were so far distant. The Petilian Messengers (Ambassadors they are termed; as were all others, publicly sent from Cities of the Roman subjection, that had a private jurisdiction within themselves) fell down to the ground, and humbly besought the Fathers, not to give them away: promising to do and suffer whatsoever was possible, in defence of their Town, against the Carthaginians. Hereupon the Senate fell to consultation again: and having thoroughly considered all their forces remaining, plainly confessed, that it was not in their power to give any relief. Wherhfore these Ambassadors were willed to return home, and to bid their Citizens provide hereafter for their own 〈◊〉, as having already discharged their faith to the utmost. All this notwithstanding, the Petilians (as was said) held out some months: and having striven in vain to defend themselves, when there was no apparent possibility, gave to the Carthaginians a bloody victory 〈◊〉 them; being vanquished as much by famine, as by any violence of the Assailants.  
The Romans at this time were indeed in such ill case, that Hannibal, with a little help from Carthage, might have reduced them into terms of great extremity. For whereas, in a great bravery, before their loss at Cannae; they had showed their high minds, by entertaining the care of things far off, notwithstanding the great war that lay upon them so near at hand: it now fell out miserably all at once, that their fortune abroad was no whit better than at home. L. Posthumius Albinus their Praetor they had sent, with an Army of five and twenty thousand, into Gaul; to the Illyrian King Pineus they had sent for their Tribute due, whereof the payday was past, willing him, if he desired forbearance, to deliver hostages for his performance of what was due; and to Philip King of 〈◊〉 they had sent, to require, that he should deliver up unto them Demetrius Pharius, their Subject and Rebel, whom he had received. Butnow from all quarters they hear tidings, little suitable to their former glorious conceits. Posthumius with all his Army was cut in pieces by the Gauls, in such sort, that scarce ten men escaped. The manner of his overthrow was very strange. There was a great Wood, called by the Gauls, Litana; through which he was to pass. Against his coming, the Enemies had sawed the Trees so far, that a little force would serve to cast them down. When therefore Posthumius, with his whole Army, was entered into this dangerous passage, the Gauls, that lay about the Wood, began to cast down the Trees: which falling one against another, bore all down so fast, that the Romans were overwhelmed, Men and Horses; in such wise, that no more escaped, than is said before. How this tedious work, of sawing so many Trees, could take desired effect, and neither be perceived, nor made frustrate, either by some wind, that might have blown all down before the Romans entered, or by some othet of those many accidents, whereto the device was subject; I do not well conceive. Yet some such thing may have been done; and what failed in the stratagem, supplied with the Enemy's sword. It is not perhaps worthy to be omitted, as a monument of the savage condition, wherewith Lombardie, a Country now so civil, was infected in elder times, That of Posthumius his skull, being cleansed, and trimmed up with gold, a drinking cup was made, and consecrated in their principal Temple, as an holy vessel, for the use of the Priest in their solemnities. Of this great overthrow, when word was brought to Rome; the amazement was no less than the calamity. But sorrow could give no remedy to the mischief: and anger was vain, where there wanted forces to revenge. Tribute from the Illyrians there come noon: neither do I find, that any was a second time demanded; this we find, That with Pleuratus, and Scerdiletus Illyrian Kings, as also with Gentius, who reigned within a few years following, the Romans dealt upon even terms; entreating their assistance against Philip and Perseus; not commanding their duty, as Vassals. The Macedonian troubled them yet a little further. For having assured his affairs in Greece, and enjoying leisure to look into the doings abroad, He sent Ambassadors to Hannibal: with whom he made a league, upon these conditions; That the King in person should come into Italy, and with all his forces, by Land and Sea, assist the Carthaginians in the Roman war, until it were finished; That Rome, and all Italy, together with all the spoil therein to be gotten, should be left entire unto the State of Carthage; And that afterwards Hannibal with his Army should pass into Greece, and there assist Philip, until he had subdued all his Enemies: (which were the Aetolians, Thracians, King Antiochus, and others) leaving semblably unto him the full possession of that Country, and the Isles adjoining. But such predisposition of Kingdoms and Provinces, is lightly comptrolled by the divine Providence, which therein shows It self not (as Herodotus falsely terms it, and like an Atheist) envious or malicious, but very just and majestical; in up-holding that unspeakable greatness of Sovereignty, by which It rules the whole World, and all that therein is.  
The first Ambassadors that Philip sent, fell into the Romans hands, in their journey towards Hannibal: and being examined what they were, adventured upon a bold lie, saying, That they were sent from the King of Macedon to Rome, there to make a League with the Senate and People, and offer his help in this time of great necessity. These news were so welcome, that the joy thereof took away all care of making better inquiry. So they were lovingly feasted; and friendly dismissed, with guides that should lead them the way, and show them how to avoid the Carthaginians. But they being thus instructed concerning their journey, fell wilfully into the Camp of Hannibal: who entertained them after a better fashion; and concluded the 〈◊〉, about which they come, upon the points before remembered. In their return homeward, they happened again unluckily to be descried by the Roman fleet; which, mistrusting them to be of the Carthaginian party, gave them chase. They did their best to have escaped: but being overtaken, they suffered the Romans to come aboard; and trusting to the lie that once had served them, said it again, That having been sent from King Philip, to make a League with the People of Rome, they were not able, by reason of the Carthaginians lying between, to get any farther than to M. Valerius the Praetor, unto whom they had signified the good affection of the King their Master. The tale was now less credible than before: and (which marred all) Gisco, Bostar, and Mago, with their followers, Carthaginians that were sent with them from Hannibal to ratify the agreement, being presently detected, made the matter apparent. Wherhfore a little inquisition served to find all out: so that at length Hannibal's own letters to King Philip were delivered up, and the whole business confessed. The Ambassadors and their followers were sent close prisoners to Rome: where the chief of them were cast into prison; and the rest sold for bondslaves. Yet one of their ships that escaped, carried word into Macedon of all that had happened. Whereupon a new Embassage was sent, that went and returned with better speed; concluding, as was agreed before; only with some loss of time.  
The Romans were exceedingly perplexed: thinking with what heavy weight this Macedonian war, in an 〈◊〉 hour, was likely to fall upon them; when their shoulders were over-burdened with the load of the Carthaginian. Yet they took a noble resolution; and suitable unto that, whereby they kept off the storm, that else would have beaten upon them from Spain. They judged it more easy, with small forces to detain 〈◊〉 in Greece, than with all their strength to resist him in Italy. And herein they were in the right. For that the very reputation of a King of Macedon, joining with Hannibal in such a time, would have sufficed to shake the allegiance not only of the Latins, and other their most faithful Subjects, but even of the Roman Colonies that held all privileges of the City, it will appear by the following success of things. M Valerius the Praetor, with twenty Quinquereme Galleys, was appointed to attended upon the Macedonian, and to set on foot some commotion in Greece; or to nourish the troubles already therein begun. Philip was busy about the Sea-towns, that looked towards Italy, setting upon Apollonia; and thence falling upon Oricum; which he wan, and so returned to Apollonia again. The Epirots craved help of M. Valerius: or rather accepted his kind offers; who had noon other business to do. The Garrison that Philip had left in Oricum, was strong enough to hold the Townsmen in good order; but not to keep out the Romans: of whose daring to attempt any thing against him, on that side the Sea, Philip as then had no suspicion. Valerius therefore easily regained the Town; and sent thence a thousand men, under Naevius Crispus, an undertaking and expert Captain; which got by night into Apollonia. These made a notable sally; and broke into Philip's Trenches with so great slaughter, that they forced him to forsake his camp, & raise the siege. The King purposed (as it is said) to have departed thence by Sea: but Valerius, coming with his fleet from Oricum, stopped up the mouth of the River; so that he was 〈◊〉 to burn his ships, (which belike were no better than long boats) and departed ill furnished of carriages, by Land. After this, Valerius dealt with the Aetolians, a Nation always enemy to the Crown of Macedon: and easily persuaded them (being so affected, as hath elsewhere been showed) to make strong war on Philip; wherein he promised them great assistance from the Romans. That which most moved the troublesome spirits of the Aetolians, was the hope of getting Acarnania: after which they had gaped long; and whereof the Roman was as liberal in making promise, as if already it had been his own. So a league was made between them: and afterward solemnly published at Olympia, by the Aetolians; and by the Romans, in their Capitol. The conditions were, That from Aetolia to Corcyra, in which space Acarnania was contained, all the Country should be subdued, and left upon the Aetolians, the pillage only to be given to the Romans. And that if the Aetolians made peace with Philip, it should be with Provision, to hold no longer, than whilst he abstained from doing injury to the Romans, or their Associates. This was indeed the only point, whereat Valerius aimed, who promised as much on the Romans behalf, That they should not make peace with the Macedonian, unless it were with like condition of including the Aetolians. Into this League was place reserved for the Lacedæmonians and Eleans, as to those that had made or favoured the side of Cleomenes against the Macedonian, to enter at their pleasure. The like regard was had of Attalus, Pleuratus, and Scerdiletus: the first of which reigned at Pergamus, in Asia the less, a Prince hereafter much to be spoken of; the other two held some part of Illyria, about which the Romans were so far from contending with them, that gladly they sought to get their friendly acquaintance. But the names of these Associates, are thrust into the Treaty; rather to give it countenance, than for any readiness which they disclose to enter thereinto. The Aetolians alone, and chief Scopas their Praetor, with Dorymachus and others, are yet a while the only men, of whom the Roman Generals must make much; as the late French King, Henry the fourth, when he had only the title of Navarre, was said to court the Majors of Rochel. Philip was not idle, when he heard whereunto the Aetolians tended. He repaired his Army; made a countenance of war upon the 〈◊〉, and other his borderers, that were wont in times of danger to infested the Kingdom of Macedon; wasted the Country about Oricum and Apollonia; and overrunning the Pelagonians, Dardanians, and others, whom he held suspected, come down into Thessaly, whence he made show as if he would invade Aetolia. By the fame of this Expedition, He thought to stir up all the Greeks' adjoining, against the Aetolians; whom they generally detested as a nest of Robbers, troublesome to all the Country. To which purpose, and to hinder the Aetolians from breaking into Greece, He left Perseus, his son & heir, with four thousand men, upon their borders: with the rest of his Army, before greater business should overtake and entangle him. He made a long journey into Thrace, against a people called the Medes; that were wont to fall upon Maceden, whensoever the King was absent. The Aetolians, hearing of his departure, armed as many as they could against the 〈◊〉 nanians; in hope to subdue those their daily enemies, and win their little Country, ere he should be able to return. Hereto it much availed, that the Romans had already taken 〈◊〉 and Naxos, Acarnanian Towns, conveniently situated to let in an Army; and consigned them unto the Aetolians, according to the tenor of the contract lately made with them. But the stout resolution of the Acarnanians, to die (as we say) every Mother's son of them, in defence of their Country; together with the great haste of the Macedonian (who laid aside all other business) to secure these his friends; caused the Aetolians to forsake their enterprise. When this Expedition was given over, the Romans and Aetolians fell upon Anticyrae, which they took: the Romans assailing it by Sea, the Aetolians by Land. The Aetolians had the Town, and the Romans the spoil.  
For these good services M. Valerius was chosen Consul at Rome; and P. Sulpicius sent in his stead, to keep the war on foot in Greece. But besides the Roman help, Attalus out of Asia come over to assist the Aetolians. He was chief moved, by his own jealousy of Philip's greatness: though somewhat also tickled with the vanity, of being chosen by the Aetolians their principal Magistrate; which honour, though no better than titulary, he took in very loving part. Against the forces which Attalus and the Romans had sent, being joined with the main power of Aetolia, Philip tried the fortune of two battles: and was victorious in each of them. Hereupon, these his troublesome Neighbours desired peace of him, and used their best means to get it. But when the day, appointed for the conclusion thereof, was come: their Ambassadors, in stead of making submission, proposed unto him such intolerable conditions, as ill beseemed vanquished men to offer: and might therefore well 〈◊〉, that their minds were altered. It was not any love of peace, but fear of being besieged in their own Towns, that had made them desirous of composition. This fear being taken away, by the encouragements of Attalus and the Romans, they were as fierce as ever: and thrust a Garrison of their own, and some Roman friends, into Elis; which threatened Achaia, wherein Philip then lay. The Romans, making a cut over the strength from Naupactus, wasted the Country in a terrible bravery: wherein Philip requited them; coming upon them in haste from the Nemaean Games (which he was then celebrating) and sending them faster away, but nothing richer, than they come.  
In the heat of this contention, Prusias King of Bythinia, fearing the growth of Attalus, no less than Attalus held suspected the power of Philip; sent a Navy into Greece, to assist the Macedonian party. The like did the Carthaginians: and upon greater reason; as being more interessed in the success of his affairs. Philip was too weak by Sea: and though he could man some two hundred ships; yet the Vessels were such, as could not hold out against the Roman Quinqueremes. Wherhfore it behoved him, to use the help of his good friends the Carthaginians. But their aid come somewhat too late: which might better at first have kept those Enemies from fastening upon any part of Greece; than afterwards it could serve to drive them out, when they had pierced into the bowels of that Country. E'er Philip could attempt any thing by Sea; it was needful that he should correct the Eleans, bad Neighbours to the Achaians his principal Confederates. But in assailing their Town, He was encountered by the Aetolian and Roman Garrison; which drove him back with some loss. In such cases, especially where God intends a great conversion of Empire, Fame is very powerful in working. The King had received no great detriment, in his retreat from Elis: rather he had given testimony of his personal valour, in fight well on foot, when his horse was slain under him. He had also soon after taken a great multitude of the Eleans, to the number of four thousand; with some twenty thousand head of Cat-tail, which they had brought together into a place of safety, as they thought, when their Country was invaded. But it had happened, that in his pursuit of the Roman foragers about Sition, his horse running hastily under a low tree, had torn off one of the horns, which (after the fashion of those times) the King wore in his Crest. This was gathered up by an Aetolian; who carried it home, and showed it as a token of Philip's death. The horn was well known, and the tale believed. All Macedon therefore was in an uproar: and not only the Borderers, 〈◊〉 to fall upon the Country, but some Captains of Philip, easily 〈◊〉; who thinking to make themselves a fortune in that change of things, ran into such treason, as they might better hope to make good, than to excuse. Hereupon the King returned home; leaving not three thousand men, to assist his friends the Achaeans. He also took order, to have Beacons erected; that might give him notice of the Enemies doings; upon whom he meant shortly to return. The affairs of Macedon, his presence quickly established. But in Greece all went ill-favouredly: especially in the Isle of Euboea, where one Plator 〈◊〉 to Attalus, and the Romans, the Town of 〈◊〉, ere Philip could arrive to help it; where also the strong City of Chalcis was likely to have been lost, if he had not come the sooner. He made such hasty marches, that he had almost taken Attalus in the City of Opus. This City, lying over against Euboea, 〈◊〉 had won, more through the cowardice of the people, than any great force that he had used. Now because the Roman soldiers had defrauded him in the sack of Oreum, and taken all to themselves: it was agreed, that Attalus should make his best profit of the Opuntians; without admitting the Romans to be his sharers. But whilst he was busy, in drawing as much money as he could out of the Citizens: the sudden 〈◊〉 of Philip's arrival, made him leave all behind him, and run away to the Seaside, where he got aboard his ships; finding the Romans go before, upon the like fear. Either the indignity of this misadventure; or tidings of Prusias the Bithynian his invasion upon the Kingdom of Pergamus; made Attalus return home, without staying to take leave of his friends. So Philip recovered Opus; won Torone, Tritonos, Drymus, and many small towns in those parts; performing likewise some Actions, of more bravery than importance, against the Aetolians. In the mean season, Machanidas, the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, had been busy in Peloponnesus; but hearing of Philip's arrival, was returned home.  
The Lacedæmonians, hearing certain report of Cleomenes his death in Egypt, went about to choose two new Kings; and to conform themselves to their old manner of Government. But their estate was so far out of tune, that their hope of redressing things within the City, proved no less unfortunate, than had been their attempts of recovering a large Dominion abroad. Lycurgus a Tyrant rose up among them: unto whom succeeded this Machanidas; and shortly after come Nabis, that was worse than both of them. They held on the Aetolian and Roman side, for fear of the Achaeans; that were the chief Confederates of Philip, and hated extremely the name both of Tyrant, and of Lacedaemonian. But of these we shall speak more hereafter.  
Philip entering into Achaia, and seeing his presence had brought the contentment of assurance to that Country; spoke brave words to the Assembly of their States, saying, That he had to do with an Enemy, that was very nimble, and made war by running away. He told how he had followed them to Chalcis, to Oreum, to 〈◊〉, and now into Achaia: but could no where find them; such haste they made, for fear of being overtaken. But flight, He said, was not always prosperous: He should one day light upon them; as ere this he sundry times had done, and still to their loss. The Achaians were glad to hear these words; and much the more glad, in regard of his good deeds accompanying them. For he restored unto their Nation some Towns, that were in his hand, belonging to them of old. Likewise to the Megalopolitans their Confederates, He rendered Aliphera. The Dymaeans, that had been taken by the Romans, and sold for slaves, He sought out, ransomed, and put in quiet possession of their own City. Further, passing over the Corinthian Gulf, He fell upon the Aetolians: whom he drove into the mountains and woods, or other their strongest holds; and wasted their Country. This done, He took leave of the Achaeans: and returning home by Sea, visited the people that were his subjects, or dependents: and animated them so well, that they rested fearless of any threatening danger. Than had he leisure to make war upon the Dardanians, ill Neighbours to Macedon: with whom 〈◊〉 he was not so far occupied, but that he could go in hand with preparing a fleet of an hundred Galleys, whereby to make himself Master of the Sea; the Romans (since the departure of Attalus) having not dared to meet or pursue him, when he lately ran along the coast of Greece, fast by them where they lay.  
This good success added much reputation to the Macedonian; and emboldened him to make strong war upon the Aetolians, at their own doors. As for the Romans; either some displeasure, conceived against their Confederates; or some fear of danger at home, when Asdrubal was ready to fall upon Italy; caused them to give over the care of things in Greece, and leave their friends there to their own fortunes. The Aetolians therefore, being driven to great extremity, were feign to sue for peace unto Philip; and accept it, upon what 〈◊〉 conditions it best pleased him. The agreement was no sooner made, than P. Sempronius with ten thousand foot, a thousand horse, and thirty five Galleys, come over in great haste (though somewhat too late) to trouble it. Hearing how things went in Aetolia, he turned aside to Dyrrachium, and Apollonia; making a great noise, as if with these his own forces he would work wonders. But it was not long, ere 〈◊〉 come to visit him; and found him tame enough. The King presented him battle: but he refused it: and suffering the Macedonians to waste the Country round about, before his eyes, kept himself close within the walls of Apollonia; making some Ouercures of peace: which caused Philip to return home quietly. The Romans had not so great cause to be displeased with the Aetolians, as had Philip, to take in evil part the demeanour of the Carthaginians. For notwithstanding the Royal offer that he made them, to serve their turn in Italy, and assist them in getting their hearts desire, before he would expect any requital: they had not sent any fleet, as in reason they aught, and as (considering his want of sufficient ability by Sea) it is likely they were bound, either to secure the transportation of his Army, or to free his coast from the Roman and 〈◊〉 Piracies. Only once they come to his help, which was, at his last journey into 〈◊〉. But they were go again before his arrival: having done nothing, and pretending fear of being taken by the Romans, even at such time as Philip, with his own 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 boldly pass by Sea, and found noon that durst oppose him. This reckless dealing of the 〈◊〉, may therefore seem to have been one of Hanno his tricks; whereof Hannibal so bitterly complained. For it could not but grieve this malicious man exceedingly; to hear, that so great a King made offer to serve in person under Hannibal, and required the assistance of the same Hannibal, as of a man likely to make Monarches, and altar the affairs of the World at pleasure. Therefore he had reason, such as Envy could suggest, to persuade the Carthaginians unto a safe and 〈◊〉 course: which was, not to admit into the fellowship of their Italian 〈◊〉 so mighty a Prince; whom change of affection might make dangerous to their Empire; or his much affection unto Hannibal, more dangerous to their liberty. Rather they should do well to save charges: and feed the Macedonian with hopes; by making many 〈◊〉 of sending a fleet, and some other succours. This would cost nothing: yet would it serve to terrify the Romans, and compel them to sand part of their forces from home; that might find this Enemy work abroad. So should the Roman Armies be lessened in Italy; and Philip, when once he was engaged in the war, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto the prosecution, by his own necessity: putting the Carthaginians to little or no charges; yea scarce to the labour of giving him thanks. Now if it might come to pass, as Hannibal every day did promise, that Rome, and all Italy, should within a while be at the devotion of 〈◊〉: better it were that the City should be free, so as the troublesome Greeks' might address their complaints unto the Carthaginians, as competent judges between them and the Macedonian, than that Hannibal, with the power of 〈◊〉, should wait upon Philip, as his Executioner, to fulfil his will and pleasure, in doing such injuries, as would both make the name of a 〈◊〉 hateful in Greece, and oblige Philip to be no 〈◊〉 impudent, in fulfilling all requests of Hannibal. Whither the counsel of Hanno and his fellows, were such as this; or whither the Carthaginians, of their own disposition without his advice, 〈◊〉 too sparing, and careless, the matter (as far as concerned Philip) come to one reckoning. For they did him no manner of good: but rather dodged with him; even in that little courtesy which they most pretended. And this perhaps was part of the reason, why he begun the building of an hundred Galleys, as if he would let them and others know, whereto his proper strength would have reached, had he not vainly given credit to faithless promises. When therefore the Aetolians had submitted themselves already: and when the Romans desired his friendship, as might be thought, for very fear of him; with reputation enough, and not as a forsaken Client of the Carthaginians, but a Prince able to have succoured them in their necessity, He might give over the war, and, without reprehension, leave them to themselves. For he had wilfully entered into trouble for their sakes: but they despised him, as if the quarrel were merely his own, and he unable to manage it. The vanity of which their conceits would appear unto them: when they should see that with his proper strength he had finished the war, and concluded it highly to his honour. So the year following it was agreed, by mediation of the Epirots, Acarnanians, and others, That the Romans should retain three or four Towns of Illyria, which they had recovered in this war, being part of their old Illyrian Conquest: Places no way belonging to the Macedonian; and therefore perhaps inserted into the covenants, that somewhat might seem to have been gotten. On the other side, the Atintanes were appointed to return under the obedience of Philip: who, if they were (as Ortelius probably conjectures) the people of the Country about Apollonia, then did the Romans aband on part of their get; whereby it appears, that they did not give peace, as they would seem to have done, but accepted it, upon conditions somewhat to their loss.  
The Confederates and dependents of the Macedonian, comprehended in this Peace, were Prusias King of Bythinia, the Achaeans, Boeotians, Thessalians, 〈◊〉, and Epirots. On the Roman side were named, first, the People of Ilium, as an honourable remembrance of the Romans descent from Troy; then, Attalus King of Pergamus; Pleuratus, an Illyrian Prince; and Nabis, the Tyrant of Lacedaemon; together with the Eleans, Messenians, and Athenians. The Aetolians were omitted, belike, as having agreed for themselves before. But the Eleans and Messenians, followers of the 〈◊〉, (and by them, as is most likely, comprised in their League with Philip) were also inserted by the Romans; that were never slow in offering their friendship to small and feeble Nations. As for the Athenians: they stood much upon their old honour; and loved to bear a part, though they did nothing, in all great Actions. Yet the setting down of their name in this Treaty, served the Romans to good purpose: forasmuch as they were a busy people; and ministered occasion to renew the War, when means did better 〈◊〉 to follow it.   

§. XIII. How the Romans began to recover their strength by degrees. The noble affection of the Romans, in relecuing the public necessities of their Commonweal.  
IT was a great fault in the Carthaginians, that embracing so many Enterprises at once, they followed all by the halves: and wasted more men and money to no purpose, than would have served (if good order had been taken) to finish the whole war, in far shorter space; and make themselves Lords of all that the Romans held. This error had been the less harmful, if their care of Italy had been such as it aught. But they suffered Hannibal, to weary himself with expectation of their promised supplies: which being still deferred from year to year, caused as great opportunities to be lost, as a conqueror could have desired. The death of 〈◊〉, and destruction of his whole Army in Gaul; the begun rebellion of the Sardinians; the death of Hiero their friend in Syracuse; with great alterations, much to their prejudice, in the whole 〈◊〉 of Sicily; as also that War, of which we last spoke, threatened from Macedon; happening all at one time; and that so nearly after their terrible overthrow at Cannae, among so many revolts of their Italian Confederates; would utterly have sunk the Roman State, had the Carthaginians, if not the first year, yet at lest the second, sent over to Hannibal the forces that were decreed. It is not to be doubted, that even this diversity of great hopes, appearing from all parts, administered matter unto Hanno, or such as Hanno was, whereupon to work For though it were in the power of Carthage, to perform all that was decreed for Italy: yet could not that proportion hold, when so many new occurrences brought each along with them their new care; and required their several Armies. This had not been a very bad excuse, if any one of the many occasions offered had been thoroughly prosecuted: though it stood with best reason, that the foundation of all other hopes and comforts, which was the prosperity of Hannibal in his Italian war, should have been strengthened; whatsoever had become of the rest. But the slender troops, wherewith the Carthaginians fed the war in Spain; the lingering aid which they sent, to up-hold the Sardinian rebellion, when it was already well-near 〈◊〉 down; their trifling with Philip; and (amongst all these their attempts) their hasty catching at Sicily: little deserved to be thought good reasons of neglecting the main point, whereto all the rest had reference. Rather every one of these Actions, considered apart by itself, was no otherwise to be allowed as discreetly undertaken, or substantially followed; than by making supposition, That the care of Italy, made the Carthaginians more negligent in all things else. Yet if these allegations would not 〈◊〉 to content Hannibal; then must he patiently endure to know, that his own Citizens were jealous of his Greatness, and durst not trust him with so much power, as should enable him to wrong the State at home.  
Whatsoever he heard or thought, Hannibal was glad to apply himself to Necessity; to feed his Italian friends with hopes; and to trifle away the time about 〈◊〉, Naples, Cumae, and other places: being loathe to spend his Army in an hard siege, that was to be reserved for a work of more importance. Many offers he made upon 〈◊〉; but always with bad success. Once Marcellus fought a battle with him there: yet under the very walls of the Town; having the assistance of the Citizens, that were grown better affected to the Roman side, since the Heads, that inclined them to rebellion, were cut off. About a thousand men Hannibal in that fight lost: which was no great marvel; his forces being then divided, and employed in 〈◊〉 parts of 〈◊〉 at once. Naples was, even in those days, a strong City; and required a years work to 〈◊〉 taken it by force. Wherhfore the earnest desire of Hannibal to get it, was always frustrate. Upon the Town of Cumae they of 〈◊〉 had their plot; and were in hope to take it by cunning. They sent to the chief Magistrates of the Cumans, desiring them (as being also Campans) to be present at a solemn sacrifice of the Nation, where they would consult about their general good: promising to bring thither a sufficient guard, to assure the whole Assembly, from any danger that might come by the Romans. This motion the Cumans made show to entertain; but privily sent word of all to T. Sempronius Gracchus the Roman Consul.  
Gracchus was a very good man of war; and happily chosen Consul in so dangerous a time. His Colleague should have been Posthumius Albinus, that was lately slain by the Gauls: after whose death Marcellus was chosen; as being judged the fittest man to encounter with Hannibal. But the Roman Augurs either found some religious impediment, that nullified the election of Marcellus; or at lest they feigned so to have done, because this was the first time, that ever two Plebeian Consuls were chosen together. Marcellus therefore gave over the place: and Q. Fabius Maximus the late famous Dictator, was substituted in his room. But Fabius was detained in the City, about matters of Religion, or Superstition: wherewith Rome was commonly, especially in times of danger, very much troubled. So Gracchus alone, with a Consular Army, waited upon Hannibal among the Campans: not able to meet the Enemy in field; yet intentive to all occasions, that should be presented. The Volones, or Slaves, that lately had been armed, were no small part of his followers. These, and the rest of his men, He continually trained: and had not a greater care, to make his Army skilful in the exercises of war; than to keep it from quarrels, that might arise by upbraiding one another with their base condition.  
Whilst the Consul was thus busied at Linternum; the Senators of Cumae sent him word, of all that had passed between them and the Capuans. It was a good occasion to flesh his men, and make them confident against the Enemy; of whom hitherto they had bad experience. Gracchus therefore put himself into Cumae: whence he issued at such time, as the Magistrates of that City were expected by the Campans. The Sacrifice was to be performed by night, at a place called Hamae, three miles from Cumae. There lay Marius Alfius the chief Magistrate of Capua, with fourteen thousand men; not wholly intent either to the Sacrifice, or to any danger that might interrupt it; but rather devising how to surprise others, than fearing himself to be assailed. The Consul therefore, suffering noon to go forth of Cumae, that might bear word of him to the Enemies, issued out of the Town when it grew dark: his men being well refreshed with meat and sleep, the day before, that they might hold out the better in this night's service. So he come upon the Capuans unawares: and slew more than two thousand of them, together with their Commander; losing not above an hundred of his own men. Their camp he took: but tarried not long to rifle it, for fear of Hannibal; who lay not far off. By this his providence, He escaped a greater loss, than he had brought upon the Enemies. For when Hannibal was informed how things went at Hamae; forthwith he marched thither: hoping to find those young soldiers, and slaves, busied in making spoil, and loading themselves with the booty. But they were all gotten safe within Cumae; which partly for anger, partly for desire of gaining it, & partly at the urgent entreaty of the Capuans, Hannibal assailed the next day. Much labour, and with ill success, the Carthaginians and their fellows spent, about this Town. They raised a wooden Tower against it: which they brought close unto the walls; thinking thereby to force an Entry. But the Defendants, on the inside of the wall, raised against this an higher Tower: whence they made resistance; and found means at length, to consume with fire the work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Enemies. While the Carthaginians were busy in quenching the fire; the Romans, sallying out of the Town at two gates, charged them valiantly, and drove them to their trenches, with the slaughter of about fourteen hundred. The Consul wisely sounded the Retreat; ere his men were too far engaged, and Hannibal in a readiness to requited their service. Neither would He, in the pride of this good success, adventure forth against the Enemy; who presented him battle the day following, near unto the walls. Hannibal therefore, seeing no likelihood to prevail in that which he had taken in hand, broke up the siege; and returned to his old Camp at Tifata. About these times, and shortly after, when Fabius the other Consul had taken the field; some small Towns were recovered by the Romans, and the people severely punished for their revolt.  
The Carthaginian Army was too small, to fill with Garrisons all places that had yielded; and withal to abide (as it must do) strong in the field. Wherhfore Hannibal, attending the supply from home, that should enable him to strike at Rome itself, was driven in the mean time to altar his course of war: and, in stead of making (as formerly he had done) a general invasion upon the whole Country, to pass from place to place; and wait upon occasions, that grew daily more commodious to the enemy, than to him. The Country of the Hirpines' and Samnites was grievously wasted by Marcellus, in the the absence of Hannibal: as also was Campania, by 〈◊〉 the Consul; when Hannibal having followed Marcellus to Nola, and received there the loss before mentioned, was go to Winter in 〈◊〉. These people showed not the like spirit in defending their lands, and fight for the Carthaginian Empire, as in former times they had done; when they 〈◊〉 with the Romans, in their own behalf, to get the Sovereignty. They held it reason, that they should be protected, by such as thought to have dominion over them: whereby at once they overburdened their new Lords; and gave unto their old the more easy means, to take revenge of their defection.  
The people of Rome were very intentive, as necessity constrained them, to the work that they had in hand. They continued Fabius in his Consulship: and joined with him M. Claudius Marcellus; whom they had appointed unto that honour the year before. Of these two, Fabius was called the Shield: and Marcellus, the Roman Sword. In Fabius it was highly, and upon just reason, commended, That being himself Consul, and holding the Election, he did not stand upon nice points of formality, or regard what men might think of his ambition, but caused himself to be chosen with Marcellus; knowing in what need the City stood of able Commanders. The great name of these Consuls, and the great preparations which the Romans made; served to put the Campans in fear, that Capua itself should be besieged. To prevent this, Hannibal at their earnest 〈◊〉 come from Arpi: (where he lay, hearkening after news from Tarentum) and, having with his presence comforted these his friends, fell on the sudden upon Puteoli, a Sea-towne of Campania; about which he spent three days in vain, hoping to have won it. The Garrison in Puteoli was six thousand strong: and did their duty so well, that the Carthaginian, finding no hope of good success, could only show his anger upon the fields there, and about Naples; which having done, and once more (with as ill success as before) assayed 〈◊〉, he bent his course to Tarentum: wherein he had very great intelligence. Whilst he was in his progress thither; Hanno made a journey against Beneventum: and T. Gracchus the last years Consul, hasting from Nuceria, met him there; and fought with him a battle. Hanno had with him about seventeen thousand Foot, Brutians and Lucan's for the most part: besides twelve hundred Horse; very few of which were Italians, all the rest, 〈◊〉 and Moors. He held the Roman work four hours; ere it could be perceived, to which side the victory would incline. But Gracchus his soldiers, which were all (in a manner) the late-armed slaves, had received from their General a peremptory denunciation; That this day, or never, they must purchase their liberty, bringing every man, for price thereof, an Enemy's head. The sweet reward of liberty was so greatly desired, that noon of them feared any danger in earning it: how beit that vain labour, imposed by their General, of cutting off the 〈◊〉 Enemy's heads, troubled them exceedingly; and hindered the service, by employment of so many hands, in a work so little concerning the victory. Gracchus therefore finding his own error, wisely corrected it: proclaiming aloud, That they should cast away the heads, and spare the trouble of cutting off any more; for that all should have liberty immediately after the battle, if they wan the day. This encouragement made them run headlong upon the Enemy; whom their desperate fury had soon overthrown, if the Roman Horse could have made their part good against the Numidian. But though Hanno did what he could, and pressed so hard upon the Roman battle, that four thousand of the slaves, (for fear either of him, or of the punishment which Gracchus had threatened before the battle, unto those that should not valiantly behave themselves) retired unto a ground of strength: yet was he glad at length to save himself by flight, when the Gross of his Army was broken; being unable to remedy the loss. Leaving the field, he was accompanied by no more than two thousand: most of which were Horse; all the rest were either slain or taken. The Roman General gave unto all his soldiers that reward of liberty, which he had promised: but unto those four thousand, which had recoiled unto the Hill, he added this light punishment; That as long as they served in the wars, they should neither eat nor drink otherwise than standing, unless sickness forced them to break his Order. So the victorious Army returned to Beneventum: where the newly 〈◊〉 soldiers were feasted in public by the townsmen; some sitting, some standing, & all of them having their heads covered (as was the custom of slaves manumised) with Caps, or white wool. The picture of this Feast (as a thing worthy of remembrance) was afterward hung up in a Table by Gracchus, in the Temple of Liberty; which his father had built and dedicated. This was indeed the first Battle, worthy of great note, which the Carthaginians had lost since the coming of Hannibal into Italy: the victories of Marcellus at Nola, and of this Gracchus before at Hamae, being things of small importance.  
Thus the Romans through industry, by little and little, repaired that great Breach in their Estate, which Hannibal had made at Cannae. But all this while, and long after this, their Treasury was so poor, that no industry nor art could serve to help it. The first-fruits of their grounds did only (and perhaps hardly) serve, to 〈◊〉 their Towns and Armies; without any surplusage, that might be exchanged for other needful commodities. Few they were in Italy, that continued to pay them tribute: which also they could worse do than before; as living upon the same Trade, and subject to the same inconveniences, which enfeebled Rome itself. Sicily and Sardinia, that were wont to yield great profit, hardly now maintained the Roman armies, that lay in those Provinces, to hold them safe, and in good order. As for the Citizens of Rome, every one of them suffered his part of the detriment, which the Commonwealth sustained and could now do lest for his Country, when most need was: as also the number of them was much decreased; so as if money should be raised upon them by the poll, yet must it be far less, than in former times. The Senate therefore, diligently considering the greatness of the war within the bowels of Italy, that could not be thence expelled without the exceeding charge of many good Armies; the peril, wherein Sicily and Sardinia stood, both of the Carthaginians, and of many among the Naturals declining from the friendship or subjection of Rome; the threats of the Macedonian, readic to land in the Eastern parts of Italy, if they were not at the cost to find him work at home; the greater threats of Asdrubal, to follow his brother over the Alpss, as soon as he could rid himself of the Scipio's in Spain; and the poverty of the Commonwealth, which had not money for any one of these mortal dangers; were driven almost even to extreme want of counsel. But being urged by the violence of swift necessity, signified in the letters of the two Scipio's from Spain; they resolved upon the only course, without which the City could not have subsisted.  
They 〈◊〉 the people to Assembly: wherein Q. Fuluius the Praetor laid open the public wants; and plainly said, That in this Exigent, there must be no taking of money for victual, weapons, apparel, or the like things needful to the Soldiers: but that such as had stuff, or were artificers, must trust the Commonwealth with the Loane of their commodities, and labours, until the War were ended. Hereunto he so effectually exhorted all men, especially the Publicans or Customers, and those which in former times had lived upon their dealing in the common Revenues, that the charge was under-taken by private men; and the Army in Spain as well supplied, as if the Treasury had been full. Shortly after this, M Atilius Regulus, and P. Furius Philus the Roman Censors, taking in hand the redress of disorders within the City, were chief intentive to the correction of those, that had mis-behaved themselves in this present war. They began with L. Caecilius Metellus: who, after the battle at Cannae, had held discourse with some of his companions, about flying beyond the Seas; as if Rome, and all Italy, had been no better than lost. After him they took in hand those, that having brought to Rome the message of their fellows made prisoners at Cannae, returned not back to Hannibal, as they were bound by oath; but thought themselves thereof sufficiently discharged, in that they had stepped once back into his camp; with pretence of taking better notice of the Captives names. All these were now pronounced infamous by the Censors: as also were a great many more; even whosoever had not served in the wars, after the term which the Laws appointed: Neither was the note of the Censors at this time (as otherwise it had used to be) hurtful only in reputation: but greater weight was added thereunto, by this Decree of the Senate following: That all such as were noted with infamy by these Censors, should be transported into Sicill, there to serve until the end of the War, under the same hard conditions, that were imposed upon the Remainder of the Army beaten at Cannae. The Office of the Censors was; to take the List and account of the Citizens; to choose or displace the Senators; and to set notes of disgrace (without further punishment) upon those, whose unhonest or unseemly behaviour fell not within compass of the Law. They took also an account of the Roman Gentlemen: among whom they distributed the public Horses of service, unto such as they thought meet; or took them away for their misbehaviour. Generally, they had the oversight of men's lives and manners: and their censure was much reverenced and feared; though it extended no further, than to putting men out of rank; or making them change their Tribe; or (which was the most that they could do) causing them to pay some Duties to the Treasury, from which others were exempted. But besides the care of this general Tax, and matters of Morality, they had the charge of all public Works; as mending of Highways, Bridges, and Watercourses; the reparations of Temples, Porches, and such other buildings. If any man encroached upon the streets, Highways, or other places that aught to be common; the Censors compelled him to make amendss. They had also the letting out of Lands, Customs, and other public Revenues, to farm: so that most of the Citizens of Rome were beholding unto this Office, as maintaining themselves by some of the Trades thereto belonging. And this was no small help to conserve the dignity of the Senate: the 〈◊〉 being obnoxious unto the Censors; which were always of that Order, and careful to up-hold the reputation thereof. But the Commonweal being now impoverished by war, and having small store of Lands to let, or of Customs that were worth the farming; Regulus and 〈◊〉 troubled not themselves much with perusing the Temples, or other decayed Places, that needed reparations: or if they took a view of what was requisite to be done in this kind; yet forbore they to set any thing in hand, because they had not wherewith to pay. Herein again appeared a notable generosity of the Romans. They that had been accustomed, in more happy times, to undertake such pieces of work, offered now themselves as willingly to the Censors, as if there had been no such want: promising liberally their cost and travel; without expectation of any payment, before the end of the war. In like sort, the Masters of those slaves, that lately had been enfranchised by Gracchus, were very well contented to forbear the 〈◊〉 of them, until the City were in better-case to pay. In this general inclination of the Multitude, to relieve, as far forth as every one was able, the common necessity; all the goods of Orphans, and of widows living under Patronage, were brought into the Treasury; and there the Quaestor kept a book, of all that was laid out for the sustenance of these Widows and Orphans: whilst the whole 〈◊〉 was used by the City. This good example of those which remained in the Town, prevailed with the Soldiers abroad: so that (the poorer sort excepted) they refused to take pay; and called those Mercenaries, that did accept it, when their country was in so great want.  
The twelve hundred Talents, wrongfully extorted from the Carthaginians; nor any injuries following, done by the Romans in the height of their pride; yielded half so much commodity, as might be laid in balance against these miseries, whereinto their Estate was now reduced. Nevertheless, if we consider things aright; the calamities of this War did rather enable 〈◊〉 to deal with those Enemies, whom she forthwith undertook, than abate or slacken the growth of that large Dominion, whereto she attained, ere the youngest of those men was dead, whose names we have already mentioned. For by this hammering, the Roman metal grew more hard and solid: and by paring the branches of private fortunes, the Root and Heart of the Commonwealth was corroborated. So grew the City of Athens; when Xerxes had burnt the Town to ashes, and taken from every particular Citizen all hope of other felicity, than that which rested in the common happiness of the universality. Certain it is, (as Sir Francis Bacon hath judiciously observed) That a State, whose dimension or slemme is small, may aptly serve to be foundation of a great Monarchy: which chief comes to pass, where all regard of domestical prosperity is laid aside; and every man's care addressed to the benefit of his countric. Hereof I might say, that our Age hath scene a great example, in the united Provinces in the Netherlandss; whose present riches and strength grew chief from that ill assurance, which each of their Towns, or almost of their Families, perceived itself to hold, whilst the Generality was oppressed by the Duke of Alva; were it so, that the people had thereby grown as warlike, as by extreme industry, and straining themselves to fill their public Treasury, they are all grown wealthy, strong at Sea, and able to wage great Armies for their services by Land. Wherhfore if we value at such a rate as we aught, the patiented Resolution, conformity to good Order, obedience to Magistrates, with many other Virtues, and, above all other, the great love of the Commonweal, which was found in Rome in these dangerous times: we may truly say. That the City was never in greater likelihood to prospero. Neither can it be deemed otherwise, than that if the same affections of the people had lasted, when their Empire, being grown more large and beautiful, should in all reason have been more dear unto them, if the riches and delicacies of Asia had not infected them with sensuality, and carried their appetites mainly to those pleasures, wherein they thought their well-being to consist; if all the Citizens, and Subjects of Rome could have believed their own interest to be as great, in those wars which these latter Emperors made for their defence, as in these which were managed by the Consuls: the Empire, founded upon so great virtue, could not have been thrown down by the hands of rude Barbarians, were they never so many. But unto all Dominions God hath set their periods: Who, though he hath given unto Man the knowledge of those ways, by which Kingdoms rise and fall; yet hath left him subject unto the affections, which draw on these fatal changes, in their times appointed.   

§. XIIII. The Romans win some Towns back from HANNIBAL. HANNIBAL wins Tarentum. The siege of Capua. Two victories of HANNIBAL. The tournie of HANNIBAL to the gates of Rome. Capua taken by the Romans.  
AS the People of Rome strained themselves to the utmost, for maintaining the war: so their Generals abroad omitted no part of industry, in seeking to recover what had been lost. The Town of Casiline Fabius besieged. It was well defended by the Carthaginian Garrison; and likely to have been relieved by those of Capua, if Marcellus from Nola had not come to the assistance of his Colleague. Nevertheless the place held out so obstinately, that Fabius was purposed to give it over: saying, that the enterprise was not great; yet as difficult, as a thing of more importance. But Marcellus was of a contrary opinion. He said, That many such things, as were not at first to have been under-taken by great Commanders, aught yet, when once they were taken in hand, to be prosecuted unto the best effect. So the siege held on: and the Town was pressed so hard, that the Campans dwelling therein grew fearful, and craved parley; offering to give it up, so as all might have leave to departed in safety, wither they pleased. Whilst they were thus treating of conditions: or whilst they were issuing forth, according to the composition already made; (for it is diversly reported) Marcellus, seizing upon a Gate, entered with his Army, and put all to sword that come in their way. Fifty of those that were first gotten out, ran to Fabius the Consul: who saved them, and sent them to Capua in safety; all the rest were either slain, or made prisoners. If Fabius deserved commendations, by holding his word good unto these fifty; I know not how the slaughter of the rest, or imprisonment afterward of such, as scaped the heat of execution, could be excused by Marcellus. It may be that he helped himself, after the Roman fashion, with some equivocation, but he shall pay for it hereafter. In like sort was Mount Marsam in Gascoigne taken by the Martial Monluc, when I was a young man in France. For whilst he entertained parley about composition; the besieged ran all from their several guards, upon hasty desire of being acquainted with the conditions proposed. The Marshal therefore discovering a part of the walls unguarded, entered by Scalado; and put all save the Governor unto the sword. Herein that Governor of Mount Marsam committed two gross errors; the one, in that he gave no order for the Captains and Companies, to hold themselves in their places; the other, in that he was content to parley, without pledges for assurance given and received. Some such oversight, the Governor of Casiline seemeth to have committed; yet neither the advantage taken by Marcellus, or by Monluc, was very honourable. When this Work was ended, many small Towns of the Samnites, and some of the Lucan's and Apulians, were recovered: wherein were taken, or slain, about five and twenty thousand of the Enemies; and the Country grievously wasted by Fabius, Marcellus lying sick at Nola.  
Hannibal in the mean while was about Tarentum; waiting to hear from those, that had promised to give up the Town. But M. Valerius, the Roman Propretor, had thrust so many men into it, that the Traitors durst not stir. Wherhfore the Carthaginian was 〈◊〉 to departed; having wearied himself in vain with expectation. Yet he wasted not the Country; but contented himself with hope, that they would please him better in time following. So he departed thence toward Salapia: which he chose for his wintering place; and began to victual it, when Summer was but half past. It is said, that he was in love with a young Wench in that town: in which regard if he began his Winter more timely, than otherwise need required, He did not like the Romans; whom necessity enforced, to make their Summer last as long, as they were able to travel up and down the Country.  
About this time began great troubles in Sicily; wither Marcellus the Consul was sent, to take such order for the Province, as need should require. Of the doings there, which wore out more time than his Consulship, we will speak hereafter.  
The new Consuls, chosen at Rome, were Q. Fabius the son of the present Consul, and T. Sempronius Gracchus the second time. The Romans found it needful for the public service, to employ oftentimes their best able men: and therefore made it lawful, during the war, to recontinue their Officers, and choose such, as had lately held their places before; without regarding any distance of time, which was otherwise required. The old Fabius become Lieutenant unto his son: which was perhaps the respect, that most commended his son unto the place. It is noted, That when the old man come into the camp, and his son road forth to meet him: eleven of the twelve Lictors, which carried each an axe with a bundle of rods before the Consul, suffered him, in regard of due reverence, to pass by them on horseback; which was against the custom. But the son perceiving this, commanded the last of his Lictors to note it: who thereupon bade the old Fabius alight, and come to the Consul on his feet. The father cheerfully did so; saying, It was my mind, son, to make trial, whither thou didst understand thyself to be Consul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a wealthy Citizen of Arpi, who, after the battle at Cannae, had helped the Carthaginian into that Town, seeing now the fortune of the Romans to amend; come privily to this Consul Fabius, and offered to tender it back unto him, if he might be therefore well rewarded. The Consul purposed to follow old examples: and to make this Altinius a pattern to all Traitors; using him, as Camillus and Fabricius had done those, that offered their unfaithful service against the 〈◊〉, and King Pyrrhus. But Q. Fabius the father, was of another opinion: and said, it was a matter of dangerous consequence, That it should be thought more safe to revolt from the Romans, than to turn unto them. Wherhfore it was concluded, that he should be sent to the Town of Cales, and there kept as prisoner; until they could better resolve, what to do with him, or what use to make of him. Hannibal, understanding that Altinius was go, and among the Romans, took it not sorrowfully; but thought this a good occasion, to seize upon all the mansriches, which were great. Yet, that he might seem rather severe, than covetous, He sent for the wife and children of Altinius into his camp: where having examined them by torment, partly concerning the departure and intentions of this fugitive, partly, and more strictly, about his riches, what they were, and where they lay, He condemned them, as partakers of the Treason, to be burnt alive; and took all their goods unto himself. Fabius the Consul shortly after come to Arpi: which he wan by Scalado, in a stormy and rainy night. Five thousand of Hannibal's Soldiers lay in the Town; and of the Arpines' themselves, there were about three thousand. These were thrust foremost by the Carthaginian Garrison; when it was understood, that the Romans had gotten over the wall, and broken open a Gate. For the soldiers held the townsmen suspected; and therefore thought it no wisdom, to trust them at their backs. But after some little resistance, the Arpines' gave over fight, and entertained parley with the Romans: protesting, that they had been betrayed by their Princes; and were become subject to the Carthaginians, against their wills. In process of this discourse, the Arpine Praetor went unto the Roman Consul: and receiving his faith for security of the Town, presently made head against the Garrison. This notwithstanding; like it is, that Hannibal's men continued to make good resistance. For when almost a thousand of them, that were Spaniards, offered to leave 〈◊〉 companions, and serve on the Roman side; it was yet covenanted, That the Carthaginians should be suffered to pass forth quietly, and return to Hannibal. This was performed: and so Arpi become Roman again; with little other loss, than of him that had betrayed it. About the same time, Cliternum was taken by 〈◊〉 Tuditanus, one of the Praetors: and unto Cneius Fuluius, another of the Praetors, an hundred and twelve Gentlemen of Capua offered their service; upon no other condition, than to have their goods restored unto them, when their City should be recovered by the Romans. This was a thing of small importance: but considering the general hatred of the Campans toward Rome, it served to discover the inclination of the Italians in those times; and how their affections recoiled from Hannibal, when there was no appearance of those mighty succours, that had been promised from Carthage. The Consentines also, and the Thurines, people of the Brutians, that had yielded themselves to Hannibal; returned again to their old allegiance. Others would have followed their example, but that one L. Pomponius, who of a Publican had made himself a Captain, and gotten reputation by some petty exploits in foraging the country, was slain by Hanno, with a great multitude of those that followed him. Hannibal in the mean while had all his care bend upon Tarentum; which if he could take, it seemed that it would stand him in good stead, for drawing over that help out of Macedon, which his Carthaginians failed to sand. Long he waited, ere he could bring his desire to pass: and being loathe to hazard his forces, where he hoped to prevail by intelligence; He contented himself, with taking in some poor Towns of the Salentines. At length, his Agents within Tarentum found means to accomplish their purpose, and his wish. One Phileas, that was of their conspiracy, who lay at Rome as Ambassador, practising with the Hostages of the Tarentines, & such as had the keeping of them, conveyed them by night out of the City. But he and his company were the next day so closely pursued, that all of them were taken, and brought back to Rome; where they suffered death, as Traitors. By reason of this cruelty, or severity, the people of Tarentum grew to hate the Romans, more generally and earnestly than before. As for the Conspirators, they followed their business the more diligently; as knowing what reward they were to expect, if their intention should happen to be discovered. Wherhfore they sent again to Hannibal: and acquainting him with the manner of their plot, made the same composition with him for the 〈◊〉, which they of Capua had made before. Nico and Philomenes, two the chief among them, used much to go forth of the Town on hunting by night; as if they durst not take their pleasure by day, for fear of the Carthaginians. Seldom or never they miss of their game: for the Carthaginians prepared it ready for their hands, that they might not seem to have been abroad upon other occasion. From the camp of Hannibal, it was about three days journey to Tarentum, if he should have marched thither with his whole Army. This caused his long abode in one place the less to be suspected: as also to make his Enemies the more secure, He caused it to be given out, that he was sick. But when the Romans within Tarentum, were grown careless of such his neighbourhood, and the Conspirators had set their business in order; He took with him ten thousand the most expedite of his horse and foot; and long before break of day, made all speed thitherward. Fourscore light horse of the Numidians ran a great way before him, beating all the ways, and kill any that they met, for fear jest he, and his troop following him, should be discovered. It had been often the manner of some few Numidian horse, to do the like in former times. Wherhfore the Roman Governor, when he heard tell in the evening, that some Numidians were abroad in the fields, took it for a sign, that Hannibal was not as yet dislodged; and gave order, that some companies should be sent out the next morning, to strip them of their booty, and sand them go. But when it grew dark night; Hannibal, guided by Philomenes, come close to the town: where, according to the tokens agreed upon, making a light to show his arrival; Nico, that was within the Town, answered him with another light, in sign that he was ready. Presently Nico began to set upon one of the Gates, and to kill the watchmen. 〈◊〉 went toward another gate: and whistling (as was his manner) called up the 〈◊〉; bidding him make haste, for that he had killed a great Boar, so heavy, that scarce two men could stand under it. So the Porter opened the wicket: and forthwith entered two young men, loaden with the Boar; which Hannibal had prepared large enough, to be worthy the looking on. While the Porter stood wondering at the largeness of the beast, Philomenes ran him through with his Boar-spear: and letting in some thirty armed men, fell upon all the watch; whom when he had slain, he entered the great gate. So the Army of Hannibal, entering 〈◊〉 at two gates, went 〈◊〉 toward the Marketplace; where both parts met. Thence they were distributed by their General, and sent into all quarters of the City, with Tarentines to be their guides. They were commanded to kill all the Romans; and not to hurt the Citizens. For better performance hereof Hannibal willed the Conspirators, that when any of their friends appeared in sight, they should bid him be quiet, and of good cheer. All the Town was in an uproar: but few could tell what the matter meant. A Roman trumpet was unskilfully sounded by a Greek in the Theatre: which helped the suspicion, both of the Tarentines, that the Romans were about to spoil the Town; and of the Romans, that the Citizens were in commotion. The Governor fled into the Port: and taking boat, got into the Citadel, that stood in the mouth of the Haven; whence he might easily perceive the next morning, how all had passed. Hannibal, assembling the Tarentines, gave them to understand, what good affection he bore them; inveighed bitterly against the Romans, as tyrannous oppressors; and spoke what else he thought fit for the present. This done: and having gotten such spoil as was to be had of the Soldiers goods in the Town, He addressed himself against the Citadel; hoping that if the Garrison would sally out, he might give them such a blow, as should make them unable to defend the Piece. According to his expectation it partly fell out. For when he began to make his approaches, the Romans in a bravery sallying forth, gave charge upon his men: who fell back of purpose according to direction, till they had drawn on as many as they could, and so far from their strength, as they durst adventure. Than gave Hannibal a sign to his Carthaginians, who lay prepared ready for the purpose: and fiercely setting upon the Enemy, drove him back with great slaughter, as fast as he could run; so that afterwards he durst not issue forth. The Citadel stood upon a Demi-Iland, that was plain ground; and fortified only with a ditch and wall against the Town, whereunto it was joined by a causey. This causey 〈◊〉 intended to fortify in like sort against the Citadel; to the end that the Tarentines might be able, without his help, to keep themselves from all danger thence. His work in few days went so well forward, without impediment from the besieged, that he conceived hope of winning the Piece itself, by taking a little more pains. Wherhfore he made ready all sorts of engines, to force the place. But whilst he was busied in his works, there come by Sea a strong supply from Metapontum: which took away all hope of prevailing; and made him return to his former counsel. Now for asmuch as the Tarentine fleet lay within the Haven, and could not pass forth, whilst the Romans held the Citadel: it seemed likely, that the Town would suffer want, being debarred of accustomed trade and provisions by Sea; whilst the Roman Garrison, by help of their shipping, might easily be relieved, and enabled to hold out. Against this inconvenience, it was rather wished by the Tarentines, than any way hoped, that their fleet could get out of the Haven; to guard the mouth of it, and cut off all supply from the Enemy, Hannibal told them, that this might well be done: for that their Town standing in plain ground, and their streets being fair and broad, it would be no hard matter to draw the Galleys over Land, and 〈◊〉 them into the Sea without. This he undertook and effected: whereby the Roman Garrison was reduced into great necessity; though with much 〈◊〉 it held out, and found Hannibal oftentimes otherwise busied, than his affairs required.  
Thus with mutual loss on both sides, the time passed: and the Roman forces, growing daily stronger, Q. Fulvius Flaccus, with 〈◊〉 Claudius, lately chosen Consuls, prepared to be siege the great City of Capua. Three and twenty Legions the Romans had now armed. This was a great and 〈◊〉 growth from that want of men, and of all necessaries, whereinto the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had reduced them. But to fill up these Legions, they were feign to take up young Boys, that were under seventeen years of age: and to sand Commissioners above fifty miles round, for the seeking out of such Lads as might appear serviceable, & pressing them to the wars; making yet a Law, That their years of service, whereinto they were bound by order of the City, should be reckoned, for their benefit, from this their beginning so young, as if they had been of lawful age. Before the Roman Army drew near, the Campans felt great want of victuals, as if they had already been besieged. This happened partly by sloth of the Nation, partly by the great waste and spoil, which the Romans had in foregoing 〈◊〉 made upon their grounds. They sent therefore Ambassadors to Hannibal; desiring him to secure them ere they were closed up, as they seared to be shortly. He gave them comfortable words: and sent Hanno with an Army to supply their wants. Hanno appointed them a day; against which they should be ready with all manner of carriages, to store themselves with victuals, that he would provide. Neither did he promise' more, than he performed. For he caused great quantity of grain, that had been laid up in Cities round about, to be brought into his camp, three miles from Beneventum. Thither at the time appointed come no more than forty Carts or Wagons, with a few packhorses; as if this had been enough to victual Capua. Such was the recklessness of the Campans. Hanno was exceeding angry hereat: and told them they were worse than very beasts; since hunger could not teach them to have greater care. Wherhfore he gave them a longer day; against which he made provision to store them thoroughly. Of all these doings word was sent to the Roman Consuls, from the Citizens of 〈◊〉. Therefore Q. 〈◊〉 the Consul, taking with him such strength as he thought needful for the service, come into Beneventum by night; where with diligence he made inquiry into the behaviour of the Enemy. He learned, that Hanno with part of his Army was go abroad to make provisions; that some two thousand Wagons, with a great rabble of Carters and other Varlets, lay among the Carthaginians in their camp; so that little good order was kept: all thought being set upon a great Harvest. Hereupon the Consul bade his men prepare themselves, to assail the Enemy's camp: and leaving all his impediments within Beneventum, He marched thitherward so early in the morning, that he was there with the first break of day. By coming so unexpected, He had well-near forced the camp on the sudden. But it was very strong, and very well defended: so that the longer the fight continued, the less desire had Fuluius to lose more of his men in the attempt; seeing many of them cast away, and yet little hope of doing good. Therefore he said, that it were better to go more leisurely and substantially to work; to sand for his fellow-Consul with the rest of their Army; and to lie between Hanno and home; that neither the Campans should departed thence, nor the Carthaginian be able to relieve them. Being thus discoursing, and about to sounded the retreat; he seen, that some of his men had gotten over the Enemy's Rampart. There was great booty; or (which was all one to the soldier) an opinion of much that might be gotten in that camp. Wherhfore some Ensigne-bearers threw their Ensigns over the Rampart, willing their men to fetch them out, unless they would endure the shame and dishonour following such a loss. Fear of such ignominy, than which noon could be greater, made the Soldiers adventure so desperately; that Fuluius, perceiving the heat of his men, changed purpose, and encouraged those that were somewhat backward, to follow the example of them, that had already gotten over the Trenches. Thus the camp was won: in which were slain above six thousand; and taken, above seven thousand, besides all the store of victuals, and carriages, with abundance of booty, that Hanno had lately gotten from the Roman Confederates. This misadventure, and the nearer approach of both the Consuls, made them of Capua sand a pitiful Embassage to Hannibal: putting him in mind of all the love, that he was wont to protest unto their City; and how he had made show, to affect it no less than 〈◊〉. But now, they said, it would be lost, as Arpi was lately, if he gave not strong and speedy succour. Hannibal answered with comfortable words: and sent away two thousand horse, to keep their grounds from spoil; whilst he himself was detained about Tarentum, partly by hope of winning the citadel, partly by the disposition, which he seen in many towns adjoining, to yield unto him. Among the Hostages of the Tarentines, that lately had fled out of Rome, and being overtaken, suffered death for their attempt; were some of the 〈◊〉, and other Cities of the Greeks', inhabiting that Eastern part of Italy, which was called of old Magna Graecia. These people took to heart the death of their Hostages; and thought the punishment greater, than the offence. Wherhfore the 〈◊〉, as soon as the Roman Garrison was taken from them, to defend the citadel of Tarentum, made no more ado, but opened their gates to Hannibal. The Thurines would have done the like, upon the like reason: had not some companies lain in their Town; which they feared that they should not be able to master. Nevertheless they helped themselves by cunning: inviting to their gates Hanno and Mago, that were near at hand: against whom whilst they proffered their service to 〈◊〉, the Roman captain, they drew him forth to fight; and recoiling from him, closed up their gates. A little formality they used in pretending fear, jest the Enemy should break in together with the Romans; in saving Atinius himself, and sending him away by Sea; as also in consulting a small while (because perhaps many of their chief men were unacquainted with the practice) whither they should yield to the Carthaginian, or no. But this disputation lasted not long: for they that had removed the chief impediment, easily prevailed in the rest; and delivered up the Town to 〈◊〉 and Mago. This good success, and hope of the like, detained Hannibal in those quarters; whilst the Consuls, fortifying Beneventum to secure their backs, addressed themselves unto the siego of 〈◊〉.  
Many disasters befell the Romans, in the beginning of this great enterprise. T. Sempronius Gracchus, a very good man of war, that had of late been twice Consul, was slain either by treachery of some Lucan's, that drew him into ambush; or by some Carthaginian stragglers, among whom he fell unawares. His body, or his head, was very honourably interred, either by Hannibal himself, or (for the reports agreed not) by the Romans; to whom Hannibal sent it. He was appointed to lie in Beneventum, there to secure the back of the Army that should besiege Capua. But his death happened in an ill time; to the great hindrance of that business. The Volones, or Slaves lately manumised, forsook their Ensigns, and went every one wither he thought good, as if they had been discharged by the decease of their Leader; so that it asked some labour to seek them out, and bring them back into their camp. Nevertheless the Consuls went forward with their work: and drawing near to Capua, did all acts of hostility which they could. Mago the Carthaginian, and the Citizens of Capua, gave them an hard welcome; wherein above fifteen hundred Romans were lost. Neither was it long, 〈◊〉 Hannibal come thither: who fought with the Consuls, and had the better; insomuch that he caused them to dislodge. They removed by night, and went several ways: 〈◊〉 toward 〈◊〉; 〈◊〉, into 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 followed after Claudius: who having led him a great walk, fetched a compass about, and returned to Capua. It so fell out, that one M. Centenius Penula a stout man, and one that with good commendations had discharged the place of a 〈◊〉, lay with an Army not far from thence, where Hannibal rested, when he was weary of hunting after Claudius. This Penula had made great vaunts to the Roman Senate, of wonders which he would work, if he might be trusted with the leading of five thousand men. The Fathers were unwilling in such a time, to reject the virtue of any good Soldier; how mean so ever his condition were. Wherefore they gave him the charge of eight thousand: and he himself, being a proper man, and talking bravely gathered up so many voluntaries, as almost doubled his number. But meeting thus with Hannibal, he gave proof of the difference, between a stout Centurion, and one able to command in chief. He and his fellows were all (in a manner) slain; scarce a thousand of them escaping. Soon after this Hannibal had word, that Cn. Fuluius, a Roman 〈◊〉, with eighteen thousand men, was in Apulia, very careless, and a man insufficient for the charge which he held. Thither he therefore hasted, to visit him: hoping to deal the better with the main strength of Rome, which pointed at 〈◊〉, when he should have cut off those forces, that lay in the Provinces 〈◊〉, under men of small ability. Coming upon Fuluius, He found him and his men so 〈◊〉, that needs they would have fought the first night. Wherhfore it was not to be doubted, what would happen the day following. So he bestowed Mago with three thousand of his lightest armed, in places thereabouts most fit for ambush. Than offering battle to 〈◊〉, He soon had him in the trap: whence he made him glad to escape alive; leaving all, save two thousand of his followers, dead behind him.  
These two great blows, received one presently after the other, much astonished the Romans. Nevertheless all care was taken, to gather up the small relics of the broken Armies: and that the Consuls should go substantially forwards with the siege of Capua; which was of great consequence, both in matter of reputation, and in many other respects. The two Consuls sat down before the town: and C. Claudius Nero, one of the Praetors, come with his Army from Suessula to their assistance. They made Proclamation, That whosoever would issue forth of Capua before a certain day prefixed, should have his pardon, and be suffered to enjoy all that unto him belonged: which day being past, there should be no grace expected. This offer was contumeliously rejected; the Capuans relying on their own strength, and the succours attended from Hannibal. Before the City was closed up, they sent 〈◊〉 to the Carthaginian; which found him at Brundisium. He had made a long journey, in hope of gaining the Tarentine citadel: of which expectation failing, he turned to Brundisium; upon advertisement that he should be let in. There the Capuans met him; told him of their danger with earnest words; and were with words as brave recomforted. He bade them consider, how a few days since he had chased the Consuls out of their fields; and told them, that he would presently come thither again and sand the Romans going, as fast as before. With this good answer the Messengers returned: and hardly could get back into the city; which the Romans had almost entrenched round. As for Hannibal himself; He was of opinion, that Capua, being very well manned, and hearty devoted unto his friendship, would hold out a long time: and thereby give him leisure, to do what he thought requisite among the Tarentines, and in those Eastern parts of Italy; whilst the Roman army spent itself in a tedious siege. Thus he lingered: and thereby gave the Consul's time, both to fortify themselves at Capua, and to dispatch the election of new Magistrates in Rome; whilst he himself pursued hopes, that never found success.  
Claudius and Fuluius, when their term of Office was expired, were appointed to continued the siege at Capua; retaining the same Armies, as Proconsuls. The townsmen often sallied out: rather in a bravery, than likelihood to work any matter of effect; the Enemy lying close within his Trenches, as intending, without other violence, to subdue them by famine. Yet against the Campan horse (for their foot was easily beaten) the Romans used to thrust out some troops, that should hold them skirmish. In these exercises the Campans usually had the better, to the great 〈◊〉 of their proud Enemy; who scorned to take foil at the hands of such Rebels. It was therefore devised, that some active and courageous young men, should learn to ride behind the Roman men at arms; leaping up, and again dismounting lightly, as occasion served. These were furnished like the Velites, having each of them three or four small darts: which, alighting in time of conflict, they discharged thick upon the Enemy's horse; whom vanquishing in this kind of service, they much disheartened in the main. The time thus passing, and famine daily increasing within the City; Hannibal come at length, not expected by the Romans: and taking a Fort of theirs, called 〈◊〉, fell upon their camp. At the same time the Capuans issued with their whole power, in as terrible manner as they could devise: setting all their multitude of unserviceable people on the walls; which, with a loud noise of pans and Basins, troubled those that were occupied in fight. Appius Claudius opposing himself to the Campans, easily defended his Trenches against them; and so well repressed them, that he drove them at length back into their City. Nevertheless, in pursuing them to their gates. He received a wound, that accompanied him in short space after to his grave. Q. Fuluius was held harder to his task, by Hannibal and the 〈◊〉 Army. The Roman camp was even at point to have been lost: and Hannibal his Elephants, of which he brought with him three and thirty, were either gotten within the rampart, or else (for the report varies) being some of them slain upon it, fell into the ditch; and filled it up in such sort, that their bodies served as a bridge unto the Assailants. It is said, that Hannibal in this tumult caused some fugitives, that could speak Latin well, to proclaim aloud, as it were in the Consuls name, That every one of the Soldiers should shifted for himself, and fly betimes unto the next Hills, for asmuch as the camp was already lost. But all would not serve. The fraud was detected: and the Army, having sitten there so long, had at good leisure strongly entrenched itself; so as little hope there was to raise the siege by force.  
This did extremely perplex the Carthaginian. The purchase of Capua had (as was thought) withheld him from taking Rome itself: and now his desire of winning the Tarentine Citadel, had well-near lost Capua; in respect of which, neither the Citadel, nor City of Tarentum, were to have been much regarded. Falling therefore into a desperate anger with himself and his hard fortune, that of so many great victories he had made no greater use: on the sudden he entertained an haughty resolution, even to set upon Rome; and carry to the walls of that proud City, the danger of war that threatened Capua. This he thought would be a mean, to draw the Roman Generals, or one of them at lest, unto the defence of their own home. If they rose from the siege with their whole Army; then had he his desire: If they divided their forces; then was it likely, that either he or the 〈◊〉 should well enough deal with them apart. Neither did he despair, that the terror of his coming might so astonish the multitude within Rome, as he might enter some part or other of the City. His only fear was, left the Campans, being ignorant of his purpose, should think he had forsaken them; and thereupon forthwith yield themselves to the Enemy. To prevent this danger, He sent letters to Capua by a subtle 〈◊〉: who running as a fugitive into the Roman camp, conveyed himself thence over the innermost Trenches into the City. The journey to Rome, was to be performed with great celerity: no small hope of good success, resting in the suddenness of his arrival there. Wherhfore he caused his men, to have in a readiness ten days victuals; and prepared as many boats, as might in one night transport his Army over the River of Vulturnus. This could not be done so closely, but That the Roman Generals by some fugitives had notice of his purpose. With this danger therefore they acquainted the Senate which was there with affected, according to the diversity of men's opinions, in a case of such importance. Some gave counsel to let alone Capua, yea and all places else, rather than to put the Town of Rome into peril of being taken by the Enemy. Others were so far from allowing of this, as they wondered how any man could think, that Hannibal, being unable to relieve Capua, should judge himself strong enough to win Rome; and therefore stoutly said, That, those Legions, which were kept at home for defence of the City, would serve the turn well enough, to keep him out, and sand him thence; if he were so unwise, as to come thither. But it was finally concluded, that letters should be sent to 〈◊〉 and Claudius, acquainting them perfectly with the forces, that at the present were in Rome: who, since they knew best, what the strength was which Hannibal could bring along with him, were best able to judge, what was needful to oppose him. So it was referred unto the discretion of these Generals at Capua, to do as they thought behovesull: and if it might conveniently be, neither to raise their siege, nor yet to put the City of Rome into much adventure. According to this Decree of the Senate, Q. Fuluius took fifteen thousand foot, and a thousand horse, the choice of his whole Army: with which he hasted toward Rome; leaving App Claudius, who could not travel by reason of his wound, to continued the siege at Capua.  
Hannibal, having passed over Vulturnus, burnt up all his boats; and left nothing that might serve to transport the Enemy, in case he should offer to pursue or coast him. Than hasted he away toward Rome; staying no longer in any one place, than he needs must. Yet found he the bridges over Liris broken down, by the people of Fregellae: which as it stopped him a little on his way; so it made him the more grievously to spoil their lands, whiles the bridges were in mending. The nearer that he drew to Rome, the greater waste he made: his Numidians running before him; driving the Country, and kill or taking multitudes of all sorts and ages, that fled out of all parts round about. The messengers of these news come a pace, one after another into the City; some few bringing true advertisements; but the most of them reporting the conceits of their own fear. All the streets, and Temples in Rome, were pestered with women, crying and praying, and rubbing the Altars with their hair, because they could do noon other good. The Senators were all in the great Market, or place of Assembly; ready to give their advice, if it were asked, or to take directions given by the Magistrates. All places of most importance were stuffed with soldiers: it being uncertain, upon which part Hannibal would fall. In the midst of this trepidation, there come news that Q. Fuluius, with part of the Army from Capua, was hasting to defence of the City. The Office of a Proconsul did expire, at his return home, and entry into the Gates of Rome. Wherhfore, that 〈◊〉 might loose nothing by coming into the City in time of such need, an Act was passed, That he should have equal power with the Consuls, during his abode there. He and Hannibal arrived at Rome, one soon after another: Fuluius having been long held occupied in passing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and Hannibal receiving impediment in his journey, as much as the Country was able to give. The Consuls, and Fuluius, encamped without the Gates of Rome; attending the Carthaginian. Thither they called the Senate: and as the danger grew nearer and greater; so took they more careful and especial order against all occurrences. Hannibal come to the River Anio or Anien, three miles from the Town; whence he advanced with two thousand Horse, and road along a great way under the walls; viewing the site thereof, and considering how he might best approach it. But he either went, or (as the Roman Story saith) was driven away; without doing, or receiving any hurt. Many tumults rose in this while among the people; but were supressed by 〈◊〉 and diligence of the Senators. Above the rest one accident was both 〈◊〉, and not without peril. Of Numidians that had shifted side, and fallen (upon some displeasures) from Hannibal to the Romans, there were some twelve hundred then in Rome; which were appointed by the Consuls, to pass through the Town, from the Mount Aventine to the Gate Collina, where it was thought that their service might be useful, among broken ways, and Garden walls lying in the suburbs. The 〈◊〉 of these men, and their furniture, wherein they differed not from the followers of 〈◊〉; bred such mistaking, as caused a great uproar among the people: all crying out, that Aventine was taken, and the enemy gotten within the walls. The noise was such, that men could not be informed of the truth: and the streets were so full of cat-tail, and husbandmen, which were fled thither out of the Villages adjoining, that the passage was stopped up: and the poor Numidians pitifully beaten from the house-toppes, with stones and other weapons that come next to hand, by the desperate multitude, that would have run out at the gates, had it not been certain who lay under the walls. To remedy the like inconveniences, it was ordained, That all which had been Dictators, Consuls, or Censors, should have authority as Magistrates, till the Enemy departed. The day following, Hannibal passed over Anien, and presented battle to the Romans, who did not wisely if they undertook it. It is said, that a terrible shower of rain, caused both Romans & Carthaginians to return into their several Camps: and that this happened two days together, the weather breaking up, and clearing, as soon as they were departed asunder. Certain it is, that Hannibal, who had brought along with him no more than ten days provision, could not endure to stay there, until his victuals were all spent. In which regard, the Romans, if they suffered 〈◊〉 to waste his time and provisions, knowing that he could not abide there long, did as become well-aduised men: if they offered to fight with him, and either had the better, or were parted (as is said) by some accident of weather; the commendations must be given to their fortune. The terror of Hannibal's coming to the City, how great soever it was at the first, yet after some leisure, and better notice taken of his forces, which appeared less than the first apprehension had form them, was much and soon abated. Hereunto it helped well, that at the same time, the supply appointed for Spain, after the death of the two Scipio's, was sent out of the town, & went forth at one gate, whilst the Carthaginian lay before another. In all Panic terrors, as they are called, whereof there is either no cause known or no cause answerable to the greatness of the sudden consternation; it is a good remedy to do somewhat quite contrary to that which the danger would require, were it such, as men have fashioned it in their amazed conceits. Thus did Alexander 'cause his soldiers to disarm themselves, when they were all on a sudden in a great fear of they knew not what. And thus did Clearchus pacify a foolish uproar in his Army, by proclaiming a reward unto him, that could tell who had sent the Ass into the Campe. But in this present example of the Romans, appears withal a great magnanimity: whereby they sustained their reputation, and augmented it no less, than by this bold attempt of Hannibal it might seem to have been diminished. Neither could they more finely have checked the glorious conceits of their Enemies, and taken away the disgrace of that fear, which clouded their valour at his first coming; than by making such demonstrations, when once they had recovered spirit, how little they esteemed him. To this purpose therefore that very piece of ground, on which the Carthaginian lay encamped, was sold in Rome: and sold it was nothing under the value, but at as good a rate, as if it had been in time of peace. This indignity coming to his ear, incensed Hannibal so much, that he made Port-sale of the Siluer-smithes' shops, which were near about the Market or Common place in Rome; as if his own title to the houses within the Town, were no whit worse, than any Roman Citizens could be unto that piece of ground, whereon he raised his Tent. But this counter-practice was nothing worth. The Romans did seek to manifest that assurance, which they justly had conceived; Hannibal, to make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 continuing in an hope, which was already past. His victuals were almost 〈◊〉 and of those ends, that he had proposed unto himself, this journey had 〈◊〉 forth noon other, than the fame of his much daring. Wherhfore he broke up his camp: and doing what spoil 〈◊〉 could in the Roman 〈◊〉, without sparing religious places, wherein wealth was to be gotten, He passed like a Tempest over the Country; and ran toward the Eastern Sea so fast, that he had almost taken the City of Rhegium before his arrival was feared or suspected. As for Capua, he gave it lost: and is likely to have cursed the whole faction of Hanno, which thus disabled him to relieve that fair City; since he had no other way to vent his grief.  
Q. 〈◊〉 returning back to Capua, made Proclamation anew, that whoso would yield, before a certain day, might safely do it. This, and the very return of Fuluius, without any more appearance of Hannibal, gave the Capuans to understand; that they were abandoned, and their case desperate. To trust the Roman pardon proclaimed, every man's conscience of his own evil deserts, told him, that it was a vanity: and some faint hope was given, by Hanno and Bostar, Captains of the Carthaginian Garrison within the Town, that Hannibal should come again; if means could only be found, how to convey such letters unto him, as they would writ. The carriage of the letters was undertaken, by some 〈◊〉: who running, as fugitives, out of the Town, into the Roman camp, waited fit opportunity to make an escape thence with their packets. But it happened, 〈◊〉 they could convey themselves away, that one of them was detected by an Harlot following him out of the Town; and the letters of Bostar and Hanno were taken and opened; containing a 〈◊〉 entreaty unto Hannibal, that he would not thus forsake the Capuans and them. For (said they) we come not hither to make war against Rhegium and Tarentum, but against the Romans: whose Legions wheresoever they lie, there also should the Carthaginian Army be ready to attended them; and by taking of such course, have we gotten those victories at Trebia, Thrasimene, and Cannae. In fine, they be sought him, that he would not dishonour himself, and betray them to their enemies, by turning another way; as if it were his only care, that the City should not be taken in his full view: promising, to make a desperate sally, if he would once more adventure to set upon the Roman camp. Such were the hopes of Bostar and his fellow. But Hannibal had already done his best: and now began to faint under the burden of that war, wherein (as afterward he protested) he was vanquished by Hanno and his Partisans in the Carthaginian Senate, rather than by any force of Rome. 
Liu. l. 30.  It may well be, as a thing incident in like cases, that some of those which were besieged in Capua, had 〈◊〉 sent over by the Hannonians, to observe the doings of Hannibal, and to check his proceed. If this were so; justly might they curse their own malice, which had cast them into this remediless necessity. Howsoever it were, the letters directed unto Hannibal, fell (as is showed) into the Roman Proconsul's hands; who cutting off the hands of all such counterfeit fugitives, as carried such messages, whipped them back into the Town. This 〈◊〉 spectacle broke the hearts of the 〈◊〉: so that the Multitude crying out upon the Senate, with menacing terms, caused them to assemble, and consult, about the yielding up of Capua unto the Romans. The bravest of the Senators, and such as a few years since had been most forward in joining with Hannibal, understood well enough whereunto the matter rended. Wherhfore one of them invited the rest home to supper: telling them, that when they had made good cheer, he would drink to them such an health, as should set them free from that cruel revenge, which the Enemy sought upon their bodies. About seven and twenty of the Senators there were, that liking well of this motion, ended their lives together, by drinking poison. All the rest, hoping for more mercy than they had deserved, yielded simply to discretion. So one of the Towne-gates was set open: whereat a Roman Legion with some other companies, entering, disarmed the Citizens; apprehended the 〈◊〉 Garrison; and commanded all the Senators of Capua to go forth into the Roman camp. At their coming thither, the Proconsuls laid irons upon them all: and commanding them to tell what store of gold and silver they had at home, sent them into safe custody; some to Cales; others to Theanum. Touching the general Multitude; they were reserved unto the discretion of the Senate: yet so hardly used by Fuluius in the mean while, that they had little cause of hope or comfort in this adversity. Ap. Claudius was brought even to the point of death, by the wound which he had lately received: yet was he not inexorable to the Campans; as having loved them well in former times, and having given his daughter in marriage to that Pacuvius, of whom we spoke before. But this facility of his Colleague, made Fuluius the more hasty in taking vengeance: for fear, jest upon the like respects, the Roman Senare might prove more gentle, than he thought behoveful to the common safety, and honour of their state. Wherhfore he took the pains, to ride by night unto Theanum, and from thence to Cales: where he caused all the Campan prisoners to suffer death; binding them to stakes, and scourging them first a good while with rods; after which he struck off their heads.  
This terrible example of vengeance, which the Carthaginians could not hinder, made all Towns of Italy the less apt to follow the vain hope of the Campans: and bred a general inclination, to return upon good conditions to the Roman side. The Atellans, Calatines, and Sabatines, people of the Campans, that in the former change had followed the fortune of Capua, made also now the like submission, for very fear, and want of ability to resist. They were therefore used with the like rigour, by Fuluius: who dealt so extremely with them all, that he brought them into desperation. Wherhfore some of their young Gentlemen, burning with fire of revenge, got into Rome: where they found means by nighttime, to set on fire so many houses, that a great part of the City was like to have been consumed. The beginning of the fire in divers places at once, argued that it was no casuality. Wherefore liberty was proclaimed unto any slave, and other sufficient reward unto any free man, that should discover who those Incendiaries were. Thus all come out: and the Campans, being detected by a slave of their own (to whom, above his liberty promised, was given about the sum of an hundred marks) had the punishment answerable to their deserts. Fuluius hereby being more and more incensed against this wretched people, held them in a manner as prisoners within their walls: and this extreme severity caused them at length to become Suppliants unto the Roman Senate; that some period might be set unto their miseries. That whereupon the Senators resolved in the end, was worse than all that which they had suffered before. Only two poor women in 〈◊〉 (of which one had been an Harlot) were found not guilty of the late rebellion. The rest were, some of them, with their wives and children sold for slaves, and their goods confiscated; others laid in prison, and reserved to further deliberation: but the generality of them, commanded to departed out of Campania by a certain day; and confined unto several places as best liked the angry Victors. As for the Town of Capua, it was suffered to stand, in regard of the beauty and commodious site: but no corporation or form of polity, was allowed to be therein; only a Roman Provost was every year sent to governeover those that should inhabit it, and to 〈◊〉 justice. This was the greatest act, and most important, hitherto done by the people of Rome, after many great losses in the present war. After this, the glory of Hannibal began to shine with a more dim light, than before: his oil being far spent; and that, which should have revived his flame, being unfortunately shed; as shall be told in place convenient.   

§ XU How the Carthaginians, making a party in Sardinia and Sicily, held 〈◊〉 against the Romans in those islands; and were over- 〈◊〉.  
Whilst things passed thus in 〈◊〉; the commotions raised in Sardinia and Sicily by the Carthaginians & their friends, were brought to a quiet and happy end, by the industrious valour of the Romans. The Sardinian rebellion was great and sudden: above thirty thousand being 〈◊〉 in arms, ere the Roman forces could arrive there to suppress 〈◊〉. One Harsicor as with his son Hiostus, 〈◊〉 men in that Island, were the Ringleaders; being incited by Hanno a Carthaginian, that promised the assistance of his Country. Neither were the Carthaginians in this enterprise so careless, as in the rest of their main undertakings, about the same time. Yet it had been better, if their care had been directed unto the prosecution of that main business in Italy; whereon this and all other hopes depended. For it would have sufficed, if they could have hindered the Romans from sending an Army into Sardinia. Harsicoras with his followers might well enough have served to drive out Q. Mutius the Praetor; who lay sick in the Province; and not more weak in his own body, than in his train. But whilst they sought revenge of that particular injury, whereof the sense was most grievous: they neglected the opportunity of requiting those that had done them wrong, and of the securing themselves from all injuries in the future. Their fortune also in this enterprise was such; as may seem to have discouraged them from being at the like charge, in cases of more importance. For whereas they sent over Asdrubal, surnamed the bald, with a competent fleet and army; assisted in this Expedition by Hanno the Author of the rebellion, & by Margo a Gentleman of the Barchine house, and near kinsman to Hannibal: it so fell out, that the whole fleet by extremitic of soul weather, was cast upon the Baleares; so beaten and in such evil plight, that the Sardinians had even spent their hearts, and were in a manner quite vanquished, ere these their friends could arrive to secure them.  
Titus Manlius was sent from Rome with two and twenty thousand foot, and twelve hundred horse, to settle the estate of that Island, which he had taken in, and annexed unto the Roman Dominion, long before this, in his Consulship. It was a laudable custom of the Romans, to preserve and up-hold in their several Provinces, the greatness and reputation of those men, and their families, by whom each Province had been first subdued unto their Empire. If any injury were done unto the Provincials; if any grace were to be obtained from the Senate; or whatsoever accident required the assistance of a Patron: the first Conqueror, and his race 〈◊〉 him, were the most ready and best approved means, to procure the benefit of the people subdued. Hereby the Romans held very sure intelligence, in every Province, and had always in readiness fit men to reclaim their Subjects, if they fell into any such disorder, as would otherwise have required a greater charge and trouble. The coming of Manlius, retained in obedience all that were not already broken too far out. Yet was Harsicoras so strong in field, that Manlius was compelled to arm his Mariners: without whom he could not have made up that number of two and twenty thousand, whereof we have spoken before: He landed at Calaris or Carallis, where mooring his ships, he passed up into the Country, and sought out the Enemy. Hyostus, the son of Harsicoras, had then the command of the Sardinian Army left unto him by his father, who was go abroad into the Country, to draw in more friends to their side. This young Gentleman would needs adventure to get honour, by giving battle to the Romans at his own discretion. So he rashly adventured to fight with an old Soldier: by whom he received a terrible overthrow; and lost in one day above thirty thousand of his followers. Hyostus himself, with the vest of his broken troops, got into Cornus, the chief Town of the Island: wither Manlius pursued them. Very soon after this defeature come 〈◊〉 with his Carthaginians: too late to win all Sardinia in such haste as he might have done, if the tempest had not hindered his voyage; yet soon enough, and strong enough to save the Town of Cornus, and to put a new spirit into the Rebels. Manlius hereupon withdrew himself back to Calaris: where he had not stayed long, 〈◊〉 the Sardinians (such of them as adhered to the Roman party) craved his assistance; their Country being wasted by the Carthaginians, and the Rebels, with whom they had refused to join. This drew Manlius forth of Calaris: where if he had stayed a little longer, Asdrubal would have sought him out with some blemish to his reputation. But the 〈◊〉 of Asdrubal and his company, appears to have been greater than was their strength. For after some trial made of them in a few skirmishes; Manlius adventured all to the hazard of a battle: wherein he slew twelve thousand of the enemies; and took of the Sardinians and Carthaginians three thousand. Four hours the battle lasted: and victory at length fell to the Romans, by the flight of the Islanders; whose courages had been broken in their unprosperous fight, not many days before. The death of young Hyostus, and of his father Harsicoras, that slew himself for grief, together with the captivity of Asdrubal himself, with Mago and Hanno the Carthaginians; made the victory the more famous. The vanquished Army fled into Cornus: wither Manlius followed them; and in short space wan the Town. All other Cities of the Isle that had rebelled, followed the example of Cornus, and yielded unto the Roman: who imposing upon them such increase of tribute, or other punishment, as best sorted with the nature of their several offences, or their ability to pay, returned back to Calaris with a great booty, and from thence to Rome; leaving Sardinia in quiet.  
The war in Sicily was of greater length, and every way more burdensome to Rome: as also the victory brought more honour and profit; for that the Romans become thereby not only saviours of their own, as in Sardinia; but Lords of the whole Country; by annexing the City and Dominion of Syracuse, to that which they enjoyed before. Soon after the battle of 〈◊〉, the old King of Syracuse died: who had continued long a stead fast friend unto the Romans; and greatly relieved them in this present war. He 〈◊〉 his Kingdom to Hieronymus his grandchild, that was about fifteen years of age; Gelo his son, that should have been his heir, being dead before. To this young King his successor, Hiero appointed fifteen tutors: of which the principal were Andronodorus, Zoilus, and Themistius; who had married his daughters, or the daughters of Gelo. The rest were such, as he judged most likely to preserve the Kingdom, by the same arte, whereby himself had gotten and so long kept it. But within a little while; Andronodorus, waxing weary of so many Coadjutors, began to commend the sufficiency of the young Prince, as extraordinary in one of his years; and said, that he was able to rule the Kingdom without help of any Protector. Thus by giving over his own charge, he caused others to do the like: hoping thereby to get the King wholly into his hands; which come to pass in a sort as he desired. For Hieronymus, laying aside all care of government, gave himself wholly over to his pleasures: or if he had any regard of his Royal dignity, it was only in matter of exterior show, as wearing a Diadem with ornaments of purple, and being attended by an armed guard. Hereby he offended the eyes of his people; that had never seen the like in Hiero, or in Gelo his son. But much more he offended them, when by his insolent behaviour, suitable to his outward pomp, he gave proof, that, in course of life, he would revive the memory of Tyrants dead long since, from whom he took the pattern of his habit. He grew proud, lustful, cruel, and dangerous to all that were about him: so that such of his late Tutors as could escape him by flight, were glad to live in banishment: the rest, being most of them put to death by the Tyrant; many of them dying by their own hands, to avoid the danger of his displeasure, that seemed worse than death itself. Only Andronodorus, Zoilus, and one Thraso continued in grace with him, and were his Counsellors, but not of his Cabinet. These, howsoever they agreed in other points, were at some dessension about that main point, of adhering, either to the Romans, or to the Carthaginians. The two former of them, were wholly for the King's pleasures, which was 〈◊〉 on change: but Thraso, having more regard of his honour and profit, was very earnest to continued the amity with Rome. Whilst as yet it remained somewhat doubtful, which way the King would incline: a conspiracy against his Person, was detected by a 〈◊〉 of his; to whom, one Theodorus had broken the matter. Theodorus hereupon was apprehended, and tormented; thereby to wring out of him the whole practice, and the names of the undertakers. Long it was ere he would speak any thing: but yielding (as it seemed) in the end, unto the extremity of the torture; he confessed, that he had been set on by Thraso; whom he appeached of the treason, together with many more, that were near in love or place unto Hieronymus. All these therefore were put to death, being innocent of the crime where with they were charged. But they that were indeed the Conspirators, walked boldly in the streets, and never shrunk for the matter: assuring themselves, that the resolution of Theodorus would yield to no extremity. Thus they all escaped, and soon after found means to execute their purpose. The King himself, when Thraso was taken out of the way, quickly resolved upon siding with the Carthaginians; whereto he was very inclinable before. Young men, when first they grow Masters of themselves, love to seem wiser than their fathers, by taking different courses. And the liberality of Hiero to the Romans, in their great necessity, had of late been such, as might have been termed excessive; were it not in regard of his providence; wherein he took order for his own estate, that depended upon theirs. But the young Nephew, taking little heed of dangers far off; regarded only the things present; the weakness of Rome; the prevalent fortunes of Carthage; and the much money that his grandfather had laid out in vain, to shoulder up a falling house. Wherhfore he dealt with Hannibal: who readily entered into good correspondence with him; that was maintained by Hypocrates & Epicides, Carthaginians borne, but grandchildren of a banished Syracusan. These grew into such favour with Hieronymus, that they drew him wither they listed. So that when Appius Claudius the Roman Praetor, hearing what was towards, made a motion of renewing the Confederacy, between the People of Rome and the King of Syracuse; his Messengers were dismissed with an open scoff. For Hieronymus would needs have them tell him the order of the fight at Cannae; that he might thereby learn how to accommodate himself: saying, That he could hardly 〈◊〉 the Carthaginians; so wonderful was the victory as they reported it. Having thus dismissed the Romans, be sent Ambassadors to Carthage, where he concluded a league: with condition, at first, that a great part of the Island should be annexed to his Dominion; but afterward, that he should reign over all Sicily; and the Carthaginians rest satisfied, with what they could get in Italy. At these doings Ap. Claudius did not greatly stir: partly for the indignities that were offered; partly for that it behoved not the Romans, to entertain more quarrels, then were enforced upon them by necessity; and partly (as may seem) for that the reputation, both of himself, and of his City, had received such blemish, by that which happened unto him in his journey, as much discountenanced him when he come into Sicily, & forbade him to look big. The money that Hiero had bestowed upon the Romans, wherewith to relieve them in their necessity, this Appius was to carry back unto him: it being refused by the Roman Senate, with greater bravery than their present fortune would allow. But in stead of returning the money with thanks, as he had been directed, and as it had been noised abroad that he should do: the war against Philip King of Macedon (whereof we have spoken before) compelled the Romans to lay aside their vain glory, and sand word after him, that he should consign that money over to Marcus Valerius; of whose voyage into Greece, the City had not otherwise wherewith to bear the charge. This was done accordingly: and hereby Claudius (which name in the whole continuance of that Family, is taxed with pride) his errand was changed, from a glorious ostentation of the Roman magnanimity; into such a 〈◊〉 tune of thanksgiving, as must needs have bred sorrow and commiseration, in so true a friend as Hiero; or, if it were 〈◊〉 after his death, matter of pastime and scorn, in Hieronymus the new King.  
But whilst Hieronymus was more desirous of war, than well resolved how to begin it: his own death changed the form of things, and bred a great innovation in the state of Syracuse; which thereby might have prospered more than ever, had it been wisely governed. Hypocrates and Epicides, of whom we spoke before, were sent about the Country with two thousand men; to solicit the Towns, and persuade them to shake off their obedience to the Romans. The King himself with an Army of fifteen thousand horse and foot, went to Leontium, a City of his own Dominion: hoping that the fame of his preparation, would make the whole Island fall to him in all haste, and accept him for Sovereign. There the Conspirators took him on the sudden, as he was passing through a narrow street; and rushing between him and his guard, struck him dead. Forthwith liberty was proclaimed: and the sound of that word so joyfully answered by the Leontines, that the guard of Hieronymus, had little courage to revenger their Master's death. Yet for fear of the worst, a great largesse was promised unto the Soldiers, with rewards unto their Captains; which wrought so effectually; that when many wicked acts of the murdered King were reckoned up; the Army, as in 〈◊〉 of his bad life, suffered his carcase to lie unburied. These news ran quickly to Syracuse: wither some of the Conspirators, taking the King's horses, 〈◊〉 away; to 〈◊〉 all that had passed; to stir up the people to liberty; and 〈◊〉 prevent Andronodorus, if he, or his fellows would make offer to usurp a Tyranny. 〈◊〉 Syracusians hereupon presently took Arms; and made themselves masters of their own City. Andronodorus on the other side fortified the Palace, and the Island: being yet uncertain what to do; between desire of making himself a sovereign Lord, and fear of suffering punishment, as a Tyrant, if his enterprise miscarried. His wife Demarata, that was the daughter of Hiero, cherished him in his hopes: putting him in mind of that well known Proverb, which Dionysius had used; That a Tyrant should keep his place, till he 〈◊〉 haled out of it by the heels, and not ride away from it on horseback. But fear, and better counsel prevailed so far; that Andronodorus, having slept upon the matter; dissembled his affections, and deferred his hope, unto better opportunity. The next day he come forth, and made a speech unto the People: telling them; That he was glad to see, how prudently they behaved themselves in so great a change; that he had stood in fear, jest they would not have contained themselves within bounds of discretion; but rather have sought to murder all without difference, that any way belonged to the Tyrant; and that since he beheld their orderly proceeding, and their care, not to ravish their liberty perforce, but to wed it unto them for ever; he was willingly come to them forth of his strength, & surrendered up the charge, committed unto him, by one that had been an 〈◊〉 Master, both to him and them. Hereupon great joy was made; and Praetors chosen (as in former times) to govern the City; of which Andronodorus was one, and the chief. But such was his desire of Sovereignty: and so vehement were the instigations of his wife; that shortly he began to practise with Hypocrates, Epicides, and other Captains of the Mercenaries: hoping to make himself strong, by their help, that were least pleased with the change. Hypocrates and Epicides had been with the 〈◊〉 Praetors, and told them, that, being sent from Hannibal to Hieronymus, they according to instructions of their Captain, had done him, whilst he lived, what service they could; and that now they were desirous to return home. They requested therefore that they might be friendly dismissed: and with a convoy; that might keep them from falling into the hands of the Romans, and set them safe at Locri. This was easily granted: both for that the Syracusian Magistrates were well cotended to earn thanks of Hannibal, with such a little courtesy; and for that they thought it expedient; to rid their Town quickly of this troublesome couple; which were good soldiers, and gracious with the Army, but otherwise 〈◊〉 men. It was not the desire of these two 〈◊〉, to be go so hastily as they made show: they were more mindful of the business, for which Hannibal had sent them. Wherhfore they insinuated themselves into the bosoms of such as were most likely to fill the army with tumult: especially of the Roman fugitives, and those that had cause to mistrust what should become of themselves, when the Romans & Syracusians were come to agreement. Such instruments as these, Andronodorus had great need of: as also of many other, to help him in his dangerous attempt. He found Themistius, that had married Harmonia the sister of Hieronymus, ready to take his part; as being carried with the like passions of his own, and of his wife. But in seeking to increase the number of his adherents; he revealed the matter to one, that revealed all to the rest of the Praetors. Hereupon it followed, that he, and Themistius, 〈◊〉 into the Senate, were slain out of hand: and afterward accused to the People, of all the evil which they had done, whilst Hieronymus lived, as by his authority; and now since attempted, in seeking to usurp the tyranny themselves. It was also declared, that the daughters of Hiero and Gelo were accessary to this dangerous treason: and that the unquiet spirits of these women would never cease to work, until they had recovered those Royal ornaments, and Sovereign power, whereof their family was now dispossessed. These daughters therefore of Hiero and Gelo were also condemned to die: & executioners presently sent by the enraged people, to take away their lives. Demarata, and Harmonia had perhaps deserved this heavy sentence: but Heraclea, the daughter of Hiero, and wife of Sosippus, being altogether innocent; was murdered together with her two young daughters, in the hasty execution of this rash judgement. Her husband Sosippus was a lover of the Commonwealth; and in that respect so hated by Hieronymus, that being sent Ambassador to King Ptolemie, etc. he durst not return home; but stayed in Egypt as a banished man. This consideration, when it was too late, together with some other pitiful accidents accompanying the slaughter, so affected the multitude; that (pardoning themselves) all cried out upon the authors of so soul a butchery. Being thus incensed against the Senate; and knowing not otherwise how to satisfy their anger; they called for an election of new Praetors, in the room of Andronodorus and Themistius, that were lately slain: meaning to substitute such in their places, as the Senators should have little cause to like. At the election were present a great rout, not only of the poorer Citizens, but of soldiers that pressed into the throng. One of these, named Epicides Praetor; another named Hypocrates: and the less that the old Praetors and Senators approved this nomination, the more eager was the multitude; and by a general cry forced them to be accepted. These being made Praetors, did what they could to hinder the agreement that was in hand, between the Syracusians and the Romans. But having 〈◊〉 in vain, and seeing that the People stood in fear of Ap. 〈◊〉, and of Marcellus, that was lately come into Sicily; they gave way unto the time, and suffered the old league of Hiero to be reconfirmed; which afterward they purposed to dissolve by practice. The Leontines had some need of a Garrison: and to them was sent Hypocrates the Praetor; attended, by such fugitives, and mercenary soldiers, as were most burdensome to Syracuse. Thither when he come, he began to do many acts of hostility against the Romans: first in secret, afterward more openly and boldly. Marcellus, rightly understanding the purpose of these two brethren, sent word unto the Syracusians, that they had already broken the league; and that the peace would never be kept sincerely, until this turbulent pair of brethren were expelled the Island. Epicides, fearing to sustain the blame of his brother's proceed, and more desirous to set forward the war, than to excuse any breach of peace; went himself unto the Leontines, whom he persuaded to rebel against the 〈◊〉. For he said, that since they had all of late served one 〈◊〉; there was little reason why the Leontines should not be enfranchised by his death, as well as the Syracusians; yea or much rather, all things considered; since in their 〈◊〉 the Tyrant was slain, and liberty first proclaimed. Wherhfore, since they of Syracuse were not contented, to enjoy the freedom purchased among the Leontines; but thought it good reason, that they should bear Dominion over those that had broken the chain, wherewith both the one, and the other were bound: his 〈◊〉 was, that such their arrogancy should be checked betimes, ere it could get any colour of right by prescription. Hereunto occasion was given by one article of the league, made of 〈◊〉 by the Romans and Syracusians. For it was agreed, That all which had been subject to HIERO and HIERONYMUS, should hence forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto the state of Syracuse. Against this article, if the Leontines would take exception, and thereby challenge their own due; Epicides told them, that in this novelty of change, they had fit opportunity to recover the freedom, which their fathers had lost not many ages before. Neither was it unreasonable, which this crafty Carthaginian propounded; if the Leontines had been subdued by the same hand, which took liberty from the Syracusians. But seeing they had long since yielded unto Syracuse, and been subject unto that City, by whatforme soever it was governed; this claim of liberty was rather seasonable than just. Nevertheless the motion of 〈◊〉 was highly approved: in so much that when messengers come soon after from Syracuse, to rebuke the Leontines, for that which they had done against the Romans; and to denounce unto Hypocrates & Epicides, that they should get them go, either to Locri, or wither else they listed, so that they stayed not in Sicily: word was returned, That they of Leontium had not requested the Syracusians, to make any bargains for them with the Romans, nor thought themselves bound to observe the covenants, which others without 〈◊〉 had made in their names. This peremptory answer was forthwith 〈◊〉 unto 〈◊〉 by the Syracusians: who offered him their assistance in doing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Leontines their Rebels; with condition that when the Town was taken, it might be theirs again. Marcellus required no better satisfaction: but forthwith took the business in hand; which he dispatched in one day. At the first assault, 〈◊〉 was taken: all save the Castle, whereinto Hypocrates and Epicides fled; and stealing thence away by night, conveyed themselves into the Town of Herbesus. The first thing that Marcellus did, when he had won the Town, was the same, which other Roman Captains used after victory; to seek out the fugitive Roman slaves and renegadoes, whom he caused all to die: the 〈◊〉 both of the Townsmen and Soldiers, he took to mercy; forbearing also to strip or spoil them. But the fame of his doings was bruited after a contrary sort. It was said, that he had 〈◊〉, Man, Woman, and Child, and put the Town to sack. These news met the Syracusian Army upon the way, as it was going to join with Marcellus, who had ended his business before. About eight thousand Mercenaries there were, that had been sent forth of Syracuse, under Sosis and Dinomenes two of the Praetors, to serve against the Leontines and other Rebels. These Captains were honest men, and well affected to their Country: but the soldiers that followed them, had those diseases, with which all mercenaries are commonly infected. They took the matter deeply to heart, that their fellow-soldiers (as now they termed those against whom they went) had been so cruelly butchered: and hereupon they fell to mutiny; though what to demand, or with whom to be angry, they could not tell. The Praetors therefore thought it best, to turn their unquiet thoughts another way, and set them a work in some place else: for as much as at 〈◊〉 there was no need of their service. So toward Herbesus they marched: where lay Hypocrates and Epicides, the architects of all this mischief, devising what further harm they might do; but now so weakly accompanied, that they seemed unable to escape the punishments belonging to their 〈◊〉 past. Hereof the two brethren were no less well ware: and therefore adventured upon a remedy little less desperate than their present case. They issued forth of Herbesus unarmed, with Olive branches in their hands, in manner of suppliants; and so presented themselves to the Army. Six hundred men of Crete were in the vanguard; that had been well used by Hieronymus; and some of them greatly bound unto 〈◊〉; who had taken them prisoners in the 〈◊〉 war, and 〈◊〉 dismissed them. These Cretans therefore welcomed the two brethren, and bade them be of good cheer; saying, that no man should do them harm, as long as they could use their weapons. Herewithal the Army was at a stand; and the rumour of this accident, ran swiftly from man to man, with general approbation. The Praetors thought to help the matter by severity; which would not serve. For when they commanded these two Traitors to be laid in irons: the exclamation was so violent against them, that feign they were to let all alone, and return, 〈◊〉 what course to take, unto Megara; where they were lodged the night before. 〈◊〉 when they come, Hypocrates devised a trick; whereby to help himself, and better the uncertain case wherein he stood. He caused letters of his own penning, to be 〈◊〉 by some of his most trusty Cretans; directed (as they made show) from the Syracusian Praetors, to Marcellus. The contents hereof were, That Marcellus had well done, in committing all to the sword among the Leontines: but that it farther behoved him, to make the like dispatch of all the Mercenaries belonging to Syracuse; which were offensive, all of them in general, to the liberty of the City, and the peace with Rome. When this sergeant Epistle was openly rehearsed: the uproar was such, that Sosis and his fellow Praetor, were glad to forsake the camp, and flic for their lives. All the Syracusians remaining behind, had been cut in 〈◊〉 by the enraged soldiers, if the two artificers of the sedition had not saved their lives; rather to keep them as pledges, and by them, to win their friends within the Town, than for any good william. They persuaded also a mischievous knave that had served among the Leontines, to justify the bruit of Marcellus his cruelty; and to carry home the news to Syracuse, as an eye-witness. This 〈◊〉 not only the multitude, but some of the Senate; and filled the whole Town with causeless indignation. In good time (said some) was the avarice and cruelty of the Romans detected: who, had they in like fort gotten into Syracuse, would have dealt much worse; where their greedy appetites might have been tempted with a far greater booty. Whilst they were thus discoursing, and 〈◊〉 how to keep out the wicked Romans, Hypocrates with his Army come to the gates; exhorting the Citizens to let him in, unless for want of help, they would be betrayed to their enemies. The Praetors with the best and wisest of the Senate, would feign have kept him out: but the violence of the soldiers to force a gate, was no whit greater, than the headstrong fury of those within the Town; that laboured to break it open. So he entered, and immediately fell upon the Praetors; whom (being forsaken by all men) he put to the sword, and made slaughter of them and their followers until night. The next day he went openly to work: and after the common example of Tyrants, gave liberty to all slaves and prisoners; and being fortified with adherents of the worst and basest sort, made himself and his 〈◊〉 Praetors, in Title, but in effect, Lords of Syracuse.  
When Marcellus was advertised of this great alteration, he thought it no time for him to sit still, and attended the further issue. He sent Ambassadors to Syracuse; that were not admitted into the Haven, but chased out as enemies. Than drew he near with his Army: and lodging within a mile and a half of the Town, sent before him, some to require a parley. These were entertained without the walls by the two new Praetors: to whom they declared, That the Romans were come thither, not with purpose to do hurt, but in favour of the Syracusians, which were oppressed by Tyrants; and to punish those, that had murdered and banished so many of the principal Citizens. Wherhfore they required, that those worthy men, their Confederates, which were chased out of the Town, might be suffered to return and enjoy their own; as also that the Authors of the great slaughter lately committed, might be delivered up. Hereto Epicides briefly answered, That if their errand had been to him, he could have told what to say to them: but since it was directed unto others, they should do well to return, when those to whom they were sent, had the government in their hands. As for the war which they threatened; he told them, they should find by experience, that to besiege Syracuse, was an other manner of work, than to take Leontium. Thus he sent them go; and returned back into the City. Immediately began the siege, which endured longer than the Romans had expected. The quick and easy winning of Leontium did put Marcellus in hope, that so long a circuit of walls, as compassed Syracuse, being manned with no better kind of Soldiers, than those with whom he had lately dealt, would in some part or other, be taken at the first assault. Wherhfore he omitted no violence or terror in the very beginning; but did his best, both by Land and Sea. Nevertheless all his labour was disappointed; and his hope of prevailing by open force, taken from him by the ill success of two or three of the first assaults. Yet was it not the virtue of the Defendants, or any strength of the City, that bred such despair of hasty victory. But there lived at that time in Syracuse, Archimedes the noble Mathematician: who at the request of Hiero the late King, that was his kinsman, had framed such engines of war, as being in this extremity put in use, did more mischief to the Romans than could have been wrought by the Canon, or any instruments of Gunpowder; had they in that age been known. This Archimedes discoursing once with Hiero, maintained, That it were possible to remove the whole earth out of the place wherein it is, if there were some other earth, or place of sure footing, whereon a man might stand. For proof of this bold assertion, he performed some strange works; which made the King entreat him to convert his study unto things of use; that might preserve the City from danger of enemies. To such Mechanical works, Archimedes, and the Philosophers of those times, had little affection. They held it an 〈◊〉 done unto the liberal sciences, to submit learned Propositions, unto the workmanship, and gain, of base handicrafts men. And of this opinion Plato was an author: who greatly blamed some Geometricians; that seemed unto him to profane their science, by making it vulgar. Neither must we rashly task a man so wise as Plato, with the imputation of supercilious austerity, or affected singularity in his reprehension. For it hath been the unhappy fate of great inventions, to be vilified, as idle fancies, or dreams, before they were published: and being once made known, to be undervalved; as falling within compass of the meanest wit; and things, that every one, could well have performed. Hereof (to omit that memorable example of Columbus his discovery, with the much different sorts of neglect, which he underwent before and after it) in a familiar and most homely example, we may see most apparent proof. He that looks upon our Enlish Brewers, and their Servants, that are daily exercised in the Trade; will think it ridiculous to hear one say, that the making of Malt, was an invention, proceeding from some of an extraordinary knowledge in natural Philosophy. Yet is not the skill of the inventors any whit the less, for that the labour of workmanship grows to be the Trade of ignorant men. The like may be said of many handicrafts: and particularly in the Printing of Books; which being devised, and bettered, by great Scholars and wise men, grew afterward corrupted by those, to whom the practice fell; that is, by such, as could slubber things easily over, and feed their workmen at the cheapest rate. In this respect therefore, the Alchemists, and all others, that have, or would seem to have any secret skill, whereof the publication might do good unto mankind; are not without excuse of their close concealing. For it is a kind of injustice, that the long travels of an understanding brain, beside the loss of time, and other expense, should be cast away upon men of no worth; or yield less benefit unto the Author of a great work, than to mere strangers; and perhaps his enemies. And 〈◊〉, if the passion of Envy, have in it any thing allowable and natural, as having Anger, Fear, and other like Affections: it is in some such case as this; and serveth against those, which would usurp the knowledge, wherewith God hath denied to endue them. Nevertheless, if we have regard unto common charity, and the great affection, that every one aught to bear unto the generality of mankind, after the example of him that suffereth his Sun to shine upon the just and 〈◊〉: it will appear more commendable in wise men, to enlarge themselves, and to publish unto the world, those good things that lie buried in their own bosoms. This aught specially to be done, when a profitable knowledge hath not annexed to it some dangerous cunning; that may be 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 men to a mischievous use. For if the secret of any rare Antidote, contained in it the skill of giving some deadly and irrecoverable poison: better it were, that such a jewel remain close in the hands of a wise and honest man; than being made common, bind all men to use the remedy, by teaching the worst men how to do mischief. But the works which Archimedes published, were such as tended to very commendable ends. They were engines, serving unto the defence of Syracuse; not fit for the Syracusians to carry abroad, to the hurt and oppression of others. Neither did he altogether publish the knowledge, how to use them, but reserved so much to his own direction; that after his death more of the same kind were not made, nor those of his own making were employed by the Romans. It sufficed unto this worthy man, that he had 〈◊〉, even unto the vulgar, the dignity of his Science; and done especial benefit unto his Country. For to enrich a Mechanical trade, or teach the art of murdering men, it was beside his purpose.  
Marcellus had caused certain of his Quinquereme Galleys to be fastened together, and Towers erected on them, to beaten the defendants from the wall. Against these, Archimedes had sundry devices; of which any one sort might have repelled the assailants: but all of them together showed the multiplicity of his great vvit He shot heavy stones and long pieces of timber, like unto the yards of ships; which broke some of the Galleys by their force and weight. These afflicted such as lay far off. They that were come nearer the walls, lay open to a continual voly of shot, which they could not endure. Some with an iron grapple were taken by the prow and hoist up, shaking out all the men, and afterward falling down into the water. Some by strange engines were lifted up into the air; where turning round a while, they were broken against the walls, or cast upon the rocks: and all of them were so beaten, that they durst never come to any second assault. In like sort was the land-army handled. Stones and timber, falling upon it like Hail; did not only overwhelm the men, but broke down the Roman engines of battery; and forced Marcellus to give over the assault. For remedy hereof it was conceived, that if the Romans could early before day get near unto the walls: they should be (as it were) under the point blank, and receive no hurt by these terrible Instruments; which were wound up hard to shoot a great compass. But this vain hope cost many of the assailants lives. For the shot come down right upon them: and beating them from all parts of the wall, made a great slaughter of them, all the way as they fled, (for they were unable to stay by it) even till they were gotten very 〈◊〉 off. This did so terrify the Romans; that if they perceived any piece of timber, or a ropes end, upon the walls, they ran away, crying out, that Archimedes his engines were ready to discharge. Neither knew Marcellus how to overcome these difficulties, or to take away from his men, that fear; against the cause whereof he knew no remedy. If the engines had stood upon the walls, subject to firing, or any such annoyance from without; he might have helped it by some device, to make them unserviceable. But all, or the most of them were out of sight; being erected in the streets behind the walls; where Archimedes gave directions how to use them. Wherhfore the Roman had noon other way left, than to cut off from the Town all provision of victuals, both by Land and by Sea. This was a desperate piece of work. For the enemies having so goodly an Haven; the Sea in a manner free; and the Carthaginians that were strong by Sea, willing to supply them: were not likely, so soon to be consumed with famine, as the besiegers to be wearied out, by lying in Leaguer before so strong a City, having no probability to carry it. Yet, for want of better counsel to follow, this was thought the best, and most honourable course.  
In the mean while, Himilco, Admiral of a Carthaginian Fleet, that had waited long about Sicily, being by Hypocrates advertised of these passages, went home to Carthage, and there so dealt with the Senate, that five and twenty thousand Foot, three thousand Horse, and twelve Elephants, were committed unto his charge, wherewith to make war upon the Romans in Sicily by Land. He took many Towns; and many, that had anciently belonged unto the Carthaginians, did yield unto him. To remedy this mischief, and to stay the inclination of men, which following the current of Fortune, began to turn unto the Carthaginians; Marcellus with a great part of his Army, rose from Syracuse, and went from place to place about the Island. He took Pelorus and Herbesus, which yielded unto him. He took also Megara by force and sacked it: either to terrify others that were obstinate, especially the Syracusians, or else because Rome was at this time poor, and his Army must have somewhat to keep it in heart. His especial desire was to have saved Agrigentum: wither he come too late; for Himilco had gotten it before. Therefore he returned back toward Syracuse; carefully, and in as good order as he could, for fear of the Carthaginian that was too strong for him. The circumspection that he used, in regard of Himilco; stood him in good stead, against a danger that he had not mistrusted. For Hypocrates, leaving the charge of Syracuse unto his brother, had lately issued out of the City, with ten thousand foot, and five hundred horse, intending to join his forces with Himilco. Marcellus fell upon him, ere either was ware of the other: and the Romans, being in good order, got an easy victory, against the dispersed and half unarmed Syracusians. The reputation hereof helped a little to keep the Sicilians from rebellion. Yet it was not long, ere Himilco, joining with Hypocrates, ran over all the Island at his pleasure, and presented battle to Marcellus, even at his Trenches; but the Roman wisely refused it. Bomilcar also a Carthaginian, entered with a great fleet into the Haven of Syracuse, and victualled the City. After this, the disposition of the Islanders changed so again, that although another Legion was come from Rome, which escaped from Himilco, and safely arrived at Marcellus his camp: yet many places revolted unto the Carthaginians, and slew or betrayed the Roman Garrisons.  
In the midst of these troubles, Winter enforced both parts to take breath awhile: and Marcellus leaving some of his Army before Syracuse, that he might not seem to have given over the siege, went unto Leontium, where he lay intentive to all occasions. In the beginning of the Spring he stood in doubt, whither it were better to continued the laborious work of besieging Syracuse, or to turn all his forces to Agrigentum, against Himilco and Hypocrates. But it would greatly have impaired his reputation, if he had go from Syracuse, as unable to prevail: and he himself was of an eager disposition, ever unwilling to give ground, or to quit, as not faisible, an enterprise, that he had once taken in hand. He come therefore to Syracuse: where though he found all the difficulties remaining as before; and no likelihood to take the City by force or famine; yet was he not without hope, that continuance of time would bring forth somewhat, which might fulfil his desire. Especially he assayed to prevail by treason; against which no place can hold out. And to this end he dealt with the 〈◊〉 Gentlemen that were in his camp; exhorting them to practise with their friends that remained in the City. This was not easy for them to do, because the town would hearken to no parley. At length a slave unto one of these banished men, making show to run away from his Master, got into Syracuse; where he talked in private with some few, as he had been instructed. Thus began Marcellus to have intelligence within the City: whence the 〈◊〉 used to sand him advertisement of their proceed; by a fisherboat that passed forth in the night: but when they were grown to the number of fourscore, and thought themselves able to effect somewhat of importance: all was discovered; and they, like Traitors, put to death. In the mean while, one Damasippus a Lacedaemonian, that had been sent out of the Town as an Ambassador to Philip King of Macedon, was fallen into the hands of Marcellus. Epicides was very desirous to ransom him: and many meetings were appointed for that purpose, not far from the walls. There, one of the Romans, looking upon the wall, and wanting the more compendious arte of Geometry, fell to numbering the stones: and, making an estimate of the height, judged it less than it had been formerly deemed. Herewith he acquainted Marcellus: who causing better notice to be taken of the place, and finding, that ladders of no extraordinary length would reach it; made all things ready, and waited a convenient time. It was the weakest part of the Town, and therefore the most strongly guarded: neither was there hope to prevail by force against Archimedes, if they failed to take it by surprise. But a fugitive out of the Town brought word, that a great feast was to be held unto Diana, which was to last three days: and that, because other good cheer was not so plentiful within the City, as in former times, Epicides, to gratify the People, had made the more large distribution of Wine. A better opportunity could not be wished. Wherhfore Marcellus, in the dead of the Festival night, come unto the walls, which he took by Scalado. 〈◊〉 was divided into four parts (or five, if Epipolae were reckoned as one) each of which were fortified as distinct Cities. When therefore Marcellus had gotten some pieces, he had the commodity of a better and safe lodging, with good store of booty; and better opportunity than before, to deal with the rest. For there were now a great many, as well of those in Acradinia and the Island, inner parts of the Town, as of those that were already in the hands of Marcellus, that began to hearken unto composition, as being much terrified by the loss of those parts, which the Romans had taken and sacked. As for the weapons of Archimedes, little harm, or noon they did, unto those, that were sheltered under strong houses: although it may seem, that the inner walls were not altogether unfurnished of his help; since they held out a good while, and were not taken by force. The Roman fugitives, and Renegadoes; were more careful than ever to defend the rest of the City: being sure to be rewarded with a cruel death, if Marcellus could prevail. Hypocrates and Himilco, were daily expected; and Bomilcar was sent away to Carthage, to bring help from thence: It was not long ere Hypocrates and Himilco come: who fell upon the old camp of the Romans, whilst Epicides sallied out of Acradinia upon Marcellus. But the Romans made such defence in each part, that the Assailants were repelled. Nevertheless, they continued to beset Marcellus: whom they held in a manner as straightly besieged, as he himself did besiege the T own. But the pestilence at length consumed; together with the two Captains, a great part of the Army, and caused the rest to dislodge. The Romans were (though somewhat less) afflicted with the same pestilence, in so much that Bomilcar did put the City of Carthage in hope, that he might be taken where he lay, if any great forces were sent thither. This Bomilcar wanted no desire to do his Country service: but his courage was not answerable to his good william. He arrived at Pachynus with a strong fleet: where he stayed; being loathe to double the Cape; for that the winds did better serve the enemy than him. Thither sailed Epicides out of 〈◊〉: to acquaint him with the necessities of the City; and to draw him on. With much entreaty, at length he come forward: but meeting with the Roman fleet, that was ready for him, he stood off into the deep; and sailed away to Tarentum, bidding Sicily farewell. Than durst not Epicides return into Syracuse, but went to Agrigentum: where he expected the issue; with a very faint hope of hearing any good news.  
The Sicilian soldiers, that remained alive of Hypocrates his Army, lay as 〈◊〉 as they could safely, unto Marcellus; and some of them, in a strong Town three miles off. These had done what good they could to Syracuse, by doing what hurt they could unto the Romans. But 〈◊〉 they were informed, that the state of Sicily was given as desperate by the Carthaginians: they sent Ambassadors to treat of peace; and made offer to compound, both for themselves, and for the Town. 〈◊〉 Marcellus willingly gave 〈◊〉: for he had stayed there long enough; and had cause to 〈◊〉, that 〈◊〉 a little while, the Carthaginians might come 〈◊〉 strong again. He 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, both with the Citizens, and with the Soldiers that lay abroad; That they should be Masters of their own, enjoying their 〈◊〉 and proper 〈◊〉; yet suffering the Romans to 〈◊〉, whatsoever had belonged unto the Kings. Hereupon they, to whom Epicides had left his charge, were put to death; new Praetors chosen; and the gates 〈◊〉 ready to be opened unto Marcellus: when suddenly the Roman fugitives disturbed all. These 〈◊〉 their own condition to be desperate, persuaded the other Mercenary soldiers, That the Citizens had bargained only for themselves, and betrayed the Army to the Romans. Wherhfore they presently took arms, and fell upon the new-chosen Praetors: whom they slew; and made election of six Captains that should command over all. But shortly it was found our, that there was no danger at all to the soldiers; excepting only the Fugitives. The treaty therefore was 〈◊〉 set on foot, and wanted little of conclusion: which yet was delayed; either by some fear of the Citizens, that had seen (as they thought) proof of the Roman avarice in the sack of Epipolae, Tyche, and Neapolis, the parts 〈◊〉 taken; or by some desire of Marcellus to 〈◊〉 the Town by force, that he might use the liberty of a Conqueror, and make it wholly subject unto Rome. Mericus a Spaniard was one of the six Captains, that had been chosen in the late commotion: a man of such faith, as usually is found in 〈◊〉; holding his own particular benefit above all other respects. With this Captain, Marcellus dealt secretly: having a fit instrument, of the same Nation, one Belligenes; that went in company with the Roman Ambassadors, daily passing to and 〈◊〉. This 〈◊〉 Agent persuaded Mericus, That the Romans had 〈◊〉 gotten all Spain: and that if 〈◊〉 he purposed to make his own fortune good, either at home in Spain, or any where else; it was now the only time to do it; by conforming himself to the will of the Roman General. By such hopes the Spanish Captain was easily 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 forth his own brother among the Syracusian Ambassadors to 〈◊〉 the covenant with Marcellus.  
This underhand 〈◊〉 of Marcellus against the Syracusians, cannot well be commended as honest: neither was it afterwards thoroughly approved at his coming to Rome. For the benefits of Hiero to the Romans had been such, as deserved not to be requited with the ruin of his Country: much less, that 〈◊〉 miseries of his people, 〈◊〉 (though partly through their own folly) by an Army of Mercenaries, should minister unto the 〈◊〉 of Rome, advantage against them. The 〈◊〉 Citizens could not make good their parts against the hired soldiers; and therefore were 〈◊〉 to yield unto the time, and 〈◊〉 those Ministers of Hannibal, that ruled the Army. But as long as they were free after the death of Hieronymus; and now of late, when they had gathered courage by the flight of Epicides: it had been their chief care to maintain 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of Rome. They had lately slain many the principal of Epicides his followers; and many of themselves had also been slain, both lately and in former times, because of this their desire unto the peace. What though it were true, that the Rascality, and some ill advised People 〈◊〉 with the soldiers in hatred of the Romans, by occasion of the slaughter which they 〈◊〉 to be done at Leontium, and afterward beheld in those parts of their own City which was taken? Aught therefore the Roman General, in a treaty of peace held with the Syracusians, to make a bargain underhand against them, with a Captain of the Mercenaries? These things were objected against Marcellus, at his return home. But the Senators thought it a great deal better, to comfort the Syracusians with 〈◊〉 words, and promises of good usage in time to come, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the booty, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Dominion of a City, so great, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and many ways important. Nevertheless if we consider the many 〈◊〉 and great mischiefs, 〈◊〉 Syracuse was obnoxious; both by cuill neighbours, and by that very 〈◊〉 of polity, after which it was 〈◊〉: we may truly affirm, That it 〈◊〉 no small 〈◊〉, by becoming 〈◊〉 unto Rome. For 〈◊〉 it was not only assured against all foreign enemies, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and such Tyrants as of old had reigned therein: but freed from the necessity of banishing, or murdering, the most worthy Citizens; as also 〈◊〉 all factions, intestine seditions, and a thousand 〈◊〉 like miseries, that 〈◊〉 wont to grow out of the 〈◊〉, wherein they held their 〈◊〉 in vain. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that City, from her first foundation, any such long time of happiness, as that 〈◊〉 it flourished, when it rested secure under the protection of Rome; and was no more molested, by the disease of ambition; whereof by 〈◊〉 his victory it was thoroughly 〈◊〉. But such 〈◊〉, arising from wrongs 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 not to make 〈◊〉 the more excusable: 〈◊〉 we should 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of that 〈◊〉, who being found to have stolen a 〈◊〉 cup from a sick man, said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drinking.  
By the treason of Mericus, the Roman Army was let into possession of all 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉, the booty that it found, was said to have been no 〈◊〉, than could have been hoped for, if they had taken Carthage itself; that 〈◊〉 war by Land and Sea against them. All the goodly works and 〈◊〉, wherewith Syracuse was marvelously adorned, were 〈◊〉 away to Rome; and nothing 〈◊〉 untouched; save only the houses of 〈◊〉 banished men, that had 〈◊〉 from Hypocrates and Epicides, into the Roman camp. Among other pitiful 〈◊〉; the death of Archimedes was greatly lamented, even by Marcellus himself. He was so 〈◊〉 about his Geometry, in drawing figures, that he hearkened not to the noise, and uproar in the City; not, nor greatly attended the rude Soldier that was about to kill him. Marcellus took heavily the death of him; and caused his body to be honourably buried. Upon his Tomb (as he had ordained in his life time) was placed a Cylinder and a Sphere, with an inscription of the proportion between them; which he first found out. An Invention of so little use, as this may 〈◊〉, pleased that great Artist better, than the devising of all those engines, that made him so famous. Such difference is between the judgement of 〈◊〉 men, and of the vulgar sort. For many an one would think the money lost, that had been spent upon a son, whose 〈◊〉, in the University had brought forth such fruit, as the proportion 〈◊〉 a Sphere and a Cylinder.  
After the taking of Syracuse, all the Towns in Sicily yielded unto the Romans; except Agrigentum and a few places 〈◊〉. At Agrigentum lay Epicides with one Hanno a Canthaginian, and Mutines an Asrican, that was lately sent from Hannibal. This Mutines, by many good pieces of service, had added some 〈◊〉 to the beaten Carthaginian side; and withal made his own name great. By his persuasions, 〈◊〉 and Epicides adventured to 〈◊〉 Marcellus without the Town, and not 〈◊〉 themselves as men expecting to be 〈◊〉. Neither was 〈◊〉 more valiant in counsel, than in execution. Once and again he set upon the Romans, where they lay encamped; and drove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into their Trenches. This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Epicides and Hanno: 〈◊〉 in Hanno, that having been lately sent from Carthage, with commission and authority from the State, thought himself wronged greatly by Hannibal; in that he had sent unto him this 〈◊〉, to be his Companion, and to take upon him, like as good a man as himself. The indignity 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉, when Mutines being to step aside unto Heraclea, for the pacifying of some troubles 〈◊〉 among the Numidians; advised (as directing Hanno and Epicides) not to meddle with the enemy, until his return, So much therefore the rather would Hanno fight: and offered battle unto Marcellus, before he sought it. It is like, that a great part of the Roman Army was left behind in Syracuse, as 〈◊〉 required: which made the Carthaginians the better able to deal with those that come against them. But whatsoever disproportion was between the two Armies; far greater were the odds between the Captains. For howsoever the people of Carthage would give 〈◊〉 by favour; yet could they not give worth, and ability, in matter of war. The Numidians, having before conceived some displeasure against their Captains: and being therefore some of them go away to Heraclea; were much more offended, when they seen that the vainglorious 〈◊〉 of Hanno carried him unto the fight, upon a 〈◊〉 desire to get victory, without the help of Mutines their Countryman. 〈◊〉 they sent unto the Roman General, and 〈◊〉 him be confident: for that it was not 〈◊〉 purpose to show themselves his enemies that day; but only look on, and see the proud Carthaginians well beaten, by whom they had been misused. 〈◊〉 made good their promise; and had their desire. For Marcellus, finding likelihood of truth in their message, did so lustily set upon the enemies, that he broke them at the first charge; and with the slaughter of many thousands, drove them back into Agrigentum.  
If Hanno could have been contented, to follow the directions of one, that was a better man of war than himself, and not have hazarded a battle without need; the Romans would shortly have been reduced into terms of great difficulty in their Sicilian war. For Marcellus was shortly 〈◊〉 to leave the Province; and soon upon his departure, 〈◊〉 landed in the Island a supply of eight thousand foot, and three thousand Numidian horse, that were sent from Carthage. The fame of this 〈◊〉 Army drew many of the Sicilians into rebellion. The Roman Army, consisting (for the most part) of the Legions of Cannae, took it very heinously, that no good service done, could bring them into the favour of the Senate; but that, as banished men, they were sent 〈◊〉 from home, and not suffered to return back to Rome with their General. Mutines had pacified his Countrymen the Numidians; and, like an honest man, did the 〈◊〉 that he could for those whom he served, without contending against the foolish pride of Hanno; finding that there was a great alteration; and a greater might 〈◊〉 been, ifthe Army lately overthrown had been entire. M. Cornelius, the Roman Praetor, used all diligence, both to pacify his own men, and to hinder the Carthaginians. He recovered those inland Towns that had rebelled: and though he could not hinder Mutines from overrunning all the Country; yet he hindered the Country from revolting unto Mutines. Above threescore Towns, great and small, the Carthaginians held in Sicily: of which, Agrigentum was the principal, and far bigger than any of the rest. Thence issued Mutines as often as he pleased, in despite of the Romans: not only to the 〈◊〉 of his own adherents, but to the great waste of those that followed the contrary part. But 〈◊〉, in stead of being pleased with all these good services, was filled more and more with envy, against 〈◊〉 man that performed them. He had (belike) received instruction from old Hanno at Carthage, not to suffer Hannibal, or any Hannibalian, to have share in the honour of these Sicilian wars: which were therefore perhaps the more diligently supplied; whilst Italy was neglected, that should have 〈◊〉 regarded more than all the rest. Wherhfore, to show his authority, and that it was not in the power of Hannibal, to appoint unto him an Assistant, or Director: He took away from Mutines his charge, and gave it to his own son; thinking thereby to discountenance the man, and make him little esteemed, as one out of Office, among his 〈◊〉. But it fell out quite contrary: and this spiteful dealing, occasioned the loss of 〈◊〉 the Carthaginians held in Sicil. For the Numidians were so incensed by the indignity offered unto their Countryman, being such a brave Commander, that they offered him their service to requited the wrong; and were thenceforth absolutely at his own disposition. M. Valerius Laevinus, the Roman Consul, was newly come into the Province, when this fell out: and with him did Mutines enter into intelligence. For he could no longer brook these 〈◊〉: but being, neither a Carthaginian, nor favoured by those that bore all the sway in Carthage; He thought it the wisest way, to play the best of his own game, and forsake that City, which was likely to perish by the evil counsel that governed it. He did not therefore, as his Countrymen had lately done, content himself to see his Adversaries reap the bitter first-fruits of their own malicious overweening: and to 〈◊〉 that harm, in doing whereof he would not bear a part; but conspired against them to deliver up Agrigentum, and to help to expel them utterly out of Sicil. The Consul was glad ofhis friendship: and carefully followed his advertisements. Neither was there much cunning needful, to the performance of that which 〈◊〉 had under-taken. For he with his Numidians did forcibly scize upon a gate; whereat they let in some Roman Companies that lay near in a readiness for the purpose. Hanno, when first he heard the noise, thought it had been no worse matter, than some such tumult of the Numidians, as he had been well acquainted with of late. But when, making haste to pacify the trouble, he seen and heard, the Romans intermixed, among those discontented followers of Mutines, forthwith he betook himself to flight: and saving himself, with Epicides, in a small Bark, set sail for Africa; leaving all his Army and Adherents in Sicily, to the mercy of the Romans, that henceforward continued masters of the whole Island.  
Laevinus the Consul having taken Agrigentum, did sharp execution of justice upon all the Citizens. The principal of them he scourged with rods, and afterwards beheaded, as was the manner of the Romans: all the rest of them he sold for slaves, and confiscated their goods; sending home to Rome the money that was raised of the booty. This was indeed a time, wherein Rome stood in no less necessity of gold, than of steel: which may have been the reason, why Laevinus dealt so cruelly with the Agrigentines. Nevertheless the fame of such severity bred a terror among all the dependents of the Carthaginians; so that in great haste they sought to make their peace. About forty Towns yielded themselves quickly unto the Romans; twenty were delivered up by Treason; and six only stayed to be won by force. These things done, Laevinus returned home to Rome: carrying with him about four thousand men from Agatirna; that were a company of outlaws, bankrupts, and banished men, accustomed to live by spoil of others, in these troublesome times. He bestowed them about Rhegium in Italy, where they might exercise their occupation against the Brutians; a thievish kind of people, that 〈◊〉 enemies unto those of Rhegium, and to the Romans. As for Mutines, he was well rewarded, and made Citizen of Rome: where he lived in good account; accompanying the two Scipio's in their journey against Antiochus, and therein doing (as it is said) very especial service. So by this enterprise of Sicily, the 〈◊〉 wasted much of their forces, that with greater profit might have been employed in Italy: leaving yet unto the Romans, in the end of this war, the entire possession ofthis Island; which they wanted when it began.   

§. XVI. How the war passed between the Romans and HANNIBAL in Italy, from the taking of Capua to the great victory at Metaur us.  
SHortly after the winning of Capua, Marcellus come to Rome: where for his good services done in the Island of Sicily, he had granted unto him the honour of the lesser Triumph, which was called Ovation. The greater Triumph was denied him: because he had not finished the war, but was feign to leave his Army behind him in the Province. He stayed not long in Rome, before he was again chosen Consul together with M. Valerius Laevinus, who succeeded him in the government of Sicily, and was, at the time of his election, making war against King Philip in Greece. Great complaint was made against the Consul Marcellus, by the Syracusians, for that which he had done unto them: they alleging their great friendship to the people of Rome, in the time of their late King Hiero; and affirming, that their City did never willingly break the alliance, excepting when it was oppressed by such Tyrants, as were not greater enemies to Rome, than to all good men that lived in Syracuse. The Consul, on the other side, reckoned up the labours and dangers whereunto they had put him: willing them to bemoan themselves to the Carthaginians that had helped them in their necessity; and not unto the Romans whom they had kept out. Thus each part having some good matter to allege, the Senate made such an end of the controversy, as best agreed with the benefit of their own Commonwealth: blaming the too much rigour of Marcellus; yet not restoring the booty that he had taken, nor making the Syracusians free from their subjection, but comforting them, with gentle words, and hopeful promises, as hath been showed before. The two new Consuls, Marcellus and Laevinus, were appointed to make war, as their lots should fall out; the one in Italy; the other in Sicil. The Isle of Sicily fell unto Marcellus: which Province he willingly changed with his Colleague; to the end that the Syracusians (whose cause had not as yet been heard in the Senate) might not seem hindered by fear, from uttering their grievances freely. Afterwards, when his business with them was dispatched, he gently undertook the patronage of them: which remained long in his Family; to the great benefit of their Country in times following. So Valerius, the other Consul, was sent into Sicily, whose doings there have been already rehearsed: but Marcellus was employed against Hannibal.  
Before the Consuls departed out of Rome, they were much troubled with pressing of Soldiers to the war; and most of all, with getting Mariners for their Navy. They were all of the poorer sort, that used to be employed in Sea-seruices; especially in rowing. These could not live without present wages: neither was there money enough in the Treasury to give them pay. Wherhfore it was ordained, that they should be set out at the expense of private men; who, in this necessity of the state, were driven to sustain all public charges. Hereat the People murmured: and were ready to fall into sedition; had not the Consuls deferred the matter unto further consideration. The Senate could ill tell, what to determine or do, in a case of such extremity. For manifest it was that the multitude had already endured so much, as well it could undergo; and somewhat more, than could with honesty have been imposed upon it. Nevertheless it was impossible to maintain the war against the 〈◊〉, or to keep the Macedonian out of Italy, without a strong fleet. Wherhfore, somewere of opinion; That, since the common Treasure was so empty, the people must be forced, by right or wrong, to take the burden upon them. At last the Consuls began to say, That no persuasions would be so effectual with the people, as good examples: and that if the Senators would follow the Consuls, like it was, that the People also would follow the Senate. Wherhfore they propounded, and it was immediately concluded, That every one of them should bring forth, and put into the Treasury, all the money that he had; and that no Senator should keep any vessel of gold, or plate whatsoever; excepting one salt-seller, and a bowl wherewith to make their offerings unto the gods; as also a Ring for himself, with such other tokens of ingenuity for his wife and children, as every one did use, and those of as small value as might be. This advice of the Consuls was not more thankfully accepted by the Senate, than the ready performance thereof by the Senate was highly applauded; and hastily followed by the Gentlemen of Rome. Neither did the Commonalty refuse to do that, which their betters had openly done before them. For since the public necessity could no otherwise be helped; every one was contented, that his private estate should run the same fortune with the Commonwealth; which if it suffered wrack, in vain could any particular man hope to enjoy the benefit of his proper substance. This 〈◊〉 deserved well that greatness of Empire, whereof it was the foundation.  
Convenient order being thus taken for an Army and 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 went forth of the City against Hannibal; and Laevinus toward Sicil. The army of Hannibal was greatly diminished, by long and hard service: neither did his Carthaginians seem to remember him, and think upon sending the promised supply, or any such proportion as he needed. His credit also among his Italian friends, was much 〈◊〉, by the loss of Capua: which gave them cause to look unto themselves; as if in his help there were little trust to be reposed, when they should stand in need. This he well perceived; yet could not tell how to remedy. Either he must thrust Garrisons into all Towns that he suspected, and thereby so diminish his army, that he should not be able to keep the field: or else he must leave them to their own fidelity; which now began to waver. At length his jealousy grew so outrageous, that he sacked, and wasted, those places that he was unable to 〈◊〉: thinking that the best way to enrich himself; and make unprofitable, to his enemies, the purchase from which he could not hinder them. But by this example, many were quite alienated from him; and some of those, whom before he had lest cause to doubt. The town of Salapia yielded unto Marcellus: and betrayed unto him a 〈◊〉 Regiment of Numidian horse, the best of all that served under Hannibal; which was a greater loss, than the Town itself. Blasius the author of this rebellion, could not bring his desire to effect; without getting the consent of one Dasius, that was his bitter enemy. Wherhfore he broke the matter to this Dasius in private; and was by him accused unto Hannibal. But when he was convented, and charged of Treason, he so stoutly denied it, and by way of recrimination, so vehemently 〈◊〉 his accuser with the same fault: that Hannibal thought it a matter devised out of mere malice; knowing well what enemies they were; and seeing, that neither of them could bring any proof of what he affirmed. This notwithstanding, Blasius did not cease to press his adversary anew, and urge him from time to time, with such lively reasons; that he who could not be believed by Hannibal, was contented at length to win the favour of Marcellus. Presently after this, the Consul took by force, Maronea and Meles, Towns of the Samnites: wherein he slew about three thousand of Hannibal his men.  
Hannibal could not look to all at once: but was feign to catch advantages, where he might get them; the Romans now being grown stronger in the field than 〈◊〉. The best was, that his Carthaginians, having wearied themselves with ill speed in many petty enterprises, and laid aside all this while the care of Italy, to follow business of far less importance; had now at length resolved, to sand presently the great supply, that had been so long promised and expected. This if they had done in better season; Rome itself might have been strucken down, the next year after that great blow received at Cannae. But since that which is past cannot be amended: 〈◊〉 must force himself to make a good countenance; and tell his followers, that this mighty succour would come time enough. For Masanissa was at Carthage with five thousand Numidians, ready to set sail for 〈◊〉: wither when he come, it was appointed, that Asdrubal should forthwith take his journey into Italy; of which there had been so long talk. These news did not more 〈◊〉 Hannibal and his followers, than terrify the Romans. Wherhfore each did their best: the Romans to prevent the threatening mischief, and win as much as they could upon Hannibal, before the coming of his brother; Hannibal, on the contrary, to hold his own, and weaken the Romans as much as he was able. He had intelligence, that Cn. Fuluius, a Roman Praetor, lay near unto Herdonea to get the Town by practice. It was not long, since, near unto the same place, another Cn. Fuluius had lost his army. Therefore Hannibal made great marches thitherward; and come to Herdonea ere Fuluius heard news of his approach. As soon as he come, he offered battle to the Roman Praetor: who accepted it with more haste than good speed. The Roman Legions made good resistance a while, till they were compassed round with the Carthaginian horse. Than fell they to rout; and great slaughter was made of them. 〈◊〉 himself, with twelve Tribunes or Colonels, were lost: of the common soldiers that were slain, the number is uncertain; some reporting seven, others thirteen thousand. The Town of Herdonea, because it was at point to have yielded unto Fuluius, Hannibal did set on fire: and putting those to death that had practised with the Enemy, carried away the multitude; whom he bestowed among the Thurians and Metapontines. The Consul Marcellus hearing of this, wrote unto the Senate: and exhorted them to be of a good cheer; for that he would shortly abate the enemies pride. He followed the 〈◊〉 apace; and overtaking him at Numistro in the country of the Lucan's, fought with him a battle: which beginning at nine of the clock in the morning, lasted until night; and ended, by reason of the darkness, with uncertain victory. Afterwards Hannibal departed thence into Apulia, wither Marcellus followed him. At Venusia they met, and had many skirmishes; but noon of importance. Hannibal removed often; and sought to bring the enemy within danger of some ambush. But Marcellus, though he was very eager of battle, would yet adventure nothing, but by open daylight and upon fair ground.  
Thus passed the time away, until Q. Fabius Maximus, and Q. Fuluius, he that lately had taken Capua, were chosen Consuls. Fabius, considering how much the Roman affairs were bettered by the taking of Capua, purposed that year to besiege Tarentum: which if he could win; like it was, that scarce one good City would afterwards remain true to Hannibal. Wherefore he vehemently exhorted his Colleague, and Marcellus, (to whom was continued the command of those Legions that served under him the year before) to press the Carthaginian so hard, as he might have no leisure to help Tarentum. Marcellus was very glad of this charge: for he thought no Roman fit than himself, to deal with Hannibal in open field. He followed him therefore to 〈◊〉, and thence from place to place: desiring ever to come to battle, but upon equal terms. The Carthaginian had not mind to hazard much in fight: but thought it enough to entertain his enemy with skirmish; as being desirous to keep his Army strong until the coming of Asdrubal. Yet could he not avoid the importunity of Marcellus; nor brook the indignity of being daily braved. He therefore bade his men to be lusty, and to beaten sound this hot-spirited Roman Captain, that would never suffer them to be at quiet; until they once had cooled well his courage, by letting him blood. Hereupon followed a battle: wherein Hannibal had the victory; took six Ensigns; and slew of the Romans almost three thousand, among which were some of mark. Marcellus was so impatient of this dishonour, that he rated his men, as Peasants, and base cowards: telling them, that they were the first of the Roman Legions, which had been beaten by Hannibal, by plain force and manhood; without being circumvented by any stratagem. With these, and many other the like words, which they were ashamed to hear, he did so vex them; that thinking themselves better able to endure any violence of the enemy, than such displeasure of their General; they besought him to pardon them, and lead them forth once again to fight. He did so: and placing those Companies foremost, that had lost their Ensigns the day before, bade them be careful to win a victory; whereof the news might be at Rome, before the report of their shameful overthrow. Hannibal was angry, to see that nothing could make this Enemy quiet: and therefore was ready to fight again; since all other motives continued the same, and his men had been heartened by the late victory. But the Romans were stirred up with desire of revenge, and of repairing their honour lost, which affections gave a sharp edge unto their valour: whereas the Carthaginians were grown dull, and weary by seeing themselves disappointed of their hope; and the enemy, notwithstanding their late victory, as ready to molest them as before. In this second battle Marcellus got the victory: which he purchased at so dear a rate; that neither he, nor Hannibal, had great cause to vaunt, the second night. For if eight thousand of the Carthaginians were slain, and three thousand of the Roman side, in this next battle, the difference was no greater, than even to recompense the late received overthrow: especially since the number of the Romans that were wounded, was so great, as disabled Marcellus from pursuing Hannibal; who dislodged by night. Nevertheless it sufficed, that Fabius the Consul hereby got leisure, to follow his business at Tarentum without any disturbance. Q. Fuluius the other Consul, about the same time, took in many of the Hirpines', Lucan's, and Volscentes, that willingly yielded themselves, and betrayed the Garrisons of Hannibal that lay in their Towns: whom Fuluius entertained in loving sort; gently rebuking them for their errors past, without punishing those that had been authors, or busy doers in the rebellion. That rabble of Sicilian thieves, which 〈◊〉 had lately brought from Agaterna, was then also set on work to besiege Caulonia, a town of the Brutians: and nothing was omitted, that might serve to divert Hannibal, from the succour of Tarentum.  
Q. Fabius the Consul, having taken Manduria a Town of the Salentines, sat down before Tarentum: making all preparation that seemed needful to carry it, either by assault or long siege. Of the Garrisons in the Town a good part were Brutians, placed there by Hannibal, under a Captain of their own Nation. This Captain fell in love with a Tarentine wench; whose brother served under Fabius. Hereof, she gave notice by letters to her brother, as thinking belike to draw him from the Roman side; by telling him how rich, and of what great account her lover was. But her brother made the Consul acquainted with these news: and said, that if the Brutian were far in love, he might perhaps be won, by entreaty of his Mistress, to do what she would have him. The Consul hearing this: and finding likelihood in the matter, willed his soldier to convey himself into the Town as a fugitive; and try what good might be done. It fell out, according to his desire. The Soldier grew acquainted with this Brutian Captain: and partly by his own persuasions, partly by the flattering entreaty of his sister; wan him to betray the Town to the Romans. When they had agreed upon the business, and resolved how to order it; the same soldier got out of the Town by night, and acquainted the Consul with his proceed: telling him, in which part that Brutian kept watch, and what might conveniently be done. So in the night time, Fabius gave an alarm to the City; especially about those parts of the wall, which were 〈◊〉 from the place where he meant to enter. The Captains in the Town, prepared to make resistance in those places, where the noise did threaten them with 〈◊〉 likelihood of danger. But Fabius himself, with the choice of his men, come in great silence to the 〈◊〉 of the Brutians: who being wrought by their Captain, helped the Romans to get up, and break open the next gate; whereat the Army was let in. The Tarentines, and Carthaginian soldiers, made head against Fabius in the Marketplace: but (as happeneth in like cases, where the main confidence is already taken away) not very obstinately. Nico, Democrates, and Philomenes, with those that before had let in Hannibal, used now the last of their courage in dying against the Romans. Carthalon, who commanded the Garrison within the Town, offered himself prisoner: hoping to be well used, because of hospitality that had passed between his Father and the Consul. But he was slain by the way, ere he could come at Fabius. The Romans did put all indifferently to the sword: in such sort, that they spared few of the Brutians. This slaughter of the Brutians, was thought to have been made by appointment of the Consul, to the end that he might seem to have won the Town by force and not by treason: though he thereby failed of his purpose; and neither had the glory which he expected, nor preserved his reputation of faithful dealing, and keeping his word. The booty found in 〈◊〉 was very great: whereofthe Roman Treasury, wither it was carried, had great need. As for the Imageries, and other curiosities, that were in the City, Fabius was contented to let them alone: and being told of 〈◊〉 Idols, that seemed worthy to be carried away, being very goodly pieces, in such habit and posture as if they were fight: he said, Let us leave unto the 〈◊〉 their angry gods.  
Hannibal being gotten clear from Marcellus, fell upon those that besieged Caulonia. They fled at his coming: but he was so near, that they were feign to betake them to a Hill, which served to no other purpose, than to bear off the first brunt. There they defended themselves a little while, and then they yielded. When this business was done, he hasted away to 〈◊〉 Tarentum. But when he come within five miles of the City, he had news that it was lost. This grieved him: yet he said no more than this, The Romans have also their HANNIBAL; we have lost Tarentum in such sort as we got it. That he might not seem to turn back amazed, or in any fear of the victorious Consul; he encamped a few days together, so near as he was unto Tarentum: and thence departing to Metapontum, bethought himself how to take Fabius in a trap. He caused the chief of the Metapontines to writ unto 〈◊〉, and offer to betray into his hands, the Carthaginian Garrison; with condition, that he should in that respect, forgive them all offences past. These letters were sent by two young men of the same City: who did their errand so well; that the Consul wrote back by them unto the Metapontins, and appointed the day, when they should expect him. Hereof Hannibal was exceeding glad: and at good leisure, made ready his ambushes for the wary Fabius. But whither some secret notice of the plot were given; or whither 〈◊〉 (as it is related) some tokens in sacrificing, terrified the superstitious Roman; the journey to Metapontum was deferred. Hereupon the same two Messengers were employed again: but being apprehended, and threatened with torture, they discovered all.  
This year was happy to the Romans, in all their wars: for they got every where; save only at Caulonia; where they lost a company of such lewd fellows, that it may seem good fortune, to have so been rid of them. But their common poverty, and disability to maintain their charge, continued, and grew greater than it was before. Thirty Roman Colonies were then in Italy: of which, twelve refused to contribute any longer to the wars. For it was considered; that the Legions of Cannae, and those unhappy Companies, that had been beaten under the one and the other Cn. Fuluius; were transported into 〈◊〉; where they lived, in a sort, as banished men. This grieved their friends at home, and made them reckon up the more diligently those other miseries which they daily felt. Ten years together they had been exhausted with levies of men, and impositions of money: in every of which years they had received some notable overthrow. In this case the lest that they could fear; or rather the best which they could hope; was, to fall into the hands of the enemy to be made prisoners. For Hannibal did gently sand home their people that was taken by him: whereas the Romans did banish from their homes, those that had escaped. It was therefore likely to come to pass within a while, that they should be all consumed: since new Soldiers were daily pressed forth of their Towns; and the old ones never did return. Such talk was frequent among those of the Colonies: especially where they that were transported into Sicily, had most compassionate friends. Wherhfore it was concluded by the people of Ardea, 〈◊〉, Alba, and other good Towns, to the number of twelve, That they should boldly deny unto the Romans, their father's help. This was thought the likeliest way to obtain peace: whereof otherwise they seen little hope, as long as Hannibal lived. When the Consuls heard the Ambassadors of these towns make such declaration, and protest their disability of giving any farther help; they were much amazed. They willed the Ambassadors to return home, and bring a better answer, forasmuch as this was noon other than treason: they bade them to consider, that the people were not Campans, or Tarentines, but the offspring of the Romans; and no less partakers of the Empire, than they that inhabited the Mother-city. But all would not serve: the Ambassadors continuing to protest, that they had already done what they could; and that they had remaining, neither men, nor money. It was well for the Romans, that the other eighteen Colonies did not imitate these twelve; but showed themselves willing to undergo whatsoever should be laid upon them, without shrinking under the burden. This their 〈◊〉 was so highly pleasing to the Consuls; that the Ambassadors of those faithful Colonies, were brought unto the Senate, and produced into the Assembly of the people: where, with commemoration of all their former good services, this their present love unto the State was magnified, & thanks accordingly bestowed upon them; with promise, that it should not be forgotten. As for the Ambassadors of those twelve Colonies, that refused to contribute; it was thought best, neither to retain them in the City, nor yet to dismiss them nor take any notice of them at all; but leave them to their own consideration of their ill deserving.  
It may greatly be doubted, what the example of these twelve people would have wrought, in those that were so willing to help the State, if 〈◊〉 had been then coming into Italy. For then must the Romans have betaken themselves wholly to their own defence; whereas now, to the great comfort of their subjects, they employed their forces in the conquest of Italy, with hopeful and fortunate success. Nevertheless, they were feign to open their most privy treasury; and thence take out the gold, that had been laid up to serve them in cases of greatest extremity. Of the money thus extracted, one quarter was 〈◊〉 to Fabius the Consul, to set him well out against the Tarentines; all the rest was sent into Spain to Scipio, for the maintenance of his Army; and to provide, that Asdrubal might not pass from thence into Italy. It is likely that Fabius did not spend all his money; finding such easy success at Tarentum, as was showed before. But to stop the journey of Asdrubal; neither the money sent into Spain, nor any victories won by Scipio could suffice. Nevertheless it fell out happily for the People of Rome, that this year, and the next, were spent, before his coming; and they better prepared, than at less warning they could have been, to 〈◊〉 him. Here it were not amiss to note, That since the Romans, being in so great necessity of money, were driven to furnish the Army in Spain, with the greatest part of all their stock that was left: it must needs be, that either the booty taken in new Canthage, was far less than same had reported it; or else that Scipio had not as yet won it: howsoever Livy rather inclines to those, who say that he got it soon after his arrival.  
M. 〈◊〉 Marcellus, and T. Quintus Crispinus, were chosen Consuls after Fabius and Fuluius. In their year it was, that Asdrubal took his journey out of Spain, though he come not into Italy until the year following. After the great battle at Cannae, Hannibal had lost much time about Cumae and Naeples, in seeking to make himself Master of a good haven, for the landing of those succours that were promised from Carthage. The hope that he reposed in Philip, caused him to turn his principal care to the Eastern parts of Italy; where he made ready a fair entrance for the Macedonian, if he had been ready to come. But since his hope was vanished, and the long promised succour of Asdrubal was (though far later than had been expedient) ready to arrive: he began to deal with the people of Hetruria, through whose Countries his brother was to pass, that therein he might make a party against the Romans. The loss of Capua, Tarentum, and many other Towns, might have terrified all other of the Italian Towns, from hearkening to any solicitation of the Carthaginians. Yet the poverty of the Roman, and the weariness of their adherents, together with the fame of a greater Army coming, then that which Hannibal brought into Italy; did 〈◊〉 many of the 〈◊〉, especially the Aretine's, to take such counsel as they thought most expedient for themselves, without regard of their fidelity to Rome. The Roman 〈◊〉, hearing the rumour of their conspiracy, sent Marcellus the new chosen Consul into Hetruria: whose coming did so terrify them, that they rested quiet for a while. All the year following they were devising how to break out: as contrariwise the Roman Propretors; partly by terror of severe judgements and inquisitions; and partly by the force of two or three Legions, with which they visited all suspected places, kept them honest against their wills; and took many Hostages for better assurance. The two Consuls had an earnest desire, to make strong war upon Hannibal without more temporizing: persuading themselves, that in battle they should be too strong for him. Crispinus had further his particular desire, to make his Consulship notable by the winning of some good Town: as Fuluius and Fabius had gotten honour by Capua and Tarentum. Therefore he went about the siege of Locri; one of the best Cities which the Carthaginian then held in Italy: and brought thither all sorts of engines; sending for a fleet out of Sicily to help him. But Hannibal was not slow to relieve the City: the fame of whose approach, made Crispinus desist from his enterprise and retire unto his Colleague, that lay at Venusia. Thither followed Hannibal; to whom the Consuls daily offered battle. This great man of war had no need to stand upon his reputation: which was already so confirmed, that his refusing to fight, was not likely to be ascribed unto fear; but rather deemed as part of his wisdom. He entertained the Consuls with many light skirmishes, and sought to take them at some advantage; reserving his own numbers as full as he could, unto a time of greater employment. In this lingering manner of War, 〈◊〉 took no pleasure: but sought to compel the Enemy to battle, whither he would or no. The Admiral of the Roman fleet about Sicily, L. 〈◊〉, was commanded again to assail the Town of Locri: which might well enough be forced, if Hannibal continued as he began to trifle away the time at Venusia. To the same purpose a part of the Garrison that lay in Tarentum, was appointed to go by Land to the assistance of Cincius. But Hannibal had an eye behind him. He laid an ambush in the way, between 〈◊〉 and Locri, whereinto the Romans fell: and having lost above three thousand of their company, were well glad, the rest of them, to quit their enterprise, and save their own lives within Tarentum. As for the Consuls, it was the desire of Hannibal, to waste their Army by little and little: which to do, he neglected no advantage. There lay between him and them an Hillock, overgrown with wood, that seemed fit to cover a number of men: who lying there undiscerned, might fall upon such, as should straggle from the Roman camp; and cut them off. Therefore he sent thither by night some companies of Numidians: whom he willed to keep themselves close, and attended their best advantage. To this piece of ground, the Consuls thought it fit to remove their Camp: Marcellus thinking that he never lay near enough unto Hannibal. Thither therefore both of them road to view the place, accompanied with the son of Marcellus, a few Colonels, and other principal men; and not many more than two hundred horse, most of them 〈◊〉. The Numidian Sentinel gave warning of their approach to his fellows; who discovered not themselves, until they had surrounded the Consuls and their train. The Consuls, as necessity compelled them, defended themselves: hoping to be quickly relieved from their camp that was near at hand. But the Etrurians ran away from them, at the first: and left them in that great danger, to the weak assistance of no more than forty horsemen, that were of the Colony of Fregellae. These Fregellans abode by the Consuls; and did what they could to have brought them safe off. But when Marcellus was stricken thorough with a Lance, and fell down dead; then began every one to shifted for himself, and escape as they might. Crispinus the other Consul, had his death's wound, being stricken with two Darts; and young Marcellus was likewise wounded; yet these two recovered their camp: The rest of the Colonels and Officers; together with the Lictors that carried the bundles of Rods and Axes before the Consuls, were all slain or taken. To the dead body of the Consul Marcellus, Hannibal gave honourable Funeral, according to the custom of those times: and bestowing his ashes in a silver pot, covered it with a crown of gold; and so sent them to young Marcellus, to be by him interred, where he thought good.  
Presently after this, Crispinus bethought himself, how that the signet Ring of Marcellus was fallen into the custody of Hannibal; who might use it, to his own purposes, ere that which had happened were well known abroad. Wherhfore he sent word unto all the Towns about; that his Colleague was slain, and that Hannibal had gotten his Ring: wishing them in that regard, to give no credit unto any letters therewithal signed. This providence of Crispinus was not more than requisite. For his Messenger was but a little before come to Salapia, when another Messenger arrived there sent from Hannibal, bringing letters in the name of Marcellus, and sealed with the captive Ring; whereof the contents were: That it was his purpose to come the same night unto Salapia; where he willed, that the Soldiers of the Garrison should be in a readiness, for such employment as he should think needful. The device was plain: and no less plain was the revengeful mind, which he bore against that City; because of his brave Numidian companies, that had therein been betrayed. The Salapians hereupon bethought themselves, how to take their Enemy in his own snare. They sent back the Messenger which was a Roman fugitive; without letting him perceive any sign of distrust in them. This done, they prepared all things in a 〈◊〉, for the entertainment of such a friend. Late in the night he come thither; with a troop of Roman fugitives armed Roman- like, leading the way. These all talking Latin together, called unto the Watch, and bade open the gate; for the Consul was there. The gate was opened, fair and leisurely, and the Portcullis drawn up no higher than needs it must be, to let them enter. But when six hundred of them were gotten in, down fell the Portcullis again: and they that thought to have taken others, were taken themselves; being laid at on all hands by the Salapians, that quickly made an end with them.  
Hannibal being thus overreached with this stratagem, hasted away to Locri; whereunto Cincius the Admiral of the Roman fleet about Sicily, did lay hard siege. The first appearance of the Numidians, Hannibal his Vantcurrors, made the Romans in all confused haste, run to their ships: leaving all their engines, and whatsoever was in their camp, to the enemies disposition.  
The Roman Senate hearing of these accidents, sent unto Crispinus the surviving Consul, and requested him to name a Dictator, that might take charge of the Commonwealth, and dispatch the election of new Magistrates, with other business; whereunto himself was disabled by his hurts. He did so: and soon after died. Than was it thought needful, that new Consuls should be chosen out of hand: forasmuch as two Roman Armies lay so near unto the Enemy, without any General. Especially it was desired, that Election should be made of such 〈◊〉, as were not only valiant, but well advised: since the best, and most fortunate of their great Darers, M. Marcellus, by losing himself so strangely, had given them a fair warning, not to commit their Army unto rash heads. Among those that stood for the Consulship, C. Claudius Nero, was the most eminent. He was of great Nobility, a good Soldier, and one, whose many services in this present war, did forcibly commend unto the place. Yet he seemed a little too violent; and one, whose temper needed the allay of a more stayed wit. The fathers therefore 〈◊〉 to join unto him in the Consulship M. Livius: one that had borne the same Office, long before. This M. Livius had been Consul with L. Aemylius Paulus, in the year foregoing the beginning of this war. After their Consulship, wherein they did good service, they had both of them been called into judgement by the People: and this Livius condemned; Aemylius hardly escaping. Though it hath been once already noted; yet I cannot forbear to remember it again: how it pleased God, to upbraid the unthankful Romans, with the malicious judgement, given by their multitude upon honourable men. For in the battle of Cannae, it was apparent, what lamentable effects, the memory of their injustice wrought: when L. Aemilius rather chose to yield to the froward ignorance of his Colleague; and afterward to die in the greatest overthrow, that ever fell upon the State of Rome, than by resisting the pernicious courses of Terentius Varro, to cast himself anew upon the danger of the popular fury. As for M. Livius, he is even now ready, and will so continued, to tell the People of their faults in a divers manner. Eight years together after his condemnation had he been absent out of the City, and lived in his Country Grange; vexing himself with the indignity of his condemnation. Marcellus and Laevinus, being Consuls two or three years ago, had brought him into Rome: where he lived private in discontented sort as might appear, both by his carelessness in apparel, and by the wearing of his long hair and beard; which in that time were the badges of men afflicted. Very lately he was compelled by the Censors, to poll his hair, and come into the Senate: where he used to sit silent, and signify his assent or dislike to what was proposed; either in short formal words, or in passing from side to side, when the house was divided. At length it happened, that in some business weightily concerning one that was his kinsman, he stood up, and made a set speech: whereby he drew all the Fathers to attention; and bade them inquire of him, and take better notice, what he was, and what he had been. The Senate was much altered since he had left it; many brave men were lost; new ones were chosen; such as rather served to fill up the number, than to answer to the dignity of the place: and they that were left of ancient standing, had even spent their Virtues to no great effect. Wherhfore, all began to say; that it was great pity, so worthy and able a man, as this Livius, had been all this while forgotten; one, of whom the Commonwealth stood in great need, yet had not used in this dangerous war. Now seeing that the Consuls aught, one of them, to be chosen a Patrician, the other, of necessity a Plebeian: and since, neither Fabius, nor Valerius Laevinus, being both of them Patricians, could be joined with Claudius Nero: every one was of opinion, that there could not be chosen and coupled together, two fit men than C. Claudius, and this Marcus Livius. But Livy would not endure to hear of this. He said it was unreasonable, that one condemned as a dishonest man, should afterwards be chosen Ruler of the City. If they had done ill to trust him with one Consulship, what meant they then to offer him another? With these, and the like phrases he resisted their desires: till by persuasions, and examples rehearsed, of such as had patiently digested injuries done by the People, and repaid good for evil; he was contented to accept the honour.  
Here we may behold a true figure of that Emblem, with which Themistocles checked the ingratitude of the Athenians: resembling himself to a Planetree, the branches and boughs whereof men break in fair weather; but run under it for shelter in a storm. Such unthankfulness, to well-deserving men, is not rarely found in the outrageous multitude. Neither was the late example hereto much unlike, of Philip the second King of Spain his dealing with the Duke of Alua. For although he had committed the Duke to prison, upon some small offence conceived, without all regard of his former deserts: yet when his intended 〈◊〉 of Portugal, required the service of a man, more than ordinarily sufficient; he stood no longer upon the scanning of late displeasures; but employed the same Duke, whom he had newly disgraced. Thus is wisdom often taught by necessity.  
It was a dangerous year 〈◊〉, when C. Claudius Nero, and M. Livius were chosen Consuls. Asdrubal was already come into France, and waited only, to have the ways of the Alpss thawed by warm weather, for his passage into Italy. The Romans used at this time the service of three and twenty Legions: and wanted not employment, for many more, if they had known how to levy and maintain them. Of these which they had, four served in Spain, two in Sicily and two in Sardinia: the rest were so disposed, in several parts of Italy, where need seemed to require, that only two Legions were left to each of the Consuls. But the Consuls were men of execution: and would not be tied to the punctual observance of what the 〈◊〉 thought fit. M. Liutus would not stir out of Rome, against so mighty a power as followed Asdrubal; until he had first obtained, that he might carry with him as many as could well be spared from other employments; and those, or the most of them, chosen Companies. It was true, that two Legions, appointed to serve under Lucius Porcius a Praetor of that year, among the Sisalpine Gauls, might be 〈◊〉 as an additament to the forces of Livius; to whom the war against Asdrubal was allotted. So might also two other Legions, that were among the Salentines, near unto Tarentum, under another of the Praetors, be accounted a part of Claudius his Army; that was sent against Hannibal. Nevertheless the Consuls, by the especial instance of Livy, did obtain, that all might be left to their own discretion. For news come, that Asdrubal was already passing the Alpss; the Ligurians, who dwelled in the Country about Genua, with their Neighbour people, were in readiness to join with him; and L. Porcius sent word, that he would adventure no further, than he safely might. When all was ordered, as themselves 〈◊〉 best, the two Consuls went forth of the City; each, his several way. The People of Rome were now quite otherwise affected, than they had been, when L. Aemylius 〈◊〉 and C. Terentius Varro, were sent against Hannibal. They did no longer take upon them, to direct their Generals; or bid them dispatch, and win the victory betimes: but rather they stood in fear; jest all diligence, wisdom and valour should prove too little. For since few years had passed, wherein some one of their Generals had not beeneslaine; and since it was manifest, that if either of these present Consuls were defeated, or put to the worst; the two Carthaginians would forthwith join, and make short work with the other: it seemed a greater happiness than could be expected, that each of them should return home Victor; and come off with honour, from such mighty opposition, as he was like to find. With extreme difficulty had Rome held up her head, ever since the battle of Cannae: though it were so, that Hannibal alone, with little help from Carthage, had continued the war in Italy. But there was now arrived another son of Amilcar; and one, that in his present Expedition, had seemed, a man of more sufficiency than Hannibal himself. For, whereas in that long and dangerous march, through barbarous Nations, over great Rivers, and Mountains, that were thought unpassable, Hannibal had lost a great part of his Army: this Asdrubal, in the same places, had multiplied his numbers; and, gathering the people that he found in the way, descended from the Alps like a rolling Snow-bal, far greater than he come over the Pyrenees at his first setting out of Spain. These considerations and the like, of which fear presented many unto them; caused the People of Rome, to wait upon their Consuls out of the Town; like a pensive train of Mourners: thinking upon Marcellus & Crispinus, upon whom in the like sort they had given attendance the last year; but seen neither of them return alive, from a less dangerous war. Particularly, old Q. Fabius gave his accustomed advice to M. Livius, that he should abstain from giving, or taking battle, until he well understood the Enemy's condition. But the Consul made him a froward answer, and said, That he would fight the very first day: for that he thought it long, till he should either recover his honour by victory; or by seeing the overthrow of his own unjust Citizens, satisfy himself with the joy of a great, 〈◊〉 not an honest, revenge. But his meaning was better than his words.  
Of the overthrow that Asdrubal received in Spain, by Scipio, a little before he took his journey into Italy; such mention hath already been made, as agreed with the report of that noble Historian Livy. Yet I think it not amiss to add in this place, what may be gathered out of the remaining fragments of Polybius his history 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  concerning that accident. Asdrubal had wrestled with many difficulties in Spain; 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 10. & 〈◊〉.  by reason of those Captains that were sent from the city of Carthage, to join with him in the administration of that Province: they being, as it may seem, of the Hannonian faction; which is to say, thus far forth Traitors, that they preferred the advantage of their own side, before the good of their Commonwealth. In what particulars they wronged this worthy son of Amilcar, and how they hindered his courses 〈◊〉, it cannot be known: since of those books, wherein Polybius hath exactly handled these matters, there are to us remaining only a few broken pieces. But by the 〈◊〉 dealing of Hanno in Sicily with Mutines, a better man of war than himself, whom Hannibal had sent into the Island: we may conceive, that against the brother of Hannibal it was thought needful, by these mischievous Partisans of Hanno, to use the violent opposition of more 〈◊〉 malice. Nevertheless 〈◊〉 was a good Patriot: and therefore endured patiently such indignities, as Mutines could not long digest. His journey into Italy being resolved upon: he lay with part of the Army at 〈◊〉, not far from the mines of silver; whence he was to furnish his Expedition. Thither come Scipio: and drove him out of his Camp, though he were strongly lodged, before the other Carthaginian Captains could, or would, come to his assistance. The overthrow seems not to have been so great, as it must have been supposed, if no way lay open to those that fled. Rather it appears, that Asdrubal dealt like a provident man, and seeing that his Camp was likely to be forced, sent away all his 〈◊〉, with his Elephants before him: but stayed behind himself to sustain the Romans awhile, until his carriages might be out of danger. Herein he had his desire. Afterwards, he gathered his broken troops together: and retired in such sort, that Scipio thought it not good to pursue him, and so passed over Tagus. Than taking unto him the forces assigned for his Expedition, he marched away toward the Pyrenees: leaving the care 〈◊〉 Spain unto his brother Mago, and to Asdrubal the son of Gesco; that thought himself the fittest man for the administration thereof. Feign would Scipio have 〈◊〉 him on his journey, by sending to defend against him the ordinary way of the Mountains. But whither Asdrubal took another way, or whither he forced the guards that Scipio had set to keep the 〈◊〉 (as the defence of hard passages commonly sorts to no good effect) he was not letted in his voyage by any such impediment. Coming into Gaul, and following the steps of his brother Hannibal: he found the Nations that lay in his way, so well affected, either to him or to his money, that no passages were defended against him, nor any sort of resistance made; but he, and his Army, well entertained, and their numbers much increased, by access of such as were desirous to take 〈◊〉 pay. Of these he had the better choice: for that he was driven to Winter in their Country; whilst that the passages of the Alps were closed up with Ice and Snow. The Mountains likewise, that had so greatly molested Hannibal in his journey over the Alpss; were easily won to take part with Asdrubal, when he travailed through their Country. For these poor men, at the first coming of Hannibal, were verily persuaded, that it was his purpose to rob them of their cat-tail; and to make spoil of that little wealth, which they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the desolate rocks. But now in process of time, they were better informed. Therefore understanding, that there were two mighty Cities, far disjoined asunder, which made war upon each other, by Land, and Sea; and that the Alps did only lie in their way: they gladly condescended, to take their part in the fortune of the Invaders. The like affection, upon greater cause, was afterward found in the 〈◊〉 Gauls. The Ligurians also joined with Asdrubal: and so would the 〈◊〉 have done; if he had arrived in their Country. There was no other Roman Army near, than L. 〈◊〉 with his two Legions; of whom there was no great fear. Therefore did Asdrubal set upon Placentia a Roman Colony: in hope to make his coming the more terrible, by the destruction of that Town. But there he lost a great deal of time, and finally was driven to quit the enterprise: by undertaking which, he gave the Roman Consuls leisure to make ready for him; and caused his brother Hannibal (who upon the first bruit of Asdrubal his so timely, and easily passing the 〈◊〉, was about to leave his wintering camps, and go forth to meet with him) to sit still awhile, as well ware, that Placentia would not be taken in haste.  
C. Claudius Nero the Roman Consul, made what speed he could, to meet with Hannibal, and stop him from joining with his brother. He had about forty thousand foot, and five hundred horse: with which he daily offered battle to the Carthaginian; and had of him the better in many skirmishes. 〈◊〉 was once driven to make a tedious march from the borders of the Salentines and 〈◊〉, into the Country of the Brutians, there to increase his forces; which were otherwise too weak for the journey intended. Afterwards coming to Grumentum, a Town of the Lucan's; he there fought unprosperously with Nero the Consul. Nevertheless he got off, and marched away to Venusia. But Nero followed him; and had there again the better of him. Wherhfore he was driven to return to Metapontum: where joining with Hanno, that had made ready a good Army; he assayed again to make way by force to his brother. So he passed onward, and come again to Venusia, having Nero still at his heels. Thence went he over the River 〈◊〉 to Canusium, where he sat down, not far from the place, in which he had obtained his most memorable victory. There also did Nero sit down by him: and both of them rested, without making offer to fight. It seemed perhaps unto Hannibal, who knew the Country very well; that his brother might, with little impediment, overcome the way to Canusium: where if he could once again deal with both the Consuls, and all the Roman forces together, he had reason to hope for such another victory, as once he had gotten in the same open Country. If this had so fallen out; Rome would have been undone for ever. But the 〈◊〉 should not have needed to wish any second victory, in the naked Champans about Cannae; if such an army, as this which Asdrubal now brings, had come to second Hannibal, when he was in his full strength; and the Romans not able to keep the field. Wherhfore this worthy General had good reason afterward to say, that Hanno was the man, who by delaying the supply, did beaten him out of Italy; which else no power of the Romans could have done.  
Whilst Nero waited upon the Carthaginians, and thought it enough to hinder them from meeting with the Army that was coming to their succour: he was advertised of Asdrubal his approach; by Letters and Messengers intercepted, as they were going to Hannibal. These gave notice, that Asdrubal had left the siege of Placentia, and drew onwards apace: being already come within two hundred miles of his brother; notwithstanding all opposition that could be made by Livy the Consul. Of these news Claudius Nero was nothing joyful. For if Hannibal could once be joined as head, unto that great body of an Army, which Asdrubal brought with him: it was most apparent, that howsoever the fortune of Rome should avoid, for the present, any great calamity; yet the very continuance of so strong a war at home, would enforce the Latins, and other faithful Associates, to faint under the burden; as twelve of the thirty Roman Colonies had already done. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resolved, that it were better to make any desperate adventure, than to suffer the conjunction of two such malevolent Planets: whose pestilent influence, if not on the sudden, yet within few years, was like to work most lamentable effect. It seemed apparent, that his Colleague was unable to stay the progress of Asdrubal: neither were there any good Legions in a readiness, that could do service in such a needful case; excepting those, that were already employed under the two Consuls. Hereupon he concluded, that it was not expedient for him to 〈◊〉 himself to his own charge, which was the war against Hannibal: but rather that it behoved him, to help where more necessity required; and to carry part of his forces unto his Colleague. This 〈◊〉 not be without much danger. Yet since the meeting of the two Carthaginian brethren, was far more dangerous to the Roman Commonwealth; it seemed the best way to put Fortune in trust, with that which was of the less importance. Six thousand foot, and a thousand horse he therefore took, that were the very choice of his Army: and making show, as if he would only step aside, to do some small piece of service near at hand; away he posted as fast as he could, to assist his fellow Consul. His Messengers ran before him, to give warning to all Towns by which he was to pass, that they should be ready to meet him, with victuals, and all other necessaries for his Army. Livius the other Consul, at that time, lay encamped, near unto Sena Gallica, and Asdrubal within half a mile of him. In six days Nero had finished his journey thither; and when he drew near, sent Messengers before him, to give notice of his coming. Livy thought it fittest that he should stay in some place of covert until dark night, and then enter secretly into the camp: jest the Enemy, perceiving this 〈◊〉 of strength, should accordingly frame his counsels. This was done: and a token given, that the Colonels, Captains, and all Soldiers, aswell horse as foot, that Nero had brought with him; should be lodged and entertained by men of their own sort. Their Company was some what increased by Voluntaries that joined with them on the way. Nevertheless, it was not needful, that the Quarter which received them, should be enlarged; since they had brought with them nothing but their arms. The next day they held a 〈◊〉 of war: wherein some were of opinion, that it was best for these new-arrived Companies, to refresh themselves a few days after their weary journey, before they should be drawn forth to battle. But against this, Nero was very earnest: and besought his Colleague, to make use of him out of hand; that he might betimes return to his own Camp, ere Hannibal should have notice of his absence. The soldiers also of Nero, were full of spirit; perceiving that the honour of the victory was like to be theirs: forasmuch as the battle would not have been undertaken, without this their coming to help. Finally, it was agreed when the Counsel broke up, that the sign of battle should be hung out; which was commonly a purple coat over the generals pavilion.  
Asdrubal was no less willing than the Romans to come to battle, having long desired it, and hitherto not found occasion before. But when he had put his men in order, and was riding before the head of his Army, to behold the Enemy's countenance: it seemed to him, that they were more than they had been; and some of their arms and horses looked as though they had wanted dressing, after a long journey. Hereupon he began to withdraw his Army back into the Camp: and gave order, that if no prisoners could be taken, by whom he might be certified of the truth; yet should there good observation be made, whither the enemies camp were enlarged, or no; or what other alteration could be noted, that might show their forces to be increased. The camp, as hath been said, was not extended: but the trumpet, that sounded only once in the quarter of L. Porcius the Praetor, did now, contrary to former custom, sounded twice in the quarter of Livius the Consul. Hereat Asdrubal greatly mused: and being well acquainted with the Roman orders; held this for a sure token, that the other Consul was there 〈◊〉. How this might be, if Hannibal were alive, and in good case, he was not able to conjecture: but thought it the best way, to go leisurely to work; till he might be better informed. Upon confidence in his own forces, he had not cared hitherto, how near he lay to the Romans; nor troubled himself perhaps with over-strongly fortifying his own Campe. Yet when he now perceived, that somewhat was fallen out beside his expectation, he changed his resolution; and held it no dishonour to remove a little further off. So he 〈◊〉 secretly by night, intending to get over the River Metaurus; whereby to keep himself as long as he could, from necessity of battle. But whither it were so, that his guides did steal away from him in the dark, so that he could not find the way to the Fords; or whither his carriages were too heavy, and hindered his speed: far he had not go, ere the Consul Nero was at his heels with all the Roman horse, and stayed him from passing any further. Soon after come L. Porcius with the light armature: whom the other Consul followed anon with all the Legions; in good order, and ready for battle. Asdrubal, seeing himself overtaken with necessity to fight; omitted no care and circumspection. His Gauls, in whom he reposed lest confidence, he placed in his left wing upon a Hill, which the Enemy should not, without much difficulty, be able to climb: in the right wing he stood himself, with his Africans and Spaniards; his Ligurians he placed in the midst; and his Elephants, he bestowed in the front of his battles. On the Roman side, Nero had the leading of the right wing; Livius of the left; and Porcius of the battle. Both Romans and Carthaginians well understood, how much depended upon the fortune of this day; and how little hope of safety there was unto the vanquished. Only the Romans herein seemed to have had the beter in conceit, and opinion; That they were to fight with men desirous to have fled from them. And according to this presumption, come Livius the Consul with a proud bravery, to give charge on the Africans: by whom he was so sharply entertained, that the victory seemed very doubtful. The Africans and Spaniards were stout soldiers; and well acquainted with the manner of the Roman fight. The Ligurians also were a hardy Nation, and not accustomed to give ground; which they needed the less, or were able now to do, being placed in the midst. Livius therefore, and Porcius, found strong opposition: and with great slaughter on both sides, prevailed little or nothing. Besides other difficulties, they were exceedingly troubled by the Elephants, that broke their first ranks; and put them in such disorder, as the Roman Ensigns were driven to fall back. All this while Claudius Nero, labouring much in vain against a steep Hill, was unable to come to blows with the Gauls; that stood opposite unto him, but out of danger. This made Asarubal the more confident; who seeing his own left wing safe, did the more boldly and fiercely make impression on the other side, upon the left wing of the Romans. But Nero, perceiving that the place wherein he stood, was such as would compel him to remain idle till the fight were ended; took a part of his forces, and led them round behind the forces of Porcius and Livins: which having compassed, he fell upon Asdrubal, and charged him in the flank. Here began the victory to be manifest on the Roman side. For Nero, finding noon to resist him in front, ran all along the depth of Asdrubal his battle: and falling upon the skirts thereof, disordered the Enemies, and put all to rout. Of the Spaniards therefore and Africans, that were laid at on every side, the greatest part was slain. The Ligurians and Gauls escaped as they could; and saved themselves by timely flight. Of the Elephants, four were taken alive: the rest were slain; some by the Enemies weapons; others by their own guides that road them. For when any of them, being sore wounded, began to wax 〈◊〉, and rush back upon their own battles following them: the guide had in readiness a Mallet, and a Chizzell, wherewith he gave them a stroke between the ears, in the joint of the neck, next unto the head; wherewith he killed the beast upon the sudden. This speedy way of preventing such harm as the Elephants, being hurt, were wont to do to the squadrons following them; is said to have been the device of Asdrubal himself; who died in this battle.  
Great commendations are given to Asdrubal, both by Polybius, and by 〈◊〉. He is said at all times to have showed himself worthy of Amilcar his father, and Hannibal his brother; to have striven with great patience, against many difficulties, whereinto he fell by the means of those Captains, that were sent from Carthage into Spain; to have performed in this last battle all duties of a worthy General; and finally when he seen the loss irreparable, to have ridden manfully into the thickest of his Enemies; where fight bravely, he was slain. Of the number that died with him in this battle, the report of Livy, and of Polybius, do very much disagree. For Livy saith, that the Carthaginians had no less an overthrow, than was that, which they gave to the Romans at Cannae; that fifty six thousand of them were slain, five thousand & four hundred taken prisoners; and above four thousand Roman Citizens, whom they had captives with them, delivered, and set at liberty. He saith also, that of the Romans and their Associates there were slain eight thousand: and of the booty, that it was exceeding great; not only in other kinds; but in gold and silver. Concerning the booty; Polybius hath no mention of it. Likely it is to have been as rich as 〈◊〉 reporteth it; for Asdrubal come well stored with money. But Polybius (who had no desire to make this battle of Metaurus, a parallel unto that of Cannae) reports no more than about ten thousand of the Carthaginian side, and two thousand of the Roman, to have been slain. The number of the prisoners he doth not mention: but only saith, That some of the Carthaginian Princes were taken alive; and that all the rest died in the battle. Whereby it may seem, that they were all Barchines: forasmuch as they preferred the honour of themselves, and of their Country, above their lives.  
The joy of this victory was no less in Rome, than had been the fear of the event. For ever since it was known in what sort Nero had left his Army; the whole City was troubled, as much as lately at Hannibal his coming thither. Men thought it strange, that the Consul should make such a great adventure, as thus to put the one half of all the Roman forces, unto hazard of the Dies. For what if Hannibal should chance to have notice of this his departure; and either pursue him, or set upon the Army that stayed behind, much weakened, and without a General? Thus did they talk: yet reserving their censure unto the success; with liberty to approve or condemn, according to the issue. In the mean while the People filled the Marketplace; the Women ran to the Temples, with Vows and Prayers; and the Senators were daily in counsel, waitiug still ready at hand upon the Magistrates: as 〈◊〉 some great matter were likely to fall out, that would require every one's help. In brief, they were all so full of melancholy, that when first news of the victory come, there were not many that would 〈◊〉 it. Afterwards when Messengers arrived from the Consuls, with Letters containing all that had passed: there was not only great and joyful concourse of all sorts of men unto the Temples, but the very face of the City was altered; and men from thenceforth began to follow their private business; making contracts one with another (which they had long forborn to do) and attending their own affairs in such wise, as if Hannibal were already driven out of Italy.  
Nero returning to his camp, threw forth openly the head of Asdrubal before the Carthaginians: and producing his African prisoners bound; sent two of them lose to give Hannibal notice of what had happened. These two prisoners might have served well enough to certify Hannibal of this misadventure, without doing wrong to the dead body of Asdrubal: especially since Hannibal, in honourable, and far different manner, had given burial to Gracchus and Marcellus; yea to all the Roman Generals, whose carcases fell into his hands. But it may seem, that howsoever the People of Carthage wanted much of the generous disposition, which was found among the Romans, in their love unto the Commonweal; yet in dealing with Enemies, they were far more civil, and less prove to the insolency of revenge. The best excuse of this outrage done by Nero, is, that he hoped much more by the sudden terror of such a spectacle, than by the simple relation of that which had passed, to make a deep impression of fear into the Carthaginians. It may also be said, That he forgot himself, being overjoyed with the greatness of his prosperity. For it was the battle of Metaurus that weighed down the balance, and turned the Tide of the Roman fortune: which being then at the lowest Ebb, ceased not afterwards to flow, till it could not be contained within any banks. Hannibal having lost in this unhappy fight (besides that worthy Gentleman his Brother) all the hope that so long sustained him in Italy; withdrew himself into the Country of the Brutians: and thither he caused all the Lucan's that were of his party to remove; as likewise all that dwelled in Metapontum. For he wanted men to defend so many places as he held at the present, because they lay too far asunder. Wherhfore he drew them all into a lesser compass in the utmost corner of Italy; it being a Country of much fastness, and the people exceedingly devoted to his service. In this business Nero gave him no memorable impediment: either because Hannibal was too strong for him, having all his forces united; or because it is likely that this remove of the Lucan's and Metapontines, was not before the end of Summer, when their harvest was gathered in; at what time the Senate called him home to Rome. M. Livius the other Consul tarried among the Cisalpine Gauls until the end of Summer; there to set things in such order as he thought requisite: which done, he wrote unto the Senate, that there was no more need of him and his Army in that Province; but that L. Porcius, with the two Legions that were there before, might very well discharge the place. For this cause, he desired leave to return home; and that he might bring his Army with him. The Senate well understood his meaning: which was, to have the honour of triumph, as he well deserved. But forasmuch as it was well known, what interest Nero had in the late victory: order was given, that not only Livy with his Army should come home; but likewise Nero; though leaving his Army behind him, to confront Hannibal. So the honour of triumph was granted to them both: in the pomp whereof Livy made the greater show, as riding in a Chariot, and followed by his Soldiers; because in his Province, and upon his day of command, the victory was gotten; his Army also being present at the triumph. But Nero that road on horseback, and without such attendance, was the more extolled both by the People and Soldiers; by whom, the victory was in a manner wholly ascribed unto his great worth. Neither wanted L. Veturius Philo, and Q. Caecilius Metellus, Lieutenants to the Generals, the due acknowledgement of their good service. For they were commended unto the People, as men worthy to be chosen Consuls: and Consuls they were chosen for the year following. But nothing was done by them, worthy of memory, in their Consulship. Neither indeed from this year, which was the thirteenth of the present war, until the eighteenth year wherein it ended, was there any matter of importance wrought in Italy; save only the taking of Locri from the Carthaginians by 〈◊〉. For Hannibal wanted strength, wherewith to make any great offer: and the Romans had little mind to provoke him; but thought it well that he was quiet. Such opinion had they conceived of him; that though all about him went to ruin; yet in him alone they thought there was force enough to hold himself upright. And surely very notable are the commendations given unto him by Polybius; whom Livy therein follows: That making war upon a People, of all other the most warlike, he obtained so many victories by his own good conduct: and that leading an Army, compounded of so many sundry Nations, Africans, Spaniards, Gauls, Carthaginians, Italians, and Greeks'; which were, neither in Language, Laws, Conditions, or any other thing, one like to another; he held them all in such good order, that they never fell to sedition among themselves, or against their General. But that which Livy adds hereto, is yet perhaps of greater admiration: That he sustained his Army, without help from other places, from this time forward, upon the hungry soil of the Brutians: which, when it was best manured in time of peace, could hardly suffice to nourish the Inhabitants. It is therefore apparent, that by his proper worth and virtue, he kept his Army in such order and obedience, rather than by any greatness of reward and booty: since, after the death of Asdrubal, he made no invasion upon the wealthier parts of Italy; but held himself still among the poor Brutians. Where we must leave him, until he be drawn into Africa by Scipio; whose doings will henceforth entertain, and lead us, unto the end of this War.   

§. XVII. How P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO the Roman, made entire conquest of Spain.  

†. I How the Carthaginians were driven by SCIPIO from the Continent into the Isle of Gades.  
MAGO, & ASDRUBAL the son of Gesco, took upon them the charge of Spain, when 〈◊〉 the son of 〈◊〉 departed thence into 〈◊〉. These agreed together, that Mago should make a voyage to the Baleares; there to levy a supply of men: and Asdrubal with draw himself into Lusitania (which is now Portugal) wither 〈◊〉 Romans had ill means to follow; being altogether unacquainted in those parts. Mago had soon ended his business, and returned into Spain: where he met with one Hanno (the same perhaps that had lately been employed in Sicily) who brought 〈◊〉 forces out of Africa, and come to succeed in place of Asdrubal the Barchine. It is not unlikely that Spain was now the better, and more readily furnished with men, and all things needful from Carthage; when that son of Amilcar, whose authority had been greatest, was thence departed. For hereby might the factious diligence of old Hanno approve itself, against that noble race of Warriors; when it should appear, that things did prospero much the better by being left unto the handling of other men. Whither it were upon desire to make good some such opinion raised of him at home, or whither upon confidence in the forces that he brought over: 〈◊〉 took the field, and led Mago with him; as purposing afresh to set upon the Romans. So he entered into the Country of the Celtiberians, not very far from new Carthage: where, by money, and other persuasions, he levied above nine thousand men.  
P. Scipio in the mean while contained himself in the Eastern parts of 〈◊〉: attentive, as it may seem, to the proceed of Asdrubal the son of Amilcar; against whom, he is reported by some Writers to have sent part of his forces into Italy, to the assistance of C. Claudius Nero, and M. Linius the Consuls. But hearing of the levy made by Hanno and Mago, among the 〈◊〉: he sent M. Syllanus the Propretor, with ten thousand foot and five hundred horse. Syllanus got intelligence by some fugitive Celtiberians, who become his guides, that their Countrymen encamped apart from the Carthaginians in great disorder: as men fearing no danger, because they were at home. Wherhfore as closely as he was able, he drew near to these Celtiberians: and falling upon them on the sudden, gave them such an overthrow, that Hanno and Mago coming to their succour, in stead of heartening & reinforcing them, become partakers of the loss. Mago saved himself, with all the horse, and old Companies of foot, which were about two 〈◊〉: and in ten days journey brought them safe to Asdrubal. The rest of the Africans were either slain or taken: among whom, Hanno had the ill luck to be taken prisoner; though he kept himself out of the fight until all was lost. As for the Celtiberians, they knew better how to make shift; & saved 〈◊〉 of themselves by running into the woods.  
It could no otherwise be, but that Scipio was much troubled with the danger wherein Italy stood, by the coming thither of Asdrubal. Ten thousand foot and eighteen hundred horse he did therefore sand out of Spain (as it is reported by some Authors) to the defence of his own Country: or was perhaps about to sand them; and thereupon remained at new Carthage, intentive to the necessity & success of his Countrymen at home. But when he had word of the great victory at Metaurus, which fell out long before the end of this Summer, then might he well adventure, to take in hand the entire conquest of Spain; which must needs be much alienated from the Carthaginians, by the report of such an overthrow. The Spanish Soldiers that served under Hannibal, and those that had been sent over into Africa; were as pledges heretofore, by whom their Country was held obnoxious to the Carthaginians. But when it was noised abroad, That all which had followed Asdrubal into Italy, were fallen into the hands of the Romans; and that Hannibal with his Army, was closed up in a strength, whence he could not get out: then did it greatly behove the Spaniards to conform themselves unto the will of the Victors. That it was the success of things in Italy, which gave such confidence unto Scipio; it is the more probable, because he took not this great enterprise in hand, until the Summer was almost spent. Asdrubal therefore used the benefit of the season; and by disposing his Army into many Garrisons, hindered the Enemy, from doing any great exploit before Winter. So the very length of way, and the time of the year, caused Scipio to return back: without any other matter performed, than that his Brother L. Scipio took by assault the Town of Oringis.  
Against the next years danger, Asdrubal prepared a great Army: and spared not cost, nor travail, in strengthening himself, for the trial of his last fortune in Spain. With seventy thousand foot, four thousand horse, and two and thirty Elephants, he took the field: which number I 〈◊〉, that he could hardly have raised, without boldly denying the truth of those reports that come from Italy. Scipio thought his Roman Legions too weak to encounter with such a multitude. Wherhfore he judged it needful to use the help of his Spanish friends. But the death of his Father and Uncle, that were cast away by the treason of such false Auxiliares; made him on the other side very doubtful, of relying upon those, that might perhaps betray him in his greatest need. Yet since one 〈◊〉, that was Lord of eight & twenty Towns, had promised him the last Winter, to raise three thousand foot, and five hundred horse for his service: he resolved to make use of those, and some few others; that might help to make a show; and yet not be able to do great harm, if they would revolt. So with five and forty thousand foot, and three thousand horse, he sought out the Enemy; near to whom he encamped. At his first coming, Mago and Masanissa fell upon him; with hope to take him unprepared, whilst he was making his lodgings. But he laid certain troops of horse in covert: which breaking upon them unexpected; caused them to fall off. They made at first an orderly retreat: but being more hardly pressed, they shortly betook themselves to plain flight. After this encounter, which added some courage to the Romans, and abated the presumption of the Carthaginians: there were daily skirmishes between the horse and light armature, on both sides; wherein was nothing done of importance. Asdrubal drew forth his Army, and arranged it before his Trenches: the like did Scipio; each of them to show that he durst fight, yet not proceeding any further. Thus they continued many days: Asdrubal being still the first that issued forth in the morning; and the first that, in the evening, withdrew himself into his Trenches. The Spanish Auxiliaries were placed on both sides in the wings; the Carthaginians were in the midst, with their Elephants before them; and opposite to these on the other side were the Roman Legions. When they had in this order confronted one another, though at far distance, many days together: it grew to be the common opinion, that they should shortly meet in the same form; and be matched on each part, with the Enemies, long before designed. But Scipio, when he purposed indeed to fight, altered the form of his Army; and withal, come forth earlier than he had been wont. He caused his men and horses, to be well fed betimes in the morning before day: and then sent forth his horse and light armature, to train out the Carthaginians with their bellies 〈◊〉: using herein the same trick, whereby he might remember, that Hannibal had beaten his father in the battle of Trebia. His Roman Legions he bestowed in the wings; his Spaniards, in the battle. Asdrubal sent forth his horse in all haste, to entertain the Romans; whilst he himself arranged his men, in their wont order, at the Hill foot, upon which he encamped. In the skirmishes of the horse it could not be discerned which part had the better: since being over-pressed on either side, they had a safe retreat unto their foot; and one troop seconding another by course, returned to charge. This fight was protracted by Scipio to a great length: because his men, having well fed themselves, were like to hold out better than the Enemy. But about noon, he caused his wings to advance a good pace; leaving their battle of Spaniards far behind them, that come on leisurely, according to direction. The Spanish Mercenaries that stood in Asdrubal his wings, were no way comparable, save only in number, to the Latin and Roman Soldiers, that come against them; for they were fresh Soldiers, levied in haste; and fight only in respect of their pay. Being therefore charged in front by the Legions, and in flank, at the same time, by the Roman Velites, and by some cohorts, that were appointed to wheel about for the same purpose: they were sorely pressed; and with much difficulty made resistance. The Carthaginians would feign have succoured them, but that they durst not stir out of their places, because of the Spanish battle which was coming against them; though it were as yet far off. Thus the best part of Asdrubal his Army stood idle, until the wings were broken. For, had he adventured to meet with the Spaniards, he must have cast himself into the open space that lay before him between the Roman wings: to the depth whereof when he had arrived, he should have found himself enclosed in such sort, as was the Consul Paulus 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of Cannae. Wherhfore he did only employ his Elephants; which did, according to their manner, no greater harm to his Enemies, than to his Friends. When they were chafed with wounds, they could no longer be ruled by their guides: but ran, as chance led them, and troubled both parts; or those perhaps the more, that were the more unwilling to kill them. In process of the fight: the Romans, who had well refreshed their bodies in the morning, endured lusty; when the others began to faint with 〈◊〉 and heat of the day. Wherhfore perceiving their advantage, they followed it the more 〈◊〉: and gave not over, till they had forced the enemy to change his pace and run from him. Asdrubal did his best to have made an orderly retreat; and afterward again, to have caused his men turn head, at the Hill foot. But the Romans would not suffer the victory to be so extorted from them: neither was it easy to put fresh courage into the vanquished; led by the obstinate passion of fear which harkens to no persuasion. The Camp of 〈◊〉 had that day been taken; if a storm of rain, which fell violently on the sudden, and bred some superstition in the Romans, had not caused them to give over.  
The same night, Asdrubal gave no rest to his men: but caused them, hungry, and overlaboured as they were, to take pains in fortifying the Camp; wherein he feared to be assaulted. But little assurance could he have in the strength of his Trenches; when he had lost the hearts of his Spanish Soldiers. One Attanes, that was Lord of the Turdetani, fled from him to the Romans, with a great Band of his subjects: many followed this example; and soon after, two strong Towns were yielded up to Scipio, and the Garrisons betrayed. It seems that the perverse fortune of this late battle, 〈◊〉 Asdrubal had set his rest, bred in the Spaniards a disposition, to believe the more easily those reports which they heard from Italy. For henceforward, they never did good office to the Carthaginians. 〈◊〉, perceiving this, withdrew himself, and marched away, faster than an ordinary pace, toward the Ocean Sea. Scipio followed the next morning: & overtaking the Carthaginians with his horse, caused them so often to make stand; that they were at length attached by the Roman Legions. Here began a cruel slaughter: for there was no resistance made, but all fell to rout, save only seven thousand, that with Asdrubal himself recovered a very strong piece of ground, which they fortified in haste. This place he made shifted awhile to defend: but wanting there necessaries to sustain himself long, he was forsaken by some of those few, that continued hitherto partakers of his fortune. Wherefore he resolved to make shift for one: and stealing from his Company by night away to the Seaside, that was not far thence; he took shipping, and set sail for Gades. When Scipio understood that Asdrubal was thus go: he left Syllanus with ten thousand foot, and a thousand horse to besiege their Camp (which was not taken in haste, for Mago and Masanissa stayed in it) whilst he with the rest of the Army did what was needful in the Country abroad. It was not long, ere Mago and Masanissa followed 〈◊〉 to Gades: and their Army dispersed itself; some flying over to the Romans; other taking what way they liked. So upon all the continent of Spain, there were only three Towns left, 〈◊〉, Castulo, and Astapa, that made countenance of war against the Romans: of which only Castulo had in it a Carthaginian Garrison; consisting of such as had saved themselves by flight in the late overthrows. Hereby it seems, that the report of those Historians was ill grounded, who said, that Castulo yielded long since unto the Romans; though Hannibal took a wife in that City. For this was one of the last three Towns that held out on the Carthaginian side. Illiturgi had sometimes been inclinable to the Romans; if not 〈◊〉 at their devotion. Yet after the death of the two elder Scipio's, following too earnestly the Carthaginian fortune; it not only rebelled; but with great cruelty betrayed, and slew, the poor men that escaped thither from the overthrows. Astapa was a Town, that had still adhered to the Carthaginians; and, which was worse, had thriven by spoil of the Romans and their Confederates. Wherhfore (though not until the next year) Scipio went against these, and took himself Illiturgi and Castulo: Illiturgi by assault, and with a general slaughter of the Inhabitants; Castulo, by treason of one 〈◊〉. Astapa was taken by Lucius Marcius; or rather destroyed by the Inhabitants. For a great pile of wood was raised in the Marketplace: whereinto was thrown all the gold, and silver, with whatsoever else was precious; the women and children standing by it under a sure guard; that should kill and burn them if the Romans got into the Town. This provision being made: all the Inhabitants that could bear arms, rushed forth desperately, and fell upon the Roman camp; where striving beyond their power, they were every one slain. Than was the Town forthwith set on fire, by those that had taken charge to do it: and many of the Romans consumed with the 〈◊〉; whilst they rushed over-hastily to catch the gold, and silver, which they seen lying on the pile ready to melt.  
〈◊〉, being beaten into the Island of Gades, found no cause of long stay there: but returned home to Carthage, with seven Galleys; leaving Mago behind him, to wait upon occasion, if any should be offered. He visited in his way home, 〈◊〉 King of the 〈◊〉, a people of the Numidians; hoping to win him to the friendship of the Carthaginians. But he met with Scipio, as it were with his evil Angel, in the King's Port: who, landing at the same time, carried Syphax quite another way. For Scipio, having driven the Carthaginians out of Spain, did forthwith bethink himself, how to finish the war; by putting them to the like distress in Africa. Hereunto it seemed, that the help of Syphax would be much available: a king that had many times fallen out with the Carthaginians, and sustained much hurt by their procurement; of which in all likelihood he might easily be moved to seek revenge. He had also been beholding to P. and Cn. Scipio, that 〈◊〉 him over a Captain into Africa; who instructed him so well in marshalling his forces, as he thereby often become victorious. Upon these reasons the Numidian King sent Ambassadors to Rome, and made league with the City, in a time of great extremity. So that hereby P. Scipio conceived hope of laying a good foundation to the war, which he intended in Africa; upon the friendship of this ill Neighbour to the Carthaginians. For which cause he sent over C. Laelius his Ambassador, to deal with Syphax: who declaring that the Carthaginians did very ill in Italy, and had nothing now at all to do in Spain; easily persuaded the King to take part with those that had the better, and were without question his better friends. Only Syphax requested, that the Roman General should visit him in person, to conclude the League; by which he was to enter into conditions of more importance, than in any former Treaty. Hereto Scipio condescended; thinking the friendship of so great a King, that was neighbour to Carthage, and not far distant from Spain, well worthy of the adventure. So with two Quinquereme Galleys he took Sea: and arrived in the King's Port, at the same time, with Asdrubal. This would have been very dangerous to him, had he been descried by his Enemies further at Sea: but in the Haven, they forbore to make offer one upon the other. Syphax might well be proud; seeing at one time, two such Captains of two most powerful Cities, come to desire his friendship. He would have brought them to treat of peace: but the Roman excused himself, by want of such commission from the Senate. He feasted them together: and shortly dismissed Scipio, with whom he readily entered into 〈◊〉; which in time of performance, he as readily broke.   

†. II Funeral games held by SCIPIO. A Duel between two Spanish Princes. A digression, concerning Duels.  
SCIPIO returning into 〈◊〉, and resting that winter, took vengeance the next year, upon those of Illiturgi, Castulo, and Astapa, as hath been said before. The Conquest of the Country being then in a manner at an end; he performed at new 〈◊〉, with great solemnity, some Vows that he had made, and honoured the memory of his Father, and Uncle, with funeral games, especially of those that fought at sharp, according to the manner of the times. Neither was it needful, that he should trouble himself with preparing slaves for that spectacle, to hazard their lives as was used in the City of Rome: for there were enough, that either offered themselves as voluntaries, or were sent from their Princes; to give proof in single combat, of the valour that was in their several Countries. Some also there were, that being in contention, which they could not, or would not otherwise end, agreed to refer the decision of their Controversies, to trial of the sword, in single fight. Among these, the most eminent, were, Corbis, and Orsua, Cousin-germen: that contended for the principality of a Town called Ibes. Corbis was the elder, and the elder brother's son: wherefore he claimed the Lordship, as eldest of the house; after the manner of our Irish tanistry. But the father of Orsua stood lately seized of the Principality: which though himself received by the death of his elder brother; yet this his son would not let it go back; but claimed to hold it as heir unto his father, and old enough to rule. Feign would Scipio have compounded the matter. But they answered peremptorily, That all their friends, and kindred, had already laboured in vain, to take up that quarrel; and that neither God, nor Man, but only Mars, their God of battle, should be Umpire between them. So they had their wills: and the elder, who was also the stronger, and more skilful at his weapon, easily vanquished the foolhardiness of the younger.  
Such combats have been very ancient; and perhaps more ancient, than any other kind of fight. We read of many performed before the War of Troy, by Theseus, Hercules, Pollux, and others: as also of two at the War of Troy; the one between Paris and 〈◊〉; the other, between Hector and ajax. Neither want there examples of them among the Hebrews: whereof that between David and Goliath; and others performed by some of David's Worthies, against those that challenged them; are greatly celebrated. Unto the same kind appertains the fight, between twelve of the Tribe of juda, and as many of the 〈◊〉. The Romans had many of them: whereof that was principal, in which they ventured their Dominion upon the heads of three brethren the Horatij, against the three brethren Curiatij that were Alban. The combat of Manlius Torquatus; and shortly after, of Valerius 〈◊〉 with two Champions of the Gauls, which challenged any Roman; were of less importance, as having only reference to bravery. In England there was a great combat fought, between Edmond Ironside and Canutus the Dane, for no less than the Kingdom. The use of them was very frequent in the Saxon-times; almost upon every occasion, great or small. In the reign of Edward the third, who sustained the party of Mountfort against the Earl of Bloys, contending for the Duchy of Britain; there was a fight, for honour of the Nations, between thirty of the Britons, and thirty English: two of which English, were Caluerlie a brave Captain; and that Sir Robert Knolles, who afterwards become a renowned Commander in the French wars, and did highly honour his blood, whereof the Lord Knolles is descended. It were infinite to reckon the examples of the like, found in English, French, and Italian Histories. Most of them have been combats of bravery, and of gaycté de cure, as the French term it; for honour of several Nations; for love of Mistresses; or whatsoever else gave occasion unto men, desirous to set out themselves. But besides those of this sort, there are two other natures of combats; which are, either upon accusation for life; or upon trial of Title and Inheritance, as in Writ of right. And of this latter kind, was that, of which we spoke even now, between Corbis and Orsua. Unto these (me thinks) may be added, as of different condition from the rest, the combat upon Wager; such as were that between David and Goliath; or that between the Horatij and Curiatij: in which, without regard of Title, the Dominion of Nations, one over the other, is adventured upon the head of Champions. Upon an accusation for life, there was a combat appointed between the Lord Henry 
Ao. 〈◊〉. Ric. 2di.  of Boulinbrooke Duke of Hereford, and Mowbray Duke of 〈◊〉. There was a combat performed by Sir john Ansley and one Cattrington: whom Ansley charged 
Ao. 3. Ric. 2di.  with treason; and proved it upon him, by being victorious. The like was fought between Robert of Mountfort and Henry of Essex. The like also, between a Navarrois 
Ao. 9 Henr. 2di.  and one Welsh of Grimsby, who the Navarrois accused of treason: but, being beaten in fight, confessed that he had belied him; and was therefore drawn and hanged. Whither our trial by battle do determine, that the false accuser, if he be vanquished, shall suffer the punishment which had been due to the offender, if the accusation had been proved; I cannot affirm. But we every where found, That if he which is accused of treason, or, according to the customs of Normandy, of Murder, Rape, or burning of Places (offences punished by death) be overcome; He shall suffer the pains appointed for those crimes. In combats for trial of right, it is not so: neither is the Appellant or Defendant bound to fight in person, but he may try it by his Champion, as did Paramor and Low, or offered to do, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. And in this case, he that is beaten, or yieldeth, loseth only his cause, not his lfe. Neither are the combats, upon accusation, or trial of right, fought in open field, as are those of bravery; but in Camp close, that is, within rails. Now this trial by combat was so ordinary in France, before the time of St. Lewes, and Philip the fair his grandchild, as every Lord of Fee, Ecclesiastical or Temporal, had power to grant it within his own jurisdiction. And it seemeth, that the French Kings, and other Lords; made their profit hereby. For in the 
* Si 〈◊〉 de Loraico Vadia Duelli 〈◊〉 dederint, 〈◊〉  Memorials of the Chamber of Accounts, is found an Article to this effect: That if a combat were once accepted, and after, by consent of the Lord, were taken up, each of the parties should pay two shillings six pence; but if it were performed, then should the party vanquished forfeit an hundred and twelve shillings. And upon this custom grew the French Proverb, which they use when any man hath had an hard or unjust judgement; saying, That he was tried by the Law of Loray, or Berne; ou le battu pay l'amende, where he that is beaten gives the recompense. Of these frequent trials by battle, that great learned man You, Bishop of Chartres, did often complain, and specially against the French Churchmen: as appears by 
* 〈◊〉 vesiri nuper ad 〈◊〉, qui cause 〈◊〉 The obaldi Aurelianis intersuerunt, retulerunt 〈◊〉, quod quidam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rodulphi quendam militem Comitis ad Mon 〈◊〉 provocaucrit, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vestroe judicio emfirmaverit, etc.  his letters to the Bishop of Orleans, to the Archdeacon of Paris, to Rembert Archbishop of Sens, and to others; wherein he rebukes the judgement of their Churches, that had ratified such challenges of combat. But this liberty, and kind of trial, was retrencht by Saint Lewes, and Philip the 〈◊〉; so that no man should decree, or grant it, save the King himself. It hath since been granted, though more sparingly, by the French Kings; as to the Lord of Carouges against jaques le Grinds; and to julian Romero the Spaniard, against Moro, his Countryman: wherein Sir Henry Knevet, Father of the Lord Knevet now living, was Patron to Romero that had the victory, and lastly to the Lord of Chast. Now in those Challenges, upon accusation of Treason, Murder, or other offence deserving death, (and in those only) the rule held, That le defendeur estoit tenu de proposer ces deffenses per une dementir; The Defendant was bound to plead not guilty, by giving the accuser the Lie: otherwise it was concluded, that the Defendant did taisiblement confesser le crime; silently confess the crime. But after such time as Francis the French King, upon some dispute about breach of Faith, had sent the Lie unto the Emperor Charles the 〈◊〉, thereby to draw him to a personal combat: every petty Companion in France, in imitation of their Master, made the giving of the Lie mortality itself; holding it a matter of no small glory, to have it said, That the meanest Gentleman in France, would not put up, what the great Emperor Charles the fift had patiently endured.  
From this beginning is derived a challenge of combat, grounded upon noon of those occasions that were known to the Ancient. For, the Honour of Nations, the Trial of Right, the Wager upon Champions, or the Objection and Refutation of capital offences, are noon of them, nor all of them together, the argument of half so many Duels, as are founded upon mere private Anger, yea or upon matter seeming worthy of anger in the opinion of the Duelists. So that in these days, wherein every man takes unto himself a Kingly liberty, to offer, accept, and appoint personal combats; the giving of the Lie, which aught to be the Negation only in accusations for life, is become the most fruitful root of deadly quarrels. This is held a word so terrible, and a wrong so unpardonable, as will admit no other recompense, than the blood of him that gives it. Thus the fashion, taken up in haste by the French Gentlemen, after the pattern of their King, is grown to be a custom: whence we have derived a kind of Art and Philosophy of quarrel; with certain grounds and rules, from whence the points of honour, and the dependencies thereof, are deduced. Yea there are (among many other no less ridiculous) some so mystical curiosities herein, as that it is held a far greater dishonour, to receive from an enemy a slight touch with a Cane, than a sounded blow with a Sword: the one, having relation to a slave; the other to a soldier. I confess that the difference is pretty: though, for my own part, if I had had any such italianated enemy in former times, I should willingly have made with him such an exchange; and have given him the point of honour to 〈◊〉.  
But let us examine indifferently the offence of this terrible word, the Lie; with their conditions who are commonly of all other the most tender in receiving it. I say, that the most of these, who present death on the points of their swords to all that give it them; use nothing so much in their conversation and course of life, as to speak and swear falsely. Yea it is thereby, that they shift and shuffle in the World, and abuse it. For how few are there among them, which, having assumed & sworn to pay the moneys and other things they borrow, do not break their word and promise, as often as they engage it? Nay, how few are there among them, that are not Liars by Record, by being sued in some Court or other of Justice, upon breach of word, or bond? For he which hath promised, that he will pay money by a day; or promised any thing else, wherein he faileth; hath directly lied to him, to whom the promise hath been made. Nay, what is the profession of love that men make nowadays? What is the vowing of their service, and of all they have, used in their ordinary compliments, and (in effect) to every man whom they bid but good. morrow, or salute, other than a courteous and courtlike kind of lying? It is (saith a wise Frenchmen, deriding therein the Apish custom of his Country) une 〈◊〉 & complot fait ensemble the se mocquer, mentir, & piper les uns les 〈◊〉; A kind of merchandise, and complot made among them, to mock, bely, and deride each other: and so far now-a days in fashion, and in use; as he that useth it not, is accounted either dull, or Cynical. True it is notwithstanding (omitting the old distinctions) that there is great difference between these mannerly & complemental lies, with those which are sometime persuaded by necessity upon breach of promise; and those which men use out of cowardice and fear: the latter confessing themselves to be in greater awe of men, than of God; a vice of all other styled the most villainous. But now for the Lie itself, as it is made the subject of all our deadly quarrels in effect: to it I say, That whoso gives another man the Lie, when it is manifest that he hath lied, doth him no wrong at all; neither aught it to be more heinously taken, than to tell him, that he hath broken any promise which he hath otherwise made. For he that promiseth any thing, tells him, to whom he hath promised, that he will perform it; and, in not performing it, he hath made himself a Liar. On the other side, He that gives any man the Lie, when himself knows that he, to whom it is given, hath not lied; doth therein give the Lie directly to himself. And what cause have I, if I say that the Sun shines when it doth shine, and that another fellow tells me I lie, for its midnight; to prosecute such an one to death, for making himself a foolish Ruffian, and a Liar in his own knowledge? For he that gives the Lie in any other dispute, than in defence of his Loyalty, or Life; gives it impertinently, and Ruffianlike. I will not deny but it is an extreme rudeness to tax any man in public with an untruth: (if it be not pernicious, and to his prejudice against whom the untruth is uttered) but all that is rude, aught not to be civilized with death. That were, more to admire and imitate a French custom, and a wicked one, than to admire and to follow the counsel of God. But you will say, That these discourses savour of cowardice. It is true; if you call it cowardice, to fear God or Hell: whereas he that is truly wise, and truly valiant, knows that there is nothing else to be feared. For against an Enemy's sword we shall find ten thousand seven-penie-men (waged at that price in the wars) that fear it as little, and perchance less, than any professed Swordman in the World. Diligentissima in tutela sui 〈◊〉; Fortitude is a diligent preserver of itself. It is (saith Aristotle) a mediocrity between doubting and daring. Sicut non Martyrem poena: sic nec fortem pugna; sed causa; As it is not the punishment that makes the Martyr: so it is not fight that declares avaliant man; but fight in a good cause. In which whosoever shall resolvedly end his life, resolvedly in respect of the cause, to wit, in defence of his Prince, Religion, or Country: as he may justly be numbered among the Martyrs of God; so may those that die with malicious hearts, in private combats, be called the Martyrs of the Devil. Neither do we indeed take our own revenge, or punish the injuries offered us, by the death of the injurious. For the true conquest of revenge is, to give him, of whom we would be revenged, 'cause to repent him: and not to lay the repentance of another man's death on 〈◊〉 own consciences; 〈◊〉 in vulnere ponere; And to drown our souls in the wounds and blood of our enemies. Hereupon you will again ask me, if I condemn in generous and noble spirits the defence of their honours, being priest with injuries? I say that I do not; if the injuries be violent. For the Law of Nature, which is a branch of the eternal Law: and the Laws of all Christian Kings and States; do favour him that is assailed, in the slaughter of the Assailant. You will secondly ask me, Whither a Nobleman, or a Gentleman, being challenged by Cartel by one of like quality, be not bound in point of honour to satisfy the challenger in private combat? I answer that he is not: because (omitting the greatest, which is the point of Religion) the point of the Law is directly contrary and 〈◊〉 to that, which they call the point of honour; the Law which hath dominion over it, which can judge it, which can destroy it; except you will style those Acts honourable, where the Hangman gives the Garland. For, seeing the Laws of this Land have appointed the Hung man to second the Conqueror; and the Laws of God appointed the Devil to second the conquered dying in malice: I say that he is both base, and a fool, that accepts of any Cartel so accompanied. To this perchance it will be answered, That the Kings of England, and other Christian Kings, have seldom taken any such advantage over men of quality; who upon even terms have slain their private enemies. It is true, that as in times of trouble and combustion they have not often done it; so did our Noblemen and Gentlemen in former ages, in all important 〈◊〉, sue unto the King, to approve themselves by battle and public combat. For as they dared not to brave the Law: so did they disdain to submit themselves to the shameful revenge thereof; the same revenge (because it detesteth murder) that it hath declared against a common Cutpurse or other thieves. Nay let it be granted that a pardon be procured for such offenders; Yet is not the Manslayer freed by his pardon. For these two remedies hath the party grieved notwithstanding; that is, to require justice by Grand Assize, or by battle, upon his appeal, which (saith St. Thomas Smith) is not denied; and he further saith (for I use 
Sir Thomas Smith in his Com. wealth of Engl.  his own words) That if the Defendant (to wit, the Man slayer) be convinced either by Great Assize or by Battle, upon that appeal; the Manslayer shall die, notwith standing the Prince's pardon. So favourable (saith the same learned Gentleman) are our Princes, and the law of our Realm, to justice, and to the punishment of blood violently shed. It may further be demanded, how our Noblemen & Gentlemen shall be repaired in honour, where an enemy, taking the start either in words or blows, shall lay on them an infamy unsufferable? I say that a marshals Court will easily give satisfaction in both. And if we hold it no disgrace to submit ourselves for the recovery of our Debts, Goods, and Lands, and for all things else, by which the lives of ourselves, our wives, and children, are sustained, to the judges of the Law; because it may be felony, to take by violence even that which is our own: why should we not submit ourselves to the judges of honour in cases of honour; because to recover our reputation by strong hand, may be murder? But yet again it may be objected, That the loss of honour aught to be more fearful unto us, than either the loss of our goods, of our lands, or of our lives; and I say so too. But what is this honour, I mean honour indeed, and that which aught to be so dear unto us, other than a kind of history, or fame following actions of virtue, actions accompanied with difficulty or danger, and under-taken for the public good? In these he that is employed and trusted, if he fail in the performance, either through cowardice, or any other base affection; it is true that he loseth his honour. But the acting of a private combat, for a private respect, and most commonly a frivolous one, is not an action of virtue; because it is contrary to the law of God, and of all Christian Kings: neither is it difficult; because even and equal in persons and arms: Neither for a public good, but tending to the contrary; because the loss or mutilation of an able man, is also a loss to the Commonweal.  
Now that a Marshal of England hath power to save every man's fame and reputation, as far as reputation may sustain injury by words, I think no man doubteth. For to repent us of any ill words that we have given, and to confess that we have done him wrong to whom we have given them, is a sufficient satisfaction; and as it may fall out, more than sufficient. For he that gives ill words in choler, and suddenly denies them, or reputes himself of them upon advisement; hath the disadvantage in point of reputation. Concerning blows, which are indeed not to be given but to those that are servile, whither sufficient recompense will be made for them, it shall appear by a notable example of a most worthy Gentleman Mounsieur de Plessis, that was stricken in France not long since by a Baron of the same Nation. The satisfaction which was given him by a judgement of the Constable and Marshals of France, was this. In the open Court, wherein the Constable gave judgement, M. de Plessis was set in a chair under the degrees where the Constable and Marshals sat: the Baron, who had given him the blow, did kneel before him on both his knees, holding in his right hand a sword with the point towards himself; and in his left hand the like cudgel or bastinado, wherewith he had stricken M. de Plessis; both which weapons he delivered into Plessis hands, submitting himself to such revenge, as it should please him to take with either of those weapons; the Constable and marshals having formerly 〈◊〉 it to the will of Plessis, to use his own discretion in the revenge of his own wrongs. Now whither the Baron had reason to please himself, as one beforehand in point of honour, who struck M. de Plessis, like a Ruffian coming behind him, and (having advantage of company, and his horses ready) shifted himself away on the sudden, but being afterward taken, was taught to repent himself in this shameful manner; Or whither Monsieur de Plessis (of whose valour no man doubted) had not far juster cause to rest satisfied, since he might at his pleasure have beaten or wounded his enemy, but forgave him; let any wise man judge. To this if it be said, That the Baron was constrained to make his submission; that his repentance was enforced and not voluntary; and therefore no disgrace unto him: I answer, that one may say as well, that it is no disgrace to a Thief, when he is brought to the Gallows, to repent him of the Robberies by him committed, because his repentance also is constrained. And it is true, that enforced repentance is no disgrace in respect of the force, but in respect of the fact: which (but for our sins to God) makes all repentance shameful; because all forced repentance is inflicted upon us for somewhat unworthy of a Gentleman and of an honest man. Nay voluntary repentance itself, as it hath relation to men, ariseth either out of the fear of the ill that may befall us, or out of the acknowledgement of our own weakness. Certainly, as wise men, and valiant men, do rather deride petty injuries or sudden injuries, that are not offered from malice forethought, then revenge them: so men, apt to quarrel, do commonly suspect their own valour; and rather desire, that thereby the world should believe them to be of great daring, than know any such resolution in themselves. For he that knows himself indeed to be a valiant man, scorns to hunt after the opinion.  
Now the same power which the Constable and Marshals of Erance have, hath also a Marshal of England, or his Deputies; by whose judgement, in all disputes of honour, every man's reputation may be preserved; we may therefore as well submit ourselves to the judge of honour in all disputes of honour, as we do submit ourselves in all controversies of livelihood and life, to the judges of the Law. And, out of doubt, the institution of this Court of Chivalry in England, in France, and elsewhere; was no less charitable than politic. For the blood of man, violently spilled, doth not bring forth honie-bees, as that of Bulls doth, which sting but the fingers or the face: but it produceth that monstrous Beast, Revenge, which hath stung to death, and eaten up of several Nations, so many noble personages; as there is nothing more lamentable, nor more threatening the wrath of God upon supreme Governors, than the permission.  
His Majesty therefore (which Henry the fourth of France also endeavoured) hath done a most Kingly and Christianlike deed in Scotland, which the most renowned of all his Predecessors could never do: in beating down, and extinguishing, that hereditary prosecution of malice, called the deadly feud; a conquest, which shall give him the honour of Prudence and Kingly power, for evermore. And we have cause to hope, that his royal care shall be no less happy in preventing the like mischief, which threatens England, by the audacious, common, and brave, yet outrageous vanity of Duelists.  
Unto this that I have spoken of lying, and of manslaughter, it must be added, That each of these are of great Latitude, and worthy of reproof and vengeance proportionably, more or less, in their several degrees. There is much difference between Lies of necessity upon breach of promise, or complemental lies; and such pernicious lies, as proceed from fear and cowardice, or are uttered by false witnesses: the former sort, being excusable by weakness or levity; the latter, being altogether detestable. Not less, if not more, difference there is, between kill of a man in open field, with even weapons; and that kill, which the Scriptures call kill by guile, dolo or per insidias; though our Laws do not much distinguish them in punishment. For in the latter, God, forsaking his own privilege, commandeth, that the guileful murderer be drawn by force, from the protection of 
〈◊〉.  his Altar. Neither is every guileful murder performed by the sword, nor by overt violence: but there is a guileful murder also, by poisoning; and by the pen, or by practice. For such distinction is found, between coming presumptuously upon a man, to slay him with guile; and lying in wait for blood, privily, for the innocent, without 
〈◊〉. 21. v. 14.  a cause, upon hope of spoil, after such manner as the net is spread before the eyes of the 
1. v. 11.  birds. Francis the first, Queen Marie of England, and the King's Majesty now reigning, have given notable testimony of their justice, upon three Noble men, who committed guileful murder. Of the first kind, King Francis upon the Lord of Talard: who being (saith the French Historian) de haute & ancienne lignee, & support de plusieurs grandes alliances; who being of high and ancient lineage, and supported by divers great alliances, of which the Cardinal of Bellay (in especial favour with the King) was one, was notwithstanding delivered over into the hands of the Hangman. Queen Marie, upon a noble man of her own Religion, and in many other respects very dear unto her. His Majesty, upon a Baron of Scotland; whose house was no less ancient and faithful, than himself valiant, and greatly friended both at home and abroad. Of kill guilefully by poison, and of punishment following such wicked Artisans; every Age hath had too many examples. Of guileful kill by the pen (that I may not speak of any English judge) the Author of the French Recherches gives us two notable instances: the one of des Eshars, who (saith Pasquire) fit mourir Montaigu grand Maistre de France, pour content 〈◊〉 de celuy dont il estoit 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 12. & 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  lorsidolastre; & 〈◊〉 que depuis il fut pendu & estrangle; Who caused Montaigu great Master of France to die, to content his mind (to wit, the Duke of Burgoyne) whom at that time Eshars worshipped as his Idol: but God permitted, that he himself was soon after hanged and strangled. The other was of the Great Francis the first, upon his Chancellor Poyet: who, to satisfy the King's passion, practised the destruction of the Admiral Chabot, a man most nobly descended, and of great service. For as in other men, so in Kings, the passion of love grows old, and wears out by time. So the King's affection being changed towards the Admiral, he charged him with some offences which he had formerly committed. The Admiral, presuming upon the great good service which he had done the King in Piedmont, and in the defence of Marseilles against the Emperor; gave the King other language than become him; and desired nothing so much, as a public trial. Hereupon the King (it being easy to provoke an ill disposition) gave commission to the Chancellor, as Precedent, and other judges, upon an information of the King's Advocate, to question the admirals life. The Chancellor, an ambitious man, and of a large conscience, (which is rare in men towards the Law) hoping highly to content the King; wrought with some of the judges with so great cunning; with others, with so sharp threats; and with the rest, with so fair promises; as, albeit nothing could be proved against the Admiral, worthy of the King's displeasure; yet the Chancellor subscribed, and got others to subscribe, to the forfeiture of his Estate, Offices, and Liberty; though not able to prevail against his life. But what was the Chancellor's reward (the King hating falsehood in so great a Magistrate) other than his own degradation, arraignment, and condemnation? bell lecon certes (saith Pasquire) à tout judge pour demourer tousiours ensoy, & ne laisser fluctuer sa conscience dedans les vagues d'vne imaginary faveur, qui pour fin de ieu le submerge; Affair lesson to all judges, to devil 〈◊〉 in themselves, and not to suffer their consciences to float upon the waves of imaginary favour, which in the end overwhelmes them. And as for the Admiral: though it might have been answered unto his friends, if any bewailed his calamity as undeserved, That he was tried, according to his own desire, by the Laws of his Country, and by the judges of Parliament; yet the King's justice, surmounting all other his passions, gave back unto him his Honour, his Offices, his Liberty, and his Estate.   

†. III The last Acts of SCIPIO in Spain. His return to Rome where he is chosen Consul.  
THe last business that troubled Scipio in Spain, grew by the rebellion of the People, and mutiny of his Soldiers. He fell dangerously sick, in such sort, that the rumour of his death ran currant throughout Spain. This encouraged Mandonius and Indibilis, petty Kings, that had forsaken the Carthaginians, and followed Scipio awhile before, to take arms against the Romans. They were vainly persuaded, that after the Carthaginians were driven out, they themselves should become the mightiest in all Spain. But seeing now, that things were no way answerable to the greatness of their hopes; they thought it best, to take the present advantage, and hammer out their own fortunes. So they rashly fell upon the Suessetani and Sedetani, Confederates of the Romans; and wasted their Country. Part of the Roman Army lying at Sucro, in stead of making head against these Rebels, grew to be affected with the like distemper. They had not reaped such profit of their Roman conquests, as might satisfy their desires; or as they thought easy to be gotten, if they might be their own Carvers. Wherhfore, when the death of Scipio was reported, they thought, that the time served very well, to enrich themselves with spoil of the Country. Many outrages they committed: and, which was greatest of all, driving away their Colonels, that should have bridled their fury; they chose out of their own number two base fellows, Albius Calenus, and Atrius Umber, to be their Commanders. These took upon them all the Ensigns of Proconsuls, or Propretors; as if this their election had been like to that, wherein Lucius Martius was chosen by the Soldiers, after the death of the two Scipio's. But whilst they were devising, what exploits they might do, for the enriching of themselves, in a time of such combustion, as was expected; there arrived more certain news, that Scipio was both alive, and in good health. There come also new Colonels, sent unto them from their General: who mildly rebuking their want of consideration, and seeming to be glad that they had no further over-shot themselves; led them to Carthagena, there to receive their pay. Before their coming, Scipio had resolved to do exemplary justice on the principal offenders; and to put the whole multitude of them in fear, of what they had deserved. Therefore he caused Syllanus to make ready the Companies which lay before in the Town, as it were to make an Expedition again Mandonius, and Indibilis; He caused Albius and Atrius with some thirty other of their Complices, to be secretly apprehended in their lodgings; He called the Mutineers to assembly; and having them unarmed as they were, encircled round by Syllanus and his Companies, prepared for the purpose; he bitterly inveighed against them all, as Traitors. This done; Albius, and Atrius, with the other prisoners, were haled to the stake; where they were whipped, and beheaded, as was the Roman custom toward such offenders. The rest of the Soldiers, to the number of eight thousand, were caused to take their oath of obedience anew; and received every man his pay when he was sworn.  
Mandonius and Indibilis continued in arms; notwithstanding that they had certain word of Scipio his life and health. Well they could have been contented to be quiet: but by the 〈◊〉 used to the Roman Soldiers; they stood in fear, as being Spaniards, and greater offenders, of harder measure. Scipio went against them; and found them in a 〈◊〉, that was scarce large enough to hold all their Army. In the entrance thereof he fought with them: and sending Laelius with all his horse to fetch a compass about the Hills, and charge them in rear; he overthrew them. Indibilis and Mandonius had after this no hope remaining, to preserve themselves and their estates, otherwise than by making submission. Mandonius therefore come to Scipio: and humbly craving pardon, both for himself, and for his brother Indibilis, obtained his request; yet so, that they were taught to acknowledge themselves less free Princes, than they formerly had been.  
Afterwards Scipio went toward Gades: and was met on the way by Masanissa; who secretly promised to do him all service, if the People of Rome would sand him to make War in Africa. Unto Mago that lay in Gades, come directions from Carthage; that letting all care of Spain alone, he should thence departed with his fleet into Italy; and there wage an Army of Gauls, and Ligurians, to join with Hannibal. For this purpose, was money sent unto him from Carthage; and he himself laid hold upon all that he could find in the Town of Gades; without sparing either private men, the common treasury, or the Temples. In his voyage thence, he landed at Carthagena; hoping to have taken it by surprise. But he failed in the attempt; and was so beaten to his ships, that he returned back to repose himself a while at Gades. The Gaditanes, offended with the robberies and spoil that he had made at his taking leave of them, would not suffer him to enter again into their City. By this he foresaw, that it would not be long ere they become Roman. Wherhfore sending Messengers into the Town, to complain of this uncourteous dealing, he alured their Magistrates forth unto him; whom, notwithstanding all the excuse that they could make, he whipped, and crucified. This done, he followed his former intended voyage; bidding Spain farewell for ever.  
The 〈◊〉 and City of Gades, was yielded to the Romans, presently after the departure of Mago. Than did Scipio deliver up the Province, to those that were sent from Rome to succeed him therein: and himself with ten ships returned home. At his coming to Rome he made svite for the honour of a triumph. But it was denied him: for that it had as yet been granted unto no Proconsul; excepting to such, as received that dignity after a Consulship, as it were by prorogation. But to make amendss for this repulse: the election of new Consuls being then in hand, by general voice of the City P. Cornelius Scipio was chosen Consul; and P. Licinius Crassus joined with him. This Crassus, being high Priest, or Bishop of the Romans; might not, by the custom of those times, go far from the City; as being to intent the matters of their superstition: though Caesar, and others, who in ages following held the same Office; were stayed by no such religious impediment, from being far, and long absent. Hereby it come to pass, that Scipio desiring to have the War transferred into Africa, was in no danger to lose that honourable charge, by any mischance of lot, in the division of Provinces; for that his Colleague was not capable of employment so far off.    

§. XVIII. SCIPIO obtains leave to make war in Africa. His preparations. Of MASANISSA who joined with SCIPIO. The victories against ASDRUBAL and SYPHAX.  
PUB. CORNELIUS SCIPIO, and P. LICINIUS CRASSUS, entering into their Consulship, held a meeting of the Senate in the Capitol: wherein it was decreed, that Scipio should be allowed, to bestow part of the money which he had brought out of Spain into the treasury; upon the setting forth of solemn plays, that he had vowed to make, whilst he was busied in his Spanish wars. This helped well to 〈◊〉 the memory of his victories already gotten; and to give hope unto the People of greater victories in the war, which he intended to make in Africa. To the same purpose, did the Spanish embassages avail much in the Senate, especially that of the Saguntines: who magnified his actions, highly and deservedly; saying, That they were the most happy of all their Countrymen, since they being present, had seen him chosen Cousul, and should carry home such joyful news. The Saguntine Ambassadors were lovingly entertained by the Senate; as their faith to Rome, though costly it were both to them, and to the Romans, had well deserved. Nevertheless, when Scipio proposed, that Africa might be decreed unto him for his Province: there wanted not many, even of the principal men, that vehemently gainsaid him. Of these was Q. Fabius Maximus the chief: who seems to have been troubled with that disease; which too often causeth men renowned for long approved virtue, to look asquint upon the actions of those, that follow them in the same kind. He alleged many reasons against the purpose of the Consul: whereof the chief were, That the treasury was unable to sustain the charges of a war in Africa; and that it was extremely perilous to hazard so great forces, where they could not at pleasure be recalled unto the defence of Rome itself, if need required. Hereunto he added many words concerning the danger wherein Italy stood, not only of Hannibal, but of Mago his brother, that was arming the Ligurians: as also concerning the honour of the Consul; which would (he said) be greater in setting Italy free from enemies, than it could be in doing any harm to Africa. Neither did he forget, both to elevate the Spanish wars, as of less moment than the intended voyage against Carthage; nor withal to lay great blame upon Scipio, for having suffered Asdrubal to pass into Italy: showing, that it was greatly to be 〈◊〉, jest the like might happen again; and that a new Army, notwithstanding the good success of Scipio (if it happened to be good) might be sent from Carthage, to the utter endangering of Rome, whilst the Roman forces were employed abroad. But the main point which he urged, was, That neither the Senate had ordained, nor the People commanded, Africa to be that year a Province: which the Consul nevertheless propounded in such wise, as if it were a matter already concluded, and no longer to be argued. Scipio on the other side, insisted upon this one point; That it was better to make an offensive, than a defensive war: especially against such as the Carthaginians; who being ill provided of able men at home, did furnish themselves by help of money, with levies made abroad. As for the care of Italy, he doubted not, but P. Licinius his Colleague would be as well able to discharge it now, as others had done in times of greater danger. So promising to draw Hannibal into Africa, for defence of his own home: and taxing as civilly as he could, the envy of Fabius, which withstood such a gallant enterprise; he proposed the matter again unto the Senate. Much 〈◊〉 there was about the manner of his proceeding: for asmuch as it was noy sed abroad, that if he could not bring the Senate to his mind, he would carry it by the People. This offended many of the Ancients: who resented in this honourable man a little spice of that arrogancy, which in following ages, grew to be much hotter in those that had commanded long abroad. But in conclusion, Scipio referred himself wholly unto the Senate's good will and pleasure; whereby he obtained thus much, That the Isle of Sicily might be appointed unto him for his Province; with leave to pass over into Africa, if he found it expedient.  
Want of money, and no great liking to his voyage, made the Roman Senate have little care to furnish out Scipio to the war, by him intended upon Africa. Herewithal it fell out, that 〈◊〉, coming on the sudden from the Baleares to Genua, and winning the Town, bred a fear of no less terrible invasion upon Italy, than that which Asdrubal had lately made. He could not indeed raise any great Army of the Ligurians; for that he found them distracted with civil wars. Therefore he was 〈◊〉 to make choice of his party; and to help those whom he thought fittest for his turn, against the others. This troublesome business, though it occupied more of his time than he could willingly have spared; yet it got him reputation by his victories; and made the unsteady Gauls ready to enter into his pay. Hereupon the dispersed Legions of the Romans, that under Proconsuls, and Praetors, lay ready to be employed where need should require; were directed unto the borders of Lombardie and Liguria, there to make head against Mago. But all his menaces passed away in vapour. For a fleet, either coming to his aid from Carthage, or by him sent thither (the report is uncertain) loaden with the booty that he had taken; fell into the hands of the Roman Praetor, that governed in Sardinia. This did much disable him: and though after a while, there come letters from Carthage, together with store of money, heartening him in his proceed: yet some impediments which he found, and that fatal voyage of Scipio into Africa, disturbed all; and made him be recalled home.  
Against Hannibal, was nothing done this year. Neither was any thing done by him, of which the Roman Historians have been pleased to take notice. Only it is said, that he spent the Summer by the Temple of juno Lacinia, where he raised an Altar, with a huge Title of all that he had performed, graven in Punic, and Greek letters. Such account of win past, is commonly in Gamesters that are at the height of their fortune, a cause of remission, and carelessness; in those that are upon the losing hand, a cause both of the same for the present, and shortly after of dejection, when they find a notable change. A great pestilence, infesting both the Carthaginian and the Roman Camp, is said to have been the occasion of this years idleness, which fell not out much amiss for the City of Rome, that was marvelously impoverished by this war; and had already tried the utmost way to defray the charges, which grew insupportable. To relieve the present necessity, it was well thought upon, that a great part of Campania (not many years since confiscated) should be sold, or let out: in which bargain, that the City might receive no loss; the tenth part of the fine was ordained as a reward, unto the detectors' of lands concealed.  
Of this, or other money, noon was given to Scipio. Neither was he allowed to make press of Soldiers for his African voyage; neither did he overmuch labour to obtain it. That which the Senate refused, the People did for him: or rather they did it for themselves; that were therein wiser than the Senate. It is usually found in councils of estate, that the busy, or obstinate heads of a few, do carry all the rest. And many times men make a surrender of their own judgements, to the wisdom that hath gotten itself a name, by giving happy direction in troubles forepast. Therefore, he that reposeth himself upon the advice of many, shall often find himself deceived: the counsel of those many being wholly directed by the empire of a few, that oversway the rest. Q. Fabius was accounted the Oracle of his time: for his wary nature sorted well with the business, that fell out in the chief of his employment. Unto him therefore Q. Fuluius adhered, with other of the Senators, that were grown old in following one course; from which they could not shifted, as the change of times required. But the People (who though they could not well advise, and deliberate, yet could well apprehended) embraced the needful resolution of Scipio: in such sort, that besides his Roman forces, he had from divers parts of Italy about seven thousand Voluntaries. He had also provision from the several Towns; Corn, Iron, Canvas for sails, Axes, Beede-hookes, Hand-mills, and the like implements, Fir for building of ships, many thousands of Targets, Helmets, and Spears of all kinds: every place furnishing him with that commodity, which it best could afford. Unto this willingness of the People, the diligence of Scipio was correspondent. In the compass of five and forty days, he had both field his Timber, built, and launched twenty Trireme, and ten Quinquereme Galleys; wherewith he transported his Army into Sicil. In Sicily he found, besides other forces, two Legions, that had served at Cannae: which were old Soldiers, and (as he himself well knew) not guilty of the overthrow; for which they had long under-gone a heavy censure. They had served under Marcellus and Laevinus, at the taking of many Cities, and strong pieces: in which regard, they were like to be of good use to him in Africa, where would be store of such employment. For increasing the number of his horse, he pressed three hundred Sicilians, all wealthy young men, and such as loved well their 〈◊〉. These he afterwards discharged from the War, highly to their contentment: but with condition, that they should deliver their Horse and Arms, to as many Roman Gentlemen, which he brought over with him for the purpose. Whilst he was providing, to have things in a readiness for 〈◊〉, the banished Locrians that followed the Roman side, made him acquainted with an intelligence, whereby they hoped to recover their City. Some handicrafts men, that wrought for the Carthaginians in one of the Ciradells of Locri (for there were two in the Town) being taken prisoners by the Romans, promised to betray the place, if they might be ransomed, and rewarded. Scipio being advertised of this, gave order to have the attempt made by night: which happily succeeded; and that Citadel was surprised. The other Citadel was strongly defended by the Carthaginian Garrison, which sent to Hannibal for aid. The Romans in like sort, fearing jest their own paucity should make them too weak for Hannibal, craved help of the Consul Scipio. The Townsmen were doubtfully affected: but the best, and most of them inclining to the Romans, kept Hannibal out; whom the coming of Scipio caused thence to departed; and caused likewise the Carthaginian Garrison to abandon the other Citadel. Many outrages were committed by the Roman Soldiers, that were left by Scipio in custody of the Town. Wherhfore a vehement complaint was made by the Locrians unto the Roman Senate; not only against those of the Garrison: but much more against Pleminius the Captain, who gave bad example, and was worse than all the rest. Besides many Murders, Robberies, Rapes, and other Villainies: the Temple of Proserpina, that had a great fame of sanctity, was spoiled by these barbarous 〈◊〉. The Locrians therefore advised the Senate to make present amendss to the Goddess for this sacrilege: saying, that the like had never been committed, without notorious vengeance by her taken upon the Authors. The Senate gave good ear to this complaint, comforted the Locrians, and redressed the injuries done unto them, sent for Pleminius, with other principal the offenders, whom they 〈◊〉 into prison, & used according to their deserts: as also they restored unto Proserpina her money twice told. But old Q. Fabius was not herewithal contented. He laid much of the blame upon Scipio, that had placed such a man in Locri; and had not carefully hearkened to the complaints made against him, but suffered him to run on in these his wicked courses. By the sharp invective that Fabius made, others took courage to speak what they pleased, as well against the demeanour of Scipio, as against the dissoluteness of his Army; which lay, as they said, idle in Sicily, neither mindful of any service toward, nor fit for it if need should require. Finally, things were so far urged, that ten Legates were sent over into Sicily, together with the Praetor appointed for that Island; two of the Tribunes, and one of the Aediles; who should examine these matters; and either cause the General to return into Italy, or continued him in his charge, as they thought fit. The end of all was: they found him so well prepared against Carthage, as that they hastened him on his journey, and gave him high commendations at their return.  
Scipio had already employed Laelius in Africa; rather to make discovery, than to work any other great effect of war. He took a great booty: and struck no little terror into the Carthaginians; who seen their affairs to be upon terms of change. But the greatest fruit of his journey was, That speaking with Masanissa, he will informed himself of the state of Africa; and knew what was to be expected of those two Kings, that had promised to join with the Romans at their landing.  
Concerning Masanissa his revolt from the Carthaginians, and his compact made underhand with the Romans: Livy doth profess, That there was no such evident 
〈◊〉. l. 28.  cause thereofat the present; but that the long continuance of his faith and constancy, in following times, must help to prove, that this his change was not without some good cause. But Appianus (an Historian far inferior to Livy, both in Worth and Time) gives one reason so probable of this, and many accidents thereto belonging, as that it carries with it a great appearance of necessary truth. Only the doubt is, How it could any way come to 〈◊〉; that the knowledge of such a matter should have escaped the diligence of Livy, if it had been true: unless we should believe, that he wisully forbore to rehearse a Tragedy; the sorrow whereof would 'cause men to think a miss of Scipio. Howsoever it was, thus 
* Appian. Alexan. de Bell. 〈◊〉.  Appian tells it: and many circumstances of things done confirm it. Asdrubal, the son of Gisco, had a fair daughter, whom both King Syphax and Masanissa loved. Masanissa, being brought up at Carthage, and being withal a goodly gentleman of person, and excellent in qualities, was chosen by Asdrubal to be his son-in-law When the virgin was betrothed unto him, he went into Spain, and there did great service. But afterwards, the Carthaginian Senate thought the marriage of Hasdrubals daughter to be a matter of State: and bestowed her upon Syphax; without standing to acquaint her father or Masanissa therewithal. This they did, for that Syphax was the more mighty Prince; and for that the indignity of the repulse, had made him become their enemy. Hereof Masanissa was advertised: and forthwith entered into intelligence with Scipio, secretly as he thought; yet not so secretly, but that some notice was taken of it: which would have cost him his life, had he not with great circumspection conveyed himself home into his father's Kingdom. Thus far forth we may believe Appianus: all the narration well cohering with things past, and following. Only it seems, that howsoever 〈◊〉 the daughter of Asdrubal, was promised by the Carthaginians unto Syphax: yet since this their courtesy proceeded from fear, He thought it wisdom to continued and increase the same their fear, by making fair promises to the Romans; until ASDRUBAL had sent for his daughter from Carthage, and the marriage was consummated. In other matters concerning the war itself, wherein Appian differs much 
Liu. lib. 29.  from Livy, and from Polybius, whom (as appears by the broken pieces of his works remaining) Livy did follow; it will be no offence, to take little heed unto his reports.  
Masanissa was the son of Gala, a King of the Numidians: whose father dying, the Crown descended by order of the Country, unto Desalces the brother, not unto Masanissa the son. But this Uncle of Masanissa shortly died: and his elder son, who took possession of the Kingdom, was vanquished, and slain in battle by a Rebel, that made himself Protector over the younger which was a child. The Traitor fortified himself against Masanissa, whose return he feared; by Alliances with the Carthaginians and Syphax. But all would not serve: He, and his Pupil, were dispossessed of their Estates by Masanissa; that was a skilful Warrior, and well beloved for the memory of his father Gala. The Carthaginians in reason should have been glad, that Masanissa, who had done them notable service, was thus confirmed in his Estate: had they not been guilty of the injury by them done unto him; whilst his Uncle or Cousin reigned, and he seemed unlikely to stand them in any stead. But Syphax, by their procurement, and perhaps by his own malice towards his Corrival, warred upon him; and over. charging him with numbers, drove him out of his Kingdom. Nevertheless Masanissa still retained the hearts of his people: and thereby remained strong enough, to infested both Syphax and the Carthaginians; though he was often put in distress, by great forces that were sent against him. He therefore keeping much about the lesser Syrtis, between the borders of the Carthaginians and the Nation of the Garamants, expected the coming of the Romans: yet so, as he made long roads over all the Country, even as 〈◊〉 as to Hippo; and when Laelius arriucd thereabouts, exhorted and encouraged him to hasten on Scipio to the invasion of Africa.  
But Syphax, in whose great aid and succour was reposed more hope of good success, than could be expected from the good will of poor Masanissa; sent an Embassage into Sicily about the same time, which was little pleasing unto Scipio. He excused himself of his promise lately made: and signified his alliance with the Carthaginians; adding, That he could not choose but fight for the defence of Africa, wherein he was borne and reigned; and for defence of his beloved wives Country, if it were invaded. Nevertheless he promised to remain a Neuter; so long as the Romans and Carthaginians held war abroad, far enough from Africa, as hitherto they had done. This 〈◊〉 hastened Scipio in his Expedition, much more than any persuasion could have done. For the promised assistance of Syphax had not a little advanced his 〈◊〉; in procuring both the assent of the Senate, and the forwardness of many Adventurers. Jest therefore the failing of this hope, should work too great a change in common opinion; He thought it the best way to prevent all discourse, and set the war undertaken immediately on foot. The Ambassadors he dismissed in all haste, with letters to their King: wherein he willed him to consider, that what he had promised he had also sworn; and therefore should do well to make it good. Having sent them away, He called his Soldiers together, and bade them make ready for the voyage; which he intended no longer to defer. For, said he, Masanissa hath been with Laelius: and Syphax hath newly sent to me; greatly wondering upon what I should thus 〈◊〉; and saying, that they will provide for themselves, if I fail their expectation by tarrying any longer. This fine tale prevented all further inquisition, that might else have been made concerning the message of these Ambassadors; whose followers had been seen walking up and down 〈◊〉. And jest any thing should afterwards break out, that might hinder the business, Scipio immediately sent about his fleet unto Lilybaeum: and requesting by letters M. Pomponius, that was Praetor in Sicily, to meet him there; hasted thither with his Army. At 〈◊〉 he agreed with the Praetor, about the division of the Legions between them; which to leave behind for defence of the Island; and which to carry with him into Africa. What numbers he transported, it is not certain: some Historians reckoning only ten thousand foot, and two and twenty hundred horse; others increasing them to five and thirty thousand, horse and foot. Concerning his directions for embarking, and other matters belonging to their course, I hold it needless to set them down: since they were points of ordinary care, and which it is like that neither he, when he took his voyage into Spain, nor others upon like occasions, have omitted; they being also word 〈◊〉 word set down by an Historian, who borrowed them from Livy, and fitted them to a Prince of later age.  
This Roman Army landed in Africa, near unto a Fore-land then called the fair Promontory: which how far it was from Carthage, or toward what point of the Compass, I cannot precisely affirm; because it is uncertain, whither it were that Cape or Head-land which bore the name of Mercury, and lay to the Noth-east of Carthage; or whither that of Apollo, which lay Northerly from 〈◊〉, and by Weft. The coming of Masanissa unto Scipio at his first arrival, helps to confirm the opinion of Xylander: who thinks the fair Promontory to have been the same, that was also called Mercury's Cape, since with little difficulty Masanissa might come thither from the lesser Syrtis, whereabout was his common abiding. But forasmuch as without any memorable impediment, soon after his arrival, Scipio encamped bcfore Utica, that stood Westward from Carthage beyond the River Bagradas: it may rather seem, that he landed within the Promontory of Apollo; whence the way to Utica was not long. This is also strongly proved; for that out of Carthage were sent, the next day, five hundred horse to trouble him in his disembarking. Neither was it so hard for Masanissa, that roved about the Country with a troop of horse, to find out the Romans, though they landed far from the place to the which he usually resorted, like as before he had met with Laelius at Hippo that was farther off: as it would have been for Scipio, with his Army and Carriages, to overcome the trouble of a long journey, and fetch a great compass to Utica, by Land; when he might have disembarqued nearer unto it. Nevertheless it may pass as a conjecture, That Scipio come first of all to 〈◊〉, a plentiful Region about the lesser Syrtis; since he gave charge to the 〈◊〉 of his ships, at the setting forth from Lilybaeum, to shape their course for that coast. The Country thereabouts was very rich, and fit for sustenance of an 〈◊〉: neither were the Inhabitants warlike, or well provided to make resistance. Thus much perhaps Masanissa had signified unto Laelius, when he spoke with him at Hippo: thinking that the Romans, how soever they made brave promises, would not come strong enough to fight at head. But when he seen their 〈◊〉 and Army to be such, as not only served to invade the Lands of Carthage, but threatened a conquest of the City, and whole Estate: then might he better advise them to set sail for Utica, and make war upon the Enemies at their own doors.  
The 〈◊〉 had at that time neither any Captain of great worth at home, nor better 〈◊〉 than of raw Soldiers; that were levied, or to be levied in haste. 〈◊〉 the son of Gisco, the same that had lately been chased out of Spain by Scipio, was their best man of war. And good enough perhaps he was thought by 〈◊〉 and his fellows, of whose faction he was: or 〈◊〉 aught were wanting in him, yet his Richeses and Nobility, together with the affinity of King Syphax, made him passeable. He was at that present with the King his son-in-law, working him (no doubt) against the Romans: when letters were brought from Carthage, both to Syphax and to him, informing them of the Invasion: entreating the one of them to 〈◊〉 assistance; and commandiug the other to make his repair unto the City, where he was 〈◊〉 General. But ere these could be ready, Scipio had beaten the troop of Carthaginian horse, that were sent out of the City to disturb his landing; and 〈◊〉 Hanno a young Gentleman, that was their Leader. He had also taken and sacked a Town of the Carthaginians: wherein, besides other booty, he took eight thousand prisoners; all which he conveyed aboard his Hulks or ships of burden, and sent them back loaden into Sicil. He took likewise a Town called Salera; which he held and fortified. In Salera lay another Hanno, with four thousand 〈◊〉 horse: whose service being fit for the field, than for defence of walled places; made Scipio to perceive the unskilfulness of their Leader, that had thus housed them. Wherhfore he sent Masanissa before him: who road up to the gates; and, by making a 〈◊〉, trained out the improvident Hanno so far, that he drew him unto a place, where the Romans lay in wait for him. The victory was easily gotten; and Hanno either taken, or slain. With those that fled, the Romans entered pellmell into the Town; which presently they made their own. Thence went Scipio to Utica, a City of great importance, 
* 〈◊〉. 5. cap. 2. §. 3.  of which mention hath been formerly made; and sat down before it. Forty days he spent about it: assailing it both by Land and Sea, and using all his engines of battery whereof he had plenty; yet was in no likelihood of prevailing. And now the Summer was quite spent: so that it was time for him to choose a place, and fortify his Winter-campe; which must be well stored against the year following. Whilst thus necessity urged him to leave Utica: and shame of taking the repulse in his first great enterprise, rather than any hope of better success, caused him to stay there: Asdrubal and Syphax gave him the honour of a fair pretence to leave the siege. Asdrubal had made a Levy of 〈◊〉 thousand 〈◊〉, and three thousand horse; yet adventured not with this ill- 〈◊〉 Army to draw near unto the Romans, before the coming of Syphax. Syphax brought with him unto Carthage 〈◊〉 thousand foot, and ten thousand horse: which joining unto the forces of Asdrubal, they marched bravely toward Scipio; who thereby took occasion to dislodge. He chose for his Winter-campe the banks of an Inlet, that had good harbour for his Navy. His footmen he lodged on a Promontory, joining to the Continent by an arm of Land: his horsemen he bestowed upon lower ground, on the other shore: in the bottom of the 〈◊〉 he mored his ships; and there he quartered the 〈◊〉, with all that belonged unto the fleet. The whole Camp he strongly fortified; and so 〈◊〉 the season of the year, when it should serve him again to fight. 〈◊〉 cat-tail and other booty Masanissa had brought in great store; by driving the Country, before the coming of Asdrubal and Syphax. Corn also he had gotten some: and great store was sent him from Sicily and Sardinia. Likewise apparel for his Soldiers, was sent from home, or from Sardinia: though 〈◊〉 enough to serve turn; for that it was a matter of more cost. The ships that brought these things, he freighted homewards with such part of his booty, as he could best spare; especially with Captives to be sold for slaves. Asdrubal and Syphax encamped near unto 〈◊〉: not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 themselves, 〈◊〉 did the Romans; either for that they wanted the severe institution, which the Romans used in discipline of War; or for that they presumed upon their multitude, against which they found in Scipio no disposition to issue forth of his strength, and fight So the Winter passed without action.  
When Spring drew near; Scipio though it good to assay his old friend the Numidian 〈◊〉, if perhaps he might be won by persuasions to forsake the Carthaginians. It was considered, that those Barbarians were naturally 〈◊〉; and particularly, that Syphax had given proof of before this of his much 〈◊〉. It might therefore be hoped, That having wearied himself, by lodging a whole Winter in the Camp: and being peradventure no less weary with satiety of his wife, who had caused him to enter into this war: He might be moved with a little entreaty to withdraw himself home into his Kingdom, and rest a Neuter. But it is not unlikely, that such a friend as this King, had been highly entertained and honoured in the City of Carthage, which was near at hand, as often as during this Winter it had pleased him, or as he had been invited, to make a step thither and repose himself a while: his wife Queen Sophonisba lying also there at the same time, to cherish him in his resolution. Howsoever it were, 〈◊〉 did only make an 〈◊〉 of peace: propounding it as reasonable, That Hannibal should be recalled out of Italy by the Carthaginians: and that the Romans in like sort should quietly departed out of Africa; and so make an end of the War, wherewith now both Africa and Europe were disquieted. Unto this would not Scipio at the first give ear: yet being 〈◊〉 earnestly by many messages from Syphax, and desiring to continued the intercourse of Ambassadors: He began to make show, as if he would consider of the motion. He was given to understand by those whom he had sent unto the King, That the Enemies had their Camps without any great defence of earth, full of wooden Cabins, and covered with boughs: and that the Numidians, such of them as come first with Syphax, used coverings of Mats and Reeds; others, that come later, had thatched their lodgings with dry boughs and leaves: under which they lay carelessly without their Trenches. Upon this advertisement he bethought himself, That it would not be hard for him to set their camps on fire; and thereby give them a notable overthrow. Without help of some such stratagem, He foresaw that it would be a work of great difficulty for him, to proceed in his wars when time should serve. It was a plain open Country wherein he lay: and the Enemies had great advantage of him in number, especially in horse; which, upon such ground, could not be resisted by the Roman Legions. The longer therefore that he thought upon the matter; the more needful he found it for himself, to make some sudden attempt upon their Campe. To this end he sent many Ambassadors, under pretence of treating about the Peace; but indeed of purpose to discover all that might concern the intended surprise. With these Embassadous he sent, as Attendants, many old Soldiers disguised like slaves; that wandering (as it were) idly up and down the Camp, might observe the ways and entrances, with whatsoever else was needful. When he had learned as much as he desired: upon the sudden he sent word to Syphax, that it was vain to hold any longer Treaty, forasmuch as he could not get the consent of his Council of war; without whose approbation, all that himself could do was no more, than the good will of one man. This he did, to the end that, without any breach of faith, he might put his design in execution. The Truce being thus cut off: Asdrubal and Syphax were very pensive; as having lately persuaded themselves, that their trouble was almost at an end. But since it could be no better, they began to devise, by what art they might draw Scipio out of his camp; and provoke him to battle in those Plains. This if they could do; they hoped to make his Council of war repent as greatly the refusal of peace, as did M. Atilius after the like presumption. But if he should refuse to come forth of his Trenches: what else remained than to besiege him? which they themselves were well able to do by Land; and the Carthaginian fleet should do by Sea, that was making ready for the purpose. By such discourses these two comforted themselves; 〈◊〉 in conceit the loss of their hopes past, with that of victory to come. But herein they were extremely and worthily disappointed: for that, consulting about the future, they provided not against present danger; but continued in the same 〈◊〉, which was grown upon them by the long discourse of peace. As for 〈◊〉, He was not idle: but made preparation out of hand, as it were to do somewhat against Utica. Two thousand Soldiers he had made ready, and appointed to take the same piece of ground, whereon he lay against Utica before. This he did, partly to keep secret that which he had in hand, jest being suspected by his own Soldiers, the Enemy might happen to have notice of it; partly to hinder those of 〈◊〉 from setting upon the few, that he purposed to leave behind him in his camp. He caused his men that night to sup well and betimes; that they might be ready for the journey. After supper, he appointed such Companies as he thought fit, unto the defence of his Camp; all the rest of his Army he led forth, about nine of the clock at night. The Carthaginians lay from him seven miles and an half: whom he purposed to undertake 〈◊〉 with the one half of his army; the other half he committed unto 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, whom he sent before him to set upon the Camp of Syphax, that was farther off. It was his meaning, that the camp of Syphax should be on a light fire, ere he would meddle with the Carthaginians. For the fire might seem to have taken hold by casualty upon the Numidians, that lay farther off: whereas if it first appeared in the Camp of Asdrubal, it would be suspected as the doing of enemies; and 〈◊〉 Syphax warning to look unto himself. To this end therefore Scipio marched fair and softly; that Laelius and Masanissa, who had a longer 〈◊〉, and were to fetch a compass about for fear of being discovered, might have time to get before him, and do their feat. It was about two or three of the clock in the morning, when the camp of Syphax began to blaze: which not only the Numidians, but their King himself, imputed unto casualty; as thinking themselves safe enough from Enemies, for that the Carthaginians lay interposed between them and the danger. Wherhfore as if there were no more to do, some, starting 〈◊〉 asleep; and others, that had sitten up late at drinking; ran out of their Cabins to quench the fire. But such was the tumult, that they neither could rightly understand in what case they were; nor give remedy to the mischance, as it was supposed. Many were smothered, and burnt in the flame, which grew greater and greater: many, leaping into the Trenches for fear of the sudden mischief, were trampled to death by the multitude that followed them. They that escaped the fire, fell upon the Enemy's sword, which was ready to receive them. Especially Masanissa, that 〈◊〉 knew the Country, did great execution upon them; having laid all the ways, by which he foresaw that they would seek to escape. The Carthaginians perceiving this fire, thought noon other than that it was a pitiful mischance: so that some ran out to help the poor Numidians; carrying only what would serve to quench the fire. Others ran up to the Rampart: where, fearless of any danger towards themselves, they stood beholding the greatness of the flame, and lamenting the misfortune. This fell out right as Scipio would have it. He therefore lost no time: but setting upon those that were running towards the Numidians, he killed some, and pursued the rest back into their camp; which in a little while he made to burn as bright, as did that of Syphax. Asdrubal seeing this, and knowing that the Romans were there, did not stand to make resistance, but shifted only for himself, and escaped with a few of his horse about him. If Hannibal, or any of the Barchine faction, had been taken in such a manner: it is more than probable, that old Hanno would have judged him worthy to be crucified. It would then have been said, that with less than one half of thirty thousand men, he might at lest have given some bad recompense, to them that were taking pains in kindling these fires, had he not been only careful how to save his own fearful head. Nevertheless Polybius acknowledgeth, and it is most likely to have been true, That if Asdrubal, 
Excerpt. è 〈◊〉.  or any of those about him, would have striven to show valour, when the camp was 
lib. 14.  once on fire: He should not thereby have done any manner of good, because of the tumult and consternation. I shall not need to tell what a fearful thing it was, to hear the cries of so many thousands that perished by fire and sword, or to behold the cruel flame that consumed them; which (as Polybius affirms) noon that hath being is able to describe. It is enough to say, That of those many thousands very few did escape; which accompanied Asdrubal and Syphax in their several ways of flight. Besides these also there were some scatterers, especially of the Numidians, that saved themselves in the dark: but they were not many; as after shall appear. Surely it must needs have been very hard to tell, how many were burnt or otherwise made away; and what numbers escaped in the dark of night. Wherhfore Livy, who in the rest of this Relation, as 〈◊〉 elsewhere, doth follow Polybius; may seem to have followed some less 〈◊〉 Author, and him no good Arithmetician, in casting up the sum. For he reckons only two thousand foot, and five hundred horse, to have escaped; forty thousand to have perished by sword or fire; and above six thousand to have been taken prisoners: the whole 〈◊〉 of all which together, is far short of fourscore and thirteen thousand, which were in these two Camps.  
Asdrubal, putting himself into the next Town that was very strongly fortified; thought there to find the Romans work, until the Carthaginians at good leisure might repair their Army He had with him no more than two thousand foot, and five hundred horse: which he thought sufficient to defend the Town; if the Townsmen would not be wanting to themselves. But he found the Inhabitants of the place very earnest in contention, whither it were better to fight, or to yield. Unto this disputation, he well 〈◊〉 that the arrival of Scipio would soon give an end. Wherhfore, jest they should lay hold upon him, and seek the Victor's favour by delivering him up; He 〈◊〉 away betimes, and made all haste to Carthage. As for the Town, which he left; it opened the gates to Scipio, at his first coming: and thereby preserved itself from all manner of loss. The two next Towns adjoining would needs be valiant, and make countenance of war: but their strength not being answerable, they were soon taken by Scipio; who abandoned them to the pleasure of his Soldiers. This done, he returned to the siege of 〈◊〉.  
The 〈◊〉 were sore troubled, as they had good reason; when, in stead of either Peace or Victory, which they lately hoped for, they heard news of such a lamentable overthrow. Necessity enforced them to make hasty provision for the future: but how to do it, few of them seen any means. Some gave advice to crave peace of Scipio: others, to sand for Hannibal out of Italy; but the most, and they which finally prevailed, were of opinion, That not withstanding the loss of this Army, 〈◊〉 might well defend themselves against the Romans, by raising new forces: especially, if Syphax would not leave them. It was therefore concluded. That they should bend all their care this way, levying in all haste another Army; and sending Ambassadors to deal with Syphax, who lay then at a Town called Abba, not passing eight miles from Carthage. Immediately the same their infortunate Commander, 〈◊〉 the sonnè of Gisco, was employed to make new levies of men: and Queen Sophonisba went forth with Ambassadors to her husband Syphax; who having gathered together as many as he could of his subjects that had escaped from the late slaughter, was thinking to return into his own Kingdom. Sophonisba laboured so with her husband, that at length she won him to her own desire. And it fell out at the same time, that four thousand Spaniards, waged by the Carthaginians, were brought over to serve in Africa. Of these were made such brave reports; as if their courage, and the arms which they used, were not to be resisted. Even the multitude within Carthage believed these tales, and were more glad than they had cause to be; which is great wonder, since in one Age, the whole Country of Spain had been twice conquered; first, by the Carthaginians themselves, and after by the Romans. But with Syphax these tales prevailed much: which the Carthaginian Ambassadors helped with a lie; saying, that there were come ten thousand of these terrible Spaniards. Upon this confidence, the people of Carthage and their friends gathered such spirit, that in thirty days they made up an Army, consisting well-neare of thirty thousand men; reckoning the Spaniards, and Syphax with his Numidians, in the number. So they encamped in a Region called the greatfields, about five days journey from Utica. Scipio hearing of this, come from Utica thither, to visit them: leaving behind him his impediments, with some part of his Army; to make a show of continuing the siege. Two or three days after the meeting of both Armies, passed away in skirmish; without any great thing done. It had now been time for Asdrubal to follow the example of the Roman, Fabius, and seek to weary out the Enemy by delays. But either (which is likely) he was a far worse Commander, or else it was not in his power to give such directions as best pleased himself. The fourth day the Armies met in battle: wherein the Romans were marshaled by Scipio after their wont manner; having their Italian horse in the right wing; and Masanissa with his 〈◊〉 in the left. On the 〈◊〉 side, Asdrubal and his Carthaginians had the right wing; Syphax, the left; and the Spaniards, the Battle. The victory was gotten without many blows: for the untrained followers of Syphax and Asdrubal, could not sustain the first charge of the Italians, or of Masanissa. Only the Spaniards fought a long time, even till they were all in a manner slain: rather as men desperate, and not hoping for mercy, since they were thus come over to fight against Scipio, who had otherwise deserved of them; than upon any likelihood or conccit of victory. This their obstinacy was beneficial unto those that fled; for that it hindered the Romans from making any great pursuit. Hereby Asdrubal, and Syphax escaped: Asdrubal, to Carthage; and Syphax home, to his own Kingdom: wither his wife was either go before, or immediately 〈◊〉 him.  
Scipio, having thus gotten the mastery of thefield, took counsel about the prosecution of the War. It was resolved upon as the best course, That he himself, with part of the Army, should attempt the Cities round about him: and that Masanissa, with his Numidians, and 〈◊〉, with some of the 〈◊〉 Legions, should follow after Syphax; not permitting him to take rest within his own Kingdom, where easily else he might repair his forces, and put them to new trouble. This advice it seems that Masanissa gave: who knew best the quality of the Numidians; and what good might be done among them, by the reputation of a victory. The lest that could be expected, was his restitution into his own Kingdom, usurped by Syphax: which to accomplish, it no less concerned the Romans at the present, than it did himself. According to this order concluded, 〈◊〉 was sent away with Masanissa: and Scipio stayed behind, carrying the war from Town to Town. Many places yielded for fear: many were taken by force: and all the subjects of Carthage wavered in their fidelity; as if the time were now come, wherein they might take notice of those unreasonable burdens, which their proud Masters had laid upon them for 〈◊〉 of the war in Spain and Italy. What to do in this case the Carthaginians could hardly resolve. Fortune was their Enemy: they had lost their Armies, and many of their Towns: neither durst they make bold to trouble their own subjects with any violent exaction of men or money; who nevertheless of their own free will were likely to give little help. Very much it grieved them, to sand for Hannibal out of Italy: yet since there was no other hope remaining, than in him and his good Army; it was decreed, that Ambassadors should be forthwith sent to call him home. Some there were that gave advice, to set out a fleet against that of Scipio, that road before Utica, weakly manned, and easy to be taken, whilst Scipio himself was busied in the Inland Countries. Some were of opinion, That it should be their principal care, to fortify by all means the City of Carthage: upon the safety whereof they said that all depended; adding, that whilst they were true, and at unity among themselves, they might well enough subsist, and expect those opportunities, with which Fortune (doubtless) would present them. These counsels were not rejected: but order was forthwith taken, both for all things concerning defence of the City, and for the attempt upon the Roman fleet at Utica. Nevertheless it was considered, that hereby they should only protract the war: without any way advancing their own affairs towards likelihood of victory; not, though it should fall out, that all the ships at Utica might be taken or destroyed. Wherhfore the determination held concerning Hannibal, That he should immediately come over into Africa, as the last refuge of Carthage. The Council was no sooner broken up, than all the Senators betook themselves to the execution of that which was decreed: some, to fortification of the Town: some, to make ready the Fleet; and some, appointed thereunto, forthwith to embark themselves for Italy. In this their trepidation Scipio comes to Tunes, a City in those days very strong, and standing in prospect almost of every part of Carthage. This place, or rather some defensible piece adjoining, he easily took; the Garrison forsaking it, and running away as soon as he drew near. But whilst he was about there to encamp, and fortify himself against the City, He might 〈◊〉 the Carthaginian fleet setting forth, and making towards Utica: What this meant, he readily conceived: and stood in great fear, jest his own ships, that were very ill prepared for Sea-fight (as being heavily laden with engines of battery, and wholly disposed in such order, as was most convenient for assaulting the Town) should make bad resistance, against a fleet appointed for that special service. Wherhfore he hasted away towards Utica, to assist with his presence in this needful case. It fell out well, that he had sent his carriages, and all the great booty which he drew along with him, thither before, at his going to Tunes. For had not he now made great expedition, he should have come too late. Neither could he indeed have been there in due time, if the Carthaginians had used such diligence as was conucnient. But they rested one night in harbour by the way: and at their coming to 〈◊〉, they tarried a while to make a bravado; presenting themselves in order of battle, as if the Romans would have put forth to Sea against them. But Scipio had no such intent: He thought it would be sufficient, if he could preserve his Galleys. As for the pleasure of their 〈◊〉 at Sea: it should little avail the Carthaginians, if they got nothing by it, and lost their whole Estate by Land. Wherefore he took his ships of burden, and fastening them together with cables, in four ranks, one behind another, made a fourfold bridge over the Channel of the Haven; whereon he placed a thousand of his choice men, with store of Darts and other casting weapons, to make defence. Some open spaces he left, whereat his Frigates, and other small Vessels, might run out and back again upon any advantage or need: but these he covered with planks; using the masts and yards of his ships in stead of rafters, to join all together, that his men might help one another, and the bridge itself not be torn asunder. Scarce was this work finished; when the Carthaginians, seeing noon issue forth against them, come into the Haven. The fight between them and the Romans, that were in the Hulks, was rather like to the assaulting of a wall, than to any Sea-fight. For they that stood upon the bridge, had sure footing, and threw their weapons downwards with their whole strength and violence; which the Carthaginians out of their Galleys, that were lower and unsteady, could not do. But the Roman Frigates and long Boats, adventuring forth from behind the Bridge, were greatly over-borne by the force of the Galleys; and were one occasion of that small loss which followed. They that stood upon the Bridge were neither able to relieve them: nor yet could freely 〈◊〉 their weapons among the Carthaginians, as before; for fear of hurting these their friends, that were entangled and mixed among the enemies. The Carthaginians had brought with them grappling hooks, hanging at Iron chains. These they threw upon the masts and yards which served as Arches to join the bridge together: then rowing backwards, they tore all asunder; in such sort that one ship followed another, and all the first rank was broken, or defaced. The Defendants had no other way, than to save themselves as hastily as they could, by shifting into the next rank of ships, that lay behind them untouched. Neither did the Carthaginians trouble themselves any further in this laborious work: but having haled away six ships of burden, and towed them out of the Haven, returned home to Carthage. Their welcome was greater than their victory: because among so many grievous losses, only this exploit had succeeded well; though it were of small importance.  
Whilst things thus passed about Carthage; Laelius and Masanissa, in their journey against Syphax, found as good success as could be desired. The fame of the victories already gotten, restored Masanissa to his Kingdom, without further contention: the Masaesyli, his subjects, joyfully receiving him; and for saking the Usurper. But here they stayed not: neither indeed would Syphax permit them to be quiet. He had 〈◊〉 abundance of men and horses, that he felt not greatly the losses past: and, therefore being solicited by Asdrubal and Sophonisba, he prepared again for war. But beside the instigation of his beloved wife; the loss of the Masaesyli would let him take no rest: neither was it the purpose of Laelius and Masanissa, to give him any breathing time. It is common in men, to departed no less unwillingly from that which they have gotten by extortion, than from their proper inheritance: but to think all alike their own, whereof they are in possession; be the title unto some part never so unjust. Hereunto alludes the fable of the young Kite; which thought that she had vomited up her own guts, when it was only the garbage of some other fowl, that she had hastily swallowed, and was not able to digest. But whither or no, Syphax, like the young Kite, believed the Kingdom of the Masaesyli to be part of his entrails: Laelius and Masanissa will shortly give him some what, that shall make him cast his gorge. For to this purpose chief are they come so far. It concerned the Romans to dispossess (if it might be) that King: whose false and hollow friendship towards them, had been converted into strong enmity; as also to set in his place another, who might do them such good offices, as Syphax had lately done unto the Carthaginians. How easily this might be effected, Masanissa knew best: as being well acquainted with the nature of those Countries; wherein, even to this day, though there be many strong Towns, yet the fortune of a battle is enough, to translate the Kingdom from one Competitor to another. So they met with Syphax, who come against them with no less an Army, than his former, and marshaled in the Roman order; according to the skill, which he had learned of the Roman Centurion, long ago sent unto him out of Spain from Cn. Scipio. But though he could teach his men how to march in order; yet could he not teach them to fight courageously. They were a rabble of all sorts, gathered up in haste: and few of them had seen war before. Encamping near unto the Romans, it fell out, as commonly, that some small Troops of Horse on both sides, encountered one another in the midway: and they that had the worst, were seconded by other of their fellows. By continuance of the skirmish, more and more were drawn out from either Camp: so that at length Syphax, unwilling to dishearten his men by taking any foil at their first meeting with the Enemy, come up with all his Horse, which were the best part of his forces, and therewith overcharged Masanissa, whose numbers were far less. But whilst he was prosecuting his hope of victory: some Roman Squadrons of Foot come against him through their own Troops of Horse; which fell to the sides, and made a lane for them. So their Battle standing now more firm, than a little before; Syphax was unable, though he laboured much in vain, to make them give ground. Masanissa likewise, and his Troops, grew confident upon this assistance: and charging afresh the Enemy, that could not make way forward, caused him to give back. Herewithal the Legions come in sight: which terrified so the Numidian Horse, that they began presently to disband. Feign would Syphax have stayed them from flight: and to that end made head in person against the Romans; with hope, that his men would be ashamed to leave him. But it fell out unhappily, that he was cast from his Horse, which received a wound; and so taken prisoner. Of others that were slain or taken, the multitude was not great. It sufficed, that they forsook the place, and fled: and that their King, upon whom all depended, was in the Romans hand. Masanissa told Laelius, That this victory should make an end of the Numidian war, if presently they hasted away to 〈◊〉 the chief City of the Kingdom; wither he himself desired to be sent before with the Horse, carrying Syphax along with him. Hereunto Laelius agreed. Masanissa coming to Cirta, before any news of the King's mischance was there arrived, called out the chief of the City to parley: wherein by many fair promises and threats, but especially by showing unto them Syphax bound, he prevailed so far, that the gates were forth with opened unto him; and every one strove to get his favour, that was like to be their King hereafter. Among the rest, Queen Sophonisba yielded herself into his hands: and vehemently besought him, that she might not be delivered up unto the Romans. Her youth, and excellent beauty, so commended her svit, that Masanissa forth with granted it; and to make good his promise, married her himself that very day: thereby to prevent Laelius and Scipio from determining otherwise of her, since she was his wife. But Laelius, when he come thither, took the matter heinously; so that at first he would have haled her away, together with Syphax and other prisoners, and have sent her unto Scipio. But being over-entreated by Masanissa, he suffered the matter to rest a while as he found it, and referred all to Scipio's discretion: to whom he sent away Syphax and other Captives immediately; following shortly after himself with Masanissa, when they had done what was needful in the Kingdom.  
At the coming of Syphax there was great joy in the Roman Camp: the mighty Armies which he had lately brought into the field: and his entertainment of Scipio and Asdrubal, both at one time, when Rome and Carthage together sought his friendship: with such other commemoration of his past and present fortune; ministering to every one a large argument of discourse. Scipio demanded of him, what had moved him, not only to forsake the Roman friendship, but to make war upon them, vnprouoked. He briefly answered, That his wife had moved him so to do: calling her a Fury, and a pestilent creature: and saying, That Masanissa was no wiser than himself; since he had now taken the same woman to his wife, who would shortly draw him to the same courses. Hereat Scipio was greatly troubled: and stood in great doubt, jest this perilous woman should deprive him of Masanissa, as she had done of Syphax. It was not long, ere Masanissa and Laelius come unto him: both of whom together he lovingly welcomed; and highly commended in public, for their notable service in this Expedition. Than taking Masanissa apart, he broke with him, as touching Sophonisba: letting him understand, that the Romans had title to her head; and that the was a mischievous enemy of theirs. Wherhfore he entreated him to moderate his affections: and not to deface the memory of his great services already done, (for which he should be highly rewarded to his own contentment) by committing a great offence upon little reason. Masanissa blushed, and wept: and finally promised to be governed by Scipio; whom he nevertheless entreated, to think upon his faith given to Sophonisba, that she should not be delivered into the Romans power. So he departed to his own Tent, where, after some time spent in agony, he called unto him a servant of his that had the 〈◊〉 of his poison (which Princes then used to have in readiness, against all mischances that might make them unwilling to live:) and tempering a potion for Sophonisba, sent it unto her with this message; That gladly he would have had her to live with him as his wife: but since they who had power to hinder him of his desire, would not yield thereto, he sent her a cup, that should preserve her from falling alive into the hands of the Romans; willing her to remember her birth and estate, and 〈◊〉 to take order for herself.  
At the receipt of this Message and Present, she only said, That if her Husband had no better token to sand unto his new wife, she must accept of this; adding, That sheemight have died more honourably, if she had not wedded so lately before her Funeral. And herewithal she boldly drank off the poison. Thus Livy reports. But Appian varies from this: and sets it down agreeably to that which hath been spoken before, concerning the precontract between Masanissa and Sophonisba. He saith, That after the taking of Syphax, Ambassadors from Cirta met with Laelius and Masanissa upon their way thither, yielding up their City, and the King's Palace: and that Sophonisba, for her own private, sent messengers to excuse her marriage with Syphax; as made against her will, by compulsion of those in whose power she was. Masanissa readily admitted this excuse; and accepted her to wife. But when Scipio had received information from Syphax, how cunning in persuasion Sophonisba was; and that all her thoughts laboured for the good of Carthage: he fell out about her with Masanissa at his return; and challenged her, as a part of the booty belonging to the Romans. Masanissa said, she was his own wife, and unto him betrothed many years before. But Scipio would not hear of this: or if it were true; yet he said it was no reason, that Masanissa should keep her in possession, as long as it was disputable, unto whom she might appertain. Wherhfore he willed him first of all to produce her, and then afterwards to make his claim unto her; wherein he should have no wrong. Herewithal he sent to fetch her away: and Masanissa accompanied the messengers, as it were to deliver her; but making her acquainted with the necessity, gave unto her a cup of poison, wherewith she ended her life, before they come that should have apprehended her. So he showed unto the Romans her dead body; which he royally interred. The sudden violence of Masanissa his love, and the ready consent of Sophonisba to marry with him: add not so much credit unto this relation of Appian, as doth the want of all other evident cause (which 
a Lib. 〈◊〉.  Livy notes) of the sudden falling out between him and the Carthaginians; under whom he had been trained up, & done them great service. Howsoever it were: Scipio, hearing of this tragical accident, sent for Masanissa, and comforted him as well as he could; jest his 〈◊〉 should led him to some inconvenience. Having therefore gently rebuked him for his rashness, he brought him forth in presence of the Army: where extolling his noble acts, and showing how highly he had deserved of the City of Rome, he proclaimed him King; and gave unto him a Crown of gold, with other royal ornaments. This was indeed the ready way to 〈◊〉 his thoughts from the sad remembrance of that which was past, unto the more cheerful contemplation of good fortune, that began to smile upon him.  
This was the first time that the Romans took upon them to created or proclaim a King. Which honour though Masanissa well deserved: yet would not the Title have redounded unto his great benefit; neither should he have been much beholding to them for it, if he had not by their means recovered possession of his Country, together with the greatest part of Syphax his Dominions. It seems not unlikely, that had he remained a Neuter in these wars, and sustained himself with his Troop of Horse, in such sort as he did before the coming of the Romans; he might nevertheless have recovered his proper inheritance, by the love of his own subjects, without other help, when Syphax had once or twice been vanquished. As for the enlargement of his Kingdom, it was not more than he deserved: neither were the Romans then in case, to make a conquest of Numidia for themselves; neither could they 〈◊〉 wished a fit opportunity, than of such a man, upon whom to bestow it that was their assured friend, and passable withal among the Numidians, as being (for the Masaesyli were a Numidian Tribe) a great Prince of the same Nation. Yet this liberality of the Romans, was noised abroad as very glorious: and the Romans themselves, in a politic sort of gravity, took highly upon them; as if even their saluting him by the name of King, had been a matter of great consequence. He thrived indeed well after it: and by their maintenance waxed mighty in times following, encroaching upon his neighbours on all sides; but most of all upon the State of Carthage, whereat they were little displeased. Hence it grew that Vermina the son of Syphax (of whom we shall shortly speak more) which held some piece of his Father's Kingdom, desiring friendship of the Romans, and promising by all means to deserve their love, requested therewithal, that they would call him King. But though it were so, that never any before him had made this a matter of svit: yet the Roman Senate was puntilious herein; and answered very gravely, That it was not their custom to give the honour of that appellation, save only unto such 
Liu. l. 31.  Kings, as had greatly deserved of their City. Thus they made it a matter of State. and in process of time grew so proud of this their imaginary prerogative, that they imputed as a singular benefit unto Kings, that no way depended upon them, the salutation by 
b 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. lib. 1.  that name; though it were not accompanied with any other favour or profit thence redounding.   

§. XIX. The Carthaginians desire Truce: and break it.  
THe Carthaginians were extremely dismayed, when they heard of the great calamity, that was befallen their good friend Syphax; and understood that Masanissa, 〈◊〉 mortal enemy, had got possession of his Kingdom. To increase their fear, Scipio returned again to Tunes in view of their City: where he made an end of that Fortification, which he had begun at his last being there. The Carthaginians had neither forces, nor courage, to withstand him: but their hearts so failed them, that they sent forth unto them thirty Ambassadors, Princes of the City, which were their Privy Council, to make svit for peace. These being admitted into the presence of Scipio, did not only prostrate themselves on the ground; but kissed the 
c 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 15. 〈◊〉. lib. 30.  feet of him, and of those that sat in Council with him.  
Answerable to this base adoration was their speech that followed. They confessed themselves to have unjustly broken the Peace between them and Rome; and to have deserved whatsoever punishment it should please the Romans to inflict upon them. Yet they humbly besought Scipio and the rest, that in common regard of those misfortunes, whereto all men are subject, they would show mercy unto the City of Carthage, and let it remain, as a Monument of their clemency; which, by the folly of her Citizens, had now twice deserved to be overthrown. Herewithal they did not forget, to lay the blame upon Hannibal: who without their appointment had begun the war; and was maintained in his doings by a Faction, without the good liking of the whole City. By this it appears, that these Ambassadors were no Barchines: but rather, that they were Hanno and the choice of his company; who had now their long desired work in hand, of suing unto the Romans for peace. Whatsoever they were, it must needs be that they were most insolent men over those that were subject unto their power: for they would not have made such adoration unto the Romans, in their own necessity; unless they themselves had expccted the like, where they had the advantage.  
It was not unknown to Scipio, or to his assistants, in what poor case the City of Rome then was; and how unable to defraie the charges of continuing the war. Neither were the Carthaginians, notwithstanding the loss of so many Armies, in such ill case, as the Romans themselves had very lately been. For they had money enough, wherewith to wage more men: they had a City far stronger than Rome; and they had the Sea free. But they wanted the Roman resolution: and therefore disinherited the walls of Carthage; though Utica, a weaker City, had all this while held out against Scipio, and could not yet be forced by him and his Army, though so often victorious in the field. Scipio therefore accepted their submission, and told them, That though he come into Africa, to make a Conquest, and not a Peace: yet having the Conquest as it were in his hand, he would not deny to grant them the Peace, which they desired; for thereby should all Nations understand, that the people of Rome did follow the rule of justice, both in making war, and in concluding it. The conditions which he imposed upon them, were these: That they should tender up unto him all prisoners that they had taken, together with all Renegadoes and fugitive slaves: That they should withdraw their Armies out of Italy and Gaul: That they should not meddle in Spain, nor yet in any Island between Italy & Africa: That they should deliver up all their ships of war, save twenty; and That they should pay a great sum of money, with certain hundred thousand bushels of Wheat and Barley. To consider of these Articles, he gave them three days: and when they had approved them, he granted a Truce; that they might sand Ambassadors unto the Roman Senate.  
This done, Masanissa was dismissed, and went home into his Kingdom, as if the war had been already at an end. Syphax was a little before sent with Laelius unto Rome: where the fame of these victories filled men with joy; and gave hope, that the long endured miseries would be shortly at an end. Wherhfore all the Temples were set open, and an holy day appointed for thanksgiving and supplication to their Gods. Laelius was accompanied with Ambassadors from King Masanissa: who gratulating the happy success of the Romans in their African War, and giving thanks unto the Senate for the benefits done by 〈◊〉 unto their Master, made request for the Numidians, such as were now his subjects and prisoners in Rome, that they might be bestowed upon him; who by rendering them to liberty, should do an act very plausible, that would make him gracious among his people in the beginning of his reign. The Roman Senate were not behind with Masanissa in compliment: but showing themselves to be highly pleased with all that Scipio had done, and should do for him; they called him King again; released his Numidians that were captives; and sent him two purple Cassocks, that had each of them one gold button; with such other Presents, as in time of their poverty might serve to testify their good will. 〈◊〉 were these and 〈◊〉 go from Rome; when the news come, that Ambassadors from Carthage were 〈◊〉 to desire peace. These Ambassadors were not admitted into the City, but were lodged without: until Laelius being sent for, come back from 〈◊〉, to be present when their demands were to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Than was audience given them in the Temple of Bellona; that stood in the suburbs. The errand of these Ambassadors, was Peace: but the meaning of them and of their City, was only to win time, and get respite from war; until Hannibal and Mago should come out of Italy, either to chase the Romans out of Africa, or to obtain peace for Carthage, by terror of their great names and Armies, upon more 〈◊〉 conditions. Wherhfore they made an idle discourse of the League, that was concluded between them and Luctatius 〈◊〉, at the end of the former war. This League they said, all things well considered, did still remain in force: neither had there since been any war at all, between the people of Rome and the 〈◊〉. For it was only Hannibal, that, without any leave from 〈◊〉, had of his own head besieged and razed the Town of Saguntum: and after that adventured in like sort, without Commission, to pass the Alpss, and trouble (as he had done) the 〈◊〉 of Italy. This being so: their Message was noon other, than to desire, that the League before spoken of, made in the time of Catulus, might hereafter stand in force; as indeed it hitherto did, and aught to do. The Senators had cause to wonder at this tale; hearing these Ambassadors make (as it were) a jest of a war, that had been so terrible. Wherhfore they 〈◊〉 them a great many questions, concerning that Peace made by Luctatius, and other passages following between the two Cities. But they excused themselves by their age: (for they were all young men) and said, That those things were beyond their knowledge and remembrance. Forthwith it appeared, That all was but collusion, and that they sought no other than to gain time; until they might repair the 〈◊〉. Wherhfore they were sent home in company of Laelius; without any conclusion at all of peace; and, in effect, without answer. This notwithstanding, we found in Polybius, That the Senate receiving advertisement 
Excerpt. è Polyb. l. 15.  from Scipio, of that which had passed between him and the Carthaginians in this Treaty of peace, approved the conditions by him propounded; and gave him licence thereupon, to 〈◊〉 unto conclusion. This may with good reason be believed: since it was not unknown, that if the war continued, all these goodly hopes must rest upon the most uncertain issue of one battle between Hannibal and Scipio: wherein if fortune should be averse to them, their forces in Africa were no better than quite lost.  
Matters thus hanging in suspense, before the Carthaginian Ambassadors come back from Rome: a Fleet out of Sicily, wherein were two hundred ships of burden, and thirty Galleys, being bound for Africa to victual the Roman Campc, was overtaken by soul weather at Sea; and hardly escaping 〈◊〉, was dispersed, and driven aground in divers parts of the Bay of Carthage, even in view, and under command of the City. There was at that time, as we find in Appian, and may gather 
App. de bello Punico.  out of Polybius, a great dearth of victuals in Carthage: which caused the people to cry out upon their Magistrates, that they should not let such a booty escape them; saying, that the danger of famine was greater and worse, than of breaking Truce. Whither it were so that hunger urged them, or that they yielded to their own greedy desires: the multitude in Carthage understood (as it seems) that all this discourse of peace in hand, was no better than mere mockery; and therefore cared not for observation of particular points, when they meant deceit in the whole. It was 
〈◊〉. è Polyb. l. 15.  the manner in Carthage, as likewise in Alexandria, for all the Rascality, together with women and boys, to be meddling in uproars: the clamours of the boys being in such tumults no less violent, than of the men. Wherhfore it is no marvel, if little regard were had of reason, or of honour, in any such commotion A Fleet was sent out under Asdrubal, to gather up the dispersed Roman ships of burden (for the Galleys, by force of Oars, recovered the station whereto their Camp adjoined) and bring them into Carthage: which was done. Scipio was hereat much offendcd: not only for the loss, and for that the Town was thereby relieved; but for that by this breach of truce, he foresaw the intention of the Carthaginians to renew the war, and put him to more trouble. Wherhfore he sent Ambassadors unto them: both to require satisfaction for the injury done; and to deter them from entertaining any other hope, than in the peace which they had so much desired. These gave the Carthaginians to understand, That Letters were come from Rome unto Scipio, with allowance to conclude the peace; upon those conditions which he had propounded. But (said they) we hold it strange, That ye, who so lately have cast yourselves to the ground before us, and kissed our feet, after an unusual manner of humility, confessing your selves to have 〈◊〉 broken the league that was between us, and thereby to have deserved such punishment as is due unto Rebels; should so soon forget what ye then uttered, and run headlong again into the same crimes, for which ye acknowledged 〈◊〉 selves worthy to be 〈◊〉, having only recourse unto our mercy. We are not ignorant, that it is the confidence which ye repose in HANNIBAL that thus emboldens you. Yet were it not amiss, 〈◊〉 ye should consider, how long he 〈◊〉 been penned up in a corner of Italy, among the Brutians; where he is in a manner besieged, and unable to stir: so that ye are like to find his help wanting in your greatest need. Or let it be supposed, that he were now in 〈◊〉, and ready to give us battle: yet should it well agreed with your wisdom, to doubt what might befall; remembering that he is a man, and not invincible. Now if it should happen that he were 〈◊〉; what resuge have ye left unto yourselves against hereafter? What gods will ye either swear by, to be believed, or call upon in your misery? What words, and lamentable gesture will ye henceforth use, to move compassion? Surely ye have already wasted all your forces of persuasion, and shall not again deceive us, if ye refuse the grace, whereof at the present ye are capable. It is no marvel though the Carthaginians were angry, when they heard 〈◊〉 upbraided with the base demeanour of their Ambassadors. For it was not the general opinion of the City, that the Truce was broken by themselves: though it had pleased Hanno, or such as were of his faction, to gratify the Romans with all manner of submission; and to 〈◊〉 not only their hope of the future, but all justification of matters past. And indeed it seems, that the Roman Ambassadors were very much delighted, in the rehearsal of that point which was yielded unto them; as knowing that thereon depended the justice of the quarrel. But the Carthaginians took this in so ill part, that hardly they could refrain from doing violence unto the men, who had used unto them such insolent speeches. Yet the fury of the multitude was in some sort appeased; either by Hanno, whom Appian (I know not why) calls Hanno the great; or by the very 〈◊〉, due unto the place of those that had uttered such liberal words. So they were dismissed in friendly sort; though it were without answer to their Proposition. There were also two 〈◊〉 appointed for their safe Convoy home; though with little intent of good unto their persons. Asdrubal was then in the midway, as men sailed from 〈◊〉 towards Utica. He, whither only desirous to please the Multitude, of whose disposition he was informed; or whither directed by public order, to cut off these Ambassadors in their way homeward: lay waiting for them behind a Cape, that was a little beyond the mouth of the River Bagrada. Their Convoy having brought them on the way, as far as to the mouth of Bagradas, wished them a good Voyage; and so took leave of them, as if they had been then in safety; since the Roman Camp was even in sight. The Ambassadors took this in ill part: not as fearing any danger toward; but thinking themselves too much neglected, forasmuch as their attendants did so abruptly leave them. But no sooner had they doubled the Cape, than Asdrubal fell upon them in such manner, as they might well discern his purpose; which was to have stemmed them. They rowed hard therefore: and being in a Quinquereme, that had more banks of Oars, than had any Galley of Asdrubal; they slipped away, and made him over-shoot himself. Yet he gave them chase; and had well-neare surprised them. But they discovered some Roman Companies on the shore over against them, and therefore adventured to run their vessel aground: whereby they saved their own lives; though a great part of their company were slain, or hurt. This practice of the Carthaginians was inexcusable: and for the same cause perhaps were the Citizens heartened in such a dishonourable attempt, by those that 〈◊〉 desirous to continued the war; that thereby they might be driven to study nothing else, than how to get the victory, as having noon other hope remaining. Yet likely it is, that the same fear, which had caused them to make such earnest svit for peace, would also have caused them to be better advised, than thus to abandon all hope of Treaty: had they not been given to understand, that Hannibal was already landed in Africa, in whom they reposed no small confidence; but verily persuaded themselves, that he would change their fortune, and teach the Romans to hold 〈◊〉 contented with more easy conditions, than were those that 〈◊〉, in the pride of his fortune, had of late propounded.   

§. XX. In what sort HANNIBAL spent the time after the battle of Metaurus. The doings of MAGO in Italy. HANNIBAL and MAGO called out of Italy. How the Romans were diversly affected by HANNIBAL'S departure.  
EVer since the loss of that battle at Metaurus, Hannibal remained in the Country of the Brutians; waiting for another supply from Carthage. The Roman Consuls that succeeded unto 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉, by whom Asdrubal was overcome and slain, were contented to be quiet all their year. Neither did Licinius the Colleague of Scipio aught worthy of remembrance against Hannibal: being hindered by the pestilence that was in his Army. Sempronius the Consul who followed Licinius, and 〈◊〉. Servilius Caepio, who followed Sempronius, 〈◊〉 earnestly bend to have done somewhat: but their diligence was in a manner fruitless. In some skirmishes with Hannibal, they had the better; in some, the worse: and a few poor Towns they got from him, as it were by stealth; his care being more to preserve his Army, than to keep those places that were weak.  
The Romans had at this time so many great pieces of work in hand, that their chief enemy was become, not the chief part of their care. Their thoughts were mainly bend upon Africa, wherein they were at no small charges to maintain the Army, which (as was hoped) should bring the war to a short and happy conclusion. They stood nevertheless in much fear of Mago, the brother of Hannibal: who tookè exceeding pain among the Ligurians and Gauls to raise an Army, wherewith to kindle anew the war in Italy, that began to wax cold. Mago solicited also the Etrurians; and found them so ready to 〈◊〉 in his behalf, that if he could have entered their Country strong, it might have proved no less needful for Scipio to return home out of Africa, than shortly it was for Hannibal, to make speed unto the defence of Carthage. These dangers caused the Romans to employ one of their Consuls or Proconsuls, with an Army, among the Etrurians; another among the Gauls; and a third among the Ligurians: forasmuch as it was uncertain, upon which side Mago would break out. Being thus busied, it is no wonder though they forbore to overcharge Hannibal with any great power.  
As for Mago; when things were in some readiness for his setting forwards, he met in the Country of the Insubrians, which is about Milan, with M. Cornelius the Roman Proconsul, and P. Quintilius Varus one of the Praetors. With these he fought a battle, wherein though his virtue showed itself worthy of his father and brethren; yet his fortune was Carthaginian. The fight continued a long while doubtful; in such sort that the Roman Commanders began to distrust the issue. Wherhfore 〈◊〉 the Praetor, taking unto him all the Roman Horse, thought to have 〈◊〉 the Enemies to pieces. The Legions at the same time gave a loud shout: and strained themselves hard; as if at that brunt the victory should have been carried before them. But Mago opposed his Elephants to the Horse: the service of those beasts being fit for such use, than against the Squadrons of Foot. The figure, sent, and braying of these Elephants, did so affright the Horse, that they 〈◊〉 aside, and were scattered over the field; their Riders being unable to manage them. Hereby the Numidians got advantage upon them: whose manner of fight was more available against those that were lose, than against the Troops that were close and thick. Than fell the Elephants upon the Legions: which entertained them after the accustomed manner, with a shower of darts, and killed four of them; causing all the rest to give back. This notwithstanding, the same Legions were so vehemently pressed by the Enemy; that more for shame of running away, than by any great force to make resistance, they held their ground. The Proconsul 〈◊〉 brought up those forces, which he had kept unto the last, to secure where need should most require. Against these Mago employed some of his Gauls, whom he had in readiness for the like occasion. But these Gauls discharged their parts very ill. They were soon beaten off; and recoiled so hastily, that they brought fear upon all the rest. When Mago seen that his men began to 〈◊〉, He put himself in the head of his Army; and held them so well to it, that keeping their order, they made a fair Retreat, with their faces toward the Enemy. But at length he received a 〈◊〉 wound in his thigh; whereof shortly after he died. He was taken up, and carried out of danger by some of his own men: the rest of them, after little further resistance, provided every one for himself: So the Romans obtained victory, not without great cost; as purchasing the death of about five thousand enemies, with the loss of two thousand and three hundred of the Praetor's Army, besides those that died of the Proconsul's Legions; also besides divers Colonels, Captains, and Gentlemen of mark, that fell in this hot piece of service. Neither were there any prisoners taken; whereby it may seem that the Enemies did not fall to rout, before they had recovered some ground that might assure them from pursuit. How ever it were, this victory would have much imported for the assurance of Italy, if the State of Carthage could longer have permitted these valiant sons of Amilcar to abide therein. But Mago withdrawing himself (by easy journeys, because of his wound) into Liguria, found 〈◊〉 Ambassadors from Carthage attending him: who gave him to understand the pleasure of their City, which was, That both he and Hannibal should presently repair home with all their forces; not staying any longer to think upon the conquest of Italy, since Carthage itself was ready to be lost. He obeyed this Commandment, and embarked shortly his Army, but died of his wound about Sardinia, in the way homewards.  
About the same time Hannibal received the like command from Carthage to return 〈◊〉 Africa. He heard it with great 〈◊〉; gnashing his teeth, and groaning, and hardly keeping in the tears, that were ready to burst out, whilst the Ambassadors were delivering their errand. When their message was done; He told them, That this was yet plain dealing. For, said He, They that now directly bid me come home, have long ago done their best to hale me out of Italy; though more closely and crookedly they went to work, by stopping the supply, that should have enabled me to manage the War here. SCIPIO therefore shall not need to brag, that he hath drawn me homt by the heels: it is HANNO, that hath wrought this noble 〈◊〉; and 〈◊〉 the House of the Barchines, for lack of other means to do it, with the ruin of Carthage. He had before prepared a Fleet in readiness doubting that which after come to pass: wherein he embarked, besides his own men, as many of the Italians, as were content to be partakers of his fortune. Many there were that shrunk back from him, and refused to do service in this Expedition: of whom such as he could take he slew; not sparing those that fled into the Temple of juno Lacinia, which had been held an inviolable Sanctuary unto that day. He was indeed then wholly transported with rage; and departed out of Italy no less passionate, than men are wont to be, when they leave their own Countries to go into exile. He looked back unto the shore: accusing both gods and men; and cursing his own dullness, in that he had not led his Army from Cannae, hot and bloodied as it was, directly unto the walls of Rome. With such vexation of spirit He quitted the possession of Italy; wherein he had lived almost half his time.  
If it could have been foretold unto the Romans, in the first beginning of this war, with what exceeding joy in times following they should entertain the news of Hannibal his departure out of Italy: they would (I think) less earnestly have pressed the Carthaginians to sand him over thither. When sure advertisement was brought unto the City, that Hannibal was go with all his Army: an Holiday was appointed for thanksgiving unto their gods; and extraordinary great sacrifices publicly made, for joy of such happy tidings. Yet old Q. Fabius was 〈◊〉 opinion, That the danger did still remain the same, though the place were changed: for that Hannibal, at his coming into Africa, would find P. Scipio other manner of work, 〈◊〉 he had been troubled with at any time before; and would do greater matters in his own Country, than ever he was able to perform abroad in a land of strangers. The remove of the war from their own doors, and the conceit of that victory for which they hoped; was enough to make them presume further, than at other times they would have done. When therefore the Saguntine Ambassadors brought unto them a great mass of Gold and Silver, together with some Agents of the Carthaginians taken by them in Spain: only the Carthaginian prisoners were accepted; the treasure was rendered back unto the Saguntines that had surprised it. Upon like confidence of the future, a little before this, order was taken for the repayment of those moneys, that had been borrowed in time of more necessity from private men. Hence also proceeded the severe chastisement, laid upon those twelve Colonies, that for want either of means, or of good will, had refused to give aid to the Romans. They were commanded, and enforced, to give double the number of Foot to that which they had been wont to 〈◊〉 out for the wars, with a proportion of Horse answerable to the very most of their ability. So confident were the Romans grown (though their wealth were not as yet suitable to the greatness of their spirit) upon the good success of the Battle at 〈◊〉; and the hopes which they reposed in Scipio. All this notwithstanding, when they considered more nearly of that which might happen; and were informed, that the terrible Army, whereof Italy had been few days since discharged, was landed safe in 〈◊〉: they began to revolve a thousand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in their heads, and to stand in doubt, jest Q. Fabius (who died about the same time) would be found a true Prophet. For bethinking themselves of that which might comfort them in their hopes: they found in the victories against Syphax and Asdrubal no speciality of such great worth, as might promise' the like success against another manner of General, followed by other manner of men, than were either of those two. The Numidian King had been wont to bring into the field a rascal multitude of halfe-scullions, that were good for nothing; being himself a fit Captain for such soldiers. Likewise Asdrubal, the son of Gisco, was a Commander well thought of by the Carthaginian Senate; but otherwise one, that in the field was only good at saving himself by a swift retreat. But now there come an Army of men, hardened from their childhood with incredible patience, fleshed many hundred times in Roman blood, and wearing the spoils not only of good soldiers, but of brave Captains, by them slain. Such talk used the people of Rome, saying, That Scipio was like to meet in battle, with many that had slain Roman Praetors, yea and Consuls, with their own hands; with many, that had been first in getting over the Trenches of several Roman Camps, or in winning the tops of walls at the siege of Towns; briefly, that he should now be opposed by an Army, as good as had ever served in war, and following the dreadful Name of Hannibal.   

§. XXI. HANNIBAL in Africa prepares to fight with SCIPIO; treats with him about peace in vain; loseth a battle at Nadagara, and persuades the Carthaginians to sue for peace. Of the peace granted from Rome to Carthage.  
HANNIBAL disembarqued his Army at Leptis, almost an hundred miles from Carthage, Eastward from the Headland of Mercury, and somewhat more than one degree to the South. He was ill provided of Horse; which it was not easy for him to transport out of Italy. Therefore it behoved him to land, as he did, somewhat far from the Enemy; that he might furnish himself with this and the like needful helps, against the day of battle. From Leptis he passed on to Adrumetum, and so along through the Inland Country; gathering friends unto him by the way. Tychaeus a Numidian Prince, and familiar friend of Syphax, was said to have in those days the best Horses of service, that were to be found in Africa. Him therefore did Hannibal allure unto his party: making him understand, that if the Romans got the victory, it should be easy for Masanissa, by their countenance and help to oppress both him, and as many other of the neighbour Princes as hindered his prospect. This Argument, and the fame of him that used it, prevailed with Tychaeus; who shortly after brought unto the Carthaginian two thousand Horse. Appian further adds, That Mezetullus, (the same who had made himself Protector over Masanissa his Cousins; and was Head of a Family, and adverse to the Numidian Kings of that race) brought unto Hannibal another thousand Horse: as likewise that Vermina the son of Syphax, holding a great part of his Father's Kingdom, began at the same time to assail the places that yielded obedience to Masanissa. This Vermina, as we find in Livy, come with more than sixteen thousand men (for he lost more than so many) to secure Hannibal when it was too late.  
The Carthaginians were at this time in such hard estate, or (at lest) so impatient of the state wherein they were; that they could not attended the leisure of those preparations, which would have made the victory assured. When they considered the worth of Hannibal, and the greatness of his Acts: it offended them to think, that they had been so base, as to make humble svit unto the Romans for Peace; whilst they had such a brave Champion alive, to maintain their cause by war. But when they bethought themselves of their own sufferings, which, for want of Roman magnanimity to endure them, appeared greater than indeed they were: then cried they out earnestly, that it was no time to linger, but presently to fight; that so they might see an end of these troubles, either good or bad. And to this purpose, they sent their Mandates to Hannibal: requiring him, without any further protraction, to do what he could do out of hand. Hannibal made answer, That they were his good Lords, and had power to dispose of him and his Army: but since he was General of their forces, He thought it reasonable, that they should suffer him to do as a General aught to do; and to choose his own times. Nevertheless, to give them satisfaction, He made great marches to Zama; and there encamped.  
The breach of Truce, made by the Carthaginians: The violence, done to his Ambassadors: and the news of Hannibal his being landed in Africa; made 〈◊〉 to understand the resolution of the Carthaginians, which was, not to yield unto any conditions unprofitable for themselves, as long as they were able to make resistance. Wherhfore he sent unto Masanissa: and informed him of all that was fallen out; praying him to come away with speed, and lay all other business apart. Ten Roman Companies, of Horse and Foot together, Masanissa had with him; that were lent unto him by Scipio, to do him service in the establishing and enlarging of his Kingdom. But he well understood, that those and many more besides all his own forces would little avail him; if Hannibal should drive the Romans out of Africa. Wherhfore taking such order as he could upon the sudden, for the 〈◊〉 of his own Kingdom; with four thousand Horse, and six 〈◊〉 Foot, he made all haste unto Scipio.  
Soon after the beginning of these new troubles, the 〈◊〉 Ambassadors that had been at Rome, returned back under the conduct of Laelius and 〈◊〉: who brought them safe into the Roman Campe. There when they arrived, and understood what had lately passed, 〈◊〉 how their Citizens had behaved themselves towards the Roman Ambassadors: they made little doubt, how 〈◊〉 own heads should answer for such 〈◊〉 outrage. To confirm them in this opinion.  
M. Baebius one of the late Ambassadors that had been in Carthage, being left by Scipio to take charge of the Camp, laid hands upon them, and detained them; sending word unto his General, who was go abroad to make war in the Country, that he had them in his power, and that now the Carthaginians might be repaid in their own Coin, for the injury by them lately done. Scipio was very glad to hear of this; and commanded 〈◊〉 to use them with all possible courtesy, and sand them safe home. By thus doing He broke the hearts of his Enemies; and caused them to acknowledge themselves, (which was a great victory) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honourable than the Romans. This notwithstanding, He made more cruel war upon them than before: taking their Towns by force; and putting them to sack, without 〈◊〉 to any Composition. It was the manner of the Romans, as often as they took a Town by assault, to put all that come in their way to the sword, whatsoever they were, without regard. This they did, to make themselves terrible: and the better to work such impression in the minds of those, with whom they had to do, they used oftentimes to kill the very Dogs and other Beasts, that ran 
〈◊〉, è Polyb. lib. 10.  athwart them in the streets; hewing their bodies asunder, as men delighted in shedding of blood. This being their practice at other times: it is likely, that now they omitted no piece of cruelty; when they meant to give proof of their vehement indignation, and revengeful minds, for the injuries received. Hence it partly grew, that the Carthaginians were so earnest in pressing Hannibal to fight.  
Hannibal being encamped at Zama, sent forth his Scowts and Spies, to discover where the Romans lay; what they were doing; and as much as might be of their demeanour. Some of these were taken, and brought unto Scipio: who 〈◊〉 of trussing them up, gave them free leave to view his Camp at pleasure; appointing one to conduct them up and down, and show them whatsoever they desired. This done, He gave them 〈◊〉 to departed; and sent them away safe unto their General. Hannibal understanding this, admired the bravery and courage of his Enemy: with whom on the sudden he grew desirous to have an Interview, and personal conference; and signified so much unto him, by a messenger sent of purpose. Of this motion the Roman liked well: and returned answer, that He would meet him shortly in place convenient. The next day Masanissa come with his Army: whom Scipio taking with him, removed unto a Town called Nadagara; near unto which he sat down, in a place otherwise commodious, and close by a water that might opportunely serve his Campe. Thence he sent word unto the Carthaginian, That the time and place did fitly serve, if He had aught to say to him. Hannibal thereupon removed from Zama, and come within four miles of the Enemy: where he encamped well to his own good liking in all things else; excepting that his men were driven to take much pains, in fetching their water somewhat far off. Than was order taken for their meeting: and the two Generals, each of them with a troop of Horse, road forth of their Camps, till they come unto a piece of ground; which was before well searched, for fear of ambush. There they will their followers to stand off: and themselves, with each of them one Interpreter, encountered each other in the midway between their Companies. They remained a while silent, viewing one the other with mutual admiration. Than began the Carthaginian, saluting the Roman, to deliver his mind to this effect: That it had been better both for Carthage and for Rome, if they could have limited and contained their ambition within the shores of Africa and of Italy; for that the Countries of Sicily and of Spain, about which their fathers and themselves had striven, were no sufficient recompense for so many Fleets as had been lost, and of so much blood as had been shed, in making those costly purchases. But since things past could not be recalled: He said, That it was meet for them to consider, unto what extreme dangers their own Cities had been exposed, by the greedy desire of extending their Empires abroad; and that it was even time for them now at length, to make an end of their obstinate contention, and pray the gods to endue them with greater wisdom hereafter. And to such peaceable disposition He affirmed that his own years, and long trial of Fortune both good and evil, had made him inclinable. But much he feared, that Scipio, by want of the like experience might rather fix his mind upon uncertain hopes, than upon the contemplation of that mutability, whereto all human affairs are subject. Yet (said He) my own example may per adventure suffice to teach thee moderation. For I am that same HANNIBAL, who after my victory at Cannae wan the greatest part of Italy: and devised with myself, what I should do with your City of Rome; which I hoped verily to have taken. Once I brought my Army to your walls, as thou hast since brought thine to ours of Carthage: but now, see the change! I stand here entreating thee to grant us peace. This may serve as a document of Fortune's instability. I fought with thy Father, SCIPIO: He 〈◊〉 the first of the Roman Generals, that ever met me in the field. I did then little think; that the time would come, that I should have such business, as now at the present, with his son. But this is even one of Fortune's Pageants, whereof she hath many. And thou mayst have experience of the like in thyself, who knows how soon? Think upon M. ATILIUS. If he would have harkened unto such persuasions, as I now use to thee; he might have returned home to Rome an happy man. And so mayst thou do now, if any reasonable offer will give thee satisfaction. How sayst thou? 〈◊〉 thou be contented, that all Spain, Sicily, Sardinia, and whatsoever islands else are situate between Italy and Africa, be abandoned by the Carthaginians for ever; and left unto the Romans, to bear Dominion therein? Thou shalt have glory enough by effecting thus much: and the Romans may well be glad of such a bargain. As for us: our own quiet shall henceforth give us contentment. And the same contentment of ours, shall make us faithfully observe the Peace with you. But if thou thinkest all too little, I must desire thee to ponder well how great an hazard thou must undergo, for the obtaining of a very little more, than that which thou mayst have without contention. It is now in 〈◊〉 own power, to lay hold upon good Fortune, if it please thee: stay but till to morrow night; and thou must take such fortune, as it shall please the gods. The issue of battle is uncertain, and many times beguileth expectation. Men and steel we shall each of us bring into the field: but of the victory, neither of us hath assurance. Let us therefore without more ado, make peace. And do not tell me, that some false-hearted Citizens of ours dealt fraudulently of late in the like Treaty: It is I HANNIBAL that now desire peace with thee; which I would 〈◊〉 do, if I thought it not expedient for my Country. And thinking it expedient, I will always maintain it: like as I have maintained unto my power, as long as the gods did not envy me, the War by me begun. Hereunto Scipio made answer, That it was no ambitious desire of ruling in Sicily and in Spain, which had moved the Romans to enter into this or the former 〈◊〉: but that the defence of the Mamertines, and afterwards of the Saguntines, their confederates, had caused them to put on those arms; which the gods by the 〈◊〉 issue of the Wars had approved, and would approve to be most just. As for the mutability of Fortune: he said, that he was not thereof ignorant; and that without any note of insolence, or overweening, he might well refuse the conditions offered. For was it not plain, that all these 〈◊〉, with which the Carthaginians now so willingly departed, were already won from them by the Romans? If, said He, these Conditions had been propounded whilst as yet ye detained some part of Italy, they might 〈◊〉 adventure not have been rejected. But as the case now stands, I see no reason, why I should remit unto you any one piece of those my former demands; to which the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 yielded already, and thought me to deal graciously in being so moderate. Rather I say, that the 〈◊〉 which they have done me since, have made them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obtaining peace upon so friendly terms. But I cannot blame thee, HANNIBAL, though thou wouldst be glad to make thy Citizens understand, from how much of their burden they are by thy means eased. Only thou must think, that in like sort it concerns me in honour, not to let them be gainers or saviours by the wrongs which they have done of late. Thou knowest well, that, besides those offers which thou here hast made, they were well contented to restore unto us ransome-free all prisoners that they 〈◊〉 of ours; to pay us 〈◊〉 thousand Talents; to deliver up their Callies; and to deliver hostages for assurance of fair dealing. And must they now be discharged of all this, by their breach of Truce; their spoiling of our Fleet; and their violating our Ambassadors? Not so. But if they can be contented, besides all this, to make such 〈◊〉 as I shall require, for these injuries newly done: then will I take advice with my Council what answer to give you; otherwise, you may even prepare for war, and blame your own solves, for that I have denied you peace.  
Hereupon they broke off: and returned each to his own Camp, with no other news than war; bidding their Soldiers prepare for a battle, wherein should be decided the quarrel between Rome and Carthage. The next morning at break of day they issued into the field: a notable Match, and such as hath very seldom been found; whither we regard the Generals; their Armies; the two Cities that contended; or the great importance of the battle at hand. Scipio ordered his men after the Roman manner: placing first the Hastaty, divided into their Maniples, or small Battalions, with a reasonable distance 〈◊〉 them: Not far behind these followed the Principes, likewise divided; and so after them the Triarij. But herein Scipio altered a little the ordinary custom of the Romans: He placed not the Maniples of his Principes opposite unto the voided spaces between the Hastaty, that so the Hastaty, as was usual, might fall back between the Principes; but he placed them directly one behind another, as it were, in File. This He did because of the Elephants; whereof Hannibal had many. For of those beasts the danger was less, whilst there was open way to let them through. Therefore he took such order, that when they had passed through the spaces between the first Battalions, they should not come upon the Principes in Front. Unto his Velites or those of the light armature, that were to begin the fight, He gave direction, that when they found themselves overcharged, either by the Enemies, or (which was most to be feared) by the Elephants, they should run back through those lanes that were between the Maniples; and that those which were swiftest, or otherwise best able, should continued on their flight, until they were got behind all their own Army; thereby leaving room enough unto those that were wounded, or cast behind, to save themselves on the voided ground, that was betwixt the first and second, or the second and third Battles, without cloying up the way between the Maniples, which he desired to keep open. His Italian Horse he placed in the left wing under C. 〈◊〉. In the right wing was 〈◊〉 with his Numidians. He himself riding up and down, exhorted his men to do valiantly; using words not many, but very forcible. He bade them remember what they had achieved, since their coming into Africa. He told them, That if this day were theirs, the war was at an end: and that their victory in this war, should make them Lords of all the World; for that afterwards, noon would be found able to resist them. On the contrary; if they were beaten, he asked them wither they would fly. They were far from home, yea and 〈◊〉 from their own standing Camp: neither was there any place in Africa, that would give them shelter; if they fell into the Carthaginians hands, they knew what to expect. And therefore there was noon other way, but Death or Victory: unless they would live like wretched slaves under most merciless Enemies. In such necessity, he said, that they which consider themselves to be, and take resolution answerable thereunto, have never been known to fail of getting victory.  
Hannibal on the other side placed his Elephants, that were more than fourscore, in Front of his Battle. Next behind these, he made his Vanguard all of Mercenaries; Ligurians, Gauls, Baleares, and Moors. Than followed his Battle: which was of Carthaginians and Africans, more interessed in the quarrel than were those Mercenaries; though not so good soldiers: but to help (if it might be) their want of courage, they had with them four thousand Macedonians, lately sent from King Philip. Moore than the space of a furlong behind these come his Rearward, consisting of those brave Soldiers which had served him in his Italian wars; and were the only men, in whom he reposed any confidence. Opposite to Laelius, in his own right wing he bestowed the Carthaginian Horse. Tychaeus and the Numidians he placed in his left wing against Masanissa. He was indeed far too weak for the Enemy in Horse, both in number and in goodness. For Tychaeus and Mezetullus had no more than three thousand; and those not so well exercised, as were the four thousand of Masanissa. The Carthaginians also were no more, nor noon other than such as could be levied in the haste of a few days; and the remainder of those, that had of late been often vanquished, and accustomed to fly. But it was no time for Hannibal, neither had he perhaps authority, to make these his companions alight and serve on foot, setting better men in their saddles. All that he could have done, was to stay a little longer, and expect more help. Had Vermina the son of Syphax come thither, as he did in few days after, with sixteen thousand and upwards, the most of them Horse: the advantage of number might have served well to supply all other defect. Yet since the Lords of Carthage would brook no delay: Hannibal must be feign to comfort himself, with the hope that he reposed in his old Italian Soldiers; whose virtue had wrought greater wonders, when it was more strongly opposed. He encouraged therefore his men, with words agreeable to their several conditions: promising unto the Mercenaries bountiful rewards: threatening the Carthaginians with inevitable servitude, if they lost that day; but 〈◊〉 animating his old fellow-soldiers, by the many victories which they had obtained against far greater numbers. He bade them to look upon the Enemies; and make an estimate, whither they were any thing like so many, as that huge Army which they had slaughtered at Cannae. He willed them to remember, That it was one P. Scipio, even the father of this man, whom they had first of all compelled to run away. He told them, that these Legions which they yonder beheld, were, for the most part of them, the very 〈◊〉 of the Roman Soldiers; even such, as for their dastardly flight out of sundry battles, could no longer be trusted to bear Arms in their own Country. As for the rest: they were young men, the sons of Cowards, and bred up in the continual fear of those weapons, by which their fathers were daily slain or chased. Wherhfore he entreated these his old companions, upon whose virtue he meant wholly to repose himself, that they would this day strive to make good their honour; and to purchase the same of 〈◊〉.  
Such exhortations used the two Generals before the fight. When they drew near together: the 〈◊〉 Horsemen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sides began to skirmish. The Trumpets, and other instruments of war, sounded to battle: and Hannibal commanded his Elephants to break upon the 〈◊〉. Of these Elephants (as they were always an uncertain kind of help) those that stood near unto the point of the left wing, turned back for 〈◊〉: and 〈◊〉 upon their own Numidian Horse; which they 〈◊〉 and disordered. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this, gave charge upon the same Numidians; and not suffering them to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, drove them quite out of the field. The rest of those 〈◊〉 made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spoil of the Roman Velites, whom they followed into the spaces between the Maniples: but without any harm to the Battalions themselves; which gave them open way, accordingly as Scipio had well provided. divers of them receiving many wounds, and growing therewith furious, could no longer be governed: but ran back upon the right point of their own battle, and beyond that into the open field. Herewithal they disordered the Carthaginian Horse which were in that wing: against whom they gave to Laelius the same advantage, that Masanissa had against the Numidians; which he used in like sort. In the mean while, the Battles of foot advanced, and drew near together with a slow and stately pace, till they were almost within a weapons cast: at what time they gave a shout, and ran one at the other. The Mercenaries for a time seemed both in audacity, and in quickness, to have the better of the Romans; wounding many, and doing more harm, than they took. But the Roman discipline after a while, prevailed against the boisterous violence of these untrained Barbarians. Whereunto it helped not a little, that the battle of the 〈◊〉, following somewhat near after the Hastaty, encouraged their fellows; and showed themselves ready, if need were, to 〈◊〉 them. Contrariwise, the Mercenaries received no manner of help or COLIfort, from those that should have seconded them. For the new-levied Carthaginians and Africans, when they seen their hired soldiers give back, did also themselves retire. This caused the Ligurians, Gauls, and the rest, to think themselves betrayed: whereupon they inclined unto flight. The Carthaginian Battle was herewith more terrified than before, so as it refused to give way unto the Mercenaries for their safe retreat; and yet withal 〈◊〉 bore to make head against the Enemies, that pursued them. It was no time to ask them what they meant by this: Fear and Indignation caused those that were at once chased by the Romans, and betrayed, as they thought, by their own fellows, to turn their Arms with an heedless fury against both the one and the other. Thus were many of the Carthaginians beaten down and slain, through their own indiscretion, by their own Mercenaries. The Roman Hastaty in like sort, fight with desperate men in a throng, had their hands so full of work; that the Principes were feign to come up unto them, and help to over-beare this great medley of enemies, that were together by the ears among themselves. In this place was made a great slaughter, both of the Mercenaries and of the Carthaginians: which hindering one another could neither fight, nor easily fly. Such of them as escaped, ran towards Hannibal: who kept his ground, and would not stir one foot, to help or save these Run- 〈◊〉 He caused his men to bend their Pikes at those of his own side, that would have rushed upon him: whom he thereby compelled to turn aside beyond his Battle, and save themselves in the open field. The ground, over which the Romans were now to march, ere they could meet with Hannibal, was covered with such thick heaps of dead bodies and weapons, and so slippery with blood: that Scipio began to 〈◊〉 in great doubt, jest the orders of his Battalions should be dissolved in passing that way. In such case, if he should fight with that warlike Army, which he seen before him, remaining yet entire, and without fear expecting him; He might be well assured to receive a notable overthrow. He caused therefore the Hastaty to make a stand there where they were, opposite unto the main battle of the Hannibalians. Than drawing up his Principes and Triarij: He placed them, when they had overcome the bad way, all in one Front with the Hastaty, and made of them his two Cornets. This done, he advanced towards Hannibal: who entertained him after another manner, than ever he had been received in his life before. All the days 〈◊〉 till now, seemed to have been only a matter of pastime; in regard of the sharp Conflict, that was maintained between these notable Soldiers. The Romans were encouraged, by their having prevailed all the day before: They were also far the more in number. But these old Soldiers of Hannibal were fresh; and (perhaps) the better men. They fought with such obstinate resolution, that no man gave back one foot; but rather chose to die upon the ground, whereon he stood. So that, after a long time, it was uncertain which part had the worse: unless it may seem, that the Romans were beginning to shrink; for as much as the return of Masanissa and Laelius from pursuit of the Enemy's Horse, is said to have been most happy and 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 15.  in a needful time. These upon the sudden charged the Hannibalians in Rear; and over-bearing them by mere violence, compelled them to fall to Rout.  
In this Battle there died of the Romans fifteen hundred and upwards: on the Carthaginian side, above twenty thousand, beside as many that were taken; of whom, Sopater Captain of the Macedonians was one. The singular skill that Hannibal showed in this his last fight, is highly commended by 〈◊〉; and was acknowledged, as Livy reports, by Scipio himself. But the Enemies were too strong for him in Horse: and being enjoined, as he was, by the State of Carthage to take battle with such disadvantage, he could work no marvels. He saved himself with a few Horse; and stayed not in his journey, till he come to Adrumetum. Thence was he sent for to Carthage; from which he had been absent six and thirty years. At his coming into the Senate He said plainly, That there was noon other way left, than to take such peace as could be gotten. Wherhfore the 〈◊〉, not knowing what other course to take, resolved to sand Ambassadors again; and try the favour of Scipio, whose Arms they could not now resist.  
Scipio having spoiled the Enemy's Camp, returned back to Utica: where he found P. Lentulus newly arrived, with fifty Galleys and an hundred Ships of burden. With this Fleet, and that which he had before, He thought it best to make towards Carthage: rather of purpose to terrify the City, than with any hope to take it His Legions he committed unto Cn. Octavius; whom he willed to meet him there by land. Than sending Laelius away to Rome with news of the victory, He set sail from Utica towards Carthage. He was encountered on the way by ten Ambassadors from the City: who bearing up with the Admiral galley, began to use the pitiful gesture of suppliants. But they received noon other answer, than that they should meet him at 〈◊〉, where He would give them audience. So rowing along before the City: and viewing it more in 〈◊〉, than with meaning to attempt it; He returned back to Utica, and called back Octavius thither, with whom in person He set forwards to Tunes. As they were in their journey thither, they heard the news, that Vermina the son of Syphax, was coming with an Army of more Horse than Foot, to the succour of those that were already vanquished. This Vermina seems to have been both careless of getting intelligence how things passed, and very defective in all other duties requisite in the Commander of an Army. Part of the Roman Foot, with all their power of Horse, was sent against him: which did not only beaten him, but so compass him in, that he hardly escaped himself with a few; leaving fifteen thousand of his followers dead behind him, and twelve hundred taken prisoners. If this good company had been with Hannibal at Nadagara, they should have been far better conducted, and might well have changed the Fortune of the day; which the Carthaginian lost, by default of Horse. But God had otherwise determined. It is not to be doubted, that this victory, though it were no great access unto the former; yet served well to daunt the Carthaginians, and imprint in them the greater fear of Scipio. When he come to Tunes, there met him thirty Ambassadors from Carthage: whose behaviour though it was more pitiful than it had been before; yet procured it less commiseration, by reason of their late false dealing, after they had in like sort humbled themselves. Nevertheless it was considered, what a long and laborious work it would prove, to besiege the mighty City of Carthage. And particularly Scipio stood in great doubt, left the honour of this war, if it were protracted, should be taken out of his hands; and given to one of the Consuls. Cn. Servilius Caepio, that Consul who had charge of the war against Hannibal, at such time as he departed out of Italy: was bold to pass over into the Isle of Sicily (as it were in chase of Hannibal by him terrified and driven away) with a purpose thence to have proceeded into Africa, and taken from Scipio the Command of the Army there. But a Dictator was chosen of purpose, to 〈◊〉 the ambition of this Consul 〈◊〉. After him followed Tiberius Claudius, who made svite for the same Province of Africa: and was therein so earnest, that though neither the Senate, nor People, would grant him his desire; yet he needs would be going, procuring only leave of the Senate, that he being Consul might join with Scipio, were it with no more than equal authority. But ere He could have his Fleet and all things in a readiness for the journey, wherein no man cared to further him: Winter come on, and he was only tossed at Sea with soul 〈◊〉, first upon the Coast of Hetruria, and afterwards by Sardinia; where his Consulship expired, and so he returned home a private man. Than come the joyful news to Rome, of the victory obtained against Hanmbal, and that the war was now even at an end. Yet was Lentulus the new Consul 〈◊〉 passionate, in desiring Africa for his Province, That he said he would suffer nothing to pass in the Senate, until he had first his william. Much ado there was about this: and after many contentions, both in the Senate, and before the People, at last it was ordered, That if Peace were granted, it should be granted by Scipio; if the war continued, Scipio should have command therein by Land, and the Consul at Sea. The ambition of these men, caused Scipio to give the more favourable answer unto the Carthaginian Ambassadors. He willed them to consider what they had deserved: and in regard thereof to think themselves well dealt withal, in that he was contented to leave unto them their liberty and their own Laws, without appointing any Governor over them, or Garrison to hold them in subjection; leaving also unto them their possessions in Africa, such as they were at the beginning of this war. As touching the rest he was at a point, That, before he 〈◊〉 granted them Peace or truce, they should make satisfaction for wrongs which they had done, whilst the late Treaty was in dependence. Hereunto if they would yield; then required He That immediately they should deliver up unto the Romans all Prisoners, Fugitives, and Renegadoes, that they had of theirs: likewise all their Galleys, excepting ten: and all their Elephants: That they should make no war at all thenceforth out of Africa, neither yet within Africa, without licence of the Romans: That the Countries, Towns, goods whatsoever, belonging any wise unto MASANISSA, or to any of his Ancestors, which were in their possession, should be all by them restored unto him: That they should find corn for the Roman Army, and wages for their Auxiliaries, during the time of Truce, until the Peace were fully concluded: That they should pay ten thousand Talents of Silver, in the term of fifty years, by two hundred Talents a year; and that for observance of Conditions, they should give an hundred hostages, such as SCIPIO would choose, being noon of them under fourteen years of age, nor above thirty.  
With these conditions the Ambassadors returned home; and reported them unto the City. They were very unpleasing; and therefore one Gisco stood up to speak against them: and exhorted the People, who gave good attention, that they should not condescend unto such intolerable demands. But Hannibal perceiving this and noting withal what favourable audience was given to this vain Orator, by the unquiet yet unwarlike Multitude; was bold to pull him down from his standing, by plain force. Hereat all the People murmured; as if their common liberty were too much wronged, by such insolence of this presumptuous Captain. Which Hannibal perceiving, rose up and spoke unto them: saying, That they aught to pardon him, if he had done otherwise than the customs of the City would allow; forasmuch as he had been thence absent ever since he was a Boy of nine years old, until he was now a man of five and forty. Having thus excused himself of the disorder, He discoursed unto them concerning the Peace: and persuaded them to accept it, as wanting ability to defend themselves; had the demands of the Enemy been yet more rigorous. Finally upon good advice, they resolved to yield unto the Conditions propounded by Scipio: to whom they paid out of hand five and twenty thousand pound weight of Silver, in recompense of damages, and injuries by them done to his Fleet and Ambassadors. Scipio granted them Truce for three months; in which time they might negotiate with the State of Rome, about confirmation of the League. But herewithal He gave injunction, that they should neither in the mean while sand Ambassadors any wither else, nor yet dismiss any Ambassadors to them sent; without first making him acquainted what they were, and what their errand was.  
At this time Hanno, and they of his Faction, were become wise and honourable nen, by the miseries whereinto Carthage was fallen through their malicious 〈◊〉. Asdrubal, surnamed the Kid, a venerable man, and great friend of Hanno, was chief of the Embassages which they sent to Rome for obtaining peace. They went thither in company of Scipio his Ambassadors; who related unto the Senate and People these joyful news. About the same time arrived at Rome Ambassadors from Philip King of Macedon: who, together with the Carthaginians, were feign to wait a while for audience, till the election of new Consuls then in hand was finished; and order taken, for the Provinces of them, and the new Praetors. Than were the Macedonian Ambassadors called into the Senate: who first answering unto some points, wherein the Romans had lately signified unto their King that they found themselves grieved; returned the blame upon those Greeks' themselves, that had made their complaint at Rome. Than accused they M. Aurelius: who being one of the three Embasiadours', that had lately been sent from Rome unto King Philip, tarried in Greece behind his fellows; and there levying men, made war upon the King, without any regard at all of the League, that was between him and the Romans. Further they desired of the Senate, That one Sopater, a Macedonian Gentleman, with other of their Countrymen, that had lately served Hannibal for Pay, and being taken Prisoners in 〈◊〉, were kept in bonds by Scipio; might be released, and delivered unto them. Unto all this M. Furius, whom Aurelius had sent to Rome for that purpose, made a sharp answer. He said, that the Greeks' which were confederate with Rome, endured so many injuries at the hands of Philip, that M. Aurelius was feign to stay behind, to help them as he might; which else were like to be brought under the King's subjection. As for Sopater: He affirmed him to be one of the King's Counsel, and very inward with him; one that served not for money, but carried money with him, and four thousand men, sent from the King to the aid of Hannibal. About these points when the Macedonian Ambassadors could make unto the Senate no good answer: they were willed to return, and tell their Master, That war he sought, and war he should find, if he proceeded as he had begun. For in two main points He had broken the League, that was between him and the Romans: first, in that he had wronged their Confederates; and secondly, in that he had aided their Enemies against them with men and money.  
These quarrels with Philip, that promised to open a way into Greece and the Eastern Countries, helped well the 〈◊〉 Ambassadors in their solicitation of Peace. They appeared a very reverend company, when they entered into the Senate: and Asdrubal above the rest was much respected, as one, whose good offices had kept the Romans from necessity of sending Ambassadors to Carthage, upon the like errand. He liberally granted, that the justice of the quarrel had been wholly on the Romans side; saying that it was the fault of some violent men, through which the Peace was broken. Yet could he not altogether excuse the City; that had been too vehement in the prosecution of bad counsel. But if Hanno and himself might have had their wills: the Carthaginians, even at the best of their Fortune, should have granted the peace which they now desired. Herewithal he commended the moderation of the Romans, as no small argument of their valour; by which always they had been victorious. To the same effect spoke the rest of the Ambassadors: all of them entreating to have the Peace ratified; though some with more lamentable words than others, according to the diversity of their style. They had patience enough to endure such reproof of Perjury, as they themselves might have laid upon the Romans; if their diligence and fortune had been such as the Romans was. Among the rest, when one of the Senators demanded, by what gods they would swear to keep the peace hereafter: Asdrubal made answer; Even by the same gods, that are so severe unto those that violate their Leagues.  
Lentulus the Consul interposing the authority of his Office, would have hindered the Senate from proceeding unto conclusion of peace; for that hereby He was like to loose the honour, which he purposed to get by making war in Africa. But the matter was propounded unto the people, in whom rested the Sovereign Command of Rome; and by them referred wholly unto the pleasure of the 〈◊〉. So it was decreed, That Scipio with ten Delegates sent unto him from Rome of purpose, should make a League with the Carthaginians, upon such Conditions as seemed best: which were noon other, than the same which he had already propounded. For this favour, the Carthaginian Ambassadors humbly thanked the Senate; and craved licence, that they might visit their Countrymen, which were prisoners in Rome: afterwards, that they might ransom and carry home with them some, that were their especial friends; of whom they gave in writing almost two hundred names. Whereupon the Senate ordained, that two hundred of those Prisoners, which the Ambassadors would choose, should be sent over into Africa, and be freely restored to liberty by Scipio, when the peace was fully concluded. So they took leave, and returned home, in company of the ten Delegates, that were appointed by the Senate to join with Scipio in Commission.  
At their coming into Africa, the Peace was given, and accepted, without any controversy or disputation. The Prisoners, Fugitives, and 〈◊〉, were delivered up to Scipio: likewise the Galleys, and the Elephants. Scipio took more vengeance upon the Renegadoes, than upon the Fugitives; and upon those of the Romans, than upon the Latins or other Italians. The Latins he beheaded: the Romans he crucified. About the first payment of their money; the Carthaginians were somewhat troubled. For though perhaps their common Treasury could have spared two hundred Talents for the present: yet since the pension was annual, and to continued fifty years; it was thought meet to lay the burden upon the Citizens. At the collecting of the sum there was piteous lamentation, as if now the Roman yoke had begun to pinch them; so as many, even of the Senators, could not forbear weeping. Contrariwise Hannibal could not refrain from laughter. For which when he was checked by Asdrubal Haedus and told, That it worst of all beseemed him to laugh, since he had been the cause why all others did weep; He answered, That laughter did not always proceed from joy; but sometime from extremity of indignation. Yet said He, My laughter is more 〈◊〉, and less absurd, than your tears. For ye should have wept, when ye gave up your Ships and Elephants, and when ye bound your own hands from the use of Arms; without the good leave of the Romans first obtained. This miserable condition keeps us under; and holds us in assured servitude. But of these matters ye had no feeling. Now, when a little money is wrung out of your private purses, ye have thereof some sense. God grant that the time come not hereafter, wherein ye shall acknowledge, That it was the very lest part of your misery, for which ye have shed these tears. Thus discoursed Hannibal unto those, who tasting the bitter first-fruits of their own malicious counsel, repent when it was too late; and in stead of cursing their own disorders, which had bred this grievous disease, accused that Physician, whose noble endeavours had been employed in procuring the remedy.  
Scipio being to take leave of Africa, produced Masanissa, and magnified him in presence of the Army, with high commendations not undeservedly. To him also he consigned over those Towns of King Syphax, which the Romans at that present held: wherein, to say truth, hegave him but his due; and that which otherwise he knew not well how to 〈◊〉. But the love of the Romans, and friendship of Scipio, was fully answerable, now and hereafter, to all the deservings of this Numidian King. About Carthage there rested no more to be done. Wherhfore the Romans embarked themselves for Sicily: where when they arrived at Lilybaeum, Scipio with some part of his Army took his way home to Rome by land; and sent the rest before him thither by Sea. His journey through Italy was no less glorious than any Triumph: all the people thronging out of the Towns and Villages, to do him honour as he passed along. He entered the City in Triumph: neither was there ever before, or after, any Triumph celebrated with so great joy of the people, as was this of Scipio; though, in bravery of the pomp, there were others in time shortly following, that exceeded this. Whither Syphax were carried through the City in this Triumph; and died soon after in prison: or whither he were dead a while before; it cannot be affirmed. Thus much may be avowed, That it was a barbarous custom of the Romans, to insult over the calamities of mighty Princes, by leading them contumeliously in Triumph; yea though they were such, as had always made fair and courteous war. But hereof we shall have better example, ere the same Age pass. It was neither the person of Syphax, nor any other glory of the spectacle, that so much beautified the Triumph of Scipio; as did the contemplation of that grievous war past, whereof the Romans had been in a manner without hope, 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 16.  that 〈◊〉 they should set Italy free. This made them look cheerfully upon the Author of so great a conversion; and filled them with more joy, than they well could moderate. Wherhfore they gave to Scipio the Title of the African: styling him by the name of that Province which he had subdued. This honourable kind of surname, taken from a conquered Province, grew afterwards more common, and was usurped by men of less desert: especially by many of the Caesars, who sometimes arrogated unto themselves the title of Countries, wherein they had performed little or nothing; as if such glorious Attributes could have made them like in virtue unto 〈◊〉 the African.    

CHAP. FOUR Of PHILIP the father of PERSEUS, King of Macedon; His first Acts and war with the Romans, by whom he was subdued.  

§. I. How the Romans grew acquainted in the East Countries, and desirous of war there. The beginning of many Princes, with great wars, at one time. The Aetolians overrun Peloponnesus. PHILIP and his Associates make war against the Aetolians. Alteration of the State in Sparta. The Aetolians invade Greece and Macedon, and are invaded at home by PHILIP.  
OF the great similitude found in worldly events, the limitation of matter hath been assigned as a probable 
Plut. in vita 〈◊〉.  cause. For since Nature is confined unto a subject that is not unbounded; the works of Nature must needs be finite, and many of them resemble one the other. Now in those actions, that seem to have their whole dependence upon the will of man, we are less to wonder, if we found less variety: since it is no great portion of things which is obnoxious unto human power; and since they are the same affections, by which the wills of sundry men are overruled, in managing the 〈◊〉 of our daily life. It may be observed in the change of Empires, before those times whereof we now writ, how the Assyrians or Chaldaeans invaded the kingdom of the Medes, with two hundred thousand foot and threescore thousand horse: but failing in their intended conquest, they become subject within a while themselves unto the Medes and Persians'. In like manner Darius, and after him Xerxes, fell upon the Greeks' with such numbers of men, as might have seemed 〈◊〉. But 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 were beaten home, their Empire was never secure of the Greeks': who at all times of leisure from intestine war devised upon that conquest thereof, which finally they made under the great Alexander. If Nabuchodonosor with his rough old soldiers, had undertaken the Medes: or Cyrus with his well trained Army, had made the attempt upon Greece; the issue might, in human reason, have been far different. Yet would it then have been expedient for them, to employ the travel and virtue of their men, rather than the greatness of their names, against those people; that were no less valiant, though less renowned, than their own. For the menacing words used by Cyrus, and some small displeasures done to the Greeks' (in which kind it may be, that Nabuchodonosor likewise offended the Medes and Persians') were not so available to victory, as to draw on revenge in the future. Great Kingdoms, when they decay in strength, suffer as did the old Lion, for the oppression done in his youth; being pinched by the Wolf, gored by the Bull, yea and kicked by the Ass. But Princes are often carried away from reason, by misse-understanding the language of Fame: and despising the virtue that makes little noise, adventure to provoke it against themselves; as if it were not possible that their own glory should be foiled by any of lesse-noted excellence. Against the same stone, whereat Xerxes, and before him (as I take it) Euilmerodach, had stumbled; Pyrrhus the Epirot hath dash his foot. He was not indeed the King of all Greece; though most of mark, and a better soldier than any other Greekish King, when he entered into war against the Romans. This war he undertook as it were for his minds sake: having received no injury; but hoping by the glory of his name, and of the Greeks' that served under him, to prevail so easily against the barbarous Romans, that they should only serve as a step to his further intended conquests, of Sicily and Africa. But when the Romans, by their victory against Pyrrhus; had found their own virtue to be of richer metal, than was the more shining valour of the Greeks': then did all the bravery of the Epirot (his Elephants and whatsoever else had served to make him terrible) serve only to make the Romans, in time following, to think more highly of themselves. 
* The King of Spain's pretended invincible Navy, being beaten out of the British seas, invited us to those of Spain: and having broken the greatest Fleet that ever the Spaniards gathered together; we never made account of any 〈◊〉 his preparations after that time . For since they had overcome the best Warrior in Greece, even Him; that, being thus beaten by them, could in a year after make himself Lord of Greece and Macedon: what should 〈◊〉 them from the conquest of all those unwarlike Provinces, which in compass of twelve years a Macedonian King of late memory had won? Certainly there was hereunto requisite no more, than to bring to their own devotion by some good means, the whole Country of Greece: all the rest, this done, would follow of itself. How to deal with the Greeks'; Philip and Alexander had showed a way: which, or perhaps a better, they might learn, by getting more acquaintance with the Nation.  
When therefore the first Punic war was ended, which followed soon after the wars of Pyrrhus and of the Tarentines: then were the Romans at good leisure to harken after news in Greece; and to entertain any good occasion, that should be on that side presented. They had also then a strong Fleet: and were become, though not otherwise very skilful Mariners, yet good fighters at Sea. So it fell out as happily as could be wished, that the Illyrian Queen Teuta made at the same time cruel war upon the Greeks': wasting their Country, and sacking their Towns, only because they were unable to resist, though they had done her noon offence. Into this quarrel if the Romans were desirous to enter; the Queen was not slow to give them 
e Lib. 5. cb. 2. §. 7.  'cause. And their happy accomplishing of that war which they made with Her, was, in their own opinion, a matter not unworthy to make their Patronage to be desired by the Greeks'. But no such thing happened: though they sent Ambassadors, as it were to offer themselves; by signifying, that for the love of Greece they had undertaken this Illyrian war. Thus began the first acquaintance betwixt the Greeks' and Romans: which afterwards increased very hastily, through the indiscretion of King Philip the Macedonian; whose business with them being now the subject of our story, it is meet that we should relate (though somewhat briefly) the beginning of his reign, and his first Actions.  
It was like to prove a busy time in the world, when, within the space of four years, new Kings began to reign in the most of all Countries known; and three of them young boys, in three of the greatest Kingdoms. This happened from the third year of the hundred thirty ninth Olympiad, unto the third of the Olympiad following. For in this time died Seleucus Ceraunus King of Asia and Syria, in whose room succeeded his brother Antiochus, afterwards called the great. Ptolemie Philopator succeeded in the Kingdom of Egypt unto his father Euergetes. And Philip the son of Demetrius, being sixteen or seventeen years old, received the Kingdom of Macedon, together with the Patronage of the Achaeans and most of the Greeks'; by the decease of his Uncle Antigonus Doson, that was called the Tutor or Protector. About the same time also was the like change in Cappadocia, Lacedaemon, and the Countries about Mount Taurus. For Ariarathes then began his reign in Cappadocia. Lycurgus found means to make himself King over the Lacedæmonians, whose Commonweal, 〈◊〉 the flight of Cleomenes, had continued in a manner headless; and Achaeus, a kinsman of Antiochus, but a Rebel unto him, occupied the Regions near unto Mount Taurus, and kept a while the State of a mighty King. Lastly, in the second and third years of the hundred and fortieth Olympiad it was, that open war broke out between Rome and Carthage; and that Hannibal began his great Invasion upon Italy. Those troubles of the Western world, which were indeed the greatest, we have already followed unto an end: Of Antiochus, Ptolemie, and the rest, we shall speak hereafter, when the Romans find them out.  
Philip, soon after the beginning of his reign, come into Pcloponnesus; greatly desired of the Achaeans, and many others his dependents. That Country, having freed itself by the help of Antigonus from the danger (accounted great) of an easy subjection unto Cleomenes: was now become no less obnoxious to the Macedonian, than it should have been to the Spartan; and therewithal it lay open unto the violence of the Aetolians, who despised even the Macedonian Kings, that were Patrons thereof. These Aetolians were no men to be idle; nor were much addicted to any other Art, than war. Therefore wanting employment, they fell upon the Messenians that were their own Clients, and excepting the Eleans, that were anciently of their consanguinity) the only good friends which they had at the present in Peloponnesus. Their invasion was no less unexpected, than it was unjust: whereby with greater ease they made spoil of the Country; finding noon prepared to make resistance. The Achaeans, were called by the Messenians to help: which they did the more willingly; because the Aetolians passing without leave through their Territory, had (as was their manner) done what harm they listed. Old Aratus could ill abide these Aetolians; as both knowing well their nature, and remembering the injuries, wherewith most ungratefully they had required no small benefits done to them by the Achaeans. He was therefore so hasty to fall upon this their Army, that he could hardly endure to stay a few days until the time of his own Office come; being chosen Praetor of the Achaeans for the year following. But his anger was greater 
Lib. 5. chap. 2. §. 6.  than his courage: and he showed himself a man fit (as hath been already noted 
〈◊〉.  of him) for any other service, than leading of an Army. He suffered them to pass quietly along with their booty, through a great part of the Country, wherein he might easily have distressed them; and afterwards pressed them so near, when they had recovered ground of advantage, that they easily defeated all his Army. So they departed home rich, and well animated to return again. As for the Achaeans; they got hereby only the friendship of the Messenians: with whom, by licence of King Philip, they made confederacy. Shortly after, the Aetolians invaded Peloponnesus again; having no more to do, than to pass over the narrow Straitss of the Corinthian Bay, called now the Gulf of Lepanto, where they might landlord in the Country of the Eleans. There joined with them in this their second Invasion a great number of the Illyrians: who neglecting that condition imposed upon them by the Romans, of setting out no ships of war unto the Coast of Greece; made bold to seek adventures again, and did great mischief. Demetrius Phartus, a creature of 
Chap. 3. §. 1.  the Romans, commanded a part of these Illyrians: who shortly repent him of this his voyage; which caused him to loose his Kingdom, as is showed before. But this Demetrius went another way, and fell upon the islands of the Cycladeses in the Aegean Sea: whence returning, he did some good offices for King Philip or his friends. The rest of the Illyrians under 〈◊〉, or Scerdiletus, having gotten what they could elsewhere by roving at Sea, accompanied the Aetolians into Peloponnesus: who made greater havoc in the Country now, than in their former Expedition; and returned home, without finding any resistance.  
Of these things great complaint was made unto Philip, when he come to Corinth. And because men were desirous to satisfy themselves with some speedy revenge: there were that urged to have some grievous punishment laid upon the Lacedæmonians: who were thought underhand to have favoured the Aetolians, in 〈◊〉 despite of the Achaeans and Macedonians, by whom themselves had lately been subdued. It is true, that the Lacedæmonians had been so affected: and (which was worse) at the arrival of Philip, they slew such friends of his, as having checked their inclination, seemed likely to appeach them of the intended rebellion. Neither durst they well commit themselves to judgement: but entreated the King, that he would abstain from coming to them with an Army: since their Town was lately much disquieted with civil discord, which they hoped soon to appease, and meant always to remain at his devotion. Philip was easily satisfied with this: not for that he (or rather old Aratus, who then wholly governed him) did misse-understand the Lacedæmonians: but for that a greater work was in hand, which aught not to be interrupted. There met at Corinth, in presence of the King, the Ambassadors of the Achaeans, Boeotians, Phocians, Epirots, and Acarnanians: all complaining upon the Aetolians: and desiring to have war decreed against them, by common assent. Philip sent his letters unto the Aetolians: requiring them to make ready their answer in some convenient time 〈◊〉 if they could allege any thing in excuse of that which they had done. They returned word, that a Diet should be holden at Rhium for that purpose: wither if it pleased him to come or sand, he should be well informed of them and their whole meaning. The King prepared to have been there at the day. But when the 〈◊〉 understood this for certainty, they adjourned the Council unto a further time: saying, That such weighty matters aught not to be handled, save in the great Parliament of all Aetolia. This trick of Law not withstanding, open war was proclaimed against them. And they, as it were to show how well they had deserved it, made election of Scopas to be their Praetor, that was Author of these Invasions made on Peloponnesus; and the only man, in a sort, upon whom they must have laid the blame of these actions, if they would have shifted it from the public.  
After this, Philip went into Macedon; where he prepared busily for the war against the year following. He also assayed the 〈◊〉, Scerdilaidas, with fair 〈◊〉 and promises: whom he easily won from the Aetolian side, forasmuch as the 〈◊〉 had cozened him of his share, when he was partner with them in their late robberies. In like sort the Achaeans, who had first of all others proclaimed the war in their own Country, sent unto the 〈◊〉, Epirots, Messenians, and Lacedæmonians: requesting them forth with to declare themselves, and to denounce war unto the Aetolians, without staying (as it were) to await the event. Hereunto they received diverse answers, according to the qualities of those with whom they dealt. The Acarnanians, a freehearted and valiant, though a small Nation, and bordering upon the Aetolians, of whom they stood in continual danger; said, that they could not honestly refuse to show their faithful meaning in that war, which was concluded by general assent. The Epirots that were more mighty, were 〈◊〉 more cunning and reserved: so that they stood upon a needless point; and desired to be held excused, until Philip (of whose meaning they needed not to have made any doubt) should first proclaim the war. The Messenians, for whose cause the war was undertaken, excused themselves, by reason of a Town which the Aetolians held upon their borders; and said, that they durst not be overbold, until that bridle were taken out of their mouths. As for the Lacedæmonians; the chief of them studied only how to manage that treason, for which their City had been so lately pardoned: and therefore dismissed the Ambassadors of the Confederates, without any answer at all. They had three years together continued subject against their wills to the Macedonians, expecting still when Cleomenes should return out of Egypt to reign over them again; and maintain, as he was wont, the honour of their City. In this regard they chose not any Kings; but were contented with the rule of Ephori. Of these there were some, that thought the public safety to consist, in holding their faith with the Macedonian that had preserved them: And hereto they referred all their counsels; being perhaps not a little moved with respect of the benefit, which might redound unto themselves, by adhering firmly to those which at the present 〈◊〉 rule over them. Others, and those the greater part, were still devising, how to make all ready for Cleomenes against his return; and therefore sought to join with the Aetolians, which were the most likely to give him strong assistance. The Macedonian faction had the more authority, and durst more freely speak their minds: but the contrary side was the more passionate; and spared not by murders, or any other violent courses, to set forward their desire. Neither did it suffice, that about these times there come certain report of Cleomenes his death. For it was the liberty and honour of Sparta, which these intended: fancying unto themselves the glory of their Ancestors in such Agespast, as were not like to come again. Cleomenes was, they knew, the most able man to restore them unto their greatness and lustre; which once he had in a manner performed: But since he was dead, and that, without injury to his well-deserving virtue, they might proceed to the election of new Kings: Kings they would have, and those of the race of Hercules, as in former times; for that without such helps, they must continued little better than subjects unto the Macedonian, and far less by him respected, than were the Achaeans. Thus were they transported, by contemplation of their old Nobility and fame. Some of the most working spirits among them, procured the Aetolians to sand an Embassy to Sparta: which propounded the matter openly unto the people; whereof no one of the Citizens durst have made himself the Author. Much disputation and hot there was, between those of the Macedonian party and these their opposites: in such wise that nothing could be concluded; until by massacre or banishment of all, or the chief, that spoke against the Aetolians, the diversity of opinion was taken quite away. Than forth with a League was concluded between the Lacedæmonians and Aetolians: without all regard of the Macedonians or Achaeans; who had spared the City, when they 〈◊〉 have destroyed it. Than also they went in hand with the election of new Kings: wherein their diligence was so nice, and so regardful of their ancient Laws, as touching the choosing of the one King; that we may justly wonder, how they grew so 〈◊〉 in making choice of the other. In the one of their Royal Families they found Agesipolis, the son of Agesipolis the son of King Cleombrotus: and him they admitted to reign over them, as heir apparent to his Grandfather. This Agesipolis was a young boy, standing in need of a Guardian; and had an Uncle, his father's brother, that was fit for the Government. Yet because the Law required, that the son, how young soever, should have his father's whole right and title: the Lacedæmonians, though standing in need of a man, were so punctual in observation of the Law; that they made this child their King, and appointed his Uncle Cleomenes to be his Protector. But in the other branch of the Royal family, though there was no want of heirs: yet would not the people trouble themselves about any of them, to examine the goodness of his Claim; but made election of one 〈◊〉, who having no manner of title to the kingdom, bestowed upon each of the Ephori a Talon, and thereby made himself be saluted King of Sparta, and a Gentleman of the race of Hercules. This 〈◊〉, to gratify his Partisans, and to approve his worth by Action; invaded the Country of the Argives: which lay open and ungarded, as in a time of peace. There he did great spoil, and wan divers Towns; whereof two he retained, and annexed unto the State of Lacedaemon. After such open hostility, the Lacedæmonians declared themselves on the Aetolian side; and proclaimed war against the Achaeans.  
Thus the beginnings of the war fell out much otherwise, than the Achaeans and their Confederates had expected, when they first made preparation. Philip was not ready: the Epirots gave uncertain answer: the Messenians would not stir: all the burden must lie upon themselves and the poor 〈◊〉, whom the Aetolians, by favour of the Eleans, could invade at pleasure, as they were like to 〈◊〉; and by help of the Lacedæmonians, could assail on all parts at once. It was not long ere the Aetolians, passing over the Bay of Corinth, surprised the Town of Aegira: which 〈◊〉 they could have held, they should thereby grievously have molested the Achaeans; for that it stood in the midway between Aegium and Sition two of their principal Cities, and gave open way into the heart of all their Country. But as Aegira was taken by surprise: so was it presently lost again, through greediness of spoil; whilst they that should have made it their first care to assure the place unto themselves, by occupying the Citadel and other 〈◊〉 of strength, fell heedlessely to ransack private houses, and thereby gave the Citizens leave to make head, by whom they were driven with great slaughter back unto their Fleet. About the same time, another Aetolian 〈◊〉 landing among the Eleans, fell upon the Western Coast of Achaia; wasting all the 〈◊〉 of the Dymaeans and other people, that were first beginners of the Achaean Confederacy. The 〈◊〉 and their neighbours made head against these Invaders; but were so well beaten, that the enemy grew bolder with them than before. They sent for help unto their Praetor, and to all the Towns of their Society. In vain. For the Achaeans having lately been much weakened by Cleomenes, were now able to do little of themselves: neither could they get any strength of Mercenaries; for asmuch as at the end of Cleomenes his war, they had 〈◊〉 withheld part of their due from those that served them therein. So through this disability of the Achaeans, and insufficiency of their Praetor; the Dymaeans, with others, were driven to withhold their contribution heretolore made for the public service, and to convert the money to their own defence. Lycurgus also with his Lacedæmonians, began to win upon the Arcadians; that were confederate with Philip and the Achaeans.  
Philip come to the borders of the Aetolians, whilst their Army was thus employed a far off in Peloponnesus. The Epirots joined all their forces with him: and by such their willing readiness, drew him to the siege of a Frontier 〈◊〉, which they desired to get into their own hands; for that, by commodity thereof, they hoped shortly to make themselves Masters of Ambracia. There he spent forty days, ere he could end the business; which tended only to the benefit of the Epirots. Had he entered into the heart of Aetolia at his first coming; it was thought that he might have made an end of the war. But it happens often, that the violence of great Armies is broken upon small Towns or Forts: and not seldom, that the importunity of Associates, to have their own desires fulfilled, converts the preparations of great Kings to those 〈◊〉 for which they never were intended; thereby hindering the prosecution of their 〈◊〉 designs. Thus was our King Henry the eight led aside, and quite out of his way, by Maximilian the Emperor to the siege of Tournay: at such time as the French King Lewes the twelfth, hearing that the strong City of Terwin was lost, and that of his Cavellerie, wherein rested his chief confidence, two thousand were beaten by the Earl of Essex with seven hundred English; was thinking to withdraw himself into Britain, in fear that Henry would have come to Paris.  
The stay that Philip made at Ambracus, did wondrously embolden the Aetolians: in such sort, as their Praetor Scopas adventured to led all their forces out of the Country; and therewith not only to overrun Thessaly, but to make impression into Macedon. He ran as far as to Dium, a City of Macedon upon the Aegean Sea: which, being forsaken by the Inhabitants at his coming, He took, and razed to the ground. He spared neither Temple, nor any other of the goodly buildings therein, but overturned all: and among the rest, he threw down the Statuas that were there erected, of the 〈◊〉 Kings. For this he was highly honoured by his Countrymen at his return; forasmuch as hereby they thought their Nation to be grown terrible, not only (as before) unto Peloponnesus, but even to Macedon itself. But this their pride was soon abated; and they rewarded shortly at home in their own Country, for their pains taken at Dium. Philip having dispatched his work at Ambracus, made a strong invasion upon Aetolia. He took Phoetiae, Metropolis, Oeniade, Paeanium, Elaeus, and divers other Towns and Castles of theirs: of which he burnt some, and fortified others. He also beaten the Aetolians in sundry skirmishes; and wasted all the Country over, without receiving any harm. This done, while he was about to make a cut over the Straitss into Peloponnesus, and to do the like spoil in the Country of the Eleans, whereto he was vehemently solicited by the Achaean Ambassadors: news come out of Macedon, that the Dardanians were ready with a great Army to fall upon the Country. These Dardanians were a barbarous people, 〈◊〉 by Mount Haemus from the Northern part of Macedon; and were accustomed to seek booty in that wealthy Kingdom, when they found their own times. Having therefore intelligence, that Philip was about to make a journey into Peloponnesus: they purposed in his absence, which they thought would be long, to get what they could for themselves in his Country; as had been their manner upon the like advantages. This made the King to dismiss the Achaean Ambassadors, (whom he should have accompanied home with his Army) and to bid them have patience until another year. So He took his way home: and as he was passing out of Acarnania into Epirus, there come to him Demetrius Pharius with no more than one Ship; that was newly chased out of his Kingdom by the Romans. This Demetrius had lately showed himself a friend to Antigonus Doson, in the wars of Cleomenes: and returning in his last Voyage from the Cycladeses, was ready, at their first request, to take part with Philip's Captains. These, or the like considerations, made him welcome unto the Macedonian King: whose Counsellor he was ever after. The Dardanians hearing of the King's return, broke up their Army; and gave over for the present their invasion of 〈◊〉, towards which they were already on their way.  
All that Summer following the King rested at Larissa in Thessaly, whilst his people gathered in their Harvest. But the Aetolians rested not. They avenged themselves upon the Epirots: whom for the harms by them and Philip done in Aetolia, they requited with all extremities of war, among which, the most notable was the ruin of the famous Temple of Dodona. When Winter grew on, and all thought of war until another year was laid aside: Philip stole a journey into Peloponnesus, with five thousand Foot, and about four hundred Horse. As soon as he was within Corinth; He commanded the Gates to be shut, that no word might be carried forth of his arrival. He sent privily for old Aratus to come thither unto him: with whom he took order, when, and in what places, he would have the Achaean Soldiers ready to meet him. The Enemies were then abroad in the Country, with somewhat more than two thousand Foot and an hundred Horse; little thinking to meet with such opposition. Indeed they had little cause to fear: since the Achaeans themselves were not ware that the King was in their Land with his Macedonians; until they heard, 〈◊〉 these two thousand Eleans, Aetolians, and their fellows, were by him surprised and all made prisoners, or slain. By this exploit which he did at his first coming, Philip got very much reputation: as likewise he purchased both reputation and love, by divers actions immediately following. He wan Psophis, an exceeding strong Town, in the borders of Arcadia; which the Eleans and Aetolians then held. He wan it by assault at his first coming: wherein it much availed him, that the Enemy, not believing that he would undertake such a piece of work at such an unseasonable time of the year, was careless of providing even such store of weapons, as might have served to defend it. The Town was preserved by the King from sack; and given to the Achaeans, of his own mere motion, before they requested it. Thence went he to 〈◊〉, which yielded for very fear; hearing how easily he had taken Psophis This Town also he gave to the Achaeans. The like liberality he used towards others; that had ancient title unto places by him recovered. Than fell he upon the Country of Elis, where was much wealth to be gotten: for that the people were addicted to husbandry, and lived abroad in Villages; even such as were of the 〈◊〉 sort among them. So he come to the City of Olympia: where having done sacrifice to jupiter, feasted his Captains, and refreshed his Army three days; He proceeded on to the spoil of those, that had taken pleasure to share with the Aetolians, in the spoils of their other-wise-deseruing neighbours. Great abundance of Cattatle he took, with great numbers of slaves, and much wealth of all sorts; such as could be found in rich villages. Than fell he in band with the Towns whereinto a great multitude of the Countrie-people were fled. Some of these were taken at the first assault. Some yielded for fear. Some prevented the labour of his journey, by sending Ambassadors to yield before he come. And some that were held with 〈◊〉 against their wills, took courage to set themselves at liberty, by seeing the King so near; to whose Patronage thenceforth they betook themselves. And many places were spoiled by the Aetolian Captains; because they disinherited their ability to hold them. So the King wan more Towns in the Country, than the sharpness of Winter would suffer him to stay there days. Feign he would have fought with the Aetolians: but they made such haste from him, that he could not 〈◊〉 them, until they had covered themselves within the Town of Samicum; where they thought to have been safe. But Philip assaulted them therein so forcibly, that he made them glad to yield the place; obtaining licence to departed, with their lives and arms. Having performed so much in this Expedition, the King reposed himself a while in Megalopolis; and then removed to Argos, where he spent all the rest of the Winter.  
Before the King's sarrivall in 〈◊〉, the Lacedæmonians with 〈◊〉 their new King, had gotten somewhat in Arcadia; and threatened to do great matters. But when they were admonished, by the calamity that fell upon the Eleans, of the danger hanging over their own heads; they quit their win and withdrew themselves home. This Lycurgus, as he had no other right to the Kingdom of Sparta, than that which he could buy with money: so was he neither free from danger of conspiracies made against him; nor from those jealousies, with which Usurpers are commonly perplexed. There was one Chilon, of the Royal blood, that thinking himself to have best right unto the Kingdom, purposed to make way thereunto, by massacre of his opposites; and afterwards to confirm himself, by propounding unto the Multitude such reformation of the State as was most popular: namely, by making an equal distribution of all the Lands among the whole number of the Citizens, according to the ancient institution of that Commonwealth. He wan to his party some two hundred men; with whom he cell upon the Ephori as they were together at supper, and slew them all. Than went he to Lycurgus his house: woe 〈◊〉 the danger, stole away and fled. It remained that he should give account of these doings to the people, and procure them to take part with him. But their minds being not hereto praedisposed; they so little regarded his goodly offers, as even whilst he was using his best persuasions, they were consulting how to apprehended him. Chilon perceived whereabout they went, and shifted presently away. So he lived afterwards among the Achaeans a banished man, and hated of his own people. As for Lycurgus, he returned home: and suspecting thenceforth all those of Hercules his race, found means to drive out his fellow. King young Agesipolis; whereby he made himself Lord alone. His doings grew to be suspected, in such sort as once he should have been apprehended by the Ephori. But though his actions hitherto might have been defended; yet rather than to adventure himself into judgement, he chose to fly for a time, and sojourn among his friends the Aetolians. His wel-knowne vehemency in opposition to the Macedonians, had procured unto him such good liking among the people, that in his absence they began to consider the 〈◊〉 of their own surmises against him; and pronouncing him innocent, recalled him home to his Estate. But in time following, He took better heed unto himself: not by amending his condition (for he grew a Tyrant, and was so acknowledged) but by taking order, that it should not be in the power of the Citizens to expel him when they listed. By what actions he got the name of a Tyrant: or at what time it was, that he chased Agesipolis out of the City; I 〈◊〉 not certainly find. Like enough it is, That his being the first of three usurpers, which followed in order one after another, made him to be placed in the rank of Tyrants; which the last of the three very justly deserved. Whatsoever he was towards some private Citizens: in the war against Philip, He behaved himself as a provident man, and careful of his Countries good.   

§. II How PHILIP was misseaduised by ill Counsellors: Who afterwards wrought treason against him, and were justly punished. He invadeth the Aetolians a second time: And forceth them to sue for peace: Which is granted unto them.  
Whilst the King lay at Argos, devising upon his business for the year following; some ambitious men that were about him, studied so diligently their own greatness, as they were like to have spoiled all that he took in hand. Antigonus Doson had left unto Philip such Counsellors, as to him did seem the fittest men for governing of his youth. The chief of these was Apelles; that had the charge of his person, and ordering of his Treasures. This man, seeming to himself a great Politician, thought that he should do a notable piece of service to his Prince; if he could reduce the Achaeans unto the same degree of subjection, wherein the Macedonians lived. To bring this to pass; during the late Expedition he had caused some of the Macedonians to thrust the Achaeans out of their lodgings, and to strip them of the booty that they had gotten. Proceeding further, as occasion fell out, He was bold to chastise some of that Nation; causing his Ministers to take and whip them. If any of them offered (as there were some of them that could not refrain) to help their fellows; them he laid by the heels, and punished as Mutineers. Hereby he thought to bring it to pass by little and little, that they should be qualified with an habit of blind obedience; and think nothing unjust that pleased the King. But these Achaeans were tenderly sensible in matter of liberty: whereof if they could have been contented to suffer any little diminution, they needed not have troubled the Macedonians to 〈◊〉 them in the war against Cleomenes: They bemoaned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 old Aratus; and besought him to think upon some good order, that they might not be oppressed by degrees. Aratus forthwith dealt 〈◊〉 with the King; as in a matter more weighty, than at first it might seem. The King bellowed gracious words upon those that had been wronged; and forbade Apelles to follow the course begun. Hereat Apelles was inwardly vexed, though he dissembled his 〈◊〉 for a time. He thought so well of his own 〈◊〉, that he could not endure to lay it aside; being perhaps unable to do the King any valuable service, in 〈◊〉 of other nature. He purposed therefore hereafter to begin at the head; since, in biting at the tail, the fish had shot away from his mouth. It could not otherwise be than that among the Achaeans there were some, who bore no hearty affection to Aratus. These he inquired out: and sending for them, entertained them with words of Court; promising to become their especial friend, and commend them unto the King. Than broke he his purpose with the King himself: letting him know, that as long as he continued to make much of Aratus, He must be feign to deal precisely with the Achaeans, and, as it were by Indenture, according to the letter of the 〈◊〉: whereas if he would be pleased, to give countenance unto those others whom he himself commended, then should the Achaeans, and all other Peloponnesians, be quickly brought to conform themselves unto the 〈◊〉 of obedient Subjects. By such persuasions, He drew the King to be present at Aegium, where the Achaeans were to hold election of a new 〈◊〉. There with much more labour, than would have been needful in a business of more importance; the King, by fair 〈◊〉 and threatenings together, obtained so much, That Eperatus, a very insufficient man, but one of Apelles his new Favourites, was chosen Praetor, instead of one more 〈◊〉, for whom Aratus had laboured. This was thought a good introduction unto greater matters that should follow. The King from thence passed along by Patras and Dyma, to a very strong Castle held by the Eleans, which was called Tichos. The Garrison yielded it up for fear, at his first coming: whereof he was glad; for that he had an earnest desire to bestow it upon the Dymaeans, as he presently did.  
The King thought it strange, that all this while he heard of no messengers from the Eleans, to sue for peace. For at his departure out of their Country the last Winter, he had let lose one Amphidamus a Captain of theirs, that was his Prisoner; because he found him an intelligent man, and one that undertook to make them forsake their alliance with the Aetolians, and join with him upon reasonable terms. This if they could be contented to do, He willed Amphidamus to let them understand, That he would tender unto them freely all prisoners which he had of theirs; That he would defend them from all foreign invasion; and that they should hold their liberty entire, living after their own Laws, without paying any manner of Tribute, or being kept under by any Garrison. These Conditions were not to be 〈◊〉, if they had found credit as they might have done. But when Philip come to the Castle of Tichos, and made a new invasion upon their Country: then began the Eleans, (that were not before overhasty to believe such fair promises) to suspect Amphidamus as a Traitor, and one that was set on work for no other 〈◊〉, than to breed a mutual diffidence between them and the Aetolians. Wherhfore they purposed to lay hands upon him, and sand him Prisoner into Aetolia. But he perceived their 〈◊〉, and gotaway to Dyma: in good time for 〈◊〉; in better for Aratus. For the King (as was said) marveling what should be the cause, that he heard no news from the Eleans, concerning the offers which he had made unto them by Amphidamus: Appelles, his Counsellor, thereby took occasion to supplant Aratus. He said that old Aratus, and his son together, had such devices in their heads, as tended little to the King's good; And long of them he said it was, that the Eleans did thus hold out; For when Amphidamus was dismissed home, the two Arati (the father and the son) had taken him aside and given him to understand, that it would be very praejudiciall to all Peloponnesus, if the Eleans once become at the devotion of the Macedonian; And this was the true cause, why neither Amphidamus was very careful in doing this message, nor the Eleans in hearkening to the King's offers. All this was a false lie; devised by Apelles himself, upon no other ground than his own malice. Philip had no sooner heard his tale, but in a great rage he sent for the two Arati; and bad Apelles rehearse it over again to their faces. Apelles did so, and with a bold countenance, talking to them as to men already convicted. And 〈◊〉 he had said all the rest, ere either Philip or they spoke any word; He added this clause as it were in the King's name: Since the King hath found you such ungrateful wretches; it is his meaning to hold a Parliament of the Achaeans; and therein having made it known what ye are, to departed into Macedon, and leave you to yourselves. Old Aratus gravely admonished the King; That whensoever he heard any accusation, especially against a friend of his own or a man of worth; He should forbear a while to give credit, until he had diligently examined the business. For such deliberation was Kingly, and he should never thereof repent him. At the present he said there needed no more, than to call in those that had heard his talk with Amphidamus; and especially him that had brought this goodly tale to Apelles. For it would be a very absurd thing, That the King should make himself Author of a report in the open Parliament of Achaia, whereof there was noon 〈◊〉 evidence, than one man's yea, and another's no. Hereof the King liked well; and said that he would make sufficient inquiry. So passed a few days: wherein whilst Apelles delayed to bring in the proof, which indeed he wanted; Amphidamus come from Elis, and told what had befallen him there. The King was not forgetful, to examine him about the conspiracy of the Arati: which when he found no better than a mere device against his honourable friends; He entertained them in loving manner as before. As for his love to Apelles, though it was hereby somewhat cooled; yet by means of long acquaintance and daily employment, no remission therein could be discerned.  
The unrestful temper of Apelles, having with much vehemency brought nothing to pass; began (as commonly Ambition useth) to swell and grow venomous for want of his free motion. He betakes himself to his cunning again: and as before, being checked in his doings with those of the vulgar, he had prepared a snare for the Arati; so failing of them, he thinks it wisdom to lay for the King himself, and for all at once which were about him. In such manner sometime, the Spider thought to have taken the Swallow which drove away Flies out of the chimney; but was carried (net and all) into the Air by the bird, that was too strong to be caught and held by the subtle workmanship of a Cobweb. Of the four that next unto Apelles were left by Antigonus in chief place about Philip; Taurion, his Lieutenant in Peloponnesus, and Alexander Captain of the Guard, were faithful men, and such as would not be corrupted. The other two, Leontius Captain of the Targuetiers, and Megaleas chief of the 〈◊〉, were easily won to be at Apelles his disposition. This Politician therefore studied how to remove the other two from their places, and put some Creatures of his own into their rooms. Against Alexander He went to work the ordinary way, by calumniation and privy detraction. But for the supplanting of Taurion he used more fineness; loading him with daily commendations, as a notable man of war, and one, whom for his many virtues, the King might ill spare from being always in his presence. By such Art he thought to have removed him, as we say, Out of God's blessing into a warm Sun. In the mean season Aratus retired himself; and sought to avoid the dangerous friendship of the King, by forbearing to meddle in affairs of State. As for the new Praetor of Achaia, lately chosen by such vehement instance of the King; He was a man of no dispatch, and one that had no grace with the People. Wherhfore a great deal of time was lost, whilst Philip wanted both the money and the Corn, wherewith he should have 〈◊〉 furnished by the Achaeans. This made the King understand his own error; which he wisely sought to reform betimes. He persuaded the Achaeans to rejourne their Parliament from Aegium, to Sition the Town of Aratus. There he dealt with the old man and his son: persuading them to forget what was past; & laying all the blame upon Apelles, on whom thenceforth he intended to keep a more diligent eye. So by the travel of these worthy men, He easily obtained what he would of the Achaeans. Fifty talents they gave him out of hand; with great store of Corn: and further decreed, That so long as he himself in person followed the wars in Peloponnesus, he should receive ten talents a month. Being thus enabled, he began to provide shipping, that so he might invade the Aetolians, Eleans, and Lacedæmonians, that were maritime people, at his pleasure, and hinder their excursions by Sea.  
It vexed Apelles beyond measure, to see things go forward so well without his help; even by the ministry of those whom he most hated. Wherhfore he entered into conspiracy with Leontius and Megaleas: binding himself and them by oath, to cross and bring to naught, as well as they were able, all that the King should take in hand. By so doing, they thought to bring it to pass, that very want of ability to do any thing without them, should make him speak them fair; and be glad to submit himself to their directions. The King it is like had stood in some awe of them whilst he was a child; and therefore these wise men persuaded themselves, that, by looking big upon him, and imputing unto him all that fell out ill through their own misgovernment of his affairs, they might rule him as a child still. Apelles would needs go to Chalcis, there to take order for the provisions, which were to come that way out of Macedon: The other two stayed behind with the King, to play their parts; all more mindful of their wicked oath, than of their duty.  
His fleet and Army being in a readiness: Philip made countenance, as if he would have bend all his forces against the Eleans; to whose aid therefore the Aetolians sent men, little fearing that the mischief would have fallen as soon after it did, upon themselves. But against the Eleans and those that come to help them, Philip thought it enough to leave the Achaeans, with some part of his and their Mercenaries. He himself with the body of his Army putting to Sea, landed in the Isle of Cephallenia: whence the Aetolians, dwelling over against it, used to furnish themselves of shipping, when they went to rove abroad. There he besieged the Town of Palaea, that had been very serviceable to the Enemy against him and his Confederates; and might be very useful to him, if he could get it. Whilst he lay before this Town, there come unto him fifteen ships of war from Scerdilaidas; and many good Soldiers, from the Epirots, Acarnanians, and Messenians. But the Town was obstinate; and would not be terrified with numbers. It was naturally fenced on all parts save one, on which side Philip carried a Mine to the wall, wherewith he overthrew two hundred foot thereof Leontius Captain of the Targeteers, was appointed by the King to make the assault. But he, remembering his covenant with Apelles; did both wilfully forbear to do his best; and caused others to do the like. So the Macedonians were put to foil, and many slain; not of the worst soldiers, but such as had gotten over the breach, and would have carried the Town, if the Treason of their Captain, and some by him corrupted, had not hindered the victory. The King was angry with this; but there was no remedy; and therefore he thought upon breaking up the siege. For it was easier unto the Townsmen to make up the gap in their wall, than for him to make it wider. Whilst he stood thus perplexed, and uncertain what course to take: the Messenians and Acarnanians lay hard upon him, each of them desirous to draw him into their own Country. The Messenians alleged, that Lycurgus was busy in wasting their Country: upon whom the King might come unawares in one day; the Etesian winds which then blue, serving fitly for his Navigation. Hereto also Leontius persuaded; who considered that those winds, as they would easily carry him thither, so would they detain him there perforce (blowing all the dogdays) and make him spend the Summer to small purpose. But Aratus gave better counsel, and prevailed. He showed how unfitting it were, to let the Aetolians overrun all Thessaly again, and some part of Macedon, whilst the King withdrew his Army far off to seek small adventures. Rather, he said, that the time now served well to carry the war into Aetolia; since the Praetor was go thence abroad on roving, with the one half of their strength. As for Lycurgus; he was not strong enough to do much harm in Peloponnesus: and it might suffice, if the Achaeans were appointed to make head against him. According to this advice, the King sets sail for Aetolia; and enters the Bay of Ambracia, which divided the Aetolians from Acarnania The Acarnanians were glad to see him on their borders; and joined with him as many of them as could bear arms, to help in taking vengeance upon their bad neighbours. He marched up into the inland Country: and taking some places by the way, which he filled with Garrisons to assure his Retreat; He passed on to Thermum; which was the Receptacle of the Aetolians, and surest place of defence in all extremities. The Country round about was a great Fastness, environed with rocky Mountains of very narrow, steep, and difficult ascent. There did the Aetolians use to hold all their chief meetings, their Fairs, their election of Magistrates, and their solemn games. There also they used to bestow the most precious of their goods, as in a place of greatest security. This opinion of the natural strength, had made them careless in looking unto it. When Philip therefore had overcome the bad way, there was nothing else to do than to take spoil: whereof he found such plenty, that he thought the pains of his journey well recompensed. So he loaded his Army: and consuming all that could not be carried away, forgot not to raze a goodly Temple, the chief of all belonging unto the Aetolians; in remembrance of the like their courtesy, showed upon the Temples of Dium and Dodona. This burning of the Temple, might (questionless) more for the King's honour have been forborn. But perhaps he thought, as Monsieur du Gourgues the French Captain told the Spaniards in Florida, That they which had no faith, needed no Church. At his return from Thermum, the Aetolians laid for him: which that they would do, he believed before; and therefore was not taken unawares. Three thousand of them there were that lying in ambush fell upon his skirts: but he had laid a Counter-ambush for them of his Illyrians; who staying behind the rest, did set upon the backs of the Aetolians, whilst they were busily charging in Rear the Army that went before. So with slaughter of the enemy, he returned the same way that he come: and burning down those places that he had taken before, as also wasting the Country round about him, He safely carried all that he had gotten aboard his Fleet. Once the Aetolians made countenance of fight, issuing out of Stratus in great bravery. But they were beaten home faster than they come, and followed to their very gates.  
The joy of this victorious Expedition being every way complete, and not deformed (as commonly happens) by any sinister accident; it pleased the King to make a great feast unto all his friends and Captains. Thither were invited among the rest 〈◊〉, with his fellow Megaleas. They come, because they could not choose: but their heavy looks argued, what little pleasure they took in the King's prosperity. It grieved them to think, that they should be able to give no better account unto Apelles, of their hindering the King's business; since Apelles himself, as will be showed anon, had played his own part with a most mischievous dexterity. The sorrow and indignation, which they could ill dissemble in their faces, broke out after supper, when they had warmed themselves with drink, into open riot. Finding Aratus on the way home to his Tent: they fell to reviling him, throwing stones at him, so that they caused a great uproar; many running in (as happens in such cases) to take part with the one or the other. The King sending to inquire of the matter, was truly informed of all that had passed. Which made him sand for Leontius and his fellows. But Leontius was gotten out of the way: Megaleas, and another with him, come. The King began to rate them for their disorder; and they, to give him froward answers: insomuch as they said at length, That they would never give over, till they had rewarded Aratus with a mischief as he deserved. Hereupon the King committed them to ward. Leontius hearing of this, comes boldly to the King, with his Targeteers at his heels: and with a proud grace demanded, who it was that had dared to lay hands upon Megaleas, yea and to cast him into prison? Why, said the King, It was even I This resolute answer, which Leontius had not expected, made him departed both sad and angry; seeing himself out-frowned, and not knowing how to remedy the matter. Shortly after, Megaleas was called forth to his answer, and was charged by Aratus with many great crimes. Among which were, The hindrance of the King's victory at Palaea, and the Compact made with Apelles: matters no less touching Leontius, that stood by as a looker on than Megaleas that was accused. In conclusion, the presumptions against him were so strong, and his answers thereto so weak; that he, and Crinon one of his fellows, were condemned in twenty Talents: Crinon being remanded back to prison; and Leontius becoming Bail for Megaleas. This was done upon the way homeward, as the King was returning to Corinth.  
Philip dispatched well a great deal of business this year. For as soon as he was at Corinth, he took in hand an Expedition against the Lacaedemonians. These and the Eleans had done what harm they could in Peloponnesus, whilst the King was absent. The Achaeans had opposed them as well as they could; 〈◊〉 ill success: yet so, as they hindered them from doing such harm as else they would have done. But when Philip come, he ouer-ran the Country about Lacedaemon: and was in a manner at the gates of Sparta, ere men could well believe that he was returned out of Aetolia. He took not in this Expedition any Cities, but made great waste in the fields: and having beaten the enemy in some skirmishes, carried back with him to Corinth a rich booty of cattle, slaves, and other Countrie-spoile. At Corinth he found attending him, Ambassadors from the Rhodians & Chians: that requested him to set Greece at quiet, by granting peace unto the Aetolians. They had gracious audience: and he willed them to deal first with the Aetolians; who, if they would make the same request, should not find him unreasonable. The Aetolians had sped ill that year: neither seen they any likely hopes for the years following. The Army that they had sent forth to waste Thessaly and Macedon, found such opposition on the way; that not daring to 〈◊〉, it returned home without bringing any thing to effect. In the mean season they had been grievously afflicted, as before is showed, by Philip in the centre of their own Country. All Greece and Macedon was up in arms against them, and their weak Allies the Eleans and Lacedæmonians. Neither was it certain, how long the one or other of these their Peloponnesian friends should be able to hold out; since they were not strong enough to keep the field, but had already suffered those miseries of war, which by a little continuance would make them glad, each, to seek their own peace, without regard of their Confederates. Wherhfore the Aetolians readily entertained this Negotiation of peace: and taking truce for thirty days with the King, dealt with him by intercession of the same Ambassadors, to entreat his presence at a Diet of their Nation, that should be held at Rhium; wither if he would vouchsafe to come, they promised that he should find them conformable to any good reason.  
Whilst these things were in hand; Leontius and Megaleas thought to have terrified the King, by raising sedition against him in the Army. But this device sorted to no good effect. The soldiers were easily and quickly incensed against many of the King's friends; who were said to be the cause, why they were not rewarded with so much of the booty, as they thought to belong of right unto them. But their anger spent itself in a noise, and breaking open of doors; without further harm done. This was enough to inform the king (who easily pacified his men with gentle words) that some about him were very false. Yea the soldiers themselves, repenting of their insolence, desired to have the Authors of the tumult sought out, and punished according to their deserts. The King made show as if he had not cared to make such inquisition. But Leontius and Megaleas were sore afraid, left the matter would soon come out of itself to their extreme danger. Wherhfore they sent unto Apelles, the Head and Archetect of their treason; requesting him speedily to repair to Corinth, where he might stand between them and the king's displeasure. Apelles had not all this while been wanting to the business, undertaken by him and his treacherous companions. He had taken upon him, as a man that had the King's heart in his own hand: and thereby was he grown into such credit, that all the King's officers in Macedon and Thessaly addressed themselves unto him; and received from him their dispatch in every business. Likewise the Greeks' in all their flattering Decrees, took occasion to magnify the virtue of Apelles; making slight mention (only for fashion sake) of the king: who seemed no better than the Minister and Executioner of Apelles his will and pleasure. Such was the arrogancy of this great man, in setting himself out unto the people: but in managing the king's affairs, he made it his special care, that money, and all things needful for the public service, should be wanting. Yea he enforced the king, for very need, to cell his own Plate and household vessels: thinking to resolve these and all other difficulties, by only saying, Sir, be ruled wholly by me, and all shall be as you would wish. Hereto if the king would give assent; then had this Politician obtained his hearts desire. Now taking his journey from Chalcis in the Isle of Euboea, to the City of Corinth where Philip then lay: he was fetched in with great pomp and royalty, by a great number of the Captains and soldiers; which Leontius and Megaleas drew forth to 〈◊〉 him on the way. So entering the City with a goodly train; he went directly to the Court, and towards the King's Chamber. But Philip was well ware of his pride; and had vehement suspicion of his falsehood. Wherefore one was sent to tell him, that he should wait a while, or come another time; for the king was not now at leisure to be spoken with. It was a pretty thing, that such a check as this made all his attendants forsake him, as a man in disgrace; in such sort that going thence to his lodging, he had noon to follow him save his own Pages. After this, the King vouchsafed him now and then some slender graces: but in consultations, or other matters of privacy, he used him not at all. This taught Megaleas to look unto himself, and run away betimes. Hereupon the King sent forth Taurion his Lieutenant of Peloponnesus, with all the Targeteers, as it were to do some piece of service, but indeed of purpose to apprehended Leontius in the absence of his followers. Leontius being taken, dispatched away a messenger presently to his Targeteers, to signify what was befallen him: and they forthwith sent unto the King in his behalf. They made request, That if any other thing were objected against him, he might not be called forth to trial before their return: as for the debt of Megaleas, if that were all the matter, they said that they were ready to make a purse for his discharge. This affection of the soldiers, made Philip more hasty than else he would have been, to take away the Traitors life. Neither was it long, ere letters of Megaleas were intercepted, which he wrote unto the Aetolians; vilifying the king with opprobrious words; and bidding them not to harken after peace, but to hold out a while, for that Philip was even ready to sink under the burden of his own 〈◊〉. By this the king understood more perfectly the falsehood, not only of Megaleas, but of Apelles; whose cunning head had laboured all this while to keep him so poor. Wherhfore he sent one to pursue Megaleas, that was fled to Thebes. As for Apelles, he committed both him, his son, and another that was inward with him, to prison; wherein all of them shortly ended their lives. Megaleas also, neither daring to stand to trial, nor knowing wither to fly, was weary of his own life; and slew himself about the same time.  
The Aetolians, as they had begun this war upon hope of accomplishing what they listed in the Nonage of Philip: so finding that the vigour of this young Prince, tempered with the cold advice of Aratus, wrought very effectually toward their 〈◊〉; they grew very desirous to make an end of it. Nevertheless being a turbulent Nation, and ready to lay hold upon all advantages: when they heard what was happened in the Court, the death of Apelles, Leontius, and Magaleus, together with some indignation thereupon conceived by the King's Targeteers; they began to hope anew, that these troubles would be long lasting, and thereupon broke the day appointed for the meeting at Rhium. Of this was Philip nothing sorry. For being in good hope thoroughly to tame this unquiet Nation; He thought it much to concern his own honour, that all the blame of the beginning and continuing the war should rest upon themselves. Wherefore he willed his Confederates, to lay aside all thought of peace, and to prepare for war against the year following; wherein he hoped to bring it to an end. Than gratified he his Macedonian soldiers, by yielding to let them winter in their own Country. In his return homeward, he called into judgement one Ptolemie, a companion with Apelles and Leontius in their Treasons: who was therefore condemned by the Macedonians; and suffered death. These were the same Macedonians, that lately could not endure to hear of Leontius his imprisonment: yet now they think the man worthy to die, that was but his adherent. So vain is the confidence, on which Rebels use to build, in their favour with the Multitude.  
During his abode in Macedon, Philip won some bordering Towns; from which the Dardanians, Aetolians, and other his ill neighbours, were accustomed to make roads into his kingdom: when he had thus provided for safety of his own; the Aetolians might well know what they were to expect. But there come again Ambassadors from the Rhodians and Chians, with others from Ptolemie King of Egypt, and from the City of Byzantium, recontinuing the former solicitation about the Peace. This fashion had been taken up in matters of Greece, ever since the Kings that reigned after Alexander, had taken upon them to set the whole Country at liberty: Not sooner was any Province or City in danger to be oppressed, and subdued by force of war, but presently there were found intercessors, who pitying the effusion of Greekish blood, would importune the stronger to relinquish his advantage. By doing such friendly offices in time of need, the Princes and States abroad sought to bind unto them those people, that were howsoever weak in numbers, yet very good soldiers. But hereby it come to pass, that the more froward sort, especially the Aetolians, whose whole Nation was addicted to falsehood and robbery, durst enter boldly into quarrels with all their neighbours: being well assured, that if they had the worst, The love of Greece would be sufficient to redeem their quiet. They had, since the late Treaty of peace, done what harm they could in Peloponnesus: but being beaten by the Achaeans, and standing in fear to be more sound beaten at home, they desired now, more earnestly than before, to make an end of the war as soon as they might. Philip made such answer to the Ambassadors, as he had done the former year; That he gave not occasion to the beginning of this war, nor was at the present either afraid to continued it, or unwilling to end it: but that the Aetolians, if they had a desire to live in rest, must first be dealt withal, to signify plainly their determination, whereto himself would return such answer as he should think fit.  
Philip had at this time no great liking unto the Peace, being a young Prince, and in hope to increase the honour which he daily got by the war. But it happened in the midst of this Negotiation, that he was advertised by letters out of Macedon, what a notable victory Hannibal had obtained against the Romans in the battle at Thrasimene. These letters he communicated unto Demetrius Pharius: who greatly encouraged him to take part with Hannibal: and 〈◊〉 to sit still, as an idle beholder of the Italian war. Hereby he grew more inclinable than before unto Peace with the Aetolians: which was concluded shortly in a meeting at Naupactus. There did Agelaus an Aetolian make a great Oration: telling, how happy it was for the Greeks', that they might at their own pleasure dispute about finishing war between themselves, without being molested by the Barbarians. For when once either the Romans, or the Carthaginians, had subdued one the other; it was not to be doubted, that they would forthwith look Eastward, and seek by all means to set footing in Greece. For this cause he said it were good, that their Country should be at peace within itself: and that Philip, if he were desirous of war, should lay hold on the opportunity, now fitly serving, to enlarge his dominion, by winning somewhat in Italy. Such advice could the Aetolians then give, when they stood in fear of danger threatening them at hand: but being soon after weary of rest, as accustomed to enrich themselves by pillage, they were so far from observing and following their own good counsel, that they invited the Romans into Greece; whereby they brought themselves and the whole Country, (but themselves before any other part of the Country) under servitude of strangers. The Condition of this Peace was simple, That every one should keep what they held at the present, without making restitution, or any amendss for damages past.   

§. III PHILIP, at the persuasion of DEMETRIUS PHARIUS, enters into League with HANNIBAL, against the Romans. The Tenor of the League between HANNIBAL and PHILIP.  
THis being agreed upon: the Greeks' betook themselves to quiet courses of life; and Philip, to prepare for the business of Italy, about which he consulted with Demetrius Pharius. And thus passed the time away, till the great battle of Cannae: after which he joined in League with Hannibal, as hath been showed before. Demetrius Pharius bore great malice unto the Romans; and knew no other way to be avenged upon them, or to recover his own lost Kingdom, than by procuring the Macedonian, that was in a manner wholly guided by his counsel, to take part with their enemies. It had otherwise been far more expedient for Philip, to have supported the weaker of these two great Cities against the more mighty. For by so doing, he should perhaps have brought them to peace upon some equal terms; and thereby, as did Hiero a far weaker Prince, have both secured his own Estate, and caused each of them to be desirous of chief place in his friendship. The issue of the counsel which he followed, will appear soon after this. His first quarrel with the Romans; the trouble which they and the Aetolians did put him to in Greece; and the Peace which they made with him for a time, upon Conditions that might easily be broken: have been related in another place as belonging unto the second Punic war. Wherhfore I will only here set down the tenor of the League between Him and Carthage: which may seem not un worthy to be read, if only in regard of the form itself then used; though it had been overlong to have been inserted into a more busy piece.  

THE OATH AND COVENANTS BETWEEN HANNIBAL, GENERAL OF THE CARTHAGINIANS; and XENOPHANES, Ambassador of PHILIP King of Macedon.  
THIS is the League ratified by oath, which HANNIBAL the General, and with him MAGO, MYRCAL, and BARMOCAL, as also the Senators of Carthage that are present, and all the Carthaginians that are in his Army, have made with XENOPHANES the son of CLEOMACHUS Athenian, whom King PHILIP the son of DEMETRIUS hath sent unto us, for himself and the Macedonians, and his Associates: Before 〈◊〉, and juno, and Apollo: before 
† Daemon.  The god of the Carthaginians, Hercules, and lolaus, before Mars, Triton, Neptune: before The Gods accompanying Arms, the Sun, the Moon, and the Earth; before Rivers, and Meadows, and Waters; before all the Gods that have power over 〈◊〉; before all the Gods, that rule over Macedon, and the rest of Greece; before all the Gods, that are Precedents of War, and present at the making of this League. HANNIBAL the General hath said, and all the Senators that are with him, and all the 〈◊〉 in his Army: Be it agreed between You and Us, that this Oath stand for friendship and loving affection, that We become friends, familiar, and brethren, Upon Covenant, that the safety of the Lords the Carthaginians, and of HANNIBAL the General and those that are with him, and of the Rulers of Provinces of the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 the same Laws, and of the Vticans, and as many Cities and Nations as obey the Carthaginians, and of the Soldiers and Associates, and of all Towns and Nations with which We hold friendship in 〈◊〉, Gaul, and Liguria, and with whom We shall hold friendship or make Alliance hereafter in this Region; be preserved by King PHILIP and the Macedonians, and such of the Greeks' as are their Associates. In like manner shall King PHILIP and the Macedonians, and other the Greeks' his Associates, be saved and preserved by the Carthaginian. Armies, and by the Vticans, and by all Cities and Nations that obey the Carthaginians, and by their Associates and Soldiers, and by all Nations and Cities in 〈◊〉, Gaul and Liguria, that are of our Alliance, or shall hereafter join with Vsin Italy. We shall not take counsel one against the other, nor deal 〈◊〉 one with the other. Withal readiness and good will, without deceit or subtlety, We shall be enemies unto the enemies of the Carthaginians, excepting those Kings, Towns, and Havens, with which We have already league and friendship. We also shall be enemies to the enemies of King PHILIP, excepting those Kings, Cities, and Nations, with which We have already league and friendship. The war that We have with the Romans, have You also with them, until the Gods shall give us a new and happy end. You shall aid Us with those things whereof We have need, and shall do according to the 〈◊〉 between Vs. But if the Gods shall not give unto You and Us their help in this war against the Romans and their Associates; then if the Romans offer friendship, We shall make friendship in such wise that You shall be partakers of the same friendship, With Condition, That they shall not have power to make war upon you: Neither shall the Romans be Lords over the 〈◊〉, nor over those of Apollonia, nor Dyrrachium, nor over Pharus, nor Dimalle, nor the Parthini, nor Atintania. They shall also tender unto DEMETRIUS PHARIUS all those that belong unto him, as many as are within the Romans Dominions. But if the Romans (after such peace made) shall make war upon You or Us; We will secure one another in that war, as either shall have need. The same shall be observed in war made by any other, excepting those Kings, Cities, and States, with whom We hold already league and friendship. To this League if We or You shall think fit to add or detract, such addition or detraction shall be made by our common consent.    

§. FOUR How PHILIP yielded to his natural vices being therein soothed by DEMETRIUS PHARIUS. His desire to tire annize upon the free States his Associates: With the troubles, into which he thereby fell, 〈◊〉 he bore a part in the second 〈◊〉 war. He poisoneth ARATUS: and grows hateful to the 〈◊〉.  
HItherto Philip had carried himself as a virtuous Prince. And though with more commendation of his wisdom, he might have offered his friendship to the Romans, that were like to be oppressed, than to the Carthaginians who had the better hand: yet this his meddling in the Punic war, proceeded from a royal greatness of mind, with a desire to secure and increase his own estate, adding there withal reputation to his Country. But in this business he was guided (as hath been said) by Demetrius Pharius: who, looking thoroughly into his nature, did accommodate himself to his desires: and thereby shortly governed him, even as he listed. For the virtues of Philip were not indeed such as they seemed. He was 〈◊〉, bloody, and tyrannical: desirous of power to do what he listed, and not otherwise listing to do what he aught, than so far forth, as by making a fair show he might breed in men such a good opinion of him, as should help to serve his turn in all that he took in hand. Before he should busy himself in Italy, he thought it requisite in good policy, to bring the Greeks' that were his Associates under a more absolute form of subjection. Hereunto Apelles had advised him before: and he had liked reasonably well of the course. But Apelles was a boisterous Counsellor, and one that referring all to his own glory, thought himself deeply wronged if he might not wholly have his own way, but were driven to await the King's opportunity at better times. Demetrius Pharius could well be contented to observe the King's humours: and guided, like a Coachman with the reins in his hand, those affections which himself did only seem to follow. Therefore he grew daily more and more in credit: so as, without any manner of contention, he supplanted Aratus: which the violence of Apelles could never do.  
There arose about these times a very hot Faction among the Messenians, between the Nobility and Commons: their vehement thoughts being rather diverted (as happens often after a foreign war) unto domestical objects: than allayed and reduced unto a more quiet temper. In process of no long time, the contention among them grew so violent, that Philip was entreated to compound the differences. He was glad of this: resolving so to end the matter, that they should not henceforth strive any more about their Government: for that he would assume it wholly to himself. At his coming thither, he found Aratus busy among them to make all friends, after a better manner than agreed with his own secret purpose. Wherefore he consulted not with this reverend old man: but talked in private with such of the Messenians as repaired unto him. He asked the Governors, what they meant to stand thus disputing: and whither they had not Laws, to bridle the insolence of the unruly Rabble: Contrariwise, in talking with the heads of the popular Faction, He said it was strange, that they being so many, would suffer themselves to be 〈◊〉 by a few; as if they had not hands to 〈◊〉 themselves from Tyrants. Thus whilst each of them presumed on the King's assistance; they thought it best to go roundly to work, ere he were go that should countenance their doings. The Governors therefore would have apprehended some seditious Orators, that were, they said, the stirrers up of the multitude unto sedition. Upon this occasion the People took Arms: and running upon the Nobility and Magistrates, killed of them in a rage almost two hundred. Philip thought, it seems, that it would be easy to worry the sheep, when the Dogs their guardians were 〈◊〉. But his falsehood and double dealing was immediately found out. Neither did the younger Aratus forbear, to tell him of it in public, with very bitter and disgraceful words. The King was angry at this. But having already done more than was commendable, or excusable: and yet further intending to take other things in hand wherein he should need the help and countenance of his best friends; He was content to smother his displeasure, and make as fair weather as he could. He led old Aratus aside by the hand; and went up into the Castle of Ithome, that was over Messene. There he pretended to do sacrifice: and sacrifice he did. But it was his purpose to keep the place to his own use; for that it was of notable strength, and would serve to command the further parts of Peloponnesus, as the Citadel of Corinth, which he had already, commanded the entrance into that Country. Whilst he was therefore sacrificing, and had the entrails of the beast delivered into his hands, as was the manner; He showed them to Aratus, and gently asked him, whither the tokens that he seen therein did signify, That being now in possession of this place, he should quietly go out of it, or rather keep it to himself. He thought perhaps, that the old man would have soothed him a little; were it only for desire to make amendss, for the angry words newly spoken by his son. But as Aratus stood doubtful what to answer, Demetrius Pharius gave this verdict: If thou be a Soothsayer, thou mayst go thy ways, and let slip this good advantage; If thou be a King, thou must not neglect the opportunity, but hold the Ox by both his horns. Thus he spoke, resembling Ithome and Acrocorinthus unto the two horns of Peloponnesus. Yet would Philip needs hear the opinion of Aratus: who told him plainly, That it were well done to keep the place, if it might be kept without breach of his faith unto the Messenians: But if, by seizing upon Ithome, He must loose all the other Castles that he held, and especially the strongest Castle of all that was left unto him by Antigonus, which was his credit; then were it far better to departed with his soldiers, and keep men in duty, as he had done hitherto, by their own good wills, than by fortifying any strong places against them, to make them of his friends become his Enemies.  
To this good advice Philip yielded at the present: but not without some dislike, thenceforth growing between Him and the Arati; whom he thought more froward than beseemed them, in contradicting his william. Neither was the old man desirous at all, to deal any longer in the King's affairs, or be in ward with him. For as he plainly discovered his Tyrannous purposes: so likewise he perceived, that in resorting to his house, He had been dishonest with his sons wife. He therefore stayed at home: where at good leisure he might repent, that in despite of Cleomenes, his own Countryman, and a temperate Prince, he had brought the Macedonians into Peloponnesus.  
Philip made a Voyage out of Peloponnesus into Epirus, wherein Aratus refused to bear him company. In this journey He found by experience what Aratus had lately told him; That unhonest counsels are not so profitable in deed, as in appearance. The Epirots were his followers and dependents; and so they purposed to continued. But He would needs have them so to remain, whither they purposed it or not. Wherhfore to make them the more obnoxious unto his will, He seized upon their Town of Oricum, and laid siege to Apollonia; 〈◊〉 no good colour of these doings: but thinking himself strong enough to do what he listed, and not seeing whence they should procure friends to help them. Thus in stead of settling the country, as his intended Voyage into Italy required: He kindled a fire in it which he could never quench; until it had laid hold on his own Palace. Whilst he was thus labouring to bind the hands that should have fought for him in Italy: M. Valerius the Roman come into those parts; who not only maintained the Epirots against him, but procured the Aetolians to break the Peace, which they had lately made with him.  
Thus began that war; the occurrents whereof we have related before, in 
Chap. 3. §. 〈◊〉.  place whereto it belonged. In managing whereof though Philip did the offices of a good Captain: yet when leisure served, He made it apparent that he was a vicious King. He had not quite left his former desire, of oppressing the liberty of the 〈◊〉; but made another journey into their Country, with hope to deceive them, as before. They understood him better now than before; and therefore were not hasty to trust him too far. When he seen that his cunning would not serve, He went to work by force; and calling them his Enemies, invaded them with open war. But in that war 〈◊〉 could do little good; perhaps, because noon of his Confederates were desirous to help him in such an enterprise. In this attempt upon Messene he lost Demetrius Pharius; that was his Counsellor, and Flatterer, not his perverter; as appears by his growing daily more nought in following times. The worse that he sped, the more angry he waxed against those, that seemed not to favour his injurious doings. Wherhfore by the ministery of Taurion, his Lieutenant, he poisoned old Aratus; and shortly after that, he poisoned also the younger Aratus: hoping that these things would never have been known, because they were done secretly, and the poisons themselves were more sure, than manifest in operation. The Sicyonians, and all the people of 〈◊〉, decreed unto Aratus more than human honours, as Sacrifices, Hymns, and Processions, to be celebrated every year twice, with a Priest ordained unto him for that purpose; as was accustomed unto the Heroes, or men, whom they thought to be translated into the number of the gods. Hereunto they are said to have been encouraged by an Oracle of Apollo: which is like enough to have been true; since the help of the Devil is never failing to the increase of Idolatry.  
The loving memory of Aratus their Patron, and singular Benefactor, could not but work in the 〈◊〉 a marvelous dislike, of that wicked King which had made him thus away. He shall therefore hear of this hereafter, when they better dare to take counsel for themselves. At the present, the murder was not generally known or believed: neither were they in case to subsist, without his help that had committed it. The Aetolians were a most outrageous people, great darers, and shameless robbers. With these the Romans had made a League: whereof the Conditions were soon divulged, especially that main point, concerning the division of the purchase which they should make; namely, That the Aetolians should have the country and towns; but the Romans the spoil, and carry away the people to cell for slaves. The 〈◊〉, who in times of greater quiet could not endure to make strength alliance with the Aetolians, as knowing their uncivil disposition; were much the more averse from them, when they perceived how they had called in the Barbarians (for such did the Greeks' accounted all other Nations except their own) to make havoc of the Country. The same consideration moved also the Lacedoemonians, to stand off awhile, before they would declare themselves for the Aetolians; whose friendship they had embraced in the late war. The industry therefore of Philip, and the great care which he seemed to take of the 〈◊〉 his Confederates, sufficed to retain them: especially at such time, as their own necessity was thereto concurrent. Moore particularly he obliged unto himself the 〈◊〉, by an inestimable benefit: 〈◊〉 their Town, after it had been taken by the Romans and Aetolians; and redeeming their people wheresoever they might be found, that had been carried away Captive, and sold abroad for slaves. Thus might he have blotted out the memory of offences past; if the malignity of his natural condition had not other while broken out, and given men to under stand; that it was the Time, and not his Virtue, which caused him to make such a show of goodness. Among other soul acts, whereof he was not ashamed; He took Polycratia the wife of the younger Aratus, and carried her into Macedon: little regarding how this might serve to confirm in the people their opinion, that he was guilty of the old man's death. But of such faults he shall be told, when the Romans make war upon him the second time: for of that which happened in this their first Invasion, I hold it superfluous to make repetition.   

§. V Of PHILOPOEMEN General of the Achaeans: and MACHANIDAS, Tyrant of Lacedaemon. A battle between them, wherein MACHANIDAS is slain.  
IT happens often, that the decease of one eminent man discovers the virtue of another. In the place of Aratus there stood up Philopoemen: whose notable valour, and great skill in Arms, made the Nation of the Achaeans redoubtable among all the Greeks', and careless of such protection, as in former times they had needed against the violence of their neighbours. This is that Philopoemen: who being then a young man, and having no command; did especial service to Antigonus at the battle of Sellasia against Cleomenes. Thenceforward until now he had spent the most part of his time in the Isle of Crete: the Inhabitants whereof being a valiant people, and seldom or never at peace between themselves; He bettered among them his knowledge, and practice in the Art of war. At his return home, He had charge of the Horse: wherein he carried himself so strictly, travailing with all the Cities of the Confederacy to have his followers well mounted, and armed at all pieces: as also he so diligently trained them up in all exercise of service, that he made the Achaeans very strong in that part of their forces. Being after chosen Praetor or General of the Nation, He had no less care to reform their military discipline throughout, whereby his Country might be strong enough to defend itself, and not any longer (as in former times) need to depend upon the help of others. He persuaded the Achaeans to cut off their vain expense of bravery, in apparel, household-stuff, and curious fare, and to 〈◊〉 that cost upon their Arms: wherein by how much they were the more gallant, by so much were they like to prove the better Soldiers; and suitable in behaviour, unto the pride of their furniture. They had served hitherto with little light Bucklers, and slender Darts, to cast afar off: that were useful in skirmishing at some distance, or for Surprises, or sudden and hasty Expeditions; whereto Aratus had been most accustomed. But when they come to handy strokes, they were good for nothing: so as they were wholly driven to rely upon the courage of their Mercenaries. Philopoemen altered this: causing them to arm themselves more weightily, to use a larger kind of shield, with good swords, and strong pikes, fit for service at hand. He taught them also to fight in close order; and altered the form of their embattailing: not making the Files so deep as had been accustomed, but extending the Front, that he might use the service of many hands.  
Eight Months were spent of that year, in which he first was Praetor of the Achaeans; when Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedaemon caused him to make trial, how his Soldiers had profited by his discipline. This Machanidas was the successor unto Lycurgus; a man more violent than his fore-goer. He kept in pay a strong Army of Mercenaries: and he kept them not only to fight for Sparta; but to hold the City in obedience to himself perforce. Wherhfore it behoved him not to take part with the Achaeans, that were favourers of liberty; but to strengthen himself by friendship of the Aetolians: who, in making Alliances, took no further notice of Vice or Virtue, than as it had reference to their own profit. The people also of Lacedaemon, through their inveterate hatred unto the Argiucs, Achaeans, and Macedonians; were in like sort (all or most of them) inclinable to the Aetolian Faction. Very unwisely. For in seeking to take revenge upon those, that had lately hindered them from getting the Lordship of Peloponnesus; they hindered themselves thereby from recovering the Mastery of their own City. This affection of the 〈◊〉, together with the regard of his own security, and no small hope of good that would follow, suffered not Machanidas to be idle; but made him always ready to 〈◊〉 upon his neighbour's backs, and take of theirs what he could, whilst they were enforced, by greater necessity, to turn face another way. Thus had he often done, especially in the absence of Philip: whose sudden coming into those parts, or some other opposition made against him, had usually made him fail of his attempts. At the present He was stronger in men, than were the Achaeans; and thought his own men better Soldiers than were theirs.  
Whilst Philip therefore was busied elsewhere, he entered the Country of the Mantinaeans: being not without hope to do as Cleomenes had done before him; yea and perhaps to get the 
* Excerpt. è 〈◊〉. l. 〈◊〉.  Lordship of Peloponnesus, as having stronger friends, and weaker opposition, than Cleomenes had found. But Philopoemen was ready to 
Plut in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  entertain him at Mantinaea; where was fought between them a great battle. The Tyrant had brought into the field upon Cartes a great many of Engines; wherewith to beaten upon the Squadrons of his Enemies, and put them in disorder. To prevent this danger, Philopoemen sent forth his light armature a good way before him; so as Machanidas was feign to do the like. To second these, from the one and the other side come in continual supply; till at length all the Mercenaries, both of the Achaeans and of Machanidas, were drawn up to the fight: being so far advanced, each before their own Phalanx, that it could no otherwise be discerned which pressed forward, or which recoiled, than by rising of the dust. Thus were Machanidas his Engines made unserviceable, by the interposition of his own men; in such manner as the Canon is hindered from doing execution, in most of the battles fought in these our times. The Mercenaries of the Tyrant prevailed at length: not only by their advantage of number, but (as Polybius 
Polyb. ibid.  well observeth) by surmounting their opposites in degree of courage; wherein usually the hired soldiers of Tyrants exceed those that are waged by free States. For as it is true, that a free people are much more valiant, than they which live oppressed by Tyranny, since the one, by doing their best in fight, have hope to acquire somewhat beneficial to themselves, whereas the other do fight (as it were) to assure their own servitude: so the Mercenaries of a Tyrant, being made partakers with him in the fruits of his prosperity, have good cause to maintain his quarrel as their own; whereas they that serve under a free State, have no other motive to do manfully, than their bore stipend. Further than this, When a free State hath gotten the Victory: many Companies (if not all) of foreign Auxiliaries are presently cast; and therefore such good fellows will not take much pains to bring the war to an end. But the victory of a Tyrant, makes him stand in need of more such helpers: because that after it he doth wrong to more, as having more subjects; and therefore stands in fear of more, that should seek to take revenge upon him. The stipendaries therefore of the Achaeans, being forced to give ground, were urged so violently in their retreat by those of Machanidas, that shortly they betook themselves to flight; and could not be stayed by any persuasions of Philopoemen, but ran away quite beyond the battle of the Achaeans. This disaster had been sufficient to take from Philopoemen the honour of the day; had he not wisely observed the demeanour of Machanidas, and found in him that error which might restore the victory. The Tyrant with his Mercenaries gave chase unto those that fled: leaving behind him in good order of battle his Lacedæmonians; whom he thought sufficient to deal with the Achaeans, that were already disheartened by the flight of their companions. But when this his rashness had carried him out of sight; Philopoemen advanced towards the Lacedæmonians that stood before him. There lay between them o'th' wart the Country a long ditch, without water at that time; and therefore passable (as it seemed) without much difficulty, especially for Foot. The Lacedaemontans adventured over it, as thinking themselves better soldiers than the Achaeans; who had in a manner already 〈◊〉 the day. But hereby they greatly disordered their own Battle; and had no sooner the foremost of them recovered the further bank, than they were stoutly charged by the Achaeans, who drove them headlong into the ditch again. Their first ranks being broken, all the rest began to shrink: so as Philopoemen getting over the ditch, easily chased them out of the Field. Philopoemen knew better how to use his advantage, than Machanidas had done. He suffered not all his Army to disband and follow the chase: but retained with him a sufficient strength, for the custody of a bridge that was over the ditch, by which he knew that the Tyrant must come back. The Tyrant with his Mercenaries returning from the chase, looked very heavily when he seen what was fallen out. Yet with a lusty Troop of Horse about him He made towards the bridge: hoping to found the Achaeans in disorder; and to set upon their backs, as they were carelessly pursuing their Victory. But when he and his Company seen Philopoemen ready to make good the bridge against them; then began every one to look, which way he might shifted for himself. The Tyrant, with no more than two in his company, road along the ditch side; and searched for an easy passage over. He was easily discovered by his purple Cassock, and the costly trappingss of his Horse. Philopoemen therefore leaving the charge of the bridge unto another, coasted him all the way as he road; and falling upon him at length in the ditch itself, as he was getting over it, slew him there with his own hand. There died in this Battle on the Lacedæmonians side about four thousand: and more than four thousand were taken Prisoners. Of the Achaean Mercenaries, probable it is that the loss was not greatly cared sore; since that War was at an end, and for their money they might hire more when they should have need.   

§. VI PHILIP having peace with Rome, and with all Greece, prepares against Asia. Of the Kings of Pergamus, Cappadocia, Pontus, Paphlagona, Bythinia; and their Lineages. Of the Galatians.  
BY this victory the Achaeans learned to think well of themselves. Ncither needed they indeed after awhile (such was their discipline, and continual exercise) to accounted themselves in matter of war inferior to any, that should have brought against them no great odds of number. As for the Macedonian, He made no great use of them: But when he had once concluded peace with the Romans and Aetolians, He studied how to enlarge his Dominion Eastward; since the fortune of his friends the Carthaginians declined in the West. He took in hand many matters together, or very necrely together, and some of them not honest: wherein if the Achaeans would have done him service; they must, by helping him to oppress others that never had wronged him, have taught him the way how to deal with themselves. He greatly hated Attalus King of Pergamus, who had joined with the Romans and Aetolians in war against him.  
This Attalus, though a King, was scarce yet a Nobleman, otherwise 〈◊〉 as he was ennobled by his own, and by his Father's virtue. His fortune began in Philetaerus his Uncle: who being gelded, by reason of a mishap which he had when he was a child, grew afterwards thereby to be the more eneemed: as great men in those times reposed much confidence in eunuchs, whose affections could not be obliged unto wives or children. He was entertained into 〈◊〉 family of Docimus, a Captain following Antigonus the first; and after the death of Antigonus, he accompanied his Master, that betook himself to Lysimachus King of Thrace. Lysimachus had good opinion of him; and put him in 〈◊〉 with his money and accounts. But when at length he stood in fear of this King, that grew a blondie Tyrant: He fled into Asia, where he seized upon the Town of Pergamus, and nine thousand talents belonging to Lysimachus. The town and money, together with his own service, He offered unto Seleucus the first, that then was ready to give Lysimachus battle. His offer was kindly accepted, but never performed; for that Seleucus having slain 〈◊〉, died shortly after himself, before he made use of 〈◊〉 or his money. So this Eunuch still retained Pergamus with the Country about it; and reigned therein twenty years as an absolute King. He had two brethren: of which the elder is said to have been a poor Carter; and the younger perhaps was not much better; before such time as they were raised by the fortune of this 〈◊〉. Philetaerus jest his Kingdom to the elder of these, or to the son of the elder called Eumenes. This Eumenes enlarged his kingdom; making his advantage of the dissension, between Seleucus Calinicus and Antiochus Hierax, the sons of the second Antiochus. He fought a battle with Hierax, near unto Sardes; and won the victory. At which time, to animate his men against the Gauls that served under his Enemy, he used a pretty device. He wrote the word 
* jul. Front. Strat. L. 1. C. 11.  VICTORY upon the hand of his Soothsayer, in such colours as would easily come off: and when the hot liver of the beast that was sacrificed, had cleanly taken the print of the letters, He published this unto his Army as a Miracle, plainly foreshowing that the gods would be assistant in that Battle.  
After this victory, he grew a dreadful enemy to 〈◊〉: who never durst attempt to recover from him, by war, the Territory that he had gotten and held. Finally, when he had reigned two and twenty years, he died by a surfeit of overmuch drink; and left his Kingdom to Attalus, of whom we now entreat, that was son unto 〈◊〉 the youngest brother of Philetaerus. Attalus was an undertaking Prince, very bountiful, and no less valiant. By his own proper forces He restored his friend Ariarathes the Cappadocian into his Kingdom, whence he had been expelled. He was grievously molested by Achaeus: who setting up himself as King against Antiochus the great, reigned in the lesser Asia. He was 〈◊〉 in his own City of Pergamus: but by help of the Tectosagae, a Nation of the Gauls, whom he called over out of Thrace, He recovered all that he had lost. When these Gauls had once gotten footing in Asia, they never wanted employment: but were either entertained by some of the Princes reigning in those quarters; or interposed themselves, without invitation, and found themselves work in quarrels of their own making. They caused Prusias King of 〈◊〉 to cease from his war against Byzantium. Whereunto when he had condescended; they nevertheless within awhile after invaded his Kingdom. He obtained against them a great victory; and used it with great cruelty, sparing neither age nor sex. But the swarm of them increasing; they occupied the Region about Hellespont: where, in seating themselves, they were much beholding unto Attalus. Nevertheless, presuming afterwards upon their strength; they forced their neighbour Princes and Cities to pay them tribute. In the sharp exaction whereof, they had no more respect unto Attalus than to any that had worse deserved of them. By this they compelled him to fight against them: and He being victorious, compelled them to contain themselves within the bounds of that Province, which took name from them in time following, and was called Galatia. Yet continued they still to oppress the weakest of their neighbours; and to fill up the Armies of those, that could best hire them.  
The Kings reigning in those parts, were the posterity of such, as had saved themselves and their Provinces, in the slothful reign of the Persians'; or in the busy times of Alexander, and his Macedonian followers. The Cappadocians were very ancient. For the first of their line had married with Atossa, sifter unto the great King Cyrus. Their Country was taken from them by Perdiccas, as is showed before. But the son of that King, whom Perdiccas crucified, espying his time while the Macedonians were at civil wars among themselves; recovered his dominion, and passed it over to his offspring. The Kings of Pontus had also their beginning from the Persian Empire; and are said to have issued from the royal house of Achaemenes. The Paphlagonians derived themselves from Pylaemenes, a King that assisted Priamus at the war of Troy. These, applying themselves unto the times, were always conformable unto the strongest. The Ancestors of Prusias had begun to reign in Bythinia, some few generations before that of the great Alexander. They lay somewhat out of the Macedonians way: by whom therefore, having other employment, they were the less molested. Calantus, one of Alexander's Captains, made an Expedition into their Country; where he was vanquished. They had afterwards to do with a Lieutenant of Antigonus, that made them somewhat more humble. And thus they shuffled, as did the rest, until the reign of Prusias, whom we have already sometimes mentioned.   

§. VII. The Town of Cios taken by PHILIP, at the instance of PRUSIAS King of Bythinia, and cruelly destroyed. By this and like actions, PHILIP grows hateful to many of the Greeks': and is warred upon by ATTALUS King of Pergamus, and by the Rhodians.  
PRUSIAS as a neighbour King, had many quarrels with Attalus; whose greatness he suspected. He therefore strengthened himself, by taking to wife the daughter of Philip; as Attalus, on the contrary side, entered into a strict Confederacy with the Aetolians, Rhodians, and other of the Greeks'. But when Philip had ended his Aetolian war, and was devising with Antiochus about sharing between them two the Kingdom of Egypt, wherein Ptolemy Philopater a friend unto them both was newly dead, and had left his son Ptol. Epiphanes a young child his heir; the Bithynian entreated this his Father-in-law to come over into Asia, there to win the Town of the Ciani, and bestow it upon him. Prusias had no right unto the Town, nor just matter of quarrel against it: but it was fitly seated for him; and therewithal rich. Philip come; as one that could not well deny to help his Son-in-law. But hereby he mightily offended no small part of Greece. Ambassadors come to him whilst he lay at the siege, from the Rhodians, and divers other States: entreating him to forsake the Enterprise. He gave dilatory, but otherwise gentle answers: making show as if he would condescend to their request; when he intended nothing less. At length he got the Town: where, even in presence of the Ambassadors, of whose solicitation he had seemed so regardful, He omitted no part of 〈◊〉. Hereby he rendered himself odious to his neighbours, as a perfidious and cruel Prince. Especially his Fact was detested of the Rhodians: who had made vehement intercession for the poor Ciani; and were advertised by Ambassadors of purpose sent unto them from Philip, That, howsoever it were in his power to win the Town as soon as he listed: yet in regard of his love to the Rhodians, He was contented to give it over. And by this his 〈◊〉 the Ambassadors said, that he would manifest unto the World, what slanderous tongues they were; which noised abroad such reports, as went of his falsehood and oppressions. 〈◊〉 the Ambassadors were declaiming at Rhodes in the Theatre to this 〈◊〉; there come some that made a true relation of what had happened: showing that Philip had sacked and destroyed the Town of Cios, and, after a cruel slaughter of the Inhabitants, had made slaves of all that escaped the sword. If the 〈◊〉 took this in great despite, no less were the Aetolians inflamed against him: since they had sent a Captain to take charge of the Town; being warned before by his doings at Lysimachia and Chalcedon (which he had withdrawn from their Confederacy to his own) what little trust was to be reposed in the faith of this King. But most of all others was Attalus moved, with consideration of the Macedonians violent ambition, and of his own estate. He had much to loose; and was not without hope of getting 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 he could make a strong Party in Greece. He had already, as a new King, followed the example of Alexander's Captains, in purchasing with much liberality the love of the Athenians; which were notable Trumpeters of other men's virtue, having lost their own. On the friendship of the Aetolians he had cause to presume; having bound them unto him by good offices, many and great, in their late war with Philip. The Rhodians that were mighty at Sea, and held very good intelligence with the Egyptians, Syrians, and many other Princes and States, 〈◊〉 easily drew into a strength Alliance with him; by their hatred newly conceived against Philip.  
Upon confidence in these his friends, but most of all in the ready assistance of the Rhodians, Attalus prepared to deal with the Macedonian by open war. It had been unseasonable to procrastinate, and expect whereto the doings of the Enemy tended; since his desire to fasten upon Asia was manifest, and his falsehood no less manifest, than was such his 〈◊〉. They met with him shortly not far from Chios, and fought with him a battle at Sea: wherein though Attalus was driven to run his own ship on ground, hardly escaping to land: though the Admiral of the Rhodians took his death's wound: and though Philip after the battle took harbour under a Promontory, by which they had fought, so that he had the gathering of the Wracks upon the shore: Yet forasmuch as He had suffered far greater loss of ships and men than had the Enemy: and since He durst not in few days after 〈◊〉 forth to Sea, when Attalus and the Rhodians come to brave him in his Port; the honour of the victory was adjudged to his Enemies. This notwithstanding, 〈◊〉 afterwards besieged and wan some Towns in Caria: whither only in a bravery, and to despite his opposites; or whither upon any hopeful desire of conquest; it is uncertain. The stratagem, by which he won 〈◊〉, is worthy of noting. He attempted it by a Mine: and finding the Earth so stony, that it resisted his work, He nevertheless commanded the Pioneers to make a noise under ground; and secretly in the nighttime He raised great Mounts about the entrance of the Mine, to breed an opinion in the besieged, that the work went marucilously forward. At length he sent word to the Townsmen, that by his under myning, two acres of their wall 〈◊〉 only upon wooden props: to which if he gave fire, and entered by a breach, they should expect no mercy. The Prinasstans little thought, that he had fetched all his earth and rubbish by night a great way off, to raise up those heaps which they seen; but rather that all had 〈◊〉 extracted out of the Mine. Wherefore they suffered themselves to be outfaced; and gave up the Town as lost, which the Enemy had no hope to win by force. But Philip could not stay to settle himself in those parts. Attalus and the Rhodians were too strong for him at Sea, and compelled him to make haste back into Macedon; wither they followed him all the way in manner of pursuit.   

§. VIII. The Romans, after their Carthaginian war, seek matter of quarrel against PHILIP. The Athenians, upon slight cause, proclaim war against PHILIP; movedthereto by ATTALUS; whom they flatter. PHILIP wins divers Towns: and makes peremptory answer to the Roman Ambassador. The 〈◊〉 resolution of the Abydeni.  
THese Asiatic matters, which no way concerned the Romans, yet served well to make a noise in Rome; and fill the people's heads, if not with a desire of making war in Macedon, at lest with a conceit that it were expedient so to do. The Roman Senate was perfectly informed of the state of those Eastern Countries; and knew, that there was noon other Nation than the Greeks', which lay between them and the Lordship of Asia. These Greeks' were factious, and seldom or never at peace. As for the Macedonian, though length of time, and continual dealings in Greece ever since the Reigns of Philip and Alexander, had left no difference between him and the Naturals: yet most of them abhorred his Dominion, because He was originally forsooth a Barbarian: many of them hated him upon ancient quarrels: and they that had been most beholding unto him, were nevertheless weary of him, by reason of his personal faults. All this gave hope, that the affairs of Greece would not long detain the Roman Armies: especially since the divisions of the Country were such, that every petty Estate was apt to take counsel apart for itself; without much regarding the generality. But the poor Commonalty of Rome had no great affection to such a chargeable enterprise. They were already quite exhausted, by that grievous war with Hannibal: wherein they had given by Loane to the Republic all their money: neither had they as yet received, neither did they receive until fifteen or sixteen years after this, their whole sum back again. That part of payment also which was already made, being not in present money, but much of it in Land: it behoved them to rest a while; and bestow the more diligence in tilling their grounds, by how much they were the less able to bestow cost. Wherhfore they took no pleasure to hear, that Attalus and the Rhodians had sent Ambassadors to solicit them against Philip, with report of his bold attempts in Asia: or that M. Aurelius, their Agent in Greece, had sent letters of the same tenor to the Senate, and magnified his intelligence, by setting out the preparations of this dangerous enemy, that solicited not only the Towns upon the Continent, but all the islands in those Seas, visiting them in person, or sending Ambassadors, as one that meant shortly to hold war with the Romans upon their own ground. Philip had indeed no such intent: neither was he much too strong either of himself, or by his alliance in Greece, to be resisted by Attalus and the Rhodians, especially with the help of the Aetolians their good friends, and (in a manner) his own 〈◊〉 enemies. But such things must be published abroad, if only to predispose men unto the war, and give it the more honest colour.  
Philip was a man of ill condition; and therefore could not thrive by intermeddling in the affairs of those, that were more mighty than himself. He was too unskilful, or otherwise too unapt, to retain his old friends: yet would he needs be seeking new enemies. And he found them such, as he deserved to have them: for he offered his help to their destruction, when they were in misery, and had done him no harm. It behoved him therefore, either to have strained his forces to the utmost in making war upon them; or, in desisting from that injurious course, to have made amendss for the wrongs past, by doing friendly offices of his own accord. But He, having broken that League of peace which is of all other the most natural, binding all men to offer no violence willingly, unless they think themselves justly provoked; was afterwards too fond persuaded, that he might well be secure of the Romans, because of the written Covenants of peace between him and them. There is not any form of oath, whereby such articles of peace can be held 〈◊〉, save only 
* Sir Fr. Bacon de Sap. 〈◊〉.  by the water of Styx, that is, by Necessity: which whilst it binds one party, or both unto performance, making it apparent that he shall be a loser who starts from the Conditions; it may so long (and so long only) be presumed, that there shall be no breach. Till Hannibal was vanquished, the Romans never harkened after Philip: for necessity made them let him alone. But when once they had peace with Carthage, then was this River of Styx dried up: and then could they swear as 
* Plaut. 〈◊〉.  Mercury did in the Comedy, by their own selves, even by their good swords, that they had good reason to make war upon him. The Voyage of Sopater into Africa, and the present war against Attalus; were matter of quarrel as much as needed: or if this were not enough, the Athenians helped to furnish them with more.  
The Athenians, being at this time Lords of no more than their own barren Territory, took state upon them nevertheless, as in their ancient fortune. Two young Gentlemen of 〈◊〉 entering into the Temple of Ceres, in the days of Initiation, (wherein were delivered the mysteries of Religion, or rather of Idolatrous superstition, vainly said to be available unto felicity after this life) discovered themselves by some impertinent questions, to be noon of those that were initiated. Hereupon they were brought before the Officers: and though it was apparent, that they come into the place by mere error, not thinking to have therein done amiss; yet, as it had been for some heinous crime, they were put to death. All their Countrymen at home took this in ill part; and sought to revenge it as a public injury, by war upon the Athenians. Procuring therefore of Philip some Macedonians to help them, they entered into Attica: who wasted it with fire and sword; and carried thence away with them a great booty. This indignity stirred up the highminded Athenians; and made them think upon doing more, than they had ability to perform. All which at the 〈◊〉 they could do, was to sand Ambassadors to King Attalus; gratulating his happy success against Philip, and entreating him to visit their City. Attalus was hereto the more willing; because he understood, that the Roman Ambassadors, hovering about Greece for matter of intelligence, had a purpose to be there at the same time. So he went thither, accompanied, besides his own followers, with some of the Rhodians. Landing in the Piraeus, he found the Romans there, with whom he had much friendly conference: they rejoicing that he continued enemy to Philip; and He being no less glad, when he heard of their purpose to renew the war. The Athenians come forth of their City, all the Magistrates, Priests, and Citizens, with their wives and children, in as solemn a pomp as they could devise, to meet and honour the King. They entertained the Romans that were with him, in very loving manner: but towards Attalus 〈◊〉 they omitted no point of observance, which their flattery could suggest. At his first coming into the City they called the people to Assembly: where they desired him to honour them with his presence, and let them hear him speak. But he excused himself; saying, That with an evil grace he should recount unto them those many benefits, by which he studied to make them know what love he bore them. Wherhfore it was thought fit, that he should deliver in writing, what he would have to be propounded. He did so. The points of his Declaration were; first, what he had willingly done for their sake: then, what had lately passed between him and Philip: lastly, an exhortation unto them, to declare themselves against the Macedonian, whilst he with the Rhodians, and the Romans, were willing and ready to take their part: which if they now refused to do, He protested, that afterwards it would be vain to crave his help. There needed little entreaty: for they were as willing to proclaim the war, as He to desire it. As for other matters; they loaded him with immoderate honours: and ordained, That unto the ten Tribes, whereof the body of their Citizens consisted, should be added another, and called after his name; as if He were in part one of their Founders. To the Rhodians they also decreed a Crown of Gold, in reward of their virtue; and made all the Rhodians free Citizens of Athens.  
Thus began a great noise of 〈◊〉, wherein little was left unto the Romans for their part; 〈◊〉 and the Rhodians taking all upon them. But while these were vainly misspending the time, in seeking to draw the Aetolians to their party: that contrary to their old manner were glad to be at quiet: Philip wan the Towns of Maronea and Aenus, with many other strong places about the Hellespont. Likewise passing over the Hellespont, He laid siege unto Abydus; and wan it, though He was feign to stay there long. The Town held out, rather upon an obstinate resolution, and hope of succour from Attalus and the Rhodians, than any great ability to defend itself against so mighty an Enemy. But the Rhodians sent thither only one Quadrireme Galley: and Attalus no more than three hundred men; far too weak an aid to make good the place. The Roman Ambassadors wondered much at this great negligence, of them that had taken so much upon them.  
These Ambassadors C. Claudius, M. Aemylius, and P. Sempronius, were sent unto Ptolemie Epiphanes King of Egypt, to acquaint him with their victory against Hannibal and the 〈◊〉; as also to thank him for his favour unto them showed in that war; and to desire the continuance thereof, if they should need it against Philip. This Egyptian King was now in the third or fourth year of his Reign, which (as his Father Philopator had done before him) He began a very young boy. The courtesy for which the Romans were to thank him, was, That out of Egypt they had lately been supplied with Corn, in a time of extreme Dearth; when the miseries of War had made all their own Provinces unable to 〈◊〉 them. This message could not but be welcome to the Egyptian: since it was well known, how Philip and Antiochus had combined themselves against him; conspiring to take away his Kingdom. And therefore it might in reason be hoped, that He, or his Council for him, should offer to supply the Romans with Corn: since this their Macedonian Expedition concerned his Estate no less than theirs.  
But as the errand was for the most part complemental: so had the Ambassadors both leisure, and direction from the Senate, to look unto the things of Greece by the way. Wherhfore they agreed, that M. Aemylius the youngest of them should step aside, and visit Philip, to try if he could make him leave the siege of Abydus; which else He was like to carry. Aemylius, coming to Philip, tells him, that his doings are contrary to the League that He had made with the Romans. For 〈◊〉 and the Rhodians, upon whom He made war, were Confederate with Rome: and the Town of Abydus, which He was now besieging, had a kind of dependency upon Attalus. Hereto Philip answered, That Attalus and the Rhodians had made war upon him: and that He did only requited them with the like. Do you also (said Aemylius) requited these poor ABYDENI with such terrible War, for any the like 〈◊〉 by them first made upon you? The King was angry to hear himself thus taken short: and therefore He roundly made answer to Aemylius; It is your youth, Sir, and your beauty, and (above all,) your being a Roman, that makes you thus praesumptuous. But I would wish ye to remember the League that ye have made with me, and to keep it: If ye do otherwise, I will make ye understand, that the Kingdom, and Name of Macedon is in matter of War, no less noble than the Roman. So He dismissed the Ambassador; and had the Town immediately yielded to his discretion. The people had entertained a resolution, to have died every one of them, and set their Town on fire; binding themselves hereto by a fearful oath, when Philip denied to accept them upon reasonable Conditions. But having in desperate fight, once repelling him from the Breach, lost the greatest number of their Youth: it was thought meet by the Governors and Ancients of the City to change this resolution; and take such peace as could be gotten. So they carried out their Gold and Silver to Philip: about which whilst they were busy, the memory of their oath wrought so effectually in the younger sort; that, by exhortation of their Priests, they fell to murdering their women, children, and themselves. Hereof the King had so little compassion, that He said, he would grant the Abydeni three days leisure to die: and to that end forbade his men to enter the Town; or hazard themselves in interrupting the violence of those mad fools.   

§. IX.. The Romans decree war against PHILIP, and sand one of their Consuls into 〈◊〉, as it were in defence of the Athenians their Confederates. How poor the Athenians were at this time, both in quality and estate.  
THis calamity of the Abydeni, was likened by the Romans unto that of the Saguntines: which indeed it nearly resembled; though Rome was not alike interessed in the quarrel. But to help themselves with pretence for the war, they had found out another Saguntum, 〈◊〉 the City of Athens: which if the Macedonian should win, then rested there no more to do, than that he should presently embark himself for Italy, wither he would come, not as Hannibal from Saguntum in five months, but in the short space of five days sailing. Thus P. Sulpicius the Consul told the Multitude, when he exhorted them to make war upon Philip; which at his first propounding they had denied. The example of Pyrrhus was by him alleged; to show, what Philip, with the power of a greater kingdom, might dare to undertake: as also the fortunate Voyage of 〈◊〉 into Africa; to show the difference of making war abroad, and admitting it into the bowels of their own Country. By such arguments was the Commonalty of Rome induced to believe, that this war with the Macedonian was both just and necessary. So it was decreed: and immediately the same Consul hasted away towards Macedon, having that Province allotted unto him before, and all things in a readiness, by order from the Senate; who followed other Motives, than the people must be acquainted with. Great thanks were given to the Athenian Ambassadors, of their constancy (as was said) in not changing their faith at such time as they stood in danger of being besieged. And indeed great thanks were due to them, though not upon the same occasion. For the people of Rome had no cause to think it a benefit unto themselves, that any Greek Town, refusing to sue unto the Macedonian for peace, requested their help against him. But the Senate intending to take in hand the Conquest of the Eastern parts; had reason to give thanks unto those, that ministered the occasion. Since therefore it was an untrue suggestion, That Philip was making ready for Italy: and since neither Attalus, the Rhodians, nor any other State in those quarters, desired the Romans to give them protection: these busi-headed Athenians, who falling out with the Acarnanians, and consequently with Philip, a matter of May-game, (as was showed before) sent Ambassadors into all parts of the World, even to Ptolemie of Egypt, and to the Romans, as well as to Attalus and others their neighbours; must be accepted as 'cause of the war, and Authors of the benefit thence redounding.  
Nevertheless as it loves to fall out where the meaning differs from the pretence: the doings of P. 〈◊〉 the Consul were such, as might have argued Athens to be the lest part of his care. He sailed not about Peloponnesus, but took the ready way to Macedon; and landing about the River of Apsus, between Dyrrachium and Apollonia, there began the war. Soon upon his coming the Athenian Ambassadors were with him, and craved his help: whereof they could make no benefit whilst he was so far from them. They bemoaned themselves as men besieged, and entreated him to deliver them. For which cause He sent unto them C. 〈◊〉 with twenty Galleys, and a competent number of men: but the main of his forces He retained with him, for the prosecution of a greater design. The Athenians were not indeed besieged: only some Rovers from Chalcis, in the Isle of Euboea; and some bands of adventurers out of Corinth, used to take their ships and spoil their fields, because they had declared themselves against King Philip, that was Lord of these two Towns. The Robberies done by these Pirates and Freebooters, were by the more cloquent than warlike Athenians, in this declining Age of their Fortune and Virtue, called a Siege. From such detriment the arrival of Claudius, and shortly after of three Rhodian Galleys, easily preserved them. As for the Athenians themselves; they that had been wont, in ancient times, to undertake the Conquests of Egypt, Cyprus, and Sicily; to make war upon the great Persian King; and to hold so much of Greece in subjection, as made them redoubtable unto all the rest; had now no more than three ships, and those open ones, not much better then long Boates. Yet thought they not themselves a whit the worse men; but stood as highly upon the glory and virtue of their Ancestors, as if it had been still their own.   

§. X. The Town of Chalcis in Euboea, taken and sacked by the Romans and their Associates, that lay in Garrison at Athens. PHILIP attempteth to take Athens by Surprise: wasteth the Country about: and makes a journey into Peloponnesus. Of NABIS the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, and his wife. PHILIP offers to make War against 〈◊〉 for the Achaeans. He returneth home through Attica, which he spoileth again: and provides against his Enemies. Some exploits of the Romans. divers Princes join with them. Great labouring to draw the Aetolians into the war.  
PHILIP, returning home from Abydus, heard news of the Roman Consul his being about Apollonia. But ere he stirred forth to give him entertainment; or perhaps before he had well resolved, whither it were best a while to sit still, and try what might be done for obtaining of peace, or whither to make opposition, and resist these Invaders with all his forces: He received advertisement from Chalcis of a grievous mishap there befallen him, by procurement of the Athenians. For C. Claudius with his Romans, finding no such work at Athens as they had expected, or as was answerable to the fame that went abroad; purposed to do somewhat that might quicken the War, and make his own employment better. He grew soon weary of sitting as a Scarecrow, to save the Athenians grounds from spoil; and therefore gladly took in hand a business of more importance. The Town of Chalcis was negligently guarded by the Macedonian Soldiers therein, for that there was no enemy at hand; and more negligently by the Townsmen, who reposed themselves upon their Garrison. Hereof Claudius having advertisement, sailed thither by night for fear of being descried; and, arriving there a little before break of day, took it by Scalado. He used no mercy, but slew all that come in his way: and wanting men to keep it, (unless he should have left the heartless Athenians to their own defence) He set it on fire; consuming the King's Magazines of Corn, and all provisions for War, which were plenteously filled. Neither were He and his Associates contented with the great abundance of spoil which they carried about their ships, and with enlarging all those, whom Philip, as in a place of most security, kept there imprisoned: but to show their despite and hatred unto the King, they overthrew and broke in pieces the Statuas unto him there erected. This done, they hasted away towards Athens: where the news of their exploit were like to be joyfully welcomed. The King lay then at Demetrias about some twenty miles thence; wither when these tidings, or part of them, were brought him, though he seen that it was too late to remedy the matter; yet he made all haste to take revenge. He thought to have taken the Athenians, with their trusty Friends, busy at work in ransacking the Town, and loading themselves with spoil: but they were go before his coming. Five thousand light-armed-foote he had with him, and three hundred horse: whereof leaving at 〈◊〉 only a few to bury the dead, He marched thence away speedily toward Athens: thinking it not unpossible to take his enemies, in the joy of their Victory, as full of negligence, as they had taken Chalcis. Neither had he much failed of his expectation, if a Foot-Post that stood Scout for the City upon the borders, had not descried him afar off, and swiftly carried word of his approach to Athens. 〈◊〉 was midnight when this Post come thither: who found all the Town asleep, as fearless of any danger. But the Magistrates, hearing his report, caused a Trumpet out of their Citadel to sounded the Alarm; and with all speed made ready for defence. Within a few hours Philip was there: who seeing the many lights, and other signs of busy preparation usual in such a case, understood that they had news of his coming; and therefore willed his men, to repose themselves till it were day. It is like, that the paucity of his followers did help well to animate the Citizens, which beheld them from the walls. Wherhfore though Claudius were not yet returned (who was to fetch a compass about by Sea, and had no cause of haste) yet having in the Town some mercenary Soldiers, which they kept, of their own, besides the great multitude of Citizens; they adventured to issue forth at a gate, whereto they seen Philip make approach. The King was glad of this; reckoning all those his own, that were thus hardy. He therefore only willed his men to follow his example; and presently gave charge upon them. In that fight he gave singular proof of his valour: and beating down many of the Enemies with his own hands, drove them with great slaughter back into the City. The heat of his courage transported him further, than discretion would have allowed, even to the very gate. But he retired without harm taken; 〈◊〉 that they which were upon the Towers over the gate, could not use their casting weapons against him, without endangering their own people that were thronging before him into the City. There was a Temple of Hercules, a place of exercise, with a Grove, and many goodly Monuments beside, near adjoining unto Athens: of which he spared noon; but suffered the rage of his anger to extend, even unto the sepulchers of the dead. The next day come the Romans, and some Companies of Attalus his men from Aegina; too late in regard of what was already past: but in good time, to prevent him of satisfying his anger to the full, which as yet he had not done. So he departed thence to Corinth: and hearing that the Achaeans held a Parliament at Argos, He come thither to them unexpected.  
The Achaeans were devising upon war: which they intended to make against Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedaemon: who being started up in the room of Machanidas, did greater mischief than any that went before him. This Tyrant relied wholly upon his Mercenaries; and of his subjects had no regard. He was a cruel oppressor; a greedy extortioner upon those that lived under him; and one that in his natural condition smelled rankly of the Hangman. In these qualities, his wife Apega was very fitly matched with him, since his dexterity was no greater in spoiling the men, than hers in fleecing their wives; whom she would never suffer to be at quiet, till they had presented her with all their jewels and apparel. Her husband was so delighted 
Liu. 〈◊〉 32.  with her property, that he caused an Image to be made lively representing her; and appareled it with such costly garments as she used to wear. But it was indeed an Engine, serving to torment men. Hereof he made use, when he meant to 
〈◊〉. e 〈◊〉. li. 13.  try the virtue of his Rhetoric. For calling unto him some rich man, of whose money he was desirous; He would bring him into the room where this 〈◊〉 Apega stood, and there use all his Art of persuasion, to get what he desired, as it were by good william. If he could not so speed, but was answered with excuses: then took he the refractory denier by the hand, and told him, that perhaps his wife Apega (who sat by in a Chair) could persuade more effectually. So he led him to the Image, that rose up and opened the arms, as it were for embracement. Those arms were full of sharp iron nails, the like whereof were also sticking in the breasts, though hidden with her clotheses: and herewith she gripped the poor wretch, to the pleasure of the Tyrant, that laughed at his cruel death. Such, and worse (sore it were long to tell all here that is spoken of him) was Nabis in his Government. In his dealings abroad he combined with the Aetolians, as Machanidas and Lycurgus had done before him. By these he grew into acquaintance with the Romans; and was comprehended in the League which they made with Philip, at the end of their former War. Of Philopoemens' virtue he stood in fear; and therefore durst not provoke the Achaeans, as long as they had such an able Commander. But when Cycliades, a far worse Captain, was their Praetor; and all, or the greatest part of their Mercenaries were discharged; Philopoemen being also go into Crete, to follow his beloved Occupation of War: then did Nabis fall upon their Territory; and wasting all the fields, made them distrust their own safety in the Towns.  
Against this Tyrant the Achaeans were preparing for war, when Philip come among them; and had set down, what proportion of Soldiers every City of their Corporation should furnish out. But Philip willed them, not to trouble themselves with the care of this business; forasmuch as he alone would ease them of this war, and take the burden upon himself. With exceeding joy and thanks they accepted of this kind offer. But than he told them, That, whilst he made war upon Lacedaemon, He aught not to leave his own Towns unguarded. In which respect he thought they would be pleased, to sand a few men to Corinth, and some Companies into the Isle of Euboea; that so he might securely pursue the war against Nabis. Immediately they found out his device; which was noon other, than to engage their Nation in his war against the Romans: Wherhfore their 〈◊〉 Cycliades made him answer, That their laws 〈◊〉 them to conclude any other matters in their Parliament, than those for which it was assembled. So passing the Decree, upon which they had agreed before, for preparing war against Nabis; he broke up the Assembly, with every man's good liking; whereas in former times, He had been thought no better than one of the King's Parasites.  
It grieved the King to have thus failed in his purpose with the Achaeans. 〈◊〉, he gathered up among them a few Voluntaries; and so returned by Corinth back into Attica. There he met with Philocles one of his Captains, that with two thousand men had been doing what harm he might unto the Country. With this addition of strength, he attempted the Castle of 〈◊〉, the Haven of Pyraeus, and even the City of Athens. But the Romans made such 〈◊〉 after him by Sea, thrusting themselves into every of these places; that he could no more then wreak his anger upon those goodly Temples, with which the Land of Attica was at that 〈◊〉 singularly beautified. So He destroyed all the works of their notable Artificers, wrought in excellent Marble; which they had in plenty, of their own; or, having long ago been masters of the Sea, had brought from other places, where best choice was found. Neither did he only pull all down: but caused his men to break the very stones, that they might be unserviceable to the reparation. His loss at Chalcis being thus 〈◊〉 upon Athens, He went home into Macedon: and there made provision, both against the Roman Consul that lay about Apollonia; and against the Dardanians, with other his bad neighbours, which were likely to infested him. Among his other cares he forgot not the Aetolians: to whose Parliament, shortly to be held at Naupactus, he sent an Embassage; requesting them to continued in his friendship. Thus was Philip occupied.  
Sulpicius the Roman Consul encamped upon the River of Apsus. Thence he sent forth Apustius, his Lieutenant, with part of the Army to waste the borders of Macedon. Apustius took sundry Castles and Towns; using such extremity of sword and fire at Antipatria, the first good Town which he wan by force, that noon durst afterwards make resistance, unless they knew themselves able to hold 〈◊〉. Returning towards the Consul with his spoil, He was charged in Rear, upon the passage of a Brooke, by Athenagor as a Macedonian Captain: but the Romans had the better; and kill many of these enemies, took prisoners many more, to the increase of their booty, with which they arrived in safety at their Campe. The success of this Expedition, though it were not great; yet served to draw into the Roman friendship, those that had formerly no good inclination to the Macedonian. These were Pleuratus, the son of Scer dilaidas the Illyrian; Aminander King of the Athamanians; and Bato, the son of Longarus, a Prince of the Dardanians. They offered their assistance unto the Consul, who thanked them: and said, That he would shortly make use of Pleuratus and Bato, when he entered into Macedon: but that the friendship of Aminander, whose Country lay between the Aetolians and Thessaly, might be perhaps available with the 〈◊〉, to stir them up against Philip.  
So the present care was wholly set upon the Aetolian Parliament at hand. Thither come Ambassadors from the Macedonian, Romans, and Athenians. Of which, the Macedonian spoke first: and said, That as there was nothing fallen out, which should occasion the breach of peace between his Master and the Aetolians: so was it to be hoped, that they would not suffer themselves without good cause, to be carried away after other men's fancies. He prayed them to consider, how the Romans heretofore had made show, as if their war in Greece tended only to defence of the Aetolians: and yet notwithstanding had been angry, that the Aetolians, by making peace with Philip, had no longer need of such their Patronage. What might it be that made them so busy, in obtruding their protection upon those that needed it not? Surely it was even the general hatred, which these Barbarians bore unto the Greeks'. For even after the same sort had they lent their help to the Mamertines: and afterwards delivered Syracuse, when it was oppressed by Carthaginian Tyrants: but now both Syracuse and Messana, were subject unto the Rods and Axes of the Romans. To the same effect he alleged many examples, adding. That in like sort it would happen to the Aetolians: who, if they drew such Masters into Greece, must not look hereafter to hold, as now, free Parliaments of their own, wherein to consult about War and Peace: the Romans would ease them of this care, and sand them such a Moderator, as went every year from Rome to Syracuse. Wherhfore he concluded, That it was best for them, whilst as yet they might, and whilst one of them as yet could help the other, to continued in their League with Philip: with whom if at any time, upon light occasion, they happened to fall 〈◊〉, they might as lightly be reconciled: and with whom they had three years ago made the peace which still continued; although the same Romans were then against it, who sought to break it now. It would have troubled the Romans, to frame a good answer to these objections. For the Macedonian had spoken the very truth, in showing whereto this their Patronage, which they offered with such importunity, did tend. Wherhfore the Athenians were set on by them to speak next: who had store of eloquence, and matter of recrimination enough, to make Philip odious. These affirmed, that it was a great impudence in the Macedonian Ambassador, to call the Romans by the name of Barbarians: knowing in what barbarous manner his own King had, in few days past, made war upon the gods themselves, by destroying all their Temples in Attica. Herewithal they made a pitiful rehearsal of their own calamities: and said, that if Philip might have his will, Aetolia, and all the rest of Greece, should feel the same that Attica had felt; yea that Athens itself, together with Minerva, jupiter, Ceres, and other of the gods, were like to have felt, if the walls and the Roman arms had not defended them. Than spoke the Romans: who excusing, as well as they could, their own oppression of all those, in whose defence they had heretofore taken arms, went roundly to the point in hand. They said, that they had of late made war in the Aetolians behalf, and that the Aetolians had without their consent made peace: whereof since the Aetolians must excuse themselves, by alleging that the Romans, being busied with Carthage, wanted leisure to give them aid convenient: so this excuse being now taken away, and the Romans wholly bend against their common Enemy, it concerned the Aetolians to take part with them in their war and victory, unless they had rather perish with Philip.  
It might easily be perceived, that they which were so vehement, in offering their help ere it was desired, were themselves carried unto the war by more earnest motives, than a simple desire to help those friends, with whom they had no great acquaintance. This may have been the cause, why Dorymachus the Aetolian Praetor shifted them off awhile with a dilatory answer: though he told his Countrymen, That by reserving themselves, till the matter were inclined one way or other, they might afterwards take part with those that had the better fortune. His answer was, first, in general terms; That overmuch 〈◊〉 was an enemy to good counsel: for which cause they must further deliberate, ere they concluded. But coming nearer to the matter in hand, He passed a Decree, That the Praetor might at any time call an Assembly of the States, and therein conclude upon this business; any Law to the contrary notwithstanding: whereas otherwise it was unlawful to treat of such affairs, except in two of their great Parliaments, that were held at set times.   

§. XI. The meeting of PHILIP with the Romans, and skirmishing with them on his borders. The Aetolians invade 〈◊〉 dominions, and are beaten home. Some doings of ATTALUS and the Roman Fleet.  
PHILIP was glad to hear, that the Romans had sped no better in their solicitation of the Aetolians. He thought them hereby disappointed, in the very beginning, of one great help; and meant himself to disappoint them of another. His son Perseus, a very boy, was sent to keep the Straitss of Pelagonia against the Dardanians; having with him some of the King's Council, to govern both him and his army. It was judged, as may seem, that the presence of the King's son, how young soever, would both encourage his followers, and terrify the enemies; by making them at lest believe, that he was not weakly attended. And this may have been the reason, why the same Perseus, a few years before this, was in like manner left upon the borders of Aetolia by his father; whom earnest business called thence another way. No danger of enemies being left on either hand: it was thought, that the Macedonian Fleet under Heraclides, would serve to keep Attalus, with the Rhodians and Romans, from doing harm by sea, when the Kings back was turned; who took his journey Westward against Sulpicius the Consul.  
The Armies met in the country of the Dassaretij, a people in the utmost borders of Macedon towards Illyria, about the mountains of Candania; that running along from Haemus in the North until they join in the South with Pindus, enclose the Western parts of Macedon. Two or three days they lay in sight the one of the other, without making offer of battle. The Consul was the first that issued forth of his Camp into the open field. But Philip was not confident in the strength which he had then about him; and therefore thought it better to sand forth some of his light-armed Mercenaries, and some part of his horse, to entertain them with skirmish. These were easily vanquished by the Romans, and driven back into their Campe. Now although it was so, that the King was unwilling to hazard all at first upon a Cast, and therefore sent for Perseus with his Companies, to increase his own forces: yet being no less unwilling to loose too much in reputation; He made show a day after, as if he would have fought. He had found the advantage of a place fit for ambush, wherein he bestowed as many as he thought meet of his Targeteers: and so gave charge to Athenagoras, one of his Captains, to provoke out the Romans to fight; instructing both him and the Targeteers, how to behave themselves respectively, as opportunity should fall out. The Romans 〈◊〉 no mistrust of any ambush; having fought upon the same ground a day before. Wherhfore perhaps they might have sustained some notable detriment, if the King's directions had been well followed. For when Athenagoras began to fall back, they charged him so hotly, that they drove him to an hasty flight, and pursued him as hard as they were able. But the Captains of the Targeteers, not staying to let them run into the danger, discovered themselves before it was time; and thereby made frustrate the work, to which they were appointed. The Consul hereby gathered, that the King had some desire to try the fortune of a battle: which he therefore presented the second time; leading forth his 〈◊〉, and setting it in order, with Elephants in front: a kind of help which the Romans had never used before, but had taken these of late from the Carthaginians. Such are the alterations wrought by Time. It was scarce above fourscore years ere this, that Pyrrhus carried Elephants out of Greece into Italy, to affright the Romans, who had never seen any of those beasts before. But now the same Romans (whilst possibly some were yet 〈◊〉, which had known that Expedition of Pyrrhus) come into Macedon, bringing Elephants with them: whereof the Macedonians and Greeks' have noon. Philip had patience to 〈◊〉 the Consul brave him at his Trenches: wherein he did wisely: for the Roman had greater need to fight, than He. Sulpicius was unwilling to loose time: neither could he without great danger, lying so near the Enemy, that was strong in horse, sand his men to fetch in corn out of the fields. Wherhfore he removed eight miles off: presuming that Philip would not adventure to meet him on even ground; and so the more boldly he suffered his Foragers to overrun the Country. The King was nothing sorry of this; but permitted the Romans to take their good pleasure: 〈◊〉 till their presumption, and his own supposed fear, should make them careless. When this was come to pass, he took all his horse, and light-armed-foote, with which he occupied a place in the midway, between the Foragers and their Campe. There he 〈◊〉 in Covert with part of his forces; to keep the passages that noon should escape. The rest he sent abroad the Country, to fall upon the stragglers: willing them to put all to the sword, and let noon run home with news to the Campe. The slaughter was great: and those which escaped the hands of them that were sent abroad to scour the fields, lighted all or most of them upon the King and his companies in their flight: so as they were cut off by the wayLong it was ere the Camp had news of this. But in the end there escaped some: who though they could not make any perfect relation how the matter went: yet by telling what had happened to themselves, raised a great tumult. Salpicius hereupon sends forth all his horse, and bids them help their fellows where they seen it needful: He himself with the Legions followed. The companies of Horse divided themselves, accordingly as they met with advertisements upon the way, into many parts: not knowing where was most of the danger. Such of them as lighted upon Philip's Troops, that were canvasing the field, took their task where they found it. But the main bulk of them fell upon the King himself. They had the disadvantage: as coming fewer, and unprepared, to one that was ready for them. So they were beaten away: as their fellows also might have been, if the King had well bethought himself, and given over in time. But while, not contented with such an harvest, he was too 〈◊〉 about a poor gleaning: the Roman Legions appeared in sight: which emboldened their 〈◊〉 to make a re-charge. Than the danger apparent, enforced the Macedonians to look to their own safety. They ran which way they could: and (as men that lie in wait for others, are seldom heedful of that which may befall themselves) to escape the Enemy, they declined the fairest way; so as they were plunged in Marshes and Bogs, wherein many of them were lost. The King's horse was slain under him: and there had 〈◊〉 been cast away, if a loving subject of his had not alighted; mounted him upon his own horse; and delivered him out of peril, at the expense of his own life, that running on foot was overtaken, and killed.  
In the common opinion Philip was charged with improvident rashness; and the Consul, with as much dullness, for his days service. A little longer stay would have delivered the King from these enemies without any blow: since when all the fields about them were wasted, they must needs have retired back to the Sea. On the other side it was not thought unlikely, That if the Romans following the King, had set upon his Camp, at such time as he fled thither, half amazed with fear of being either slain or taken, they might have won it. But that noble Historian, Livy, (as is commonly his manner) hath judiciously observed, That neither the one, nor the other, were much too blame in this days work. For the main body of the King's Army lay safe in his Camp; and could not be so astonished with the loss of two or three hundred Horse, that it should therefore have abandoned the defence of the Trenches. And as for the King himself; He was advertised, that Pleuratus the Illyrian, and the Dardanians, were fallen upon his Country; when they found the passage thereinto open, after Perseus was called away from custody of the Straitss. This was it which made him adventure to do somewhat betimes; that he might set the Romans going the sooner, and afterwards look unto his troublesome neighbours. In consideration of this, Philip was desirous to clear himself of the Romans, as soon as he might. And to that purpose he sent unto the Consul; requesting a day of truce for burial of the dead. But in stead of so doing, he marched away by night; and left fires in his Camp to beguile the Enemy, as if he had not stirred out of the place. Sulpicius, when he heard of the King's departure, was not slow to follow him. He overtook the Macedonians in a place of strength, which they had fenced (for it was a wood die ground) by cutting down trees, and laying them athwart the way where it was most open. In making of such places good, the Macedonian Phalanx was of little use; being a square battle of pikes, not fit for every ground. The Archers of Crete were judged, and were indeed, more serviceable in that case. But they were few; and their arrows were of small force against the Roman shield. The Macedonians therefore helped them by flinging of stones. But to no purpose. For the Romans got within them; and forced them to quit the place. This victory (such as it was) laid open unto the Consul some poor Towns thereabouts; which partly were taken by strong hand, partly yielded for fear. But the spoil of these, and of the fields adjoining, was not sufficient to maintain his Army; and therefore 〈◊〉 returned back to Apollonia.  
The Dardanians, hearing that Philip was come back, withdrew themselves apace out of the Country. The King sent Athenagoras to wait upon them home; whilst he himself went against the Aetolians. For Damocritus the Praetor of the Aetolians, who had reserved himself and his Nation unto the event of things, hearing report, that Philip was beaten once and again: as also that Pleuratus and the Dardanians were fallen upon Macedon; grew no less busy on the sudden, than before he had been wise. He persuaded his Nation to take their time: and so, not staying to proclaim war, joined his forces with Aminander the Athamanian; and made invasion upon Thessaly. They took and cruelly sacked a few Towns: whereby they grew confident; as if, without any danger, they might do what they listed. But Philip come upon them ere they looked for him: and kill them as they lay dispersed, was like to have taken their Camp; if Aminander, more wary than the Aetolians, had not helped at need, and made the Retreat through his own mountainous Country.  
About the same time; the Roman Fleet, assisted by Attalus and the Rhodians, had taken some small Islands in the Aegean Sea. They took likewise the Town of Oreum in the Isle of Euboea; and some other places thereabouts. The Towns were given to Attalus, after the same Compact that had formerly been made with the Aetolians: the goods therein found were given to the Romans; and the people, for slaves. Other attempts on that side were hindered; either by 〈◊〉 weather at Sea; or by want of daring, and of means.   

§. XII. VILLIUS the Roman Consul wastes a year to no effect. War of the Gauls in Italy. An Embassy of the Romans to Carthage, MASANISSA, and VERMINA. The Macedonian prepares for defence of his 〈◊〉: and T. QVINTIUS FLAMINIUS is sent against him.  
THus the time ran away: and P. vilius, a new Consul, took charge of the war in Macedon. He was troubled with a Mutiny of his oldest Soldiers: whereof two thousand, having served long in Sicily and Africa, thought themselves much wronged, in that they could not be suffered to look unto their own estates at home. They were (belike) of the Legions that had served at Cannae: as may seem by their complaint, of having been long absent from Italy; wither feign they would have returned, when by their Colonels they were shipped for Macedon. How vilius dealt with them, it is uncertain. For the History of his year is lost: whereof the miss is not great; since he did nothing memorable. Valerius Antias, as we found in 
〈◊〉. L. 32.  Livy, hath adorned this vilius with a great exploit against Philip. Yet since Livy himself, an Historian to whom few of the best are matchable, could find no such thing recorded in any good Author; we may reasonably believe, that vilius his year was idle.  
In the beginning of this Macedonian War, the Romans found more trouble than could have been expected with the Gauls. Their Colony of Placentia, a goodly and strong Town, which neither Hannibal, nor after him 〈◊〉, had been able to force; was taken by these Barbarians, and burnt in a manner to the ground. In like sort Cremona was attempted; but saved herself, taking warning by her neighbour's calamity. Amilcar a Carthaginian, that stayed behind Asdrubal, or Mago, in those parts; was now become Captain of the Gauls, in these their enterprises. This when the Romans heard, they sent Ambassadors to the Carthaginians: giving them to understand, That, if they were not weary of the peace, it behoved them to call home, and deliver up, this their Citizen Amilcar, who made war in Italy. Hereunto it was added (perhaps jest the message might seem otherwise to have savoured a little of some fear) That of the Fugitive slaves belonging unto the Romans, there were some reported to walk up and down in Carthage: which if it were so, then aught they to be restored back to their Masters; as was conditioned in the late Peace. The Ambassadors that were sent on this errand; had further charge to treat with Masanissa, as also with Vermina the son of Syphax. Unto Masanissa, besides matter of compliment, they were to signify what pleasure He might do them, by lending them some of his Numidian Horse, to serve in their War against the Macedonian. Vermina had entreated the Senate, to vouchsafe unto him the name of King: and promised thereafter to deserve it, by his readiness in doing them all good offices. But they were somewhat scrupulous in the matter: and said, That having been, and being still (as they took it) their Enemy, He aught first of all to desire peace; for that the name of King, was an honour which they used not to confer upon any, save only upon such as had royally deserved it at their hands. The authority to make peace with him, was wholly committed unto these Ambassadors upon such terms as they should think fit; without further relation to the Senate and People. For they were then busied with greater cares. The Carthaginians made a gentle answer, That they wholly disclaimed Amilcar: banishing him; and confiscating his goods. As for the Fugitives: they had restored as many as they could find; and would in that point, as far as was requisite, give satisfaction to the Senate. Herewithal they sent a great proportion of Corn to Rome; and the like unto the Army that was in Macedon. King Masanissa would have lent unto the Romans two thousand of his Numidian Horse: but they were contented with half the number; and would accept no more. Vermina met with the Ambassadors, to give them entertainment, on the borders of his Kingdom; and, without any disputation, agreed with them upon terms of peace.  
Thus were the Romans busied in taking order for their Macedonian War, that they might pursue it strongly, and without interruption. As for Amilcar and his Gauls: they laid siege unto Cremona; where L. Furius a Roman Praetor come upon them, fought a battle with them, and overcame them. Amilcar the Carthaginian died in this battle: and the fruit of the Victory was such, as both made amendss for losses past, and left the work easy to those, that afterwards should have the managing of war among those Gauls. So was there good leisure to think upon the business of Macedon: where Philip was carefully providing to give contentment unto his subjects, by punishing a bad Counsellor whom they hated; as also to assure unto himself the Achaeans, by rendering unto them some Towns that he held of theirs; and finally to strengthen his Kingdom, not only by exercising and training his people, but by fortifying the passages that led thereinto out of Epirus. This was in doing, when vilius, having unprofitably laboured to found way into Macedon, taking a journey (as Sulpicius had done before him) wherein he could not be supplied with victuals, determined at length to try a new course. But then come advertisement, that T. Quintius Flaminius was chosen Consul, and had Macedon allotted him for his Province; whose coming was expected; and he very shortly arrived at the Army.   

§. XIII. The Romans begin to make war by negotiation. T. QVINTIUS wins a passage against PHILIP. Thessaly wasted by PHILIP, the Romans, and Aetolians. The Achaeans forsaking the Macedonian, take part with the Romans. A treaty of peace, that was vain. PHILIP delivers Argos to 〈◊〉 the Tyrant, who presently enters into League with the Romans.  
THe Romans had not been wont in former times, to make War after such a trifling manner. It was their use, to give battle to the Enemy, as soon as they met with him. If he refused it, they besieged his Towns: and so forced him to try the fortune of a day, with his disadvantage in reputation, when he had long forborn it (as it would be interpreted) upon knowledge of his own weakness. But in this their War with Philip, they began to learn of the subtle Greeks', the art of Negotiation: wherein 〈◊〉 they were not grown so fine, as within a little while they proved. Their Treasury was poor, and stood indebted, 
* Liu. 〈◊〉. 34.  many years after this, unto private men, for part of those moneys that had been borrowed in the second Punic War. This had made the Commonalty averse from the Macedonian War; and had thereby driven the Senators greedy of the enterprise, to make use of their cunning. Yet being weary of the slow pace wherewith their business went forward; they determined to increase their Army, that they might have the less need to rely upon their Confederates. So they levied eight thousand foot, and eight hundred Horse (the greater part of them of the Latins) which they sent with T. Quintius Flaminius, the new Consul into Macedon. Their Navy, and other means could well have served, for the setting forth and transportation of a greater Army: but by straining themselves to the most of their ability, they should (besides other 〈◊〉, incident unto the sustenance of those that are too many and too far from home) have bred some 〈◊〉 in their friends of Greece, and thereby have lost some friends, yea, perhaps have increased the number of their enemies more than of their own Soldiers. This present augmentation of the forces was very requisite; for that Attalus, about the same time, excused himself unto them, by his Ambassadors; requesting that either they would undertake the defence of his Kingdom against Antiochus, who invaded it; or else that they would not take it uncourteously, that he quit the War with Philip, and returned home, to look unto that which more concerned him. Their answer was remarkable. They said, That it was not their manner to use the aid of their friends, longer than their friends had good opportunity, and could also be well contented to afford it; That they could not honestly take part with Attalus, their good friend though he were, against Antiochus, whom they held in the like account; but, That they would deal with Antiochus by Ambassadors, and (as common friends unto both of the Kings) do their best to persuade an atonement between them. In such loving fashion did they now carry themselves, towards their good friend the King Antiochus: who reciprocally at their entreaty, withdrew his Army from the Kingdom of Attalus. But how little they regarded these terms of friendship, after that once they had made an end with Philip; it will very soon appear.  
T. Quintius hasting away from Rome, come betimes into his Province, with the supply decreed unto him; which consisted, for the most part, of old Soldiers, that had served in Spain and Africa. He found vilius the old Consul, (whom at his coming he presently discharged) and King Philip of Macedon, encamped one against the other, in the Straitss of Epirus; by the River of Apsus or Aous. It was manifest, that either the Romans must fetch a compass about, and 〈◊〉 their way into Macedon, through the poor Country of the Dassaretians; or else win, by force, that passage, which the King defended. In taking the former way, they had already two years together misspent their time, and been forced to return back without profit, for want of Victuals: whereof they could neither carry with them store sufficient, nor find it on the way. But if they could once get over these Mountains, which divided the South of Epirus from Thessaly: then should they enter into a plentiful Country; and which by long dependence on the Macedonian, was become (in a manner) part of his Kingdom, whereof it made the South border. Nevertheless, the desire of winning this passage, was greater than the likelihood. For the River of Apsus, running along through that Valley which alone was open between the Mountains, made it all a deep Marish and unpassable 〈◊〉: a very narrow way excepted, and a path cut out of the main Rock by man's hand. Wherhfore Quintius assailed to climb in the Mountains: but finding himself disappointed of this hope, through the diligence of his Enemy, who neglected not the guard of them that was very easy; He was compelled to sit still, without doing any thing for the space of forty days.  
This long time of rest gave hope unto Philip, that the War might be ended by composition, upon some reasonable terms. He therefore so dealt with some of the Epirots, (among whom he had many friends) that He and the Consul had a meeting together. But nothing was effected. The Consul would have him to set all Towns of Greece at liberty; and to make amendss for the injuries, which he had done to many people in his late Wars. Philip was contented to give liberty to those whom he had subdued of late: but unto such, as had been long subject unto him and his Ancestors, He thought it against all reason, that he should relinquish his claim and dominion over them. He also said, That as far forth as it should appear that he had done wrong unto any Town or people whatsoever, He could well be pleased to make such amendss, as might seem convenient in the judgement of some free State, that had not been interessed in those quarrels. But herewithal Quintius was not satisfied. There needed (he said) no judgement or compromise; forasmuch as it was apparent, that Philip had always been the invader; and had not made war, as one provoked, in his own defence. After this altercation, when they should come to particulars: and when the Consul was required to name those Towns, that he would have to be set at liberty; the first that he named were the Thessalians. These had been Subjects (though conditional) unto the Macedonian Kings, ever since the days of Alexander the Great, and of Philip his Father. Wherhfore, as soon as 〈◊〉 had named the Thessalians; the King in a rage demanded, what sharper Condition He would have laid upon him, had he been but vanquished. And herewithal abruptly he flung away; refusing to hear any more of such discourse.  
After this the Consul strove in vain two or three days together, to have prevailed against the difficulties of that passage which Philip kept. When he had well wearied himself, and could not resolve what course to take: there come to him an Herdsman, sent from Charopus a Prince of the Epirots that favoured the Romans, who having long kept beasts in those Mountains, was thoroughly acquainted with all by-paths, and therefore undertook to guide the Romans, without any danger, to a place where they should have advantage of the Enemy. This guide, for fear of treacherous dealing, was fast bound: and, being promised great reward, in case he made good his word; had such Companies as was thought fit, appointed to follow his directions. They travailed by night (it being then about the full of the Moon) and rested in the daytime, for fear of being discovered. When they had recovered the hill-toppes, and were above the Macedonians, (though undiscovered by them, because at their backs) they raised a great smoke; whereby they gave notice of their success unto the Consul. Some skirmishes, whilst these were on their journey, T. Quintius had held with the Macedonian; thereby to avert him from thought of that which was intended. But when on the third morning he seen the smoke arise more and more plainly, and thereby knew that his men had attained unto the place wither they were sent: He pressed as near as he could unto the Enemy's Camp; and assailed them in their strength. He prevailed as little as in former times; until the shout of those that ran down the Hill, and charged Philip on the back, astonished so the Macedonians, that they betook themselves to flight. The King, upon first apprehension of the danger, made all speed away to save himself. Yet anon considering, that the difficulty of the passage must needs hinder the Somans from pursuing him: He made a stand at the end of five miles; and gathered 〈◊〉 together his broken troops, of whom he found wanting no more than two thousand men. The greatest loss was of his Camp and provisions: if not rather perhaps of his reputation; for that now the Macedonians began to stand in fear, jest being driven from a place of such advantage, they should hardly make good their party against the Enemy, upon equal ground. Neither was Philip himself much better persuaded. Wherhfore he caused the Thessalians, as many of them as in his hasty retreat he could visit, to forsake their Towns and Country; carrying away with them as much as they were able, and spoiling all the 〈◊〉. But all of them could not be persuaded, thus to abandon (for the pleasure of their King) their ancient habitations, and all the substance which they had 〈◊〉. Some there were that forcibly resisted him; which they might the better do, for that he could not stay to 〈◊〉 any great compulsion. He also himself took it very grievously, that he was driven to make such waste of a most pleasant and fruitful Country, which had ever been well affected unto him: so that a little hindrance did serve, to make him break off his purpose; and withdraw himself home into his Kingdom of Macedon.  
The Aetolians and Athamanians, when this fell out, were even in a readiness to invade Thessaly; whereinto the ways lay more open, out of their several Countries. When therefore they heard for certainty, that Philip was beaten by the Romans: they foreslowed not the occasion; but made all speed, each of them to lay hold upon what they might. T. Quintius followed them within a little while: but they had gotten so much before his coming, that He, in gleaning after their harvest, could not find enough to maintain his Army. Thus were the poor 〈◊〉, of whose liberty the Romans a few days since had made show to be very desirous, wasted by the same Romans and their Confederates; not knowing which way to turn themselves, or whom to avoid. T. Quintius won 〈◊〉 by assault: Metropolis and Piera yielded unto him. Rhage he besieged: and having made a fair breach, yet was unable to force it; so 〈◊〉 it was defended both by the Inhabitants, and by a Macedonian Garrison therein. Philip also at the same time, having somewhat recollected his spirits, hovered about Tempe with his Army; thrusting men into all places, that were like to be distressed. So the Consul, having well-near spent his victuals, and seeing no hope to prevail at Rhage; broke up his siege, and departed out of Thessaly. He had appointed his ships of burden to meet him at Anticyra, an Haven town of Phocis, on the Gulf of Corinth: which Country being friend to the Macedonian, he presently invaded; not so much for hatred unto the people, as because it lay conveniently seated between Thessaly and other Regions, wherein he had business, or was shortly like to have. Many Towns in Phocis he won by assault: many were yielded up unto him for fear; and within short space he had (in effect) mastered it all.  
In the mean time L. Quintius the Consul's brother, being then Admiral for the Romans in this war, joined with King Attalus and the Rhodian Fleet. They won two Cities in Euboea; and afterward laid siege unto Cenchree, an Haven and arsenal of the Corinthians on their Eastern Sea. This enterprise did somewhat help forward the Achaeans, in their desire to leave the part of Philip: since it might come to pass, that Corinth itself, ere long time were spent; and that Cenchree, with other places appertaining to Corinth, now very shortly should be rendered unto their Nation, by favour of the Romans.  
But there were other Motives, inducing the Achaeans to prefer the friendship of the Romans, before the patronage of Philip; whereto they had been long accustomed. For this King had so many ways offended them in time of peace, that they thought it the best course to rid their hands of him, whilst being entangled in a dangerous war, he wanted means to hinder the execution of 〈◊〉 counsel, as they should hold the safest. His tyrannous practices to make himself their absolute Lord: His poisoning of Aratus their old Governor: His false dealing with the Messenians, Epirots, atd other people their Confederates, and his own dependents: together with many particular outrages by him committed; had caused them long since to hold him as a necessary evil, even whilst they were unable to be without his assistance. But since by the virtue of Philopoemen, they were grown somewhat confident in their own strength, so as without the Macedonians help they could as well subsist, as having him to friend: then did they only think how evil he was; and thereupon rejoice the more, in that he was become no longer necessary. It angered him to perceive how they stood affected: and therefore he sent murderers, to take away the life of 
* Plut. in vita 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. l. 29.  Philopoemen. But failing in this enterprise, and being detected, he did thereby only set fire to the Wood, which was thoroughly dry before, and prepared to burn. Philopoemen wrought so with the Achaeans, that no discourse was more familiar with them, than what great cause they had to withdraw themselves from the Macedonian. 〈◊〉, a principal man among them, and lately their Praetor, was expelled by them, for showing himself passionate in the cause of Philip; and Aristaenus chosen Praetor, who laboured to join them in society with the Romans.  
These news were very welcome to T. Quintius. Ambassadors were sent from the Romans, and their Confederates, King Attalus, the Rhodians, and Athenians, to treat with the Achaeans; making promise, that they should have Corinth restored unto them, if they would forsake the Macedonian. A Parliament of the Achaeans was held at Sition, to deliberate and resolve in this weighty case. Therein the Romans and their adherents desired the Achaeans, to join with them in making war upon Philip. Contrariwise, the Ambassadors of Philip, whom he had also sent for this business, admonishing the Achaeans of their Alliance with the King, and of their faith due unto him; requested them, that they would be contented to remain as Neuters. This moderate request of Philip's Ambassador, did no way advance his Master's cause. Rather it gave the Achaeans to understand, That he, who could be satisfied with so little at their hands, knew himself unable to gratify them in any reciprocal demand. Yet were there many in that great Council; who remembering the benefits of Philip and Antigonus, laboured earnestly for the preservation of the ancient League. But in fine, the sense of late injuries, and expectation of like or worse from him in the future; prevailed against the memory of those old good turns, which he, (and Antigonus before him) had partly sold unto them, and partly had used as baits, whereby to allure them into absolute subjection. Neither was it perhaps of the lest importance; That the Romans were strong, and likely to prevail in the end. So after much altercation the Decree passed, That they should thenceforward renounce the Macedonian, and take part with his enemies in this war. With Attalus and the Rhodians, they forthwith entered into society: with the Romans (because no League would be of force, until the Senate and People had approved it) they forbore to decree any society at the present, until the return of those Ambassadors from Rome, which they determined to sand thither of purpose. The Megalopolitans, Dymaeans, and Argives, having done their best for the Macedonian, as by many respects they were bound; rose up out of the Council, and departed before the passing of the Decree, which they could not resist, nor yet with honesty thereto give assent. For this their good will, and greater, which they shortly manifested, the Argives had so little thank; that all the rest of the Achaeans may be the better held excused, for escaping how they might, out of the hands of so fell a Prince.  
Soon after this, upon a solemn day at Argos, the affection of the Citizens discovered itself so plainly, in the behalf of Philip, that they which were his Partisans within the Town, made no doubt of putting the City into his hands, if they might have any small assistance. Philocles, a Lieutenant of the Kings, lay then in Corinth, which he had manfully defended against the Romans and Attalus. Him the Conspirators drew to Argos; wither coming on a sudden, and finding the Multitude ready to join with him, He easily compelled the Achaean Garrison to quit the place.  
This getting of Argos, together with the good defence of Corinth and some other Towns, as it helped Philip a little in his reputation, so they gave him hope to obtain some good end by Treaty, whilst as yet with his honour he might seek it: and when (the Winter being now come on) a new Consul would shortly be chosen; who should take the work out of Titus his hands, if it were not concluded the sooner. Titus had the like respect unto himself; and therefore thought it best, since more could not be done, to praedispose things unto a Conclusion, for his own reputation. The meeting was appointed to be held on the Seashore, in the Bay then called the Malian, or Lamian Bay, now (as is supposed) the Gulf of Ziton, in the Aegaean Sea, or Archipelago. Thither come Titus, with Aminander the Athamanian; an Ambassador of Attalus, the Admiral of Rhodes; and some Agents for the Aetolians and Achaeans. Philip had with him some few of his own Captains, and Cycliadas, lately banished for his sake out of Achaia. He refused to come on shore: though fearing (as he said) noon but the immortal Gods: yet misdoubting some treachery in the Aetolians. The demands of Titus in behalf of the Romans were, That he should set all Cities of Greece at liberty; deliver up to the Romans and their Confederates, all prisoners which he had of theirs, and Renegadoes; likewise whatsoever he held of theirs in Illyria; and whatsoever about Greece or Asia he had gotten from Ptolemie then King of Egypt, after his father's death. Attalus demanded restitution to be made entire, of Ships, Towns, and Temples, by him taken and 〈◊〉 in the late war between them. The Rhodians would have again the Country of Peraea, lying over against their Island; as also that he should withdraw his Garrisons, out of divers Towns about the Hellespont, and other Havens of their friends. The Achaeans desired restitution of Argos and Corinth: about the one of which they might, not unjustly, quarrel with him; the other had been long his own by their consent. The Aetolians took upon them angrily, as Patrons of Greece: willing him to departed out of it, even out of the whole Country, leaving it free; and withal to deliver up unto them, whatsoever he held that had at any time been theirs. Neither were they herewithal content: but insolently declaimed against him, for that which he had lately done in Thessaly; corrupting (as they said) the rewards of the Victors, by destroying, when he was vanquished, those Towns which else they might have gotten. To answer these malapert Aetolians, Philip commanded his Galley to row nearer the shore. But they began to 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉: telling him, that he must obey his betters; unless he were able to defend himself by force of Arms. He answered them, (as he was much given to gibing) with sundry scoffs; and especially with one, which made the Roman Consul understand, what manner of companions these Aetolians were. For he said, That he had often dealt with them; as likewise the best of the Greeks'; desiring them to abrogate a wicked Law, which permitted them to take spoil from spoil: yet could he get no better an answer, than 
Excerpt. 〈◊〉 Polyb. li. 17.  that they would sooner take Aetolia out of Aetolia. Titus wondered what might be the meaning of this strange Law. So the King told him, That they held it a laudable custom, as often as war happened between their friends, to hold up the quarrel by sending voluntaries to serve on both sides, that should spoil both the one and the other. As for the liberty of Greece, He said it was strange that the Aetolians should be so careful thereof, since divers Tribes of their own, which he there named, were indeed no Grecians: werefore he would feign know, whither the Romans would give him leave to make slaves of those Aetolians, which were no Greeks'. Titus hereat smiled, and was no whit offended, to hear the Aetolians well rattled up; touching whom he began to understand, how odious they were in all the Country. As for that general demand of setting all Greece at liberty, Philip acknowledged, that it might well beseem the greatness of the Romans; though he would also consider, what might beseem his own dignity. But that the Aetolians, Rhodians, and other petty Estates, should thus presume, under countenance of the Romans, to take upon them, as if by their great might he should be hereunto compelled: it was, he said, a strange and ridiculous insolence. The Achaeans he charged with much ingratitude; reciting against them some Decrees of their own; wherein they had loaden both Antigonus and him, with more than human honours. Nevertheless he said, that he would tender Argos unto them: but, as touching Corinth, that he would further deliberate with Titus himself. Thus he addressed himself wholly to the Roman General; unto whom if he could give satisfaction, he cared little for all the rest. With Attalus and the Rhodians, his late war, (he said) was only defensive; they having been the offerers: or if he gave them any occasion, it was only in helping Prusias, his son-in-law; neither did he see why they should rather seek amendss at 〈◊〉 hands, than he at theirs. For whereas they complained, that, spoiling a Temple of Venus, he had cut down the 〈◊〉, and plcasant walks thereabouts: what could he do more, than sand Gardiners thither with young plants; if one King of another would stand to 〈◊〉 such recompense? Thus he jested the matter out: but offered neverthclesse, in honour of the Romans, to give back the Region of Peraea to the 〈◊〉; as likewise to Attalus, the Ships and Prisoners of his, whereof he had then possession. Thus ended that days conference, because it was late: Philip requiring a night's leisure to think upon the Articles, which were many, and he ill provided of Counsel, wherewith to advise about them. For your being so ill provided of Counsel, said TITUS, you may even thank yourself; as having murdered all your friends, that were wont to advise you faithfully. The next day Philip come not, until it was late at night; excusing his long stay by the weightiness of the things propounded, whereon he could not suddenly tell how to resolve. But it was believed, that he thereby sought to abridge the Aetolians of lcisure 〈◊〉 rail at him. And this was the more likely, for that he desired conference in private with the Roman General. The sum of his discourse, as Titus afterward related it, was, That he would give the Achaeans both Argos and Corinth; as also that he would tender unto Attalus and the Rhodians, what he had promised the day before; likewise to the Aetolians, that he would grant some part of their demands; and to the Romans, whatsoever they did challenge. This when Titus his associates heard, they exclaimed against it, saying, That if the King were suffered to retain any thing in Greece, he would shortly get possession of all which he now rendered up. The noise that they made come to Philip's ear: who thercupon desired a third day of meeting; and protested, that if he could not persuade them, he would suffer himself to be persuaded by them. So the third day they met early in the morning: at what time the King 〈◊〉 them all, that they would with sincere affection hearken unto good offers of peace; and immediately conclude it, if they could like well of those Conditions, which he had already tendered; or otherwise, that they would make truce with him for the present, and let him sand Ambassadors to Rome, where he would refer himself to the courtesy of the Senate.  
This was even as Quintius would have it: who stood in doubt, jest a new Consul might happen to defraud him of the honour, which he expected byending of the war. So he easily prevailed with the rest, to assent hereunto: forasmuch as it was Winter, a time unfit for service in the war; and since, without authority of the Senate, he should be unable to proceed resolvedly either in War or 〈◊〉. Further, he willed them to sand their several Ambassadors to Rome: which intimating unto the Senate what each of them required, should easily hinder Philip, from obtaining any thing to their prejudice. Among the rest he persuaded King Aminander, to make a journey to Rome in person: knowing well, that the name of a King, together with the confluence of so many Ambassadors, would serve to make his own actions more glorious in the City. All this tended to procure, that his own Command of the Army in Greece might be prorogued. And to the same end had he dealt with some of the Tribunes of the people at Rome: who had already (though as yet he knew not so much) obtained it for him, partly by their authority, partly by good reasons which they alleged unto the Senate.  
The Ambassadors of the Greeks, when they had audience at Rome, 〈◊〉 bitterly against the King, with good liking of the Senate; which was more desirous of victory, than of satisfaction. They magnified the honourable purpose of the Romans, in undertaking to set Greece at liberty. But this (they said) could never be effected; unless cspeciall care were taken, that the King should be dispossessed of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias. In this point they were so vehement, producing a Map of the Country, and making demonstration how those places held all the rest in 〈◊〉; that the Senate agreed to have it even so as they desired. When therefore the Ambassadors of Philip were brought in, and began to have made a long Oration; they were briefly cut off in the midst of their Preface, with this one demand: Whither their Master would yield up Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias: Hereto they made answer, That, concerning those places, the King had given them no direction or Commission what to say, or do. This was enough. The Senate would no longer hearken to Philip's desire of peace; wherein they said he did no 〈◊〉 than trifle. Yet might his Ambassadors have truly said, That neither the Aetolians, Achaeans, nor any of their fellows, had in the late Treaty required by name, that Chalcis and 〈◊〉 should be yielded up. For which of them indeed could make any Claim to either of these Towns? As for Corinth whereto the Achaeans had some right; (though their right were no better, than that, having stolen it from One Macedonian King in a night, they had, after mature deliberation, made it away by bargain unto an Other) Philip had already condescended to give it back unto them. And this perhaps would have been alleged, even against the Greeks' in excuse of the King, by some of T. Quintius his friends; that so he might have had the honour to conclude the war, 〈◊〉 a Successor had been decreed unto him. But since He was appointed to continued General: neither his friends at Rome, nor He himself, after the return of the Ambassadors into Greece, cared to give ear unto any talk of peace.  
Philip, seeing that his Achaeans had forsaken him, and joined with their common enemics; thought even to deal with them in the like manner, by reconciling himself unto Nabis, whom they hated most. There were not many years past, since the Lacedæmonians under Cleomenes, with little other help than their own strength, had been almost strong enough both for the Macedonians and Achaeans together. But now the condition of things was altered. Nabis his force consisted in a manner wholly in his Mercenaries: for he was a Tyrant; though styling himself King. Yet he sorely vexed the Achaeans: and therefore seemed unto Philip one likely to stand him in great stead, if he could be won. To this purpose it was thought meet, that the Town of Argos, which could not otherwise be easily defended, should be consigned over into his hands; in hope, that such a benefit would serve to tie him fast unto the Macedonian. Philocles the King's Lieutenant, who was appointed to deal with Nabis, added further, That it was his Master's purpose to make a strength alliance with the 〈◊〉, by giving some daughters of his own in marriage unto Nabis his sons. This could not but be well taken. Yet Nabis made some scruple in accepting the Town of Argos; unless by decree of the citizens themselves He might be called into it. Hereabout Philocles dealt with the Argives: but found them so averse; that, in open assembly of the 〈◊〉, they detested the very name of the Tyrant, with many railing words. Nabis hearing of this, thought he had thereby a good occasion to rob and fleece them. So he willed Philocles, without more ado, to make over the Town which he was 〈◊〉 to receive. Philocles accordingly did let him with his Army into it by night; and gave him possession of the strongest places therein. Thus dealt Philip with the Argives: who for very love had forsaken the Achaeans, to take his part. Early in the morning, the Tyrant made himself Master of all the Gates. A 〈◊〉 of the principal men, understanding how things went, fled out of the City at the first tumult. Wherhfore they were all banished, and thcir goods confiscated. The rest of the chief Citizens that stayed behind, were commanded to bring forth, out of hand, all their Gold and Silver. Also a great imposition of money was laid upon all those, that were thought able to pay it. Such as made their contribution readily, were dismissed without more ado. But if any stood long upon the matter: or played the thieves, in purloining their own goods; they were put to the whip, and, besides loss of their wealth, had their torments to boot. This donc, the Tyrant began to make popular Laws; namely such, as might serve to make him gracious with the rascal multitude: abrogating all debts, and dividing the Lands of the rich among the poor. By such art of oppressing the great ones, it hath been an old custom of Tyrants, to assure themselves of the Vulgar for a time.  
As soon as Nabis had gotten Argos, He sent the news to T. Quintius; and offered to join with him against Philip. Titus was glad of it: so as he took the pains to cross over the Straitss into Peloponnesus, there to meet with Nabis. They had soon agreed (though King Attalus, who was present with the Consul, made some cavil touching Argos) and the Tyrant lent unto the Romans six hundred of his Mercenaries of Crete: as also hce agreed with the Achaeans, upon a Truce for four months, reserving the final conclusion of peace between them until the War of Philip should be ended; which after this continued not long.   

§. XIIII. The battcile at Cynoscephalae, wherein PHILIP was vanquished by T. QVINTIUS.  
TITUS QVINTIUS, as soon as he understood that he was appointed to have Command of the Army, without any other limitation of time, than during the pleasure of the Senate; made all things ready for diligent pursuit of the War. The like did Philip: who having failed in his negotiation of peace, and no less failed in his hopes of getting Nabis to friend in that War; meant afterwards wholly to rely upon himself.  
Titus had in his Army about six and twenty thousand: and Philip a proportionable 
Plut. in vita T. Q. 〈◊〉.  number. But neither of them knew the others strength, or what his Enemy intended to do. Only Titus heard that Philip was in Thessaly; and thereupon addressed himself to seek him out. They had like to have met unawares, near unto the City of Pherae: where the vant-courriers on both sides discovered each other; and sent word thereof unto their several Captains. But neither of them were overhasty, to commit all to hazard upon so short warning. The day following each of them sent out three hundred Horse, with as many light armed Foot, to make a better discovery. These met, and fought a long while: returning finally back into their several Camps, with little advantage unto either side. The Country about Pherae was thick set with Trees: and otherwise full of Gardens and mud-walles; which made it unproper for service of the Macedonian Phalanx. Wherhfore the King dislodged, intending to 〈◊〉 back unto Scotusa in the Frontier of Macedon; where he might be plentifully screwed with all necessaries. Titus conceived aright his meaning: and therefore purposed also to march thitherwards; were it only to waste the Country. There lay between them a great ledge of hills, which hindered the one from knowing what course the other took. Nevertheless they encamped not far asunder, both the first and the second night; though neither of them understood what was become of the other. The third day was very tempestuous; and forced each of them to take up his lodging, where he found it, by chance. Than sent they forth discoverers again, in greater number than before. These meeting together, held a long fight, wherein at first the Macedonians had the worse. But Philip anon sent in such strong supply; that if the resistance of the Aetolians had not been desperate, the Romans their fellows had been driven back into their Campe. Yet, all resistance notwithstanding, the Macedonians prevailed: so that Titus himself was 〈◊〉 to bring forth his Legions, that were not a little discouraged, by the defeat of all their Horse, to animate those which were in flight.  
It was altogether besides the King's purpose, to put the fortune of a battle in trust that day, with so much of his estate as might thereon depend. But the news come to him thick and tumultuously, how the enemies fled, and how the day was his own; if he could use an occasion, the like whereof he should not often found. This caused him to altar his purpose: insomuch as he embattled his men; and 〈◊〉 up those hills, which, for that the knops thereon had some resemblance unto Dogs heads, were called, by a word signifying as much, 〈◊〉. As soon as he was on the hil-top; it did him good to see that they of his own light armature were busy in fight, almost at the very Camp of the Enemies; whom they had repelled so far. He had also liberty to choose his ground, as might seruc best his advantage: forasmuch as the Romans were quite driven from all parts of the Hill. But of this commodity he could make no great use: the roughness of the place among those Dog's heads, as they were called, serving nothing aptly for his Phalanx. Nevertheless he found convenientroome, wherein to marshal the one part of his Army: and gave order unto his Captains, to follow with the rest; embattailing them as they might. Whilst he was doing this: He perceived that his Horsemen and light armature began to shrink; as being fallen upon the Roman Legions, by force whereof they were driven to recoil. He sets forward to help them: and they no less hastily draw unto him for secure; having the Romans not far behind them.  
As the Legions began to climb the Hill; Philip commanded those of his Phalanx to charge their pikes, and entertain them. Hear Titus found an extreme difficult piece of work. For this Phalanx, being a great square battle of armed pikes, like in all points to those which are now used in our modern Wars: and being in like manner used, as are ours; was not to be resisted by the Roman Targeteers, as long as the Phalanx itself held together undissolued. The Macedonians were embattled in very close order: so that two of them stood opposite to one of the Romans; as also the pikes of the first rank, had their points advanced two or three foot before their foreman. Wherhfore it is no 〈◊〉, if the Romans gave back: every one of them 〈◊〉 troubled (as it were) with ten enemies at once; and not able to come nearer unto the next of them, than the length of a dozen foot or thereabouts. Titus finding this, and not knowing how to remedy it; was greatly troubled: for that still the Phalanx bore down all which come in the way. But in the mean while he observed, That they which were appointed by Philip to make his left wing, were not able through the much unevenness of the ground, to put themselves in order: so as either they kept their places on the Hil-tops; or else (which was worse) upon desire either of beholding the pastime, or of seeming to be partakers in the work, ran foolishly along by the side of their fellows, which were occupied in fight.  
Of this their disorder He made great and present use. He caused the right wing of his Battle to march up the hill, against these ill ordered troops: his Elephants leading the way, to increase the terror. The Macedonians were readier to dispute what should be done in such a case, than well advised what to do; as having no one man appointed, to command that part in chief. Indeed if they should have done their best, it could not have served; since the ground whereon they stood, made 〈◊〉 weapons unuseful. For let it be supposed, that Philip having six and twenty thousand in his Army (as he is said to have been equal to the Enemy in number) had four thousand Horse, four thousand Targeteers, and four thousand light-armed: so shall there remain fourteen thousand Pikes; whereof he himself had embattled the one half in a Phalanx; the other half in the leftwing, are they whom Quintius is ready now to charge. The Phalanx having usually sixteen in File, must, when it consisted of seven thousand, have well-near four hundred and forty in rank: but four hundred would serve, to make a Front long enough; the other forty or seven and thirty Files might be cut off, and reckoned in the number of the Targeteers, or light-armed. Allowing 
Excerpt. è 〈◊〉. Lib. 17.  therefore, as Polybius doth, to every man of them three foot of ground: this Front must have occupied twelve hundred Foot, or two hundred and forty paces; that is, very near a quarter of a mile in length. Such a space of open Champain, free from encumbrance of Trees, Ditches, Hillocks, or the like impediments, that must of necessity disjoin this close battle of the Phalanx; was not every where to be found. Here at Cynoscephalae Philip had so much room, as would only suffice for the one half of his men: the rest were feign to stand still and look about them; being hindered from putting themselves in order, by the roughness of the dogs heads. But the Romans, to whom all grounds were much alike, were not hindered from coming up unto them; nor found any difficulty in mastering those enemies, whose 〈◊〉 were in a manner bound by the discommodity of the place. The very first impression of the Elephants, caused them to give back; and the coming on of the Legions, to betake themselves unto flight. A Roman Tribune or Colonel, seeing the victory on that part assured, left the 〈◊〉 of it unto others: and being followed by twenty Ensigns or Maniples, that is, (as they might fall out) by some two thousand men, took in hand a notable piece of work; and mainly helpful to making of the Victory complete. He considered that Philip, in pursuing the right wing of the Romans, was run on so far; as that himself with his fellows, in mounting the Hill to charge the left wing of the Macedonians, was already gotten above the King's head. Wherhfore he turned to the left hand: and making down the Hill after the King's Phalanx, fell upon it in the Rear. The hindmost ranks of the Phalanx, all of them indeed save the first five, were accustomed, when the battles come to joining, to carry their Pikes upright; and with the whole weight of their bodies to thrust on their foremen: and so were they doing at the present. This was another great inconvenience in the Macedonian Phalanx, That it served neither for offence nor defence, except only in Front. For though it were so, that Alexander, when he was to fight with Darius in 〈◊〉, arranged his Phalanx in such order, that all the four sides of it were as so many Fronts looking sundry ways, because he expected that he should be 〈◊〉 round: yet it is to be understood, that herein he altered the usual form; as also at the same time he embattled his men in lose order, that so with ease they might turn their weapons, which way need should require. Likewise it is to be considered, That Alexander's men being thus disposed, were fit only to keep their own ground; not being able to follow upon the Enemy, unless their hindmost ranks could have marched backwards. But in this present case of Philip, there was no such provision for resistance. Therefore his men, being otherwise unable to help themselves, threw down their weapons, and fled. The King himself had thought until now, that the fortune of the battle was every where alike; and the day his own. But hearing the noise behind him, and turning a little aside with a troop of Horse, to see how all went: when he beheld his men casting down their weapons, and the Romans at his back on the higher ground; He presently betook himself to flight. Neither stayed he afterwards in any place (except only a small while about Tempe, there to collect such as were dispersed in this overthrow) until he was gotten into his own Kingdom of Macedon.  
There died of the Roman Army in this battle, about seven hundred: of the Macedonians about eight thousand were slain; and five thousand 〈◊〉 Prisoners.   

§. XU T. QVINTIUS falleth out with the Aetolians; and grants 〈◊〉 unto PHILIP, with conditions, upon which the peace is ratified. Liberty proclaimed unto the Greeks. The 〈◊〉 quarrel with ANTIOCHUS.  
THe Aetolians wonderfully vaunted themselves; and desired to have it noised through all Greece, That the victory at Cynoscephalae was gotten (in a manner) wholly by their valour. They had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most of the booty; by sacking the Macedonian Camp, whilst the Romans were busied in the chase. Titus therefore being offended both at their vain glory, and at their ravenous condition; 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 them better manners, by regarding them as slightly, as they thought highly of themselves. He also well perceived, That by using them with any extraordinary favour, he should greatly offend the rest of his Confederates in 〈◊〉; who 〈◊〉 the Aetolians much more vehemently, than ever they had done the Macedonians. But this displeasure broke not forth yet awhile.  
After the battle Titus made haste unto Larissa, a City of Thessaly: which he presently took. Before his coming, Philip had sent thither one of his Courtiers to burn all his letters, and passages whatsoever in writing, betwixt him and others: of which many were there kept. It was well done of the King, that among the cares of so much adversity, he forgot not to provide for the safety of his friends. Yet by his thus doing, they of Larissa might well perceive, that he gave them as already lost. Wherhfore we 〈◊〉 not that they, or any of their neighbours, did make delay of opening their gates to Titus. At the same time, the Town of Leucas bordering upon Acarnania, was taken by the Roman Fleet: and very soon after, all the Acarnanians, a warlike Nation, and in hatred of the Aetolians ever true to Philip; gave up themselves unto the Romans, hearing of the victory at 〈◊〉. The Rhodians also were then in hand with the conquest of Peraea, a Region of the Continent over against their Island; whereof they had demanded restitution, in the late Treaty of peace with Philip. They did herein more manly, than any other of the Greeks': forasmuch as they awaited not the good leisure of the 〈◊〉; but with an Army of their own, and some help which they borrowed of the Achaeans and other their friends, gave battle to Dinocrates the King's Lieutenant, wherein they had the victory, and consequently recovered the whole Province. It angered Philip worse than all this, that the 〈◊〉 gathered courage out of his affliction, to invade his Kingdom; wasting and spoiling, as if all had been abandoned to their discretion. This made him gather an Army in all haste, of six thousand foot and five hundred horse: wherewith coming upon them, he drove them, with little or no loss of his own, and great slaughter of theirs, 〈◊〉 out of the Kingdom. Which done, He returned to Thessalonica.  
In this one enterprise He had success answerable to his desire: but seeing what 〈◊〉 fortune accompanied his affairs, in all other parts at the same time, he thought it wisdom to yield unto necessity; and therefore sent in all haste 〈◊〉 and Demosthenes, with 〈◊〉 the banished Achaean, in whom he reposed much confidence, Ambassadors unto Titus. These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a long while in private, with Titus and some of his Roman Colonels: by whom they were gently entertained, and in very friendly wise dismissed. It seems that they had Commission, to refer all unto Titus his own discretion; as Philip himself in few days after did. There was granted unto them a Truce for 〈◊〉 days: in which time, the King himself might come and speak with the Roman General. In the mean season many suspicious rumours went of Titus; as if he had been corrupted with great rewards from the King, to betray the Greeks' his Confederates. Of these bruits the Aetolians were chief authors: who being wont to regard neither friendship nor honesty, where profit led them a wrong way, judged alike of all men else. But against the day appointed for the meeting betwixt him and Philip, Titus had sent letters unto his Asfociates; willing them to have their Agents ready by a time appointed, at the entrance of Tempe, where the Treaty should be held. There when they were all assembled, they entered into consultation before the King's arrival, what should be most expedient for the common benefit of them all, and for every Estate in particular. The poor King Aminander be sought them all, and especially the Romans, that they would think upon him; and considering his weakness which he confessed, make such provision, that after the Romans had turned their backs, and 〈◊〉 go home, Philip might not wreak his anger upon him who was not able to resist. Than spoke Alexander one of the Aetolians: who commending Titus for so much as he had thus assembled the Confederates to advise upon their own good, and had willed them to deliver their minds freely: added, That in the main of the purpose which he had in hand, he was utterly deceived: for that by making peace with Philip, he could neither assure the Romans of their quiet, nor the Greeks of their liberty. There was, he said, noon other end to be made of the war, which could agreed either with the purpose of the Senate and People of Rome, or with the fair promises made by Titus himself unto the Greeks, than the chasing of Philip quite out of his Kingdom. And to this effect he made a long discourse. But Titus answered, That this Aetolian was ill acquainted, either with the good pleasure of the Senate and People of Rome, or with the laudable customs which they generally held: for that it was not the manner of the Romans, to seek the utter destruction of any King or Nation, at such time as they first made war with them; until by some rebellion they found it a matter of necessity, to take such a rigorous course. And hereof he alleged the Carthaginians as a notable example: adding, That victory, to generous minds, was only an inducement unto moderation. As concerning the public benefit of Greece: it was (he said) expedient, that the Kingdom of Macedon should be greatly weakened and brought low; not that it should be utterly destroyed: forasmuch as it served as a bar, to the Thracians, Gauls, and a multitude of other savage Nations, which would soon overflow the whole Continent of Greece, if this kingdom were not interposed. Wherhfore he concluded, that if Philip would yield unto those demands, wherewith he had pressed him in the former Treaty; then was there no reason to deny him peace. As for the Aetolians: if they thought otherwise, it should be at their own pleasure, to take counsel apart for themselves as they thought good. Than began Phaneas, another of the Aetolians, to say, That all was come to nothing; for that ere long, Philip would trouble all the Greeks', no less than he had done in time before. But Titus interrupted him, and bade him leave his babbling; saying, That himself would take such order, as that Philip, were he never so desirous, should thenceforth not have it in his power to molest the Greeks'.  
The next day King Philip come thither: whom Titus used friendly: and suffering him to repose himself that night, held a Council the day following; wherein the King yielded unto all that had been required at his hands; offering yet further to stand to the good pleasure of the Senate, if they would have more added to the Conditions. 〈◊〉 the Aetolian, insulting over him, said it was to be hoped, that he would then at length give up to the Aetolians a many of towns (which he there named) bidding him speak, whither he would, or not. His answer was, that they might take them all. But Titus interposing himself, said it should be otherwise; These were Thessalian Towns, and should all be free: one of them only excepted, which not long ago had refused to commit itself to the faith of the Romans, and therefore should now be given to the Aetolians. hereat Phaneas cried out that it was too great an injury, thus to defraud them of the Towns that had sometime belonged unto their Commonweal. Rather he willed Titus to consider, that by an 〈◊〉 Covenant between them and the Romans, all the Towns taken aught to be their own, and the Romans to have nothing save the pillage and captives. It is 〈◊〉, that there had been such a Condition in the former war: but it ceased to be of any validity, as soon as the Aetolians made peace with Philip. And thus much Titus gave them to understand; ask them whither they thought it reasonable, that all the Towns in Greece, which had let in the Romans by composition, should be delivered into subjection of the Aetolians. The rest of the Confederates were very much delighted, with these angry passages between the Roman and the Aetolians: neither had they great reason to fear any hard measure; since Titus was so earnest in behalf of those Thessalians, to give them liberty, though they had stood out against him, even till very fear made them open their gates. Wherhfore they opposed not themselves; but gave their consent willingly unto a Truce for four Months.  
The chief cause that moved Titus to grant peace so readily to the Macedonian, besides that laudable custom by him before alleged; was, the same of Antiochus his coming with an Army from Syria, and drawing near toward Europe. He had also perhaps yet a greater motive; even the consideration that his successor might happen to defraud him of the honour, if the war should happen to be protracted. And he was in the right: For when his letters, together with Ambassadors from the Macedonian, and sundry States of Greece, come unto Rome, new Consuls were chosen: who, (especially the one of them) stood very earnestly against the peace; alleging frivolous matter of their own suspicion, in hope to get the honour of concluding the war. The Senate began to be doubtfully affected, between the Ambassadors of Philip, offering to stand to whatsoever was demanded, and the letters of Titus pressing them to accept this offer, on the one side; and the importunity of the Consul on the other; who said, that all these goodly shows were fraudulent, and that the King would rebel, as soon as the Army was called out of Greece. But the matter was taken out of the Senators hands by two of the Tribunes, that referred it to an Assembly of the People; by whose sovereign authority it was concluded, That Peace should be granted unto the King. So ten Ambassadors were sent from Rome over into Greece: in which number were they, that had been Consuls before Titus; and it was ordained by their advice, That Titus should go through with the business of Peace. These would very feign have retained those three important Cities of Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias, until the state of Greece were somewhat better settled. But finally Titus prevailed so, that Corinth was (though not immediately) rendered unto the Achaeans; and all the other Greek Towns which Philip held, as well in Asia as in Greece, restored unto liberty.  
The Conditions of the Peace granted unto Philip, were, That before the celebration of the next 
* è Polyb. excerpt. Legat. 9  Isthmian Games, He should withdraw his Garrisons out of all the Greek Towns which he held, and consign them oner to the Romans: That he should deliver up unto them all Captives that he had of theirs, and all Renegadoes: Likewise all his ships of war, reserving to himself only five of the lesser sort, and one of extraordinary greatness, wherein sixteen 〈◊〉 laboured at every oar: Further, that he would pay a thousand talents, the one half in hand, the other in ten years next following, by even portions. Hereto 
* 〈◊〉. l. 33.  Livy adds, That he was forbidden to make war out of Macedon, without permission of the Senate. But I find not that he observed this Article, or was at any time charged with the breach of it. Four hundred talents he had already delivered unto Titus, together with his younger son Demetrius, to remain as hostage for his true dealing in this matter of peace, at such time as he lately sent his Ambassadors to Rome: when it was promised, that the money, and his son, should be restored back unto him, if the Senate were not pleased with the agreement. Whither this money were reckoned as part of the thousand talents, I cannot find: and it seemeth otherwise, forasmuch as young Demetrius, who together with those four hundred Talents was given for hostage, remained still in custody of the Romans, as a part of the bargain which Titus formerly had made. Letters also were then sent by Titus unto Prusias King of Bythinia: giving him to understand what agreement was made with Philip in behalf of the Greeks'; and how the Senate held it reasonable, that the Ciani, most miserably spoiled and oppressed by Philip to gratify this Bithynian his son-in-law, should be restored to 〈◊〉, and permitted to enjoy the same benefit of the Romans, which other of their Nation did. What effect these letters wrought it was not greatly material; since the Romans were shortly busied with 〈◊〉, in such wise that they had not leisure to examine the conformity of Prusias to their william.  
All Greece rejoiced at the good bargain which Titus had made with Philip. Only the Aetolians found themselves 〈◊〉 that they were utterly neglected; which was to the rest no small part of their contentment. The Boeotians continued to favour the Macedonian; and thereby 〈◊〉 much trouble unto themselves. There were some among them well-affected to the Romans: who seeing how things were like to go, made their complaint unto Titus; saying, that they were no better than lost, for the good will which they had borne unto him; unless at this time, when he lay close by them with his Army, their Praetor which was head of the opposite Faction might be made away. Titus refused to have an hand in the execution, yet nevertheless did animate them in their purpose. So they committed the fact, and hoped to have kept themselves undiscovered. But when the murder come out, and somewhat was confessed by those that were put to torture: the hatred of the people broke out violently against the Romans; in such wise, that howsoever they durst not take arms against them, yet such of them as they found 〈◊〉 from their Camp, they murdered in all parts of the Country. This was detected within a while, and many of the dead bodies found. Hereupon Titus requires of the Boeotians, to have the murderers 〈◊〉 into his hands; and for five hundred 〈◊〉, which he had lost by them, to have paid unto him five hundred Talents. In stead of making any such amendss, they paid him with excuses; which he would not take as good satisfaction. He sends Ambassadors to the Achaeans and Athenians, informing them what had happened: and requested them not to take it amiss, though he dealt with these their friends as they had deserved. Herewithal he falls to 〈◊〉 their Country; and 〈◊〉 two such Towns of theirs, as did seem to be most culpable of the murders lately done. But the Ambassadors of the Achaeans and Athenians, (especially of the Achaeans who offered, if he needed them, to help him in this war; yet besought him rather to grant peace unto the Boeotians) prevailed so far with him; that he was pacified with thirty Talents, and the punishment of such as were known offenders.  
In like sort, though not so violently, were many States of Greece distracted: some among them rejoicing that they were free from the Macedonian; others greatly doubting, that the Roman would prove a worse neighbour. The Aetolians would have been glad of any Commotion; and therefore published rumours abroad, That it was the purpose of the Romans, to keep in their own hands all those places, wherein Philip lately had his Garrisons. Little did they, or the rest of the Greeks', conceive, that this Macedonian War served as an introduction to the War to be made in Asia against King Antiochus; where grew the 〈◊〉, that was to be reaped of this and many other victories. Wherhfore to stay the progress of bad rumours when the Isthmian games were held, which in time of peace were never without great 〈◊〉 and concourse: Titus in that great assembly of all Greece, caused proclamation to be made by sound of Trumpet to this effect, That the Senate and people of Rome, and Titus Quintius Flaminius the General, having vanquished King Philip and the Macedonians, did will to be at liberty, free from Impositions, free from Garrisons, and living at their own Laws, the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Achaeans of Phthiotis, Magnetians, Thessalians, and 〈◊〉. The suddenness of this Proclamation astonished men: so as though they applauded it with a great shout; yet presently they cried out to hear it again, as if they durst scarce credit their own ears. The Greeks were Crafts-masters in the Art of giving thanks; which they rendered now to T. Quintius with so great affection, as that they had well-near smothered him, by thronging officiously about him.  
This good will of all the Greeks', was like to be much more available unto the Romans in their war against Antio hus, than could have been the possession of a few Towns, yea or of all those Provinces which were named in their Proclamation. Upon confidence 〈◊〉, no sooner were these Isthmian games at an end, than Titus, with the Romans that were of his Council, gave audience to Hagesianax and Lysias King Antiochus his Ambassadors: whom they willed to 〈◊〉 unto their Lord, That he should do well to abstain from the free Cities in 〈◊〉, and not vex them with war: as also to restore whatsoever he had occupied, belonging to the Kings, Ptolemy or Philip. 〈◊〉 they willed him by these his Ambassadors, that he should not pass over his Army into Europe; adding, That some of them would visit him in person ere it were long, to talk with him further concerning these points. This done, they fell to accomplishing their promises unto the Greeks'; to the rest they gave what they had promised. But the Phocians and Locrians they gave unto the Aetolians; whom they thought it no wisdom to offend overmuch, being shortly to take a greater work in hand. The Achaeans of Phthiotis they annexed unto the Thessalians; all save the Town of 〈◊〉 in Phthiotis, the same which had been abandoned by T. Quintius to the Aetolians in the last Treaty with Philip. The Aetolians contended very earnestly about Pharsalus and Leucas. But they were put off with a dilatory answer, and rejected unto the Senate: for how soever somewhat the Council might favour them; 〈◊〉 was it not meet that they should have their will, as it were in despite of Titus. So the Achaeans were restored Corinth, Triphylia, and Herea. So the Corinthians were made free indeed (though the Romans yet a while kept the 〈◊〉) for that all which were partakers of the Achaean Commonwealth, enjoyed their liberty in as absolute manner, as they could desire. To Pleuratus the Illyrian were given one or two places, taken by the Romans from Philip: and upon Aminander were bestowed those Castles, which he had gotten from Philip during this War; to reign in them and the grounds which they commanded, as he did among his Athamanians. The Rhodians had been their own 〈◊〉. Attalus was dead a little before the Victory; and therefore lost his share. Yet many that were with Titus in Council, would have given the Towns of Oreum and Eretria, in the Isle of Euboea, to his son and successor King Eumenes. But finally it was concluded, that these as well as the rest of the Euboeans, should be suffered to enjoy their liberty. Oreslis, a little Province of the Kingdom of Macedon, bordering on Epirus, and lying towards the Ionian Sea, had yielded unto the Romans long ere this, and since continued true to them: for which cause it was also set at liberty, and made a free estate by itself.  
These businesses being dispatched: it remained, that all care should be used, not how to avoid the war with King Antiochus, but how to accomplish it with most ease and prosperity. Wherhfore Ambassadors were sent both to Antiochus himself, to pick matter of quarrel; and about unto others, to praedispose them unto the assisting of the Romans therein. What ground and matter of War against this King the Romans now had, or shortly after found: as also how their Ambassadors and Agents dealt and sped abroad; I refer unto another place.    

CHAP. V. The Wars of the Romans with ANTIOCHUS the great, and his adherents.  

§. I. What Kings, of the races of SELEUCUS and PTOLEMIE, reigned in Asia and Egypt before Antiochus the great.  
SELEUCUS NICATOR, the first of his race, King of Asia and Syria, died in the end of the hundred 
〈◊〉. lib. 2.  twenty and fourth Olympiad. He was treacherously slain by Ptolemie Ceraunus, at an Altar called Argos; having (as is said) been 〈◊〉 before by an Oracle, to beware of Argos, as the 〈◊〉 place of his death. But I never have read that any man's life hath been preserved, or any mischance avoided, by the predictions of such Devilish Oracles. Rather I believe, That many such predictions of the Heathen Gods, have been antedated by their Priests or by others; which devised them after the event.  
Antiochus Soter, the son and heir of this Seleucus, was dearly beloved of his Father: who surrendered up unto him his own wife Stratonica, when he understood how much the young Prince was enamoured on her. Wherhfore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had great cause to fear, that the death of Seleucus would not be unrevenged by this his Successor. But Antiochus was contented to be pacified, either with gifts, or perhaps only with fair words; containing himself within Asia, and letting 〈◊〉 enjoy that quietly, which he had purchased in Europe with the blood of 〈◊〉. It is said of this Antiochus, that although he married with the Queen 〈◊〉 in his Father's life; yet out of 〈◊〉 he forbore to embrace her, till his Father was dead. So that perhaps his incestuous love was partly, if not 〈◊〉, the cause of his not prosecuting that revenge; whereunto Nature should have urged him. Afterwards he had wars with Antigonus Gonatas, and with 〈◊〉 King of Bythinia. Also Lutarius and Lconorius, Kings or Captains of the Gauls, were set upon him by the same Nicomedes. With these he fought a great battle: wherein though otherwise the Enemies had all advantage against him; yet by the terror of his Elephants, which affrighted both their Horses and them, he won the Victory. He took in hand an enterprise against 〈◊〉 Philadelphus: but finding ill success in the beginning, he soon gave it over. To this King Antiochus Soter it was, that Berosus the 〈◊〉 dedicated his 〈◊〉 of the Kings of Assyria; the same, which hath since 
〈◊〉. lib. 2 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉.  been excellently falsified by the Friar Annius. He left behind him one son, called Antiockus Theos; and one daughter, called 〈◊〉, that was married unto the King of Cyrene. So he died about the end of the hundred twenty and ninth Olympiad, or the beginning of the 〈◊〉 following, in the fiftieth or one and 〈◊〉 year of the Kingdom of the Greeks'; when he had reigned nineteen years.  
Antiochus, surnamed Theos or the god, had this vain and impious title given unto him, by flattery of the Milesians; whom he delivered from Timarchus, a Tyrant that oppressed them. He held long and difficult, but fruitless, war with Ptolemie Philadelphus King of Egypt; which finally he compounded, by taking to wife Berenice the daughter of Ptolemie.  
Of these two Kings, and of this Lady Berenice, Saint Hierome and other Interpreters have understood that Prophecy of DANIEL: The King's daughter of the 
Dan. c. 11. v. 6.  South, shall come to the King of the North, to make an agreement; and that which follows.  
Ptolemie Philadelphus was a great lover of Peace and Learning; and (setting apart his incestuous marriage with his 〈◊〉 sister Arsinoe) a very excellent Prince: howsoever, the 〈◊〉 of all that race. It was He, that built and furnished with Books, that famous Library in Alexandria: which to adorn, and to honour the more, He sent unto 〈◊〉 then high Priest of the jews, for the Books of Moses and other Scriptures. The benefits of this King unto the jews, had formerly been very great: for He had set at liberty as many of them, as his Father held in slavery throughout all Egypt; and he had sent unto the 
* Aug. de Ciu. Dei. L. 18. c. 42.  Temple of God in Jerusalem very rich Presents. Wherhfore Eleazar 〈◊〉 to the King's desire, presented him with an Hebrew copy: which Ptolemie caused to be translated into Greek, by seventy two of the most grave and learned persons, that could be found among all the Tribes. In this number of the seventy two Interpreters, or (as they are commonly called) the Seventy; jesus the son of Sirach, is thought by Genebrard to have been one: who that he lived in this Age, it seems to me very sufficiently proved by jansenius, in his Preface unto Ecclesiasticus. The whole 〈◊〉 of this business between Philadelphus and the High Priest, was written (as 
h jos. an. l. 12. c. 2 Concerning that Book which now goes under the name of Aristaeus; many learned men, and among the rest Lodovicus 〈◊〉, hold 〈◊〉 that it is sergeant, and the invention of some later Author. Surely if it were to be suspected in the time of 〈◊〉; it may be now much more justly suspected: since a new Edition of it is come 〈◊〉, purged from 〈◊〉 (as the Papists term those books, wherein they have changed what they please) and 〈◊〉 forth by Middendorpius at Colen. An. Dom. 1578. Iust. L. 27.  〈◊〉 affirms) by Aristaeus that was employed therein. Forty years Ptolemie Philadelphus was King; reckoning the time wherein he jointly reigned with his Father. He was exceedingly beloved of his people; and highly magnified by Poets, and other Writers. Towards his end he grew more voluptuous, than he had been in his former years: in which time he boasted, that 〈◊〉 alone had found out the way how to live for ever. If this had been referred unto his honourable deeds, it might have stood with reason: otherwise, the Gout, 〈◊〉 which he was often troubled, was enough to teach him his own error. He was the first of the Kings, derived from Alexander's Successors, that entered into League with the Romans: as also his Offspring was the last among those Royal Families, which by them was rooted up.  
Antiochus Theos had another wife, called Laodice, at such time as he married with Berenice the daughter of this 〈◊〉. After his second marriage, he used his first wife with no better regard, than if she had been his Concubine. Laodice hated him for this: yet adventured not to seek revenge; until her own son Seleucus Callinicus was of ability to be King. This was two or three years after the death of Ptolemie Philadelphus: at what time she poisoned her husband Theos; and by permission of Seleucus her son, murdered Berenice, together with a son that she had borne to Antiochus. justine reports, that Berenice saved herself, together with the young Prince her child, awhile in the Sanctuary at Daphne: and that not only some Cities of Asia prepared to secure her, but her brother Ptolemie Euergetes, King of Egypt, come to rescue her with an Army; though too late, for she was slain before.  
With such cruelties Seleucus Callinicus, succeeding unto his Father that had fifteen years been King, began his Reign. His subjects were highly offended at his wicked nature; which they discovered in his first entrance. Wherhfore it was like, that his Estate would have been much endangered, if 〈◊〉 Euergetes, who come against him, had not been drawn back into his own Country, by some Commotions there in hand. For there were noon that would bear arms against Ptolemie, in defence of their own King: but rather they sided with the Egyptian; who took Laodice the King's mother, and rewarded her with death as she had well deserved. Wherhfore Seleucus, being freed from this invasion, by occasion of those domestical troubles which recalled Euergetes home into Egypt; went about a dangerous piece of work, even to make War upon his own subjects, because of their bad affection towards him; when as it had been much better, by well deserving, to have changed their hatred into love. A great Fleet he prepared: in furnishing and manning whereof he was at such charges, that he scarce left himself any other hope, if that should miscarry. Herein he embarked himself; and, putting to Sea, met with such a tempest, as devoured all save himself, and a very few of his friends that hardly escaped. This calamity, having left him nothing else in a manner than his naked body, turned nevertheless to his great good; as anon after it seemed. For when his Subjects understood, in what sort the Gods (as they conceived it) had punished him for his offences: they had commiseration of his Estate; and, presuming that he would thenceforth become a new man, offered him their service with great alacrity. This revine him, and filled him with such spirit; as thinking himself well enough able to deal with the Egyptian, he made ready a mighty Army for that purpose. But his fortune was no better at Land, than it had been at Sea. He was vanquished by 〈◊〉 in a great battle: whence he escaped hardly; not better attended, than after his late shipwreck. Hasting therefore back to Antioch, and fearing that the Enemy would soon be at his heels; He wrote unto his brother Antiochus Hierax, who lay then in Asia, praying him to bring succour with all speed; and promising, in recompense of his faith and diligence, the Dominion of a great part of Asia. Antiochus was then but fourteen years old, yet extremely ambitious; and therefore glad of such an occasion to make himself great. He levied a mighty Army of the Gauls; where with he set forwards to help his brother; or rather to get what he could for himself. Hereof Ptolemie being advertised: and having no desire to put himself in danger more than needed; took Truce with Seleucus for ten years. Not sooner was Seleucus freed from this care of the Egyptian war, but his brother Antiochus come upon him; and needs would fight with him, as knowing himself to have the better Army. So Seleucus was vanquished again; and saved himself, with so few about him, that he was verily supposed to have perished in the battle. Thus did God's justice take revenge of those murders, by which the Crown was purchased; and settled (as might have been thought) on the head of this bloody King. Antiochus was glad to hear of his brother's death; as if thereby he had purchased his hearts desire. But the Gauls, his Mercenaries, were gladder than Herald For when he led them against Eumenes King of Pergamus, in hope to get honour by making a Conquest in the beginning of his Reign: these perfidious Barbarians took counsel against him; and devised how to strip him of all that he had. They thought it very likely, that if there were noon of the Royal house to make head against them; it would be in their power, to do what should best be pleasing to themselves, in the lower Asia. Wherhfore they laid hands on Antiochus; and enforced him to ransom himself with money, as if hec had been their lawful Prisoner. Neither were they so contented; but made him enter into such Composition with them, as tended little to his honour. In the mean while 〈◊〉 had gathered a new Army; and prepared once more to try his fortune against his brother. Eumenes hearing of this, thought the season fit for himself, to make his profit of their discord. Antiochus fought with him, and was beaten: which is no great marvel; since he had great reason to stand in no less fear of the Gauls his own soldiers, than of the enemy with whom he had to deal. After this, Eumenes wan much in Asia; whilst Antiochus went against his brother. In the second battle, fought between the brethren, Seleucus had the upper hand: and Antiochus Hierax or the Hawk, (which surname was given him, because he sought his prey upon every one, without care whither he were provoked or not) soared away as far as he could, both from his brother, and from his own 〈◊〉. Having fetched a great compass through Mesopotamia and Armenia, He fell at length in Cappadocia; where his father-in-law King Artamenes took him up. He was entertained very lovingly in outward show; but with a meaning to betray him. This he soon perceived: and therefore betook him to his wings again; though he knew not well, which way to bend his flight. At length he resolved to bestow himself upon Ptolemie; his own conscience telling him, what evil he had meant unto Seleucus his brother; and therefore what little good he was reciprocally to expect at his hands. Infidelity can found no sure harbour. Ptolemie well understood the perfidious and turbulent nature of this Hierax. Wherhfore he laid him up in close prison: whence, though by means of an harlot, he got out; yet flying from his keepers, he fell into the hands of thieves, by whom he was murdered. Near about the same time died Seleucus. The Parthians and Bactrians had rebelled against him, during his wars with his brother. He therefore made a journey against Arsaces' founder of the Parthian kingdom: wherein his evil fortune, or rather God's vengeance, adhered so closely to him, that he was taken prisoner. Arsaces' dealt friendly with him, and dismissed him, having every way given him royal entertainment: but in returning home, he broke his neck by a fall from his horse, and so ended his unhappy reign of twenty years. He had to wife Laodice, the sister of 〈◊〉, one of his most trusty Captains: which was father unto that Achaeus, who making his advantage of this affinity, become shortly after (as he 〈◊〉 himself) a king; 〈◊〉 rather indeed, a great troubler of the world in those parts. By Laodice he had two sons; Seleucus the third, surnamed 〈◊〉; and Antiochus the third, called afterwards the Great.  
Seleucus Ceraunus reigned only three years: in which time he made war upon Attalus the first, that was King of Pergamus. Being weak of body through sickness, and in want of money, He could not keep his men of war in good order: and finally he was slain by treason of Nicanor, and Apaturius a 〈◊〉. His death was revenged by Achaeus, who slew the Traitors, and took charge of the Army: which he ruled very wisely, and faithfully a while; Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, being then a Child.   

§. II The beginning of the Great ANTIOCHUS his reign. Of PTOLEMIE EUERGETES, and PHILOPATOR, Kings of Egypt. War between ANTIOCHUS and PHILOPATOR. The rebellion of MOLO: an Expedition of ANTIOCHUS against him. The recontinuance of ANTIOCHUS his Egyptian war: with the passages between the two Kings: the victory of PTOLEMIE, and Peace concluded. Of ACHAEUS, and his rebellion; his greatness, and his fall. ANTIOCHUS his Expedition against the Parthians, Bactrians, and Indian's. Somewhat of the Kings reigning in India, after the death of the Great ALEXANDER.  
ANTIOCHUS was scarcely fifteen years old, when he began his reign, which lasted six and thirty years. In his Minority, He was wholly governed by one Hermias, an ambitious man, and one which maligned all virtue, that he found in any of the King's faithful servants. This wild quality in a Counsellor of such great place, how harmful it was unto his Lord, and finally unto himself; the success of things will shortly discover.  
Soon after the beginning of Antiochus his reign, Ptolemie Euergetes King of Egypt died; and left his heir Ptolemie Philopator, a young Boy likewise, as hath elsewhere been remembered. This was that Euergetes, who relieved Aratus and the Achaeans: who afterwards took part with Cleomenes; and lovingly entertained him, when he was chased out of Greece by Antigonus Gonatas. He annexed unto his Dominion the Kingdom of Cyrene; by taking to wife Berenice, the daughter of King Magas. He was the third of the Ptolemies; and the last good King of the race. The name of 〈◊〉, or the doer of good, was given him by the Egyptians; not so much for the great spoils which he brought home, after his victories in Syria; as for that he recovered some of those Images or Idols, which Cambyses, when he conquered Egypt, had carried into Persia. He was ready to have made war upon the jews, for that Onias their high Priest, out of mere covetousness of money, refused to pay unto him his yearly tribute of twenty talents: but he was pacified by the wisdom of josephus a jew, unto whom afterwards he let in farm the Tributes and Customs that belonged unto him, in those parts of Syria which he held. For Coelosyria, with Palaestina and all those parts of the Country that lay nearest unto Egypt, were held by the Egyptian; either as having fallen to the share of Ptolemie the first, at such time as the great Antigonus was vanquished and slain in the battle at Ipsus; or as being won by this Euergetes, in the troublesome and unhappy reign of Seleucus Callinicas. The victories of this Euergetes in Syria, with the contentions that lasted for many succeeding ages between the Ptolemies and the Seleucidae; were all foretold by Daniel in the Prophecy before cited, which is expounded be S. Hierome. This Ptolemie Euergetes reigned six and twenty years; and died towards the end of the hundred thirty and ninth Olympiad. It may seem by that, which we found in the Prologue unto jesus the son of Sirach his book, that he should have reigned a much longer time. For Siracides there saith, that he come into Egypt in the eight and thirtieth year, when Euergetes was King. It may therefore be, That either this King reigned long together with his father: or that those eight and thirty years, were the years of jesus his own age; if not perhaps reckoned (as the jews did otherwhiles reckon) from some notable accident that had befallen them.  
Not long after the death of Euergetes, Hermias the Counsellor, and in a manner the Protector of King Antiochus, incited his Lord unto war against the Egyptian; for the recovery of Coelosyria and the Countries adjoining. This counsel was very unseasonably given; when Molo, the King's Lieutenant in Media, was broken out into rebellion, and sought to make himself absolute Lord of that rich Country. Nevertheless Hermias, being more froward than wise, maintained stiffly, that it was most expedient, and agreeable with the King's honour, to sand forth against a rebellious Captain, other Captains that were faithful; whilst He in person made war upon one, that was like himself, a King. Not man durst gainsay the resolution of Hermias; who therefore sent Xenoetas an Achaean, with such forces as he thought expedient, against the Rebel; whilst in the mean season an Army was preparing for the King's Expedition into Coelosyria. The King having marched from Apamea to Laodicea, and so over the Deserts into the valley of Marsyas, between the Mountains of Libanus and Anti-libanus; found his way there stopped by Theodotus an Aetolian, that served under Ptolemie. So he consumed the time there awhile to noon effect: and then come news, that Xenoetas, his Captain, was destroyed with his whole Army; and Molo thereby become Lord of all the Country, as far as unto Babylon.  
Xenoetas, whilst he was yet on his journey, and drew near to the River of Tigris; received many advertisements, by such as fled over unto him from the Enemy, That the followers of Molo were, for the most part, against their wills, drawn by their Commander to bear arms against the King. This report was not altogether false; but Molo himself stood in some doubt jest his followers would leave him in time of necessity. Xenoetas therefore making show, as if 〈◊〉 had prepared to pass the River by Boats in face of his Enemy; left in the night time such as he thought meet to defend his Camp; and with all the flower of his Army went over Tigris, in a place ten miles lower than Molo his Campe. Molo heard of this, and sent forth his horse to give impediment: but hearing that Xenoetas could not so be stopped, He himself dislodged, and took his journey towards Media; leaving all his baggage behind him in his Campe. Whither he did this, as distrusting the faith of his own soldiers: or whither thereby to deceive his Enemy; the great folly of Xenoetas made his stratagem prosperous. For Xenoetas, having borne himself proudly before, upon the countenance of Hermias by whom he was advanced unto this charge; did now presume, that all should give way to his authority, without putting him to much trouble of using the sword. Wherhfore he suffered his men to feast, with the provisions which they found ready in the forsaken Camp: or rather he commanded them so do, by making Proclamation, That they should cherish up themselves against the journey, which he intended to take next day, in pursuit of the Rebels that fled. And to the same purpose he busied himself, in transporting the remainder of his Army, which he had left on the other side of Tigris. But Molo went no further that day, than he could easily return the same night. Wherhfore understanding what good rule the King's men kept: he made such haste back unto them, that he come upon them early in the morning; whilst they were yet heavy with the wine and other good cheer, that they had spent at supper. So Xenoetas and a very few about him, died fight in defence of the Camp: the rest were slaughtered, without making resistance; and many of them, ere they were perfectly awake. Likewise the Camp on the other side of Tigris, was easily taken by Molo: the Captains flying thence, to save their own lives. In the heat of this victory, the Rebel marched unto 〈◊〉, which he presently took: and, mastering within a little while the Province of Babylonia, and all the Country down to the Red-Sea, or Bay of Persia, He hasted unto Susa; where at his first coming he won the City: but failing to take the Castle that was exceeding strong, returned back to 〈◊〉, there to give order concerning this business.  
The report of these things coming to Antiochus, whilst he lay (as is said before) in the Vale of Marsyas; filled him with great sorrow, and his Camp with trouble. He took counsel what to do in this needful case; and was well advised by Epigenes the best man of war he had about him, to let alone this Enterprise of Coelosyria; and bend his forces thither, where more need required them. This counsel was put in execution with all convenient haste. Yet was Epigenes dismissed by the way, and soon after slain, by the practice of Hermias; who could not endure to hear good counsel given, contrary to his own good liking and allowance. In the journey against Molo, the name and presence of the King was more 〈◊〉, than any odds which he had of the Rebel in strength. Molo disinherited his own followers: and thought, that neither his late good success, nor any other consideration, would serve to hold them from returning to the King's obedience; if once they beheld his person. Wherhfore he thought it safest for him, to 〈◊〉 the King's Camp in the night time. But going in hand with this, He was discovered by some that fled over from him to the King. This caused him to return back to his Camp: which, by some error, took alarm at his return; and was hardly quieted, when Antiochus appeared in sight. The King was thus forward in giving battle to Molo, upon confidence which he had that many would revolt unto him. Neither was he deceived in this his belief. For not a few men, or Ensigns: but all the left wing of the Enemy, which was opposite unto the King, changed side forthwith as soon as ever they had sight of the King's person; and were ready to do him service against Molo. This was enough to have won the Victory: but Molo shortened the work, by kill himself; as did also divers of his friends, who for fear of torments prevented the Hangman with their own swords.  
After this Victory come joyful news, that the Queen Laodice, daughter of Mithridates King of Pontus, which was married unto Antiochus a while before, had brought forth a son. Fortune seemed bountiful unto the King: and therefore he purposed to make what use he could, of her friendly disposition while it lasted: Being now in the Eastern parts of his kingdom, He judged it convenient to visit his Frontiers, were it only to terrify the Barbarians, that bordered upon him. Hereunto his Counsellor Hermias gave assent: not so much respecting the King's honour; as considering what good might thereby happen to himself, For if it should come to pass, that the King were taken out of the world by any casualty: then made he no doubt of becoming Protector to the young Prince; and thereby of lengthening his own Government. Antiochus therefore went against Artabazanes, who reigned among the Atropatians'; having the greatest part of his kingdom, situate between the Caspian and the Euxine Sea. This barbarous King was very old and fearful; and therefore yielded unto whatsoever Conditions it pleased Antiochus to lay upon him. So in this journey Antiochus got honour, such as well contented him; and then returned homewards. Upon the way, a Physician of his brake with him as concerning Hermias; informing him truly, how odious he was unto the people; and how dangerous he would be shortly unto the Kings own life. Antiochus belecued this, having long suspected the same Hermias; but not daring, for fear of him, to utter his suspicions. It was therefore agreed, that he should be made away on the sudden: which was done, he being trained forth by a sleight a good way out of the Camp, and there killed without warning or disputation. The King needed not to have used so much Art, in ridding his hands of a man so much detested. For how soever he seemed gracious whilst he was alive: yet they that for fear had been most obsequious to him, whilst he was in case to do them hurt, were as ready as the foremost, to speak of him as he had deserved, when once they were secure of him: Yea, his wife and children lying then at Apamea, were stoned to death by the wives and children of the Citizens; whose indignation broke forth the more outrageously, the longer that it had been concealed.  
About these times, Achaeus (of whom we spoke before) thinking that Antiochus might happen to perish in some of those Expeditions which he took in hand; was bold to set a Diadem upon his own head, and take upon him as a King. His purpose was to have invaded Syria: but the fame of Antiochus his returning thirtherwards, made him quit the enterprise; and sludie to set some handsome colour on his former presumption. It is very strange; that Antiochus neither went against Achaeus; nor yet dissembled the notice which he had taken, of these his traitorous purposes: but wrote unto him, signifying that he knew all; and upbraiding him with such infidelity, as any offender might know to be unpardonable. By these means he emboldened the Traitor: who being already detected, might better hope to maintain his former actions by strong hand, than to excuse them, or get pardon by submission. Antiochus had at that time a 〈◊〉 desire to recover Coelosyria, or what else he could, of the Dominions of Ptolemie Philopater in those parts. He began with Seleucia, a very strong City near unto the mouth of the River Orontes; which ere long he won, partly by force, partly by corrupting with bribes the Captains that lay therein. This was that Seleucia, whereto Antigonus the great who founded it, gave the name of Antigonia: but Seleucus getting it shortly after, called it Seleucia; and Ptolemie Euergetes having lately won it, might, if it had so pleased him, have changed the name into Ptolemais. Such is the vanity of men, that hope to purchase an endless memorial unto their names, by works proceeding rather from their greatness, than from their virtue; which therefore no longer are their own, that the same greatness hath continuance. Theodotus the Aetolian, he that before had opposed himself to Antiochus, and defended Coelosyria in the behalf of Ptolemie; was now grown sorry, that he had used so much faith and diligence, in service of an unthankful and luxurious Prince. Wherhfore, as a Mercenary, 〈◊〉 began to have regard unto his own profit: which thinking to find greater, by applying himself unto him that was (questionless) the more worthy of these two Kings; He offered to deliver up unto Antiochus, the Cities of Tyrus and Ptolemais. Whilst he was devising about this treason, and had already sent messengers to King Antiochus: his practice was detected, and he besieged in Ptolemais by one of Ptolemy's Captains, that was more faithful than himself. But Antiochus hasting to his rescue, vanquished this Captain who met him on the way: and afterwards got possession, not only of Tyrus and Ptolemais, with a good fleet of the Egyptian Kings that was in those Havens: but of so many other Towns in that Country, as emboldened him to think upon making a journey into Egypt itself. Agathocles and Sosibius bore all the sway in Egypt at that time: Ptolemie himself being loathe to have his pleasures interrupted, with business of so small importance, as the safety of his Kingdom. Wherhfore these two agreed together, to make provision as hastily, and yet as secretly as might be, for the war: and nevertheless, at the same time, to press Antiochus with daily Ambassadors to some good agreement. There come in the beaten of this business, Ambassadors from Rhodes, Byzantium, and Cyzicus, as likewise from the Aetolians; according to the usual courtesy of the Greeks', desiring to take up the quarrel. These were all entertained in Memphis, by 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉: who entreated them to deal effectually with Antiochus. But whilst this Treaty lasted, great preparations were made at Alexandria for the war: wherein these two Counsellors persuaded themselves reasonably, that the victory would be their own; if they could get, for money, a sufficient number of the Greeks' to take their parts. Antiochus heard only what was done at Memphis, and how desirous the Governors of Egypt were to be at quiet: whereunto he gave the readier belief, not only for that he knew the disposition of Ptolemie, but because the Rhodians, and other Ambassadors, coming from Memphis, discoursed unto him all after one manner; as being all deceived, by the cunning of Agathocles and his fellow. Antiochus therefore having wearied himself, at the long siege of a Town called Dura, which he could not win: and being desirous to refresh himself and his Army in Seleucia, during the Winter which then come on; granted unto the Egyptian a Truce for four months, with promise that he would be ready to harken unto equal Conditions, when they should be offered. It was not his meaning to be so courteous, as he would feign have seemed, but only to 〈◊〉 his enemies asleep, 〈◊〉 he took time to refresh himself; and to bring Achaeus to some good order, whose treason daily grew more open and violent. The same negligence which he thought the Egyptian would have used, He used himself; as presuming, that when time of the year better served, little force would be needful; for that the Towns would voluntarily yield unto him, since Ptolemie provided not for their defence. Nevertheless, he gave audience to the Ambassadors, and had often conference with those that were sent out of Egypt: pleasing himself well, to dispute about the justice of his quarrel; which he purposed shortly to make good by the sword, whither it were just or no. He said, that it was agreed between 〈◊〉 his Ancestor, and Ptolemie the son of Lagi, That all Syria, if they could win it from Antigonus, should be given in possession to Seleucus: and that this bargain was afterwards ratified, by general consent of all the Confederates, after the battle at Ipsus. But Ptolemy's men would acknowledge no such bargain. They said, that Piolemie the son of Lagi, had won Coelosyria, and the Provinces adjoining for himself: as also that he had sufficiently gratified Seleucus, by lending him forces to recover his Province of Babylon, and the Countries about the River of Euphrates. Thus whilst neither of them greatly cared for peace; they were, in the end of their disputation, as far from concluding as at the beginning. Ptolemie demanded restitution; Antiochus thought, that he had not as yet gotten all that was his own: Also Ptolemie would needs have Achaeus comprehended in the League between them, as one of their Confederates; But Antiochus would not endure to hear of this, exclaiming against it as a shameful thing, that one King should offer to deal so with another, as to take his Rebel into protection, and seek to join him in Confederacy with his own Sovereign Lord. When the Truce was expired, and Antiochus prepared to take the field again: contrary to his expectation he was informed. That Ptolemie, with a very puissant Army, was coming up against him out of Egypt. Setting forward therefore to meet with the Enemy, he was encountered on the way by those Captains of Ptolemie, that had resisted him the year before. They held against him the passages of Libanus, whence nevertheless 〈◊〉 drove them: and, proceeding onward in his journey, won so many places, that he greatly increased his reputation; and thereby drew the Arabians, with divers of the bordering people, to become his followers. As the two Kings drew near together: many Captains of Ptolemie forsook his pay, and fled over to Antiochus. This notwithstanding, the Egyptian had the courage to mere his Enemy in the field. The battle was fought at Raphia: where it was not to be decided, whither the Egyptians or Asiatiques were the better Soldiers (for that the strength of both Armies consisted in Mercenaries, chief of the Greeks', Thracians, and Gauls) but whither of the Kings was the more fortunate. Ptolemie, with Arsinoe his sister and Wife, road up and down encouraging his men; the like did Antiochus on the other side: each of them rehearsing the brave deeds of their Ancestors; as not having of their own, whereby to value themselves. Antiochus had the more Elephants: as also his, being of Asia, had they been fewer would have beaten those of Africa. Wherhfore by the advantage of these beasts, He drove the enemies before him, in that part of the battle wherein he fought himself. But Ptolemie had the better men: by whose valour he broke the Gross of his Enemy's battle, and won the victory; whilst Antiochus was heedlessly following upon those, whom he had compelled to retire. Antiochus had brought into the field above seventy thousand foot, and six thousand Horse: whereof though he lost scarce ten thousand foot, and not four hundred horse; yet the fame of his overthrow took from him all those places which he had lately won. When therefore he was returned home to Antioch: He began to stand in fear, jest Ptolemie and Achaeus, setting upon him both at once, should put him in danger of his whole Estate. This caused him to sand Ambassadors unto the Egyptian to treat of peace: which was readily granted; it being much against the nature of Ptolemie, to vex himself thus with the tedious business of war. So Ptolemie, having stayed 〈◊〉 months in Syria, returned home into Egypt clad with the reputation of a Conqueror; to the great admiration of his subjects, and of all those that were acquainted with his voluptuous and slothful condition.  
Achaeus was not comprised in the League between these two Kings: or if he had been included therein; yet would not the Egyptian have taken the pains, of making a second Expedition for his sake. The best was, that he thought himself strong enough, if fortune were not too much against him, to deal with Antiochus. Neither was he confident without great reason: For besides his many victories, whereby he had gotten all that belonged unto Antiochus on this side of Taurus, He had also good success against Attalus King of Pergamus; that was an able man of war, and commanded a strong Army. Neither was he, as Molo the Rebel had been, one of mean regard otherwise, and carried beyond himself by apprehending the vantage of some opportunity: but Cousin german to the King, as hath been showed before; and now lately the King's brother-in-law, by taking to wife a younger daughter of the same Mithridates King of Pontus, which was also called Laodice, as was her sister the Queen, Antiochus his wife. These things had added 〈◊〉 unto him; and had made his followers greatly to respect him, even as one to whom a Kingdom was belonging. Neither made it a little for him, That King Ptolemie of Egypt held him in the nature of a friend: and that King Antiochus was now lately vanquished in the battle at Raphia; and had thereby lost all his get in Syria. But all these hopes and likelihoods come to nothing: For the King of Pontus, if he would meddle in that quarrel between his sonnes-in-law, had no reason to take part against the more honourable. As for the Egyptian: He was not only slothful; but hindered by a rebellion of his own subjects, from helping his friends abroad. For the people of Egypt, of whom 〈◊〉, contrary to the manner of his Progenitors, had armed a great number to serve in the late Expedition; began to entertain a good opinion of their own valour, thinking it not inferior to the Macedonian. Hereupon they refused to suffer as much as formerly they had done: since they less esteemed, than they had done, the force of the King's Mercenary Greeks'; which had hitherto kept them in strength 〈◊〉. Thus broke out a war between the King and his subjects: wherein though the ill-guided force of the Multitude was finally broken; yet King Ptolemie thereby wasted much of his strength, and much of his time, that might have been spent, as he thought, much better in reveling; or, as others thought, in succouring Achaeus. As for Antiochus, He had no sooner made his peace with the Egyptian, than he turned all his care to the preparation of war against Achaeus. To this purpose he entered into League with Attalus; that so he might distracted the forces of his Rebel, and find him work on all sides. Finally, his diligence and fortune were such, that within awhile he had penned up Achaeus into the City of Sardes; where he held him about two years besieged. The City was very strong, and well victualled: so as there appeared not, when the second year come, any greater likelihood of taking it, than in the first years siege. In the end, one Lagor as a Cretan found means how to enter the Town. The Castle itself was upon a very high Rock, and in a manner impregnable, as also the Town-wall adjoining to the Castle, in that part which was called the Saw, was in like manner situated upon steep Rocks, and hardly accessible; that hung over a deep bottom, whereinto the dead carcases of Horses, and other beasts, yea, and sometimes of men, used to be thrown. Now it was observed by Lagoras, that the Ravens and other birds of prey, which haunted that place by reason of their food which was there never wanting, used to fly up unto the top of the Rocks, and to pitch upon the walls; where they rested without any disturbance. Observing this often, he reasoned with himself, and concluded, that those parts of the Wall were left unguarded, as being thought unapproachable. Hereof he informed the King: who approved his judgement, and gave unto him the leading of such men, as he desired for the accomplishing of the enterprise. The success was agreeable to that which Lagoras had afore conceived: and, though with much labour, yet without resistance, he scaled those Rocks, and (whilst a general assault was made) entered the Town in that part; which was, at other times ungarded, then unthought upon. In the same place had the Persians', under Cyrus, gotten into Sardes; when Croesus thought himself lecure on that side. But the Citizens took not warning, by the example of a loss many ages past; and therefore out of memory. Achaeus held still the Castle: which not only seemed by nature impregnable, but was very well stored with all necessaries; and manned with a sufficient number, of such as were to him well assured. Antiochus therefore was constrained to waste much time about it; having noon other hope to prevail, than by famishing the enclosed. Besides the usual tediousness of expectation; his business called him thence away into the higher Asia, where the Bactrians, and Parthians with the Hyrcanians, had 〈◊〉 Kingdoms taken out of his Dominions, upon which they still encroached. But he thought it not safe, to let Achaeus break lose again. On the other side there were some Agents of Ptolemie the Egyptian, and good friends unto Achaeus; that made it their whole study, how to deliver this besieged Prince. If they could rescue his person, they cared for no more: but presumed, that when he should appear in the Countries under Taurus, he would soon have an Army at command, and be strong enough to hold Antiochus as hardly to work as at any time before. Wherhfore they dealt with one Bolis a Cretan, that was acquainted well with all the ways in the Country, and particularly with the by-paths and exceeding difficult passages among those Rocks, whereon the Castle of Sardes stood. Him they tempted with great rewards, which he should receive at the hands of Ptolemie, as well as of Achaeus; to do his best for performance of their desire. He undertook the business: and gave such likely reasons of bringing all to good effect, that they wrote unto Achaeus, by one Arianus, a trusty messenger, whom Bolis found means to convey into the Castle. The faith of these Negotiators Achaeus held most assured. They also wrote unto him in privy characters, or cyphers, wherewith noon save he and they were acquainted: whereby he knew, that it was no feigned device of his Enemies, in the name of his friends. As for the messenger; he was a trustic fellow, and one whom Achaeus found, by examination, hearty affected unto the side. But the Contents of the Epistle, which were, That he should be confident in the faith of Bolis, and of one Cambylus whom Bolis had won unto the business, did somewhat trouble him. They were men to him unknown: and Cambylus was a follower of Antiochus; under whom he had the command of those 〈◊〉, which held one of the Forts that blocked up the Castle of Sardes. Nevertheless other way to escape he seen noon, than by putting himself to some adventure. When the messenger had therefore passed often to and fro: it was at length concluded, That Bolis himself should come speak with 〈◊〉, and conduct him forth. There was noon other than good faith meant by any of the rest, save only by Bolis and Cambylus; which were Cretans, and (as all their Countrymen, 
* Among these few I do not except one, calling himself Eudaemon 〈◊〉 Andrew, a 〈◊〉: who in one of his late shameless libels, wherein he traduceth our King, Religion, and Country, with all the good & worthy men of whom he could learn the names, hath, by inserting my name, twice belied me; in calling me a Puritan, & one that have been dangerous unto my 〈◊〉. It is an honour to be ill spoken of by so diligeata supporter of Treasons, and Architect of Lies: in regard whereof I may not deny him the commendation of Creticisme no less voluminous, than he in 〈◊〉 of name is beyond any the Cretians in elder times, that were always Liars, evil beasts, and flow bellies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. hist. lib. 8.  some few excepted, have been, and still are) false knaves. These two held a consultation together, that was, as 〈◊〉 Polybius observes it, rightly Cretical: neither concerning the safety of him whose deliverance they undertook, nor touching the discharge of their own faith; but only how to get most with lest ado and danger to themselves. Briefly they concluded, That first of all they would equally share between them ten Talents, which they had already received in hand: and then, That they would reveal the matter to Antiochus; offering to deliver Achaeus unto him, if they might be well rewarded both with present money, and with promise of consideration answerable to the greatness of such a service, when it should be dispatched. Antiochus hearing this promise of Cambylus, was no less glad; than were the friends of Achaeus well pleased with the comfortable promises of Bolis. At length when all things were in readiness on both sides, and that Bolis with Arianus was to get up into the Castle, and convey Achaeus thence: He first went with Cambylus to speak with the King, who gave him very private audience; and confirmed unto him by word of mouth the assurance of his liberal promises. And after that, putting on the countenance of an honest man, and of one that was faithful unto Ptolemie whom he had long served; He accompanied Arianus up into the Castle. At his coming thither, He was lovingly entertained; yet questioned at large by Achaeus, touching all the weight of the business in hand. But he discoursed so well, and with such gravity; that there appeared no reason of distrusting either his faith or judgement. He was an old Soldier, had long been a Captain under Ptolemie, and did not thrust himself into this business; but was invited by honourable and faithful men. He had also taken a safe course, in winning (as it seemed) that other Countryman of his, who kept a Fort that stood in their way; and thereby had already sundry times given safe passage and repassage unto Arianus. But against all these comfortable hopes, the importance of so great an adventure stirred up some diffidence. Achaeus therefore dealt wisely, and said, That he would yet stay in the Castle a little longer: but that he meant to sand away with Bolis three or four of his friends; from whom when he received better advertisement, concerning the likelihood of the enterprise, then would he issue forth himself. Hereby he took order, not to commit himself wholly unto the faith of a man unknown. But, as Polybius well notes, he did not consider that he played the Cretian with a man of Crete: which is to say, That he had to do with one, whose knavery could not be avoided by circumspection. Bolis and Cambylus had laid their plots thus, That if Achaeus come forth alone, then should he easily be taken by the ambush prepared for him: if he were accompanied with many of his friends, then should Arianus be appointed to lead the way, as one that of late had trodden it often; and Bolis following behind, should have an eye upon Achaeus, to prevent him not only from escaping in the tumult, but from breaking his own neck, or otherwise kill himself: to the end that being taken alive, He might be to Antiochus the more welcome Present. And in such order come they now forth: Arianus going before as Guide; the rest following, as the way served, and Bolis in the Rear. Achaeus made noon acquainted with his purpose, till the very instant of his departure. Than signified he the matter to his wife Laodice; and comforting her with hope as well as he could, appointed four of his especial friends to bear him company. They were all disguised: and one of them alone took upon him to have knowledge of the Greek tongue; speaking and answering, as need should require, for all, as if the rest had been Barbarians. Bolis followed them, craftily devising upon his business, and much perplexed. For (saith Polybius) Though he were of Crete, and prove to surmise any thing to the mischief of another: yet could he not see in the dark, nor know which of them was Achaeus, or whither Achaeus himself were there. The way was very uneasy, and in some places dangerous; especially to those that knew it not. Wherhfore they were feign to stay in divers places, and help one another up or down. But upon every occasion, they were all of them very officious toward Achaeus; lending him their hands, and taking such care of him, as easily gave Bolis to understand, that he was the man: and so by their unseasonable duty, they undid their Lord. When they come to the place where Cambylus lay in wait; Bolis whistled, and presently clasped Achaeus about the middle, holding him fast that he should not stir. So they were all taken by the Ambush, and carried forth with to Antiochus: who sat up watching in his Pavilion, expecting the event. The sight of Achaeus, brought in bound unto him, did so astonish the King, that he was unable to speak a word, and anon broke out into weeping. Yet was he before informed of the plot, which might have kept him from admiration: as also the next morning betimes assembling his friends together, He condemned Achaeus to a cruel death; which argues, that he was not moved with pity towards this unhappy man. Wherhfore it was the general regard of calamities, incident unto great fortunes, that wrung from him these tears: as also the rarity of the accident, that made both him and his friends to wonder: though it be so, that such a course as this of his, in employing two mischievous knaves against one Traitor, doth not rarely succeed well; according to that Spanish Proverb, A un traydor dos allevosos. The death of Achaeus brought such astonishment upon those which held the Castle, that after awhile they gave up the place and themselves unto the King; whereby he got entire possession of all to him belonging in the lesser Asia.  
Some years passed after this, ere Antiochus was ready for his Expedition against the Parthians, and Hyrcanians. The Parthians were a little Nation of obscure beginnings, and commonly subject unto those that ruled in Media. In the great 〈◊〉 for Provinces, after the death of Alexander, the Government over them was committed by Antipater to one Philip, a man of small regard; shortly they fell to Eumenes; then to Antigonus; and from him, together with the Medes, to Seleucus: under whose posterity they continued until the Reign of Seleucus Callinicus, being ruled by Lieutenants of the Syrian Kings. The lustful insolency of one of these Lieutenants, together with the misfortune of Callinicus, that was vanquished and thought to be slain by the Gauls; did stir up Arsaces, a Noble man of the Country to seek revenge of injuries done, and animate him to rebel. So he slew the King's 〈◊〉; made himself King of the Parthians, and Lord of Hyrcania; fought prosperously with those that disturbed him in his beginnings; and took Seleucus Callinicus prisoner in battle, whom he royally entertained, and dismissed. Hereby he wan reputation as a lawful King: and by good government of his Country, procured unto himself such love of his subjects, that his name was continued unto his Successors; like as that of the Ptolemies in Egypt, and that of the Caesars afterwards in Rome. Much about the same time the Bactrians rebelled: though these at length, and all belonging unto the Seleucidae beyond Euphrates, increased the Parthians Dominion. Now Antiochus went against them with so strong an Army, that they durst not meet him in plain field; but kept themselves in Woods, or places of strength, and defended the Straitss and passages of Mountains. The resistances they made availed them not. For Antiochus had with him so great a multitude, and so well sorted, as he needed not to turn out of the way, from those that lay fortified against him, in Woods and Straitss between their Mountains; it being easy to spare out of so great a number, as many as fetching a compass about, might either get above the Enemy's heads; or come behind, and charge them on the back. Thus did he often employ against them his light armature: wherewith he caused them to dislodge, and give way unto his Phalanx; upon which they durst not adventure themselves in open ground. Arsaces, the second of the name, (for his Father was dead before this) was then King of Parthia: who though he was confident in the fidelity of his own subjects; yet feared to encounter with so mighty an invader. His hope was, that the bad ways, and Deserts, would have caused Antiochus, when he was at Ecbatane in Media, to give over the journey, without proceeding much further. This not so falling out; He caused the Wells and Springs in the Wilderness, through which his Enemy must pass, to be dammed up and spoiled. By which means, and theresistance before spoken of, when he could no prevail, He withdrew himself out of the way; suffering the Enemy to take his pleasure for a time, in wasting the Country: wherein, without some victory obtained, he could make no long abode. Antiochus hereby found, That Arsaces was nothing strongly provided for the war. Wherhfore he marched through the heart of Parthia: and then forward into Hyreania; where he wan Tambrace, the chief City of that Province. This indignity, and many other losses, caused Arsaces at length, when he had gathered an Army that seemed strong enough, to adventure a battle. The issue thereof was such, as gave to neither of the Kings hope of accomplishing his desires, without exceeding difficulty. Wherhfore Arsaces craved Peace, and at length obtained it: Antiochus thinking it not amiss, to make him a friend, whom he could not make a subject.  
The next Expedition of Antiochus, was against Euthydemus King of the Bactrians; one that indeed had not rebelled against him or his Ancestors: but having gotten the Kingdom from those that had rebelled, kept it to himself. With Euthydemus he fought a battle by the River Arius, where he had the victory. But the victory was not so greatly to his honour; as was the testimony which he gave of his own private valour, in obtaining it. He was thought that day to have demeaned him more courageously, than did any one man in all his Army. His Horse was slain under him; and he himself received a wound in his mouth, whereby he lost some of his teeth. As for Euthydemus, He withdrew himself back into the further parts of his Kingdom, and afterwards protracted the War, seeking how to end it by composition. So Ambassadors passed between the Kings: Antiochus complaining, That a Country of his was unjustly usurped from him: Euthydemus answering, That he had won it from the children of the Usurpers: and further, That the Bactrians, a wild Nation, could hardly be retained in order, save by a King of their own; for that they bordered upon the Scythians, with whom if they should join, it would be greatly to the danger of all the Provinces that lay behind them. These allegations, together with his own weariness, pacified Antiochus, and made him willing to grant Peace, upon reasonable Conditions. Demetrius, the son of Euthydemns, being a goodly Gentleman, and employed by his Father as Ambassador in this Treaty of Peace, was not a little available unto a good Conclusion: For Antiochus liked him so well, that he promised to give him in marriage one of his own daughters: and therewithal permitted Euthydemus to retain the Kingdom; causing him nevertheless to deliver up all his Elephants; as also to bind himself by oath, to such Covenants as he thought requisite.  
So Antiochus leaving the Bactrian in quiet, made a 〈◊〉 over 〈◊〉, and come to the borders of 〈◊〉, where he renewed with Sophagasenus, King of the Indian's, the society that had been between their Ancestors. The Indian's had remained subject unto the Macedonians, for a little while, after Alexander's death. Eumenes in his War against Antigonus, raised part of his forces out of their Country. But when Antigonus after his victory turned Westward, and was over-busied in a great civil War: then did one Sandrocottus, an Indian, stir up his Countrymen to Rebellion; making himself their Captain, and taking upon him as Protector of their liberty. This Office and Title he soon changed, though not without some contention, into the Name and Majesty of a King. Finally he got unto himself, (having an Army of six hundred thousand men) if not all India, yet as much of it as had been Alexander's. In this Estate he had well confirmed himself, ere Seleucus Nicator could found leisure to call him to accounted. Neither did He faint, or humble himself, at the coming of Seleucus: but met him in field, as ready to defend his own; so strongly and well appointed, that the Macedonian was contented, to make both peace and affinity with him, taking only a reward of fifty Elephants. This League, made by the Founders of the Indian and Syrian kingdoms, was continued by some Offices of love between their children, and now renewed by Antiochus: whose number of Elephants were increased thereupon, by the Indian King, to an hundred and fifty: as also he was promised, to have some treasure sent after him; which he left one to receive. Thus parted these two great Kings. Neither had the Indian's, from this time forwards, in many generations, any business worthy of remembrance with the Western Countries. The posterity of Sandrocottus, is thought to have retained that kingdom unto the days of Augustus Caesar: to whom Porus, then reigning in India, sent Ambassadors with Presents, and an Epistle written in Greek: wherein, among other things, He said, That He had command over six hundred Kings. There is also found, 〈◊〉 in sundry Authors, the mention of some which held that kingdom, in divers Ages, even unto the time of Constantine the great: being all peradventure of the same 〈◊〉. But Antiochus, who in this Treaty with Sophagasenus carried himself as the worthier 〈◊〉, receiving Presents; and after marched home through Drangiana and Carmania, with such reputation, that all the Potentates not only in the higher Asia, but on the hither side of Taurus, humbled themselves unto him, and called him The Great: seen an end of his own Greatness within few years ensuing, by presuming to stand upon points with the Romans; whose Greatness was the same in deed, that his was only in seeming.   

§. III The lewd Reign of PTOLEMIE PHILOPATOR in Egypt: with the tragical end of his favourites, when he was dead. ANTIOCHUS prepares to war on the young child PTOLEMIE EPIPHANES, the son of PHILOPATOR. His irresolution in preparing for divers wars at once. His Voyage toward the Hellespont. He seeks to hold amity with the Romans, who make friendly show to him; intending nevertheless to have war with him. His doings about the Hellespont; which the Romans make the first ground of their quarrel to him.  
THis Expedition being finished; Antiochus had leisure to repose himself a while, and study which way to convert the terror of his pvissance, for the enlargement of his Empire. Within two or three years Ptolemie Philopator died: leaving his son Ptolemie Epiphanes, a young Boy, his successor in the kingdom; unlikely by him to be well defended, against a neighbour so mighty and ambitious. This Ptolemie surnamed Philopator, that is to say, a lover of his Father, is thought to have had that surname given him in mere derision; as having made away both his Father and Mother. 
justin. l. 30.  His young years, being newly past his childhood when he began to reign, may seem to discharge him of so horrible a crime, as his Father's death: yet the 〈◊〉 of all his following life, makes him not unlike to have done any mischief, whereof he could be accused. Hang won the battle at Raphia, He gave himself over to sensuality; & was wholly governed by a Strumpet called 〈◊〉. At her instigation He murdered his own wife and sister; which had adventured herself with him, in that only dangerous Action by him undertaken and performed with honour. The Lieutenant-ships of his Provinces, with all Commands in his Army, and Offices whatsoever; were wholly referred unto the disposition of this Agathoclea, and her brother Agathocles, and of 〈◊〉 a filthy Bawd that was mother unto them both. So these three governed the Realm at their pleasure, to the great grief of all the Country, till Philopator died: who having reigned seventeen years, left noon other son than Ptolemie Epiphanes a child of five years old, begotten on Arsinoe that was his sister and wife. After the King's death; 〈◊〉 began to take upon him, as Protector of young Epiphanes, and Governor of the Land. He assembled the Macedons (which were the King's ordinary forces in pay, not all borne in Macedonia, but the race of those that abode in Egypt with Ptolemie the first, and would not be accounted Egyptians; as neither would the Kings themselves) and bringing forth unto them his sister Agathoclea, with the young King in her arms; began a solemn Oration. He told them, That the deceased father of this their King, had committed the child into the arms of his sister, but unto the faith of them: on whose valiant right hands, the whole state of the Kingdom did now rely. He besought them therefore that they would be faithful, and, as great need was, defend their King against the treason of one Tlepolemus, an ambitious man, who 〈◊〉 went about to set the Diadem upon his own head, being a 〈◊〉 stranger to the Royal blood. Herewithal he produced before them a witness, that should justify his accusation against Tlepolemus. Now though it were so, that he delivered all this with a feigned passion of sorrow, and counterfeiting of tears: yet the Macedons that heard him, regarded not any word that he spoke; but stood laughing, and talking one to another, what a shameless dissembler he was, to take so much upon him, as if he knew not how greatly he was hated. And so broke up the Assembly: He that had called it, being scarce ware how. Agathocles therefore, whom the old King's favour had made mighty, but neither wise nor well qualified; thought to go to work, as had formerly been his manner, by using his authority, to the suppression of those that he disinherited. He haled out of a Temple the mother-in-law of Tlepolemus; & cast her into prison. This filled Alexandria with rumours, and made the people (though accustomed to suffer greater things, whilst they were committed in the old King's name) to meet in knots together, and utter one to another their minds; wherein they had conceived extreme hate, against these three 〈◊〉 misgovernours of the old King. Besides their consideration of the present injury done to Tlepolemus, they were somewhat also moved with fear of harm; which, in way of requital, Tlepolemus was likely to do unto the City. For He was, though a man most unapt for Government, as afterwards he proved; yet no bad Soldier, and well beloved of the Army. It was also then in his power, to stop the provision of victuals which was to come into Alexandria. As these 〈◊〉 wrought with the people: so by the remedy which Agathocles used, were the 〈◊〉 more hastily, and more violently stirred unto uproar. He secretly apprehended 〈◊〉 of their number, whom he suspected of conspiracy against him; and delivered him unto a follower of his own, to be examined by torture. This poor soldier was carried into an inner room of the Palace, and there stripped out of all his apparel to be tormented. But whilst the whips were brought forth, and all things 〈◊〉 in a readiness for that purpose, there was brought unto the Minister of Agathocles, a sad report of Tlepolemus his being at hand. Hereupon the Examiner, and his Torturers, one after another, went out of the room; leaving Moeragenos the Soldier alone by himself, and the doors open. He perceiving this, naked as he was, convey himself out of the Palace, and got unto the Macedonians; of whom he found some in a Temple thereby at dinner. The Macedonians were as fierce in maintenance of their Privileges, as are the Turks 〈◊〉. Being assured therefore that one of their fellows had thus been used; they fell to Arms in a great rage, and began to force the Palace: crying out, That they 〈◊〉 see the King, and not leave him in possession of such a dangerous man. The whole multitude in the City, with loud clamours, made no less 〈◊〉 than the Soldiers, though to less effect. So the old Bawd Oenanthe fled into a Temple: her Son and Daughter stayed in the Court, until the King was taken from them; and they, by his permission which he easily gave, and by appointment of those that now had him in their hands, delivered up to the fury of the people. 〈◊〉 himself was stabbed to death, by some which therein did the office of friends; though in manner of enemies. His sister was dragged naked up and down the strectes; as was also his mother, with all to them belonging: the enraged multitude 〈◊〉 upon them a barbarous execution of justice; biting them, pulling out their eyes, and tearing them in pieces.  
These troubles in Egypt, served well to stir up King Antiochus; who had very good leisure, though he wanted all pretence, to make war upon young Ptolemie. Philip of Macedon had the same desire, to get what part he could of the child's estate. But it happened well, that Ptolemie Philopator in the Punic War, which was now newly ended, had done many good offices unto the Romans. Unto them therefore the Egyptians addressed themselves, and craved help against these two Kings: who though they secretly maligned one the other, yet had entered into covenant to divide between them, all that belonged unto this Orphan; whose Father had been Confederate with them both. So 
* 〈◊〉. l. 30.  M. 〈◊〉 was sent from Rome, to protect from all violence the King of Egypt; especially against Antiochus. As for the Macedonian; He was very soon found 〈◊〉, with war at his own doors. Also Scopas the Aetolian, being a Pensioner to the Egyptian, was sent into Greece to raise an Army of Mercenaries. What Lepidus did in Egypt, I do not found: and therefore think it not improbable, that He was sent thither only one of the three Ambassadors, 
o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 31.  in the beginning of the War with Philip, as hath been showed before. As for Scopas; He shortly after went up into Syria with his Army: where winning many places, among the rest of his Acts, He subdued the jews; who seem to have yielded themselves a little before unto 〈◊〉, at such time as they seen him prepare for his War, and despaired of receiving help from Egypt. But 
Vid. joseph. 〈◊〉.  it was not long, ere all these Victories of Scopas come to nothing. For the very next 
〈◊〉. l. 12. c. 3.  year following, which was (according to Eusebius) the same year that Philip was beaten at Cynoscephalae; Antiochus vanquished Scopas in battle, and recovered all that had been lost. Among the rest, the jews with great willingness returned under his obedience; and were therefore by him very gently entreated.  
The Land of Egypt this great King did forbear to invade; and gave it out, that he meant to bestow a daughter of his own in marriage upon Ptolemie: either hoping, as may seem, that the Country would willingly submit itself unto him, if this young child should happen to miscarry; or else that greater purchase might be made in the Western parts of Asia, whilst Philip was held over-laboured by the Romans. It appears that he was very much distracted; hunting (as we say) two Hares at once with one Hound. The quarrels between Attalus, Philip, and the Greeks', promised to afford him great advantage, if he should bring his Army to the Hellespont. On the other side, the state of Egypt being such as hath been declared, seemed easy to be swallowed up at once. One while therefore he took what he could get in Syria: where all were willing (and the jews among the rest, though hitherto they had kept faith with the Egyptian) to yield him obedience. Another while, letting Egypt alone, He was about to make invasion upon Attalus his Kingdom; yet suffered himself easily to be persuaded by the Roman Ambassadors, and desisted from that enterprise. Having thus far gratified the Romans; He sends Ambassadors to the Senate, to conclude a perfect amity between him and them. It is not lightly to be overpassed, That these his Ambassadors were lovingly entertained at Rome; and dismissed, with a Decree and answer of the Senate, altogether to the honour of King Antiochus. But this answer of the Romans was not sincere; being rather framed according to regard of the King's good liking, than of their own intent. They had not as yet made an end with Philip: neither would they gladly be troubled with two great wars at once. Wherhfore, not standing much upon the nice examination of what belonged unto their honour, they were content to give good words for the present. In the mean time Antiochus fights with Scopas in Syria, and shortly prepares to win some Towns elsewhere, belonging unto Ptolemie; yet withal he sends an Army Westward, intending to make what profit he can of the distractions in Greece. Likewise it is considerable, as an argument of his much irresolution, How notwithstanding his attempts upon both of their Kingdoms, he offered one of his daughters to Ptolemie, and another to Eumenes the son of Attalus, newly King of Pergamus: seeking each of their friendships, at one and the same time, when he sought to make each of them a spoil. Thus was he acting and deliberating at once; being carried with 〈◊〉 inexplicable desire of repugnancies; which is a disease of great, and overswelling 〈◊〉. Howsoever it was, He sent an Army to Sardes by Land, under two of his 〈◊〉 sons: willing them there to stay for him; whilst he himself with a Fleet 〈◊〉 an hundred Galleys, and two hundred other vessels, intended to pass along by the Coasts of Cilicia and Caria, taking in such places as held for the Egyptian. It was a notable Act 〈◊〉 the Rhodians, that, whilst the war of Philip lay yet upon their hands, they adventured upon this great Antiochus. They sent unto him a proud Embassage: whereby they gave him to understand, That if he passed forward beyond a certain Promontory in Cilicia, they would meet him and fight with him; not for any quarrel of theirs unto him; but because he should not join with Philip their enemy, and help him against the Romans. It was insolently done of them, neither seemed it otherwise, to prescribe such limits unto the King: yet he tempered himself, and without any show of indignation gave a gentle answer; partly himself to their Ambassadors; partly unto their whole City, by Ambassadors which he thither sent. He 〈◊〉 his desire, to renew the ancient Confederacies between his Ancestors and them: and willed them not to be afraid, jest his coming should tend unto any hurt, either of them, or of their Confederates. As touching the Romans whom they thought that he would molest: they were (he said) his very good friends; whereof, he thought there needed no better proof, than the entertainment and answer by them newly given to his Ambassadors.  
The Rhodians appear to have been a cunning people, and such as could foresee what weather was like to happen. This answer of the King, and the relation of what had passed between his Ambassadors and the Senate, moved them not a whit; when they were informed shortly after, that the Macedonian war was ended at the battle of Cynoscephalae. They knew that Antiochus his turn would be next; and prepared to be forward on the stronger side. Wherhfore they would not be contented to sit still; unless the Towns on the South Coast of Asia, belonging to Ptolemie their friend and Confederate, were suffered to be at quiet. Herein also they did well; for that they had ever been greatly beholding to all the race of the Ptolemies. They therefore, in this time of necessity, gave what aid they could unto all the subjects of the Egyptian in those parts. In like manner did King Eumenes, the son of Attalus, 〈◊〉 as concerning the war that followed, between Antiochus and the Romans. 〈◊〉 when King Antiochus made a friendly offer, to bestow 〈◊〉 of his daughters upon him in marriage: He excused himself, and would not have her. Attalus and 〈◊〉, his brethren, wondered at this. But he told them, that the Romans would surely make war upon Antiochus; and therein finally prevail. Wherhfore he said, That by abstaining from this affinity, it should be in his power to join with the Romans, and strengthen himself greatly with their friendship. Contrariwise, if he leaned to Antiochus: as he must be partaker in his overthrow; so was he sure to be oppressed by him, as by an over-mightie neighbour, if he happened to win the victory.  
Antiochus himself wintered about Ephesus: where he took such order as he thought convenient, for the reducing of Smyrna and Lampsacus to obedience; that had usurped their liberty, and obstinately strove to maintain it, in hope that the Romans would protect them. In the beginning of the Spring he sailed unto the Hellespont: where having won some Towns that Philip had gotten not long before this, he passed over into Europe side; and in short space 〈◊〉 the Chersonesus. Thence went he to Lysimachia: which the Thracians had gotten and destroyed, when Philip withdrew his Garrison thence, to employ it in the Roman war. The Aetolians objected as a crime unto Philip, in the Conference before T. Quintius, that he had oppressed Lysimachia, by thrusting thereinto a Garrison. Hereunto Philip made answer, that his Garrison did not oppress the Town, but save it from the Barbarians: who took and sacked it, as soon as the Macedonians were go. That this answer was good and substantial, though it were not accepted as such; might appear by the miserable case, in which Antiochus found Lysimachia at his coming thither. For the Town was utterly razed by the Barbarians; and the people, carried away into slavery. Wherhfore the King took order to have it re-edified: as also to redeem those that were in bondage; and to recollect as many of the Citizens, as were dispersed in the Country thereabouts. Likewise he was careful to allure thither, by hopeful promises, new inhabitants; and to replenish the City with the wont frequency. Now to the end that men should not be terrified from coming thither to devil, by any fear of the neighbour Thracians: he took a journey in hand against those barbarous people, with the one half of his Army; leaving the other 〈◊〉 to repair the City. These pains he took; partly in regard of the convenient situation, and former glory of Lysimachia; partly for that he thought it highly redounding unto his own honour, to recover and establish the dominion in those parts, which his forefather Seleucus Nicator had won from Lysimachus, and thereby made his Kingdom of greater extent, than it occupied in any following time. But for this ambition he shall dearly pay: and as after that victory against Lysimachus, the death of King Seleucus followed shortly; so shall a deadly wound of the Kingdom founded by Seleucus ensue very speedily, after the reconquest of the same Country, which was the last of Seleucus his purchases.   

§. FOUR The Romans hold friendly correspondence with ANTIOCHUS, during their war with PHILIP: after which they quarrel with him. The doings of HANNIBAL at Carthage: whence he is chased by his enemies, and by the Romans: His flight unto the King ANTIOCHUS. The Aetolians murmur against the Romans in Greece. The war of the Romans and Achaeans, with NABIS the Tyrant of Lacedaemon. The departure of the Romans out of Greece. T. QVINTIUS his Triumph. Peace denied to ANTIOCHUS by the Romans.  
FOr the Romans, though they were unable to smother their desire of war with Antiochus, whereof notice was already taken both by their friends and by their enemies: yet was it much against their will to keep the rumour on foot, which they meant shortly to make good, of this intended war, so long as they wanted matter of quarrel; whereof they were furnished, by this enterprise of the Kings about Lysimachia. It was not long, since King Attalus, a friend and helper of the Romans in their war with Philip, could obtain of them noon other help against Antiochus, than Ambassadors to speak for him; because the one of these Kings was held no less a friend than the other. Neither did there afterwards pass between them any other offices, than very friendly. Antiochus, at the request of their Ambassadors, withdrew his Invasion from the Kingdom of Pergamus: also very shortly after he sent Ambassadors to them, to make a perfect League of amity between them. This was whilst as yet they were busied with Philip; and therefore had reason to answer his good will with good acceptation: as they did in outward show. But when the Macedonian war was at an end, and all, or most of all the States in Greece, were become little better than Clients unto the Romans: then was all this good correspondence changed, into terms of worse, but more plain, meaning. For T. Quintius, with his ten Counsellors sent from Rome, requited (as hath been 
* Ch. 4. §. 〈◊〉.  showed before) with a commination of war, this king's gratulation of their victory; as also his long-professed amity, and desire to continued in the same.  
These ten Counsellors were able to inform T. Quintius, and acquaint him with the purpose of the Senate: whereof yet it seems that he was not ignorant before; since, in regard of Antiochus, he was the more inclinable unto peace with Philip. It was therefore agreed, when they divided themselves to make progress through diverse quarters of Greece for the execution of their late Decree, That two of them should visit King Antiochus; and the rest, where occasion served, use diligence to make a party strong against him. Neither was the 〈◊〉 at Rome unmindful of the business: wherein jest T. Quintius, with his ten Assistants, should happen to forget any thing to their parts belonging; L. Cornelius was sent from Rome of purpose, to deal with the King about those controversies, that were between him and Ptolemie. What other private instructions Cornelius had; we may conjecture by the managing of this his Embassage. For coming to Selymbria: and there understanding that P. vilius and L. Terentius, having been sent by Titus, were at Lysimaehia, He hastened thither; wither also come P. 〈◊〉 (another of the ten Counsellors) from Bargillae, to be present at the Conference. Hegesianax and Lysias were also there; the same, who had lately brought from Titus those peremptory Conditions, which the Ambassadors present shall expound unto their Master. After a few days Antiochus returned from his Thracian Expedition. The meeting and entertainment between Him and these Romans, was in appearance full of love. But when they come to treat of the business in hand; this good mood was quite altered. L. 〈◊〉, in two or three words, briefly delivered his errand from Rome: which was, That Antiochus had reason to deliver back unto Ptolemie those Towns of his, whereof he had lately gotten possession. Hereunto he added, and that very earnestly, That he must also give up the Towns of late belonging 〈◊〉 Philip; and by him newly occupied. For what could be more absurd, than such folly in the Romans; as to let Antiochus enjoy the profit of that war, wherein they had laboured so much, and He done nothing? Further He warned the King, that he should not molest those Cities that were free: and finally He demanded of him, upon what reason he was come over with so great an Army into Europe; for that other cause of his journey there was noon probable, than a purpose to make war upon the Romans. To this the King made answer, That he wondered why the Romans should so trouble themselves, with thinking upon the matters of Asia: where with He prayed them to let him alone; even as He, without such curiosity, suffered them to do in Italy what they thought good. As for his coming over into Europe: they seen well enough what business had drawn him thither; namely, the war against the barbarous Thracians: the rebuilding of Lysimachia, and the recovery of Towns to him belonging, in Thrace and Chersonesus. Now concerning his title unto that Country, He derived it from Seleucus: who made conquest thereof, by his victory against Lysimachus. Neither was it so, that any of the places in controversy between him and the other Kings, had been still of old belonging to the 〈◊〉 or Egyptians; but had been seized on by them, or by others from whom they received them, at such time as his Ancestors, being Lords of those Countries, were hindered by multiplicity of business, from looking unto all that was their own. Finally he willed them, neither to stand in fear of him, as if he intended aught against them from Lysimachia; since it was his purpose to bestow this City upon one of his sons, that should reign therein: nor yet to be grieved with his proceed in Asia; either against the free Cities, or against the King of Egypt; since it was his meaning to make the free Cities beholding unto himself, and to join ere long with 〈◊〉, not only in friendship, but in a bond of near affinity. Cornelius having heard this, and being perhaps unable to refute it; would needs hear further, what the Ambassadors of Smyrna and of Lampsacus, whom he had there with him, could say for themselves. The Ambassadors of 〈◊〉, being called in, began a tale; wherein they seemed to accuse the King before the Romans, as it were before competent judges. Antiochus therefore interrupted them, and bade them hold their peace; forasmuch as he had not chosen the Romans, but would rather take the Citizens of Rhodes, to be Arbitrators between Him and them.  
Thus the Treaty held some few days, without any likelihood of effect. The Romans, having not laid their complaints in such sort, as they might be a convenient foundation of the war by them intended: nor yet having purpose to departed well satisfied, and thereby to corroborated the present peace; were doubtful how to order the matter, in such wise as they might neither too rudely, like boisterous Gallo-Greekes, pretend only the goodness of their sword; nor yet overmodestly, to retain among the Greeks' an opinion of their justice, for bear the occasion of making themselves great. The King on the other side was weary of these redious guests; that would take noon answer, and yet scarce knew what to say. At length come news, without any certain author, That Ptolemie was dead. Hereof neither the King, nor the Romans, would take notice, though each of them were desirous to hasten into Egypt: Antiochus, to take possession of the Kingdom; and L. Cornelius, to prevent him thereof, and set the Country in good order. Cornelius was sent from Rome Ambassador, both to Antiochus and to Ptolemie: which gave him occasion to take leave, and prepare for his Egyptian voyage. Both He, and his fellow Ambassadors, had good leave to departed all together: and the King 〈◊〉 made ready, to be in Egypt with the first. To his son Seleucus he committed his Army; and left him to oversee the building of Lysimachia: but all his Sea-forces 〈◊〉 took along with him, and sailed unto Ephesus. Thence he sent Ambassadors to T. Quintius: whom he requested to deal with him in this matter of Peace, after such sort, as might stand with honesty and good faith. But as he was further proceeding on his voyage; He was perfectly informed that Ptolemie was alive. This made him bear another way from Egypt: and afterwards a tempest, with a grievous shipwreck, made him, without any further attempt on the way, glad to have safely recovered his Port of Seleucia. Thence went he to Antiochia, where he wintered: secure, as might appear, of the Roman war.  
But the Romans had not so done with him. During the Treaty at Lysimachia, (at leastwise not long before or after it) one of their 〈◊〉 that had been sent unto the Macedonian gave him counsel, as in a point highly tending to his good; Not to rest contented with the Peace which was 〈◊〉 unto him by the Romans, but to desire society with them, whereby they should be bound to have the same friends and enemies. And this he advised him to do quickly, before the War broke out with Antiochus; jest otherwise he might seem, to have awaited some fit occasion of taking Arms again. They who dealt thus plainly, did not mean to be satisfied with weak excuses. In like manner some of the Greeks' were solicited; and particularly the Aetolians, That constantly and faithfully they should abide in the friendship of the People of Rome. It was needless to say plainly whereto this entreaty tended: the froward answer made by the 〈◊〉, declares them to have well understood the purpose. They complained, that they were not alike honoured by the Romans after the Victory, as they had been during the War. They that so complained were the most moderate of them. Others cried out, that they had been wronged, and defrauded of what was promised unto them: upbraiding withal the Romans, as men to them beholding; not only for their Victory over Philip; but even for helping them to set foot in Greece, which else they never could have done. Hereto the Roman gave gentle answers: telling them that there was no more to do, than to sand Ambassadors to the Senate, and utter their griefs; and then should all be well.  
Such care took the Romans in Greece, for their War intended against Antiochus. The fame hereof arriving at Carthage, gave matter unto the enemies of Hannibal, wherewith both to pick a thank of the Roman Senate; and to chase out of their City this honourable man, whom they so greatly hated. He had of late exercised his virtue against them in the Civil administration; and given them an overthrow, or two, in the long rob. The judges at that time bore all the sway in Carthage: holding their places during life; and having subject unto them, the lives, goods, and fame of all the rest. Neither did they use this their power with moderation: but conspired in such wise together, that whoso offended any one of them, should have them all to be his enemies; which being once known, He was sure to be soon accused and condemned. In this their impotent rule of the City, Hannibal was chosen Praetor. By virtue of which Office, though he was superior unto them during that year: yet had it not been their manner to bear much regard unto such an annual Magistrate, as at the years end must be accountable to them, if aught were laid unto his charge. Hannibal therefore sending sore one of the Quaestors, or officers of the Treasury, to come and speak with him: the proud Quaestor set lightly thereby, and would not come. For he was of the adverse Faction to Hannibal; and men of his place were to be chosen into the Order of judges: in contemplation whereof, he was filled already with the spirit of his future Greatness. But he had not to do with such a tame Praetor, as were they that had occupied the place before. Hannibal sent for him by a Pursuivant; and having thus apprehended him, brought him into judgement before a public assembly of the people. There he not only showed, what the undutiful stubbornness of this Quaestor had been; but how unsufferable the insolency of all the judges at the present was: whose unbridled power made them to regard neither Laws nor Magistrates. To this Oration when he perceived that all the Citizens were attentive and favourable; He forthwith propounded a Law, which passed with the general good liking; That the judges should be chosen from year to year, and no one man be continued in that Office two years together. If this Law had been passed, before he passed over Iberus: it would not perhaps have been in the power of Hanno, to have brought him unto necessity of reforming another grievance, concerning the Roman Tribute. This Tribute the Carthaginians were feign to levy by Taxation laid upon the whole Commonalty; as wanting money in their public Treasury, wherewith to defray either that, or divers other needful charges. Hannibal considering this, began to examine the public Revenues; and to take a perfect note, both how much come into the Treasury, by ways and means whatsoever; and in what sort it was thence laid out. So he found, That the ordinary charges of the Commonwealth did not exhausted the Treasury: but that wicked Magistrates, and corrupt Officers, turning the greatest part of the moneys to their own use, were thereby feign to load the people with needless burdens.- Hereof he made such plain demonstration, that these Robbers of the common Treasure were compelled to restore, with shame, what they had gotten by knavery: and so the Carthaginians were freed from the necessity of making such poor shifts, as formerly they had used, when they knew not the value of their own Estate. But as the virtue of Hannibal, was highly commended by all that were good Citizens: so they of the Roman Faction, which had, since the making of the peace until now, little regarded him, began to rage's extremely; as being by him stripped of their 〈◊〉 goods, and ill-employed authority, both at once, even when they thought themselves to have been in full possession of the vanquished Carthage. Wherhfore they sent letters to their friends at Rome: wherein they complained, as if the Barchine Faction grew strong again, and Hannibal would shortly be in arms. Questionless, if oppressing the City by injustice, and robbing the Treasury, were the only way to hold Carthage in peace with Rome: these enemies to the Barchines might well cry out, That having done their best already to keep all in quiet, they seen noon other likelihood than of War. But having noon other matter to allege, than their own inventions: they said, That Hannibal was like unto a wild beast, which would never be tamed: That secret messages past between him, and King Antiochus: and that he was wont to complain of idleness, as if 〈◊〉 were harmful to 〈◊〉; with what else to like effect they could imagine. These accusations they directed not unto the Senate: but addressing their letters craftily, every one to the best of his own friends at Rome, and such as were Senators; they wrought so well, that neither public notice of their Conspiracy was taken at Carthage; nor the authority of the Roman Senate, wanting to the fortherance of their malicious purpose. Only P. Scipio is said to have admonished the Fathers, that they should not thus dishonourably subscribe, and become Seconds to the accusers of Hannibal: as if they would oppress, by suborning or countenancing false witnesses against him, the Man, against whom in war they had not of long time prevailed, nor used their Victory in such base manner, when they obtained it. But the Romans were not all so great-minded as Scipio: they wished for some such advantage against Hannibal; and were glad to have found it. Three Ambassadors they sent over to Carthage, C. Servilius, Q. Terentius, and M. Claudius Marcellus; whose very names import sufficient cause of bad affection to Hannibal. These having past the Sea, were entertained by those that had procured their 〈◊〉; and, being by them instructed how to carry themselves, gave out, That they were sent to end some controversies, between the Carthaginians and Masanissa. But Hannibal had kept such good espial upon the Romans, that he knew their meaning well enough: against which he was never unprepared. It were enough to say, That he escaped them by flight: but in the actions of so famous a man, I hold it not impertinent to rehearse the particularities. Having openly showed himself, as was his manner, in the place of Assembly, He went forth of the Town when it began to wax dark, accompanied with two which were ignorant of his determination; though such as he might well trust. He had appointed Horses to be in a readiness at a certain place: whence riding all night, He come to a Tower of his own by the Seaside. There had 〈◊〉 a Ship furnished with all things needful; as having long expected the necessity of some such journey. So He bade Africa farewell; lamenting the misfortune of his Country, more than his own. Passing over to the Isle of Cercina; he found there in the Haven some Merchant's ships of Carthage. They saluted him respectively: and the chief among them began to inquire, wither he was bound. He 〈◊〉, He went Ambassador to tire: and that he intended there in the Island to make a sacrifice; whereto He 〈◊〉 all the Merchants, and Masters of the Ships. It was hot weather: and therefore He would needs hold his Feast upon the shore; where, because there wanted covert, He made them bring thither all their sails and yards to be used in stead of Tents. They did so; and feasted with him till it was late at night: at which time he left them there asleep; and putting to Sea, held on his course to tire. All that night, and the day following, He was sure not to be pursued. For the Merchants did neither make haste to sand any news of him to Carthage, as thinking him to be go Ambassador: neither could they, without some loss of time, such of them as made most speed homeward, get away from Cercina; being busied a while in sitting their tackle. At Carthage, the miss of so great a person was diversly construed. Some guessed aright, That he was fled. But the more common opinion was, That the Romans had made him away. At length come news where he had been seen: and then the Roman Ambassadors, having noon other 〈◊〉 thither, accused him (with an evil grace) as a troubler of the Peace; whereby they only discovered the mischief by them intended against him, and the malice of their Senate; missing the while their purpose, and causing men to understand, that He fled not thus without great reason.  
Hannibal, coming to tire, the Mother-city of Carthage, was there entertained Royally: as one, in whose great worth and honour the Tyrians, by reason of affinity between their Cities, thought themselves to have interest. Thence went he to Antioch; and, finding the King departed, visited his son in Daphne: who friendly welcomed him, and sent him unto his Father at Ephesus, that exceedingly rejoiced at his coming.  
As Antiochus had cause to be glad, in that he had gotten Hannibal: so had the Romans no great cause to be therefore sorry; otherwise than as they had much disgraced themselves, by discovery of their impotent malice, in chasing him thus out of his Country. For it would not prove alike easy unto this great Commander, to make stout Soldiers of base Asiatiques; as it had been by his training and discipline, to make very 〈◊〉 and skilful men of War of the Spaniards, Africans, Gauls, and other Natious, that were hardy though unexperienced. Or were it supposed, that one man's worth, especially being so extraordinary, could altar the nature of a cowardly people: yet was it there with all considerable, that the vanities of Antiochus, the pride of his Court, the baseness of his Flatterers, and a thousand other such vexations, would be far more powerful in making unprofitable the virtue of Hannibal; now a desolate and banished man, than had been the villainy of Hanno and his Complices, hindering him in those Actions wherein he had the high Command, and was seconded by his warlike brethren. Wherhfore the name of this Great Carthaginian, would only help to 〈◊〉 the Roman Victory: or if it further served to hearten Antiochus, and make him less careful to avoid the war; then should it further serve, to justify the Romans in their quarrel. And it seems indeed, that it was no little part of their care, to get a fair pretence of making war. For Antiochus, as is said before, having newly sent Ambassadors to T. Quintius, requiring that the Peace might faithfully be kept: it was not probable, that he had any meaning to take Arms; unless by mere violence he were thereto enforced. Only the Aetolians were greatly suspected, as a turbulent people, desirous of innovation, and therefore practising with this Great King; whom they wished to see among them in Greece. In this regard, and to appease them; they had of late been answered with gentle words by one of the ten Counsellors, That the Senate would grant them whatsoever with reason they should ask. But this promise was too large, and unadvised. For when their Ambassadors come to Rome, the Senate would grant them nothing; but wholly referred them to T. Quintius, who savoured them least. Hereat they murmured, but knew not how to right themselves: otherwise than by speaking such words, as might hasten the Romans out of Greece for very shame; who had no desire to be thence go.  
The daily talk at Rome was of war with Antiochus; but in Greece, when the Romans would leave the Country. For the Aetolians were wont to upbraid the rest of the Greeks', with the vain liberty which the Romans had proclaimed, saying, That these their Deliverers had laid heavier fetters upon them, than formerly they did wear; but yet brighter and fairer, than those of the Macedonian: likewise, That it was a gracious act of Titus, to take from the legs of the Greeks their chain, & tie it about their necks. There was indeed no cause of tarrying longer in Greece, if the Romans had no other meaning than what they pretended. For Philip had made no delay, in accomplishment of that which was laid upon him: all the Towns of Greece were at liberty, and the whole Country at peace, both with the Romans, and within itself. As for Antiochus; He made it his daily svit, That the Peace 〈◊〉 him and Rome, such as it was, might be confirmed, and strengthened by a League of more assurance. Nevertheless T. Quintius would needs fear that 〈◊〉 meant forth with to seize upon Greece, as soon as he and his Army were thence departed. And in this regard, He retained still in his own hands Chalcis, Demetrias, and the Acrocorinthus: by benefit of which Towns, he might the better withstand the dangerous Invasion like to be made by Antiochus. Suitable unto the doings of Quintius were the reports of the ten Ambassadors, that had been sent over to assist him; when they returned back into the City. Antiochus, they said, would 〈◊〉 fall upon Greece: wherein he should find not only the Aetolians, but Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, ready to give him entertainment. Wherhfore there was noon other way, than to do somewhat against these their suspected enemies: especially against Nabis, who could worst make resistance; whilst Antiochus was far away in Syria, and not intentive to his business. These 〈◊〉 went not only current through the City, among the Vulgar; but found such credit with the chief of the Senate, that in the following year, against which time it was expected that Antiochus should be ready to take his great enterprise in hand; P. Cornelius Scipio the 〈◊〉 desired, and obtained, a second Consulship, with intention to be General in the War, against the King and his Hannibal. For the present, the business with Nabis was referred unto Titus; to deal with him as he thought good. This would be a fair colour of his longer tarriance in Greece. Therefore he was glad of the employment: whereof also he knew that many of the Greeks' would not be sorry; though for his own part, 〈◊〉 wanted all good pretence of taking it in hand. For Nabis had entered into friendship with him, two or three years before this, as is already showed, whilst he had War with Philip: and had further been contented for the Romans sake to be at peace with the Achaeans; neither since that time had he done any thing, whereby he should draw upon himself this 〈◊〉. He was indeed a detestable Tyrant, and hated of the Achaeans; as one, that besides his own wicked Conditions, had formerly done to them great mischief. Titus therefore had a plausible Theme, whereon to discourse before the Embassages of all the Confederate Cities; Which he caused to meet for that purpose at Corinth. He told them, That in the war with Philip, not only the Greeks', but the Romans themselves, had each their 〈◊〉 apart (which he there briefly rehearsed) that should stir them up, and 'cause them to be 〈◊〉. But in this which he now propounded to them concerning Nabis, the Romans had noon other interest, than only the making perfect of their honour, in setting all Greece at liberty: which noble Action was in some sort maimed, or incomplete, whilst the noble City of Argos was left in subjection to a Tyrant, that had lately occupied it. It therefore belonged unto them, the Greeks', duly to consider, whither they thought the deliverance of Argos a matter worthy to be undertaken; or whither otherwise to avoid all further trouble, they could be well contented to leave it as it was. This concerned them, and not the Romans: who in taking this work in hand, or letting it alone, would wholly be ruled by the Greeks' themselves. The Athenian Ambassador made answer hereunto very eloquently, and as pleasing as he could devise. He gave thanks to the Romans for what was past; extolled their virtues at large; and magnified them highly in regard of this their Proposition: wherein unrequested they freely made offer to continued that bounty, which at the vehement request of their poor Associates, they had already of late extended unto the Greeks'. To this He added, That great pity it was to hear, such notable virtue and high deserts ill spoken of by some: which took upon them, out of their own imaginations to foretell, what harm these their Benefactors meant to do hereafter: when as Thankfulness rather would have required an acknowledgement, of the benefits and pleasures already received. Every one found the meaning of this last clause, which was directly against the Aetolians. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Aetolian rose up, and told the Athenians their own: putting them in mind of their ancient glory, in those times when their City had been the Leader of all Greece, for defence and recoucrie of the liberty general: from which honour they were now so far fallen, that they become Parasites unto those whom they thought most mighty; and by their base assentation, would led all the rest into servitude. Than spoke He against the Achaeans, Clients that had been a long time unto the Macedonian; and soldiers of Philip, until they ran away from his adversity. These, He said, had gotten Corinth, and must now have war be made for their sakes, to the end that they might also be Lords of Argos: whereas the Aetolians, that had first made war with Philip, and always been friends unto the Romans, were now defrauded of some places, anciently to them belonging. Neither did he thus contain himself, but objected unto the Romans fraudulent dealing: forasmuch as they kept their Garrisons in Demetrias, Chalcis, and the Acrocorinth; having been always wont to profess, That Greece could never be at liberty, whilst those places were not free. Also now at last, what else did they seek by this discourse of war with Nabis, than businesses wherewith to find themselves occupied, that so they might have some seeming cause of abiding longer in the Country? But they should do well, if they meant as they spoke, to carry their Legions home out of Greece: which could not indeed be free, till their departure. As for Nabis; the Aetolians themselves did promise, and would undertake, That they would either 'cause him to yield to reason, and relinquish Argos freely, withdrawing thence his Garrison; or else compel him by force of Arms, to submit himself to the good pleasure of all Greece, that was now at unity. These words had been reasonable, if they had proceeded from better men. But it was apparent, that no regard of the common liberty wrought so much with these Actolians; as did their own ravenous desire of oppressing others, and getting unto themselves, that worse would use it, the whole Dominion in Greece, which Philip had lost. Neither could they well dissemble this; making it no small part of their gricuance, That the old League was forgotten: wherein it had been covenanted, That the Romans should enjoy the spoil of all, but leave the Towns and Lands in possession of the Aetolians. This, and the remembrance of a thousand mischiefs by them done in former times, made the whole Assembly, especially the Achaeans, cry out upon them: entreating the Romans to take such order before they went, that not only Nabis might be compelled to do right; but the Aetolian thieves be enforced to keep home, and leave their neighbours in quiet. All this was highly to the pleasure of Titus: who seen, that by discountenancing the Aetolians, He was become the more gracious with all the rest. But whither it pleased him so well, that Antiochus his Ambassadors did presently after lie hard upon him, to draw the peace to some good conclusion, it may be greatly doubted. He cast them off with a flight answer: telling them, That the ten Ambassadors or Counsellors which had been sent unto him from Rome, to be his assistants in these matters of weight, were now returned home; and that, without them, it was not in his power to conclude upon any thing.  
Now concerning the Lacedaemonian war; it was very soon ended. For Titus used the help of all his Confederates; and made as great preparation against 〈◊〉, both by Land and Sea, as if he should have had to 〈◊〉 with Philip. Besides the Roman forces, King Eumenes with a Navy, and the Rhodian Fleet, were invited to the service: as also Philip of Macedon sent aid by Land; doing therein poorly, whither it were to get favour of the Romans, or whither to make one among the number, in seeking 〈◊〉 upon Nabis, that had done him iniuric. But the most forward in this Expedition were the Achaeans, who set out ten thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse. As for the Aetolians: rather to hold good fashion, and sounded their dispositions, than in hope to speed, their help was required; whereof they excused themselves as well as they thought best. Thus are the Achaeans now become the prime friends of the Romans in Greece; having removed the Aetolians from that degree of favour: like as they themselves hereafter (though not in all haste) shall be supplanted of the same Lacedæmonians, against whom they are now marching.  
Some of the Argives more bold than wise, began a conspiracy against the Lacedæmonians that held their Town; meaning to open their gates unto the Roman. But ere Titus drew near, they were all detected and 〈◊〉: excepting a very few, that escaped out of the Town. The fame of this Commotion, caused the Army to march apace toward Argos; with hope to be there, before things were at quiet. But there was no stir within the Walls: the execution done upon the first movers, having terrified all the rest of the Citizens. Titus then thought it better, to assail Nabis in the head of his strength at Lacedaemon, than to consume time about other places; especially at Argos: for the freedom whereof since the War was made, pity it were, that the calamities of the war should thereon fall most heavily.  
Nabis had in readiness an Army of fifteen thousand, where with to defend himself against these Invaders. Five thousand of them were Mercenaries: the rest, of his own Country; but such as were of all others the worst, as manumised slaves, malefactors and base peasants, unto whom his Tyranny was beneficial. Of the good and worthy Citizens he stood in doubt and since he could not hope to win their love, his meaning was to hold them quiet by fear. He called them all to an Assembly: and compassing them round in with his Army, told them of the danger that was toward him and them. If they could agreed within 〈◊〉; they might, he said, hope the better to withstand the common Enemy. But forasmuch as turbulent heads were invited by light occasions, to raise tumults, and work dangerous treason: it seemed unto him the safest, and (withal) the mildest course, to arrest beforehand, and put in ward, all those whom he found most reason to suspect. So should he keep them innocent perforce; and thereby preserve not only the City and his own person from danger, but them also from the punishment, which else they might have incurred. Hereupon he cities and apprehends about fourscore of them; whom he leads away to prison, and the next night puts them all to death. Thus was he sure that they neither should offend, nor yet break lose. As for the death of them, if it should happen to be noised abroad: what could it else do then terrify the people; who must thereby understand, that it was a mortal crime to be suspected? And to the same purpose his cruelty extended itself unto some poor wretches: whom he accused of a meaning to fly to the Enemy. These were openly whipped through all the streets, and slain. Having thus affrighted the Citizens; He turned the more freely all his thoughts toward the Enemy, that come on apace. He welcomed them with a sally: wherein, as commonly happens, the Soldiers of the Town had the better at first; but were at length repelled with loss. Titus abode not many days before Sparta: but ouer-ran the Country; hoping belike to provoke the Tyrant forth to battle. The Roman Fleet at the same time with King Eumenes and the Rhodians, laid siege unto Gyttheum, the only or principal Haven-towne that Nabis had. Likely they were to have taken it by force, when there appeared hope of getting it by treason. There were two Governors within the Town equal in authority: whereof the one, either for fear, or desire of reward, had a purpose to let in the Romans. But the other finding what was in hand, and being somewhat more faithful, slew the Traitor; after whose death, he himself alone made the better defence. Yet when T. Quintius with part of his Army come thither to Gyttheum: this Captain of the Town had not the heart to abide the uttermost, and await what either Time or his Master might do for him, but was 〈◊〉 to give up the place; yet upon Condition, to departed in safety to Sparta with his Garrison. Pythagoras, the son-in-law of Nabis, and brother unto his wife, was come from Argos, whereof he had the Government with a thousand Soldiers Mercenaries, and two thousand Argives: it being (as may seem) the Tyrant's purpose, to relieve Gyttheum: which he thought would have held longer out. But when they heard that it was lost, then began they to think upon finishing the war, by some reasonable Composition. Pythagoras therefore was sent his Ambassador to Titus: requesting only that he would appoint a time and place for Nabis to meet and speak with him. This was granted. In that Parley the Tyrant spoke very reasonably for himself: proving, that he suffered wrong, and had done noon, and that by many good arguments; whereof the sum was, That whatsoever they now did, or could object unto him, was of elder date than the League which they had made with him. Whereupon he inferred, That neither for his keeping the Town of Argos, nor for any other cause by them alleged, they aught to make war upon him; since Argos, and all other their allegations whatsoever, had not hindered them, in time of their more 〈◊〉 of him, 〈◊〉 entering into that League with him; which was never broken on his part, nor aught to be on theirs. But Quintius was not herewith satisfied. He charged him with Tyranny; and gave instance, as easily he might, of divers barbarous 〈◊〉 by him committed. In all which points, forasmuch as they knew this Nabis to be guilty, before they made Peace and Confederacy with him; it was expedient, that some other cause of this Invasion should be alleged. Wherhfore he said further, That this Tyrant had occupied Messene, a Town Confederate with the Romans: That he had bargained to join with Philip; when he was their enemy, not only in League, but also in affinity: and that his Fleet had rob many of their ships, about the Cape of Malea. Now touching this Piracy, since in the Articles by Titus propounded unto Nabis, there was no restitution mentioned, other than of ships, by him taken from the Greeks' his neighbours, with whom he had long held war: it may seem to have been objected, only by way of Compliment, and to enlarge the volume of those complaints, that were otherwise very frivolous. As for Messene, and the bargain of Alliance made with Philip: they were matters foregoing the League, that was made between the Romans and this Tyrant; and therefore not to have been mentioned. All this it seems that Aristaenus, the Praetor of the 〈◊〉, very well perceived: who therefore doubting jest the Romans, (that were wont to talk so much of their own justice, honour, and faithful dealing) should now relent, and forbear to molest him, who, though a wicked man, was yet their Confederate; and had never done them wrong; framed his discourse to another end. He entreated Nabis to consider well of his own estate; and to settle his fortunes, whilst he might do it without hazard: alleging the examples of many Tyrants that had ruled in the neighbour-cities, and therein committed great outrages; yet were afterwards contented to surrender their Estates, and lived in great 〈◊〉, honour, and happiness, as private men. Thus they discoursed until night. The next day Nabis was contented to relinquish Argos; and requested them, to deliver unto him in writing their other demands, that he might take counsel with his friends. The issue of all was, That, in regard of the charges, whereat the Confederates must be, for maintenance of an Army to lie in Leaguer all that Winter (as there was no hope of making short work) before the City of Sparta: they were contented to make peace with the Tyrant, upon such Conditions as 〈◊〉 should think meet. Besides the restitution of Argos, and all the places thereon depending; Titus propounded many other Conditions to Nabis, and some of them very grievous. He would not suffer the Lacedaemonian to have aught to do in the Isle of Crete; not, nor to make any Confederacies; nor war, either in that Island or elsewhere; not to build any Town or Castle upon his own Lands; not to keep any other shipping, than two small Barks; besides many other trouble some injunctions; with imposition of an hundred talents in silver to be paid out of hand, and fistie talents yearly, for eight years next ensuing. For observance of these Covenants he demanded five hostages, such as he himself should name; and one of them to be the Tyrants own son. If it had been the meaning of Titus, to withdraw the war from Nabis, because it was not grounded upon justice: then had it been enough, if not more than enough, to take Argos from him; which he himself did offer, though it were for fear, to deliver up. But if it were thought reasonable, to dispense a little with the Roman faith, in regard of the great benefit which thereby might redound unto the state of their best friends in Greece, by the extirpation of this Tyranny: then should this enterprise, when once it was taken in hand, have been prosecuted unto the very utmost. As for this middle course which the Romans held: as it was not honourable unto them, to 〈◊〉 themselves by the spoil of one that had not offended them: nor pleasing to the Achaeans, who judged it ever after a great blemish to the noble acts of Titus: so did it minister unto the Aetolians, and to such as curiously pried into the faults of those which took upon them to be Patrons of Greece, no barren Subject of malicious discourse. For since Philip, a King, and descended of many famous Kings, might not be suffered by these Masterly Romans, to hold any one of those Countries or Towns in Greece, that had belonged unto his Ancestors: it was thought very strange, that Lacedaemon, once the most famous City among all the Greeks', was by the same Romans left in possession of a Tyrant, that had usurped it but yesterday: and He therein rooted by their authority, as their friend and Confederate. Nabis on the other side thought himself unmercifully dealt withal, by the selfsame Romans, whose amity he had preferred in time of a doubtful war, before the love and affinity of the Macedonian King, that had committed the City of Argos into his hands. But falsely had he dealt with the Macedonian: and falsely was he dealt with by those, to whom he did betake himself. Among these Articles propounded, there was nothing that pleased him; save only that for the banished Lacedæmonians, (of whom a great number were in the Roman Camp; having among them Agesipolis the natural King of Sparta, that being a young child was driven out by Lycurgus, the first of the Tyrants) there was made no provision, to have them restored unto their City and Estates; but only leave required for as many of their wives, as would be so contented, to live abroad with them in banishment. Wherhfore he forbore to give consent unto 〈◊〉 demands: and sustained an assault or two; hoping belike that the enemies would soon be weary. But his fearful nature shortly overcame the resolution, which the sense of these injuries had put into him. So yielding unto all that had been propounded, He delivered the hostages; and thereupon obtained peace, that was confirmed afterwards at Rome by the Senate and People. From this time forward, He thought the Romans more wicked than himself; and was ready upon the first advantage, to do them all mischief that he could.  
The Argives had heard news that Lacedaemon was even at point of being taken: This erected them, and gave them heart to think upon their own good. So they adventured to set upon the Garrison; which was much weakened, by the remove of the three thousand carried thence by Pythagoras, to help the Tyrant at Sparta. There needed unto their liberty no more, than that all of them jointly should set their hands to the getting of it; which no sooner they did than they obtained it. Presently after this come T. Quintius to Argos, where he was joyfully welcomed. He was deservedly acknowledged as author of that benefit, whereon the Citizens had laid hold without staying for him: and that he might the better entitle himself thereto, he caused the liberty of the Argives to be proclaimed at the Nemaean games; as ratifying it by his authority. The City was annexed again to the Council of Achaia; whereby the Achaeans were not more strengthened, than the Argives themselves were secured from danger of relapse, into the same extremities out of which they had newly escaped.  
After this, Titus found little business or noon where with to set on work his Army in Greece. Antiochus was about to sand another Embassage to Rome, desiring peace and friendship of the Senate. Things being therefore in appearance wholly disposed unto quiet; Scipio the African, that was chosen Consul at Rome, could not have his desire, of being sent Commander into Greece. The unsincere meaning of 〈◊〉, and the tumultuous disposition of the Aetolians, were held as considerations worthy of regard: yet not sufficient causes of making War. Neither appeared there any more honest way, of confuting the Aetolians, and of thoroughly persuading all the Greeks' (which was not to be neglected, by those that meant to assure unto themselves the Patronage of 〈◊〉) that the good of the Country, was their sole intent: than by withdrawing thence their Legions, and leaving the Nation unto itself, till occasion should be ripe, and call them over again. Wherefore after Titus had spent a Winter there, without any matter of employment, either found, or at any near distance appearing; he called an Assembly of Delegates, from all parts of Greece to Corinth: where he meant to bid them farewell. There he recounted unto them all that had passed since his coming into those parts; and willed them to value the Roman friendship, according to the difference of estate, wherein the Romans found and left them. Hereto he added some wholesome counsel; touching the moderate use of their liberty, and the care which they aught to have of living peaceably, and without faction. Lastly he gave up Acrocorinthus to the Achaeans; withdrawing thence the Roman Garrison, and promising to do the like (which very soon he did) at Chalcis and Demetrias; that so it might be known, what liars the Aetolians were, who had accused the Romans, of a purpose to retain those places. With joyful acclamations did the Greeks' testify their good liking of that which Titus had said and done: as also (at his request) they agreed, to 〈◊〉 and enlarge all Romans, that had been sold into their Country by Hannibal.  
Thus Titus crowned his actions in Greece with an happy end: and by leaving the Country before his departure was urged, left therein behind him the memory of his virtue and benefits, untainted by jealousy and suspicion of any evil meaning. At his coming to the City, He had the honour of a Triumph; which was the goodliest of all that Rome had until that day beheld. Three days together the show of his pomp continued: as being set out with the spoils of a Country, more abundant in things worthy of such a spectacle, than any wherein the Romans had before made War. All sorts of Arms, with Statues and curious pieces of Brass or Marble, taken from the Enemy, were carried in the first days Pageant. The second day, was brought in, all the treasure of Gold and Silver: some in the rude Mass unwrought; some, in divers sorts of Coin; and some, in Vessels of sundry kinds, that were the more highly prized by the workmanship. Among these were ten shields, all of Silver; and one of pure Gold. The third day Titus himself entered the City in his Triumphant Chariot. Before him were carried an hundred and fourteen Crowns of Gold, bestowed upon him by divers Cities. There were also led the beasts for Sacrifice; the Prisoners, and the hostages: among which, Demetrius the son of King Philip, and Armenes the son of Nabis, were principal. After him followed his Army; and (which added much grace, and good liking, to the Show) the Roman Captives, by his procurement redeemed from slavery in Greece.  
Not long after his Triumph; He procured audience of the Senate for many Embassages, that were come out of Greece and Asia. They had all very favourable answers, excepting those of King Antiochus: whom the Senate would not hear, but referred over to T. Quintius, and the ten that had been his Counsellors; because their business was said to be somewhat intricate. Here at the King's 〈◊〉 wondered. They said unto Titus and his Associates, That they could not discern wherein consisted any perplexity of their message. For all Treaties of peace and friendship, were either between the Victor and the vanquished; between those, that having warred together, were upon equal terms of advantage; or between those that had lived always in good agreement, without any quarrel. Unto the Victor, they said, that the vanquished must yield; and patiently endure the imposition of some Covenants, that else might seem unreasonable. Where War had been made, and no advantage gotten: there was it usual to demand and make restitution of things and places claimed, 〈◊〉, or lost; accordingly as both parts could agreed. But between those which had never failen out, there aught no Conditions of establishing friendship to be proposed: since it was reasonable, that each part should hold their own; and neither carry itself as superior unto the other, in prescribing aught that might be troublesome. Now of this last kind, was the League and friendship that had been so long in conclusion, betwixt Antiochus and the Romans. Which being so: they held it strange, that the Romans should thus insist on points no way concerning them, and take upon them to prescribe unto the King, what Cities of Asia he should set at liberty; from what Cities they would give him leave to exact his wont Tributes; either putting, or not putting, his Garrisons into them, as the Senate should think fit. Hereto Quintius answered, That since they went so distinctly to work, He would also do the like. Wherhfore he propounded unto them two Conditions, and gave them their choice whither to accept: Either that it should be lawful for the Romans, to take part in Asia with any that would seek their friendship; Or, if King Antiochus misliked this, and would have them forbear to meddle in Asia, that then He should abandon whatsoever he had gotten in 〈◊〉. This was plain dealing; but no reasonable nor pertinent answer, to that which the King's Ambassadors had propounded. For 〈◊〉 the Romans might be hired to abstain from Asia, by the 〈◊〉 of all that Antiochus had lately won in Europe: then did not the affairs of Smyrna, Lampsacus, or any other Asiatiques, whom they were pleased to reckon as their Confederates, bind them in honour to make war with a King that sought their love, and had never done them injury. But they knew very well, that Antiochus could not without great shame be so base, as to deliver up unto them the City of Lysimachia, whereon of late he had been at so much cost; in building it up even from the foundations, and repeopling it with inhabitants, that had all been dispersed, or captive to the Barbarians. And so much the Ambassadors with great indignation alleged: saying, that Antiochus desired friendship of the Romans; but so, as it might stand with his honour. Now in point of honour, the Romans took upon them as if their cause were far the superior. For it was, they said, their purpose, to set at liberty those Towns, which the King would oppress and hold in subjection: especially since those Towns were of Greekish blood and language; and fell in that regard under the patronage, which Rome had afforded unto all Greece beside. By this colour they might soon have left Antiochus King of not many subjects on the hither side of Euphrates. Neither did they forbear to say, That, unless he would quit what he held in Europe, it was their meaning not only to protect those which relied upon them in Asia, but therein to make new Alliances: namely (as might be understood) with such as were his subjects. Wherhfore they urged his Ambassadors to come to a point, and tell them plainly which of these two Conditions their King would accept. For lack of a pleasing answer, which the Ambassadors could not hereto make; little wanted of giving presently defiance to the King. But they suffered themselves to be entreated, and were contented once again to sand over P. vilius, and others that had been already with the King at Lysimachia; by whom they might receive a final answer, whither these demands made by Quintius and his Associates would be accepted, yea, or no. By this respite of time, and the fruitless Treaties ensuing, Antiochus got the leisure of two years, or thereabouts, to prepare for war; finding in the Romans, all that while, no disposition to let him live in peace.   

§. V Of the long Wars which the Romans had with the Gauls, Ligurians, and Spaniards. Of M. PORCIUS CATO. Injuries done by MASANISSA to the Carthaginians, that sue to the Romans for justice in vain.  
THe Insubrians, 〈◊〉, and other of the Cisalpine Gauls, together with the Ligurians; made often, and (in a manner) continual war upon the Romans in Italy, even from such time as Hannibal and his brother Mago departed thence, until such time as they themselves were utterly subdued: which was not, before the Romans were almost at the height of their Empire. These Nations, having served under Mago for wages, and afterwards having gotten Amilcar a Carthaginian, to be Leader unto them all, as hath been already showed; by this their fellowship in Arms, grew to be such willing partakers each of others fortune, that seldom afterwards either the Gauls or Ligurians did stir alone, but that their companions, hearing it, were ready to second them. How the Romans first prevailed, and got large possessions in Gallia Cisalpina now called Lombardy; it hath been long since rehearsed, between 
〈◊〉. 2. §. 8. of this Book.  the first and second Punic Wars. As also it hath since appeared, how they lost the greatest part of their hold in that Country, by means of Hannibal his passage therethrough. Neither is it likely that the reconquest would have been more difficult or tedious unto the Romans, than was the first purchase: if, besides the greater employments which they had of their Armies abroad, their forces appointed unto this war had not been distracted by the Ligurians; that always made them to proceed 〈◊〉, having an eye to the danger at their backs. The Ligurians were a stout Nation, light and swift of body; well practised in laying ambushes, and not discouraged with any overthrow, but forthwith ready to fight again. Their Country was mountainous, rough, woody, and full of strength and dangerous passages. Few good Towns they had; but many Castles, exceedingly well fortified by nature: so as without much labour, they could neither be taken nor besieged. They were also very poor; and had little or nothing that might give contentment, unto a victorious Army that should spoil their Land. In these respects they served excellently well, to train up the Roman 〈◊〉 to hardness and military patience: teaching them (besides other exercises of war) to endure much, and live contented with a little. Their quarrel to Rome, grew partly from their love unto the Gauls, their neighbours and companions; partly from their delight in robbing and spoiling the Territory of their borderers, that were subject unto Rome. But their obstinate continuance in the War which they had begun, seems to have been grounded upon the Condition of all Saluages; To be friends or foes, by custom, rather than by judgement: and to acknowledge no such virtue in Leagues, or formal conclusions of Peace, as aught to hinder them from using their advantage, or taking revenge of injuries when they return to mind. This quality is found in all, or most of the West-Indians: who, if they be demanded a reason of the Wars between them and any of their neighbours, use commonly this answer, It hath still been the custom for us and them, to fight one against the other.  
divers overthrows, though noon that were great, these Ligurians gave unto the Romans: but many more, and greater, they received. Often they sought peace, when they found themselves in distress; and broke it again as often, when they thought it profitable so to do. The best was, that as their Country was a good place of exercise unto the Romans, so out of their own Country they did little 〈◊〉: not sending any great Armies far from home; perhaps, because they knew not how to make war, save on their own ground.  
The Country of Spain, as it was the first part of the Continent out of Italy that become subject unto the Romans: so was it the last of all their Provinces, which was wholly and thoroughly by them subdued. It is likened in figure by some Geographers unto an Oxhide: and the Romans found in it the property of that Oxhide, which 〈◊〉 the Indian showed unto the Great Alexander, as an Emblem of his large Dominions. For, treading upon any side of it, the further parts would rise from the ground. And thus was it with Spain. Seldom did it happen, that those parts from which the Roman Armies lay furthest, were not up in rebellion. The 〈◊〉 were a very hardy Nation, and easily stirred up to arms; but had not much knowledge in the Art of war, nor any good Captains. They wanted also (which was their principal hindrance) good intelligence among themselves: and being divided into many small Signories, that had little other communion than of language, they seldom or never provided in general for the common good of their Country; but made it their chief care, each of them to look unto their own Territory. Such private respects made them often to fall asunder; when many had united themselves together, for chasing out of the Romans. And 〈◊〉 were the causes of their often overthrows: as desire of liberty, rather than complaint of any wrong done to them, was the cause of their often taking arms.  
The Carthaginians had been accustomed, to make evacuation of this Choleric Spanish humour; by employing, as Mercenaries in their wars abroad, those that were most likely to be unquiet at home. They had also taken Soldiers from one part of the Country, and used them in another: finding means to pay them all, out of the profits which they raised upon the whole Country; as being far better husbands, and of more dexterititie than were the Romans, in that kind. But contrariwise the Romans, using the service of their own Legions, and of their sure friends the Latins, had little business for the Spaniards; and therefore were feign to have much business with them. Spain was too far distant, and withal too great, for them to sand over Colonies thither, whereby to hold it in good order, according to the course that they took in Italy. Wherhfore it remained, that they should always maintain such Armies in the Country, as might serve to hold it in obedience perforce; and such heedful Captains, as might be still ready to oppose the Barbarians in their first Commotion. This they did: and thereby held the Country; though seldom in peace.  
Very soon after the departure of Scipio, there was raised war in Spain against the Romans, even upon the same general ground, that was the foundation of all the Spanish wars following. It was thought unreasonable, that the Spaniards should one while help the Carthaginians against the Romans, and another while the Romans against the Carthaginians; basely forgetting to help themselves against those that were strangers, yet usurped the Dominion over them. But the forces which Scipio had left behind him in that Country, being well acquainted with the manner of war in those parts, suppressed this Rebellion by many victories: and, together with subjection, brought peace upon the Country; which lasted five years. This Victory of the Romans, though it happily ended the war: yet left it still remaining the cause of the war; which after five years broke out again. The Spaniards fought a battle with the Roman Proconsul, whom they slew; and had a great Victory, that filled them with greater hopes. Yet the happy success of their Wars in Greece, made the Romans think it enough to sand thither two Praetors, and with each of them some two 〈◊〉. These did somewhat: yet not so much, but that M. Porcius Cato, who was Consul the year following, and sent into that Province; found at his coming little less to do, than the reconquering of all Spain. But it fell out happily, that all the Spaniards were not of one mind: some were 〈◊〉 to Rome; and some were idle beholders of the pains that others took. Yet when Cato had won a great Victory upon the chief of them; they rose against him in many parts of the Country, and put him to much new trouble. 〈◊〉 he was about to make a journey against those that were as yet unsubdued: some of the lately vanquished, were even ready to rebel. He therefore disarmed them: which they took so heavily, that many of them slew themselves for very grief. Hearing of this, and well understanding, that such desperation might work dangerous effects; He called unto him the principal among them: and commending unto them peace and quietness, which they never had disturbed but unto their own great loss, He prayed them to devise what course might be taken, for holding them assured unto Rome, without further trouble. Noon of them could, or would give counsel in a matter of this nature. Having therefore talked with them once or twice, and finding their invention barren in this kind of Subject; He gave express charge, That upon a day appointed they should throw down the walls of all their Towns. Afterwards he carried the War about from place to place; and with singular industry finished it in short time. Neither thought he it any disgrace to him or to Rome, in this time of danger, to imitate the Carthaginians, and hire an Army of the Celtiberians, against other of their Countrymen: excusing the indignity, such as it seemed, with a jest, That if he were vanquished and slain, then should he need to pay them nothing; whereas if he had the Victory, he could pay them with the Enemy's money. Finally He brought the War to so good end, that in long time after, though Spain were often troublesome, yet was it in no danger of being lost. He increased also the public Revenues in that Province, by causing some Ours of Iron and Silver to be wrought, that had before lain unregarded. Herein he did benefit the Commonwealth, by a virtue much agreeable to his own peculiar disposition.  
For this M. Cato was not only very notable in the Art of War, which might well be then termed The Occupation of the Romans; but so well furnished with all other useful qualities, that very little was wanting in him, which might seem requisite to the accomplishment of a perfect man. He was very skilful in the Roman Laws, a man of great Eloquence, and not unprofitable in any business either private or public. Many Books he wrote: whereof the principal were, of the Roman antiquities, and of husbandry. In matter of husbandry he was notable, and thereby most increased his substance; being of mean birth, and the first of his House. Strong of body he was, and exceeding temperate: so as he lived in perfect health to very old age. But that which most commended him unto the better sort of the Romans, was his great sincerity of life, abstinence from bribes, and fashioning himself to the ancient laudable Customs of the City. Herein he had merited singular commendations, if the vehemency of his nature had not caused him to malign the virtue of that Noble Scipio the African, and some other worthy men; that were no less 〈◊〉 than himself, though far less rigid, and more gallant in behaviour. Otherwise, He was a very good Citizen, and one of such temper, that he could 〈◊〉 himself to all occasions; as if he never were out of his Element. He 〈◊〉 business so well, or rather hated vice so earnestly; that even unto the end of his life, He was exercised in defending himself, or accusing others. For at the age of fourscore and six years, He pleaded in his own defence: and four years after, he accused Sergius Galba unto the People. So began the Nobility of Cato his family; which ended in his great grandchild M. Cato the Utican: one, that being of like virtue and fervency had all his good purposes dashed, and was finally wearied out of his life, by men of such Nobility and greatness as this his Ancestor had continuallv vexed.  
The Spanish Wars, after Cato his departure out of the Country, though they were not very dangerous, yet were they many; and the Country seldom free from insurrection, in one part or other. The Roman Praetors therefore, of which two every year were sent over Commanders into Spain (that was divided into two every year were sent over Commanders into Spain (that was divided into two Governments) did rarely fail of such work, as might afford the honour of Triumph. One slew thirteen thousand Spaniards in a battle: another took fistie 〈◊〉, and a third enforced many States of the Country to sue for Peace. Thus every one of them, or most of them, did some laudable service; yet so, that commonly there were of men, towns, and people, new that rebelled, in 〈◊〉 of the old that were slain, taken, or reclaimed. At the causes hereof I have already pointed; and therefore think it enough to say, That the business in Spain required not the employment of a Roman Consul, from such time as Cato thence departed, until the Numantian War broke out; which was very long after.  
In all other Countries to the West of the Ionian Seas, the Romans had peace; but so had not the Carthaginians. For when Hannibal was go from them, and that the enemies of the Barchine House promised all felicity which Rome could grant, unto themselves and their obedient City: Masanissa fell to disputing with the sword, about the title to the best part of their Lands. He began with Emporia, a fruitful Region about the lesser Syrtis: wherein among other Cities was that of Leptis, which daily paid a Talon unto Carthage 〈◊〉 Tribute. This country the 〈◊〉 challenged, and by winning 〈◊〉 part of it, seemed to better his claim unto the whole. He had a great advantage: for that the Carthaginians might not make any War, without leave obtained from their Masters the Romans. They had noon other way of redress, than by sending to Rome their Complaint of his doings. And surely they wanted not good matter to allege, if the judges had been unpartial. For besides that Scipio, in limiting out unto them their bounds, had left them the possession of this Country: Masanissa himself, now very lately, pursuing a Rebel that fled out of his Kingdom, desired leave of the Carthaginians, for 〈◊〉 to pass through it in his way to Cyrene: thereby acknowledging (had it otherwise been questionable) that the Country was theirs. This not withstanding, Masanissa had wherewith to justify his proceed, especially unto the Roman Senate. He gave the Fathers to understand by his Ambassadors, what faithless people the Carthaginians were, and how ill-affected to the State of Rome. There had lately been sent unto them from Hannibal, one that should persuade them to take part with Antiochus. This man they had examined upon some suspicion of his errand; yet neither arresting him nor his ship, had thereby afforded him means to escape. Hence the Numidian concluded, That certainly it was their purpose to rebel; and therefore good policy to keep them down. As for the Country of Emporia: it had always, he said, been theirs, that were able to hold it by strong hand: and so belonged sometimes unto the Numidian Kings; though now of late it was in possession of the Carthaginians. But if truth were known, the Citizens of Carthage had no very warrantable title unto any more ground, than that whereon their City stood; or scarcely to so much. For they were no better than strangers in Africa, that had gotten leave there to build upon so much ground, as they could encompass with an Oxhide cut into small thongs. Whatsoever they held without such a compass, was purchased by fraud, and wrongful encroachments. This considered, 〈◊〉 requested of the Senate, That they would not adjudge unto such usurpers, the Country sometimes appertaining to the Ancestors of him their assured friend. The Romans having heard these allegations on both sides, found the matter so doubtful, that they could not on the sudden tell what to determine. 〈◊〉 because they would do nothing rashly; they sent over three Ambassadors, of whom P. Scipio the African was one and the chief, to decide the controversy: yet secretly giving them instructions, to leave all as they found it, without making any end one way or other. The Ambassadors followed their directions, and left all doubtful. So was it likely, that Masanissa with a strong Army should quickly prevail, against those that could no more than talk of their right, and exclaim against the wrong. By such Arts were the Carthaginians held, not onelv from stirring in favour of King Antiochus, if they had thereto any disposition; but were prepared by little and little unto their final destruction: that come upon them, when the Romans had leisure to express the utmost of their hatred.   

§. VI The Aetolians labour to provoke ANTIOCHUS, PHILIP, and NABIS, to war upon the Romans; by whom they hold themselves wronged and disgraced. NABIS besiegeth Gyttheum, and wasteth some part of Achaea. The exact skill of PHILOPOEMEN, in advantage of ground: whereby he utterly vanquisheth NABIS. ANTIOCHUS being denied Peace by the Romans, joins with the Aetolians. The Aetolians surprise DEMETRIAS; and by kill NABIS, their Confederate seize upon Sparta. But they are driven out by the Citizens: who at PHILOPOEMEN his persuasions annex themselves to the Achaeans.  
ALL Greece being at peace, and the Roman Armies thence departed: it grieved much the Aetolians to think, that they who had promised unto themselves the whole spoil of Philip, and the highest reputation among the Greeks'; were not only disappointed of their covetous hopes, but quite forsaken by their ancient dependents; and of all other the most unregarded. Yet was there made a great access to their Estate; by adding much unto them, of that which had been taken from the Macedonian. This might have well sufficed them, if their desires had not been immoderate; and their indignation, more vehement, than their desire. But they were not so pleased with that which they had, since they thought it no more than part of their due; as they were vexed with the denial of that which they claimed, and with finding themselves to be wholly disesteemed, wherein they thought that they had unsufferable wrong. Wherhfore they devised, in a Parliament which they shortly held, by what means they best might right themselves; and give the Romans a sorrowful knowledge of the difference, between their enmity and friendship. To this purpose they soon agreed, as concurring all in one affection, That they would not only persuade Antiochus to make war upon the Romans, as one to whom the Romans had long refused Peace; but that they would deal with the King of Macedon their ancient Enemy, and with Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, to join all together in a new Confederacy: whose joint forces could not in all likelihood but far surmount those of the Romans, Achaeans, 〈◊〉, and King Eumenes, with all that were of their Faction. This was a great enterprise, which the Aetolians took in hand; and well beseeming them, for they were great darers. They sent Ambassadors to all these Kings, with persuasions as they thought most forcible. But Philip was irresolute; and Antiochus willing to try first all other courses. Nabis the Lacedaemonian, who neither (as Philip) had lost much, nor (as Antiochus) was in fear of any war; yet showed himself of all other the most forward: and not staying so much as to seek any good pretence, began immediately to lay siege to Gyttheum, that had been lately taken from him by the Romans. The Achaeans, to whose care chief Titus at his departure had commended the affairs of Peloponnesus, were not 〈◊〉 to admonish Nabis of his duty: neither would they 〈◊〉 stayed long from repressing his violence by open war; had not some of them thought it wisdom to ask counsel of the Romans, and particularly of T. Quintius, before they engaged themselves in a business of such importance. Whilst thus they spent the time in sending Ambassadors, and were advised by Quintius to let all alone, and to wait for the coming of the Roman forces that would shortly be amongst them: Nabis was bold to give them juster cause of complaint, by wasting their own Territory.  
Philopoemen was then Praetor of the Achaeans, who had long been absent in Crete; making war there for his minds sake and recreation. Unto him the Achaeans 〈◊〉 themselves, giving him leave to order the war at his pleasure; either staying until the Romans come; or doing otherwise, as he should think best. He made all haste to relieve Gyttheum, by Sea; fearing jest the Town, and the Achaean Garrison within it, should be lost, if he used any delay. But 〈◊〉 was so bad a Seaman, that he knew not a strong Ship from a rotten. He made a Quadrireme galley his Admiral, that had fourscore years ago been counted a gallant vessel, in the Navy of Antigonus Gonatas. Neither was the rest of his Fleet so good, as might encounter with that of the Lacedaemonian. Only it fell out well, that he committed himself to a light Pinnace or Brigandine, that fought better with her wings, than with her talons. For his Admiral galley was stemmed at the first; and being rotten with age, sprang so many leaks, and took in water so fast, that she was feign to yield without further resistance. When the rest of the Fleet seen what was become of their Admiral, all were presently discouraged, and saved themselves with what speed they could. But 〈◊〉 was not herewith daunted. If he had 〈◊〉 in sea-service, which was noon of his Occupation, He said, that he would make amendss by Land. The Tyrant withdrew part of his Army from the siege of Gyttheum, to stop the Achaeans if they should invade his Country. But upon these which were placed in guard of Laconia, Philopoemen come inexpected; fired their Camp; and put all, save a very few of them, to the sword. Than marched he 〈◊〉 all his Army towards Lacedaemon: within ten mile whereof he was, when the Tyrant met him that had already taken Gyttheum. It was not expected that Nabis would have been ready for them so soon. Or if he should come from Gyttheum, with any part of his forces: yet was it thought that he must overtake them, and charge them in Rear. They marched therefore almost securely, in a long Troop reaching some five miles; having their Horse, & the greatest part of their Auxiliaries at their backs, to bear off any sudden impression. But Nabis, who formerly understood, or at lest suspected, what course they would take, appeared in the front of them with all his Army; encamped there where they meant to have lodged. It was the custom of Philopoemen, when he walked or traveled abroad with his friends, to mark the situation of the Country about him; and to discourse, what might befall an Army marching the same way. He would suppose, That having with him there such a number of Soldiers, ordered and sorted in such manner, and marching towards such a place; he were upon that ground encountered by a greater Army, or better prepared to the fight. Than would he put the question, whither it were fit for him to hold on his way, retire, or make a stand? what piece of ground it were meet for him to seize upon? and in what manner he might best do it? in what sort he should order his men? where bestow his Carriages, and under what Guard? in what sort encamp himself? and which way march the day following? By such continually meditation He was grown so perfect, that he never met with any difficulty, whence he could not explicate himself and his followers. At this time he made a stand: and having drawn up his Rear, He encamped near unto the place where he was; within half a mile of the Enemy. His baggage, with all thereto belonging, he bestowed on a Rock; encompassing them round with his Soldiers. The ground was rough, the ways bad, and the day almoft quite spent; so as Nabis could not at the present greatly molest him. Both Armies were to water at one Brooke; whereto the Achaeans lay the nearer. This watering therefore was like to minister the first occasion of skirmish. Philopoemen understood this; and laid an ambush in place convenient; whereinto the Mercenaries of Nabis fell, and were slaughtered in great numbers. Presently after this, he caused one of his own Auxiliaries to go to the Tyrant, as a fugitive, and tell him, that the Achaeans had a purpose to get between him and Lacedaemon; whereby they would both debar his return into the City, and withal encourage the people, to take arms for the recovery of their freedom. The Tyrant hearing this, marched hastily away; and left his Camp, which hardly otherwise would have been forced. Some Companies he made to stay behind, and show themselves upon the Rampart, thereby to conceal his departure. But Philopoemen was not so to be beguiled. He easily won the Camp; and gave chase to Nabis: whose followers being overtaken, had no courage to turn about and make head. The enemies being thus dispersed, and fled into Woods, where they lay in covert all that day; Philopoemen conceived aright, that their fear and necessity would teach them to creep homewards, and save themselves, when it grew dark. Wherhfore in the Evening, when he had gathered together all those of his Light-armature, which had followed the chase whilst it was day, He led forth the rest that had well refreshed themselves, and occupied the two most ordinary passages unto Lacedaemon. So Nabis his men, when it was dark night, perceiving in Philopoemens' Camp great store of lights; thought that all had been at rest: and therefore adventured to make an escape home. But they were so waylaid, that hardly one quarter of them got into Sparta. Thirty days together after this, did Philopoemen waste the Country round about, whlest Nabis durst not issue forth of his Town; and then returned home, leaving the Tyrant in a manner without forces.  
The Roman Embassaddours were then in Greece, and T. Quintius among them; labouring to make their party strong against Antiochus and Nabis, whom they knew to be solicited by the Aetolians. Very fair countenance they also made unto Philip; and with comfortable promises drew him to make show, whatsoever he thought, of good correspondence. They promised to restore unto him his son: and were contented to let him hope, that he should receive other favours at their hands; and regain possession of many places, by them taken from him. Thus did the Romans prepare for war against Antiochus in Greece, whilst their Ambassadors that were with him in Asia, denied otherwise to grant him Peace, than if he would yield unto one of the Conditions, by them so often propounded. The long absence of this King in Syria, where he had accomplished the marriage between Ptolemie and his daughter; together with the death of young Antiochus the King's son, which happened during the Treaty, and hindered, or seemed to hinder the King, from giving audience in person to the Ambassadors; caused them to return home to Rome; as uncertain of their answer as at their setting forth. One thing that might have been, and partly was, beneficial unto them, they brought to pass during their abode at Ephesus; either by cunning, or (as Livy rather thinks) by chance. Finding Hannibal there, they discoursed often with him, and blamed him for having thus fled unto Antiochus, upon a causeless suspicion wherein he held the Romans: that honoured his virtue, and intended him no harm. Many have affirmed that P. Scipio was one of these Ambassadors; and that he, among other discourses with Hannibal, demanded once, Which of all the famous Captains that had lived, HANNIBAL judged the most worthy? So Hannibal gave to Alexander of Macedon the first place: to 〈◊〉 the second: and the third he challenged unto himself. But Scipio who thought his own title better, than that it aught to be so forgotten: asked yet further, What wouldst thou have said then, Hannibal, if thou hadst vanquished me? To whom the Carthaginian replied, Than would not I have given the first place to Alexander, but have claimed it as due unto myself. Now whither this were so, or otherwise: the often and friendly conference of Hannibal with the Roman Ambassadors, made him suspected of Antiochus: who therefore did forbear awhile to use his counsel. Yet afterwards, when Hannibal perceived this change in the King: and plainly desiring him to tell the cause thereof, heard what it was; He easily recovered his former grace, and credit. For he told how his Father had caused him to swear at the Altars, when he was a little boy, That he never should be friend unto the Romans. Wherhfore he willed the King not to regard any vain surmises: but to know thus much, That as long as he thought upon war with Rome, so long would Hannibal do him all good service: whereas contrariwise if he intended to make peace, then should it behove him to use the counsel of some other man.  
The Aetolians, and their friends, were no less busy all this while, in making their party strong against the Romans, than were the Romans, in mustering up their friends in Greece. They had so often dealt with Antiochus, vaunting much of their own forces, and arrogating to themselves the honour of the victory against Philip; that finally they prevailed with him: especially when the Roman Ambassadors had left him without hope of peace, unless he would buy it at too dear a rate. They dealt in like sort with the Macedonian. But in vain. He understood the Romans, and himself, too well. Wherhfore it concerned them to improve their own forces to the utmost: as knowing, that all the burden must lie upon Antiochus and themselves, without help from any; save only from some few that were discontented in Greece. Whilst they were about this, and had with them an Ambassador of the King Antiochus that animated them to resolution: the Athenian Ambassadors, whom Titus had requested to be at their meeting, stayed their vehemency a little; by exhorting them, not to conclude rashly, without first hearing the Romans, that lay near at hand. For want of a ready answer hereto, they were contented to approve the motion. Titus hearing this, thought the business worthy of his presence. For since 〈◊〉 had now declared himself against the Romans: it would be no small piece of service, to withdraw from his friendship, 〈◊〉 by whose encouragement he had made the adventure. Wherhfore he come to their Panaetolium, or great Assembly of the Nation; where he forgot nothing that might serve to appease them. He willed them to consider the weight of the enterprise which they took in hand; whereby Greece was like to become a Champaigne-field, on which, to the ruin of the Country, the Romans, and King Antiochus, that commanded no small part of the World, should fight for the Mastery: the Aetolians, as Masters in that kind of Fence, setting them on, and becoming 
* Liu. l. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fortè, 〈◊〉.  the Sticklers. As for those grievances which did thus exasperated them, and urge them to such violent courses, He willed them to consider how slight they were, and how much better they might do to sand Ambassadors to Rome, that should either plead their right in the Senate, or (if their right unto the places which they claimed, were not good) make request to have what they desired: than thus to set the world in an uproar, and be afterwards the first that should repent it. But what he said, or could say, it skilled not much. They had already done ill, to make the Ambassador of the King, whose help they had sought, wait so long for an answer, and stay doubting what good end they should make with the Romans. Neither was it news unto them to hear those comfortable words, That, by sending to Rome, they might happen to obtain what they desired; either as their right, or else by way of favour. For with such Terms had they been feasted once already: and were by the Senate rejected unto Titus: who, having it in his own power, gave them no satisfaction; yet would now again refer them to the Senate. This were only loss of time, and might abate their credit with Antiochus. Wherhfore without more ado they made a Decree, That King Antiochus the Great should be entreated to come over into Greece, as well to set the Country at liberty, as also to decide the controversies depending between the Romans and Aetolians. Such a Decree they would not have made, had they not understood the King's mind before. Having made it; they forgot no point of bravery, where by to vaunt themselves to the King's Ambassadors, and against the Romans. Titus desired of their Praetor, to let him see a Copy of this new Decree. The Praetor answered, That then he had other things to do: but that this Decree, & their further answer, they would shortly let him know, if he come to their camp in Italy upon the river of Tiber. Gentler words would have done better, as the Aetolians are like to understand hereafter. But having thus begun, they meant henceforth to go roundly to work. The care of the war they referred unto the more private Council of their Nation; that no occasion might slip, in waiting for the Authority of a general Assembly. The Apoclcti (so were the Privy Council of Aetolia called) went as hotly to work as any of the youngest heads could have done. They laid a plot, how to get into their hands at one time the Towns of Chalcis, Demetrias, and Sparta: to each of which they sent men for the purpose. Demetrias they took upon the sudden; entering, some of them as friends to conduct home a principal man of the City: who for speaking words against T. Quintius, had been driven to flee thence, but was, by intercession of those that loved him, again recalled. His Aetolian companions, that were not many, seized upon a Gate; whereat they let in a Troop which they had left not far behind them; and so fell to murdering the chief of the Roman Faction. At Chalcis they sped not so well. Thither also they had a banished man to bring home: but they come so 〈◊〉, that their purpose was discovered, and the Town prepared to defend itself against them. Being therefore demanded the cause of this hostility, they gave a gentle answer, saying, That they come not thither as enemies, but only to deliver the Town from the Romans; who more insolently dominered over it, than ever the Macedonians had done. By which Rhetoric they prevailed no more, than they could do by plain force. For the Townsmen replied, That they neither found any abridgement of their liberty, nor needed any Garrison to keep them from the Romans; from whom they neither feared any danger, nor received injury. So this business was dashed. The attempt upon Sparta was more strange and desperate. Nabis their good friend, was Lord of the Town; styling himself King: but, more truly by all men called Tyrant. He had well-near lost all, by means of the overthrow which Philopoemen had lately given him: since, he durst not stir abroad; and daily expected the mischief, that on all sides threatened him. Wherefore he sent messengers, one after another, to the Aetolians; requesting them, That as He had not been slow to stir in their behalf, but adventured himself upon the utmost of danger, when all others were backward; so They would be pleased to sand him what help they might, since his bad fortune had caused him presently to need it. It hath been often said, That the raucnous Aetolians were only true to themselves, and regarded neither faith nor friendship otherwise than as it might conduce to their own ends. And so dealt they now. For since Nabis his mercenary forces, which upheld his Tyranny, were in a manner consumed: they thought it expedient for their Estate, to put him out of the way; and, by so doing, to assure 〈◊〉 unto themselves. To this purpose, they sent thither Alexamenus, one whom they thought a man fit for such a work. To him they gave a thousand Foot, and thirty Horse, chosen for the purpose. These thirty were by Damocritus the Praetor brought into the Council of the Apocleti, where they were commanded to be no wiser than they should be, nor to think that they were sent to make war with the Achaeans, or to do aught else, save only what Alexamenus should command them; which, were it never so desperate, and in seeming against all reason; yet must they understand, that unless they performed it, they should have no good welcome home. So Alexamenus come to the Tyrant, whom he encouraged with brave words: telling him that Antiochus was already in Europe, and would be anon in Greece, meaning to cover all the Land and Sea with his mighty Armies; and that the Romans were like to find other manner of work, than of late with Philip: since the Elephants of this great King, without other help, would suffice to tread them down. As for the Aetolians, He said, that if need should so require, they would presently 〈◊〉 away to Lacedaemon all the forces that they could raise: But that they were very desirous at the present, to make as goodly a muster as they could before the great King; which caused them to sand him thither afore with no greater company. Hereupon he willed Nabis to take heart; bring forth his men, that had been long penned up in the City; and train them without the walls: as if shortly he should employ them in work of conquest, rather than defence. Nabis was glad of this: and daily exercised his men in the field; riding up and down with his Alexamenus, and no more than three or four horse about him, from one point to another, to order and behold them. During this time of exercise, Alexamenus made it his fashion to step aside alone to his Aetolians, and say somewhat as he thought fit: which done, he still returned again to Nabis. But when he seen time for the great work that he had in hand: He then went aside to his thirty Horsemen, and bade them remember the task enjoined them at their setting forth; telling them that they were all in case of banished men, unless they would anon come up to him, and help him to finish that which they should see him take in hand. Herewithal the Tyrant began to draw near them: and Alexamenus making towards him, charged him on the sudden, and 〈◊〉 him down. The thirty Aetolians never stood to deliberate upon the matter: but all flew in; and, before any succour could arrive, had made an end of this wretched Nabis. Presently upon the fact committed, the Tyrant his Mercenaries ran unto the dead body: where in stead of seeking revenge, they stood foolishly gazing as beholders. Alexamenus with his Aetolians hasted into the City, and seized on the Palace: where he fell to ransacking the Treasure; and troubled himself with noon other care, as though all were already done. Such of his followers as were dispersed in the Town, did also the like; with the greater indignation of the Citizens: who seeing themselves free by the death of the Tyrant, could not endure to see those that had slain him, begin to tyrannize anew. Wherhfore all the Town was shortly in Arms: and for lack of another Captain, they took a little Boy of the Royal stock, that had been brought up with Nabis his children; whom they mounted upon a Good Horse, and made him their chief. So they fell upon the Aetolians that were idly straggling about; and put them all to the sword. Alexamenus with not many of his Company, were slain in keeping the Citadel: and those few that escaped thence into Arcadia, were taken by the Magistrates: who sold them all as bondslaves, In this doubtful Estate of things at Lacedaemon, Philopoemen come thither: who calling out the chief of the City, and speaking such words unto them, as Alexamenus should have done after he had slain the Tyrant; easily persuaded them for their own good and safety, to incorporate themselves with the 〈◊〉. Thus by the enterprise, no less dishonourable than difficult, of the Aetolians, and the small, but effectual, travail of 〈◊〉; the Achaeans made a notable purchase: and Lacedaemon, that had hitherto been governed either by Kings, or by Tyrants that called themselves Kings, become the member of a Commonwealth; whereof the name had scarce any reputation, when Sparta ruled over all Greece.   

§. VII. ANTIOCHUS, persuaded by THOAS the Aetolian, comes over into Greece, ill attended. Sundry passages between him, the Aetolians, Chalcidians and others. He wins Chalcis, and thereby the whole Isle of Euboea. The vanity of the King's Ambassadors and the Aetolians, with the Civil answer of TITUS to their discourse, before the Achaeans. That it concerned the Greeks' to have desired peace, between the Romans and ANTIOCHUS; as the best assurance of their own liberty. Of many petty Estates that fell to the King. Of AMINANDER; and an idle vanity, by which King PHILIP was lost. HANNIBAL gives good counsel in vain. Some Towns won in Thessaly. The King retires to Chalcis; Where he marrieth a young Wife, and revels away the rest of Winter. Upon the coming of the Roman Consul all forsake ANTIOCHUS. He with two thousand Aetolians keeps the Straitss of Thermopylae. He is beaten, and flies into Asia: leaving all in Greece unto the Victors.  
ANTIOCHUS was troubled much in Asia with Smyrna and Lampsacus, that would not harken to any Composition. He thought it neither safe nor honourable, to leave them Enemies behind him; and to win them by force, was more than hitherto he was able. Yet was he desirous with all speed convenient to show himself in Greece; where he had been told, that his presence would effect wonders. It was said, That in all the Countric there was a very small number, which bore hearty affection unto the Romans: That Nabis was already up in Arms: That Philip was like a Bandog in a chain, desiring nothing more than to break lose; and that the Aetolians, without whom the Romans had done nothing, nor nothing could have done, were ready to confer upon him the greatness, which they had unworthily bestowed upon insolent Barbarians. Of all this the lest part was true. Yet that which was true made such a noise, as added credit unto all the rest. Whilst therefore the King was thinking to sand Honnibal into Africa, there to molest the Romans, and so give him the better leisure of using his own opportunities in Greece: Thoas the Aetolian come over to him, and bade him lay all other care aside; for that his Countrymen had alreadic taken Demetrias; a Town of main importance, that should give him entertainment, whence he might proceed as become the greatness of his virtue and fortune. This did serve to cut off all deliberation. As for Hannibal: Thoas was bold to tell the King, first, That it was not expedient for him to divide his forces at such a time, when the very reputation of his numbers, brought into Greece, might serve to lay open unto him all places, without need of using violence: and secondly, That in any such great enterprise there could not be chosen a more unfit man to be employed in the King's service, than was that famous Hannibal the Carthaginian. For he said, That the King should as greatly feel the loss of a Fleet or Army, perishing under such a notable Commander if his fortune were bad, as if the same had miscarried under one of meaner quality: whereas nevertheless if Hannibal prevailed; Hannibal alonc should have all the honour, and not Antiochus. In this regard he was of opinion, That such a renowned Warrior should be always near unto the King's person, to give advice: which being followed as often as it was found commodious, the good success would wholly redound unto the honour of him that had the sovereign Command; even of the King himself. Antiochus gladly hearkened unto this admonition; being jealous of the virtue, that shined brighter than the Majesty of his own fortune. And thereupon he laid aside the determination; which tended more to the advancement of his desires, than did any thing else by him then or after thought upon.  
Presently after this He made ready for Greece. Before his setting forth, in a frivolous pomp of ceremony, he went up from the Seaside to Ilium; there to do sacrifice to Minerva of Troy. Thence passing over the Aegean Sea, He come to Demetrias. Eurylochus the Magnetian, the same whom the Aetolians had lately waited on home, when by that pretext they wan Demetrias; was now the chief man and Ruler of his Nation. 〈◊〉 therefore with his Countrymen, in great frequency, come to do their duties to the King Antiochus, and bid him welcome. The King was glad of this: and took it as a sign of good luck, to be so entertained at the beginning. But it may be suspected, that the Magnetians found not the like cause of joy. For whereas they had expected a Fleet and Army somewhat like to that of Xerxes: they seen three hundred ships, of which no more than forty were serviceable for the Wars; with an Army of ten thousand Foot, five hundred Horse, and six Elephants. The Aetolians no sooner heard of his coming, than they called a Parliament; and made a Decree, whereby they invited him into their Country. He knew before that they would so do; and was therefore well onward on his way towards them, when they met him that brought the Decree. At his coming to Lamia, the Aetolians gave him as joyful entertainment as they could devise. Being brought into their Council, He made an Oration: wherein he desired them to hold him excused, that he come not sollowed with a greater Army. This was, he said, in true estimation a sign of his good will: in that he stayed not to make all things ready; but hasted unto their aid, even whilst the season was unfit for navigation. Yet it should not be long, ere the hope of all those which had expected him, would be satisfied unto the full. For it was his meaning to fill all Greece with Armies, and all the Sea-coast with his Fleets. Neither would he spare for any charge, travail, or danger, to follow the business which he had undertaken: even to drive the Romans and their authoritic out of 〈◊〉; leaving the Country free indeed, and the Aetolians therein the chief. Now as the Armies that were following him, should be very great: so was it his meaning, that all provisions to them belonging should be correspondent; because he would not be any way burden some unto his Confederates. But at the present he must needs entreat them, having thus hastily come over unto their aid, unprovided of many necessaries: that they would help him with Corn and other victuals, whereof he stood in need. So he left them to their consultation: the conclusion whereof was, after a little dispute, (for a vain motion was made by some, that the differences between the Romans and them, should be put by Compromise to the decision of Antiochus) That they would yield unto the King's desire, and 〈◊〉 him with all their forces. Here we may 〈◊〉, how vain a thing it is for an absolute Prince to engage himself, as did Antiochus, in a business of dangerous importance, upon the promised assurance of a State that is merely popular. For if the vehemency of Thoas, and some other of that Faction, had not prevailed in this Council: the Aetolians, for gain of two or three Towns, yea for hope of such gain that might have deceived them; were like to have abandoned this King their friend, unto the discretion of the Romans. And what remedy had there been, if this had so fallen out? He could have bemoaned himself to Thoas, and complained of the wrong: but he must have been contented with this answer, That the fault was in those of the opposite side; whom Thoas would therefore have pronounced to be very wicked men. It happened much better for the present; though in the future it proved much worse, both for him, and for the Aetolians. He was chosen General of all their forces: and thirty Commissioners were appointed to be about him, as a Council of War for the Nation. These armed such as readily they could, whilst it was in dispute where they should begin the War. Chalcis was thought the meetest place to be first undertaken: wither if they come suddenly, they should not peradventure need to use much force. The King had brought with him into Aetolia but a thousand Foot; leaving the rest behind him at Demetrias. With these he hasted away directly toward Chalcis; being overtaken by no great number of the Aetolians, which accompanied him thither. At his coming, the Magistrates, and some of the chief Citizens, issued forth to parley with him. There the Aetolians began, as they had lately done before, to tell, how the Romans had only in words and false semblance, set Greece at liberty. But such liberty, as might be true and useful, they said would never be obtained; until by removing the necessity of obeying their pleasure that were most mighty, every several 〈◊〉 had where to found redress of any pressure. And to this end was the great Antiochus come thither; a King well able to counterpoise, yea to overweigh the Romans: who nevertheless desired them only, so to join with him in League, as that if either the Romans or He should offer them wrong, they might keep it in their power, to seek redress at the other hands. The Chalcidians made hereto the same answer, which, to the like allegations, they had made not long before: That their freedom was not imaginary, but absolute; for which they were to thank the Romans; without whose good liking, they would enter into no new confederacy. That which they spoke of themselves, they could likewise affirm of all the Greeks': forasmuch as noon of them paid any Tribute; was kept under, by any Garrison; or lived otherwise than by their own Laws, and without being tied unto condition which displeased them. Wherhfore they wondered, why the King should thus trouble himself, to deliver Cities that were already free. But since he, and the Aetolians, requested their friendship: they besought both him, and the Aetolians, to do a friendly Office, in departing from them quietly, and leaving them in such good case as they were. With this answer the King departed: for he was not, as then, strong enough to force them. But very soon after, he brought thither a greater power; which 〈◊〉 them, and made them yield: before all the succours could arrive, which Titus had sent for their defence.  
The chief City of 〈◊〉 being thus gotten; all the rest of the Island shortly yielded to Antiochus. Four or five hundred Roman Soldiers, that come over late 〈◊〉 have defended Chalcis, reposed themselves at Delium, a little Town of Boeotia, lying over against the Island; where was a Temple and Grove, consecrated unto Apollo, that had the privilege of an inviolable Sanctuary. In this place were some of them walking, and beholding the things there to be seen, whilst others were busied as they found cause: without fear of any danger; as being in such a place, and no war hither to proclaimed. But Menippus, one of Antiochus his Captains, that had wearied himself in many vain Treaties of peace; took advantage of their carelessness, and used them with all extremity of 〈◊〉. Very few of them escaped: fifty were taken; and the rest slain. Here at Quintius was grieved: yet so, as it pleased him well to consider, that his Romans had now more just cause than before, to make war upon the King.  
Antiochus liked well these beginnings, and sent Ambassadors into all quarters of Greece; in hope, that his reputation should persuade very many to take his part. The wiser sort returned such answer, as the Chalcidians had done. Some reserved themselves until he should come among them: knowing that either, if he come not, He must hold them excused for not daring to stir; or, if he come, the Romans must pardon their just fear, in yielding to the 〈◊〉. Noon of those that lay far off, joined with him in true meaning; save the Eleans, that always favoured the Aetolians, and now feared the Achaeans. Little reason there was, that he should think to draw the Achaeans to his party. Nevertheless he assayed them, upon a vain hope that the envy, which Titus was said to bear unto Philopoemens' virtue, had bred a secret dislike between that Nation and the Romans. Wherhfore both He and the Aetolians sent Ambassadors to the Council at Aegium; that spared not brave words, if the 〈◊〉 would have so been taken. The King's Ambassador told of great Armies and Fleets that were coming: reckoning up the Dahans, Medians, Elimaeans and Cadusians; names that were not every day heard of, and therefore as he thought, the more terrible. Than told he them what notable men at Sea, the Sydonians, Tyrians, Aradians, and Pamphylians were; such indeed as could not be resisted. Now concerning money and all warlike furniture: it was, he said, well known, that the Kingdoms of Asia had always thereof great plenty. So as they were much 〈◊〉: who considering the late war made against Philip, did think that this with Antiochus would prove the like: the case was too far different. Yet this most powerful King, that for the liberty of Greece was come from the utmost parts of the East; requested no more of the Achaeans, than that they would hold themselves as neutral, and quietly look on, whilst He took order with the Romans. To the same effect spoke the Aetolian Ambassador: and further added, That in the battle at 〈◊〉, neither Titus had done the part of a General, nor the Romans of good Soldiers: but that both He and his Army had been there destroyed, had they not been protected by virtue of the Aetolians, which carried the day. Titus was present at the Council, and heard all this: to which he made as fit answer, as could have been desired. He told the Achaeans, That neither the King's Ambassador, nor the Aetolian, did so greatly labour to persuade those unto whom they addressed their Orations; as to vaunt themselves the one unto the other. So as a man might well discern, what good correspondence in vanity it was, that had thus linked the King and the Aetolians together. For even such brags as here they made, before the Achaeans who knew them to be liars, had the Aetolians also made unto King Antiochus: proclaiming the victory over Philip to be merely their Act: and the whole Country of Greece to be dependent on them. Interchangeably had they been feasted by the King, with such tales as his Ambassador told even now; of Dahans, and Aradians, and Elimaeans, and a many others: that were all but a company of Syrians, such as were wont to be sold about for bondslaves, and good for little else. These divers names of rascal people were, he said, like to the diversity of Venison, where with a friend of his at Chalcis (no such vaunter as were these Ambassadors) had sometime feasted him. For all that variety, whereat he wondered, was noon other, as his Host then merrily told him; than so many pieces of one tame swine, dressed after 〈◊〉 fashions with variety of 〈◊〉. Setting therefore aside this vanity of idle pomp: it were good to make judgement of the great King, by his present doings. He had, notwithstanding all this great noise, no more than ten thousand men about him: for which little Army he was feign in a manner, to beg victuals of the Aetolians; and take up money at usury, to defray his charges. And thus he ran up and down the Country; from Demetrias to Lamia; thence back to Chalcis; and being there shut out, to Demetrias again. These were the first-fruits of lies: wherewith since both Antiochus and the Aetolians had each deluded other; meet it was that they should, as perhaps already they did, repent, whilst wiser men took heed by their example. To a favourable Auditory much persuasion is needless. The Achaeans did not love so well the Aetolians, as to desire that they should become Princes of Greece: but rather wished to see them, of all other, made the veriest abjects. Wherhfore they stood not to 〈◊〉 after news, 〈◊〉 Antiochus did, how he sped in Euboea, or what other Cities were like to take his part: but readily proclaimed war against him, and against the Aetolians.  
How the hatred between these two Nations grew inveterate sufficiently appears in the story foregoing. Now have they gotten each their Patrons; the one, the Romans; the other, King Antiochus. Herein did each of them unwisely: though far the greater blame aught to be laid, on the turbulent spirits of the Aetolians. For when the Romans departed out of Greece, and left the Country at rest: there was nothing more greatly to have been desired, than that they might never find occasion to return with an Army thither again. And in this respect aught the Greeks' to have sought, not how Smyrna and Lampsacus might recover their liberty (which had never been held a matter worth regarding, until now of late) but how the powers of the East and West, divided and kept asunder by their Country, as two Seas by an Isthmus or neck of land, might be kept from overflowing the bar that parted them. Neither had the Romans any better pretence for their seeking to make free those base Asiatiques, which originally were Greekish; than the general applause, wherewith all the Nation entertained this their loving offer. Yet were Lysimachia, and the Towns in Thrace, lately gotten by Antiochus, pretended as a very great cause of fear, that should move them to take arms even in their own defence. But if all Greece would have made intercession, and requested that things might continued as they were, promising jointly to assist the Romans, with their whole forces both by Land and Sea, whensoever King Antiochus should make the lest offer to stir against them: then had not only this quarrel been at an end; but the Roman Patronage over the Country, had been far from growing, as soon after it did, into a Lordly rule.  
The Achaeans were at this time, in a manner, the only Nation of Greece, that freely and generously declared themselves altogether for the Romans, their friends and benefactors. All the rest gave doubtful answers of hope unto both sides: or if some few, as did the Thessalians, were firm against Antiochus; yet helped they not one another in the quarrel, nor showed themselves his enemies, till he pressed them with open force. The Boeotians willingly received him, as soon as he entered upon their borders, not so much for fear of his power, as in hatred of Titus and the Romans, by whom they had been somewhat hardly used. Aminander the Athamanian, besides his old friendship with the Aetolians, was caught with a bait; which it may be doubted, whither he did more foolishly swallow, or Antiochus cast out. He had married the daughter of an Arcadian, that was an idle-headed man, and vaunted himself to be descended from Alexander the Great: naming his two sons, in that regard, Philip and Alexander. Philip, the elder of these brethren, accompanied his sister to the poor Court of Athamania: where having made his folly known, by talking of his Pedigree; He was judged by Antiochus and the Aetolians, a man fit for their turns. They made him believe, that in regard of his high parentage, and the famous memory of Alexander his forefather; it was their purpose, to do their best for the conquest of Macedon to his behoof: since no man had thereto so good title as he. But for the enabling of them hereunto; it behoved him to draw Aminander to their party, that so they might the sooner have done with the Romans. Philip was highly pleased herewith; and by persuasions of himself, or of his sister, effected as much as they desired. But the first piece of service done by this imaginary King (whither it proceeded from his own frenzy, in hope to get love of the Macedonians that should be his subjects; or whither from some vanity in King Antiochus that employed him) wrought more harm to his friends, than he and Aminander were able to do good. There were two thousand men committed to his leading: with which he marched unto Cynoscephalae, there to gather up the bones of the slaughtered Macedonians; whom their King had suffered all this while to lie unburied. The Macedons troubled not themselves to think on this charitable act, as if it were to them any benefit at all: but King Philip took it in high indignation; as intended merely unto his despite. Wherhfore he presently sent unto the Romans; and gave them to understand, that he was ready with all his power to aid them wherein soever they should be pleased to use him.  
The Aetolians, Magnetians, Euboeans, Boeotians, and Athamanians, having now all joined with him; Antiochus took counsel of them about the prosecution of the war in hand. The chief question was, Whither it were meet for him to invade Thessaly, that would not harken to his persuasions; or whither to let all alone until the Spring: because it was now midwinter. Some thought one thing, and some another: confirming each his own sentence, with the weightiest reasons which he could allege; as in a matter of great importance. Hannibal was at this meeting: who had long been cast aside, as a vessel of no use; but was now required to deliver his opinion. He freely told the King, That what he should now utter, was even the same which he would have spoken, had his counsel at any time before been asked since their coming into Greece. For the Magnetians, Boeotians, and other their good friends, which now so willingly took their parts: what were they else than so many poor Estates, that, wanting force of their own, did adjoin themselves for 〈◊〉 unto him, that was strongest at the present; and would afterwards, when they seen it expedient, be as ready to fall to the contrary 〈◊〉, alleging the same fear for their excuse? wherefore he thought most behoveful, to win King Philip of Macedon unto their party: who (besides that being once engaged, he should not afterwards have power to recoil and forsake them at his pleasure) was a mighty Prince, and one that had means to sustain the Roman War with his proper forces. Now that Philip might be easily persuaded to join with them; the benefit likely to redound unto himself, by their society, was a very strong Argument: though indeed what need was there, of proving by inference the likelihood of this hope? For, said He, These Aetolians bear present; and namely, this THOAS, being lately Ambassador from them into Asia, among other Motives which he then used to excite the King unto this Expedition, 〈◊〉 mainly on the same point. He told us that PHILIP was moved beyond all patience, 〈◊〉 the Lordly 〈◊〉 of the Romans: likening that King to some wild beast, that was chained or locked up within some grate, and would feign break lose. If this be so: let us break his chain, and pull down the grate, that he may regain his liberty, and satisfy his angry stomach, upon those that are common Enemies to us and him. But if it prove 〈◊〉, and that his fear be greater than 〈◊〉 indignation: then shall it behove us to look unto him, that he may not seek to please his good masters the Romans, by offending us. Your son SELEUCUS 〈◊〉 now at Lysimachia, with part of your Army: if PHILIP 〈◊〉 not harken to your Embassage; let SELEUCUS be in readiness, to fall upon Macedon, and find him work to defend his own on the other side, without putting us here to trouble. Thus much concerning PHILIP; and the present War in Greece. But more generally for the managing of this great enterprise, wherein you are now embarked against the Romans, I told you my opinion at the beginning: Whereto had you then given ear, the 〈◊〉 by this time should have heard other news, than that Chalcis in Euboea was become ours. Italy and Gaul should have been on fire with war: and, little to their comfort, they should have understood, that HANNIBAL was again come into Italy. Neither do I see what should hinder us even now from taking the same course. Sand for all your Fleet and Army hither (but in any case let Ships of burden come along with them, loaden with store of victuals: For as the case now stands, we have here too few hands, and too many mouths.) Whereof let the one half be employed against Italy; whilst you in person with the other half, tarrying on this side the Ionian Sea, may both take order for the affairs of Greece, and therewith all make countenance, as if you were even ready to follow us into Italy: yea, and be ready to follow us indeed, if it shall be requisite. This is my advice: who though perhaps I am not very skilful in all sorts of war: yet how to war with the Romans, I have been 〈◊〉 by long experience, both to their cost and my own. Of this counsel which I give, I promise' you my faithful and diligent service for the execution: but what counsel soever you shall please to follow, I wish it may be prosperous. Many were pleased with the great spirit of the man, and said he had spoken bravely: but of all this was nothing done; save only that one was sent into Asia, to make all things ready there. In the mean while they went in hand with Thessaly, about which they had before disputed. There when they had won one Town by force, many other places, doubting their own strength, were glad to make submission. But 〈◊〉, that was chief of the Country, stood out: not regarding any terrible threats of the King that lay before the walls with his whole Army. This their faith and courage was rewarded by good fortune. For M. 〈◊〉, a Roman Propraetor did sand help thither. Likewise Philip of Macedon professed himself Enemy unto Antiochus: where by the fame of the succour coming to Larissa grew such, as wrought more than the succour could have done, had it arrived. For Antiochus perceiving many fires on the Mountains tops 〈◊〉 off; thought that a great Army of Romans and Macedonians had been coming upon him. Therefore excusing himself by the time of the year; He broke up his siege, and marched away to Chalcis. At Chalcis he fell in love with a young Maiden, daughter unto a Citizen of the Town: whom, without regard of the much disproportion that was between them, both in years and fortune, He shortly married; and so spent the Winter following, as 〈◊〉 as he could, without thinking upon the war in hand. His great men and Captains followed his example; and the soldiers as readily imitated their Captains: in such wise that when he took the field, he might evidently perceive in what lose manner of discipline his Army had passed the Winter. But M. Acilius Glabrio, the Roman Consul, shall meet him very shortly, and help him to reclaim them from this looseness of nuptial Revels; by setting them to harder exercise.  
M. Acilius was chosen Consul with P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica. The war against Antiochus fell to him by lot; whereas otherwise He was no way so honourable, as Nasica his Colleague: unto whom fell a charge, of far less credit and importance. Nasica, besides the great Nobility of his Family, had been long since, in time of the Punic War, crowned with the title of The best man in Rome: when the Senate, for very fear and superstition, durst not have so pronounced him, had they not so thought him; as being commanded by Oracle, That noon other man than the very best, should entertain an old stone, which the Devil then taught them to call The Mother of the gods. But no prerogative of Birth, Virtue, or good Opinion, gave such advantage to the better man, as to make choice of his own Province; or arrogate more unto himself, than his lot should afford him. This unpartial distribution of employments, helped well to maintain peace and concord. P. Scipio therefore was appointed to make war against the Boijans: wherein he purchased the honour of a Triumph, nothing so glorious as was that of his Colleague; though purchased with harder service, requiring the more ability in matter of war. But M. Acilius went over into Greece, with ten thousand Foot, two thousand Horse, and fifteen Elephants. Ptolemie King of Egypt, notwithstanding his late Alliance with King Antiochus: and Philip King of Macedon; had lately sent Ambassadors to Rome, making offer to come each of them in person with all his forces into Aetolia, there to assist the Consul in this war. Ptolemie sent also gold and silver, toward the defraying of charges; as one that meant noon other than good earnest. But he was too young, and dwelled too far off. So his money was returned unto him with thanks; and his loving offer as lovingly refused. Unto Philip's Ambassadors answer was made, that this his friendly offer was gratefully accepted: and that the Senate and People of Rome would think themselves beholding to him, for the assistance that He should give to Acilius the Consul. Masanissa likewise, and the Carthaginians, did strive, which of them should be most forward in gratifying the Romans. Each of them promised a great quantity of grain; which they would sand partly to Rome, partly to the Army in 〈◊〉 And herein Masanissa far outwent the poor City of Carthage: as also, in that he offered to lend the Consul five hundred Horse, and twenty Elephants. On the other side, the Carthaginians undertook to set out a Fleet at their own charges: and to bring in at one payment all the Tribute-monie, which was behind, and aught to be discharged by many yearly pensions. But the Romans did neither think it good, to let them arm a Fleet; nor would let them 〈◊〉 themselves out of Tribute, by paying all at once. As for the Corn; it was accepted with Condition, That they should be contented to receive the price of it.  
The hasty and ridiculous issue of this war, that began with such noise and preparations, were hardly credible: were not the difference exceeding great, between the Roman and the Asiatic soldier. Antiochus had gotten this Spring a few towns of Acarnania, after the same manner as he had prevailed in other parts of Greece; partly by fair words, and treason of the Rulers; partly by terror, that was like to prove their excuse, when they should again forsake him. But King Philip and Baebius, having recovered many places; and the Roman Consul being arrived, against whom noon made resistance; He was glad to withdraw himself. Aminander fled out of his Athamania: which the Macedonian took and enjoyed; as in recompense of his good service to the Romans. Philip, the brother of Aminanders' wife, was taken by the Consul; made a mocking stock: and sent away prisoner to Rome. The Thessalians used much more diligence in returning to their old friends, than they had done in yielding to the King. All their Cities, one after other, gave up themselves: the Garrisons of Antiochus, compounding only for their own lives, and departing unarmed: yet so, that a thousand of them stayed behind, and took pay of the Romans. This did wonderfully perplex Antiochus: who having withdrawn himself to Chalcis, and hearing how things went, cried out upon his friends: and said, That they had betrayed him. He had taken a great deal of toil during one half of a Winter, and spent the other half in such Nuptials, as were little to his honour: after which, in time of need, He found all the promises of the Aetolians merely verbal: and himself reduced into terms of great extremity. He therefore admired Hannibal as a wise man, yea a very Prophet, that had foreseen all this long before. Nevertheless He sent word to the Aetolians, that they should now make ready all their forces: as considering their own need to be no less than his. But the Aetolians had cause to think, that they themselves were shamefully disappointed by Antiochus: who having promised to do great wonders, was in all this while seconded by no greater numbers out of Asia, than so many as would fill up the same ten thousand which he first brought over. Yet come there some of them, though fewer than at any time before, which joined with him. Hereat the King was angry: and could get no better satisfaction, than that Thoas and his fellows had done their best, in vain, to have made all the Nation take arms. Since therefore neither his own men come over to him out of Asia, nor his friends of Greece would appear in this time of danger: He seized upon the Straitss of Thermopylae: as meaning to defend them against the Romans, until more help should come. Of the Straitss of Thermopylae there hath been spoken enough 
* l. 3. c. 6. §. 3.  before, upon many occasions: and then chief, when they were defended by Leonidas against the huge Army of Xerxes. Wherhfore it may easily be conceived, how the Romans, that landed about Apollonia, and so come onwards into Thessaly, were unable to pass that Ledge of Mountains, dividing the one half of Greece: unless they could win this difficult entrance. But there was great difference between Leonidas and Antiochus. The former of these, with an handful of men, defended this passage two or three days together, against a World of men coming to invade the Country. The latter, having taken upon him to do great miracles, and effect what he listed himself in Greece: did commit himself unto the safety of this place, when he was charged by not many more than he had in his own Army. There whilst he lay, He sent earnest 〈◊〉 one after other to the Aetolians, entreating them not to forsake him thus: but at lest wise now to help, and keep the tops of the Mountains, jest the Romans finding any by-path, should come down upon him. By this importunity, he got of them two thousand, that undertook to make good the few passages: by which only, and not without extreme difficulty, it was possible for the Enemy to ascend. The Roman Consul in like sort, prepared to force the Straitss: without staying to expect King Philip: that was hindered by sickness from accompanying him. He had with him M. Porcius Cato, and L. Valerius Flaccus, that had both of them been Consuls. These he sent forth by night with two thousand men, to try whither by any means they could get up to the Aetolians. He himself encouraged his Army: not only by telling them, with what base-conditioned enemies they had to deal: but what rich Kingdoms Antiochus held, that should bountifully reward them if they were victors. This was on the day before the battle. All that night Cato had a sore journey (for what happened unto L. Valerius it is uncertain, save only that he failed in his intent) and so much the worse, for that he had no skilful guide. Seeing therefore his men exceedingly tired, with climbing up 〈◊〉 Rocks and crooked ways: He commanded them to repose themselves; whilst He, being a very able man of body, took in hand the discovery, accompanied with no more than one of like mettle to himself. After a great deal of trouble, He found at length a path: which he took to be, as indeed it was, the best way leading unto the Enemies. So thither he brought his men; and held on the same path till toward break of day. It was a place not haunted, because in time of peace there was a fair way through the Straitss below, that required no such trouble of climbing: neither had this entrance of the Thermopylae been so often the Seat of War, as might 'cause any travailers to search out the passages of those desolate Mountains. Wherhfore the way that Cato followed, though it were the best: yet did it led him to a bog at the end, which would suffer him to pass no further. So he stayed there until daylight: by which he discovered both the Camp of the Greeks' underneath him; and some of the Aetolians very near unto him, that were keeping watch. He therefore sent forth a lusty Crew of his men, whom he thought fittest for that service; and willed them by any means to get him some prisoners. This was effected: and he thereby understood, that these Aetolians were no more than six hundred; as also that King 〈◊〉 lay beneath in the Valley. So he presently set upon the Aetolians; overthrew them; slew a great part of them; and chased the rest, that by flying to their Camp, guided him unto it. The fight was already begun between the Armies below: and the Romans, that had easily repelled the King's men, and driven them into their Camp, found it in a manner a desperate piece of work to assault the Camp itself; which occupied the whole breadth of the Straitss; was notably fortified; and not only defended by Antiochus his long Pikes, which were best at that kind of service; but by Archers and Slingers that were placed over them on the Hil-side, and powered down a shower of weapons on their heads. But Cato his approach determined the matter. It was thought at first, that the Aetolians had been coming to help the King's men: but when the Roman arms and ensigns were discovered, such was the terror, that noon made offer of resistance; but all of them forsook the Camp, and fled. The slaughter was not great: for that the badness of the way did hinder the Roman Army from making pursuit. Yet this days loss drove Antiochus out of Greece, who directly fled to Chalcis; and from thence, with the first opportunity, got him back into Asia.  
All the Cities that had embraced the friendship of Antiochus, prepared forthwith to entertain the Romans, and entreat for pardon: setting open their gates; and presenting themselves unto the Consul, in manner of suppliants. Briefly, in few days all was recovered that Antiochus had gained: the Aetolians only standing out, because they knew not what else to do. Neither did the Consul give them any respite. At his return from Chalcis He met with King Philip, that having recovered health, come to join with him against Antiochus: over whom since the victory was already gotten, He did gratulate unto the Romans their good success; and offered to take part with them in the Aetolian War. So it was agreed, That the Consul should besiege Heraclea; and Philip, Lamia; at the same time. Each of them plied his work hard; especially Philip, who feign would have taken Lamia before the Consul should come to help him. But it could not be. For his Macedonians that used to work by Mine, were overmuch hindered by the stony ground. Yet was Lamia even ready to be taken, when the Consul, having won 〈◊〉, come thither; and told Philip, that the spoil of these Towns was a reward unto those that had fought at Thermopylae. Herewith Philip must be contented; and therefore went his way quietly. But Acilius, that could so ill endure to see Philip in likelihood of thriving by the Romans victory, got not Lamia himself: until such time as another Consul was ready to ease him of his charge.  
The loss of Heraclea did so affright the Aetolians, that they thought no way safer than to desire peace. Yet had they sent unto King Antiochus presently after his flight: entreating him not to forsake them utterly, but either to return with all those forces which he had purposed to bring into Greece; or if any thing withheld him from coming in person, at leastwise to help them with money and other aid. They prayed him to consider, that this did not only concern him in honour; but appertained unto his own safety: since it would be much to his hurt, if the Aetolians being wholly subdued, the Romans, without any Enemies at their backs, might set upon him in Asia. He considered well of this; and found their words true. Therefore He delivered unto Nicander, one of their Ambassadors, a sum of money, that might serve to defray the charges of the War: promising that ere long he would sand them strong aid, both by Land and Sea. Thoas, another of their Ambassadors, He retained with him: who willingly stayed, that he might urge the King to make his word good. But when Heraclea was taken from them: then did the Aetolians lay aside all hope of amending their fortune by the help of Antiochus; and made svit unto the Consul to obtain peace, upon any reasonable Condition. The Consul would scarce vouch safe to give them audience, but said He had other business in hand: only He granted them ten days of Truce, and sent L. Valerius Flaccus with them to Hypata; willing them to make him acquainted with as much, as they would have delivered unto himself. At their coming to Hypata; they began, as men favouring their own cause, to allege how well they had deserved of the Romans. Whereto Flaccus would not harken. He told them plainly, That the memory of all such good Offices past, was quite obliterated by the malice which they had showed of late. Wherhfore he willed them to acknowledge their fault, and to entreat pardon. Better they thought to do so even betimes, than to stay till they were reduced into terms of more extremity. Hereupon they agreed to commit themselves unto the faith of the Romans; and to that effect sent Ambassadors to the Consul. This phrase of committing unto the faith; signified, in their use of it, little else, than the acknowledgement of a fault done, and the craving of pardon. But the Romans used those words in another sense; and counted them all one, as 
* Legat. 〈◊〉. è 〈◊〉. 13.  yielding to discretion. Wherhfore when the Consul heard them speak in this manner: He asked them whither their meaning were agreeable to their words. They answered that it was: and showed him the Decree of their Nation, lately made to this purpose. Than said He, I command you first of all, That noon of ye presume to go into Asia, upon any business private or public: then, That ye deliver up unto me Dicaearchus the Aetolian, Menestratus the Epirot, Aminander the Athamanian, and such of his Countrymen as have followed him in revolting from us. Whilst he was yet speaking: Phameas the Ambassador interrupted him; and prayed him not to mistake the Custom of the Greeks', who had yielded themselves unto his faith; not unto slavery. What? (said the Consul) Do ye stand to plead Custom with me, being now at my discretion? Bring hither a chain. With that, chains were brought; and an iron collar by his appointment fitted unto every one of their necks. This did so affright them, that they stood dumb and knew not what to say. But Valerius and some others entreated the Consul, not to deal thus hardly with them, since they come as Ambassadors; though since, their Condition was altered. Phameas also spoke for himself: and said, That neither He nor yet the Apocleti or ordinary Council of the Nation, were able to fulfil these injunctions; without approbation of the general Assembly. For which cause He entreated yet further ten days respite; and had granted unto him Truce for so long.  
This surcesance of war, during ten and other ten days together, began presently after the taking of Heraclea; when Philip had been commanded away from Lamia, that else he might have won. Now because of the indignity herein offered unto that King, and to the end that he might not return home with his Army, like one that could not be trusted in employment: especially the Romans being like hereafter to have further need of him, in the continuance of this War: He was desired to set upon the Atharnanians, and some other petty Nations their borderers, whilst the Consul was 〈◊〉 with the Aetolians; taking for his reward, all that He could get. And He got in that space all 〈◊〉, Perrhaebia, Aperantia, and Dolopia. For the Aetolians, hearing what had befallen their Ambassadors, were so enraged, That although they were very ill provided for War; yet they could not endure to hear more talk of peace. And it happened, that Nicander about the same time was come back from Antiochus, with money and hopeful promises: the Romans abiding still about Heraclea; and Philip having lately risen from before Lamia, yet not being far go 〈◊〉. His money Nicander conveyed into Lamia, by very unusual dexterity. But he himself being to pass further to the Assembly of the Aetolians, there to make report of his Embassage; was very much perplexed about this his journey, which lay between the Roman and Macedonian Camps. Yet he made the adventure: and keeping as far as he could from the Roman side, cell upon a Station of Macedonians; by whom he was taken, and led unto their King. He expected no good; but either to be delivered unto the Romans, or used ill enough by Philip. But it seems, that the King bade not hitherto concocted well the indignity, of his being sent away from Lamia. For He commanded his servants to entreat Nicander friendly: and he himself being then at supper, did visit him as soon as he rose up: giving him to understand; That the Aetolians did now reap the first-fruits of their own madness; 〈◊〉 much as they could never hold themselves contented, but would needs be calling strangers into Greece. They had pleased themselves well, in their acquaintance first with the Romans, and then with King Antiochus: but himself, being their neighbour, they could never well endure. It was now therefore, He said, high time for them to have regard unto his friendship, whereofhitherto they had never made any trial: for surely their good affection, one unto the other, would be much more availcable unto each of them; than their mutual catching of advantages; whereby they had wrought themselves much displeasure. Thus much the King willed Nicander to signify unto his Countrymen; and privately to hold in mind the courtesy which he then did him, in sending him safe home. So giving him a Convoy to guard him to Hypata; He lovingly dismissed him. For this benefit, Nicander was always after dutifully affected to the Crown of Macedon: so as in the war of Perseus he made 〈◊〉 suspected unto the Romans; and therefore was had away to Rome, where he ended his life.  
When the Consul understood, that the Aetolians refused to make their submission, in such wise as he required it: he forthwith meant to prosecute the war against them, without any longer forbearance. They were preparing to make head against him at Naupactus: wither he therefore directly marched, to try what they could or durst. The siege of Naupactus was of greater length, than the Romans had preconceived it: for it was a strong City, and well manned. But Acilius stood upon point of honour; wherein he thought that he should have been a loser, by rising from before it without Victory. So He stayed there well-near all the following time of his Consulship; whilst the Macedonian King and the Achaeans made far better use of the Roman Victory. Philip, as is said before, being allowed to take in such places as had revolted unto Antiochus, and were not hitherto reclaimed, won the strong City of Demetrias; and with an hasty course of Victory, subdued the Athamanians and others. The Achaeans called to account the Eleans and Messenians: which had long been addicted to the Aetolian side; and followed it, in taking part with Antiochus. The Eleans gave good words; whereby they saved themselves from trouble awhile. The Messenians being more stout, before they were invaded; had noon other help when the Achaean Praetor wasted their Country, than to offer themselves unto the Romans. Titus was then at Corinth: to whom they sent word, That at his Commandment their gates should be opened; but that unto the Achaeans it was not their meaning to yield. A message from Titus to the Achaean Praetor, did suffice to call home the Army, and finish the War: as also the peremptory Command of the same Titus caused the Messenians to annex themselves unto the Achaeans, and become part of their Commonweal. Such was now the Majesty of a Roman Ambassador. Titus did favour the Achaeans; yet could not like it well, that either they or any other should take too much upon them. He thought it enough, that they had their liberty, and were strong enough to defend it against any of their neighbours. That they should make themselves great Lords, and able to dispute with the Romans upon even terms; it was no part of his desire. They had lately bought the Isle of Zacynthus which had once been Philips, and was afterward given by him to Aminander who sent a Governor thither. But when Aminander in this present War, was driven out of his own Kingdom by Philip: then did the Governor of Zacynthus offer to cell the Island to the Achaeans; whom he found ready Chapmen. Titus liked not of this: but plainly told them, That the Romans would be their own Carvers, and take what they thought good, of the Lands belonging to their Enemies; as a reward of the victory which they had obtained. It was bootless to dispute. Wherhfore the Achaeans referred themselves unto his discretion. So he told them, that their Commonwealth was like a Tortoise, whereof Peloponnesus was the shell: and that holding themselves within that compass, they were out of danger; but if they would needs be looking abroad, they should lie open to blows, which might greatly hurt them. Having settled things thus in Peloponnesus, He went over to Naupactus: where Glabrio the Consul had lain two months, that might have been far better spent. There, whither out of compassion which He had upon the Aetolians, or out of dislike of King Philip's thriving so fast: He persuaded the Consul to grant unto the besieged, and to the whole Nation, so long Truce, that they might sand Ambassadors to Rome; and 〈◊〉 themselves, crave pardon of the Senate. Most like it is, that Naupactus was in great danger: else would not the Aetolians have made such earnest svit as they did unto Titus, for procuring of this favour. But if Glabrio had been sure to carry it, in any short space: it may well be thought he would not have go away without it; since the winning of that Town, wherein was then the whole flower of the Nation, would have made the promised submission much more humble and sincere. When they come to Rome, no entreaty could help them to better Conditions, than one of these two; That either they should wholly permit themselves to the good pleasure of the Senate; Or else pay a thousand Talents, and make neither Peace nor War with any, further than as the Romans should give approbation. They had not so much money: neither could they well hope to be gently dealt withal, if they should give themselves away unto discretion; which what it signified, they now understood. Wherhfore they desired to have it set down, in what points, and how far forth, they should 〈◊〉 unto the good pleasure of the Senate. But hereof they could get no certain answer: so that they were dismissed as enemies, after long and vain attendance.  
Whilst the Aetolians were pursuing their hopes of peace, the Consul had little to do in Greece; and therefore took upon him gravely to set things in order among the tractable Achaeans. He would have had them to restore the banished Lacedæmonians home into their Country; and to take the Eleans into the fellowship of their Commonwealth. This the Achaeans liked well enough: but they did not like it, that the Romans should be meddling in all occurrences. Wherhfore they deferred the restitution of the banished Lacedæmonians: intending to make it an Act of their own mere grace. As for the Eleans: they were loathe to be beholding to the Romans, and thereby to disparaged the Achaeans: into whose Corporation they were desirous to be admitted; and seen that they should have their desire, without such compulsive mediation.  
The Roman Admiral C. Livius, much about the same time, fought a battle at Sea with Polyxenidas, Admiral to the King Antiochus. King Eumenes brought help to the Romans, though it was not great: and five and twenty sail of Rhodians come after the battle, when they were following the Chase. The King's Fleet was the better of sail: but that of the Romans the better manned. Wherhfore Polyxenidas being vanquished in fight, was yet out of danger; as soon as he betook himself to a speedy retreat.  
And such end had the first years war, between King Antiochus and the Romans. After this, as many of the Greeks' as had followed the vain hopes of the Aetolians, were glad to excuse themselves by fear; thinking themselves happy when by Ambassadors they had obtained pardon. On the contrary side, Philip of Macedon, Archenemie of late unto the Romans, did now sand to gratulate this their Victory: and, in recompense of his good affection, had restored unto him Demetrius his younger son; whom some few years they had kept as an hostage. Also King Ptolemie of Egypt, gratulating the Roman Victory, sent word how greatly all Asia and Syria were thereby terrified. In which regard He desired the Senate not to foreslow time; but to sand an Army, as soon as might be, into Asia: promising, that his assistance, wherein soever it pleased them to use it, should not be wanting. This Ptolemie was the son-in-law of King Antiochus: but he was the friend of Fortune. He understood long before, as did all that were indifferent beholders of the Contention, that the Romans were like to have the upper hand. The same did Antiochus now begin to suspect, who had thought himself awhile as safe at Ephesus, as if he had been in another World: but was told by Hannibal, That it was not so far out of Greece into Asia, as out of Italy into Greece; and that there was no doubt but the Romans would soon be there, and make him try the chance of a battle for his Kingdom.   

§. VIII. LUCIUS SCIPIO, having with him PUBLIUS the African his elder Brother, for his Lieutenant, is sent into Greece, He grants long Truce to the Aetolians, that so he might at leisure pass into Asia. Much trouble some business by Sea; and divers fights. An invasion upon EUMENES his Kingdom; with the siege of Pergamus, raised by an handful of the Achaeans. L. SCIPIO the Consul comes into Asia: where ANTIOCHUS most earnestly desireth peace, and is denied it. The battle of MAGNESIA: wherein ANTIOCHUS being vanquished, yieldeth to the Romans good pleasure. The Conditions of the peace. In what sort the Romans used their Victory. L. CORNELIUS SCIPIO, after a most sumptuous triumph over ANTIOCHUS, is surnamed The Asiatic, as his brother was styled The African.  
LUCIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO, the brother of P Scipio the African, was chosen Consul at Rome with C. Laelius. Laelius was very gracious in the Senate: and therefore being desirous (as generally all Consuls were) of the more honourable employment, offered to refer to the arbitrement of the Senate, if L. Cornelius would be so pleased, the disposition of their Provinces; without putting it to the hazard of a Lottery. Lucius having talked with his brother Publius, approved well of the motion. Such a question had not of long time been put unto the Fathers: who therefore were the more desirous, to make an unblamable Decree. But the matter being otherwise somewhat indifferent; P. Scipio the African said openly thus much, That if the Senate would appoint his brother to the war against 〈◊〉, He himself would follow his brother in that war, as his Lieutenant. These words were heard with such approbation, that the controversy was forth with at an end. For if Antiochus relied upon Hannibal, and should happen to be directed wholly by that great Captain: what better man could they oppose, than Scipio; that had been victorious against the same Great Worthy? But indeed a worse man might have served well enough the turn. For Hannibal had no absolute Command, nor scarce any trust of great importance: excepting now and then in consultation; where his wisdom was much approved, but his liberty and high spirit as much disliked. It is worthy of remembrance; as a sign of the freedom that he used in his 〈◊〉, even whilst he lived in such a Court. Antiochus 〈◊〉 his Army in presence of this famous Captain: thinking, as may seem, to have made him wish, that he had been served by such brave men in Italy. For they were gallantly decked, both Men, Horses, and Elephants, with such costly furniture of Gold, Silver, and Purple; as glittered with a terrible bravery on a Sunshine day. Whereupon the King, well pleasing himself with that goodly spectacle, asked Hannibal what he thought; and whither all this were not enough for the Romans. Enough (said Hannibal) were the Romans the most covetous men in all the World: meaning, that all this Cost upon the backs of Cowardly Asiatiques, was no better than a spoil to animate good Soldiers. How little this answer pleased the King; it is easy to guess. The little use that he made of this Carthaginian, testifies that his dislike of the man, caused him to loose the use of his service, when he stood in greatest necessity thereof.  
The Scipio's made all haste away from Rome as soon as they could. They carried with them, besides other Soldiers newly priest to the war, about five thousand Voluntaries, that had served under P. Africanus. There was also a Fleet of thirty Quinquereme Galleys, and twenty Triremes newly built, appointed unto L. Aemylius Regillus, that was chosen Admiral the same year for that Voyage. At their coming into Greece, they found the old Consul Glibrio besieging Amphyssa a City of the Aetolians. The Aetolians after that they were denied peace, had expected him once again at Naupactus. Wherhfore they not only fortified that Town: but kept all the passages thereto leading; which heedlessely, as in a time of confusion, they had left ungarded the last year. Glabrio knowing this, deceived their expectation, and fell upon Lamia: which being not long since much weakened by Philip, and now by him attempted on the sudden; was carried at the second assault. Thence went He to Amphyssa: which he had almost gotten; when L. Scipio, his successor, come with thirteen thousand Foot and five hundred Horse, and took charge of the Army. The Town of Amphyssa was presently forsaken by the inhabitants, but they had a Castle, or higher Town, that was impregnable; whereinto they all retired. The Athenian Ambassadors had dealt with P. Scipio, in behalf of the Aetolians: entreating him to stand their friend, and help them in obtaining some tolerable Condition of peace. He gave them gentle words: and willed them to persuade the Aetolians, that they should faithfully and with true meaning desire it. This was gladly taken. But many messages passing to and fro though Publius continued to put them in good hope; yet the Consul made still the same answer, with which they had been chased from Rome. The conclusion was, That they should sue for a longer time of respite from war: whereby at more leisure they might attended some better disposition of the Senate; or any helpful commodity which time should afford. So they obtained half a years Truce: after which, the Winter was like to afford them another half years leisure of breathing. Hereof were not they more glad, than was P. Scipio: who thought all time lost, which withheld the War from passing over into Asia.  
The business of Aetolia being thus laid aside: and the old Consul Glabrio sent home into Italy: the Scipio's marched into Thessaly; intending thence to take their way by Land, through Macedon and Thrace unto the Hellespont. Yet they considered, That hereby they must commit themselves unto the loyalty of King Philip: who might either do them some mischief by the way, if he were disposed to watch a notable advantage: or at the lest, would he be unfaithful, though he were not so courageous; yet might he take such order with the Thracians, that even for want of victuals, 〈◊〉 by no greater inconvenience, they should be disgracefully forced to return. He had promised them the utmost of his furtherance: wherein, whither he meant sincerely, they thought to make some trial; by causing a Gentleman to ride Post unto him, and observe his doings as he should take him on the sudden. The King was merry at a feast, and drinking, when the Messenger come: whom he lovingly bade welcome; and showed him the next day, not only what provision of victuals he had made for the Army, but how he had made bridges over the rivers, and mended the bad ways by which they were to pass. With these good news Gracchus returned back in haste unto the Scipio's: who entering into Macedon, found all things in a readiness, that might help to advance their journey. The King entertained them royally; and brought them on their way, even to the Hellespont: where they stayed a good while, until their Navy was in readiness to transport them into Asia.  
Much was done at Sea in the beginning of this year; though, for the most part, little of importance. Polyxenidas, the Admiral of 〈◊〉, was a banished 〈◊〉: true to the King; and desirous of revenge upon his Countrymen that had expelled him. He, hearing that the Rhodian Fleet was at Samos, the Romans and Eumenes having not as yet put to Sea; thought to do some what upon those that were so early in their diligence, before their follows should arrive to help them. Yet went he 〈◊〉 to work; and sent word, as in great secrecy, to the Rhodian Admiral, That if the sentence of his banishment might be repealed, He would, in requital thereof, betray all the Kings Fleet. After many passages to and fro, this was belceved: and the Rhodian Admiral grew so careless, expecting still when he should receive a watch word from Polyxenidas, that 〈◊〉 himself was taken by Polyxenidas in his own Haven. The King's Fleet setting forth from Ephesus by night; and, for fear of being discovered, resting one day in harbour by the way; come the second night to Samos: where, by morning, it was ready to enter the Haven. Pausistratus the Rhodian Admiral seeing this, thought it his best way of resistance, to bestow his men on the two head-lands or points of the Haven; so to guard the mouth of it: for that he seen no likelihood of defending himself by Sea. But Polyxenidas had already landed some companies, in another part of the Island: which falling upon the back of Pausistratus, compelled him to altar his directions, and command his men aboard. This could not be without great confusion: so as the enemies took him out of all order; and sunk or boarded all his Navy, five excepted, that by a sudden device made shifted to escape. Each of them hung out a burning Cresset upon two poles; at the Beakhead: and then rowed forwards directly upon the Enemy: who having not bethought himself what shifted to make against such unexpected danger of firing, was content to give way unto these desperate Galleys, for fear jest they should burn, together with themselves, a part of the King's Fleet.  
Not long after this, the Romans had some loss by tempest: whereof Polyxenidas could not take such advantage as he had hoped; because, putting to Sea for that purpose, He was driven back again by the like soul weather. But the Rhodians, to show that they were not discouraged, set forth twenty other Galleys: the Romans also with King Eumenes repaired their Fleet; and all of them together, in great bravery, presented battle to Polyxenidas before the Haven of Ephesus. When he durst not accept it: they went from place to place, attempting many things, as either they were entreated by the Rhodians, or persuaded by some appearing hopes of doing good. Yet performed they little or nothing: for that one while they were hindered by storms at Sea; and another while by strong resistance, made against them at Land.  
Eumenes with his Fleet was compelled to forsake them; and return home to the defence of his own Kingdom. For Antiochus wasted all the grounds about Eloea and Pergamus: and leaving his son Seleucus to besiege the royal City of Pergamus, did with the rest of his Army spoil the whole Country thereabouts. Attalus, the brother of King Eumenes, was then in Pergamus; having with him no better men to defend the City, than were they that lay against it. Wherhfore he had reason to stand in fear; being too much inferior in number. There come to his aid a thousand Foot, and an hundred Horse of the Achoeans: old soldiers all, and trained up under Philopoemen; whose Scholar, in the Art of war, Diophanes their Commander was. This Diophanes, beholding from the walls of Pergamus, which was an high Town, the demeanour of the Enemy; began to disd une, that such men as they should hold him besieged. For Seleucus his Army which was encamped at the hillfoot, seeing that noon 〈◊〉 sally forth upon them, grew so careless: as otherwise, than by spoiling all behind their backs, they seemed to forget that they were in an Enemy's Country. Diophanes therefore spoke with Attalus: and told him that he would go forth to visit them. Attalus had no liking to this adventure; for he said, that the match was nothing 〈◊〉. But the Achoean would needs have his will: and issuing forth, encamped not far from the Enemy. They of Pergamus thought him little better than mad. As for the besiegers; they wondered at first what his meaning was: but when they seen that he held himself quiet, they made a jest of his boldness; and laughed to see with what an handful of men he looked so stoutly. So they returned unto their former negligence and disorders. Which 〈◊〉 perceiving, He commanded all his men to follow him, even as fast as they well might: and he himself, with the hundred Horse, broke out on the sudden upon the Station that was next at hand. 〈◊〉 few of the enemies had their Horses ready saddled, but more few, or noon, had the hearts to make resistance: so as He drove them all out of their Camp; and chased them as far as he might safely adventure, with great slaughter of them, and no loss of his own. Hereat all the Citizens of Pergamus (who had covered the walls of the Town, men and women, to behold this spectacle) were very joyful; and highly magnified the virtue of these Achoeans. Yet would they not therefore issue 〈◊〉 of their gates, to help the Achoeans in doing what remained to be done. The next day Seleucus encamped half a mile further from the Town, than he had done before: and against him went forth Diophanes the second time; who quietly rested awhile in his old Station. When they had stayed many hours, looking who should begin: Seleucus, in fair order as he come, withdrew himself toward his lodging that was further off. Diophanes moved not whilst the Enemy was in sight: but as soon as the ground between them hindered the prospect, he followed them in all haste, & soon overtaking them with his Horse, charged them in Rear; so as he broke them, and with all his forces pursued them at the heels, to their very Trenches. This boldness of the Achoeans, and the baseness of his own men, caused Seleucus to quit the siege, little to his honour. Such being the quality of these Asiatiques; Philopoemen had cause to tell 〈◊〉 Romans, That he envied their victory. For when Antiochus lay feasting at Chalcis after his marriage, and his soldiers betook themselves to Riot, as it had been in a time of great security: a good man of war might have cut all their throats, even as they were tippling in their victualling houses; which Philopoemen said that he would have done, had He been General of the Achaeans, and not, as he then was, a private man.  
Antiochus was full of business: and turning his care from one thing to another, with a great deal of travail, brought almost nothing to pass. He had been at Pergamus: into which Eumenes, leaving the Romans, did put himself with a few of his Horse and light armature. Before Pergamus he left his son 〈◊〉 before hath been showed, and went to Elaea: wither he heard that Aemylius the Roman Admiral was come, to bring succour to Eumenes. There he made an Overture of peace: about which to consult, Eumenes was sent for by Aemylius, and come from Pergamus. But when it was considered, that no conclusion could be made without the Consul; this Treaty broke off. Than followed the Overthrow newly mentioned; which caused Seleucus to give over the siege of Pergamus. Afterwards, four or five Towns of scarce any worth or note were taken by the King: and the Syrian Fleet, being of seven and 〈◊〉 Sail, was beaten by the Rhodian which was of like number. But of this victory the Rhodians had no great cause to rejoice: for that Hannibal the Carthaginian, who, together with 〈◊〉 a Courtier of Antiochus, was Admiral of the Syrians, did them in manner as great hurt as they could do to Apollonius; and having the victory taken out of his hand by Apollonius his flight, yet made such a retreat, that the Rhodians durst not far adventure upon him. Now of these Actions which were but as Praefaces unto the war; the last and greatest was a victory of the Romans by Sea, against Polyxenidas the King's Admiral. The battle was sought by Myonnesus a Promontory in Asia: where Polyxenidas had with him fourscore and nine Galleys; and five of them greater, than any of the Romans. This being all the strength which he could make by Sea: we may note the vanity of those brags, wherewith Antiochus vaunted the last year, That his Armada should cover all the shores of Greece. The Romans had eight and fifty Galleys; the Rhodians, two and twenty: the Roman being the stronger built, and more stoutly manned; the Rhodian more light 〈◊〉 and thin planckt, having all advantage of speed, and good Seamen. Neither forgot they to help themselves by the same device; with which, five of their Galleys had lately escaped from Samos. For with fire in their prows they ran upon the Enemy: who declining them for fear, laid open his side: and was thereby in greater danger of being 〈◊〉. After no long fight, the King's Navy hoisted sail: and having a fair wind, bore away toward Ephesus as fast as they could. Yet forty of their Galleys they left behind them: whereof thirteen were taken: all the rest burnt or sunk. The Romans and their fellows lost only two or three ships: but got hereby the absolute Mastery of the Sea.  
The report of this misadventure, may seem to have taken from Antiochus all use of reason. For as if no hope had been remaining, to defend those places that he held in Europe: He presently withdrew his Garrisons from Lysimachia: which might easily have been kept, even till the end of Winter following, and have reduced the besiegers (if the siege had been continued obstinately) to terms of great extremity. He also gave over the siege of Colophon: and laying aside all thought save only of defence, drew together all his Army; and sent for help to his father-in-law, King Ariarathes the Cappadocian.  
Thus the Roman Consul, without impediment, not only come to the Hellespont; but had yielded unto him all places there, belonging to Antiochus on Europe side. The Fleet was then also in readiness, to transport him over into Asia: where Eumenes had taken such care before, that He landed quietly at his own good case; even as if the Country had been his already. The first news that he heard of the Enemy, was by an Ambassador that come to sue for peace. This Ambassador declared in his Master's name, That the same things which had hindered him from obtaining peace of the Romans heretofore, did now persuade him, that he should easily come to good agreement with them. For in all disputations heretofore, Smyrna, Lampsacus, and Lysimachia, had been the places about which they varied. Seeing therefore the King had now already given over Lysimachia; and was further purposed, not to strive with the Romans about Lampsacus and Smyrna: what reason was there, why they should need to trouble him with war? If it was their desire, that any other Towns upon the Coast of Asia, not mentioned by them in any former Treaties, should be also set at liberty, or otherwise delivered into their hands: the King would not refuse to gratify them therein. Briefly, let them take some part of Asia: so as the bounds, dividing them from the King, might not be uncertain; and it should be quietly put into their hands. If all this were not enough: the King would likewise bear half the Charges, whereat they had been in this war. So praying the Romans to hold themselves contented with 〈◊〉 good offers, and not to be too insolent upon confidence of their fortune; He expected their answer. These offers which to the Ambassador seemed so great, were judged by the Romans to be very little. For they thought it reasonable, that the King should bear all the charges of the war, since it began through his only fault: and that He should not only departed out of those few Towns, which he held in Aeolis and jonia; but quite out of Asia the less, and keep himself on the other side of Mount Taurus. When the Ambassador therefore 〈◊〉, that no better bargain could be made, He dealt with P. Scipto in private: and to him he promised a great quantity of gold, together with the free restitution of his son; who (it is uncertain by what mischance) was taken prisoner and most honourably entertained by the King. Scipto would not harken to the offer of gold: nor otherwise to the restitution of his son, than upon Condition, That it might be with making such amendss for the benefit, as become a private man. As for the public business: He only said thus much, That since Antiochus had already forsaken 〈◊〉, and suffered the war to take hold on his own Kingdom; there was now noon other way for him, than either to fight, or yield to that which was 〈◊〉 at his hands. Wherhfore, said He, tell your King in my name, that I would advise him to refuse no Condition whereby he may have peace.  
The King was not any whit moved with this advice. For seeing that the Consul demanded of him no less, than if he had been already subdued: little reason there was that he should fear to come to battle; wherein he could loose, as he thought, no more, than by seeking to avoid it he must give away. He had with him threescore and ten thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse; besides two and fifty Indian Elephants, and many Chariots armed with hooks or scythes, according to the manner of the Eastern Countries. Yet was he nothing pleased, to hear that the Consul drew near him apace, as one hastening to fight. But how socuer he was affected; He made so little show of fear, that hearing P. Scipio to lie sick at 〈◊〉, He sent thither unto him his son without ransom: as one both desirous to comfort this noble Warrior in his sickness, and withal not desirous to retain the young Gentleman for a pledge of his own safety. Thus aught his bounty to be constant. Otherwise it might be suspected, That herein he dealt craftily. For since he could have noon other ransom of Scipio, than such as an honourable man, that had no great store of wealth, might pay: better it was to do such a courtesy before the battle, as would afterwards have been little worth; than to stay until the Romans, perhaps victorious, should exact it at his hands. P. Scipio was greatly 〈◊〉 with the recovery of his son: so as the joy thereof was thought, to have been much available unto his health. In recompense of the King's humanity, He said only thus much unto those that brought him this acceptable Present, I am now able to make your King noon other amendss, than by advising him not to fight, until he shall hear that I am in the Campe. What he meant by this, it is hard to conjecture. Antiochus resolved to follow his counsel: and therefore withdrew himself from about Thyatira, beyond the River of Phrygius or Hyllus, unto Magnesia by Sipylus: where encamping, He fortified himself as strongly as he could. Thither followed him L. Scipio the Consul; and sat down within four miles of him. About a thousand of the King's Horse, most of them Gallo-Greekes, come to bid the Romans welcome: of whom at first they slew some; and were anon, with some loss driven back over the River. Two days were quietly spent, whilst neither the King nor the Romans would pass the water. The third day the Romans made the adventure: wherein they found no disturbance; nor were at all opposed, until they come within two miles and an half of Antiochus his Campe. There, as they were taking up their lodging, they were charged by three thousand Horse and Foot: whom the ordinary Corpse dugard repelled. Four days together after this, each of them brought forth their Armies; and set them in order before the Trenches, without advancing any further. The 〈◊〉 day the Romans come half way forward, and presented battle; which the King would not accept. Thereupon the Consul took advice what was to be done. For either they must fight upon whatsoever disadvantage, or else resolve to abide by it all Winter, far from any Country of their friends, and therefore subject unto many difficulties: unless they would stain their honour by returning far back, to winter in a more convenient place; and so defer the war until the next Spring. The Roman soldier was thoroughly persuaded of that Enemies base temper. Wherhfore it was the general Cry, that this great Army should be assailed, even in the Camp where it lay: as if rather there were so many beasts to be slaughtered, than men to be fought with. Yet a day or two passed, in discovering the fortifications of Antiochus, and the safest way to set upon him. All this while P. Scipio come not. Wherhfore the King, being loathe to dishearten his men, by seeming to stand in fear of the Enemy, resolved to put the matter to trial. So when the Romans took the field again, and ordered their Battles: He also did the like; and advanced so far, that they might understand his meaning to fight.  
The Roman 〈◊〉 consisted of four Legions, two Roman and two Latin: in each of which were five thousand and four hundred men. The Latins, as usually, were in the points; the Romans, in the main battle. All of them, according to their wont for me, were divided into Maniples. The Hastati had the leading: after them followed the Principes, at such distance as was usual; and last of all, the Triarij. Now beside these, there were about three thousand Auxiliaries; partly Achaeans; and partly such as belonged to Eumenes: which were placed in an equal Front beyond the Latins in the right wing. Utmost of all (save some five hundred Cretians, and of the Trallians) were almost three thousand Horse: of which, Eumenes had brought thither eight hundred; the rest being Roman. The left wing was fenced by the bank of the river: yet four Troops of horse were placed there, though such help seemed in a manner needless. Two thousand Voluntaries, Macedonians and Thracians, were left to guard the Campe. The Consul had with him sixteen African Elephants, which he bestowed in his Rear: forasmuch as had they come to fight with those of Antiochus, they only would have served to discourage his men; as being sure to be beaten: the Indian being far the greater, and more courageous beasts: whereof Antiochus had likewise much advantage in number.  
The King's Army being compounded of many Nations, diversly appointed, and not all accustomed to one manner of fight, was ordered according to the several kinds, in such wise as each might be of most use. The main strength of his Foot consisted in sixteen thousand, armed all Macedonian- like, and called Phalangiers. These He placed in the midst, and divided into ten Battalions: every one having two and thirty in File, and fifty in Front. Between every Battalion were two Elephants, goodly beasts, and such as being adorned with Frontals, high Crests, Towers on their backs, and besides him that governed the Elephant, four men in 〈◊〉 Tower, made a gallant and terrible show. On the right hand of these were fifteen hundred Horse of the Gallo-Greekes: then, three thousand Barbd Horse: and Regiment of almost a thousand Horse, called the Agema, that were all Medians, the choice of the Country, and accompanied by some others. All which Troops of Horse, divided in their several kinds, do seem to have followed one another in depth, rather than to have been stretched out in Front. Adjoining to these, were sixteen Elephants together in one flock. A little further to the right hand, was the Kings own Regiment; called the Argyraspides, or Siluershields, by a name borrowed from their furniture, but nothing like so valiant as those of the same name, that had served under Great Alexander: then, twelve hundred Archers on horseback, three thousand light-armed Foot, two thousand and five hundred Archers of Mysia; with four thousand slingers and Archers of the Cirtaeans, and Elymaeans. On the left hand of the Phalangiers, were placed the like numbers of Gallo-Greekes, and Barbd Horse: as also two thousand Horse that were sent from Ariarathes, with two thousand and seven hundred of divers Nations; and a Regiment of a thousand Horse more lightly armed, that were called the King's Troop, being Syrians, Phrygians, and Lydians. In Front of all these Horse were the Chariots armed with Hooks or Sythes, and the Dromedaries, whereon sat Arabians with long Rapiers, that would serve to reach from those high Camels. Beyond these were, as in the right wing, a rabble of many Nations, Carians, Cilicians, Pamphylians, Pisidians, Cyrtaeans, Elymaeans, and many others, having also with them sixteen Elephants. Antiochus himself commanded in the right wing: Seleucus in the left: and three of his principal captains 〈◊〉 over the Phalangiers.  
The first onset was given by the Dromedaries, and armed Chariots: of which the one, being like to 〈◊〉 the Horse; the other, to break the Squadrons of the Foot; Eumenes with a few light-armed Cretians, Archers, Darters, and Slingers, easily made frustrate the danger threatened by them both. For with shouts, and noises, and some wounds, they were driven out of the field; and running back upon their own men, did the same harm which they had intended to the Enemies. Wherhfore the Roman Horse following this advantage, charged upon the left wing: where they found no resistance; some being out of order; others being without courage. It is shameful to rehearse, and so strange, that it may hardly seem credible: that the Phalangiers, with such variety of Auxiliaries, made little or no resistance; but all of them fled, in manner, as soon as they were charged. Only the King, Antiochus himself, being in the left wing of his own battle: and seeing the Latins, that stood opposite unto him, weakly flanked with Horse: gave upon them courageously, and forced them to retire. But M. Aemylius, that had the Guard of the Roman Camp, issued forth with all his power to help his fellows: and, what by persuasion, what by threats, made them renew the fight. Succour also come from the right wing, where the Romans were already victorious: whereof when Antiochus discovered the approach; He not only turned his Horse about, but ran away upon the spur without further tarriance. The Camp was defended a little while: and with no great valour; though by a great multitude that were fled into it. Antiochus is said to have lost in this battle fifty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse; besides those that were taken. Of the Romans, there were not slain above three hundred Foot, and four and twenty Horse: of Eumenes his followers five and twenty.  
Antiochus fled to Sardes, and from thence to Apamea, the same night; hearing that Seleucus was go thither before. He left the custody of Sardes, and the Castle there, to one whom he thought faithful. But the Townsmen and Soldiers were so dismayed with the greatness of the Overthrow; that one man's faith was worth nothing. All the Towns in those parts, without expecting summons, yielded up themselves by Ambassadors: whom they sent to the Romans, whilst they were on the way. Neither were many days spent, ere Antiochus his Ambassador was in the Camp: having noon other errand, than to know what it would please the Romans to impose upon the King his Master. P. Scipio was now come to his brother, who obtained leave to make the answer, because it should be gentle. They required no more than they had lately done: which was, That he should quite abandon his Dominions on this side of Taurus. For their charges in that war they required fifteen thousand Talents: five hundred in hand; two thousand and five hundred, when the Senate and People of Rome should have confirmed the peace; and the other twelve thousand, in twelve years next ensuing by even portions. Likewise they demanded four hundred Talents for Eumenes; and some store of Corn, that was due to him upon a reckoning. Now besides twenty hostages which they required, very earnest they were to have Hannibal the Carthaginian, and Thoas the Aetolian, with some others who had stirred up the King to this war, delivered into their hands. But any wise man might so easily have perceived, that it would be their purpose to make this one of their principal demands; as no great art was needful to beguile their malice. The King's Ambassador had full commission, to refuse nothing that should be enjoined. Wherhfore there was no more to do, than to sand immediately to Rome for the ratification of the Peace.  
There were new Consuls chosen in the mean while at Rome, M. Fuluius, and Cn. Manlius Volso. The Aetolians desired peace, but could not obtain it: because they would accept neither of the two Conditions to them before propounded. So it was decreed, That one of the Consuls should make War upon the Aetolians, the other, upon Antiochus in Asia. Now though shortly there come news, that Antiochus was already vanquished in battle, and had submitted himself unto all that could be required at his hands: yet since the State of Asia was not like to be so thoroughly settled by one Victory, but that many things might fall out worthy of the Romans care; Cn. Manlius, to whom Asia fell by lot, had not his Province changed.  
Soon after this come the Ambassadors of King Antiochus to Rome, accompanied with the Rhodians and some others: yea by King Eumenes in person; whose presence added a goodly lustre to the business in hand. Concerning the peace to be made with King Antiochus, there was no disputation: it was generally approved. All the trouble was, about the distribution of 〈◊〉 purchase. King Eumenes reckoned up his own deserts: and comparing himself with Masanissa, hoped that the Romans would be more bountiful to him than they had been to the Numidian, since they had found him a King indeed, whereas Masanissa was only such in title; and since both he and his father had always been their friends, even in the worst of the Roman fortune. Yet was there much ado to make him tell what he would have: He still referring himself to their courtesy; and they desiring him to speak plain. At length he craved that they would bestow upon him, as much of the Country by them taken from Antiochus, as they had no purpose to keep in their own hands. Neither thought he it needful, that they should trouble themselves with the care of giving liberty to many of the Greek Towns, that were on Asia side. For since the most of those Towns had been partakers with the King in his War; it was no reason that they should be gainers by his over throw. The Rhodians did not like of this. They desired the Senate to be truly Patrons of the Graecian liberty; and to call to mind, that no small part of Greece itself had been subject unto Philip, and served him in his War: which was not alleged against them as a cause why they should not be made free, after that Philip was overcome. But the main point whereon they insisted, was this, That the Victory of the Romans against King Antiochus was so great, as easily might satisfy the desires of all their friends. The Senate was glad to hear of this; and very bountifully gave away so much, that every one had cause to be well pleased.  
Such end had the War against King Antiochus: after which, L. Cornelius Scipio, returning home, had granted unto him the honour of a Triumph: the pomp whereof exceeded in riches, not only that of Titus Quintius Flaminius, but of any ten that Rome had beheld until that day. Now forasmuch as the surname of The African had been given unto P. Scipio, it was thought convenient by some, to reward L. Scipio with the title of The Asiatic: which the fortune of his Victory had no less deserved; though the virtue, requisite to the purchase thereof, was no way correspondent.   

§. IX.. The Aetolians, and the Gallogreekes, vanquished by the Roman Consuls FULVIUS and MANLIUS. MANLIUS hardly obtains a Triumph: being charged (among other objections) with attempting to have passed the bounds appointed as fatal to the Romans by SIBYL. Of SIBYLS Prophectes; the Books of HERMES; and that Inscription, SIMONI DEO SANCTO. The ingratitude of Rome to the two SCIPIOS: and that beginning and faction among the Roman Nobility.  
MARC. FULVIUS and Cn. Manlius had the same charge divided between them, which L. Cornelius Scipio, now styled Asiaticus, had lately undergone. It was found more than one man's work, to look at once to Greece and to Asia. And for this reason was it apparent, that L. Scipio had granted so long a Truce to the Aetolians. But since, in this long Interim of Truce, that haughty little Nation had not sought to humble itself to the Roman Majesty, it was now to be brought unto more lowly terms than any other of the Greeks'. The best was, that so great a storm fell not unexpected upon the Aetolians. They had foreseen the danger, when their Ambassadors were utterly denied peace at Rome: and they had provided the last remedy; which was, to entreat the Rhodians and Athemans to become intercessors for them. Neither were they so dejected, with any terrible apprehensions, that they could not well devise, even upon helping themselves, by repurchase of Countries lost, where they spied 〈◊〉.  
Poor Kin Aminander lived in exile among them, whilst Philip of Macedon kept, for him, possession of his Lands and Castles. But the Athamanians (besides that many of them bore a natural affection to their own Prince) having been long accustomed to serve a Mountain Lord, that conversed with them after an homely manner; could not endure the proud and insolent manner of command, used by the Captains of Philip his Garrisons. They sent therefore some few of them to their King, and offered their service toward his restitution. At the first there were only four of them; neither grew they, at length, to more than two and fifty, which undertook the work. Yet assurance, that all the reft would follow, made Aminander willing to try his fortune. He was at the borders with a thousand Aetolians, upon the day appointed: at what time his two and fifty adventurers having divided themselves into four parts, occupied, by the ready assistance of the multitude, four the chief Towns in the Country, to his use. The fame of this good success at first; with letters running from place to place, whereby men were exhorted to do their best in helping forward the Action, made the Lieutenants of Philip unable to think upon resistance. One of them held the Town of Theium a few days; giving thereby some leisure unto his King to provide for the rescue. But when he had done his best, he was 〈◊〉 thence; and could only tell Philip, whom he met on the way, that all was lost. Philip had brought from home six thousand men; of whom, when the greater part could not hold out, in such a running march, he left all save two 〈◊〉 behind him, & so come to Athenaeum, a little Athamanian Castle, 〈◊〉 still was his, as being on 〈◊〉 frontier of Macedon. Thence he sent Zeno, who had kept Theium a while, to 〈◊〉 place lying over Argithea, that was chief of the Country. Zeno did as he was appointed: yet neither he, nor the King had the boldness to descend upon Argithea; or that they might perceive the Athamanians, all along the hill sides, ready to come down upon them, when they should be busy. Wherhfore nothing was thought more honourable than a safe retreat: specially when Aminander come in sight with his thousand Aetolians. The Macedonians were called back, from-wards Argithea, and presently withdrawn by their King towards his own borders. But they were not suffered to departed in quiet at their pleasure. The Athamanians and Aetolians waylaid them, and 〈◊〉 them so closely, that their retreat was in manner of a plain flight, with great 〈◊〉 of men and arms; few of those escaping, that were left behind, as to make a countenance of holding somewhat in the Country, until Philip his return.  
The Aetolians, having found the business of Athamania so easy, made attempt, in their own behalf, upon the Amphilochians and Aperantians. These had belonged unto their Nation, and were lately taken by Philip; from whom they diligently revolted, and become Aetolian again. The Dolopians lay next; that had been ever belonging to the Macedonian, and so did still purpose to continued. These took arms at first: but soon laid them away; seeing their neighbours ready to fight with them in the Aetolian quarrel, and seeing their own King so hastily go, as if he meant not to return.  
Of these victories the joy was the less; for that news come of Antiochus his last overthrow, and of M. Fuluius the new Consul his hasting with an army into Greece. Aminander sent his excuses to Rome, praying the Senate, not to take it in despite, that he had recovered his own from Philip with such help as he could get. Neither seems it that the Romans were much offended to hear of Philip his losses: for of this fault they neither were sharp correctors, nor earnest reprovers. Fuluius went in hand with the business, about which he come, and laid siege to Ambracia, a goodly City, that had been the chief seat of Pyrrhus his Kingdom. With this he began; for that it was of too great importance to be abandoned by the Aetolians: yet could not by them be relieved, unless they would adventure to fight upon equal ground. To help the Ambracians, it was not in the Aetolians power: for they were, at the same time, vexed by the Illyrians at sea, and ready to be driven from their new conquest, by Perseus the son of Philip, who invaded the Countries of the Amphilochians and Dolopians. They were unable to deal with so many at once; and therefore as earnestly sought peace with the Romans, as they stoutly made head against the rest. In the mean while the Athenian and Rhodian Ambassadors come; who besought the Consul to grant them peace. It helped well that Ambracia made strong resistance, and would not be terrified, by any violence of the assailants, or danger that might seem to threaten. The Consul had no desire to spend half his time about one City, and so be driven to leave unto his successor the honour of finishing the war. Wherhfore he gladly 〈◊〉 kened unto the Aetolians, and bade them seek peace with faithful intent, without thinking it over-deare, at a reasonable price; considering with how great a part of his Kingdom their friend Antiochus had made the same purchase. He also gave leave to Aminander, offering his service as a mediator, to put himself into Ambracia, and try what good his persuasions might do with the Citizens. So, after many demands and excuses, the conclusion was such, as was grievous to the weaker, but not unsufferable. The same Ambassadors of the Athenians and Rhodians accompanied those of the Aetolians to Rome, for procuring the confirmation of Peace. Their eloquence and credit was the more needful in this intercession, for that Philip had made very grievous complaint about the loss of those Countries, which they had lately taken from him. Hereof the Senate could not but take notice; though it hindered not the peace, which those good Mediators of Rhodes and Athens did earnestly solicit. The Aetolians were bound to uphold the majesty of the people of Rome, and to observe divers Articles, which made them less free, and more obnoxious to the Romans, than any people of Greece; they having been the first that called these their Masters into the Country. The Isle of Cephalenia was taken from them by the Romans: who kept it for themselves (as not long since they had gotten Zacynthus from the Achaeans, by stiffly pressing their own right) that so they might have possession along the coast of Greece, whilst they seemed to forbear the Country. But concerning those places, whereto Philip, or others, might lay claim, there was set down an Order so perplexed, as would necessarily require to have the Romans judges of the controversies, when they should arise. And hereof good use will be shortly made: when want of employment elsewhere, shall 'cause a more Lordly Inquisition to be held, upon the affairs of Macedon and Greece.  
Cn. Manlius, the other Consul, had at the same time war in Asia, with the Gallo-Greekes and others. His Army was the same that had followed L. Scipio; of whose victory, his acts were the consummation. He visited those Countries on the hither side of Taurus, that had scarce heard of the Romans; to whom they were abandoned by Antiochus. Among these there were some petty Lords, or Tyrants, some free Cities, and some that were together at wars, without regard of the great alteration happened in Asia. From every of these he got somewhat; and by their quarrels found occasion to visit those Provinces, into which he should else have wanted an errand. He was even loaden with booty, when, having fetched a compass about Asia, he come at length upon the Gallogreekes. These had long dominiered over the Country: though of late times, it was rather the fame and terror of their forepast acts, than any present virtue of theirs, which held them up in reputation. Of the Romans they had lately such trial, when they served under King Antiochus, as made them to know themselves far the worse men. Wherhfore they thought it no small part of their safety, that they dwelled upon the River Halys, in an Inland Country, where those enemies were not like to search them out. But when such hopes failed; and when some Princes of their own Nation, that had been friends of Eumenes, exhorted the rest to yield: then was no counsel thought so good, as to forsake their houses and Country, and, with all that they could carry or drive, to betake themselves unto the high mountains of Olympus and Margana. These mountains were exceeding hard of ascent, though noon should undertake the custody. Being therefore well manned and victuailed for a long time; as also the natural strength being helped, by such fortification as promised greatest assurance: it was thought, that the Consul would either forbear the attempt of forcing them, or easily be repelled; and that finally, when he had stayed there awhile, winter, and much want, should force him to dislodge. Yet all this availed not. For whereas the Gallogreekes had been careless of furnishing themselves with casting weapons, as if the stones would have served well enough to that purpose: the Romans, who come far otherwise appointed, found greater advantage in the difference of arms, than impediment in disadvantage of ground. Archers and Slingers did easily prevail against casters of stones; especially being such as were these Gallogreekes, neither exercised in that manner. of fight, nor having prepared their stones before hand, but catching up what lay next, the too great, and the too little, oftener than those of a fit size. Finally, the Barbarians, wanting defensive arms, could not hold out against the arrows and weapons of the Roman light armature: but were driven from a piece of ground, which they had undertaken to make good, up into their Camp on the top of the mountain; and being forced out of their Camp, had noon other way left, than to cast themselves headlong down the steep rocks. Few of the men escaped alive: all their wives, children, and goods become a prey unto the Romans. In the very like manner, were the rest of that Nation overcome soon after, at the other mountain: only more of them saved themselves by flight, as having fairer way at their backs.  
These wars being ended: Fuluius and Manlius were appointed, by the Senate, each of them to retain as Proconsul his Province for another year. Fuluius, in his second year, did little or nothing. Manlius gave peace to those whom he had vanquished; as likewise to 〈◊〉 the Cappadocian, and some others, not by him vanquished, but submitting themselves for fear of the Roman arms. He drew from them all, what profit he could: and laid upon them such conditions, as he thought expedient. He also did finish the league of peace with Antiochus; whereto he swore, and received the King's oath by Ambassadors, whom he sent for that purpose. Finally having set in order the matters of Asia, he took his way toward the Hellespont, loaden with spoil, as carrying with him (besides other treasures) all that the Gallogreekes had in so many years extorted, from the wealthy Provinces that lay round about them. Neither did this Army of Manlius return home, rich in money alone, or cattle, or things of needful use, which the Roman soldier had been wont to take as the only good purchase; but furnished with sumptuous household-stuff, and slaves of price, excellent Cooks, and Musicians for banquets, and, in a word, with the seeds of that luxury, which finally over-grew and choked the Roman virtue.  
The Country of Thrace lay between Hellespont and the Kingdom of Macedon, which way Manlius was to take his journey homeward. L. Scipio had found no impediment among the Thracians: either for that he passed through them, without any such booty as might provoke them; or perhaps rather, because Philip of 
〈◊〉. l. 39  Macedon had taken order, that the Barbarians should not stir. But when Manlius come along with an huge train of baggage; the Thracians could not so well contain themselves. Neither was it thought, that Philip took it otherwise than very pleasantly, to have this Roman Army rob, and well beaten on the way. He had cause to be angry; seeing how little himself was regarded, and what great rewards were given to Eumenes. For he understood, and afterwards gave the Romans to understand, that Eumenes could not have abidden in his own Kingdom, if the People of Rome had not made war in Asia: whereas contrariwise, Antiochus had offered unto himself three thousand talents, and fifty ships of war, to take part with him and the Aetolians; promising moreover to restore unto him all the Greek Cities, that had been taken from him by the Romans. Such being the difference between him and Eumenes, when the war began: he thought it no even dealing of the Romans, after their victory, to give away not only the half of Asia, but Chersonnesus and Lysimachia in Europe, to Eumenes; whereas upon himself they bestowed not any one Town. It agreed not indeed with his Nobility, to go to Rome and beg Provinces in the Senate, as Eumenes and the Rhodians had lately done. He had entertained lovingly the two Scipio's, whom he thought the most honourable men in Rome; and was grown into near acquaintance with Publius, holding correspondence with him by letters, whereby he made himself acquainted with the wars in Spain and Africa. This perhaps he deemed sufficient, to breed in the Romans a due respect of him. But Eumenes took a furer way. For the Scipio's had not the disposing of that which they wan from Antiochus: as neither indeed had Manlius, nor the ten Delegates assisting him; but the Senate of Rome, by which those Delegates were chosen, and instructed how to proceed. When Philip therefore seen these upstart Kings of Pergamus, whom he accounted as base companions, advanced so highly, and made greater than himself; yea himself unregatded, contemned, and exposed to many wrongs: then found he great cause to wish, that he had not so hastily declared himself against Antiochus, or rather that he had joined with Antiochus and the Aetolians, by whom he might have been freed from his insolent masters. But what great argument of such discontentedness the Macedonian had, we shall very shortly be urged to discourse more at large. At the present it was believed, that the Thracians were by him set on, to assail the Romans passing through their Country. They knew all advantages: and they fell, unexpected, upon the carriages, that were bestowed in the midst of the Army; whereof part had already passed a dangerous wood, through which the baggage followed; part was not yet so far advanced. There was enough to get, and enough to leave behind: though both the getting, and the saving, did cost many lives, as well of the Barbarians as of the Romans. They fought until it grew night: and then the Thracians withdrew themselves; not without as much of the booty, as was to their full content. And of such trouble there was more, though less dangerous, before the Army could get out of Thrace into Macedon. Through the Kingdom they had a fair march into Epirus; and so to Apollonia, which was their handle of Greece.  
To Manlius, and to Fuluius, when each of them returned to the City, was granted the honour of Triumph. Yet not without contradiction: especially to Manlius; whom some of the ten Delegates, appointed to assist him, did very bitterly tax, as an unworthy Commander. Touching the rest of their accusation; it sufficeth that he made good answer, and was approved by the chief of the Senate. One clause is worthy of more particular consideration. Reprehending his desire to have hindered the peace with Antiochus; they said, That with much ado he was kept 
Liu. l. 38.  from leading his Army over TAURUS, and adventuring upon the calamity threatened by SYBYLS verses, unto those that should pass the fatal 〈◊〉. What calamity or overthrow this was, wherewith Sibyls prophecy threatened the Roman Captain or Army, that should pass over Taurus, I do not conceive. Pompey was the first, that marched with an Army beyond those limits: though the victories of Lucullus had opened unto him the way, and had beforehand won, in a sort, the Countries on the other side of the Mount; which Lucullus gave to one of Antiochus his race, though Pompey occupied them for the Romans. But we find not, that either Lucullus or Pompey suffered any loss, in presuming to neglect the bounds appointed by Sibyl. Indeed the accomplishment of this prophecy, fell out near about one time, with the restitution of Ptolemie King of Egypt; that was forbidden unto the Romans by the same Sibyl. It may therefore seem to have had reference unto the same things, that were denounced, as like to happen upon the reduction of the Egyptian King. Whither the Oracles of Sibyl had in them any truth, and 
Tull. de 〈◊〉. lib, 2.  were not, as Tully noteth, sowed at random in the large field of Time, there to take root, and get credit by event; I will not here dispute. But I hold this more probable, than that the restitution of Ptolemie to his Kingdom by Gabinius the Roman, should have any way betokened the coming of our Saviour: as some both ancient and modern Christian Writers have been well pleased to interpret Sibyl in that prophecic. Of the Sibylline predictions I have sometimes thought reverendly: though not knowing what they were (as I think, few men know) yet following the common belief and good authority. But observation of the shameful Idolatry, that upon all occasions was advanced in Rome by the books of Sibyl, had well prevailed upon my credulity, and made me suspect, though not the faith and pious meaning, yet the judgement of Eusebius: when that learned and excellent 
Isaac. Casaub. 〈◊〉 1. 〈◊〉 Annal. Bar. n. 10. & 11.  work of Master Casaubon upon the Annals of Cardinal Baronius, did altogether free me from my error; making it apparent, That not only those prophecies of Sibyl, wherein Christ so plainly was foreshowed, but even the books of Hermes, which have borne such reputation, were no better than counterfeited pieces, and at first entertained (whosoever devised them) by the undiscreet zeal of such, as delighted in seeing the Christian Religion strengthened with foreign proofs. And in the same rank, I think, we aught to place that notable History, reported by Eusebius from no mean Authors, Of the honour which was done to Simon Magus 
Euseb. Eccl. hist. 〈◊〉. 13.  in Rome; namely, of an Altar to him erected, with an inscription, Simoni Deo Sancto, that is, To Simon the holy God. For what can be more strange, than that a thing so memorable, and so public, should have been quite omitted by Tacitus, by Suetonius, by Dion, and by all which wrote of those times? Philosophers and Poets would not have suffered the matter to escape in silence, had it been true; neither can it be thought that Seneca, who then lived and flourished, would have abstained from speaking any word of an Argument so famous. Wherhfore I am persuaded, that this inscription, Simoni Deo Sancto, was, by some bad Criticism, taken amiss in place of SEMONI SANGO: a title four hundred years older than the time of Simon Magus. For the goods of one vitrvuius a Rebel, had many ages before been consecrated SEMONI SANGO, that is, To the Spirit or Demigod Sangus, in whose Chapel they were bestowed. So as either by the ill shape of the old Roman letters, or by some spoil that Time had wrought upon them; it might easily come to pass, that the words should be misse-read, SIMONI SANCTO, and that some Christian who had heard of Simon Magus, but not of Sangus, thereupon should frame the conjecture, which now passeth for a true History. Such conjectures, being entertained without examination, find credit by Tradition, whereby also, many times, their fashion is amended, and made more Historical, than was conceived by the Author. But it cannot be safe, to let our faith (which aught to stand firm upon a sure foundation) lean over-hardly on a well painted, yet rotten, post.  
Now concerning the Triumph of Cn. Manlius, it may be numbered among a few of the richest, which ever the City beheld. Out of that which he brought into the Treasury, was made the last payment of those moneys which the Commonwealth had borrowed from private men, in the second Punic war. So long was it, that Rome had still some feeling of Hannibal: which being past, there was remaining neither care, nor memory, of any danger. This Triumph of Manlius was deferred by him, even as long as he well could: for that he thought it not safe, to make his entrance into the City, until the heat of an Inquisition, then raging therein, should be allayed. The two Scipio's were called, one after other, into judgement, by two Tribunes of the people; men, only by this accusation, known to posterity. P. Scipio the African, with whom they began, could not endure that such unworthy men should question him, of purloining from the Common Treasury, or of being hired with bribes by Antiochus, to make an ill bargain for his Country. When therefore his day of answer come; he appeared before the Tribunes, not humbly as one accused, but followed by a great train of his friends and Clients, with which he passed through the midst of the Assembly, and offered himself to speak. Having audience, he told the People, That upon the same day of the year he had fought a great battle with Hannibal, and finished the Punic War, by a signal victory. In memory whereof, he thought it no fit season to brabble at the Law; but intended to visit the Capitol, and there give thanks to jupiter, and the rest of the gods, by whose grace, both on that day and at other times, he had well and happily discharged the most weighty business of the Commonwealth. And hereto he invited with him all the Citizens: requesting them, That if ever since the seventeenth year of his life, until he now grew old, the honourable places by them conferred upon him, had prevented the capacity of his age, and yet his deserts had exc'eded the greatness of those honourable places; then would they pray, that the Princes and great ones of their City might still be like to him. These words were heard with great approbation: so as all the people, even the Officers of the Court, followed Scipio; leaving the Tribunes alone, with noon about them, excepting their own slaves and a Crier, by whom ridiculously they cited him to judgement, until for very shame, as not knowing what else to do, they granted him, unrequested, a further day. After this, when the African perceived that the Tribunes would not let fall their svit, but enforce him to submit himself to a disgraceful trial: he willingly relinquished the City, and his unthankful Romans, that could suffer him to undergo so much indignity. The rest of his time he spent at Liternum: quietly, with a few of his inward friends, and without any desire of seeing Rome again. How many years he lived, or whither he lived one whole year, in this voluntary banishment; it is uncertain. The report of his dying in the same year, with Hannibal and Philopoemen, as also of his private behaviour at Liternum, tender it probable, that he outlived the Tribuneship of his accusers; who meant to have drawn him back to his answer, if one of their Colleagues (as one of them had power to hinder all the rest from proceeding) had not caused them to desist. Howsoever it was; the same Tribunes went more sharply to work with L. Scipio the Asiatic. They propounded a Decree unto the People, touching money received of Antiochus, and not brought into the common Treasury; That the Senate should give charge unto one of the Praetors, to inquire, and judicially determine, thereof. In favour of this Decree, an Oration was made by Cato, the supposed author of these contentions, and instigator of the Tribunes. He was a man of great, but not perfect, virtue; temperate, valiant, and of singular industry; frugal also, both of the public, and of his own; so as in this kind he was even faulty: for though he would not be corrupted with bribes, yet was he unmerciful and unconscionable, in seeking to increase his own wealth, by such means as the Law did warrant. Ambition was his vice; which being poisoned with envy, troubled both himself and the whole City, whilst he lived. His mean birth caused him to hate the Nobility, especially those that were in chief estimation. Neither did he spare to bite at such as were of his own rank, men raised by desert, if their advancement were like to hinder his: but lately before this, when Glabrio, whose Lieutenant he had been at 〈◊〉, was his Competitor for the Censorship, and likely to carry it, he took an Oath against him, which was counted as no better than malicious perjury, That he had not brought into the common Treasury some vessels of gold and silver, gotten in the Camp of Antiochus. Now the hatred which he bore unto the Scipios grew partly, (besides his general spite at the Nobility) from his own first rising, wherein he was countenanced by Fabius Maximus, who brooked not the African; partly from some check, that was given unto himself, in the African voyage, by P. Scipio, whose Treasurer he then was. For when Cato did utter his 〈◊〉 of the Consuls bad husbandry (judging Magnificence to be no better) in some peremptory manner; Scipio plainly told him, That he had no need of such double diligence in his Treasurer. Wherhfore, either not caring what lies he published, or for want of judgement, thinking unworthily of the virtue that was far above him, Cato filled Rome with untrue reports against his General; whose noble deeds confuted sufficiently the author of such false tales. And thus began the hatred: which being not regarded nor thought upon by the Scipios, whilst it was nourished by their enemy, broke out upon advantage, especially against L. Scipio, his brother being dead, or out of the way. A severe inquiry and judgement being appointed of purpose against Scipio, matters were so carried, that he was seen condemned in a sum of money, far exceeding his ability to pay. For non payment, his body should have been laid up in prison: but from this rigour of the Law he was freed by Tiberius Graccbus, the same Tribune who had caused the svite against the African to be let fall. In his estate, which was confiscated to the use of the City, when there neither appeared any sign of his having been beholding to 〈◊〉, nor was found so much as what he had been condemned to pay; then fell his accusers, and all whose hands had been against him, into the indignation of the People. But for this was L. Scipio no whit the better. His kindred, friends, and Clients made such a collection for him, as would have set him in better estate than before, if he had accepted it. He took no more than such of his own goods, as were of necessary use, being redeemed for him by his nearest friends.  
And thus began the civil war of the Tongue, in the Roman plead: which had either not been, or not been much regardable, until now, since the Punic War. Security of danger from abroad, and some want of sufficient employment, were especial helps to the kindling of this fire; which first caught hold upon that great Worthy, to whose virtue Rome was indebted, for changing into so great security her extreme danger. But these factious contentions did no long while contain themselves within heat of words, and cunning practice. For when the Art of leading the multitude, in such quarrelsome business, grew to perfection, they that found themselves over-matched by their adversaries, at this kind of weapon, began to make opposition, first with clubs and stones, afterward with swords; and finally, proceeded from frays and murders in the streets, unto battle in the open field. Cornelia, daughter of Scipio the African, a Lady of rare virtue, that in honour of her two sons was more commonly named Mother of the Gracchis, seen those her two sons, whilst they were but young, slaughtered in Rome, together with some of their friends, by those whom they opposed, and their death not revenged by order of Law, but rather approve by the Senate. At these 〈◊〉 the Senators began to take upon them authority, more than was to them belonging. They conferred upon the Consuls all the whole power of the City, under this form, Let the Consuls provide, that the Commonweal receive no detriment. By this Decree of theirs, and by their proclaiming any Citizen enemy to the State, they thought to have won a great advantage over the multitude. But after the death of C. Gracchus, and of Saturninus a popular man, whom by such authority they did put out of the way; it was not long ere Marius, a famous Captain of theirs, was so condemned, who by force of arms returned into the City, and murdered all the principal Senators: whereupon began the civil wars; which giving unto Sylla, who prevailed therein, means to make himself absolute Lord of Rome, taught Caesar, a man of higher spirit, to affect and obtain the like sovereign power, when by the like Decree of the Senate he was provoked. It is true, that never any Consul had finally 'cause to rejoice, of his having put in execution such authority to him committed by the Senate. But as the fury of the multitude, in passing their Laws, by hurling of stones, and other violence, made the City stand in need of a Sovereign Lord: so the vehemency of the Senate, in condemning as enemies those that would not submit themselves, when they were overtopped by voices in the House, did compel Caesar, or give him at least pretence, to right himself by arms: wherewith prevailing against his adversaries, he took such order, that neither Senate, nor People, should thenceforth be able to do him wrong. So by intestine discord, the Romans consuming all or most of their principal Citizens, lost their own freedom, and become subjects unto the arbitrary government of One: suffering this change in three generations, after this beginning of their insolent rule, wherein they took upon them as the highest Lords on Earth, to do even what they listed. Yet had not Rome indeed attained hitherto unto complete greatness, nor believed of herself as if she had, whilst a King sat crowned on the Throne of Alexander, continuing and upholding the reputation of a former Empire. Wherhfore this consummation of her honour was thought upon betimes. How it was effected, the sequel will discover.    

CHAP. VI The second Macedonian War.  

§. I. The Condition wherein those Princes and Estates remained, which were associates of the Romans, when the war with ANTIOCHUS was finished. The Romans quarrel with PHILIP. They deal insolently with the Achaeans. The Macedonian, being unready for war, obtains peace at Rome, by his son DEMETRIUS; of whom thenceforth he becomes jealous.  
AFTER the overthrow of Antiochus, although Philip of Macedon, Eumenes King of Pergamus, the Commonweal of the Achaeans, and all other the States of Greece, were governed by the same Laws and Magistrates, as they formerly had been, before the arrival of the Romans in those parts: yet in 〈◊〉 truth (the public declaration excepted) they were noon other than absolute vassals to the People of Rome. For of those five Prerogatives belonging to a Monarch, or unto Sovereign power, in whomsoever it rest; namely, To make Laws, To created Magistrates, To arbitrate Peace and War, To beaten Money, and to reserve (as the French call it) le dermier resort, or the last Appeals, the Romans had assumed four; and the greatest of them so absolutely, that is, The Appeal, or last resort, as every petty injury offered to each other by the forenamed Kings or States, was heard and determined either by the Roman Ambassadors, or Commissioners, in those places whence the Complaint come, or otherwise by the Senators themselves within Rome: from whose arbitrement, or direction, if either King, or Commonweals, declined, He or they were beaten, and enforced to obedience; or had their Estates and Regalities utterly dissolved. Nevertheless it is true, that they had their own Laws, and Officers of their own ordaining: yet so, as neither their Laws were of force, when the Romans interposed their will to the contrary; neither was their election of Magistrates so free, as that they had not therein especial regard unto the good pleasure of these their Masters.  
And to such degree of servitude the several Estates of Greece did bow very gently: either as being thankful for their deliverance from a yoke more sensibly grievous; or, as being skilful in the Art of flattery, and therein taking delight, since therein consisted their chief hope of thriving; or, as being more fearful of displeasing the strongest, than mindful of their own honour. But Eumenes living further off, and being most obsequious unto the Romans, was not, of long time, questioned about any of his doings: his conformity unto them in matter of war and peace, together with the diversion of their thoughts another way, giving him leave to use his own even as he listed, until they should otherwise dispose of him. Neither was it a little available to him, that his Kingdom bordered upon the Nations, by them not thoroughly subdued. For upon the same reason (as well as upon his own high deserts) were they very loving unto Masanissa, and to his House, until Carthage was ruined, and their Dominion 〈◊〉 in Africa: as likewise afterwards to the Kings of Mauritania, Cappadocia, and others: holding people in subjection unto themselves, by the ministery of Kings; especially of such Kings, as were useful and obsequious unto them.  
Now the Macedonian was of a more noble temper; and showed himself not forgetful of his own former greatness, the honour of his race, or the high reputation of his Kingdom. But such magnanimity was noon otherwise construed by the Romans, than as want of due reverence to their Estate, and a valuation of himself against them: which, in the pride of their fortune, they could not endure. Wherhfore, notwithstanding that he had lately given passage to their Armies through his Country, prepared the ways for them, and furnished them both with victuals, and other things needful, to transport them over the Hellespont into Asia, against Antiochus: yet upon the complaint of Eumenes, and the States of Thessaly and Thrace, he was commanded to abandon the Cities of Aenus and Maronea, with all Pieces and Places demanded by any of his neighbours; whereof many of them he had lately conquered, by direction, or licence, even from the Romans themselves.  
These Towns of Aenus and Maronea had been part of 〈◊〉 his Kingdom: who from Thrace Northwards, and to the Northwest, extended his dominion very far. He is thought to have made himself Lord of Transylvania: in which Province it is said, 
* Hist. of 〈◊〉 by Mart. Fumee, lib. 5.  That innumerable Medals of gold have been found, in the age of our grandfathers, each of them weighing two or three crowns, and stamped with his Image on the one side, on the other side with Victory. Of all these Lordships the possession, or rather the title (for he lived not to settle his estate in Europe) fell to Seleucus Nicator by right of war, wherein he vanquished and slew Lysimachus: as also, by the like right, Ptolemy Ceraunus thought them his own, when he had murdered Seleucus. But the inundation of the Gauls, which the Kingdom of Macedon could not sustain, did shortly and easily wash away from that Crown, together with the more part of Thrace, all those heaps of land newly thereto annexed. Somewhat of this was afterwards regained by Antigonus the son of Demetrius, and his successors: though not much; for they 〈◊〉 otherwise busied. The 〈◊〉 of the Gauls being overpast, those Countries which lately had been oppressed by them, recovered their liberty; and not only held it, but learned, some of them, especially the Dardanians and wild Thracians, to found their advantages, and make use of them, even upon Macedon. Against the mischiefs commonly done by these, King Philip did provide the most convenient remedies: by shutting up the ways, whereby the Dardanians might enter into his Kingdom; and by occupying Lysimachia, with some other Towns in Thrace, which he fortified, as Bulwarks of his own Country, against the Barbarians. Now, although it behoved him thus to do, for the defence of his own estate: yet forasmuch as these Towns were, in a manner, at absolute liberty, his possession of them was thought to partake more of violence than of justice. And in this respect he was formerly accused by the Aetolians, of wrongful usurpation and oppression, in his having occupied Lysimachia. Hereto he made a good answer, That his Garrison did only save it from the Thracians: who, as soon as he thence withdrew his men, did seize upon the Town, and ruin it. The like perhaps he might have said, touching Aenus and Maronea; That they were places unable to defend themselves, and Gates, by which the Barbarians might have entrance into his Kingdom. But this Plea had not availed him, in the disputation about Lysimachia: and in the present question, the Romans were not without their own title; since Antiochus had gotten all the Country thereabouts, whilst Philip was busied in his former war and since they, by their victory had gotten unto themselves all the title, which Antiochus thereto could pretend. Wherhfore he only submitted his right unto the good pleasure of the Senate: referring it unto their disposition, Whither Aenus and Maronea should be set at liberty, whither left in his hand, or whither bestowed upon Eumenes; who begged them, as an appendix to Lysimachia and Chersonnesus, that were already his by their gift. What they would determine, he might easily perceive, by the demeanour of their Ambassadors towards him: who sitting as judges between him and all that made complaint upon him, gave sentence against him in every controversy. Nevertheless, he sent Ambassadors to Rome, there to maintain his right unto these Towns; wherein he thought, that equity (if it might prevail) was wholly on his side. For he had helped their Consuls in the war against Antiochus and the Aetolians: wherein whatsoever he had gotten for himself, was now taken from him by their Ambassadors: and would they now deprive him of those two Towns, lying so fitly for the guard of his Kingdom, which he had gotten to himself out of the ruins of Antiochus, like as out of his own ruins Antiochus had gotten in those quarters a great deal more? By such allegations either he was likely to prevail, or at leastwise to gain 〈◊〉, wherein he might bethink himself what he had to 〈◊〉. It was not long ere he had word from Rome, That the Senate were no more equal to him, than had been their Ambassadors. Wherhfore, considering how insolently the Maronites had behaved themselves, in pleading against him for their liberty, he took counsel of his own passions; and (as by nature he was very cruel) gave order to Onomastus, that was Warden of the Seacoasts, to handle these Maronites in such sort, as they might have little joy of the liberty by them so earnestly desired. 〈◊〉 employed Cassander, one of the King's men dwelling in Maronea, and willed him to let in the Thracians by night, that they might sack the Town, and use all cruelties of war. This was 〈◊〉, but so ill taken by the Roman Ambassadors, who had better notice, than could have been feared, of these proceed; that the King was by them directly charged with the crime, and called more strictly, than become his Majesty, to an account. He would have removed the blame from himself, and laid it even upon the Maronites; affirming, That they, in heat of their Factions, being some inclinable to him, other some to Eumenes, had fallen into such outrage, that they had cut one another's throats. And hereof he willed the Ambassadors to inquire, among the Maronites themselves: as well knowing, that they who survived, were 〈◊〉 his own friends; or so terrified and amazed by the late 〈◊〉 of his vengeance among them, that they durst not 〈◊〉 an offensive word. But he found the Romans more severe, and more thoroughly informed in the business, than to rest contented with such an answer. He was plainly told, that if he would discharge himself of the crime objected; he must sand Onomastus and Cassander to Rome, there to be examined as the Senate should think fit. This did not a little trouble him. Yet he collected his spirits, and said, that Cassander should be at their disposition: but concerning Onomastus, who had not 〈◊〉 at Maronea, nor near to it, he requested them not to press him; since it stood not with his honour, so lightly to give away his friends. As for Cassander, because he should tell no tales; 〈◊〉 took order to have him poisoned by the way. By this we see, that the doctrine, which Machiavelli taught unto Caesar Borgia, to employ men in mischievous actions, and afterwards to destroy them when they have performed the mischief; was not of his own invention. All ages 〈◊〉 given us examples of this goodly policy, the later having 〈◊〉 apt scholars in this lesson to the more ancient: as the reign of Henry the 〈◊〉 here in England, can bear good witness; and therein especially the Lord Cromwell, who perished by the same unjust Law that himself had devised, for the taking away of another man's life.  
Such actions of Philip made an unpleasant noise at Rome, and were like to have brought upon him the war which he feared, before he was ready to entertain it. Wherhfore he employed his younger son Demetrius as 〈◊〉 unto the Senate: giving him instructions, how to make answer to all complaints; and withal to deliver his own grievances, in such wise that if aught were amiss, yet might it appear that he had been strongly urged to take such courses. The sum of his Embassage was, to pacify the Romans, and make all even for the present. Demetrius himself was known to be very acceptable unto the Senate; as having 〈◊〉 well approved by them, when he was hostage in Rome: and therefore seemed the more likely, to 〈◊〉 somewhat; were it only in regard that would be borne unto his person.  
Whilst this business with the Macedonian hung in suspense, and whilst he, by his readiness to make submission, seemed likely to divert from himself some other way the Roman arms: the same Ambassadors, that had been judges between him and his neighbours, made their 〈◊〉 through the rest of Greece; and took notice of the controversies, which they found between some Estates in the Country. The greatest cause that was heard before them, was the complaint of the banished Laccdaemonians against the Achaeans. It was objected unto the Achaeins, That they had committed a gricuous slaughter upon many Citizens of Lacedaemon: That unto this cruelty they had added a greater, in throwing down the walls of the City: as also further, in changing the Laws, and abrogating the famous Institutions of Lysurgus. Hereto Lycortas, than Praetor of the Achaeans, made answer, That these banished Lacedæmonians who now took upon them to accuse the Nation that had once protected them, were notoriously known to be the men, who had themselves committed that murder, whereof shamelessly they laid the blame upon others: the Achaeans having only called those unto judgement, that were supposed to be chief authors of a Rebellion against both them and the Romans; and these plaintiffs having slain them, upon private, though just hatred, as they were coming to make answer for themselves. Concerning their throwing down the walls of Lacedaemon, he said it was most agreeable to Lyeurgus his ordinance: who, having persuaded his Citizens to 〈◊〉 their Town and liberty by their proper virtue, did inhibit unto them all kinds of fortifications; as the Retraits and Nests either of Cowards, or (whereof Lacedaemon had woeful experience) of Tyrants and Usurpers. Further he showed, how the same Tyrants that had built these walls, and hemmed in the Spartans', had also quite abolished Lycurgus his ordinances; and governed the City by their own law 〈◊〉 will. As for the Achaeans; they communicated their own Laws, which they held for the best, or else would soon change them and take better, unto the Lacedæmonians; whom they found without Laws, or any tolerable form of policy. For conclusion, Lycortas plainly told App. Claudius the chief of the Ambassadors, That he and his Countrymen held it strange, being friends and faithful 〈◊〉 of the Romans, to see themselves thus constrained, to answer and give account of their actions; as vassals and slaves unto the People of Rome. For if they were indeed at liberty: why might not the Achaeans as well require to be satisfied above that which the Romans had done at Capua, as the Romans did busy themselves, to take account how things went at Lacedaemon? For if the Romans would stand upon their greatness, and intimate, as they began, that the liberty of their friends was nothing worth, longer than should please themselves to ratify it: then must the Achaeans have recourse unto those Agreements, that were confirmed by oath, and which without perjury could not be violated; as reverencing, and indeed 〈◊〉 the Romans, but much more, the immortal gods. To this bold answer of Lycortas, Appius found little to reply. Yet taking state upon him, he pronounced more like a Master than a judge, That if the Achaeans would not be ruled by fair means, and earn thanks whilst they might; they should be compelled with a mischief, to do what was required at their hands, whither they would or no. This altercation was in the Parliament of the Achaeans; which groaned to hear the Lordly words of 〈◊〉. Yet Fear prevailed above Indignation: and it was permitted unto the Romans to do as they listed. Hereupon the Ambassadors restored some banished and condemned men: but the Roman Senate, very so one after, did make voided all judgements of death or banishment, that had been laid by the Achaeans upon any Citizen of Lacedaemon; as likewise they made it a matter of disputation, whither or no the City and Territory of Lacedaemon, should be suffered to continued a member of the Achaean Commonwealth; or taken from them, and made as it had been an Estate by itself. By bringing such a matter into question, the Romans well declared, That they held it to depend upon their own will, how much or how little any of their confederates should be suffered to enjoy: though by contributing Sparta to the Council of Achaia, they discovered no less, as to them seemed, the love which they bore unto the Achaians, than the power which they had over them.  
Into such slaucrie had the Greeks', and all Kings and Commonweals whatsoever, bordering upon any part of the Mediterran Seas, reduced themselves; by calling in the Romans to their succour. They wanted not the good counsel and persuasions of many wise and temperate men among them; They had also the examples of the Italians, Spaniards, Gauls, and Africans, all subdued by the Romans, and, by seeking Patronage, made mere vassals; to instruct them, what in the like case they should expect: yet could not the true reasons of Estate and Policy so prevail with them, but their private passions, and neighbouring hatred, which hath evermore bought revenge at the price of self-ruin, brought them from the honour which they enjoyed, of being free Princes and Cities, into most base and fearful servility.  
All this made well for Philip of Macedon: who though he seen the Greeks' very far from daring to stir against those, by whom both he and they were kept in awe; yet was he not without hope, that (few of them excepted, whom the Romans by 〈◊〉 from his subjection had made his implacable enemies) in hearty affection all the Country would be his, whensoever he should take arms, as shortly he was like to do. Young Demetrius, coming home from Rome, brought with him the desired ratification of peace; though qualified with much indignity soon following. He had been lovingly used at Rome, and heard with great favour in the Senate. There being confounded with the multitude of objections, whereto his youth, unskilful in the Art of wrangling, could not readily make answer: it was permitted unto him, to read such brief notes as he had received from his Father, and out of those the Senate were contented to gather satisfaction; more for Demetrius his own sake, as they then said and wrote into Macedon, than for any goodness in the defence. Such pride of theirs, in remitting his faults at the 〈◊〉 of his son, together with some insolence of his son, growing (as appeared) from this favour of the Romans; did increase in Philip his hatred unto Rome, and breed in him a jealousy of his too forward son. To set him forward in these passions, there come daily new Ambassadors from Rome; some bringing one commandment; some another; and some, requiring him to fulfil those things, which had been imposed upon him by their 〈◊〉- goers. Neither were there wanting that observed his countenance: and when he had fulfilled all that was required at his hands; yet laid it to his charge that he had done things unwillingly, and would be obedient, no longer than he needs must. With these Ambassadors young Demetrius was conversant: rather perhaps out of simplicity, and for that they made much of him, than for any ambitious respect; yet a great deal more than was pleasing to his father. So the rumour grew current through all Macedon, That Perseus, the elder son of the King, should not succeed unto his father; but that the Diadem should be conferred upon Demetrius, if not by some other pretence, yet by mere favour of the Romans. This offended not only Perseus, but Philip himself: who suspected his younger son, as more Roman than his own; and accordingly misconstrued all his doings. But ere we proceed unto the bitter first-fruits of this jealousy; it will not be amiss, to speak of some memorable accidents that were in the 〈◊〉 time.   

§. II The death of PHILOPOEMEN, HANNIBAL, and SCIPIO. That the military profession is of all other the most unhappy: notwithstanding some examples, which may seem to prove the contrary.  
THe Romans, wanting other matter of quarrel in the Continent of Greece, had of late been so peremptory with the Achaeans; that they seemed not unlikely to take part against them, in any controversy that should be moved. Hereupon the Messenians, who against their will were annexed unto the Achaean Commonwealth, having long been of a contrary Faction thereto; grew bold to withdraw themselves from that Society, with purpose to set up again an Estate of their own, severed from communion with any other. This was the device of some that were powerful in their City: who finding the multitude only inclinable to their purpose, and not over-strongly affected in the business; were careful to seek occasion of reducing things to such pass, that all their Citizens might be entangled in a necessity of standing out, and of not returning to the Achaean 〈◊〉. And hereupon they began to do some acts of hostility; whereby it was probable that blood should be drawn, and either side so far exasperated, that little hope of agreement would be left. Upon the fame of their commotion and proceed; Philopoemen, than Praetor of the Achaeans, levied such forces as he could in haste, and went against them. Many principal Gentlemen of the Achaeans, especially of the Megalopolitans, were soon in a readiness to wait upon him. Besides these, which were all, or for the most part, Horse; he had some Auxiliaries out of Thrace and Crete, that usually were kept in pay. Thus accompanied, he met with Dinocrates, Captain of the Messenians; whom he charged, and forced to run. But whilst his horsemen were too earnest in following the chacc; there arrived, by chance, a supply of five hundred from Messene, which gave new courage unto those that fled. So the Enemies began to make head again; and with the help of those, who very seasonably come to their aid, compelled Philopoemens' Horsemen to turn back. Philopoemen himself had long been sick of an Ague, and was then very weak: yet the greatness of his courage would not suffer him, to be negligent of their safety, which had so willingly adventured themselves under his conduct. He took upon him to make the Retreat: and suffering his horsemen to pass along by him in a narrow lane, he often 〈◊〉 about against the Messenians; whom his reputation, and the knowledge of his great worth, did terrify from approaching over-neere to him. But it fell out unhappily, that being cast to ground by a fall of his horse, and being withal in very weak plight of body, he was unable to get up again. So the Enemies come upon him, and took him; yet scarce believed their fortune to be so good, although their eyes were witnesses. The first messenger that brought these news to Messene, was so far from being believed, that he was hardly thought to be in his right wits. But when the truth was affirmed by many reports, all the City ran forth to meet him, and behold the spectacle seeming so incredible. They caused him to be brought into the Theatre, that there they might satisfy themselves with beholding him. The greatest part of them had compassion on his misfortune: and in commemoration both of his virtue, and of the singular benefits by him done unto them, especially in delivering them from Nabis the Tyrant; began to manifest their good will for his 〈◊〉. Contrariwise, Dinocrates and his Faction were desirous hastily to take away his life: because they held him a man implacable, and one that would never leave any disgrace, or injury, done to him, unrevenged. They durst not one trust another with the keeping of him: but committed him into a strong vault under ground, that had been made for the custody of their Treasure. So thither they let him down fast bound, and with an engine laid an heavy stone upon the mouth of the vault. There he had not stayed long, ere his enemies had concluded his present death. The Hangman of the City was let down unto him, with a cup of poison, which Philopoemen took in his hand: and ask no more than whither the Horsemen were escaped, and particularly whither Lycortas was safe, when he heard an answer to his mind, he said it was well: and so with a cheerful countenance, drank his last draft. He was seventy years old, and weakened with long sickness, whereby the poison wrought the sooner, and easily took away his life. The Achaeans, when they miss him in their flight, were marvelously offended with themselves, for that they had been more mindful to preserve their own lives, than to look unto the safety of so excellent a Commander. Whilst they were devising what to do in such a case: they got advertisement of his being taken. All Achaia was by this report vehemently afflicted: so as Ambassadors were forthwith dispatched unto Messene, craving his enlargement: and yet preparation made withal, to obtain it by force, in case that fair means would not serve. Lycortas was chosen General of the Army against Messene: who coming thither, and laying siege to the Town, enforced it in short space to yield. Than Dinocrates, knowing what he was to expect, laid hands upon himself, and made an end of his own life. The rest of those that had been partakers in the murder, were compelled to wait in bonds upon the ashes of Philopoemen that were carried home in solemn pomp to Megalopolis; where they were all of them slain at his funeral, as sacrifices to his Ghost whom they had offended. Q. Martius, a Roman Ambassador, was then in Greece; whence, upon one occasion or other, the Roman Ambassadors were seldom absent. He would have intermeddled in this business of Messene, had not Lycortas made short work, and left him nothing to do.  
About the same time was T. Quintius Flaminius sent Ambassador to Prusias King of Bythinia: not so much to withdraw him from prosecuting the war against Eumenes, as to entreat him, that he would deliver 〈◊〉, the most spiteful enemy in all the world unto the Senate and People of Rome, into his hands. Prusias (therein unworthy of the Crown he ware) did readily condescend: or rather (as Livy thinks) to gratify the Romans, he determined either to kill Hannibal, or to deliver him alive to 〈◊〉. For upon the first conference between the King and Flaminius, a troop of Soldiers were directed to guard and environ the lodging where Hannibal lay. That famous Captain having found cause before this to suspect the faith of Prusias, had devised some secret sallies under ground to save himself from any treasonable and sudden assault. But finding now that all parts about him were foreclosed, he had recourse to his last remedy: which he then was constrained to practise, as well to frustrate his enemies of their triumphing over him, as to save himself from their torture and merciless hands; who, as he well knew, would neither respect his famous enterprises, his honour, nor his age. When therefore he seen no way of escape, nor counsel to resort unto, he took the poison into his hand, which he always preserved for a sure Antidote against the sharpest diseases of adverse fortune; which being ready to swallow down, he uttered these words: I will now (said he) deliver the Romans of that fear, which hath so many years possessed them; that fear, which makes them impatient to attended the death of an oldman. This victory of FLAMINIUS over me, which am disarmed, and betrayed into his hands, shall never be numbered among the rest of his heroical deeds: Not; it shall make it manifest to all the Nations of the world, how far the 〈◊〉 Roman virtue is degenerate and corrupted. For such was the nobleness of their forefathers; as, when PYRRHUS invaded them in Italy, and was ready to give them battle at their own doors, they gave him knowledge of the treason intended against him by poison: whereas these of a later race have employed FLAMINIUS, a man who hath heretofore been one of their Consuls, to practise with PRUSIAS, contrary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King, contrary to his Faith given, and contrary to the Laws of Hospitality, to slaughter or deliver up his own Guest. He then cursing the person of Prusias, and all his, and desiring the immortal gods to revenge his infidelity, drank off the poison, and died.  
In this year also (as good Authors have reported) to accompany Philopoemen and Hannibal, died 〈◊〉 the African: these being, all of them, as great Captains as ever the world had; but not more famous, than unfortunate. Certainly, for Hannibal, whose Tragedy we have now finished, had he been Prince of the Carthaginians, and one who by his authority might have commanded such supplies, as the War which he undertook, required; it is probable, that he had torn up the Roman Empire by the roots. But he was so strongly crossed by a cowardly and envious Faction at home; as his proper virtue, wanting public force to sustain it, did lastly dissolve itself in his own, and in the common misery of his Country and Commonweal.  
Hence it comes, to wit, from the envy of our equals, and jealousy of our Masters, be they Kings, or Commonweals, That there is no Profession more unprosperous than that of Men of War, and great Captains, being no Kings. For besides the envy and jealousy of men; the spoils, rapes, famine, slaughter of the innocent, 〈◊〉, and burnings, with a world of miseries laid on the labouring man, are so hateful to God, as with good reason did 〈◊〉 the Marshal of France confess, That were not the mercies of GOD infinite, and without restriction, it were in vain for those of his profession to hope for any portion of them: seeing the cruelties, by them permitted and committed, were also infinite. Howsoever, this is true, That the victories, which are obtained by many of the greatest Commanders, are commonly either ascribed to those that serve under them, to Fortune, or to the cowardice of the Nation against whom they serve. For the most of others, whose virtues have raised them above the level of their inferiors, and have surmounted their envy: yet have they been rewarded in the end, either with disgrace, banishment, or death. Among the Romans we find many examples hereof; as Coriolanus, M. Livius, L. Aemylius, and this our Scipio, whom we have lately buried. Among the Greeks' we read of not many, that escaped these rewards. Yea, long before these times, it was a Legacy that David bequeathed unto his victorious Captain joab. With this fare Alexander feasted Parmenio, Philotas, and others; and prepared it for Antipater and Cassander. Hereto Valentinian the Emperor invited Aetius: who, after many other victories, overthrew Attila of the Huns, in the greatest battle, for the well fight and resolution of both Armies, that ever was strucken in the world; for there fell of those that fought beside runne-awaies, an hundred and fourscore thousand. Hereupon it was well and boldly told unto the Emperor by Proximus, That in kill of Aetius, he had cut off his own right hand with his left: for it was not long after that Maximus (by whose persuasion Valentinian slew Aetius) murdered the Emperor, which he never durst attempt, Aetius living. And, besides the loss of that Emperor, it is true, That with Aetius, the glory of the Western Empire was rather dissolved then obscured. The same 〈◊〉 destiny, or a far worse, had Bellisarius; whose undertakings and victories were so difficult and glorious, as after-ages suspected them for fabulous. For he had his eyes torn out of his head by justinian: and he died a blind beggar. Narses also, to the great 〈◊〉 of Christian Religion, was disgraced by justine. That Rule of Cato against Scipio, hath been well observed in every age since then; to wit, That the Commonweal cannot be accounted free, which standeth in awe of any one man. And hence hath the Turks drawn another Principle, and in deed a Turkish one, That every warlike Prince should rather destroy his greatest men of War, than suffer his own glory to be obscured by them. For this cause did Baiaret the second dispatch Bassa Acomat; Selim strangle Bassa Mustapha; and most of those Princes bring to ruin the most of their Viziers. Of the Spanish Nation, the great 〈◊〉, who drove the French out of Naples: 〈◊〉 Ferdinando Cortese, who conquered Mexico; were crowned with nettles, not with Laurel. The Earls of Egmond and Horn, had no heads left them to wear garlands on. And that the great Captains of all Nations have been paid with this copper Coin; there are examples more than too many. On the contrary it may be said, That many have acquired the State of Princes, Kings, and Emperors, by their great ability in matter of war. This I confess. Yet must it be had withal in consideration, that these high places have been given, or offered, unto very few, 〈◊〉 rewards of their military virtue; though many have usurped them, by the help and favour of those Armies which they commanded. Neither is it unregardable, That the Tyrants which have oppressed the liberty of free Cities: and the Lieutenants of Kings or Emperors, which have traitorously cast down their Masters, and stepped up into their seats; were not all of them good men of war: but have used the advantage of some commotion, or many of them by base and cowardly practices, have obtained those dignities, which undeservedly were ascribed to their personal worth. So that the number of those, that have purchased absolute greatness by the greatness of their warlike virtue; is far more in seeming, than in deed. 〈◊〉 was a Soldier, and by help of the Soldiers he got the Empire from his Lord Mauritius: but he was a coward; and with a barbarous cruelty, seldom found in any other than cowards, he slew first the children of Mauritius, a Prince that never had done him wrong, before his face, and after them Mauritius himself. This his bloody aspiring was but as a debt, which was paid unto him again by Heraclius: who took from him the Imperial Crown, unjustly gotten; and set it on his own head. Leontius laid hold upon the Emperor justine, cut off his nose and ears, and sent him into banishment: But God's vengeance rewarded him with the same punishment, by the hands of Tiberius; to whose charge he had left his own men of war. 〈◊〉, having recovered forces, lighted on Tiberius, and barbed him after the same fashion. Philippicus, commanding the forces of justine, murdered both the Emperor and his son. Anastasius, the vassal of this new Tyrant, surprised his Master Philippicus, and thrust out both his 〈◊〉. But with Anastasius, Theodosius dealt more gently: for having wrested the 〈◊〉 out of his hands, he enforced him to become a Priest. It were an endless, and a needless work to tell, how Leo rewarded this Theodosius; how many others have been repaid with their own cruelty, by men alike ambitious and cruel; or how many hundreds, or rather thousands, hoping of Captains to make themselves Kings, have by God's justice miserably perished in the attempt. The ordinary, and perhaps the best way of thriving, by the practice of Arms, is to take what may be gotten by the spoil of Enemies, and the liberality of those Princes and Cities, in whose service one hath well deserved. But scarce one of a thousand have prospered by this course. For that observation, made by Solomon, of 〈◊〉 in this kind, hath been found belonging to all Countries and Ages: A little City, and few men in it, and a great King come 
Eccles. c. 9 14. & 15.  against it, and compassed it about, and builded Forts against it: And there was found a poor and wiseman therein, and he delivered the City by his wisdom: but noon remembered this poor man. Great Monarches are unwilling to pay great thanks, jest thereby they should acknowledge themselves to have been indebted for great benefits: which the unwiser sort of them think to savour of some impotency in themselves. But in this respect they are oftentimes cozened and abused: which proves that weakness to be in them indeed, whereof they so gladly shun the opinion. Contrariwise, free Estates are bountiful in giving thanks; yet so, as those thanks are not of long endurance. But concerning other profit which their Captains have made, by enriching themselves with the spoil of the enemy, they are very inquisitive to search into it, and to strip the wel-deseruers out of their get: yea most injuriously to rob them of their own, upon a false supposition: that even they whose hands are most clean from such offences, have purloined somewhat from the common Treasury. Hereof I need not to produce examples: that of the two Scipios being so lately recited.  
In my late Sovereign's time, although for the wars, which for her own safety she was constrained to undertake, her Majesty had no less cause to use the service of Martial men both by Sea and Land, than any of her Predecessors for many years had, yet, according to the destiny of that profession, I do not remember, that any of hers, the Lord Admiral excepted, her eldest and most prosperous Commander, were either enriched, or otherwise honoured, for any service by them performed. And that her Majesty had many advised, valiant, and faithful men, the prosperity of her affairs did well witness, who in all her days never received dishonour, by the cowardice or infidelity of any Commander, by herself chosen and employed.  
For as all her old 〈◊〉 by Land died poor men, as Malbey, Randol, Drewrie, read, Wilforde, Layton, Pellam, Gilbert, Constable, Bourchier, Barkeley, Bingham, and others: so those of a later and more dangerous employment, whereof Norice and Vere were the most famous, and who have done as great honour to our Nation (for the means they had) as ever any did: those (I say) with many other brave Colonels, have left behind them (besides the reputation which they purchased with many 〈◊〉 and wounds) 〈◊〉 title nor estate to their posterity. As for the L. Thomas Burrough, and Peregrine Berty L. Willoughby of Eresby, two very worthy and exceeding valiant Commanders, they brought with them into the world their Titles and 〈◊〉.  
That her Majesty in the advancement of her Men of war did sooner believe other men than herself, a disease unto which many wise Princes, besides herself, 〈◊〉 been subject, I say that such a confidence, although it may seem altogether to excuse her Noble Nature, yet can it not but in some sort accuse her of weakness. And exceeding strange it were, were not the cause manifest enough, that where the prosperous actions are so exceedingly prized, the Actors are so unprosperous and so generally neglected. The cause, I say, which hath wrought one and the same effect in all times, and among all Nations, is this, that those which are nearest the person of Princes (which Martial men seldom are) can with no good grace commend, or at lest magnify a Profession far more noble than their own, seeing therein they should only mind their Masters of the wrong they did unto others, in giving less honour and reward to men of far greater deserving, and of far greater use than themselves.  
But his Majesty hath already paid the greatest part of that debt. For besides the relieving by Pensions all the poorer sort, he hath honoured more Martial men, than all the Kings of England have done for this hundred years.  
He hath given a Coronet to the Lord Thomas Haward for his chargeable and remarkable service, as well in the year 1588., as at Calais, the islands, and in our own Seas; having first commanded as a Captain, twice Admiral of a Squadron, and twice Admiral in chief. His Majesty hath changed the Baronies of Montioy and Burley into Earldoms, and created Sidney Viscount, 〈◊〉, Russel, Carew, Danvers, Arundel of Warder, Gerald, and Chichester, Barons, for their governments and services in the Netherlandss, France, Ireland, and elsewhere.   

§. III PHILIP making provision for war against the Romans, deals hardly with many of his own subjects. His negotiation with the Bastarnae. His cruelty. He suspecteth his son DEMETRIUS. DEMETRIUS accused by his brother PERSEUS; and shortly after slain, by his father's appointment. PHILIP repenteth him of his sons death; whom he findeth to have been innocent: and intending to revenge it on PERSEUS, he dieth.  
QVINTUS MARTIUS the Roman Ambassador, who travailed up and down, seeking what work might be found about Greece, had received instruction from the Senate, to use the most of his diligence in looking into the Estate of Macedon. At his return home, that he might not seem to have discovered nothing, he told the Fathers, That Philip had done whatsoever they enjoined him; yet so, as it might appear, that such his obedience would last no longer, than mere necessity should enforce him thereunto. He added further, That all the doings and sayings of that King did wholly tend unto rebellion, about which he was devising. Now it was so indeed, that Philip much repent him of his faithful obsequiousness to the Romans, and foresaw their intent, which was, to get his Kingdom into their own hands, with safety of their honour, if they could find convenient means; or otherwise (as to him seemed apparent) by what means soever. He was in an ill case: as having been already vanquished by them; having lost exceedingly both in strength and reputation; having subjects that abhorred to hear of War with Rome; and having neither neighbour nor friend, that, if he were thereto urged, would adventure to take his part: yet he provided as well as he could devise, against the necessity which he daily feared. Such of his own people as dwelled in the maritime Towns, and gave him cause to suspect, that they would do but bad service against the Romans, he compelled to forsake their dwellings, and removed them all into Emathia. The Cities and Country, whence these were transplanted, he filled with a multitude of Thracians, whose faith he thought a great deal more assured, against those enemies that were terrible to the Macedonians. Further, he devised upon alluring the Bastarnae, a strong and hardy Nation, that dwelled beyond the river of Danubius, to abandon their seat, and come to him with all their multitude: who, besides other great rewards, would help them to root out the Dardanians, and take possession of their Country. These were like to do him notable service against the Romans: being not only stout fight men; but such as being planted in those quarters by him, would bear respect unto him alone. The lest benefit that could be hoped by their arrival, must be the utter extirpation of the Dardanians; a People always troublesome to the Kingdom of Macedon, whensoever they found advantage. Neither was it judged any hard matter, to persuade those Bastarnae, by hope of spoil, and other incitements, unto a more desperate Expedition, through Illyria, and the Countries upon the adriatic Sea, into 〈◊〉 itself. It was not known who should withstand them upon the way: Rather it was thought, that the Scordisci, and peradventure some others, through whose Countries they were to pass, would accompany them against the Romans, were it only in hope of spoil. Now to facilitate the remove of these Bastarnae from their own habitations, into the Land of the Dardanians, upon the border of Macedon; along and tedious journey unto them, that carried with them their wives and children: Philip with gifts did purchase the good will of some Thracian Princes, Lords of the Countries through which they were to pass. And thus he sought means to strengthen himself, with help of the wild Nations, which neither knew the Romans, nor were known unto them; since he was not like to find assistance from any 〈◊〉 Nation, about the whole compass of the Mediterranean Seas. But 〈◊〉 devices were long ere they took effect: so as the Bastarnae come not before such time as he was dead; his death being the overthrow of that purpose. In the mean time he neglected not the training of his men to war, and the exercise of them in some small Expeditions, against those wild people that bordered upon him, and stood worst affected toward him.  
But these his counsels and proceed were miserably disturbed by the calamities that fell upon him, both in his Kingdom, and in his own house. The Families and whole Townships, which he had caused much against their wills to forsake their ancient dwellings, and betake themselves to such new habitations, as he in his discretion thought meeter for them, were vehemently offended at the 〈◊〉 Yet their anger at first contained itself within words: he having done them no great wrong in that alteration, otherwise then by neglecting their affection to the places wherein they had long lived: which also he did unwillingly, being himself overruled by necessity, that seemed apparent. This cuill therefore would soon have been determined, had not his cruel and vindicative nature made it worse. He could not pardon words proceeding from just sorrow: but 〈◊〉 all to traitorous malice; and accordingly sought revenge where it was needless. In his rage he caused many to die: among whom were some eminent men; and few or noon of them deservedly. This increased the hatred of the people, and turned their former exclamations into bitter curses. Which grew the more general; when the King in a barbarous and base fury, mistrusting all alike whom he had injuried, thought himself unlike to be safe, until he should have massacred all the children of those parents, whom tyrannically he had put to death. In the execution of this his unmanly pleasure, some accidents, more tragical than perhaps he could have desired, gave men cause to think (as they could not in reason think otherwise) that, not without 〈◊〉 powered on him from Heaven, he felt the like misery in his 〈◊〉 children. It is hard to say what the Romans intended, in the extraordinary favour which they showed unto Demetrius, the King's younger son. It may well be (though it may be also suspected) that they had no purpose to make and nourish dissension between the brethren, but only to cherish the virtue and towardliness of Demetrius; like as we find it in their Histories. But their 〈◊〉 favour towards this young Prince, and his mutual respect of them, bred extreme jealousy in the father's head. If any custom of the Romans, the manner of their life, the fashion of their apparel, or the unsightly contriving and building (as then it was) of the Town of Rome, were jested at in ordinary discourse and tabletalk, Demetrius was sure to be presently on fire, defending and praising them, even in such points as rather needed excuse. This, and his daily conversation with their Ambassadors, as often as they come, gave his father cause to think, that he was no fit partaker of any counsel held against them. Wherhfore he communicated all his devices with his elder son Perseus: who fearing so much jest his brother should step between him and the succession, converted wholly unto his destruction, that grace which he 〈◊〉 with his father. Perseus was then thirty years old; of astirring spirit, though much defective in valour. Demetrius was younger by five years, more open and unwary in his actions, yet thought old and crafty enough, to entertain more dangerous practices, than his free speeches discovered. The jealous head of the King having entertained such suspicions, that were much increased by the cunning practice of his elder son, a slight occasion made the fire break out, that had long lain smothered. A Muster, and ceremonious lustration of the Army, was wont to be made at certain times with great solemnity. The manner of it at the present was thus: They cloven in twain a bitch; and threw the head and forepart, with the entrails, on the right hand, and the hinder part on the left hand of the way which the Army was to pass. This done, the Arms of all the Kings of Macedon, from the very first original, were borne before the Army. Than followed the King between his two sons: after him come his own band, and they of his guard; whom all the rest of the Macedonians followed. Having performed other ceremonies, the Army was divided into two parts: which, under the Kings two sons, charged each other in manner of a true fight, using poles, and the like, in stead of their pikes and accustomed weapons. But in this present skirmish there appeared some extraordinary contention for the victory: whither happening by chance, or whither the two Captains did over-earnestly seek each to get the upper hand, as a betokening of their good success in a greater trial. Some small hurt there was done, and wounds given, even 〈◊〉 those stakes, until Perseus his side at length recoiled. Perseus himself was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this, as it had been some bad presage: but his friends were glad, and 〈◊〉, that hereof might be made good use. They were of the craftier sort: who 〈◊〉 which way the King's favour bend, and how all the courses of Demetrius led unto his own ruin, addressed their services to the more malicious and crafty head. And now they said, that this victory of Demetrius would afford matter of complaint against him; as if the heat of his ambition had carried him beyond the rules of that solemn pastime. Each of the brethren was that day to feast his own companions, and each of them had spies in the others lodging, to observe what was said and done. One of Perseus his Intelligencers behaved himself so indiscreetly, that he was taken and well beaten by three or four of Demetrius his men, who turned him out of doors. After some store of wine, Demetrius told his companions, that he would go visit his brother, and see what cheer he kept. They agreed to his motion, excepting such of them as had ill handled his brother's man: yet he would leave noon of his train behind, but forced them also to bear him company. They, fearing to be ill rewarded for their late diligence, armed themselves secretly to prevent all danger. Yet was there such good espial kept, that this their coming armed was 〈◊〉 made known to Perseus: who thereupon tumultuously locked up his doors, as if he stood in fear to be assaulted in his house. Demetrius wondered to see himself excluded, and fared very angrily with his brother. But Perseus, bidding him be go as an enemy, and one whose murderous purpose was detected, sent him away with entertainment no better than defiance. The next day the matter was brought 〈◊〉 the King. The elder brother accused the younger unto the father of them both. Much there was alleged, and in effect the same that hath been here recited, save that by misconstruction all was made worse. But the main point of the accusation, and which did aggravate all the rest, was, That Demetrius had undertaken this murder, and would perhaps also dare to undertake a greater, upon confidence of the Romans; by whom he knew that he should be defended and borne out. For Perseus made show, as if the Romans did hate him; because he bore a due respect unto his father, and was sorry to see him spoiled, and daily rob of somewhat by them. And for this cause he said it was, that they did 〈◊〉 his brother against him: as also that they sought how to 〈◊〉 unto Demetrius the 〈◊〉 of the Macedonians. For proof hereof he cited a letter, sent of late from T. Quintius to the King himself: whereof the contents were, That he had done wisely in sending Demetrius to Rome; and that he should yet further do well to sand him thither again, accompanied with a greater and more honourable train of Macedonian Lords. Hence he enforced, That this counsel was given by Titus, of purpose to shake the allegiance of those, that should wait upon his brother to Rome; and make them, forgetting their duties to their old King, become servants to this young Traitor Demetrius. Hereto Demetrius made answer, by rehearsing all passages of the day and night foregoing, in such manner as he remembered them, and had conceived of them: bitterly reprehending Perseus, that converted matters of Pastime, and what was done or spoken in wine, to such an 〈◊〉, whereby he sought his 〈◊〉 brother's death. As for the love which the Romans did 〈◊〉 him; He said that it grew, if not from his own virtue, at leastwise from their opinion thereof: so as by any impious practice, He were more like to loose it wholly, than to increase it. In this wretched pleading there wanted not such passions, as are incident to fathers, children, and brethren; besides those that are common to all Plaintiffs and Defendants, before ordinary judges. The King pronounced like a father, though aicalous father, That he would conclude nothing upon the 〈◊〉 or error, whatsoever it were, of one day and night, nor upon one hours audience of the matter, but upon better observation of their lives, manners, and whole carriage of themselves both in word and deed. And herein he may seem to have dealt both justly and compassionately. But from this time forward, he gave himself over wholly to Perseus: using so little conference with his younger son, that when he had matters of weight in hand, such especially as concerned the Romans, He liked neither to have him present, nor near unto him. Above all, he had especial care, to learn out what had passed between Demetrius and T. 〈◊〉, or any other of the Roman great ones. And to this purpose he sent Ambassadors to Rome, Philocles and Apelles; men whom he thought no way interessed in the quarrels between the brethren; though indeed they altogether depended on the elder, whom they seen the more in grace. These brought home with them a letter, said to be written by Titus (whose seal they had counterfeited) unto the King. The contents whereof were, A deprecation for the young Prince; with an intimation, as by way of granting it, That his youthful and ambitious desires had caused him to enter into practices uniustifiable, against his elder brother; which yet should never take effect, for that Titus himself would not be author, or abettor, of any impious device. This manner of excuse did forcibly persuade the King, to think his son a dangerous traitor. To strengthen him in this opinion, one Didas, to whom he gave Demetrius in custody, made show as if he had pitied the estate of the unhappy Prince; and so wrung out of him his secret intentions, which he shortly discovered unto Philip. It was the purpose of Demetrius to fly secretly to Rome; where he might hope not only to live in safety, from his father and brother, but in greater likelihood, than he could find at home, of bettering such claim as he had in reversion unto the Crown of Macedon. Whatsoever his hopes and meanings were, all come to naught through the falsehood of Didas; who playing on both 〈◊〉, offered unto the Prince his help for making the escape, and in the mean while revealed the whole matter to the King. So Philip resolved to put his son to death, without further expense of time. It was thought behoveful to make him away privily, for fear jest the Romans should take the matter to heart, and held it as proof sufficient, at lest, of the King's despite against them, if not of his meaning to renew the war. Didas therefore was 〈◊〉 to rid the unhappy Prince out of his life. This accursed Minister of his King's unadvised sentence, first gave poison to Demetrius: which wrought neither so hastily, nor so secretly, as was desired. Hereupon he sent a couple of Ruffians, to finish the tragedy: who villainously accomplished their work by smothering that Prince, in whose life 〈◊〉 the greatest hope of Macedon.  
In all the race of Antigonus there had not been found a King, that had thus cruelly dealt with any Prince of his own blood. The houses of Lysimachus and Cassander fell either with themselves, or even upon their heels; by intestine discord and jealousies, grounded on desire of sovereign rule, or fear of losing it. By the like unnatural hatred, had almost been cut off the lines of Ptolemie and of Seleucus: which though narrowly they escaped the danger, yet were their kingdoms thereby grievously distempered. Contrariwise, it was worthy of extraordinary note, how that upstart family of the Kings of Pergamus had raised itself to marvelous greatness, in very short space, from the condition of mere slavery: whereof a principal cause was, the brotherly love maintained by them, with singular commendation of their piety. Neither was Philip ignorant of these examples; but is said to have propounded the last of them, to his own children, as a pattern for them to imitate. Certainly he had reason so to do: not more in regard of the benefit which his enemies reaped by their concord, than in remembrance of the tender fosterage, wherewith King Antigonus his Tutor had faithfully cherished him in his minority. But He was himself of an unmerciful nature; and therefore unmeet to be a good persuader unto kindly affection. The murders by him done upon many of his friends, together with the barbarous outrages, which for the satiating of his bloodthirsty appetite he delightfully had committed upon many innocents, both strangers, and subjects of his own; did now procure vengeance down from Heaven, that rewarded Him with a draft of his own Poison. After the death of his son, He too late began to examine the crimes that had been objected; and to weigh them in a more equal balance. Than found he nothing that could give him satisfaction, or by good probability induce him to think, that malice had not been contriver of the whole process. His only remaining Son Perseus could so ill dissemble the pleasure which he took, in being freed from all danger of competition; as there might easily be perceived in him a notable change, proceeding fromsome other cause, than the remove of those dangers, which he had lately pretended. The Romans were now no less to be feared than at other times, when he, as having accomplished the most of his desires, left off his usual trouble of mind, and carefulness of making provision against them. He was more diligently courted, than in former times; by those that well understood the difference, between a rising and a setting Sun. As for old Philip, he was left in a manner desolate, some expecting his death; and some scarce enduring the tediousness of such expectation. This bred in the King a deep melancholy; and filled his head with suspicious imaginations; the like whereof he had never been slow to apprehended. He was much vexed: and so much the more, for that he knew, neither well to whom, nor perfectly whereof to complain. One honourable man, a Cousin of his, named Antigonus, continued so true to Philip, that he grew thereby hateful to Perseus: and thus becoming subject unto the same jealous impressions which troubled the King, become also partaker of his secrets. This counsellor, when he found that the anger conceived against Perseus would not vent itself, and give 〈◊〉 to the King, until the truth were known whither Demetrius were guilty or no of the treason objected; as also that Philocles and Apelles, (the Ambassadors which had brought from Rome that Epistle of Flaminius, that served as the greatest evidence against Demetrius) were suspected of forgery in the business: made diligent inquiry after the truth. In thus doing, he found one Xychus, a man most likely to have understood what false dealing was used by those Ambassadors. Him he apprehended, brought to the Court, and presented unto the King: saying that this fellow knew all, and must therefore be made to utter what he knew. Xychus for fear of torture, uttered as much as was before suspected: confessing against himself, that he had been employed by the Ambassadors in that wicked piece of business. No marvel, if the Father's passions were extreme, when he understood, that by the unnatural practice of one son, he had so wretchedly cast away another, far more virtuous, and innocent. He raged exceedingly against himself, and withal against the authors of the mischief. Upon the first news of this discovery, Apelles fled away, and got into Italy, Philocles was taken: and either forasmuch as he could not deny it when Xychus confronted him, yielded himself guilty, or else was put to torture. Perseus was now grown stronger, than that he should need to fly the Country: yet not so stout as to adventure himself into his father's presence. He kept on the borders of the Kingdom, towards Thrace, whilst his father wintered at Demetrias. Philip therefore, not hoping to get into his power this his ungracious son; took a resolution, to alien the Kingdom from him, and confer it upon Antigonus. But his weak body, and excessive grief of mind, so disabled him in the travel hereto belonging; that 〈◊〉, he could bring his purpose to effect, he was constrained to yield to nature: He had reigned about two and forty years: always full of trouble; as vexed by others, and vexed himself, with continual wars; of which that with the Romans was most unhappy, and few or noon of the rest found the conclusion, which a wise Prince would have desired, of bringing forth together, both honour and profit. But for all the evil that befell him, he might thank his own perverse condition: since his uncle, King Antigonus, had left unto him estate, so great, and so well settled, as made it easy for him, to accomplish any moderate desires, if he had not abhorred all good counsel. Wherhfore he was justly punished: by feeling the difference between the imaginary happiness of a Tyrant, which he affected; and the life of a King, whereof he little cared to perform the duty. His death, even whilst yet it was only drawing near, was foresignified unto Perseus, by Calligenes the Physician; who also concealed it a while from those that were about the Court. So Perseus come thither on the sudden, and took possession of the kingdom: which in fine he no less improvidently lost, than he had wickedly gotten.   

§. FOUR How the Bastarnae fell upon Dardania. The behaviour of PERSEUS in the beginning of his Reign. Some wars of the Romans: and how they suffered MASANISSA, cruelly to oppress the Carthaginians. They quarrel with PERSEUS. They allow not their Confederates to make war without their leave obtained. The Treason of CALLICRATES; whereby all Greece become more obnoxious to Rome, than in former times. Further quarrels to PERSEUS. He seeks friendship of the Achaeans, and is withstood by CALLICRATES. The Romans 〈◊〉 their intent of warring upon him.  
IMmediately upon the death of Philip, come the Bastarnae into Thrace: where order had been taken, long before, both for their free passage, and for the indemnity of the Country. This compact was friendly observed, as long as noon other was known than that Philip did live, to recompense all that should be done, or sustained, for his service. But when it was heard, that a new King reigned in Macedon; and not heard withal, that he took any care what become of the enterprise: then was all dashed and confounded. The Thracians would no longer afford so good markets unto these strangers, as formerly they had done. On the other side, the Bastarnae would not be contented with reason, but become their own carvers. Thus each part having lost the rich hopes reposed in Philip, grew careful of thriving in the present; with little regard of right or wrong. Within awhile they fell to blows; and the Bastarnae had the upper hand, so as they chased the Thracians out of the plain Countries. But the victors made little use of their good fortune. For whither by reason of some overthrow, received by them in assaulting a place of strength; or whither because of extreme bad weather, which is said to have 〈◊〉 them as it were miraculously: all of them returned home, save thirty thousand, which pierced on into Dardania. How these thirty thousand sped in their voyage, I do not find. It seems that by the careless using of some victories, they drew loss upon themselves: and finally took that occasion, to follow their companions back in to their own Country.  
As for Perseus he thought it not expedient, in the novelty of his Reign, to embroil himself in a war so dangerous, as that with the Romans was likely to prove. Wherhfore he wholly gave his mind to the settling of his Estate: which well done, he might afterwards accommodate himself, as the condition of his affairs should require, either for war or peace. To prevent all danger of rebellion: he quickly took away the life of Antigonus. To win love of his people; he sat personally to hear their causes in judgement (though herein he was so overdiligent and curious, that one might have perceived this his virtue of justice to be no better than feigned) as also he gratified them with many delightful spectacles, magnificently by him set forth. Above all, he had care to avoid all necessity of war with Rome: and therefore made it his first work, to sand Ambassadors thither, to renew the league; which he obtained, and was by the Senate saluted King, and friend unto the State. Neither was he negligent in seeking to purchase good will of the Greeks', and other his neighbours: but was rather herein so excessively bountiful, that it may seem a wonder, how in few years, to his utter ruin, he become so griping and tenacious. His fear was indeed the mastering passion, which overruled him, and changed him into so many shapes, as made it hard to discern which of his other qualities were naturally his own. For proof of this, there is requisite no more, than the relation of his actions past and following.  
The Romans continued, as they had long, busy in wars against the Spaniards and Ligurians; people often vanquished, and as often breaking forth into new rebellion. They also conquered Istria; subdued the rebelling Sardinians; and had some quarrels, though to little effect, with the Illyrians and others. Over the Carthaginians they bore (as ever since the victory) a heavy hand: and suffered Masanissa to take from them what he listed. The Carthaginians, like obedient vassals to Rome, were afraid, though in defence of their own, to take Arms: from which they were bound by an Article of peace, except it were with leave of the Romans. Masanissa therefore had great advantage over them: and was not ignorant how to use it. He could get possession by force, of whatsoever he desired, ere their complaining Ambassadors could be at Rome: and then were the Romans not hardly entreated, to leave things as they found them.  
So had He once dealt before, in taking from them the Country of 〈◊〉: and so did he use them again and again; with pretence of title, where he had any; otherwise, without it. Gala the Father of Masanissa had won some land from the Carthaginians; which afterward Syphax wan from Gala, and within a while, restored to the right owners, for love of his Wife Sophonisba, and of Asdrubal his Father-in-law. This did Masanissa take from them by force: and by the Romans, to whose judgement the case was referred, was permitted quietly to hold it. The Carthaginians had now good experience, how beneficial it was for their Estate, to use all manner of submissive obedience to Rome. They had scarcely digested his injury, when Masanissa come upon them again, and took from them above seventy towns and Castles, without any colour of right. Hereof by their Ambassadors they made lamentable complaint unto the Roman Senate. They showed how grievously they were oppressed by reason of two articles in their League: That they should not make war, out of their own lands, nor with any Confederates of the Romans. Now although it were so, that they might lawfully withstand the violence of Masanissa, invading their Country, howsoever he was pleased to call it his: yet since he was confederate with the Romans, they durst not presume to bear defensive arms against him, but suffered themselves to be eaten up, for fear of incurring the Romans indignation. Wherefore they entreated, that either they might have fairer justice; or be suffered to defend their own by strong hand; or at lest, if right must wholly give place to favour, That the Romans yet would be pleased to determine, how far forth Masanissa should be allowed, to proceed in these outrages. If noon of these petitions could be obtained, then desired they, that the Romans would let them understand, wherein they had offended since the time that Scipio gave them peace; and vouchsafe to inflict on them such punishment, as they themselves in honour should think mere: for that better and more to their comfort it were, to suffer at once what should be appointed by such judges; than continually to live in fear, and noon otherwise draw breath than at the mercy of this Numidian Hangman. And herewithal the Ambassadors threw themselves prostrate on the ground, weeping in hope to move compassion. Here may we behold, the first-fruits of their envy to that valiant house of the Barchines; of their irresolution, in prosecuting a war so important, as Hannibal made for them in Italy; and of their half penny worthing, in matter of expense, when they had adventured their whole estate, in the purchase of a great Empire. Now are they servants, even to the servants of those men, whose fathers they have often chased, slain, taken, and sold as bondslaves in the streets of Carthage, and in all Cities of Africa and Greece. Now have they enough of that Roman peace, which Hanno so often and so earnestly desired. Only they want peace with Masanissa, once their mercenary, and now their master, or rather their tormentor; out of whose cruel hands, they beseech their masters to take the office of correcting them. In such case are they, and adore the Romans, whom they see flourishing in such prosperity as might have been their own. But the Romans had far better entreated Varro, who lost the battle at Cannae; then Hannibal that wan it was used by the Carthaginians: they had freely bestowed, every man of them, all his private riches, upon the Commonwealth; and employed their labours for the public, without craving recompense: as also they had not thought it much, though being in extreme want, to set out an army into Spain, at what time the enemy lay under their own walls. These were no Carthaginian virtues: and therefore the Carthaginians having fought against their betters, must patiently endure the miseries belonging to the vanquished. Their pitiful behaviour bred peradventure some commiseration; yet their tears may seem to have been mistrusted, as proceeding no less from envy to the Romans, than from any feeling of their own calamity. They thought themselves able to fight with Masanissa: which estimation of their forces was able to make them, after a little while, enter into comparisons with Rome. Wherhfore they obtained no such leave as they sought, of defending their own right by arms: but contrariwise, when without leave obtained they presumed so far, the destruction of Carthage was thought an easy punishment of that offence. At the present, they received a gentle answer; though they had otherwise little amendss. Gulussa the son of Masanissa was then in Rome; and had not as yet craved audience. He was therefore called before the Senate; where he was demanded the reason of his coming; and had related unto him the complaint made the 〈◊〉 against his Father. He answered, That his Father not being thoroughly ware of any Ambassadors thither sent from Carthage, had therefore not given him instructions, how to deal in that business. Only it was known, that the Carthaginians had held counsel divers nights, in the Temple of Aesculapius: whereupon he himself was dispatched away to Rome, there to entreat the Senate, that these common enemies of the Romans and of his Father might not be overmuch trusted; especially against his Father, whom they hated most maliciously, for his constant faith to the People of Rome. This answer gave little satisfaction. Wherhfore the Senate replied, that for Masanissa his sake, they had done, and would do, whatsoever was reasonable; but that it stood not with their justice, to allow of this his violence, in taking from the Carthaginians those lands, which by the covenants of the league, were granted unto them freely to enjoy. With this mild rebuke they dismissed Gulussa; bestowing on him friendly presents (as also they did on the Carthaginians) and willing him to tell his father, that he should do well to sand Ambassadors, more fully instructed in this matter. This happened when the Macedonian war was even ready to begin: at which time the Romans were not willing, too much to offend, either the Carthaginians, (for fear of urging them unseasonably to rebellion) or Masanissa, at whose hands they expected no little help. So were they aided both by the Carthaginians, and Masanissa: by the Carthaginians, partly for fear, partly for hope of better usage in the future; by Masanissa, in way of thankfulness; though if it had happened (which was unlikely) that they should be vanquished; he made noon other account, than that all Africa round about him and Carthage therewithal should be his own.  
In the midst of all these cares, the Romans had not been unmindful of Perseus. They visited him daily with Ambassadors; that is, with honourable spies to observe his behaviour. These He entertained kindly at first, until (which fell out ere long) he perceived whereto their diligence tended. First they quarreled with him about the troubles in Dardania: neither would they take any satisfaction, until the Bastarnae were thence go; though he protested, that he had not sent for them. Afterwards they pried narrowly into his doings; and were no less ill contented with good offices, by him done to sundry of his neighbours, than with those wrongs, which they said (that he did unto other some. Where he did harm to any; they called it, making war upon their friends: Where he did good; they called such his bounty, seeking friends to take his part against them. The Dolopians, his subjects, upon what occasion it is uncertain) rebelled, and with exquisite torments slew Euphranor, whom he had appointed their governor. It seems that Euphranor had played the Tyrant among them. For they were a people without strength to resist the Macedonian: and therefore unlikely to have presumed so far, unless either they had been extremely provoked; or else were secretly animated by the Romans. Whatsoever it was that bred this courage in them: Perseus did soon alloy it, and reclaim them by strong hand. But the Romans took very angrily this presumption of the King: even as if he had invaded some Country of their Italian confederates, and not corrected his own Rebels at home. Feign they would have had him to draw in the same yoke with the Carthaginians; whereto had he humbled once his neck, they could themselves have done the part of Masanissa; though Eumenes, or some other fit for that purpose, had been wanting. And to this effect, they told him, That conditions of the league between them were such, as made it unlawful, both to his father heretofore, and now to him, to take arms without their licence first obtained.  
To the same pass they would also feign have reduced the Greeks', and generally all their adherents, even such as had entered into league with them upon equal terms: whom usually they rewarded with a frown, when soever they presumed to right themselves by force of Arms, without seeking first the Oracle at Rome. Hereof the Achaeans had good experience: whose cofidence in their proper strength made them otherwhiles bold to be their own carvers, and whose hope of extraordinary favour at Rome caused them the more willingly to refer their causes to arbitrement. For when they went about to have chastised the Messenians by war; T. Quintius rebuked them, as too arrogant, in taking such a work in hand, without his authority: yet by his authority he ended the matter, wholly to their good liking. Semblably at other times were they reprehended, even with Lordly threats, when they took upon them to carry any business of importance, by their own power, without standing unto the good grace of the Romans. Who nevertheless, upon submission, were apt enough to do them right. Thus were they tamed by little and little, and taught to forget their absolute liberty, as by which they were not like to thrive; especially in usurping the practice of arms, which belonged only to the Imperial City. In learning this hard lesson, they were such untoward 
Polyb. legar. 51. & 53.  scholars, that they needed, and not long after felt, very sharp correction. Yet was there no small part of blame to be imputed unto their Masters. For the Roman Senate, being desirous to humble the Achaeans; refused not only to give them such aid as they requested, and as they challenged by the tenor of the League betweeve them; but further, with a careless insolency, rejected this honest and reasonable petition, That the Enemy might not be supplied from Italy, with victuals or arms. Here with not content, The Fathers, as wearied with dealing in the affairs of Greece, pronounced openly, That if the Argives, Lacedæmonians, or Corinthians, would revolt from the Achaeans; they themselves would think it a business no way concerning them. This was presently after the death of Philopoemen: at what time it was belecued, that the Commonwealth of Achaia was like to fall into much distress; were it not upheld by countenance of the Romans. All this notwithstanding; when Lycortas Praetor of the Achaeans had utterly subdued the Messenians far sooner than was expected; and when as not only no Town rebelled from the Achaeans, but many entered into their corporation: then did the Romans with an ill-favoured grace, tell the same Ambassadors, to whose petition they had made such bad answer (and who as yet were not go out of the City) That they had straightly forbidden all manner of succour to be carried to Messene. Thus thinking, by a feigned gravity, to have served their own turns; they manifested their condition; both to set on the weaker, against the stronger and more suspected; and also to assume unto themselves a Sovereign power, in directing all matters of war, which dissemblingly they would have seemed to neglect. In like manner dealt they with all their confederates: not permitting any of them to make war, whither offensive or defensive; though it were against mere strangers; without interposing the authority of the Senate and People of Rome: unless peradventure sometimes they winked at such violence, as did help towards the accomplishment of their own secret malice. Now these Roman arts how soever many (for gainful or timorous respects) would seem to understand them; yet were generally displeasing unto all men endued with free spirits. Only the Athenians, once the most turbulent City in Greece, having neither subjects of their own that might rebel, nor power wherewith to bring any into subjection; for want of more noble argument wherein to practise their eloquence that was become the whole remainder of their ancient commendations, were much delighted in flattering the most mighty. So they kept themselves in grace with the Romans, remained free from all trouble, until the war of Mithridates: being men unfit for action, and thereby innocent; yet bearing a part in many great actions, as Gratulators of the Roman victories, and Pardon-cravers for the vanquished Such were the Athenians become. As for those other Commonweals and Kingdoms, that with overnice diligence strove to preserve their liberties and lands, from consuming by piecemeal: they were to be devoured whole, and swallowed up at once. Especially the Macedonian, as the most unpliant, and wherein many of the Greeks' began to have affiance, was necessarily to be made an example, how much better it were better to bow than to break.  
Neither Perseus nor the Romans were ignorant, how the Greeks' at this time stood affected. Perseus, by reason of his near neighbourhood, and of the daily commerce between them and his subjects, could not want good information, of all that might concern him, in their affairs. He well knew, that all of them now apprehended the danger which Philopoemen had long since foretold; of the miserable subjection, Whereinto Greece was likely to be reduced, by the Roman patronage. Indeed they not only perceived the approaching danger: but as being tenderly sensible of their liberty, felt themselves grieved with the present subjection, whereto already they were become obnoxious: Wherhfore though noon of them had the courage, in matters of the public to fall out with the Romans: yet all of them had the care, to choose among themselves noon other Magistrates, than such as affected the good of their Country, and would for no ambition, or other servile respect, be flatterers of the greatness which kept all in fear. Thus it seemed likely, that all domestical conspiracies would soon be at an end; when honesty and love of the Common weal, become the fairest way to preferment. Of this careful provision for the safety of Greece, the Romans were not thoroughly advertised: either because things were diligently concealed from their Ambassadors, whom all men knew to be little better than Spies; or because little account was made of that intelligence, which was brought in by such Traitors (of whom every City in Greece had too many) as were men unregarded among their own people, and therefore more like to speak maliciously than truly; or perhaps because the Ambassadors themselves, being all Senators, and capable of the greatest Office or charge, had no will to find out other matter of trouble, than was fitting to their own desires of employment. But it is hard to conceal that which many know, from those that are feared or flattered by many. The Achaeans being to sand Ambassadors to Rome, that should both excuse them, as touching some point wherein they refused to obey the Senate; and inform the Senate better in the same business; chose one Callicrates, among others, to go in that Embassage. By their making choice of such a man; one may perceive the advantage, which mischievous wretches, who commonly are forward in pursuing their vile desires, have against the plain sort of honest men, that lest earnestly thrust themselves into the troublesome business of the weal public. For this Callicrates was in such wise transported with ambition; that he chose much rather to betray his Country, than to let any other be of more authority than himself therein. Wherhfore instead of well discharging his credence, and alleging what was meetest in justification of his people: he uttered a quite contrary tale; and strongly encouraged the Romans, to oppress both the Achaeans, and all the rest of Greece, with a far more heavy hand. He told the Senate, that it was high time for them, to look unto the settling of their authority, among his froward Countrymen; if they meant not wholly to forego it. For now there was taken up a custom, to stand upon points of confederacy, and laws: as if these were principally to be had in regard; any injunction from Rome notwithstanding. Hence grew it, that the Achaeans both now, and at other times, did what best pleased themselves, and answered the Romans with excuses: as if it were enough to say, That by some condition of League, or by force of some Law, they were discharged, or hindered, from obeying the decrees of the Senate. This would not be so, if He, and some other of his opinion, might have their wills: who ceased not to affirm, That no Columes or Monuments erected, nor no solemn oath of the whole Nation, to ratify the observance of Confederacy or statute, aught to be of force, when the Romans willed the contrary. But it was even the fault of the Romans themselves, That the multitude refused to give ear unto such persuasions. For howsoever in popular Estates, the sound of liberty used to be more plausible, than any discourse tending against it: yet if they which undertook the maintenance of an argument, seeming never so bad, were sure by their so doing, to procure their own good; the number of them would increase apace, and they become the prevalent faction. It was therefore strange, how the Fathers could so neglect the advancement of those, that sought wholly to enlarge the amplitude of the Roman majesty. Moore wisely, though with seditious and rebellious purpose, did the Greeks': who many times, yea and ordinarily, conferred great honours, upon men otherwise of little account or desert; only for having uttered some brave words against the Romans. The Fathers, hearing these and the like reasons, where with he exhorted them to handle roughly those that were obstinate, and by cherishing their friends, to make their party strong; resolved to follow this good counsel, in every point; yea to depress all those that held with the right, and to set up their own followers, were it by right or by wrong. And to 
Polyb. Legat. 58.  this end, they not only dealt thenceforth more peremptorily with the Achaeans, than had been their manner in former times; but wrote at the present unto all Cities of Greece; requiring them to see that their mandate (which was concerning the restitution of those that were banished out of Lacedaemon) should be fulfilled. Particularly in behalf of Callicrates; they advised all men, to be such, and so affected, as he was, in their several commonweals. With this dispatch, Callicrates returned home a joyful man: having brought his Country into the way of ruin, but himself into the way of preferment. Nevertheless he forbore to vaunt himself, of his eloquence used in the Senate. Only he so reported his Embassage, that all men become fearful of the danger, where with he threatened those that should presume to oppose the Romans. By such arts he obtained to be made Praetor of the Achaeans: in which Magistracy, as in all his courses following, he omitted nothing, that might serve to manifest his ready obsequiousness unto those whom he had made his Patrons.  
Now as the Romans by threatening terms won many flatterers, and lost as many true friends: so Perseus on the other side, thinking by liberal gifts, and hopeful promises, to assure unto himself those that ill could brook his enemies; got indeed a multitude of partakers, though little honester than his enemies had. Thus were all the Cities of Greece distracted with factions: some holding with the Romans; some with the Macedonian; and some few, respecting only the good of the Estates, wherein they lived. Hereat the Lords of the Senate were highly offended; and thought it an indignity not sufferable, That a King, no better than their vassal, should dare to become head of a faction against them. This therefore must be reckoned in the number of his trespasses: whereof if not any one alone, yet all of them together, shall afford them just occasion to make war upon him. Perseus' having finished his businessc among the Dolopians, made a journey to Apollo his temple at Delphi. He took his army along with him; yet went, and returned, in such peaceable and friendly wise, that no place was the worse for his journey, but the good affection towards him generally increased thereby. With those that were in his way, he dealt himself; to such as lay further off, he sent Ambassadors or letters: praying them, That the memory of all wrongs whatsoever, done by his father, might be buried with his father; since his own meaning was to hold friendship sincerely with all his neighbours. The Romans perhaps could have been pleased better, if he had behaved himself after a contrary fashion, and done some acts of hostility in his passage. Yet as if he aught not to have taken such a journey, without their licence, this also was made a valuable matter, and cast into the heap of his faults. He laboured greatly to recover the love of the Achaeans: which his father had so lost, that by a solemn decrec, they forbade any Macedonian to enter their territories. It was jealousy perhaps, no less than hatred, which caused them, at the first, to make such a decree. For howsoever Philip had by many vile acts, especially by the death of the two Arati, given them cause to abhor him: yet in the public administration of their estate, he had, for the more part, been to them so beneficial, that not without much ado and at length, without any general consent, they resolved to forsake him. Wherefore it was needful, even for preservation of concord among them, 〈◊〉 use all circumspection; that he might not, by his agents, negotiate, and hold intelligence with any, in a country, towards him so doubtfully affected: especially when by hearkening to his messages, they might make themselves suspected by their new friends. But the continuance of this decree, beyond the time of war, and when all danger of innovation was past; was uncivil, if not in human, as nourishing deadly hatred, without leaving means of reconciliation. And hereof the Achaeans reaped no good fruit. For although they were not, in like sort, forbidden the Kingdom of Macedon: yet understanding what would be due to them, if they should adventure thither, noon of them durst set foot therein. Hence it come to pass, that their bondmen, knowing a safe harbour, out of which their masters could not fetch them, ran daily away, in great numbers: exceedingly to the loss of such, as made of their slaves very profitable use. But Perseus took hold upon this occasion: as fitly serving to pacify those, whose enmity feign he would have changed into love. He therefore apprehended all these fugitives, to sand them home again: and wrote unto the Achaeans, That as for good will unto them, he had taken pains to restore back their servants; so should they do very well to take order for keeping them, that hereafter they might not run away again. His meaning was readily understood, and his letters kindly accepted by the greater part; being openly rehearsed by the Praetor, before the Council. But Callicrates took the matter very angrily; and bade them be advised what they did: for that this was noon other, than a plain device, to make them departed from the friendship of the Romans. Herewithal he took upon him, somewhat liberally, to make the Achaeans beforehand acquainted with the war, that was coming upon Perseus from Rome. He told them, how Philip had made preparations for the same war; how Demetrius had been made away, because of his good affection to the Romans; and how Perseus had, since his being King, done many things, tending to the breach of peace. Briefly He rehearsed all those matters, which were afterwards alleged by the Romans; the invasion of the Bastarnae, upon the Dardanians; the King's journey against the Dolopians; his voyage to Delphi; and finally, his peaceable behaviour, which was (he said) a dangerous temptation of men to his party. Wherhfore he advised them, to expect the 〈◊〉 of things, and not over-hastily to enter into any degree of friendship with the Macedonians. Hereto good answer was made by the praetors brother: That Callicrates was too earnest, in so light a matter; and that, being neither one of the King's cabinet, nor of the Roman Senate, he made himself too well acquainted with all that had passed, or was like to follow. For it was well known, that Perseus had renewed his league with the Romans; that he was by them saluted King, and friend to the Estate; and that He had lovingly entertained their Ambassadors. This being so: why might not the Achaeans, as well as the Aetolians, Thessalians, Epirots, and all the Greeks', hold with him such correspondence, as common humanity required? Nevertheless Callicrates was grown a man so terrible, by his Roman acquaintance, that they durst not over-stiffely gainsay him. Therefore the matter was referred unto further deliberation: and answer made the whilst, That since the King had only sent a letter without any Ambassador; they knew not how to resolve. Better it was to say thus, than that they were afraid to do as they thought most reasonable and convenient. But when Perseus, herewith not contented, would needs urge them further, and sand Ambassadors: then were they feign, without any good pretence, to put on a countenance of anger, & deny to give audience: which was proof sufficient (to one that could understand) of the condition wherein they lived. For hearkening to this advice of Callicrates; they were soon after highly commended 
〈◊〉 lib. 42.  by a Roman Ambassador: whereby it become apparent, that the Romans intended war upon the Macedonian; though hitherto no cause of war was given.   

§. V How EUMENES King of Pergamus was busied with PHARNACES, the Rhodians and others. His hatred to the Macedonian: whom he accuseth to the Roman 〈◊〉. The Senate honours him greatly, and contemns his enemies the Rhodians; with the causes thereof. The unusual stoutness of the 〈◊〉 Ambassadors. PERSEUS his attempt upon EUMENES. The brotherly 〈◊〉 between EUMENES and ATTALUS. PERSEUS his device to poison some of the Roman Senators: whereupon they decree war against him, and sand him defiance. Other things, concerning the justice of this war.  
EUMENES' King of Pergamus had been troubled, about these times, by the Kings Pharnaces and Mithridates his neighbours. He had taken the right course; in making first his complaint to the Romans: by whom he was animated with comfortable words, and promise, That they, by their authority, would end the business, to his content. But 
Polyb. Legat. 56. & 59  in conclusion, by the help of the Kings Prusias and 〈◊〉, he ended the war himself; and brought the Enemies to seek and accept 〈◊〉, on such conditions as pleased him to give them. After this being at good leisure; he began to consider, how the affairs of Macedon stood under Perseus. His hatred to Perseus was very great: and therefore he was glad to understand, that the hatred of the Romans, to the same his Enemy, was as great, and withal notorious. Now besides his ancient and hereditary quarrel with the Macedonian; it vexed him exceedingly, That his own honours (whereof the Greeks', prodigal in that kind, had heaped immoderate store on his father and him) began to wax 〈◊〉 where stolen: whilst Perseus, either by his currying favour, or by the envy borne to the Romans, had gotten their best liking and wishes. For despite of this indignity, He stirred up the Lycians against the Rhodians his old friends: and in helping these rebels was so violent, that he proceeded, in a manner, to open war. But small pleasure found he, in these poor and indirect courses of revenge. The Lycians could not be saved by his 〈◊〉, from severe and cruel chastisement, given to them by the Rhodians. This ren 〈◊〉 him contemptible: as like wise, his acts of hostility, little different from 〈◊〉, made him hateful to those which loved him before. As for his 
Polyb. Legat. 74.  honours in the Cities of Greece; they not only continued falling into neglect; but were abrogated by a decree of the Achaeans, as too unmeasured, misbeseeming them to give, and affected by him beyond the proportion of his deservings. All this (which he needed not to have regarded, had he not been too vainly ambitious) 
〈◊〉 lib. 42.  befell him, especially for his being 〈◊〉- 〈◊〉 to the Romans, and for his malice to that noble Kingdom, which if it fell, the liberty of Greece was not like to stand. Now for the redress hereof; he thought it vain to strive any longer with bounty, against such an adversary, as by hopeful promises alone, without any great performance, had overtopped him in the general favour. And therefore he resolved even to overturn the foundations of this Popularity, by inducing the Romans utterly to take away from the eyes of men, this Idol, The Macedonian Kingdom, which all so vainly worshipped. Neither would it prove a difficult matter, to persuade those that were already desirous: rather he was like to be highly thanked, for setting forward their wishes; and perhaps to be recompensed with some piece of the Kingdom, as he had been rewarded, for the like service, when Antiochus was 〈◊〉.  
To this end, he made a second 〈◊〉 to Rome: where though he had little to say which they knew not before; yet his words were heard with such attention, as if they had contained some strange novelty, and so pondered by the Fathers, as if the weight of them were to turn the balance, that before was equal. The death of Demetrius, the expedition of the Bastarnae into Dardania; that of Perseus himself against the Dolopians, and to Delphi; the great estimation of the Macedonian in Greece; his intermeddling in business of neighbours; his riches; and his great provisions: were all the material points of Eumenes his discourse. Only He descended unto particulars, having searched into all (as he professed) like unto a Spy. He said, That Perseus had thirty thousand foot, and five thousand Horse of his own; money in a readiness to entertain ten thousand mercenaries for ten years; arms, to furnish a number thrice as great; The Thracians his friends at hand, ready, at a call, to bring him soldiers as many as he should require; and that he prepared victuals for ten years, because he would not be driven, either to live upon spoil, or to take from his own subjects. Herewithal He prayed them to consider, that King Seleucus the son and successor of Antiochus the Great, had given his daughter Laodice in marriage to Perseus; Perseus not wooing, but Seleucus offering the match; That King Prusias of Bythinia, by earnest svite, had gotten to wife the sister of Perseus; and that these marriages were solemnised with great concourse of Embassages from all quarters. Neither spared 〈◊〉 to tell them, (though seeming loathe to utter it plainly) That even the envy of their Estate was the cause, why many that could not endure to hear of amity with Philip, were now grown marvelously well affected to his son. All this, and some facts of Perseus, which might either be denied, or justified (as that he had procured the death of some which were friends to the Romans; and that he had expelled Abrypolis the Illyrian, who invaded Macedon, out of his Kingdom or Lordship) Eumenes failed not to amplify unto the most: saying that he thought it his duty to forewarn them; since it would be to Himself a great shame, if Perseus got the start of him, and were in Italy making war upon the Romans, 〈◊〉 Eumenes could come thither to tell them of the danger.  
It were too great folly, to 〈◊〉 that the Romans stood in fear of 〈◊〉, jest he should set upon them in Italy. Nevertheless forasmuch as they loved not to make war without fair 〈◊〉, not only of wrong done to them or their associates, but of further hurt intended: great thanks were given to Eumenes, who had every way 〈◊〉 them with such goodly colour, to beautify their intendment. Now though it were so, that He told them little else than what they knew before: yet his person, and the manner of his coming, made all seem greater. For if upon any relation made by their own Ambassadors, or upon tales devised by their flatterers and spies, they had warred against Perseus, 〈◊〉 He had committed any open act of hostility against them; their injustice, and oppression, would have been most manifest. But when the wrongs to them done were so notorious, and the danger threatening them so terrible; that such a Prince as Eumenes, come out of his own Kingdom, as far as from Asia, to bid them look to themselves: who could blame them, if they took the speediest order to obtain their own right and security? Toward this justification of the war, and magnifying the necessity that enforced them thereto; their more than usual curiosity, in concealing what Eumenes had uttered in the Senate, when they could not but understand that his errand was well known; helped not a little. The Macedonian and Rhodian Ambassadors were at Rome, provided of answers to the words, which they knew beforehand that he would speak; and with matter of recrimination. The vanity, either of Him, or of some about him, seems to have disclosed all: when the wariness of the Fathers, in hiding that which all men knew, made a notable show of some fearful apprehension; against which, it behoved their wisdom to neglect no possible remedy. Wherhfore careless audience was given to the Rhodian Ambassadors; who accused Eumenes, as one more troublesome to Asia, than Antiochus had ever been, and a provoker of the Lycians to rebellion. The Rhodians had with great pomp, conveyed by Sea unto Perseus, his bride Laodice; which friendly office as the Macedonian bountifully requited, so the Romans despitefully accepted. Hence it grew, that when the Lycians, as already vanquished, were settling 
Polyb. Legat. 60 & 61.  themselves in their obedience to the people of Rhodes: Ambassadors come from Rome with strange news, which gave new life to the rebellion. For the Senate pronounced, 
Liu. lib. 41.  That it stood not with the manner of the Romans, to alien quite from their own protection any people or Nation by them vanquished; and that the Lycians were by them assigned unto those of Rhodes, not as mere vassals, but as dependents and associates. For proof hereof, they referred themselves unto the commentaries of the ten Ambassadors, whom they had sent to dispose of things in Asia, after the victory against King Antiochus. Hereat Eumenes, Masanissa, The Aetolians, and all other Kings or Estates, that were beholding to Rome for increasing the number of their subjects, had cause to found themselves 〈◊〉 if they well considered the matter: since by force of this or the like decree, those their subjects might easily be made their fellows, whensoever it should please the Senate: though it were so, that all men knew the present meaning of the Senate, which was only to plague the Rhodians, for their good will to Perseus, by setting them and the Lycians together by the cares. The Fathers could therefore see no reason to dislike Eumenes, upon this complaint made by the Rhodian Ambassadors; which indeed more nearly touched themselves. Rather they honoured the King so much the more: for that others (as they would needs take it) conspired against him, because of his love to Rome.  
But the Macedonian Embassage they heard not so carelessly as angrily: though peradventure it well contented them to found cause of anger. For whereas at other times all care had been taken, to pacify them with gentle words and excuses: now heard they plainer language, and were told, That King Perseus desired much to give them satisfaction, concerning any deed or word of his, that might savour of hostility; but that, if his travail in this kind proved vain, then would he be ready to defend himself by arms, and stand to the chance of war, which often falls out contrary to expectation. These big words may seem to have proceeded from the vehemency of Harpalus, that was chief of the Ambassadors; rather than from instruction given by the King, with whose faint heart they agreed not. Yet was there good reason, why Perseus himself might, at this time, think to speed better by a show of daring, than he was like to do by any submission. For the eyes of all Greece being now cast upon him, as on the greatest hope of deliverance from the Roman servitude; it was not expedient, that he should lessen, or perhaps utterly cut off, the general expectation, and the good affection borne to him, which thereon depended, by discovering his too much weakness of spirit, unanswerable to a work of such importance. Wherhfore He, or his Ambassador for him, was bold to set a good countenance on a game not very bad, but subject (in appearance) to Fortune; which might have been his, had he known how to use it.  
Now that this braveric (as better it may be termed than courage) proceeded from the Kings own heat; it 〈◊〉 by his daring to adventure soon after, on a practice that more justly might anger the Romans, and give them fairer show of reason to make war upon him. It was known that Eumenes, in returning home, would take Delphi in his way, and there do sacrifice to Apollo. Perseus' 〈◊〉 hating him, and thirsting after his blood, resolved to waylay him, and by making there of him a sacrifice, to rid his own hands of a most mischievous enemy. So there were appointed three or four stout ruffians to do the murder: who placing themselves behind a broken mud wall, on the side of a very narrow path leading up from the Sea to the Temple; did thence assault the King; whom they sorely 〈◊〉 with great stones, and left for dead. They might have finished their work; such was the opportunity of the place which they had chosen; but fear of being apprehended, made them, without staying to see all sure, flee in such haste, that they killed one of their own companions, who could not hold pace with them, because he should not discover them. Eumenes was conveyed away to the little Isle of Aegina, where he was cured: being all the while kept so secretly, that the fame of his death was current in Asia. Hence it come, that his brother Attalus took upon him as king, and either took or would have taken to wife (supposing it belike a matter of state) Stratonica the daughter of King Ariarathes, whom he then thought the widow of Eumenes. It may well be numbered among the rare examples of brotherly love, That when the King returned alive home, Attalus going forth to meet him and do his duty, as in former times, received noon other check, than that He should forbear to marry with the Queen, until He were well assured of the King's death. Moore than this, Eumenes never spoke of these matters; but bequeathed at his death, unto the same brother, both his wife and Kingdom. As likewise Attalus forbore to attempt any thing to the prejudice of the King his brother: though the Romans (with whom he continued and grew in especial favour, when Eumenes fell into their 〈◊〉) were in good readiness, to have transferred the Kingdom from his brother to Him. By such concord of brethren was the Kingdom of Pergamus raised and upheld: as might also that of Macedon have been, if Demetrius had lived and employed his grace with the Romans, to the benefit of Perseus.  
It is likely that 〈◊〉 was very glad when he understood, that his ministers had both accomplished his will, and had saved all from discovery. But as he was deceived in the main point, and heard shortly after, that Eumenes lived: so was He beguiled in that other hope, of the concealment; which he vainly esteemed the less material. For He had written to one Praxo a Gentlewoman of Delphi, to entertain the men whom he sent about this business: and she; being apprehended by C. Valerius a Roman Ambassador then attending upon the matters of Greece, was carried to Rome. Thus all come to light Velerius also brought with him to Rome, out of Greece, one Rammius a Citizen of Brundisium: who coming newly from the court of Macedon, loaden with a dangerous secret; 〈◊〉 presently sought out the Ambassador, and thereof discharged himself. Brundisium was the ordinary Port, for ships passing between Italy and Greece. There had Rammius a fair house; wherein he gave entertainment, being a wealthy man, to Ambassadors, and other honourable personages, both Romans and Macedonians, journeying to and fro. By occasion of such his hospitality, he was commended to Perseus, and invited into Macedon with friendly letters; as one, whose many courtesies to his Ambassadors, the King was studious to requited. At his coming he was much made of; and shortly, with more familiarity than he expected or desired, made partaker of the King's secrets. The sum of all was, That he must needs do a turn, in giving to such of the Romans as the King should hereafter name, a poison of rare quality, sure in operation, yet not to be perceived either in the taking or afterward. He durst not refuse to accept this employment: for fear jest the virtue of this medicine should be tried upon himself. But being once at liberty; he discovered all. Rammius was but one man, and one whom the King had never seen before, nor was like to see again: and therefore, besides that the King's denial aught to be as good as such a fellows affirmation, the accusation was improbable. Thus did Perseus, in time shortly following, answer for himself; and in like sort concerning the attempt upon Eumenes: denying to have had any hand, either in the one or other: yet withal professing, That such objections were not to be made unto a King, to prove the rightfulness of making war upon him; but rather unto a subject pleading for his life in judgement. But howsoever the Romans neglected the getting of stronger proof (which might have been easy) than any that we found by them produced: yet the base and cowardly temper of Perseus was very suitable to these practices. Neither did the Senate greatly stand to dispute the matter with him: these his treacheries being held inexcusable. And as for his Royal Estate, wherein he supposed that they aught not to touch him for such private offences, it gave him no privilege: they judging him to have offended in the nature of a King. Herein surely they wanted not good reason. For if he might not lawfully make war upon Eumenes their confederate; that is, if He might not sand men, to waste the Kingdom of 〈◊〉, or to besiege the Towns: might he sand Ruffians to murder the King? If it were no less breach of the league to destroy the Senators by fire or famine, than by violence of the sword: was it lawful for him to do it by Poison? Wherhfore they presently decreed war against him; and sent Ambassadors to denounce it unto him, unless he would yield to make such amendss as they should require. He seems at this time to have been so confident in the general favour of Greece, and other comfortable appearances; that if he desired not war, yet he did not fear it: or at lest he thought by show of courage, to make his enemies the more calm. He caused the Ambassadors to dance attendance, till being weary, they departed without audience. Than called he them back; and bade them do their errand. They made a tedious rehearsal of all matters, which they had long been collecting against him, and wherewith Eumenes had charged him: adding thereto, that He had entertained long and secret conference in the Isle of Samothrace, with Ambassadors sent to him out of Asia, about some ill purpose. In regard of all which they peremptorily required satisfaction; as was their manner when they intended to give defiance. Better they might have stood upon the evidence, brought against him by Rummius and Praxo. For if those accusations could be verified, then wanted they not good ground whereon to build: of which otherwise they were destitute; it being no fault in a King, to be strong, well-beloved, and well friended. Perseus answered, for the present, in a rage; calling the Romans, Greedy, Proud, Insolent, & underminers of him by their daily Ambassadors, that were no better then mere spies. Finally, he promised to give them in writing their full answer: which was to this effect; That he would no longer stand to the league, made between them and his father, and renewed by himself indeed only for fear: but wished them to descend to more equal conditions, whereupon he, for his part, would advise, as they might also do for theirs.  
In the form of the league between Philip and the Romans, as it is set down 
Polyb. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  by Polybius, we find no condition, binding the Macedonian to any inconvenience in the future; excepting those which he immediately performed. But Livy inserts 
Liu. lib. 33.  a clause, whereby he was expressly forbidden, to make any war abroad, without leave of the Romans. It is most likely, that all the Roman confederates were included in this peace: whereby every one of the neighbours round about Macedon, entering shortly into league with Rome, did so bind the King's hands, that he could no more make war abroad, than if he had been restrained by plain covenant. And thus might that seem an Article of the peace, which never was agreed upon, but only was inferred by consequence. Now if the Romans would urge this point further, and say, that the Macedonian might not bear defensive arms, without their permission: then had Perseus very just reason to find himself aggrieved. For since they had allowed his father, without control, to make war in Thrace, (whilst they themselves were unacquainted with the Thracians) and elsewhere abroad, though he asked not their licence: why should they now interpret the bargain after another fashion? Was it now become unlawful for him to chastise his own Rebels, or to repay an Illyrian that invaded Macedon? By such allegations he maintained the right of his cause, in very mild sort; when it was too late. At the present, by disclaiming the league as unjust; he ministered occasion 〈◊〉 the Ambassadors, to give him defiance. Having heard the worst of their message; he commanded them to be go out of his kingdom in three days. But either he should have been less vehement, or more constant in his resolution. For if his heart could serve him to undertake the war; he should courageously have managed it, and have fallen to work immediately, whilst the Enemy was unprepared; not have lost opportunity, as now and often he did, in hope of obtaining a worse peace than the former.   

§. VI The Romans solicit the Greeks', to join with them in the War against PERSEUS. How the Greeks' stood affected in that War. The timorousness of PERSEUS. MARTIUS a Roman Ambassador deludes him with hope of Peace. His forces. He takes the field, and wins part of Thessaly. The forces of LICINIUS the Roman Consul: and what assistants the Romans had in this War. Of Tempe in Thessaly; and what advantages the Macedonian had, or might have had; but lost by his fear. PERSEUS braves the Romans; fights with them; knows not how to use his victory; sues for Peace; and is 〈◊〉 it by the vanquished. PERSEUS having the worse in a skirmish, for sakes all the Country lying without Tempe. The Boeotians rebel against the Romans, and are rigorously punished. The Roman Commanders unfortunate in the war against PERSEUS. They vex the Greeks' their friends; for whose ease the Senate makes provision, having heard their complaints. The flattering Alabanders.  
SO long had the Romans been seeking occasion to take in hand this Macedonian war, that well they might have been ready for it, when it come; and not (as they were) behinde-hand in provisions. But it was on a sudden that they met with a confluence of good pretences to make the war: whereof, if no one alone had weight enough, yet all of them together seemed more than sufficient. This opportunity of making their cause honest in common opinion, was not to be neglected: though otherwise they were unprepared for the action. Wherhfore knowing, or having reason to believe, that their own strength was such as would prevail in the end; they hastily embraced the fair occasion of beginning, and referred other cares to the diligence of Time. Neither was this their unreadiness a small help, towards examining the disposition of the Greeks', and others; who must afterwards dearly pay for any backwardness found in their good william. There was not indeed any cause to fear, that all of the Greeks' or other Eastern people should conspire together, and take part with the Macedonian: such was the dissension between their several estates; howsoever the generality of them were inclined the same way. Nevertheless Ambassadors were sent to deal with them all; and to 〈◊〉 their help against Perseus, or rather to demand it, in no less ample manner, than heretofore they had yielded it against Philip and Antiochus, in wars pretending the liberty of Greece. The Ambassadors used as gentle words for fashions sake, as if they had stood in doubt, that their request might happen to be denied. But the Greeks' were now grown well acquainted with such Roman courtesy: and understood, that not only such as made refusal, but even they who might seem to have granted half unwillingly; were like to hear other manner of words, when once this business was ended. Wherhfore noon of them were scrupulous in promising the best of their help to the Romans; 
* Polyb. Legat. 73. 78. & 80.  the Achaeans and Rhodians, which were chief among them, being rather doubtful, even when they had done their best, jest it should be ill taken, as if they had halted in some part of their duty. It is strange, that men could be so earnest to set up the side, whereof they gladly would have seen the ruine. The vulgar sort was every where addicted to Perseus; of the Nobles and Rulers, if some were vehemently Roman, they wanted not opposers, that were wholly Macedonian; yea, the wisest and most honest, who regarded only the benefit of their Country, wished better to Perseus than to the Romans. And of this number, Polybius the chief of Historians was one: who though He 
* Polyb. Legat. 77.  judged the 〈◊〉 of Perseus, like to prove hurtful unto Greece; yet wished he the Romans ill to thrive, that so the Greeks' might recover perfect liberty: for his endeavours in which course, he was at length tyrannically handled, as shall be showed hereafter. This considered, it appears, that an extraordinary fear, and not only reverence of the Imperial Cit e, made the Achaeans and other Estates of Greece, thus conformable to the Romans. The occasion of this their fear, may be justly imputed unto the timorous demeanour of 〈◊〉 himself. He had undertaken a war, whereof the benefit should redound, not only to his own Kingdom, but unto all that were oppressed by the Romans. Yet no sooner were some few companies brought over sea, to make a countenance of meaning somewhat against him, than he began to speak the enemy fair, and sue for peace at Rome. Since therefore it was known, that every small thing would serve to 〈◊〉 him; and consequently, that it should at all times be in the Romans power, by giving him any tolerable conditions of peace, to take revenge at leisure upon those which had assisted him: little cause was there, why any should adventure to partake with him. He made indeed a great noise; leading about his army; taking by force or composition, some few towns; and soliciting all to join with him. But wise men could not be so beguiled. For at the same time, he sought all means of pacification: and to that end, made humble svit unto the Roman Ambassadors. Q. Martius; the chief of those Ambassadors, and a man of more fineness in cunning than was usual among the Romans; made show of inclination to the King's desire: and gave out such comfortable words, that the King entreated, and obtained a meeting at the River Peneus. There did Martius very gently rebuke the King, and charge him with those crimes that are before mentioned. Whereto though Perseus made noon other answer; than the same which they could have made for him; yet the Ambassadors, and especially Martius, took it in good part, as therewith satisfied; and advised him to give the like satisfaction to the Senate. That this might conveniently be done; a truce was agreed upon. Thus had Martius his desire; which was, to make the King loose time. For Perseus had all things then in readiness, and might have done much, ere the Roman army could have been in Greece. But by the interposition of this truce, he no way increased his forces; he suffered a most convenient season, of winning upon the enemy, to slip away; and obtained in recompense nothing else, than leisure and vain hope. Yet was he pleased herewith, as it had been with some victory: publishing a copy of the disputation between him and the Romans, whereby he gave men to understand, how much he had the better, and what great hope there was of Peace. He sent Ambassadors also to the Rhodians, of whose good will to him he was best persuaded; not only to let them know how much he was superior in cause; but to 〈◊〉 them, that they would take upon them, as moderators; to compound the differences between him and the Romans, if perhaps, notwithstanding the goodness of his cause, he should be denied peace. These were poor helps. For hereby it appeared, that his late standing upon point of Honour, was no better than mere vanity: his own safety being the utmost of his ambition. This his fearfulness might seem excusable, and the blame thereof to appertain unto the Greeks'; who deceived his expectation, by being wanting to him in time of a necessity, that was partly their own: had it not been his office who took upon him as their Champion, to give such a manly beginning to the war, as might encourage all others to follow him. But his timorous quality being found, men grew daily more and more averse from him; and were careful, not to put their shoulders to a falling wall. The Rhodians, among whom he had many stout partisans, desired him not to crave any thing at their hands, in which they might seem to do against the good liking of the Romans. The Boeotians also, who had entered of late into a strict society with the Macedonian; renounced it now, and made the like with the Romans: to whom further, in a sort, they yielded themselves as vassals. Neither was Martius contented to accept their submission under a general form; but caused their several towns to make covenant apart each for itself; to the end, that being thus distracted into many little common weals they might not (were they never so desirous to rebel) have such force to do hurt, as when they agreed, and were incorporated in one, under the City of Thebes. This work, of separating the Boeotians from Thebes their head; was more than Agesilaus could effect, or Epaminondas would suffer, than when all Greece followed the Lacedæmonians. So far more available to Thebes, being destitute of help from abroad, was the virtue of Epaminondas and a few brave Citizens; than was the society with King Perseus, against a number not so great as followed the Lacedæmonians.  
Martius brought this to effect, whilst the King sat still, as being bound by the truce: and having done this, he returned to the City; where vaunting what he had wrought by his craft, he was commended, and (though some reproved it as dishonest) employed again by the Senate, with commission to deal as he should think expedient. Touching the Ambassadors which Perseus had sent, audience was given to them, for that they should not plainly see how their Master was deluded: but neither excuse, nor entreaty, would serve their turn; the Senate being resolved beforehand what to do. It was enough that they were admitted into the City, and had thirty days respite allowed them to departed out of Italy: whereas they, who come last on the same errand, did their message without the walls, in the Temple of Bellona (the usual place of giving audience to open Enemies, or to such Commanders, as might not, by reason of some custom, enter the City) and had only the short warning of eleven days, to be go out of Italy. Neither did this poor courtesy serve alone to hide the craft of Martius, as if he had meant noon other than good earnest: but it was a likely mean, both to keep a long while from Perseus the knowledge of his business, and to stagger his resolution, when he should need it most firm.  
And accordingly it fell out. For Licinius, the Roman Consul, was at Apollonia, in a manner as soon, as the Macedonian Ambassadors were with their King at Pella. Which, though it were enough to have roused Perseus, and have made him lay aside all cowardly hope of getting pardon: yet was he content to deliberate awhile, Whither it were not better to offer himself tributary to the Romans, and to redeem their good will with some part of his Kingdom, that so he might enjoy the rest; than to put all at once to hazard. But finally, the 〈◊〉 counsel prevailed; which also was the wisest, and so would have proved, had it been stoutly and wisely followed. He now began, as if the war had not begun until now, to do what should have been done long afore. He caused all his forces to be drawn together; and appointed their R endevous at Citium, a town in Macedon. All being in readiness, he did royal sacrifice, with an hundred beasts, to I know not what Minerva, that was peculiarly honoured in his Country: and then with all his Courtiers, and those of his guard, set forward to Citium. His army he found consisting of nine and thirty thousand foot, and four thousand horse: whereof about twelve thousand foot, and a thousand horse, were strangers, of sundry Nations, most part Thracians; the rest his own Macedonians. These he animated with lively speeches; laying before them the glory of their ancestors, the insolency of the Romans, the goodness of his cause, the greatness of his provisions, and the many advantages which they had of the Enemy, especially in numbers. They answered him cheerfully, with loud acclamations, and bade him be of good courage. From all Cities of Macedon there come likewise messengers, offering to help him with money and victuals, according to their several abilities. He gave them thanks: but answered, That his own provisions would abundantly suffice, willing them only to 〈◊〉 him with carts, for his engines and munition.  
Out of his own kingdom he issued forth into Thessaly: knowing that the Romans were to pass through that Country, in their journey towards him. Some Towns of Thessaly opened their gates unto him, without making offer to defend themselves; some he balked, thinking them too strong or well manned; and some he wan by force. Of these last was Mylae; a town thought impregnable, and therefore, not more stoutly then proudly defended by the Inhabitants, who gave contumelious language to the assailants. It was taken by reason of a sally; which the Townsmen rashly made, and being driven back, received the Macedonians, that entered pell mel with them at the gate. All cruelty of war was practised here: to the greater terror of the obstinate. So Velatiae and Connus (towns of much importance, especially Connus, which stood in the straits of Ossa, leading into Tempe) yielded at the first. Having well fortified this passage, the King marched onwards to Sycurium, a town seated on the foot of mount Ossa; where he rested a while, expecting news of the Enemy.  
Licinius the Consul brought with him only two Roman Legions: being promised other strength of auxiliaries, which was thought sufficient. Eumenes, and Attalus his brother come to him in Thessaly, with four thousand foot, and a thousand horse. Thither also come, from every part of Greece, such aid as the several Estates could afford, or thought expedient to sand: which from the most of them was very little. Of the kings abroad; Masanissa sent thither his son Misagenes, with a thousand foot, as many horse, and two and twenty Elephants. 〈◊〉 the Cappadocian, by reason of his affinity with Eumenes, was friend to the Romans, and had sent to Rome his young son, there to be brought up: yet he did little or nothing in this war; perhaps because Eumenes himself began within awhile, but when it was too late, to be otherwise advised than he had been in the beginning. Prusias was content to be a looker on: as being allied to Perseus, and yet fearing the Romans. Antiochus and Ptolemie (though Ptolemie was then young, and under Tutors) had business of their own; the Syrian meaning to invade the Egyptian: yet each of them promised help to the Romans, which they cared not to perform. Gentius the Illyrian was inclinable to the Macedonian: yet made good countenance to the Romans, for fear. It was a pretty trick, where with M. Lucretius, the Roman Admiral's brother, served him, for this his sergeant good william. This king had four and fifty ships, riding in the haven of Dyrrachium, uncertain to what purpose: all which Lucretius took away, after a very kind sort; making show to believe, That for noon other end than to serve the Romans, their good friend Gentius had sent thither this fleet. But whatsoever Gentius thought in the beginning; he foolishly lost both his kingdom and himself, in the end of this war; by offering, rather than giving, his help to Perseus.  
With noon other company than what he brought over the sea, Licinius come into Thessaly: so tired with a painful journey, through the mountainous country of Athamania, which stood in his way from Epirus; that if Perseus had been ready, attending his descent into the Plains, the Romans must needs have taken a great overthrow. He refreshed himself and his wearied army, by the river Peneus; where he encamped, attending his auxiliaries, that come in as fast as they could. It was not any slender help, that could enable him to deal with Perseus. Therefore he resolved, to abide where he then was, and keep his trenches, until his numbers were sufficiently increased: contenting himself in the mean while, to have gotten quiet entrance into the Country. The land of Thessaly, in which these two armies lay, was better affected to the Romans, than any part of Greece beside: as having been freed by them from a more heavy yoke of bondage to the Macedonian, when there was little hope or expectation of such a benefit. It was generally rich, fruitful, and abounding in all things needful to man's life. In the midst of it, but some what more to the East, was that beautiful valley of Tempe, so exceedingly full of all delights, that the name was often used at large, to signify the most pleasant and goodly places. This valley of itself was not great: but adding to it those huge mountains, Ossa and Olympus (famous in Poesy) with their Spurs or branches, by which it was on all sides enclosed; it occupied the better part of Thessaly. And this way were the Romans to enter into Macedon; unless they would make an hungry journey, thorough the country of the Dassaretians, as in the former war with Philip, they had long, in vain, attempted to do. Perseus therefore had no small advantage, by being master of the straits leading into Tempe: though far greater he might have had, if by misspending of time he had not lost it. For if in defending the ragged passages of these mountains, he were able to put the Romans often to the worse; yea to win upon them (for a while) every year more than other, both in strength and reputation: questionless he might have done far greater things, had he seized upon the straits of Aous, which his father once kept, and defended all the country behind the Mountains of Pindus. Surely not without extreme difficulty, must the Romans have either traveled by land, with all their carriages and impediments, through places wherein was no relief to be found; or else have committed their armies, and all things thereto needful, unto the mercy of seas that were very dangerous; if they would have sought other way into Macedon, than through the heart of Greece: upon neither of which courses they once devised, notwithstanding any trouble which they found in this present war. It may perhaps be said, that the Greeks', and others, whom the King must have left on his back, would have made him unable to defend any places too far from his own home. But they were all, excepting the Thessalians, better affected now to him, than they had been to his father in the former war. The Aetolians. upon whom the Athamanians depended, grew into suspicion with the Romans (as we shall find anon) even as soon as they met with Perseus. The Boeotians, how politicly soever Martius had wrought with them, adventured themselves desperately in the Macedonians quarrel: what would they have done, if he at first had done his best? The Rhodians, Illyrians, yea and Eumenes himself, after awhile began to waver, when they seen things go better with Perseus, than they had expected. So that if in stead of discouraging his friends, by suing basely for peace; he had raised their hopes, by any brave performance in the beginning; and increased the number of his well-willers, yea and bought down with money (as he might have done) some of his enemies, and among them Eumenes, who offered for good recompense, to forget his broken head then might the Romans perhaps have been compelled to forsake their imperious patronage over Greece; and to tender the liberty, by them given, entire; which otherwise was but imaginary. Such benefit of this war, since it was hoped for afterwards, might with greater reason have been expected at first, from greater advantages. But as a fearful company running from their enemies, till some river stay their flight; are there compelled by mere desperation to do such acts, as done, while the battle lasted, would have won the victory: so fell it out with Perseus. In seeking to avoid the danger of that war, whereof he should have sought the honour; he left his friends that would have stood by him, and gave them cause to provide for their own safety: yet being overtaken by necessity, he chose rather to set his back to the mountains of Tempe, and defend himself with his proper forces; than to be driven into such misery, as was inevitable, if he gave a little further ground. What was performed by him or the Romans, all the while that he kept his footing in Thessaly, it is hard to show particularly; for that the history of those things is much perished. Wherhfore we must be contented with the sum.  
The Consul having no desire to fight, until such time as all his forces were arrived; kept within his trenches, and lay still encamped by the River of Peneus, about three miles from Larissa. That which persuaded the Consul to protract the time; did contrariwise incite the King, to put the matter unto a hasty trial. Wherhfore he invited the Romans into the field; by wasting the land of the Pheraeans their confederates. Finding them patiented of this indignity; he grew bold to adventure even unto their trenches: out of which if they issued, it was likely, that his advantage in horse would make the victory his own. At his coming they were troubled; for that it was sudden: yet no way terrified; as knowing themselves to be safely lodged. They sent out a few of King Eumenes his horse, and with them some light armed foot, to entertain skirmish. The Captain, and some other of these were slain: but no matter of importance done; for that neither Licinius, nor 〈◊〉, found it reasonable to hazard battle. Thus day after day, awhile together, Perseus continued offering battle: which they still refused. Hereby his boldness much increased; and much more, his reputation: to the grief of those, who being so far come to make a Conquest, could ill digest the shame, that fell upon them by their enduring these bravadoes. The town of Sycurium, where Perseus then lay, was twelve miles from the Romans: neither was there any convenient watering in that long march, which used to take up four hours of the morning; but he was feign to bring water along with him in carts, that his men might not be both weary and thirsty when they come to fight. For remedy of these inconveniences, he found out a lodging, seven miles nearer to the enemy: whom he visited the next day by the Sun rising. His coming at such an unusual hour, filled the Camp with tumult: in so much as though he brought with him only his horse and light armature, that were unfit to assail the trenches, yet the Consul thought it necessary, and resolved to give check to his pride. Wherhfore he sent forth his brother C. Licinius, King Eumenes, Attalus, and many brave Captains, with all his power of horse, his Velites, and all the rest of his light armature to try their fortune: he himself remaining in the Camp, with his Legions in readiness. The honour of this morning, was the Macedonian Kings; for he obtained the victory in a manner entire, (though the Thessalians made a good retreat) with little loss of his own. But he discovered his weakness ere night, by hearkening, as Princes commonly do, to counsel given by one of his own temper. For whereas the Romans were in great fear jest he should assault their Camp; and to that purpose, upon the first news of his success, his Phalanx was brought unto him by the Captains, though unsent for: he nevertheless took it for sounded advice, which indeed was timorous and base, To work warily, and moderate his victory; by which means it was said, that either he should get honest conditions of peace, or at leastwise many companions of his fortune. Certainly it was like, that his good fortune would exalt the hope and courage of his friends. Yet had it been greater, and had he won the Roman Camp, his friends would have been the more, and the bolder. But overgreat was his folly, in hoping then for peace: and in suing for it, even when he had the victory, what else did he, than proclaim unto all which would become his partakers, that neither good nor bad fortune should keep him from yielding to the Romans, whensoever they would be pleased to accept him? At this time the joy of his victory would admit noon of these considerations. He had slain of the Roman horse two hundred, and taken of them prisoners the like number. Of their foot he had 〈◊〉 about two thousand: losing of his own no more than twenty horse and forty foot. The Roman Camp, after this disaster, was full of heaviness and fear: it being much doubted that the enemy would set upon it. Eumenes gave counsel to dislodge by night, and remove to a surer place beyond the River Peneus. The Consul, though ashamed to profess, by so doing, in what fear he stood; yet thought it better to acknowledge the loss past, than by standing on proud terms, to draw upon himself a greater calamity. So he passed the River in the dead of the night, and encamped more strongly on the further side. The Aetolians were sorely blamed for this loss: 〈◊〉 if rather a traitorous meaning, than any true fear, had occasioned their flight, wherein the rest of the Greeks' followed them. Five of them, that were men of especial mark, had been observed to be the first which turned their backs: an observation likely to cost them dear, at a time of better leisure. As for the 〈◊〉, their virtue was honoured with reward: so as the Greeks' might learn, by examples of either kind, that if they should shun indignation, or incur favour, then must they adventure no less for their Lords the Romans, than gladly they would do for their own liberty. Thus fared it with the Consul and his army. Perseus come the next day to correct the former days error; which how great it was, he not until then found. The Romans were gotten into a place of safety; wither they could never have attained, if the King had either pressed his victory, or given better heed to them that night: his light armature alone being sufficient to have routed them, whilst they were conveying themselves to the other side of Peneus. But it was vain to tell what might have been done, since there was no remedy. The Romans were beaten, even the flower of their City, the Gentlemen of Rome; out of whom were chosen their Senators, and consequently the Generals themselves, Praetors, Consuls, and all that bore office or command among them; yea, they were beaten so shamefully, that they stole away by night, and suffered him to gather up the spoils of them without resistance, as yielding themselves overcome. With such brave words did the King set out the glory of his action; dividing the spoils among his followers. But there was much wanting within him, to have made his honour sound. He come nearer to the Romans, and encamped at Mopselus, a place in the midway between Tempe and Larissa: as if it were his meaning to press them somewhat harder. Nevertheless he was 〈◊〉 persuaded to use the occasion, which he seemed to have, of obtaining peace. Therefore he sent unto the Consul, and offered to yield unto the same Conditions, wherein his father had been bound to the Romans; if the war might so take end. It were needless here again to show the folly of this his course. Towards the accomplishment of this desired peace, there was in the Consul no greater power than to grant a truce, whilst Ambassadors might go to Rome: it resting in the Senate and People to approve the conditions, and ratify the league. And of such a truce granted by Martius, he had lately found no small discommodity redounding. But Licinius dealt plainly, and returned answer, That other hope of peace there was noon; save that Perseus would yield both his Kingdom and person, simply and absolutely, to discretion of the Senate. A manly part it was of Licinius, to be so resolute in adversity. On the other side, it argued a very faint heart in Perseus, that having received an answer so peremptory, he still persisted, making vain offers of great tribute. Finding that the peace, which he so much desired, could not be purchased with money, the King withdrew himself back to Sycurium. There he lay hearkening what the Enemy did; whose forces were well repaired by the coming of Misagenes the son of Masanissa, with the aid before mentioned. This distance between the King and them, caused the Romans to wax the more bold in making their 〈◊〉: about which business they ranged over all the fields. Their careless demeanour gave him hope to 〈◊〉 some notable exploit: which he attempted, both upon their Camp, and upon those that were abroad. The Camp he thought to have fired on the sudden: but the alarm being taken in good season, he failed in the enterprise. As for the foragers; he had a good hand upon them, if he could have withdrawn it, and given over in time. But whilst he strove to force a guard, he was visited by the Consul; by whom either in a skirmish of horse, or (for the report is divers) in a great battle, he was overcome. This misadventure, whither great or small, caused Perseus, after a few days, to fall back into Macedon; as being naturally given to fear danger, even where noon was; whereby what loss he felt, will appear hereafter. He left all behind him, save only Tempe, weakly guarded: and consequently an 〈◊〉 prey to the Romans.  
After the King's departure, Licinius went strait unto Connus; hoping to have taken it, and so to have gotten entrance into Tempe. But finding the work too hard, he returned back upon the 〈◊〉 and others; from whom he wan some towns, and among the rest, Larissa. There were sundry towns thereabouts, bearing the same name of 〈◊〉: so that this which the Consul took, may seem not to have belonged unto the Thessalians; unless, perhaps, after his victory, Perseus did greater Acts than we find recorded, and got some part of Thessaly.  
Of matters happening in Greece at this time, it is hard to give a precise account; for that the histories of them are greatly defective. One may think it strange, that the 〈◊〉, whom a Roman Ambassador could 〈◊〉, and bring altogether to his own will, should not be afraid of a Roman army, then on foot in 〈◊〉, and a Navy on their coast. But more strange it is, that the Thebans, from whom their dependents were taken by the art of Martius; were more true to Rome, than other petty towns, which by that same distraction of the Boeotians, become within themselves more absolute, than formerly they had been. The causes hereof were to have been sought among the changes happening in their variable factions: whereof the knowledge is now lost. Some of 〈◊〉 rebelled, and were thoroughly punished by Lucretius the Roman Admiral: who got so much by spoiling them, that he would have brought others to rebel in like sort, if by extreme oppression he could have driven them so far. Neither was Licinius the Consul undiligent in the same kind. What his doings were, after such time as he was at leisure from Perseus, I find no where mentioned. Only this is said in general; That in the war which he made he 
* Liu. lib. 43.  cruelly and covetously demeaned himself.  
After the same fashion dealt they, that commanded in the 〈◊〉 following; Hostilius the Consul, and Hortensius the Admiral, or Praetor of the Fleet. Hostilius showed more of his industry, in picking quarrels with the confederates of Rome, than in prosecuting the war against the Macedonian. For concerning the Roman war upon his kingdom, after that the Consul had sought passage in vain over certain mountains, Perseus seemed, in a manner, 
* Polyb. Legat. 70.  free from it. He was troubled indeed on that side which looked towards Illyria, by Ap. Claudius, whom the Consul sent thither with an army of four thousand, and who, by levies made upon the Confederates, doubled this his army. But Claudius thinking to have taken Vscana, a border town of Illyria, by treason, come thither in such careless order, that the inhabitants which had made show of treason, with purpose only to train him into danger; sallied forth upon him, overthrew him, and chased him so far, that hardly he escaped with a fourth part of his company. Yet this town of Vscana shortly after become Roman: which howsoever it happened, Perseus very soon recovered it, and many other places therewithal: Cotys, a Thracian king, securing him on the one side of Macedon; and Shafalus an Epirot, revolted from the Romans, on the other. Perseus likewise made a painful journey into Aetolia: where he was promised to be admitted into Stratus, that was the strongest City in that Region. Of this hope though he were disappointed by those of the Roman faction; yet in his return home, he took in Aperantia; and shortly heard good news, That Ap. Claudius was again thoroughly beaten by Clevas, one of his Lieutenants. Such success had the Macedonian war under 〈◊〉. The same Consul offended much the Greeks', by the strict inquisition which his Ambassadors made into men's affection towards Rome. For these Ambassadors traveling thorough all the Cities of Peloponnesus, gave out speeches tending to show, That they liked no better of those who sought not by might and main to advance their business, than of those which were of the Macedonian faction. Their meaning was, to have accused by name, in 
Polyb. Legat. 74.  the Parliament of Achaia, Lycortas that worthy Commander, who nobly followed the steps of Philopoemen; and together with him, his son Polybius, who soon after was General of the Achaean horse, but more notable by that excellent history which he wrote, than by his great employments, which he well and honourably discharged. The sum of the accusation should have been; That these were not hearty friends unto the Romans, but such as abstained from raising troubles, more for lack of opportunity, than for any love to the common quiet. But since no colour of truth could be found, that might give countenance to such a tale; it was thought better, for the present, to let it alone, and give gentle words, as if all were well. In like manner dealt they among the Aetolians: They demanded hostages; and found some in the Council that approved the motion: as also among the Acarnanians, there were that entreated to have Roman garrisons bestowed in their towns. But neither the one nor the other of these propositions took effect. They of the Roman faction; accused not only such as were inclinable to the Macedonian, but also the good Patriotes; making it no less than a matter of treason, to be a Graecian in Greece. On the contrary side, there wanted not some, who roundly told these pickthanks of their base flattery; rating them openly in such sort, that one of them hardly escaped being stoned, even in presence of the Ambassadors. Thus was all full of accusations and excuses: among which the Ambassadors carried themselves, as men that could believe noon ill; though it were well enough known what they thought. The best was, that an order from the Senate was brought into Greece, and published, to this effect: That it should be free for all men, to refuse obedience to any Roman Magistrate, imposing any burden for the present war, unless it were such, as the Senate had likewise thought meet. Of this decree the whole country was glad: for it was, or seemed, a good remedy of many inconveniences. But they that standing on privilege hereof, refused to fulfil every commandment, were numbered among the Patriotes; which in the end of this war, proved little better, if not worse, than to have been Traitors. The Senate was driven to set down this order; by reason of the many and vehement complaints brought to Rome, concerning the wrongs done by Roman Magistrates, and especially by the Admirals, Lucretius and Hortensius. Lucretius was condemned in a great sum of money, for the wrongs by him done: highly to the commendation of the Romans, in that they loved not to have their subjects oppressed. Hortensius' being still in office, had warning to amend.  
Among the great number of Embassages that come to Rome about this time, either to seek redress of injuries, or to offer their services: it is noteworthy, that from Alabanda, a town of the lesser Asia, there was presented unto the Senate, and well accepted, a most base piece of flattery. These Alabanders brought three hundred horsemen's targets; and a crown of gold, to bestow upon jupiter in the Capitol. But having a desire to gratify the Romans with some exquisite token of their dutiful obedience, wherein they would be singular; and being not able to reach unto any great performance: they built a Temple, unto the Town Rome, and appointed anniversary games to be celebrated among them, in honour of that Goddess. Now who can wonder at the arrogant folly of Alexander, Antigonus, Ptolemie, and the like vain men, that would be thought gods; or at the shameless flattery of such as bestowed upon men, and not the most virtuous of men, divine honours; when he sees a Town of houses, wherein powerful men devil, worshipped as a Goddess, and receiving (without scorn of the givers, or shame of the present) the title of Deity, at the gift of such a rascal City as Alabanda?   

§. VII. Q. MARTIUS the Roman Consul, with extreme difficulty and danger, enters into Tempe. The cowardice of PERSEUS in abandoning Tempe. The town of 〈◊〉 quitted by MARTIUS; repaired and fortified by the King. The Romans attempt many places, with ill success. Their affairs in 〈◊〉 estate. MARTIUS a cunning and a bad man. POLYBIUS' sent Ambassador to MARTIUS from the Achaeans. POLYBIUS' his honest wisdom beneficial to the Achaeans. King EUMENES grows 〈◊〉 from the Romans. PERSEUS negotiates with ANTIOCHUS and EUMENES, His false dealing with GENTIUS King of Illyria; 〈◊〉 he draws into the Roman war. He sends Ambassadors to the Rhodians; who vainly take upon them to be arbitrators between him and the Romans. PERSEUS loseth a mighty succour of the Bastarnae, by his wretched parsimony.  
AFter two years of the Macedonian war, things were further out of tune in Greece, than when the war began; which had been thought likely to reform all those Countries, and bring them to what pass the Romans desired; as it did in the end. Perseus had 〈◊〉 the better, and was stronger now, than when he lived in peace. He had enlarged his borders on the Illyrian side; his friends, in all parts of Greece, took courage daily; and his reputation grew such, as caused those that were before wholly Roman, to suspect what the issue of the war might prove, and thereupon to become wise for themselves. Contrariwise, Licinius and Hostilins the Consuls, had one after the other spent their time in vain, seeking way into Macedon; and defaced the glorious enterprise of conquest, by many losses received. The Roman Admirals had so demeaned themselves, that many towns, even of the best affected to Rome, kept them out by force. Generally, the fear was great on the 〈◊〉 side; and the army much lessened, not only by casualties of war, but by the facility of the Tribunes or Colonels, or else of the Consul himself (for they laid the blame one upon the other) in licensing the soldiers to departed. Quintus Martius the new Consul, who succeeded unto Hostilius, was to amend all this: which nevertheless was more than he knew how to do: though he brought with him a strong supply of men. He began hotly to set the war on foot, which a long time had slept. And he began the right way: not seeking to force the straits that were surely guarded, but taking pains to climb the mountains which were thought able to forbidden all passage over them, without help or need of any custody. The King heard of his approach; and being uncertain what way he meant to take, distributed his own forces, to the defence of all places which might give entrance, or 〈◊〉. But the Consul proceeded in his journey: with hope, either not to be 〈◊〉 by the Enemy, or to break through all opposition, or at lest wise, to fight on as convenient ground, as they should have that lay to stop him, and at length if all failed, to make a safe retreat. He sent before him four thousand of his most expedit foot, to discover the ways. Two days was this company troubled, in over coming the difficulty of no more than fifteen miles: after which they had sight of the Enemy, that lay to deny their passage. They occupied therefore a safe 〈◊〉 of ground; and sent back word to the Consul, where they were; entreating him to 〈◊〉 unto them: which he did. The Macedonians were not a whit dismayed at his arrival; but met him, and fought with him, two or three days together; each returning to their own Camp at night, with little loss on either side. This 〈◊〉 was on the narrow ridge of a mountain, which gave 〈◊〉 room unto three to march in front. So that very few hands come to be employed; all the rest were 〈◊〉. In this case, it was impossible to get forwards: yet a shame to return. Wherhfore Martius took the only course remaining; and indeed the best: Part of his men he left with Popilius, to attended upon the Macedonians: whilst he, with the rest, fetched a compass about, and sought out ways that never had been trodden. Herein he found extreme difficulty: which notwithstanding he overcame. Besides the troubles commonly incident to such journeys, through places unfit for habitation: he was compelled, by labour of hand, to make paths where noon were, yea where Nature might seem to have intended, that noon should be. So steep he found the descent of the mountains, in this way which he took: that of seven miles, which they traveled the first day, his men were compelled, for the more part, to roll themselves down; as not daring to trust their feet. Neither was this the worst. For they met with rocks, that stood one over another, so upright, and cumbersome to get down; that their Elephants were afraid of the giddy prospect, and casting their governors, made a terrible noise, which affrighted the horses, and bred great confusion. Having therefore go, or wallowed, four miles of this grievous journey; there was nothing more desired by the soldiers, then that they might be suffered to creep back again, the same way which they had come. But shift was made to let down the Elephants, by a kind of bridges, like unto falling draw-bridges: whereof the one end was joined to the edge of the cliff; the other sustained by two long posts, fastened in the ground below. Upon these two posts, or poles, which indeed (not being very strong, since it was intended that they should be either cut or broken) were fastened two rafters, answerable in length to the distance, between the higher & the lower fall: so as the end of one bridge might reach to the beginning of another. These were covered with planks and turf; that they might seem continent with the ground; so to make the beasts adventurous, to go upon them. If there were a Plain of any good extent from the foot of a rock, to the next downfall; then might the bridge be shorter. When an Elephant was go a pretic way, upon one of these; the posts upholding the frame were cut asunder; thereby causing him to sink down unto the next bridge; whence he was conveyed, in like manner, to the third, and onward still, to the very bottom. Thus went they down sliding, some on their feet, others on their buttocks, till they come to an even valley. By this it appears, how thoroughly provided the Romans used to be in their journeys, of things needful in all occasions: as also what inestimable pains they took in this descent, about the conveyance of themselves and all their carriages down the mountains. The next day they rested; staying for Popilius and his company, who hardly or perhaps never, should have overtaken them, if the Enemy had followed, and set upon him from 〈◊〉. The third and fourth days journeys were like unto the first: save that custom, and the dearness to their ways end without meeting enemy, caused them the better to endure the labour.  
Perseus could not be ignorant of the Romans coming towards him: since they fought with his men upon the passage, three days together; he lying so nigh, that he might well-near have heard the noise. Yet was he so possessed with fear; that he neither stirred to help his own men, or to hinder the Consul, nor made any provision for that which might fall out; but as one voided of counsel, sat hearkening after the event. Four only passages there were, leading into Tempe: the first by Connus; which the Romans were unable to force: the second and third were the same which Martius had attempted in vain, and another like unto it: the last, by the City of Dium out of Macedon. All these were sufficiently guarded: and whosoever would seek any other way, must be feign to take such pains as Martius had undergone. The entrance by Dium was fairer than any of the rest: whereof only the King had benefit; for that his enemies could not get thither, save through the valley itself, into which they must first pierce another way. Dium stood upon the foot of the huge mountaives Olympus, about a mile from the sea: of which mile, the river Helicon becoming there a lake, and called Baphyras, took up the one half; the rest being such as might easily have been fortified. Besides all these, there was in the midst of Tempe, a passage which ten men might easily keep: where the spurs of the mountains, reaching far into the valley, drew 〈◊〉 to the very banks of Peneus, a goodly and deep river which ran thorough it. Wherhfore nothing had been more easy, than to make the Consul repent him of his troublesome journey: if Perseus could have seen his own advantages. For the Roman army was not only in ill case to fight, after the vexation of that miserable 〈◊〉: but must needs have either perished for want of victuals, or been enforced to return the same way that it come, if the King had made good the strength of Dium. To have returned, and climbed up with their Elephants and carriages, against those rocks, from which, with extreme labour, they could hardly get down, it seems a matter of impossibility: especially considering, how the enemy from above their heads, would have beaten upon them; being now ware of the path which they had taken, though he knew it not when they stole away from him. It may therefore be thought strange, that the Romans did not rather take their journey into Macedon, from the side of Illyria, whence that kingdom had often been invaded, as lying open on that part: than put themselves to the trouble of breaking into Tempe; whence, after that they were there arrived, there was no means to escape, without forcing one of those passages, which they despaired to win. But the cowardice of Perseus, did commend the counsel by them followed, as wise. For he no sooner heard that the Enemy was come over the mountains into Tempe; then he fared like one out of his wits; saying, That he was vanquished, and had lost all without battle. Herewithal he began to take out of Dium, what he could carry away in haste; and straightways abandoned the Town. In the same vehemency of amazement, he sent a straight commandment to Thessalonica, that the Arsenal there should be set on fire; and to Pella, that his treasures there should be cast into the sea: as if the Romans were like presently to be masters of these two Cities. Nicias, who was appointed to drown the treasure, performed it hastily as well as he could: though soon after, his master grew sorry for the loss; and it was all, in a manner, recovered by divers from under the water. But Andronicus, who had charge to set fire on the King's Arsenal, deferred the execution; foreseeing that repentance might follow: and so he prevented the damage. Whither Niceas, for his absolute and blind obedience, or Andronicus, for his careful providence, merited the greater commendation, or more easy pardon; it rested in the King to interpret. The reward of their service was this. Perseus' growing ashamed of his mad cowardice, that appeared in this hasty direction; caused them both to be slain. Also those poor men, which had fetched his treasure out of the sea by their diving, were paid their wages after the same sort: that so there might be no witness of the King's base folly. Such end must they fear, who are privy to dishonourable actions of great Princes. If Perseus would have go surely to work, for the hiding of his fault; then must he so royally have behaved himself, that no man might 〈◊〉 him to be the author of any unworthy act or counsel. But his virtue was of no such capacity. He thought it enough to lay the blame upon others. And therefore, having called Hippias away (the Captain which had stopped the Consul on the top of the mountain) and Asclepiodatus, from defence of the passages, whereto they were by him appointed: he rated them openly; saying, that they had betrayed unto the Enemy the gates and bars of Macedon. Of this reproach, if they would discharge themselves, by laying it upon him, to whom of right it belonged: then might they have sped as did Nicias and Andronicus.  
The Consul Martius had great cause to rejoice, for that the King so hastily relinquished his possession of Tempe, and all the passages leading thereinto: since the Roman army, this notwithstanding was hardly able to subsist, for want of victuals, He took Dium without resistance; & thence went forward into Macedon: wherein having traveled about a days journey, and gotten one town that yeeled, he was compelled, by mere lack of food for his men, to return back towards Thessaly. His fleet come to him, in this time of necessity, well appointed to have helped him in the war: but having left behind, at Magnesia, the ships of burden, which carried the provisions. Wherhfore it fell out happily, that one of his Lieutenants had been careful to occupy the Castles about Tempe, which were forsaken by the Macedonians: for by those ways only might corn be brought into the army. To meet the sooner with this corn, which was desirously expected; he for sook Dium, and went to Phila; by which foolish journey (if not worse than foolish) he lost more, than a little the longer fasting had been worth. It is probable that his carts, with all or the most of his store, were lost among the mountains: for otherwise it had been madness to put himself on such an enterprise, so slenderly provided, as that without enforcement, or sight of the Enemy, he should be feign to quite it. Howsoever it was: men thought him a coward, or at lest a bad man of war; since he thus recoiled and gave off, when it most behoved him to have prosecuted the action.  
By understanding the folly, or cowardice of Martius; the King recollected himself; understood his own error; sought to hide it by such poor means as have been showed; and laboured to make what amendss he could. He quickly repossessed the town of Dium, which he hastily repaired, finding it dismantled by the Romans. This 〈◊〉; he encamped strongly by the river Enipeus: meaning there to stop the Enemies proceeding all that Summer. Less diligence, more timely used, would have been enough, not only to have delivered Martius into his hand, who had beguiled him with an idle hope of peace: but to have given him such a noble victory, as might 'cause the Romans to seek a good end of the war upon fair conditions, & not to begin again in haste. Yet this recovery and fortification of Dium, was to the Consul an exceeding hindrance. For little or nothing could afterward be done toward the conquest in hand, in all the continuance of his office. Only the town of Heraclea, standing on the river of Peneus, five miles from Dium, was taken by force, or rather by a trick of climbing upon men's heads, somewhat after the manner of our tumblers. But it made such defence as it could; and was not given up for fear. After this Martius did set a bold face towards Dium; as if he would have taken it again, and have driven the King further off: though his intent or hope was nothing like so great: his chief care being to provide for his wintering. He sent the Admiral to make attempt upon the sea-towns, Thessalonica, Cassandrea, Demetrias and others. All these were assayed: but in vain. The fields about Thessalonica were wasted; and some companies, that sundry times adventured forth of the town, were still put to the worse. As for the town itself; there was danger in coming near it, either by land or sea; by reason of the engines, which shot from the walls, and reached unto the fleet. Wherefore the Admiral setting sail from thence, ran along by Aenia, and Antigonea, (landing near to each of them, and both doing and receiving hurt) until he come to Pallene in the territory of Cassandrea. There King Eumenes joined with him, bringing twenty ships of war: and five other were sent thither from King Prusias. With this access of strength the Admiral was bold to try his fortune at Cassandrea: which was bad. There was a new ditch lately cast by Perseus, before the town: which while the Romans were filling up, question was made, what become of the earth taken 〈◊〉, for that it lay not upon the bank. By this occasion, it was learned, that there were arches in the town wall filled up with that earth, and covered with one single row of brick. Hence the Admiral gathered hope of making way into the town, by sapping the walls. To this work he appointed such as he thought meetest: giving an alarm to the other side of the town, thereby to shadow his attempt, the breach was soon made. But whilst the Romans were shouting for joy, & ordering themselves for the assault: the Captains within the town perceived what was done; & sallying forth unexpected, gave a fierce charge on the companies that were between the ditch & the wall; of whom they slew about six hundred & suffered few to escape unwounded. This disaster, & the want of good success on that part of the town which king Eumenes assailed (a supply in the mean while entering the town by sea) caused the siege to break up. Torone was the next place which the Admiral thought meet to attempt: and thence likewise he was repelled. Finding this too well manned; he made way towards Demetrias: whereinto Euphranor, a Macedonian Captain, was gotten before his coming, with such forces, as were not only sufficient to have defended the Town, if the Admiral had laid siege to it, but to keep the land about it from spoil; or at lest (as they did) to 〈◊〉 the enemy pay dear for all that he there got. This Euphranor had taken his journey to Demetrias, by Melibaea; whither the Consul (that he might not be 〈◊〉 without work) had sent his Lieutenant to besiege it: and by the terror of his appearing suddenly over their heads, caused the besiegers to dislodge in all haste, setting their Camp on fire.  
Such fortune attended on the Romans; or rather, so far was their ability short of their Enterprises; ever since their Consul (whither dastardly, or carelessly) most unlike a good Commander had let go his hold of Macedon, by for saking Dium: Yea, it is to be suspected, that some greater harm befell them, or at lest, that they were in some greater danger, then is expressed in the broken remaining History of this War. For Martius persuaded the Rhodians by 〈◊〉 their 
〈◊〉. Legat. 80.  Ambassador, who come to him at Heraclea about other business of less importance, That they should do well to interpose themselves as mediators, and 〈◊〉 to finish the War. Now, although Polybius do most probably conjecture, that this was rather a malicious 〈◊〉 of Martius, craftily seeking to bring the Rhodians in danger (as anon it fell out) by their opposing the resolution of the Senate; then that it proceeded from any true fear in him, either of Perseus, or of Antiochus, who 〈◊〉 then an army on foot: yet since he made show of fear, it is like withal, that somewhat had happened, which might make his fear seem not sergeant. And so were the Rhodians moved to think of him; not only for that the extraordinary courtesy, both of him and of the Admiral, towards their Ambassador, coming from proud natures, did argue 〈◊〉, where there was no ambition to 'cause it; but much more, for that shortly after the Ambassadors of Perseus, & of Gentius the Illyrian did set out their business at Rhodes, not more with the strength of a good fleet, which the Macedonian had gotten, than with the honour of some victory, where in he had lately slain great numbers of the Roman horse. Thus much we found intimated: 
Polyp. Legat. 〈◊〉.  though the time place, or other circumstances of the fight, be not specified. And hereto may be referred, the report of those that were sent from Rome to view the estate of Martius his army. For they found the Consul wanting meat; the Admiral wanting men; & for those few that he had, wanting both money and clotheses: and Ap. Claudius the Praetor, who lay on the frontier of Illyria, so unable to invade Macedon, that contrariwise, he was in extreme danger, so as either he must quickly be sent for thence, or a new army be sent thither to him. Wherhfore it may seem, that some blow had been taken on the Illyrian side, which made all to halt; or at least, that the Romans with greater loss, than is before spoken of, had been driven from some of the Towns which they besieged.  
Now although it were so, that Martius in very few of his actions, behaved himself like a man of war: yet in exercise of Cunning, which one hath most aptly termed, a crooked or 〈◊〉 kind of wisdom, he dealt as a craftesmaster, with a restless working diligence. This indeed neither proved his sufficiency, nor commended his honesty: since thereby he effected nothing to his own benefit; and nevertheless, out of envy, vainglory, or such delight as weak and busie-headed men take, in creating inexplicable troubles, he directly made opposition to the good of his country. At such time as Perseus, by the success of his doings against Hostilius, had gotten much reputation, and was thought likely to invade Thessaly; Archo, Lycortas, and other good Patriotes among the Achaeans, judged it expedient for their Nation to help the Romans, as in a time of adversity, whom in prosperity they loved not to flatter. Wherhfore Archo proposed a decree which passed. That the Achaeans should sand their whole power into Thessaly, and participate with the 〈◊〉 in all danger. So the army was levied; and Polybius, with others, sent 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 78.  Ambassadors unto Martius, to certify him thereof, and know his pleasure. Polybius found the Consul busied in seeking passage through Tempe into Macedon. He went along with the army; and awaited the Consul's leisure till they come to Heraclea; where finding the time convenient, he presented the Decree, and offered the service of his Nation, wherein socuer it should be commanded. Martius took this very kindly; but said, that he needed now no manner of help. Forthwith Polybius dispatched home his companions, to signify thus much: tarrying himself behind in the Campe. After a while, word was brought to Martius, that Ap. Claudius desired, or rather imperiously required, of the Achaeans, five thousand men, to be sent him into Epirus. It was manifest, that Appius had need of these men; and that if he were strong in field, he might do notable service, by distracting the forces of Perseus. But the Labarynthian head of Martius could not allow of such plain reason. He called unto him Polybius, to whom he declared, that Appius had no need of such aid: and therefore willed him to return home, and in any wise take order that the men might not be sent, nor the Achaeans be put to such needless charges. Away went Polybius; musing and unable to resolve, whither it were for love to the Achaeans, that the Consul was so carnest in this business; or rather for envy, and to hinder App. Claudius from doing any thing, since himself could 〈◊〉 nothing. But when Polybius was to deliver his opinion in the Council, touching this matter: then found he a new doubt, that more nearly concerned his own self, and those of his party. For as he was sure to incur the great indignation of the Consul, if he should neglect what was given him in charge; so was it manifest on the other side, that the words by Martius uttered to him in private, would prove no good warrant for him and his friends, if openly they should refuse to help Claudius, alleging that he had no need: In this case therefore, he had recourse unto the decree of the Senate: which exempted men from necessity of doing what the Roman Commanders should require, unless by special order from the Senate, the same were likewise appointed. So for lack of warrant from the Senate, this demand of Appius was referred unto the advice of the Consul: by whom it was sure to be made frustrate. Hereby the Achaeans were saviours, of more than an hundred and twenty talents: though Polybius himself ran into danger of Appius his displeasure; and for such honest dealing in his Country's behalf, was afterwards rewarded by the Romans with many a long years imprisonment.  
Whither it were by the like policy of Martius, that King Eumenes grew cold in his affection to the Romans; or whither this King began when it was too late, to stand in fear, jest the fire, which he himself had helped to kindle, would shortly take hold on his own lodging; or whither the regard of money were able to oversway all other passions; it is hard to determine: since they that had better means to know the truth, have not precisely affirmed any certainty. One report is, that Eumenes did not so much as give any help to Martius: but coming to have joined with him, in such friendly manner as he did with the former Consuls, was not entertained according to his liking; and thereupon returned home in such anger, that he refused to leave behind him certain horse of the Gallogreekes, being requested to have done it. If this were true; and that his brother Attalus tarrying behind with the Consul, did the Romans good service: then is the reason apparent, of the hatred, borne afterwards by the Senate to Eumenes, and the love to Attalus. But it is more generally received; that Eumenes gave a willing care to Perseus his desire of accord, for mere desire of gain. And it might well be, that covetousness drew him on, in the course, whereinto indignation first led him. Howsoever it befell; Perseus caused Eumenes to be sounded, and found him so tractable, that he was bold to solicit him by an Embassage. The tenor of his advertisements, both to Eumenes, and to Antiochus, was: That there could be no perfect love between a King and a free City: That the Romans had quarrel alike to all Kings, though they dealt with no more than one at a time, and used the help of one against another; That Philip was oppressed by them, with the help of Attalus; Antiochus, with the help of Philip and Eumenes; and now Perseus assailed, with help of Eumenes and 〈◊〉. Herewith he willed Eumenes to consider, that when Macedon was taken out of their way, they would be doing with him in Asia, which lay next at hand; yea, that already they began to think better of 〈◊〉, than of him. In like sort he admonished Antiochus, not to look for any good conclusion of his war with the Egyptian, so long as the Romans could make him give over, by denouncing their will and pleasure. Finally, he requested both of them, either to compel the Romans, to surcease from their war upon Macedon; or else to hold them as common enemies unto all Kings. Antiochus lay far out of the Romans way: and therefore was little troubled with such remonstrances. Eumenes was more nearly touched; and as he felt part of this to be true, so had he reason to stand in doubt of the rest. Yet when he should give answer; he began to offer a bargain of peace for money. He thought the Romans to be no less weary, than Perseus was afraid. Wherhfore he promised, for his own part, That if he might have fifteen hundred Talents for withdrawing his hand from this War, then would he remain a Neuter therein: and that for some greater quantity of money (how much I find not) he would also bring the Romans to 〈◊〉 unto peace: and for assurance of his true meaning herein, he offered to give hostages. Perseus liked well to receive the hostages: but not to lay out the money; especially before hand, as was required. He would feign have peace with Rome, and not with Eumenes only. For procuring of this, he promised to be at any reasonable cost: but he would lay down the money in the Temple at Samothrace: whence it should be delivered unto Eumenes, after that the peace was fully concluded and ratified. The 〈◊〉 of Samothrace was Perseus his own: and therefore Eumenes thought the money no nearer to him, being there, than if it remained in Pella. Besides, his labour deserved somewhat, howsoever the business might happen to succeed: so that needs he would have part of his wages in priest. Thus the two Kings did no more, than lose time; and Eumenes grew suspected of the Romans, as a Traitor.  
After the same manner dealt 〈◊〉 with King Gentius the Illyrian. He had attempted this 〈◊〉 before; who dealt plainly, and said, That without money he could not stir. Hereunto Perseus loved, not to harken; thinking, that his Treasures would serve at the last cast, to deliver him from all his fears. But when the Romans had gotten within Tempe, then did his fear urge him to prodigality; so as he agreed to pay three hundred Talents, which Gentius demanded for a recompense. So the bargain was soon made, and pledges on both sides delivered for performance. This was openly done by Perseus; to the end that all his army might have comfort, by such access of strength to their party. Presently upon the bargain made, Ambassadors were sent to Rhodes, from both Perseus and Gentius: who desired the Rhodians, to take upon them, as arbitrators, between Perseus and the Romans, and to bring the War to an end. The Rhodians thinking that Martius the Consul was no less desirous of peace than the Macedonian, arrogantly promised, that they, by their authority, would make peace; wishing the Kings to show themselves consormable. But the Roman Senate, hearing proud words to the same effect, from the Rhodian Ambassadors; gave an answer, as disdainful, angry, and menacing, as they could devise: so as this vain glory of the 〈◊〉 was thoroughly chastised; and more thoroughly should have been, if their submission had not been as humble, as their folly was proud. Such use of 〈◊〉 his friendship, made Perseus; without laying out one ounce of Silver. Now feign he would have hastened this young and rash Illyrian to enter with all 〈◊〉 into the War: but then must the money be hastened away. Pantauchus, the Macedonian Ambassador, who remained with Gentius, exhorted him daily to begin the War by land and sea, whilst the Romans were 〈◊〉. But finding what it was that made all to stay; he sent word to Perseus. Hereupon ten Talents were sent to Pantauchus: who delivered it to the young King, as earnest of that which followed. Moore followed indeed; and sealed up with the seal of the Illyrians; but carried by Macedonians, and not too fast. Before this money come into Illyria, Gentius had laid hands upon two Roman Ambassadors, and cast them into prison. Which Perseus no sooner heard, than he recalled his Treasure-bearers, and sent them with their load to Pella; for that now the Illyrian was of necessity to make war with the Romans, whither he were hired thereto, or not.  
There come about the same time, through Illyria, to the aid of Perseus, under 
Liu. lib. 44.  
Plutarch. in vit. 〈◊〉.  one Clondicus a petty King, ten thousand horse and ten thousand foot, of the Gauls, which were (as Plutarch hath it) the Bastarnae. These had before hand made their bargain, and were to receive present pay at the first. At their 〈◊〉 into the Kingdom, Perseus sent one to them; desiring their Captains to come visit him, whom he promised to gratify with goodly rewards; hoping that the multitude would take good words for payment. But the first question that their General asked, was, Whither the King had sent money to give the soldiers their pay in hand, according to his bargain? Hereto the messenger had not what to answer. Why then (〈◊〉 Clondicus) tell thy master, That the Gauls will not stir one foot further, until 〈◊〉 have gold, as was agreed, and hostages. Perseus hereupon took counsel: if to utter his own opinion, before men so wise that they would not contradict him, were to take counsel. He made an invective against the incivility and avarice of the Bastarnae: who come with such numbers, as could not but be dangerous to him and to his Kingdom. Five thousand horse of them he said would be as many as he should need to use; and not so many, that he should need to fear them. It had 〈◊〉 well done, if 〈◊〉 of his counsellors would have told him, That there wanted not employment for the whole army of them, since without any danger to the Kingdom, they might be let out, by the way of Perraebia, into Thessaly: where wasting the Country, and filling themselves with spoil, they should make the Romans glad to for sake Tempe, even for hunger and all manner of want; therein doing the King notable service, whither they won any victory, or not. This, and a great deal more, might have been alleged, if any man had dared to give advice freely. In conclusion, Antigonus, the same messenger that had been with them before, was fent again, to let them know the King's mind. He did his errand: upon which followed a great murmur of those many thousands that had been drawn so far to no purpose. But 〈◊〉 asked him now again, Whither he had brought the money along with him, to pay those five thousand, whom the King would entertain. Hereto, when it was perceived, that Antigonus could make no better answer, than shifting excuses; the Bastarnae returned presently towards Danubius, wasting the neighbours parts of Thrace; yet suffering this crafty messenger to escape unhurt: which was more than he could have well expected.  
Thus dealt Perseus, like a careful Treasurer, and one that would preserve his money for the Romans, without diminishing the sum. But of this painful Office he was very soon discharged by L. Aemylius Paulus the new Consul: who in fifteen days after his setting forth from Italy, brought the Kingdom of Macedon to that end, for which GOD had appointed over it a King so foolish and so cowardly.   

§. VIII. Of L. AEMYLIUS PAULUS the Consul. His journey. He forceth PERSEUS to discampe. He will not hazard battle with any disadvantage. Of an Eclipse of the Moon. AEMYLIUS his superstition. The 〈◊〉 of Pydna. PERSEUS his flight. He for sakes his Kingdom: which hastily yields to AEMYLIUS. PERSEUS at Samothrace. He yields himself to the Roman Admiral; and is sent prisoner to AEMYLIUS.  
BY the War of Macedon, the Romans hitherto had gotten much dishonour. Which, though it were not accompanied with any danger, yet the indignity so moved them, that either * they decreed 
Plutarchin 〈◊〉. Aemyl.  that Province to L. Aemylius Paulus, without putting it, as was otherwise their manner, to the chance of lot, between him and his fellow Consul; or at lest were gladder that the lot had cast it upon him, than that so worthy a man was advanced to the dignity of a second Consulship. He refused to propound unto the Senate any thing that concerned his Province; until by Ambassadors, thither sent to view the estate of the War, it was perfectly understood, in what condition both the Roman forces, and the Macedonian, at the present remained. This being thoroughly known to be such, as hath been already told; the Senate appointed a strong supply, not only to the Consul, but unto the Navy, and likewise to the Army that lay between Illyria and 〈◊〉; from which App. Claudius was removed, and L. Anicius sent thither in his place. Aemylius, before his departure from Rome, making an Oration to the People, as was the custom, spoke with much gravity and authority. He requested those that thought themselves wise enough to manage this War, either to accompany him into Macedon, and there assist him with their advice; or else to govern their tongues at home, and not take upon them to give directions by hearsay, and 〈◊〉 by idle reports: for he told them plainly, That he would frame his doings to occasions; not to the expectation of the multitude. The like speech of his father L. Aemylius, who died valiantly in the Battle of Cannae, might well be living in some of their memories: which was enough to make them conform themselves the more gladly unto the instructions given by a wise and resolute Consul.  
All his business within the City being dispatched, Aemylius was honourably attended, at his setting forth on his journey; with an especial hope of men, that he should finish the War: though that he should finish it so soon and happily, was more than could have been hoped or imagined. He come to 〈◊〉: whence, when the wind come fair, he set sail at break of day, and arrived safely at the Isle of 〈◊〉 before night. Thence passed he to 〈◊〉: where, having done sacrifice to Apollo, after the fift day he set forwards to the Camp; and was there in five days more. So are there but five of the fifteen days remaining, in which he finished the War.  
Perseus lay strongly encamped at Dium; having spared no labour of men and of women to fortify the banks of Enipeus, where it was fordeable in dry weather: So as there was little hope, or noon, to force him; and consequently, as little possibility to enter that way into Macedon. One great 〈◊〉 troubling the Romans, and much disabling them to make attempt upon Dium; was lack of fresh water. For there were ten miles between Dium and Tempe; all the way lying between the Sea shoarc and the foot of Olympus, without any Brook or Spring breaking forth on that side. But Aemylius found present remedy for this, by digging Wells on the shore; where he found sweet Springs: as commonly there is no shore that wants them, though they rise not above the ground. Want of this knowledge was enough to hinder Martius from taking up his lodging any nearer to the enemy, than the Twone of Heraclea, on the River of Peneus; where he had watering at pleasure, but could perform no service of any worth. Yet when the Roman Camp had such means to lie close to the Macedonian, as it presently did; the passage onward, being defended as hath been showed, seemed no less difficult than before. Wherhfore it was necessary to search another way: which by inquiry was soon found out. There was a narrow passage over Olympus, leading into Perraebia; hard of ascent, but slenderly guarded, and therefore promising a fair journey. Martius either had not been informed hereof; or durst not attempt it: or perhaps could not get his soldiers to make the adventure; they fearing lest it would prove such a piece of work, as had been their march over Ossa into Tempe. But Paulus was a man of greater industry, courage, and ability, to command. He had reform, even at his first coming, many disorders in the Roman Camp: teaching the soldiers, among other good lessons, to be obedient and ready in execution; without troubling themselves, as had been their manner, to examine the doings and purposes of their General. And now he appointed about five thousand men to this Enterprise: whereof he committed the charge unto Scipio Aemylianus and Q. Fabius Maximus, his own sons by nature, but adopted; the one of them, by a son of Scipio the African; the other, by one of the Fabiuses. Scipio took with him some light-armed Thracians and Cretans; but his main strength was of Legionaries. For the King's guard, upon the mountain, consisted in a manner wholly of Archers and Slingers: who, though, at some distance, they might do notable service against those that should climb up unto them; yet when the darkness took away their aim, they were like to make a bad night's work, being to deal with those that were armed to fight at hand. To conceal the business about which they went, Scipio and Fabius took a wrong way, towards the 〈◊〉; where victuals were provided for their journey: it being noised, that they were to run along the coast of Macedon by sea, and waste the Country. All the while that they were passing the Mountains (which was about three days) the Consul made show of a meaning to set upon Perseus where he lay, rather to divert the King's attention from that which was his main Enterprise, than upon any hope to do good, in seeking to get over Enipeus. The Channel of Enipeus, which received in Winter time a greatfall of waters from the Mountains, was exceeding deep and broad; and the ground of it was such, as though at the present it lay well-near all dry, yet it served not for those that were weightily armed to fight upon. Wherhfore Aemylius employed noon save his Velites; of whom the King's light armature had advantage at far distance, though the Romans were better appointed for the close. The Engines from off the Towers which Perseus had raised on his own bank, did also beaten upon the Romans, and gave them to understand, that their labour was in vain. Yet Aemylius 〈◊〉 as he had begun; and continued his assault, such as it could be, the second day. This might have served to teach the Macedonian, that some greater work was in hand: since otherwise a good Captain, as Aemylius was known to be, would not have troubled himself with making such bravadoes, that were somewhat costly. But Perseus looked only unto that which was before his eyes: until his men, that come running fearfully down the Mountain, brought word into the Camp, That the Romans were following at their backs. Than was all full of tumult; and the King himself no less (if not more) amazed than any of the rest. Order was forthwith given to dislodge: or rather without order, in all tumultuous haste, the Camp was broken up, and a speedy retreat made to Pydna. Whither it were so, that they which had custody of the passage were taken sleeping, or whither they were beaten by plain force; Scipio and Fabius had very good success in their journey. It may well be, that they slept until the Romans come somewhat near to them; and then taking alarm, when their arrows and slings could do little service, were beaten at handy strokes: so as the different relations that are cited by Plutarch out of Polybius, and an Epistle of Scipio, may each of them have been true. Thus was an open way 〈◊〉 into Macedon: which had been effected by Martius in the year foregoing; but was closed up again, through his not prosecuting so rich an opportunity.  
Perseus was in extreme doubt what course to take, after this unhappy beginning. Some gave advice, to man his Towns, and so to linger out the War: having been taught by the last years example, how resolute the people were in making defence. But far worse counsel prevailed: as generally it doth in turbulent and fearful deliberations. The King resolved to put all at once to hazard of battle: fearing belike to put himself into any one Town, lest that should be first of all besieged; and he therein (as cowardly natures always are jealous) not over-carefully relieved. This was even the same that Aemylius, or any inuador, should have desired. So a place was chosen near unto Pydna, that served well for the Phalanx, and had likewise on the sides of it some pieces of higher ground, fit for the archers and light armature. There he abode the coming of the enemy; who stayed not long behind him. As soon as the Romans had sight of the King's Army; which, with greater fear than discretion, had hasted away from them, forsaking the Camp that was so notably well fortified: they desired 〈◊〉 more, than to give battle immediately; doubting lest otherwise the King should change his mind, and get further off. And to this effect Scipio broke with the Consul; praying him not to lose occasion by delay. But Aemylius told him, That he spoke like a young man; and therefore willed him to have patience. The Romans were tired with their journey; had no Camp wherein to rest themselves; nor any thing there, save only the bore ground whereon they trod. For these and the like respects, the Consul made a stand: and showing himself unto the Macedonian, who did the like, in order of battle; gave charge to have the Camp measured out and entrenched behind the Army; whereinto, at good leisure, he fell back, without any manner of trouble. After a night's rest, it was hoped, both by the Romans, and by the Macedonians, that the matter should be determined; each part thinking their own General too blame, for that they had not 〈◊〉 the same day. As for the King, he excused himself by the backwardness of the enemy; who advanced no further, but kept upon ground serving ill for the Phalanx: as on the other side the Consul had the reasons before showed, which he communicated to those about him the next day.  
That evening (which followed the third of September, by the Roman account) C. Sulpicius Gallus, a Colonel, or Tribune of a Legion, who had the former year been Praetor, foretold unto the Consul, and (with his good liking) unto the army, an Eclipse of the Moon, which was to be the same night: willing the soldiers not to be troubled therewith, for that it was natural, and might be known long before it was seen. It was the manner of the Romans, in such Eclipses, to beaten Pans of Brass and Basins, as we do in following a swarm of Bees; thinking, that thereby they did the Moon great ease, and helped her in her labour. But this prognostication of Sulpicius converted their superstition into admiration of his deep skill, when they seen it verified. Contrariwise, the Macedonians howled and made a great noise as long as the Eclipse lasted: rather perhaps because it was their fashion, than for that they were terrified therewith, as with a prodigy betokening their loss; since their desire to fight was no whit lessened by it. I will not here stand to dispute, Whither such Eclipses do signify, or 'cause any alteration in civil affairs, and matters that have small dependence on natural complexion: for the argument is too large. Moore worthy of observation it is, how superstition captivates the wisdom of the wisest, where the help of true Religion is wanting. Aemylius, though he were sufficiently instructed concerning this defect of the Moon, that it was no supernatural thing, nor above the reach of human understanding, so as he should need to trouble himself with any devout regard thereof: yet could he not refrain from doing his duty to this Moon, and congratulating with sacrifice her 〈◊〉, as soon as she shone out bright again: for which, he is commended even by Plutarch, a sage Philosopher, as a godly and religious man. If Sulpicius perhaps did not assist him in this foolish devotion; yet is it like, that he, being a Senator, and one of the Council for War, was partaker the next morning in a Sacrifice done to Hercules; which was no less foolish. For a great part of the day was vainly consumed, ere Hercules could be pleased with any Sacrifice, and 〈◊〉 to show tokens of good luck in the entrails of the beasts. At length, in the belly of the one and twentieth Sacrifice, was 〈◊〉 a promise of victory to Aemylius; but with condition, That he should not give the onset. Hercules was a Greek, and partial, as nearer in alliance to the Macedonian than to the Roman. Wherhfore it had been better to call upon the new Goddess, lately canonised at Alabanda; or upon Romulus, founder of their City, on whom the Romans had bestowed his Deity; or (if a God of elder date were more authentical) upon Mars the Father of Romulus, to whom belonged the guidance of military affairs; and who therefore would have limited his favour, with no injunctions contrary to the rules of War.  
Now concerning the Battle; Aemylius was thoroughly persuaded, that the King meant to abide it: for that otherwise he would not have stayed at Pydna, when, as a little before, his leisure served to retire wither he listed, the Romans being further off. In regard of this, and perhaps of the tokens appearing in the Sacrifices, the Consul thought that he might wait upon advantage, without making any great haste. Neither was it to be neglected, that the morning Sun was full in the Romans faces: which would be much to their hindrance all the forenoon. Since therefore Perseus kept his ground, that was commodious for the Phalanx, and Aemylius sent forth part of his men to bring in Wood and Fodder; there was no likelihood of fight that day. But about ten of the clock in the morning, a small occasion brought to pass that, which whereto neither of the Generals had over earnest desire. A horse broke lose at watering; which two or three of the Roman soldiers followed into the river, wading after him up to the knees. The King's men lay on the further bank; whence a couple of Thracians ran into the water, to draw this horse over to their own side. These fell to blows, as in a private quarrel; and one of the Thracians was 〈◊〉. His countrymen seeing this, hasted to revenge their fellows death, and followed those that had slain him over the river. Hereupon company come in, to help on each part, until the number grew such, as made it past a fray, and caused both the armies to be careful of the event. In fine, each of the Generals placed his men in order of battle, accordly as the manner of his Country, and the arms, wherewith they served, did require. The ground was a flat level, save that on the sides a few hillocks were raised here and there; whereof each part might take what advantage it could. The Macedonians were the greater number, the Romans the better 〈◊〉, and better appointed. Both the King and the Consul encouraged their men with lively words: which the present condition could bountifully afford. But the King having finished his Oration, and sent on his men, withdrew himself into Pydna: there to do sacrifice, as he pretended, unto 〈◊〉. It is the less marvel, that he durst adventure battle, since he had bethought himself of such a stratagem, whereby to save his own person. As for Hercules, he liked not the sacrifice of a coward: whose unseasonable devotion could be no better than hypocrisy. For he that will pray for a good Harvest, aught also to Blow, Sow, and weed his Ground. When therefore the King returned to the battle, he found it no better than lost: and he, in looking to his own safety, caused it to be lost altogether, by beginning the flight. The acts of this day, such as we find recorded, are, That the Roman Elephants could do no manner of good; That the Macedonian Phalanx did so 〈◊〉 press onwards, and beaten off all which come before it, as Amylius was thereat much astonished; That the Peligni rushing desperately on the Phalanx, were over-borne, many of them slain, and the squadrons following them so discouraged herewith, as they retired apace towards an hill. These were the things that fell out adverse to the Romans; and which the Consul beholding, is said to have rend his coat-armor for grief. If the King with all his power of horse, had in like manner done his devoir; the victory might have been his own. That which turned the fortune of the battle, was the same which doubtless the Consul expected, even from the beginning: the difficulty, or almost impossibility, of holding the 〈◊〉 long in order. For whilst some of the Romans small battalions 〈◊〉 hard upon one part of it, and others recoiled from it; it was necessary (if the Macedontans would follow upon those which were put to the worse) that some files having open way before them, should advance themselves beyond the rest that were held at a stand. This coming so to pass, admonished the Consul, what was to be done. The long pikes of the Macedonians were of little use, when they were charged in flank by the Roman Targeteers; according to direction given by Aemylius, when he seen the front of the Enemies great battle become unequal, and the ranks in some places open, by reason of the unequal resistance which they found. Thus was the use of the Phalanx proved unavaileable against many small squadrons, as it had been formerly in the battle of Cynoscephalae: yea, this form of embattailing was found unserviceable against the other, by reason, that being not every where alike distressed, it would break of itself; though here were little such inconvenience of ground, as had been at 
* 〈◊〉. 4. § 14.  Cynoscephalae.  
Perseus, when he seen his battle begin to rout, turned his bridle presently, and ran amain towards 〈◊〉. All his horse escaped, in a manner, untouched, and a great number followed him; the little harm which they had taken, witnessing the little good 〈◊〉 which they had done. As for the poor foot; they were 〈◊〉 to the mercy of the Enemy: who slew above twenty thousand of them; though having little cause to be furious, as having lost, in that battle, only some 〈◊〉, or sixscore men at the most. Some of the foot, escaping from the 〈◊〉, overtook the king & his company in a wood; where they fell to railing at the horsemen, calling them cowards, traitors, and such other names, till at length they fell to blows. The King was in doubt jest they had ill meaning to himself: and therefore turned out of the common way, being followed by such as thought it good. The rest of the company dispersed themselves: every one as his own occasions guided him. Of those that kept along with their King, the number began within awhile to lessen. For he fell to devising upon whom he might lay the blame of that days misfortune, which was most due to himself: thereby causing those that knew his nature, to shrink away from him, how they could. At his coming to Pella; he found his Pages and household servants, ready to attended him, as they had been wont. But of his great men that had escaped from the battle, there was noon appearing in the Court. In this melancholy like time, there were two of his Treasurers that had the boldness to come to him, and tell him roundly of his faults. But in reward of their unseasonable admonitions, he stabbed them both to death. After this, noon whom he sent for would come at him. This boded no good. Wherhfore standing in fear, jest they that refused to come at his call, should 〈◊〉 dare some greater mischief; he stole out of Pella by night. Of his friends he had with him only evander (who had been employed to kill Eumenes at Delphi) and two other. There followed him likewise about five hundred Cretians more for love of his money, than of him. To these he gave of his plate, as much as was worth about fifty talents, though shortly he cozened them of some part thereof; making show as if he would have redeemed it; but never paying the money. The third day after the battle he come to Amphipolis; where he exhorted the townsmen to fidelity, with tears; and his own speech being hindered by tears, appointed evander to speak what himself would have uttered. But the Amphipolitans made it their chief care, to look well to themselves. Upon the first fame of the overthrow, they had emptied their town of two thousand Thracians that lay there in garrison: sending them forth under colour of a gainful employment, and shutting the gates after them. And now to be rid of the King; they plainly bade evander be go. The King hearing this, had no mind to tarry: but embarking himself and the treasure which he had there, in certain vessels that he found in the river Strymon; passed over to the Isle of Samothrace: where he hoped to live safe, by privilege of the religious Sanctuary therein.  
These miserable shifts of the King make it the less doubtful, how all the kingdom fell into the power of Aemylius, within so few days after his victory. Pydna which was 〈◊〉 at hand, was the last that yielded. About six thousand of the soldiers, that were of sundry Nations, fled out of the battle into that Town; and prepared for defence: the confused rabble of so many strangers hindering all deliberation and consent. Hippius who had kept the passage over Ossa against Martius, with Pantauchus, who had been sent Ambassador to Gentius the Illyrian, were the first that come in: yielding themselves and the Town of Beraea, wither they had retired out of the battle. With the like message come others from Thessalonica, from Pella, and from all the Towns of Macedon, within two days: the loss of the head bereaving the whole body of all sense and strength. Neither did they of Pydna stand out any longer, when they knew that the King had forsaken his Country: but opened their gates upon such terms, that the sack of it was granted to the Roman army. Aemylius sent abroad into the Country, such as he thought meetest, to take charge of other Cities: he himself marching towards Pella. He found in Pella no more than three hundred talents; the same whereof Perseus had lately defrauded the Illyrian. But within a little while he shall have more.  
It was soon understood, that Perseus had taken Sanctuary, in the Temple at Samothrace: his own letters to the Consul, confirming the report. He sent these letters by persons of such mean condition; that his case was pitied, for that he wanted the service of better men. The scope of his writing was, to desire favour: which though he begged in terms ill beseeming a King; yet since the inscription of his Epistle was, King PERSEUS to the Consul PAULUS; the Consul, who had taken from him his Kingdom, and would not allow him to retain the Title, refused to make answer thereunto. So there come other letters, as humble as could be expected: whereby he craved and obtained, that some might be sent to confer with him about matters of his present estate. Nevertheless in this conference, he was marvelous earnest, that he might be allowed to retain the name of King. And to this end it was perhaps, that he had so carefully preserved his treasure, unto the very last: flattering himself with such vain hopes as these; That the Romans would neither violate a Sanctuary, nor yet neglect those great riches in his possession; but compound with him for money, letting him have his desire to live at ease, and be called King. Yea it seems that he had indeed, even from the beginning, a desire to live in this Isle of Samothrace: both for that in one of his consultations about the war, he was dehorted by his friends, from seeking to exchange his Kingdom of Macedon, for * such a paltry Island; and for that he offered to lay up the money which Eumenes 
Liu. lib. 42.  demanded, in the holy Temple that was there. But he finds it otherwise. They urge him to give place unto necessity, and without more ado, to yield to the discretion and mercy of the people of Rome. This is so far against his mind, that the conference breaks osf without effect. Presently there arrives at Samothrace Cn. Octavius the Roman Admiral, with his 〈◊〉: who assays, as well by terrible threats, as by fair language, to draw the King out of his lurking hole; wherein, for fear of imprisonment, he had imprisoned himself. When all would not serve, a question was moved to the 〈◊〉; How they durst pollute their Temple, by receiving into it one that had violated the like holy privilege of Sanctuary, by attempting the murder of King Eumenes at Delphi? This went to the quick. The Samothracians, being now in the power of the Romans, take this matter to heart; and sand word to the King, That evander, who lives with him in the Temple, is accused of an impious fact committed at Delphi, whereof unless he can clear himself in judgement, he must not be suffered to profane that holy place, by his abiding in it. The reverence borne to his 〈◊〉, now past, makes them forbear to say, that Perseus himself is charged with the same crime. But what will this availc, when the minister of the fact being brought into judgement, shall (as is to be fcared) appeach the author? Perseus therefore willeth evander to have consideration of the little favour that can be expected at the Romans hand, who are like to be precedents and overseers of this judgement: so as it were better to die valiantly, since noon other hope remains, than hope to make good an ill cause; where, though he had a good plea, yet it could not help him. Of this motion evander seems to like well: and either kills himself, or hoping to escape thence, by deferring the time as it were to get poison wherewith to end his life, is killed by the King's commandment. The death of this man, who had stuck to Perseus in all times of need, makes all the King's friends that remained hitherto, to forsake him: so as noon are left with him, save his wife and children, with his Pages. It is much to be suspected, that they which leave him upon this occasion, will tell perilous tales, and say, That the King hath lost the privilege of this holy Sanctuary, by murdering evander therein. Or if the Romans will affirm so much, who shall dare to gain say them? Since therefore there is nothing but a point of formality, and even that also liable to dispute, which preserves him from captivity; he purposeth to make an escape, and fly, with his Treasures, unto Cotys his good friend, into Thrace. Oroandes, a Cretian, lay at Samothrace with one ship; who easily was persuaded to waft the King thence. With all secrecy the King's money, as much as could be so 〈◊〉, was carried aboard by night; and the 
Plutarch. in vit. 〈◊〉  King himself, with his wise and * children (if rather it were not true, that he had with him only * Philip his elder son, who was only by adoption his 
Liu lib. 45.  son, being his * brother by nature) with much ado got out at a window by 
Liu. lib. 42.  a rope, and over a mud wall. At his coming to the Sea side, he found no Oroandes there: the Cretians had played a Crettan trick, and he was go with the money to his own home. So it began to wax clear day, whilst Perseus was searching all along the shore: who had stayed so long about this, that he might fear to be intercepted ere he could recover the Temple. He ran therefore amain towards his lodging: and thinking it not safe to enter it the common way, jest he should be taken; he hide himself in an obscure corner. His Pages missing him, ran up and down making inquiry; till Octavius made Proclamation, That all the King's Pages, and Macedonians whatsoever, abiding with their master in Samothrace, should have their lives and liberty, with all to them belonging, which they had either in that Isle, or at home in Macedon, conditionally, That they should presently yield themselves to the Romans. Hereupon they all come in. Likewise jon, a Thessalonian, to whom the King had given the custody of his children, delivered them up to Octavius. Lastly, Perseus himself, with his son Philip, accusing the gods of Samothrace, that had no better protected him; rendered himself, and made the Roman victory complete. If he had not trusted in those gods of Samothrace, but employed his whole care in the defence of Macedon, without other hope of living, than of reigning therein; he might well have brought this War to an happier end. Now, by dividing his cogitations, and pursuing, at once, those contrary hopes of saving his Kingdom by arms, and himself by flight; he is become a spectacle of misery, and one among the number of those Princes, that have been wretched by their own default. He was presently sent away to Aemylius; before whom he fell to the ground so basely, that he seemed thereby to dishonour the victory over himself, as gotten upon one of abject quality, and therefore the less to be 〈◊〉. Aemylius used to him the language of a gentle Victor: blaming him, though mildly, for having, with so hostile a mind, made War upon the Romans. Hereto good answer might have been returned by one of better spirit. As for Perseus, he answered all with a fearful silence. He was comforted with hope of life, or (as the Consul termed it) almost assurance; for that such was the mercy of the People of Rome. After these good words, being invited to the Consuls Table, and respectively entreated, he was committed prisoner to Q. Aelius.  
Such end had this Macedonian War, after four years continuance: and such end therewithal had the Kingdom of Macedon; the glory whereof, that had sometime filled all parts of the World then known, was now translated unto Rome.   

§. IX.. GENTIUS, King of the Illyrians, taken by the Romans.  
ABout the same time, and with like celerity, Anicius the Roman Praetor, who succeeded unto App. Claudius; had the like success against King Gentius the Illyrian. Gentius had an Army of fifteen thousand; with which he was at Lissus, ready to assist King Perseus as soon as the money should come, whereof he had received only ten Talents. But Anicius arrested him on the way; fought with him; overcame him; and drove him into 
* Called now 〈◊〉.  Scodra. This Town was very defensible by nature, besides the help of fortification; and strongly manned with all the force of Illyria; which, assisted with the King's presence, made it seem unpossible to be won, in any not a very long time. Yet Anicius was confident in his late victory; and therefore presented his Army before the walls, making countenance to give an assault. The Illyrians, that might easily 〈◊〉 defended themselves within the Town, would needs issue forth and fight. They were, it seems, rather passionate than courageous: for they were beaten; and thereupon forthwith began amazedly to treat about yielding. The King sent Ambassadors; by whom, at first, he desired truce for three days, that he might deliberate concerning his estate. It ill become him, who had laid violent hand on the Roman Ambassadors, to have recourse to such mediation. But he thought his own fault pardonable, in as much as hitherto there was no greater harm done by him, than the casting of those Ambassadors into prison; where they were still alive. Having obtained three days respite, he passed up a River, within half a mile of the Roman Camp, into the Lake of Scodra, as it were to consult the more privately; though indeed, to harken whither the report were true, that his brother Caravantius was coming to his rescue. Finding that no such help was toward, it is wonder, that he was so foolish as to return into Scodra. He sent messengers craving access unto the Praetor: before whom having lamented his folly past (which, excepting the dishonesty, was not so great as his folly present) he fell down humbly, and yielded himself to discretion. All the Towns of his Kingdom, together with his wife, children, brother, and friends, were presently given up. So this War ended in thirty days: the People of Rome not knowing that it was begun; until Perpenna, one of the Ambassadors that had been imprisoned, brought word from Anicius how all had passed.   

§. X. How the Romans behaved themselves in Greece and Macedon after their victory over PERSEUS.  
NOw began the Romans to swell with the pride of their fortune; and to look tyrannically upon those that had been unmannerly toward them before, whilst the War with Perseus seemed full of danger. The Rhodian Ambassadors were still at Rome, when the tidings of these victories were brought thither. Wherhfore it was thought good to call them into the Senate, and bid them do their errand again. This they performed with bad grace; saying, that they were sent from Rhodes to make an overture of peace; forasmuch as it was thought, that this War was no less grievous to the Romans themselves, than to the Macedonians and many others: but that now they were very glad, and in behalf of the Rhodians did congratulate with the Senate and People of Rome, that it was ended much more happily than had been expected. Hereto the Senate made answer, That the Rhodians had sent this Embassage to Rome, not for love to Rome, but in favour of the Macedonian; whose partisans they were, and should so be taken. By these threats, and the desire of some (covetous of the charge) to have War proclaimed against Rhodes; the Ambassadors were so affrighted, that in mourning apparel, as humble suppliants, they went about the City; beseeching all men, especially the great ones, to pardon their indiscretion, and not to prosecute them with vengeance for some foolish words. This danger of War from Rome being known at Rhodes, all that had been any whit averse from the Romans in the late War of Macedon, were either taken and condemned, or sent prisoners to Rome; excepting some that slew themselves for fear, whose goods also were confiscated. Yet this procured little grace; and less would have done, if old M. Cato, a man by nature vehement, had not uttered a mild sentence, and advertised the Senate, That in decreeing War against Rhodes, they should much dishonour themselves, and make it thought, that 
* Caesar in 〈◊〉. apud Sallust. de Coniurat. 〈◊〉.  rather the wealth of that City, which they were greedy to ransack, than any just cause, had moved them thereto. This consideration, together with their good deserts in the Wars of Philip and Antiochus, helped well the Rhodians: among whom, noon of any mark remained alive, save those that had been of the Roman Faction. All which notwithstanding, many years passed, ere by importunate svit, they could be admitted into the society of the Romans: a favour which till now, they had not esteemed, but thought themselves better without it, as equal friends.  
With the like, or greater severity, did the Romans make themselves terrible in all parts of Greece. Aemylius himself made progress through the Country; visiting all the famous places therein, as for his pleasure: yet not forgetting to make them understand what power he had over them. Moore than five hundred of the chief citizens in 〈◊〉 were slain at one time by those of the Roman faction, and with help of the Roman soldiers. Others fled, or were banished, and their goods 〈◊〉. Of which things, when complaint was made to the Consul; the redress was such, as requited not the pains of making supplication. His friends, that is to say, those which betrayed unto the Romans the liberty of their Country, he 〈◊〉 like a King, with excessive cheer, yet so, that he had all things very cheap in his Camp: an easy matter, since no man durst be backward in sending provisions, nor set on them the due price. Ambassadors likewise were sent from Rome; some, to give order for settling the estate of Macedon, towards which they had more particular instruction from the Senate than was usual in such cases; and some, to visit the affairs of Greece. The Kingdom of Macedon was set at liberty by Aemylius and the Ambassadors, his assistants, who had order therefore from the Senate. But this liberty was such as the Romans used to bestow. The best part of it was, That the Tribute which had been paid unto the Kings, was lessened by half. As for the rest; the Country was divided into four parts, and they forbidden commerce one with the other. All the Nobility were sent captive into Italy, with their wives and children, as many as were above fifteen years old. The ancient Laws of the Country were abrogated; and new given by Aemylius. Such mischief the Senate thought it better to do, at the first alteration of things in this Province, and in the time of Conquest, than otherwise to leave any inconvenience that should be worse in the 〈◊〉. But concerning the Greeks', that were not subjects to Rome; the things done to them could deserve no better name than mere tyranny, yea and shameless perjury; were it not so, that the familiar custom, among 〈◊〉 and great Estates, of violating Leagues, doth make the Oaths of 〈◊〉 seem of no validity. The 〈◊〉 that were sent to visit the Greeks', called before them all such men of note, from every quarter, as had any way discovered an unserviceable disposition towards the Romans. These they sent to Rome; where they were made sure enough. Some of these had sent letters to Perseus, which fell at length into the Romans hands: and in that respect, though they were no subjects, yet wanted there no colour, for using them as traitors, or at lest as enemies. But since only two men were beheaded, for having been openly on the Macedonian side; and since it is confessed, that the good Patriotes were no less afflicted in this inquisition, than they that had sold themselves to the King: this manner of proceeding was inexcusable Tyranny. With the 〈◊〉 these Ambassadors were to deal more formally: not so much because that Commonwealth was strong (though this were to be regarded by 〈◊〉, having no Commission to make or denounce War) and 〈◊〉 to prove untractable, if manifest wrong were offered; as for that there appeared no manner of sign, by letters, or otherwise, whereby any one of the 〈◊〉 could be suspiciously charged to have held correspondence with the Macedonian. It was also so, that neither Callicrates, nor any of his adherents, had been employed by the Nation, in doing or offering their service to the Romans, but only such as were the best Patriotes. Yet would not therefore the Ambassadors neglect to use the benefit of the time: wherein, 〈◊〉 all men trembled for fear of Rome, the season served 〈◊〉 to rank the 〈◊〉 with the rest. And hereto Callicrates was very urgent: fearing, and procuring them to fear in behalf of him and his friends, that if 〈◊〉 sharp order were not now taken, he and his fellows should be made to pay for their mischievous devices, ere long time passed. So the Ambassadors come among the 〈◊〉: where one of them, in open assembly of the Nation, spoke as Callicrates had before instructed him. He said, that some of the chief among them, had with money and other means befriended Perseus. This being so; he desired that all such men might be condemned, whom, after sentence given, he would name unto them. After sentence given (cried out the whole assembly) what justice were this? name them first, and let them answer; which if they cannot well do, we will soon condemn them. Than said the Roman boldly, that all their Praetors, as many as had led their armies, were guilty of this crime. If this were true, said Xenon, a temperate man, and confident in his innocence; then should I like wise have been friend to Perseus: whereof, if any man can accuse me, I shall thoroughly answer him, either here presently, or before the Senate at Rome. Upon these words of Xenon the Ambassador laid hold, and said that even so it were the best way, for him and the rest to purge themselves before the Senate at Rome. Than began he to name others, and left not until he had cited above a thousand; willing them to appear, and answer before the Senate. This might even be termed the captivity of Greece; wherein so many of the 〈◊〉 and worthiest men were carried from home, for noon other cause than their love unto their Country; to be punished according to the will of those, who could not endure, that virtue, and regard of the public liberty, should devil together in any of the Greeks'. At their coming to Rome, they were all cast into prison, as men already condemned by the 〈◊〉. Many Embassages were sent from Achaia (where it is to be wondered, that any such honest care of these innocent men could be remaining: since honesty had been thus punished as a vice, in so many of the worthiest among them) to inform the Senate, that these men were neither condemned by the 〈◊〉, nor yet held to be offenders. But in stead of better answer it was pronounced; That the Senate thought it not expedient 〈◊〉 the Country, that these men should return into Achaia. Neither could any solicitation of the 〈◊〉, who never ceased to importune the Senate for their liberty, prevail at all; until after seventeen years, fewer than thirty of them were enlarged, of whom that wise and virtuous man Polybius, the great Historian was one. All the rest were either dead in prison; 〈◊〉 having made offer to escape, whither upon the way before they come to Rome, or whither out of jail, after that they were committed thereto, suffered death as malefactors.  
This was a gentle correction, in regard of what was done upon the Epirots. For the Senate being desirous to preserve the Macedonian Treasure whole; yet withal, to gratify the Soldiers, gave order, That the whole Country of Epirus should be put to sack. This was a barbarous and horrible cruelty; as also it was performed by Aemylius with mischievous subtlety. Having taken leave of the Greeks', and of the Macedonians, with bidding them well to use the liberty bestowed upon them by the people of Rome; he sent unto the Epirots for ten of the principal men out of every City. These he commanded to deliver up all the Gold and Silver which they had; and sent along with them, into every of their Towns, what companies of men he thought convenient, as it were to fetch the money. But he gave secret instruction to the Captains, that upon a certain day by him appointed, they should fall to sack, every one the Town whereinto he was sent. Thus in one day were threescore and ten Cities, all confederate with the Romans, spoiled by the Roman Soldiers; and besides other acts of hostility in a time of peace, a hundred and fifty thousand of that Nation made slaves. It may be granted, that some of the Epirots deserved punishment, as having favoured Perseus. But since they, among this people, that were thought guilty of this offence, yea, or but coldly affected to the Romans, had been already sent into Italy, there to receive their due; and since this Nation, in general, was not only at the present in good obedience, but had, even in this war, done good service to the Romans: I hold this act so wicked, that I should not believe it, had any one Writer delivered the contrary. But the truth being manifest by consent of all; it is the less marvelous, that GOD was pleased to make Aemylius childless, even in the glory of his triumph, how great soever otherwise his virtues were.  
In such manner dealt the Romans, after their victory, with the Greeks' and Macedonians. How terrible they were to other Kingdoms abroad; it will appear by the efficacy of an Embassage sent from them to Antiochus; whereof before we speak, we must speak somewhat of Antiochus his foregoers, of himself, and of his affairs about which these Ambassadors come.   

§. XI. The War of ANTIOCHUS upon Egypt, brought to end by the Roman Ambassadors.  
ANTIOCHUS the Great, after his peace with the Romans, did nothing that was memorable in the short time following of his reign and life. He died the six and thirtieth year after he had worn a Crown, and in the seventeenth or eighteenth of Ptolemie Epiphanes: while he attempted 
Strab. lib. 16. Iust. lib. 35.  to rob the Temple of Bel, or (according to justine) of jupiter. He left behind him three sons, Seleucus Philopator, Antiochus Epiphanes, Demetrius Soter; and one daughter, Cleopatra, whom he had given in marriage to Ptolemie Epiphanes, King of Egypt. Seleucus the fourth of that name, and the eldest of Antiochus his sons; reigned in Syria twelve years, according to Eusebius, Appian, and Sulpitius: though josephus give him but seven. A Prince, who as he 
Euseb. in Cron. App. de bell. Sir Ant. 12. cap. 5.  was slothful by nature; so the great loss which his father Antiochus had received, took from him the means of managing any great affair. Of him, about three hundred years before his birth, Daniel gave this judgement, Et stabit in loco eius 
Dan. 11. v. 21.  vilissimus & indignus decore regio. And in his place (speaking of Antiochus the Father of this man) shall start up a wild person, unworthy the honour of a King. Under this Seleucus, those things were done which are spoken of Onias the High Priest, in those words, and other to the same effect: What time as the holy City was inhabited with all 
Mac. cap. 3.  Peace, because of the godliness of ONIAS' the Priest, it come to pass, that even the King did 〈◊〉 the place, and garnished the Temple with great gifts. And all that is written in the third Chapter of the second of Macchabees, of Simon of Benjamin, who by 〈◊〉 betrayed the Treasures of the Temple: and of Heliodorus sent by the King to seize them; of his miraculous striking by God, and his recovery at the prayers of Onias; of the King's death, and of his successor Antiochus Epiphanes. It is therefore from the reign of this King, that the books of the Macchabees take beginning. Which books seem not to be delivered by one and the same hand. For the first book, although it touch upon Alexander the Great, yet it hath nothing else of his story, nor of the acts of his successors, till the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, the brother and successor of this Seleucus; from whom downward to the death of Simon Macchabeus (who died in the hundred threescore and seventeenth year of the Greeks' in Syria) that first book treateth. The Author of the second book, although he take the Story somewhat further off, by way of a Proem, yet he endeth with the hundred and one and fiftieth year of the Graecian reign, and with the death of Nicanor, slain by judas: remembering in the fourth Chapter the practice of jason the brother of Onias, who after the death of Seleucus, prevailed with Antiochus Epiphanes, his successor for the Priesthood. It is also held by jansenius and 
Mac. 1. 12.  other grave Writers, that it was in the time of this Onias, that Arius King of the 
Super Eccles. c. 5  Spartans' sent Ambassadors to the jews, as to their brothers and kinsmen. Which intelligence between them and the Greeks', jonathan the brother and successor of judas, remembreth in the Preamble of that Epistle, which he himself directed to the people of Sparta by Numenius and Antipater his Ambassadors, whom he employed at the same time to the Senate of Rome; repeating also the former Letters word by word, which Arius had sent to Onias the High Priest, whereto josephus adds, that the name of the 〈◊〉 Ambassador was Demoteles, and that the Letters had a square Volume, and were sealed with an Eagle holding a Dragon in her claws.  
Now to this 〈◊〉, the fourth of that name, succeeded Antiochus Epiphanes, in the hundred and seven and thirtieth year of the Greeks' in Syria. He was the second son of the Great Antiochus: and he obtained his Kingdom by procuring the death of the King his brother; which also he usurped from his brother's son.  
Ptolemie Philometor, his Nephew by his sister Cleopatra, being then very young, had been about seven years King of Egypt.  
〈◊〉 Epiphanes, the Father of this King Philometor, had reigned in Egypt four and twenty years; in great quiet, but doing little or nothing that was memorable. Philip of Macedon, and the great Antiochus, had agreed to divide his Kingdom between them, whilst he was a child. But they found such other business, ere long, with the Romans, as made them give over their unjust purpose; especially Antiochus, who gave, with his daughter in marriage, unto this Ptolemie, the Provinces of Coelosyria, Phoenicia, and 〈◊〉, which he had won by his victory over Scopas, that was General of the Egyptian forces in those parts. Nevertheless, 〈◊〉 adhered to the Romans: whereby he lived in the greater security. He 〈◊〉 behind him two sons; this Ptolemie Philometor, and Ptolemie Phiscon, with a daughter, Cleopatra. Cleopatra was wife to the elder of her brethren, and after his death to the younger, by whom she was cast off, and her daughter taken in her stead. Such were the marriages of these Egyptian Kings.  
Ptolemie Philometor, so called (that is, the lover of his mother) by a bitter nickname, because he slew her, fell into hatred with his subjects, and was like to be chased out of his Kingdom, his younger brother being set up against him. Physcon having a strong party, got possession of Alexandria; and Philometor held himself in Memphis, craving succour of King Antiochus his uncle. Hereof Antiochus was glad: who under colour to take upon him the protection of the young Prince, sought by all means possible to possess himself of that Kingdom. He sent Apollonius the son of 〈◊〉 Ambassador into Egypt, and under colour to assist the King's Coronation, he gave him instructions to persuade the Governors of the young King Philometor, to deliver the King his Nephew with the principal places of that Kingdom into his hands; pretending an extraordinary care and desire of his nephews safety and well doing. And the better to answer all argument to the contrary, he prepared a forcible army to attended him. Thus come he alongst the coast of Syria to joppe, and from thence on the sudden he turned himself towards jerusalem, where, by jason the Priest (a chaplain fit for such a Patron) he was with all 
2. Mac. 4.  pomp and solemnity received into the City. For though lately, in the time of Seleucus, the brother and predecessor of Epiphanes, that impious Traitor Simon of 
Mac. 2. cap. 3.  the Tribe of Benjamin, Ruler of the Temple, when he would have delivered the treasures thereof to Apollonius Governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia, was disappointed of his wicked purpose by miracle from heaven; the said Apollonius being strucken by the Angel of God, and recovering again at the prayer of Onias: yet 〈◊〉 not this example to terrify others from the like ungodly practices. Presently upon the death of Seleucus, this jason, the brother of Onias, seeking to supplant his brother, and to obtain the Priesthood for himself, offered unto the King three hundred and threescore talents of silver, with other rents and sums of money. 
Mac. l. 2. c. 4.  So he got his desire, though he not long enjoyed it.  
This naughty dealing of jason, and his being overreached by another in the same kind, calls to mind a byword taken up among the 〈◊〉, when as that mischievous Callicrates, who had been too hard for all worthy and virtuous men, was beaten at his own weapon, by one of his own condition. It went thus:  

One fire than other burns more forcibly,  
One Wolf than other Wolves does bite more sore;  
One Hawk than other Hawks more swift doesly.  
So one most mischievous of men before,  
CALLICRATES, false knave as knave might be,  
Met with MENALCIDAS more false than he.   
And even thus fell it out with jason: who within three years after, was 〈◊〉, and overbidden by Menelaus the brother of Simon, that for three hundred talents more obtained the 〈◊〉 for himself: jason thereupon being forced to fly from jerusalem, and to hide himself among the Ammonites.  
From jerusalem, Antiochus marched into 〈◊〉, to augment the numbers of his men of war, and to prepare a Fleet for his expedition into Egypt; with which, and with a mighty army of land-forces, He went about to reign over Egypt, that 
Mac. 1. 〈◊〉. 1. v. 17  he might have the dominion of two Realms, and entered Egypt with a mighty company, with Chariots and Elephants, with Horsemen, and with a great Navy, and moved war against PTOLEMAEUS King of Egypt, but PTOLEMAEUS was afraid of him, and fled, and many were wounded to death. He won many strong Cities, and took away the spoils of the 
〈◊〉. 18. 19 20. etc.  Land of Egypt. Thus was fulfilled the Prophecy of DANIEL: He shall enter into 
Van. c. 11. v. 24.  the quiet and plentiful 〈◊〉, and he shall do that which his Fathers have not 〈◊〉, nor his Father's Fathers. Never indeed had any of the Kings of Syria so great a victory over the Egyptians, nor took from them so great riches. For he gave a notable overthrow to the Captains of 〈◊〉, between Pelusium and the hill 〈◊〉, after 
Hierom. in Dan.  which he entered, and sacked the greatest and richest of all the Cities of Egypt, Alexandria excepted, which he could not force. In conclusion, after that ANTIOCHUS 
Mac l. 1. c. 1.  had smitten Egypt, he turned again, and went up towards Israel and jerusalem with a mighty people, and entered proudly into the Sanctuary, and took away the golden Altar, and the Candle stick for the light, and all the instruments thereof, and the table of the showbread, and the Pouring Vessels, and the Bowls, and the golden 〈◊〉, and the vail, and the Crowns, and the golden Apparel. He took also the Silver and the Gold, and the precious jewels, and the secret Treasures; and when he had taken away all, he departed into his own Land, after he had murdered many men.  
It was about the beginning of the Macedonian war, that Antiochus took in 
Lib. 6.  hand this Egyptian business. At what time he first laid claim to 〈◊〉; justifying his title by 
* Cap. 〈◊〉. §. 2.  the same allegations which his father had made; and stiffly averring, that this Province had not been consigned over to the Egyptian, or given in dowry with 〈◊〉. Easy it was to approve his right unto that which he 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉. Legat. 81. 82. etc.  already gotten, when he was in a fair way to get all Egypt. The Achaeans, Rhodians, Athenians, and other of the Greeks', pressed him, by several Embassages, to some good conclusion. But his answer was; that if the Alexandrians could be contented to 〈◊〉 their King his Nephew Philometor, the elder brother of the Ptolemies, then should the war be presently at an end; otherwise not. Yet when he seen, that it was an hard 〈◊〉 of work to take Alexandria by force: he thought it better to let the two brothers consume themselves with intestine war, than by the terror of his arms, threatening destruction unto both of them, to put into them any desire of coming to 〈◊〉. He therefore withdrew his forces for the present; leaving the Ptolemies in very weak estate; the younger, almost ruinated by his invasion; the elder hated and for saken by his people.  
But how weak soever these Egyptians were, their hatred was thought to be so strong, that Antiochus might leave them to the prosecution thereof; and follow, at good leisure, his other business at jerusalem or elsewhere. So after the sack of jerusalem, he rested him a while at Antioch; and then made a 〈◊〉 into Cilicia, to suppress the Rebellion of the Tharsians and other in those parts who had been given, as it were, by way of dowry, to a Concubine of the Kings, called 〈◊〉. For Governor of Syria in his absence, he left one Andronicus, a man of great authority about him. In the mean while Menelaus the brother of Simon, the same who had thrust jason out of the Priesthood, and promised the King three hundred talents for an Income, committing the charge of the Priesthood to his brother Lysimachus, stole certain vessels of gold out of the Temple: whereof he presented a part to Andronicus the King's 〈◊〉, and sold the rest at tire, and other Cities adjoining. This he did, as it seemeth, to advance the payment of the three hundred talents promised; the same being now by Sostratus eagerly demanded. Hereof when Onias the Priest (formerly dispossessed by jason) had certain knowledge, being moved with zeal, and detesting the sacrilege of Menelaus, he 〈◊〉 him for it; and fearing his revenge, he withdrew himself into a Sanctuary at Daphne.  
Daphne was a place of delight adjoining as a suburb to Antioch. In compass it had about ten miles: wherein were the Temples of Apollo and Diane's, with a Grove, sweet Springs, 〈◊〉 places, and the like; which were wholly, in a manner, abused to lust, and other such voluptuousness. Whither it were well done of Onias, to commit himself to the protection of Apollo and Diana, or to claim privilege, from the holiness of a ground consecrated to any of the Heathen gods, I will not stand to discourse. Only I say for my own opinion; that the inconvenience is far less, to hold this book as Apocryphal; than to judge this fearful shift which Onias (though a virtuous man) made for his life, either commendable, or allowable, as the book seems to do. As for this refuge, it could not save the life of the 
Mac. li. 2. ca 4.  poor old man: for MENELAUS taking ANDRONICUS apart, prayed him to slay ONIAS. So when he come to ONIAS, he counseled him craftily, giving him his right hand with an oath, and persuading him to come out of the Sanctuary; so he slew him incontinently without any regard of righteousness. Hereof when complaint was made to Antiochus after his return out of Cilicia, He took away ANDRONICUS his garment of purple, and rend his clotheses, and commanded him to be led throughout the City, and in the same place where he had committed the 〈◊〉 against ONIAS', he was 
Mac. 2. c. 4. v. 38  slain as a murderer. In taking 〈◊〉 of this innocent man's death, I should have thought that this wicked King had once in his lifetime done justice. But presently after this, at the svit of one Ptolemie, a traitor to Ptolemie 〈◊〉, he condemned innocent men to death; who justly complained against 〈◊〉, and his brother Lysimachus, for a second robbing of the Temple, and carrying thence the vessels of gold remaining. Hereby it is manifest, that he was guided by his own outrageous will, and not by any regard of justice: since he revenged the death of Onias, yet slew those that were in the same cause with Onias; Who, had they told their cause, 
Vers. 47.  yea, before the Scythians, they should have been 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉. By reason of such his unsteadiness, this King was commonly termed Epimanes, that is, mad, in stead of Epiphanes, which signifieth Noble or Illustrious.  
After this, Antiochus made preparation for a second voyage into Egypt, and then 
Mac. 2. c. 5. v. 1,  were there seen throughout all the City of jerusalem, forty days long, horsemen running in the air with robes of gold, and as bands of Spearemen, and as troops of Horsemen set in array, encountering and coursing one against another. Of these prodigious signs, or rather fore warnings of GOD, all Histories have delivered us, some more, some 〈◊〉. Before the destruction of jerusalem by Vespasian, a 〈◊〉 in the form of a sword appeared in the Heavens directly over the City, after which there followed a slaughter like unto this of Epiphanes, though far greater. In the Cymbrian wars, Pliny 
Plin. lib. 2. c. 57  tells us, that Armies were seen fight in the air from the morning till the evening.  
In the time of Pope john the eleventh, a fountain powered out blood in stead of water, in or near the City of Genoa; soon after which the City was taken by the 
Mercur. 〈◊〉 de Prodig. lib. 8. 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 & sacro 〈◊〉.  Saracens, with great slaughter. Of these and the like prodigious signs, Vipera hath collected many, and very remarkable. But this one seemeth to me the most memorable, because the most notorious. All men know, that in the Emperor Nero, the Offspring of the Caesars, as well natural as adopted, took end; whereof this notable sign gave warning.  
When 〈◊〉 was first married to Augustus, an Eagle let fall into her arms a white 
Sueton. 〈◊〉.  Hen, holding a Laurel branch in her mouth. Livia caused this Hen to be carefully nourished, and the Laurel branch to be planted: Of the Hen come a fair increase of white 〈◊〉, and from the little branch there sprang up in time a Grove of Laurel: so that afterwards, in all Triumphs, the Conquerors did use to carry in their hands a branch of Bayes taken out of this Grove, and after the Triumphs ended, to set it again in the same ground: which branches were observed, when they happened to whither, to 〈◊〉 the death of those persons who carried them in triumph. And in the last year of Nero, all the broods of the white Hens died, and the whole Grove of Bayes withered at once. Moreover, the heads of all the Caesar's Statues, and the Sceptre placed in 〈◊〉 his hand, were stricken down with lightning. That the jews did not think such strange signs to be unworthy of regard; it appears by their calling upon GOD, and praying, that these tokens might 〈◊〉 to good.  
Now, as the first voyage of Antiochus into Egypt was occasioned by discord of the two brethren therein reigning: so was his second Expedition caused by their good agreement. For the elder 〈◊〉 being left in Memphis, not strong enough to force his brother, who had defended Alexandria against all the power of their uncle; thought it the best way to seek entrance into that royal City, rather by persuasion than by arms. Physcon had not as yet forgotten the terror of the former siege: the Alexandrines though they loved not Philometor, yet loved they worse to live in scarcity of victuals (which was already great among them, and like to grow extreme) since nothing was brought in from the Country; and the friends of the younger brother seen no likelihood of good issue to be hoped for without reconconciliation. These good helps, and above all these, the loving disposition of Cleopatra, who then was in 〈◊〉, encouraged Philometor in his purpose. But that which made him earnestly desirous to accomplish it, was the fear wherein he stood of his uncle. For though Antiochus were go out of Egypt with his army; yet had he left behind him a strong garrison in 〈◊〉; retaining that City, which was the Key of Egypt, to his own use. This consideration wrought also with Physcon, and with those that were about him; so as by the vehement mediation of Cleopatra their sister, the two brethren made an end of all quarrels.  
When the news of this accord was brought to Antiochus, he was greatly enraged: for notwithstanding that he had pretended no other thing than the establishment of the King Philometor his nephew, and a meaning to subject his younger brother unto him, which he gave in answer to all Ambassadors; yet he now prepared to make sharp war upon them both. And to that end he presently furnished and sent out his Navy towards Cyprus, and drew his land Army into Coelosyria, ready to enter Egypt the Spring following. When he 〈◊〉 on his way as far as Rhinocorura, he met with Ambassadors sent from Ptolemie. Their errand was partly to yield thanks to Antiochus for the establishing of Philometor in his Kingdom; partly to 〈◊〉 him, That he would rather be pleased to signify what he required to have done in Egypt, which should be performed, than to enter it as an enemy with so puissant an Army But Antiochus returned this short answer, That he would neither call back his Fleet, nor withdraw his Army: upon any other condition, than that Ptolemie should surrender into his hands together with the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, the whole Territory thereto belonging: and that he should also abandon and leave unto him the Isle of Cyprus, with all the right that he had unto either of them for ever. For answer unto these demands, he set down a day certain, and a short one. Which being come and past, without any accord made, the Syrian Fleet entered Nilus, and recovered as well those places which appertained to Ptolemie in Arabia, as in Egypt itself; for 〈◊〉, and all about it, received Antiochus, being unable to resist him. The King having now no stop in his way to Alexandria; passed on thitherwards by easy journeys.  
Of all these troubles past, as well as of the present danger wherein Egypt stood, the Romans had 〈◊〉 long ago. But they found, or, were contented to find, little reason for them to intermeddle therein. For it was a civil war: and wherein Antiochus seemed to take part with the juster cause. Yet they gave signification, that it would be much displeasing unto them, to have the Kingdom of Egypt taken from the rightful owners. Moore they could not, or would not do; being troubled with Perseus; and therefore loathe to provoke Antiochus too far. Nevertheless, the Egyptian Kings being reconciled, and standing jointly in need of help against their Uncle, who prepared and made open war against them both: it was to be 〈◊〉, that not only the Romans, but many of the Greeks', as being thereto obliged by notable benefits, should arm in defence of their Kingdom. Rome had been sustained with food from Egypt, in the war of 〈◊〉; when Italy lying waste, had neither corn, nor money wherewith to buy sufficient store. By help of the Egyptian, had Aratus laid the foundation of that greatness, whereto the 〈◊〉 attained. And by the like help, had Rhodes been defended against 〈◊〉 Poliorcetes. Neither were these friendly turns, which that bountiful house of the Ptolemies had done for sundry people abroad, ill followed, or seconded, by other as bad in requital: but with continuance of suitable beneficence, 〈◊〉 time to time increased. Wherhfore the two brothers sent abroad confidently for aid; especially to the Rhodians and Achaeans, who seemed most able to give it effectually. To the Romans, Physcon and Cleopatra had sent, a year since: but their Ambassadors lay still in 〈◊〉. Of the 〈◊〉 they desired in particular, that Lycortas the brave warrior might be sent to them, as 〈◊〉 of all the Auxiliaries, and his son 〈◊〉, General of the Horse. 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 readily condescended: and would immediately have made performance; if Callicrates had not interposed his mischievous art. 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 seeking occasion to vaunt his obsequiousness to the Romans; or much rather envying those Noble Captains, whose service the Kings desired; withstood the common voice; which was, That their Nation should, not with such small numbers as were 〈◊〉, but with all their power, be aiding unto the 〈◊〉. For it was not now (he said) convenient time to 〈◊〉 themselves in any such business, as might make them the less able to yield unto the Romans, what help soever should be required in the Macedonian war. And in this sentence, he with those of his faction, obstinarely persisted; terrifying others with big words, as it were in behalf of the Romans. But Polybius affirmed, that Martius the late Consul had signified unto him, that the Romans were past all need of help: adding further, that a thousand foot, and two hundred horse, might well be spared, to the aid of their Benefactors, the Egyptian Kings, without disabling their Nation to perform any service to the 〈◊〉; for as much as the Achaeans could without trouble, raise thirty or forty thousand Soldiers. All this notwithstanding, the resolution was deferred from one meeting to another; and finally broken, by the violence of Call crates. For when it was thought that the Decree should have passed; he brought into the Theatre where the assembly was held, a Messenger with letters from Martius; whereby the Achaeans were desired to conform themselves to the 〈◊〉 Senate; and to labour as the Senate had done, by sending Ambassadors to 〈◊〉 Egypt in peace. This was an advice against all reason. For the Senate had indeed sent Ambassadors to make peace; but as in a time of greater business elsewhere, with such mild 〈◊〉, that nothing was effected. Wherhfore it was not likely, that the Achaeans should do any good in the same kind. Yet Polybius and his friends, durst not gainsay the Roman Council; which had force of an injunction. So the Kings were left in much distress; disappointed of their expectation. But within a while was Perseus overcome: and then might the Ambassador sent from the Roman Senate, perform as much as any Army could have done.  
Audience had been lately given by the Senate, unto those Ambassadors of Physcon and Cleopatra; which having stayed more than a whole year in the City, brought nothing of their business to effect until now. The Ambassadors delivered their message in the name of those that had sent them: though it concerned (which perhaps they knew not) Philometor, no less than his Brother and Sister.  
In this Embassage of Ptolemie, now requesting help from Rome; appeared a notable change of his fortune, from such as it had been before three or four years last past. For in the beginning of these his troubles, which began with the Macedonian War; either he, or Eulaeus, or Lenaeus (upon whom the blame was afterwards 
Polyb. 〈◊〉. 72.  laid) which had the government of him, thought his affairs in such good estate, that not only he determined to set upon Antiochus, for Coelesyria; but would have interposed himself between the Romans and Perseus, as a competent 〈◊〉; though it fell out well, that his Ambassador was by a friend persuaded to forget that point of his errand. From these high thoughts, he fell on the sudden, by the rebellion of his brother and subjects, to live under protection of the same Antiochus. And now at such time as by atonement with his brother and subjects, he might have seemed to stand in no need of such protection, he hath remaining noon other help whereby to save both his Kingdom and life, than what can be obtained by their intercession which were employed against him. This miserable condition of him, his brother and sister showed itself, even in the habit of those Ambassadors. They were poorly clad; the hair of their heads and 〈◊〉 overgrown, as was their manner in time of affliction; and they carried in their hands, branches of Olive. Thus they entered into the Senate; and 〈◊〉 fell, 〈◊〉 and prostrate upon the floor. Their garments were not so mean and mournful, nor their looks and Countenances so 〈◊〉 and dejected, but that their speech was then either of the other far more lamentable. For having told in what danger their King and Country stood; they made a pitiful and grievous complaint unto the Senate, beseeching them to have compassion of their estate, and of their Princes, who had always remained friendly and faithful to the Romans. They said that the people of Rome had so much 〈◊〉 favoured this Antiochus in particular, and were of such account and authority, with all other Kings and Nations; as if they pleased but to sand their Ambassadors, and let Antiochus know, that the Senate was offended with his undertaking upon the King their Confederate; then would he presently raise his siege from before Alexandria, and withdraw his Army out of Egypt, into Syria. But that if the Senate protracted any time, or used any delay; then should Ptolemie and Cleopatra, be shortly driven out of their Realms, and make 〈◊〉 to Rome, with shameful dishonour to the Senate, and people thereof, in that, in the 〈◊〉 dangers of all their fortunes, they had not vouchsafed to relieve them.  
The Lords of the Senate moved with compassion, sent incontinently C. Popilius Lenus, C. 〈◊〉, and A. Hostilius, as Ambassadors to determine and end the war between those Kings. In commission they had first to found King Ptolemie, and then 〈◊〉, and to let them both understand, that unless they surceased, and gave over Arms, they would take that King no more for a friend to the Senate, and people of Rome, whom they found obstinate, or using delay. So these Romans, together with the Alexandrine Ambassadors, took their leave, and went onward their way within three days after.  
Whilst Popilius and his fellows were on their way toward Egypt, Antiochus had transported his Army over Lusine, some forty miles from Alexandria. So near was he to the end of his journey, when the Roman Ambassadors met him. After greeting and salutations at their first encounter, Antiochus offered his right hand to Popilius: but Popilius filled it with a Role of paper; willing him to read those Mandates of the Senate, before he did any thing else. Antiochus did so; and having a little while considered of the business, he told Popilius, That he would advise with his friends, and then give the Ambassadors their answer. But Popilius, according to his ordinary blunt manner of speech, which he had by nature, made a Circle about the King with a Rod which he held in his hand, willing him to make him such an answer as he might report to the Senate, before he moved out of that Circle. The King astonished at this so rude and violent a Commandment, after he had stayed and paused awhile, I will be content (quoth he) to do whatsoever the Senate shall ordain. Than Popilius gave unto the King his hand, as to a Friend and 〈◊〉 of the Romans.  
Thus Antiochus departed out of Egypt, without any good issue of his 〈◊〉 Expedition; even in such manner as * Daniel had prophesied long before: 
Dan. cap. 11.  yea, fulfilling every particular circumstance, both of returning, and of doing mischief 
vers. 29, 30. etc.  to jerusalem after his return; like as if these things had rather been 〈◊〉 than foretold by the Prophet. As for the Roman Ambassadors, they stayed awhile, and settled the Kingdom of Egypt, leaving it unto the elder brother, and appointing the younger to reign over Cyrene. This done, they departed towards Cyprus; which they left, as it had been, in the power of the Egyptian, having first sent away Antiochus Fleet, which had 〈◊〉 given an overthrow to the Egyptian ships.   

§. XII. How the Romans were dreadful to all Kings. Their demeanour towards EUMENES, PRUSIAS, MASANISSA, and COTYS. The end of PERSEUS and his children. The instability of Kingly Estates. The Triumphs of PAULUS, ANICIUS, and OCTAVIUS. With the Conclusion of the Worke.  
BY this peremptory demeanour of Popilius, in doing his Message, and by the ready obedience of King Antiochus to the will of the Senate; we may perceive how terrible the Romans were grown, through their conquest of Macedon. The same Popilius had been well contented, a year before this, to lay aside the roughness of his natural condition, and to give good language to the Achaeans and Aetolians, when he went Ambassador to those people of Greece, that were of far less power than the King Antiochus. Likewise, Antiochus had with good words, and no more than good words, dismissed other Ambassadors which come from Rome, in such sort, as they complained not, much less used any menacing terms, though he performed nothing of their request. But now the case was altered. So found other Kings as well as Antiochus.  
Eumenes sent to Rome his brother Attalus, to gratulate the victory over Perseus, and to crave help or countenance of the Senate against the Gallogreekes, which molested him. Very welcome was Attalus, and lovingly entertained by most of the Senators: who bade him be confident, and requested of the Senate his brother's Kingdom for himself; for it should surely be given him. These hopeful promises tickled Attalus with such ambition, that he either approved, or seemed to approve the motion. But his honest nature was soon reclaimed by the faithful counsel of Stratius a Physician; whom Eumenes had sent to Rome of purpose to keep his brother upright. So, when he come into the 〈◊〉, he delivered the errand about which he had been sent; recounted his own services done to the Romans in the late War, 
* Liu. lib. 45.  wherewithal he forgot not to make of his brother as good mention as he could: and finally requested, That the Towns of Aenus and Maronea might be beftowed upon himself. 
* Polyb. Legat. 93.  By his omitting to sue for his brother's Kingdom, the Senate conceived opinion, that he meant to crave another day of audience for that business alone. Wherhfore, to make him understand how gracious he was, they not only granted all his desire; but in the presents which they gave to him (as was their custom to Ambassadors that come with an acceptable message) they used singular magnificence. Nevertheless, Attalus took no notice of their meaning; but went his 
Polyb. ibid.  way, contented with what they had already granted. This did so highly displease the Senate, that whilst he was yet in Italy, they gave order for the liberty of Aenus and Maronea: thereby making uneffectual their promise; which otherwise they could not, without shame, revoke. And as for the Gallogreekes, which were about to invade the Kingdom of Pergamus; they sent Ambassadors to them, with such instructions, as rather encouraged than hindered them in their purpose. The displeasure of the Senate being so manifest; Eumenes thought it worthy of his labour to make another voyage to Rome. He might well blame the folly of his second voyage thither, for this necessity of the third: since, by his malice to Perseus, he had laid open unto these ambitious Potentates the way to his own doors. Not sooner was he come into Italy, than the Senate was ready to sand him going. It was not thought expedient to use him as an enemy, that come to visit them in love: neither could they, in so doing, have avoided the note of singular inconstancy: and to entertain him as a friend, was more than their hatred to him, for his ingratitude, as they deemed it, would permit. Wherhfore they made a Decree, That no King should be suffered to come to Rome; and by virtue thereof sent him home, without expense of much further compliment.  
Prusias King of Bythinia had been at Rome somewhat before; where he was welcomed after a better fashion. He had learned to behave himself as humbly as the proud Romans could expect or desire. For entering into the Senate, he lay down, and kissed the threshold, calling the Fathers his gods and saviours: as also he used to wear a Cap, after the manner of slaves newly manumised, profesfing himself an enfranchised bondman of the People of Rome. He was indeed naturally a slave, and one that by such abject flattery kept himself safe; though doing otherwise greater mischief than any wherewith Perseus had been charged. His errand was, besides matter of compliment, to commend unto the Senate the care of his son Nicomedes, whom he brought with him to Rome, there to receive education. Further petition he made, to have some Towns added to his Kingdom: whereto, because the grant would have been unjust, he received a cold answer. But concerning the Wardship of his son, it was undertaken by the Senate: which, vaunting of the pleasure lately done to Egypt, in freeing it from Antiochus, willed him thereby to consider, what effectual protection the Romans gave unto the children of Kings, that were to their patronage commended.  
But above all other Kings, Masanissa held his credit with the Romans good. His quarrels were endless with the Carthaginians: which made the friendship of the Romans to him the more assured. In all controversies they gave judgement on his side: and whereas he had invaded the Country of Emporia, holding the Lands, but unable to win the Towns; the Romans (though at first they could find no pretext, whereby to countenance him in this oppression) compelled finally the Carthaginians both to let go all their hold, and to pay five hundred Talents to the Numidian, for having hindered him of his due so long. Now indeed had Rome good leisure to devise upon the ruin of Carthage: after which, the race of Masanissa himself was shortly by them rooted up. But hereof the old King never dreamt. He sent to Rome one of his sons, to congratulate the victory over Perseus; and offered to come thither himself, there to sacrifice for joy unto jupiter in the Capitol. His good will was lovingly accepted; his son rewarded; and he entreated to stay at home.  
Cotys the Thracian sent Ambassadors, to excuse himself touching the aid by him given to Perseus, for that the Macedonian had him bound by hostages; and to entreat, That his son, which was taken with the children of Perseus, might be set at liberty for convenient ransom. His excuse was not taken; since he had voluntarily obliged himself to Perseus, by giving hostages, without necessity: Yet was his son given back to him ransome-free; with admonition, to carry himself better toward the Romans in time following. His Kingdom lay between Macedon and some barbarous Nations; in which respect, it was good to hold him in fair terms.  
As for those unhappy Kings, Perseus and Gentius, they were led through Rome, with their children and friends, in the Triumphs of Aemylius and Anicius. Perseus had often made svite to Aemylius, that he might not be put to such disgrace: but he still received one scornful answer, That it lay in his own power to prevent it; whereby was meant, that he might kill himself. And surely, had he not hoped for greater mercy than he found, he would rather have sought his death in Macedon, than have been beholding to the courtesy of his insolent enemies for a wretched life. The issue of the Roman clemency, whereof Aemylius had given him hope, was no better than this: After that he, and his fellow King, had been led in chains through the streets, before the Charitos of their triumphing Victors, they were committed to prison, wherein they remained without hope of release. It was the manner, that when the Triumpher turned his Chariot up towards the Capitol, there to do sacrifice, he should command the captives to be had away to prison, and there put to death: so as the honour of the Vanquisher, and misery of those that were overcome, might be both together at the utmost. This last sentence of death was remitted unto Perseus: yet so, that he had little joy of his life; but either famished himself, or (for it is diversly reported) was kept watching perforce by those that had him in custody; and so died for want of sleep. Of his sons, two died; it is uncertain how. The youngest called Alexander (only in name like unto the Great, though destined sometimes perhaps by his father, unto the fortunes of the Great) become a joiner, or Turner, or, at his best preferment, a Scribe under the Roman Officers. In such 〈◊〉 ended the Royal House of Macedon: and it ended on the sudden; though some eightscore years after the death of that Monarch, unto whose ambition this whole Earth seemed too narrow.  
If Perseus had known it before, that his own son should one day be compelled to earn his living by handie-worke, in a painful Occupation; it is like, that he would not, as in a wantonness of Sovereignty, have commanded those poor men to be slain, which had recovered his treasures out of the sea, by their skill in the feat of diving. He would rather have been very gentle, and would have considered, that the greatest oppressors, and the most undertroden wretches, are all subject unto One high Power, governing all alike with absolute command. But such is our unhappiness; in stead of that blessed counsel, Do as ye would be done unto, a sentence teaching all moderation, and pointing out the way to felicity, we entertain that arrogant thought, I will be like to the Most High: that is, I will do what shall please myself. One hath said truly:  

-- v v -- Et qui volunt 〈◊〉 quenquam 
〈◊〉. Sat. 10.   
Posse volunt—   

Even they that have no murderous will,  
Would have it in their power to kill.   
All, or the most, have a vain desire of 〈◊〉 to do evil without control: which is a dangerous temptation unto the performance. GOD, who best can judge what is expedient, hath granted such power to very few: among whom also, veric few there are, that use it not to their own hurt. For who sees not, that a Prince, by racking his Soucraigne authority to the utmost extent, enableth (besides the danger to his own person) some one of his own sons or nephews to root up all his 〈◊〉? Shall not many excellent Princes, not withstanding their brotherhood, or other nearness in blood, be driven to flatter the Wife, the Minion, or perhaps the Harlot that governs one, the most unworthy of his whole house, yet reigning over all? The untimely death of many Princes, which could not humble themselves to such 〈◊〉; and the common practice of the Turkish Emperors to murder all their brethren, without expecting till they offend; are too good proofs 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 may be added, That the heir of the same Roger Mortimer, who murdered most traitorously and barbarously King Edward the second; was, by reason of a marriage, proclaimed, in time not long after following, heir apparent to the Crown of England; which had he obtained, then had all the power of Edward fallen into the race of his mortal enemy, to exercise the same upon the Line of that unhappy King. Such examples of the instability whereto all mortal affairs are subject; as they teach moderation, and admonish the transitory Gods of Kingdoms, not to authorize, by wicked precedents, the evil that may fall on their own posterity: so do they necessarily make us understand, how happy that Country is, which hath obtained a King able to conceive and teach, That 
* The true Law of free Monarchies.  GOD is the sorest and sharpest Schoolmaster, that can be devised, for such Kings, as think this world ordained for them, without controlment to turn it upside-down at their pleasure.  
Now, concerning 〈◊〉 Triumph of L. Aemylius Paulus; it was in all points like unto that of T. Quintius Flaminius: though far more glorious, in regard of the 
Chap. 3. 〈◊〉. 4.  King's 〈◊〉 person, that was led along therein, as part of his own spoils; and in regard likewise both of the Conquest and of the Booty. So great was the quantity of Gold and Silver carried by Paulus into the Roman Treasury, that from thenceforth, until the civil Wars, which followed upon the death of julius Caesar, the Estate had no need to burden itself with any Tribute. Yet was this noble Triumph likely to have been hindered by the soldiers; who grudged at their General, for not having dealt more bountifully with them. But the Princes of the Senate overruled the People and Soldiers herein, and brought them to reason by 〈◊〉 exhortations. Thus Paulus enjoyed as much honour of his 〈◊〉 as men could give. Nevertheless, it pleased GOD to take away from him his two remaining sons, that were not given in adoption: of which, the 〈◊〉 died five 〈◊〉 before the Triumph; the other, three days after it. This loss he bore wisely: and told the People, That he hoped to see the Commonwealth flourish in a continuance of prosperity; since the joy of his victory was requited with his own private calamity, in stead of the public.  
About the same time, Octavius the Admiral, who had brought Perseus out of Samothrace: and Anicius the Praetor, who had conquered Illyria, and taken King Gentius prisoner; made their several triumphs. The glory of which magnificent spectacles; together with the 〈◊〉 of Embassages from all parts; and Kings, either visiting the Imperial 〈◊〉, or offering to visit her, and do their 〈◊〉 in person; were 〈◊〉 to say unto Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Take upon thee the Majesty, that thy deserts have purchased.  
BY this which we have already set down, is seen the beginning and end of the three first Monarchies of the world; whereof the Founders and Ercctours thought, that they could never have ended. That of Rome which made the fourth, was also at this time almost at the highest. We have left it flourishing in the middle of the field; having rooted up, or cut down, all that kept it from the eyes and admiration of the world. But after some continuance, it shall begin to loose the beauty it had; the storms of ambition shall beaten her great boughs and branches one against another; her leaves shall fall off, her limbs whither, and a rabble of barbarous Nations enter the field, and cut her down.  
Now these great Kings, and conquering Nations, have been the subject of those ancient Histories, which have been preserved, and yet remain among us; and withal of so many tragical Poets, as in the persons of powerful Princes, and other mighty 〈◊〉 have complained against 〈◊〉, Time, Destiny, and most of all against the Variable success of worldly things, and Instability of Fortune. To these undertakings, the 〈◊〉 Lords of the world have been stirred up, rather by the desire of Fame, which ploweth up the 〈◊〉, and soweth in the Wind; than by the affection of bearing rule, which draweth after it so much vexation, and so many cares. And that this is true, the good advice of Cineas to Pyrrhus proves. And certainly, as 〈◊〉 hath often 〈◊〉 dangerous to the living, so is it to the dead of no use at all; because separate from knowledge. Which were it otherwise, and the extreme ill bargain of buying this lasting 〈◊〉, understood by them which are dissolved; they themselves would then rather have wished, to have stolen out of the world without noise; than to be put in mind, that they have purchased the report of their actions in the world, by 〈◊〉, oppression, and cruelty, by giving in spoil the innocent and labouring soul to the idle and insolent, and by having emptied the Cities of the world of their ancient Inhabitants, and filled them again with so many and so variable sorts of sorrows.  
Since the fall of the Roman Empire (omitting that of the Germans, which had neither greatness nor continuance) there hath been no State fearful in the East, but that of the Turk; nor in the West any Prince that hath spread his wings far over his nest, but the Spaniard; who 〈◊〉 the time that Ferdinand expelled the Moors out of Granado, have made many attempts to make themselves Masters of all Europe. And it is true, that by the treasures of both Indieses, and by the many Kingdoms which they posfesse in Europe, they are at this day the moft powerful. But as the Turk is now counterpoised by the Persian, so in stead of so many Million as have been spent by the English, French, and Netherlands in a defensive war, and in diversions against them, it is 〈◊〉 to demonstrate, that with the charge of two hundred thousand pound continued but for two years or three at the most, they may not only be persuaded to live in peace, but all their swelling and overflowing streams may be brought back into their natural channels and old banks. These two Nations, I say, are at this day the most eminent, and to be regarded; the one seeking to root out the Christian Religion altogether, the other the truth and sincere profession thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 all Europe to Asia, the other the rest of all Europe to Spain.  
For the rest, if we seek a reason of the succession and continuance of this 〈◊〉 ambition in mortal men, we may 〈◊〉 to that which hath been already said;  
That the Kings and Princes of the world have always laid before them, the actions, but not the ends of those great One's which praeceded them. They are always transported with the glory of the one, but they never mind the misery of the other, till they found the experience in themselves. They neglect the advice of GOD, while they enjoy life, or hope it; but they follow the counsel of Death, upon his first approach. It is he that puts into man all the wisdom of the world, without speaking a word; which GOD with all the words of his Law, promises, or threats, doth not infuse. Death, which hateth and destroyeth man, is believed; GOD, which hath made him and loves him, is always deferred. I have considered (saith SALOMON) all the works that are under the Sun, and behold, all is vanity, and vexation of spirit: but who believes it, till Death tells it us? It was Death, which opening the conscience of Charles the fift, made him enjoin his son Philip to restore Navarre; and King Francis the first of France, to command that justice should be done upon the Murderers of the Protestant's in 〈◊〉 and Cabrieres, which till then he neglected. It is therefore Death alone that can suddenly make man to know himself. He tells the proud and insolent, that they are but Abjects, and humbles them at the instant; makes them cry, complain, and repent, yea, even to hate their forepast happiness. He takes the account of the rich, and proves him a beggar; a naked beggar, which hath interest in nothing, but in the gravel that fills his mouth. He holds a Glass before the eyes of the most beautiful, and makes them see therein, their deformity and rottenness; and 〈◊〉 acknowledge it.  
OH eloquent, just and mighty Death! whom noon could advise, thou hast persuaded; what noon hath dared, thou hast done; and whom all the world hath flattered, thou only hast cast out of the world and despised: thou hast drawn together all the far stretched greatness, all the 〈◊〉, cruelty, and ambition of man, and covered it all over with these two narrow words, Hîc jacet.  
Lastly, whereas this Book, by the title it hath, calls itself, The first part of the General History of the World, implying a Second and Third Volume; which I also intended, and have hewn out; besides many other discouragements, persuading my silence; it hath pleased GOD to take that glorious Prince out of the world, to whom they were directed; whose unspeakable and never enough lamented loss, hath taught me to say with 〈◊〉, Versa est in Luctum Citbara mea, & Organum meum in vocem flentium.     
FINIS.   

 

  

  

  

  

  

   

¶ To the Reader.  
THe use of Chronological Tables is needful to all Histories, that reach to any length of time; and most of all, to those that are most general: since they cannot, like Annals, yearly set down all Occurrences not cohoerent. This here following, may serve as an Index to the present Part of this Work; pointing unto the sever all matters, that having fallen out at one time, are far disjoined in the Relation. Certainly it is not perfect: neither do I think, that any can be. For howsoever the years of the first Patriarches may seem to have been well-near complete, yet in the reigns of the Kings of juda and Israel, we find many fractions, and the last year, or years, of one King reckcned also as the foremost of another. The same is most likely to have fallen out in many other; though not so precisely recorded. Hereto may be added the diverse and imperfect forms of the year, which were in use among sundry Nations: causing the 
See Lib. 〈◊〉. Chap. 3. §. 6.  Summer Months, in process of some Ages, to fall into the Winter; and so breeding extreme confusion in the reckoning of their times. Neither is it a small part of trouble, to 〈◊〉, out of so many, and so 〈◊〉 disagreeing computations, as have already gotten authority, what may probably be held for truth. All this, and a great deal more, is to be 〈◊〉, in excuse of such error as a more intentive and perfect Calculator shall happen to find herein. It may serve to free the Book, and likewise the Reader (if but of mean judgement) from any notorious Anachronicisme; which aught to suffice. The Book indeed will need it, even in that regard; not only for some errors of the Press, in the numbering of years, but for some hasty mis-reckoning of my own; which I desire to have hereby reform, in 〈◊〉 that the printing of this Table shall not want careful diligence. The Reader, if he be not offended with the rest, shall find reason to be pleased with this, as tending wholly to his own ease.  
The Titles over the Columns, 〈◊〉 reference to that which follows under them; as will readily be conceived. Where two Titles, or more, are over the head, as 
Rome Nabonassar  there do the numbers underneath answer proportionably, the higher to the higher, the lower to the lower. For example: The walls of jerusalem were finished in the 319. year from the building of Rome, and in the 314. from NABONASSAR. In like manner it is to be 〈◊〉, That JEHOSOPHAT began his 〈◊〉 in the 3774. of the JULIAN Aera, in the 3092. of the World, and in the 99 year os the Temple. This needs not more illustration; nor indeed so much, to those that are acquainted with works of this kind. To avoid prolixity, I have forborn to insert those years, which I find not signed with some 〈◊〉 accident: as with the birth or death of some Patriarch; the beginning of some King's Reign; some change of Government; some Battle fought; or the like. So, of the 13. years wherein SILVIUS CAPETUS reigned over the Latins, I note only the first; that is, omitting 〈◊〉 between the 4. of JEHOSOPHAT, wherein CAPETUS began, unto the 17, wherein SILVIUS AUENTINUS succeeded, and wherein JEHORAM 〈◊〉 saint reigned with JEHOSOPHAT his father. For I thouht it vain to 〈◊〉 filled up a Page with 12. lines of idle cyphers; numbering 〈◊〉 2. 3. 4. 5. and so still onwards, till I had come to the first of AUENTINUS, and 17. of JEHOSOPHAT. In setting down the Kings, there is noted over the head of every one, what place he held in order of Succession; as whither he were the first, second, fift, seventh, or so forth, in rank, of those that reigned in his Country, without notable interruption: Before the name is the first year of his reign; at the end, or 〈◊〉 of the name (as the space gives leave) is the whole number of years in which he reigned; in the spaces following 〈◊〉 are those years of his, which 〈◊〉 concurrent with the beginning of some other King, or with the year of any remarkable accident. Where two numbers, or more, are found before one King's name, there is it to be understood, that the same year belonged, not only to the King then beginning, but unto some one, or more, of his fore-goers: as the first year of JEHORAM King of Isracl was the same with the second of his brother AHAZIA, and the 22. of his father AHAB. So, where two or three names are found in one space; as in the 3077. year of the World, ZIMRI, TIBNI, and OMRI: it is meant, that every one of them reigned in some part of the same year; which is reckoned the second of ELA, and the first of OMRI. Particularly, under the years of the Egyptian Kings are set down the years of those DYNASTIES, which it was thought meet to insert; as likewise, otherwhiles, the day of the month upon which NABONASSARS year began: which, how it varied from other years, may be found in the place last above cited.  
Concerning the Aera, or account of years, from IPHITUS, who began the Olympiads, from Rome built, from NABONASSAR, and the like; as much as was thought convenient hath been said, where due place was, in the Book itself: so as it remaineth only to note, that under the title of Olympiads is set down first the number of the Olympiad, and beneath it, the year of that Olympiad: as that CYRUS began his reign in Persia, in the 55. Olympiad, and the first year thereof.  
Now, for that the years of the World, of the Olympiads, of Rome, of NABONASSAR, and other, had not beginning in one month, but some of them in March, some in April, some about Midsummer, and some at other times: the better to express their 〈◊〉 beginnings, some painful Chronologers have divided them proportionably in their several Columns; opposing part of the one year to part of the other: not (as I have here done) cutting all over thwart with one strength line, as if all had begun and ended at one time. But this labour have I spared, as more troublesome than useful; since the more part would not have apprehended the meaning, and since the learned might well be without it. It will only be needful to observe, that howsoever the Aera of the Olympiads be 24. years elder than that of Rome, and 29, than that of NABONASSAR, yet the reign of some King may have begun at such a time of the year as did not suit with this difference. But hereof I take little regard. The more curious will easily find my meaning: the vulgar will not find the difficulty. One familiar example may explain all. Queen ELIZABETH began her reign the 17. of November, in the year of our LORD 1558: She was crowned; held a Parliament; broke it up; threw down Images; and reform many things in Religion; all in her first year: yet not all in that year 1558, but the greater part in the year following; whither we begin with the first of januarie, or with the 25. of March. The like may be otherwhiles found in this Table; but so, as the difference is never of a whole year.  
The JULIAN Period, which I have placed, as the greater number, over the years of the World, was devised by that honourable and excellently learned JOSEPH SCALIGER: being accommodated to the JULIAN years, now in use among us. It consisteth of 7980 years; which result from the multiplication of 19 28. and 15, that is, of the Cycle of the Moon, the Cycle of the Sun, and the years of an Indiction. Being divided by any of these, it leaves the number of the present year; or if no fraction remain, it shows the last year of that Cycle to be current. For example: in the 4498. of this Period, when was fought the great battle of Cannae, the Prime or Golden number was 14, the Cycle of the Sun 18, and consequently the Dominical letter F. as may be found by dividing the same number of the JULIAN Period 4498, by 19 for the Prime, by 28. for the Cycle of the Sun. This JULIAN Perioà, after the present account, always exceeds the years of the World by 682. Besides the former uses, and other thence redounding, it is a better Character of a year, than any other Aera (as From the beginning of the World, From the Flood, From Troy taken, or the like) which are of more uncertain position.  
Moore I shall not need to writ, as touching the use or explication of these Tables. Neither was thus much requisite to such as are conversant in works of this kind: it sufficeth if hereby all be made plain enough to the vulgar.   

A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.  
YEARS OF THE JULIAN PERIOD, WORLD, PATRIARCHES, etc.  
 julian, The World, and Adam           683 1. Adam 920           813 131 1. Seth 912          918 236 106 1. Enos 905         1008 326 196 91 1. Ca●nan. 910 All the years of the Patriarches, wherein they begat children, died, or performed any thing, are reckoned complete: which is inferred out of the addition of the years before they begat children, unto those that followed; making always a complete sum. GEN. 5.  1078 396 266 161 71 1. Mahalaleel. 895.       1143 461 331 226 136 66 1. ●ared. 962      1305 623 493 388 298 228 163 1. Enoch. 265     1370 688 558 453 363 293 228 66 1. Methuselah 969    1557 875 745 640 550 480 415 253 188 1. Lamech. 777  Adam died about the end of this year. 1612 930 800 695 605 535 470 308 243 56  Henoch translated. 1669 987 857 752 662 592 527 365 300 113  Seth aye ed about the end of this year. 1724 1042 912 807 717 647 582  355 168   1739 1057  822 732 662 597  370 183 1. Noah. 950  
 julian. The World Enos. Cainan. Maha laleel. lared. Mcthuselah. Lamech. Noak. Sem.     Enos died. 1822 1140 905 815 745 680 453 266 84      Cainan died. 1917 1235  910 842 775 548 361 179      Mahalaleel died this year. 1972 1290   895 830 603 416 234      Iared died. 2104 1422     735 584 366      Flood threatened, GEN. 6. 3. 2219 1537     850 663 481       2241 1559     872 685 503 . Sem. 600     Lamech died. 2333 1651     964 777 595 93     Methusaleh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 year a 〈◊〉 before the Flood. Noah 〈◊〉 into the Ark. C. 7. §. 8. & 9 The Flood. 2338 1656     969  600 98     The Flood 〈◊〉: Noah issued out of the Ark. 2339 1657       601 99      julian. World. Flood. Noah. Sem. 1. Arphaxad 438           2341 1659. 603 101            2376 1694 37 638 136 36 1. Salah. 433          2406 1724 67 668 166 66 31 1. Heber. 464         2440 1758 101 702 200 100 65 35 1. Peleg.  Kings of Assyria.      2470 1788 1●1 732 230 130 95 65 31 1. Reu. 239 1. Nim rod. 114      2502 1820 163 764 262 162 127 97 63 33 33 1. Sarug. 2●0 Kings of Egypt.   Vide lib. 2. c. 2. §. 2. 2530 1848 191 792 290 190 155 125 91 61 61 29 1 Cham 161    2532 1850 193 694 292 192 157 127 93 63 63 31 3 1. Nahor. 148   2561 1879 222 1. Terah. 205 823 321 221 186 156 122 92 92 69 32 30  2584 1902 245 846 344 244 209 179 145 115 2 1. Belus 65 83 55 53 24  
 julian. World. Flood Noah. Sem. Arphaxad. Salah. Heber. Peleg. Reu. Assyria Sarug. Egypt. Nahor Terah. Kings of Sition.   2618 1936 279 880 378 278 243 213 179 149 35 117 89 87 58 1 AEgy●leus. 5   2649 1967 310 911 409 309 274 244 210 180 3 1. Ninus. 52 148 120 118 89 32   2670 1988 331 932 430 330 295 265 231 201 22 169 141 139 110 2 1. Europa's. 45  The last year of Peleg his life. 2678 1996 339 940 438 338 303 273 239 209 30 177 149 147 118 9  The death of Nahor. 2679 1997 340 941 439 339 304 274  210 31 178 150 148 119 10  Noah died this year. 2688 2006 349 950 448 348 313 283  219 40 187 159  128 19  The 16. Dynastie in Egypt. Vid. L. 2 c. 2. §. 3, 4, 5, & c. 2691 2009 352  451 351 316 286  222 43 190 2 ●. Mizraim or Osiris, 261  131 22 1. Abram. 175  2701 2019 362  461 361 326 296  232 4 1. Semiramis, 42 200 11  141 32 11 The last year of Reu. 2708 2026 369  468 368 333 303  239 8 207 18  148 39 18  2715 2033 369  475 375 340 310   15 214 25  155 3 1. Telchin or S●lchin, 20 25 The last of Sarug. 2731 2049 392  491 391 356 326   31 230 41  171 17 41  
 Julian. World, Flood. Sem. Arphaxad. Salah. Heber. Assyria. Egypt. Terah. Sition. Abram.  2735 2053 396 495 395 360 330 35 45 175 4 1. Apis, 25. 45  2743 2061 404 503 403 368 338 5 1. Ninias, 38 53 183 9 53  2760 2078 421 520 420 385 355 18 70 200 5 1. Thelxion or Thelasion. 5● 70 Abram receives the Promise. Terah dies in. Haran 1. 2. c. 1. §. 1, 2, 3. 2765 2083 426 525 425 390 360 23 75 205 6 75  
 julian, World. Promis●. Sem. Arphaxad. Salah. Heber. Abram. Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Abram enters into Canaan, and descends ●nto Egypt. The first of the 430. years of Servitude 2766 2084 1 526 426 391 361 76 24 76 7 Abram returns into Canaan. 2767 2085 2 527 427 392 362 77 25 77 8 Abram his victory over Chedorlaomer, & other Kings l. 2. c. 1. §. 8, 9 etc. 2775 2093 10 535 435 400 370 85 33 85 16 Ishmael borne. 2777 2095 12 537 437 402 372 87 35 87 18 Arphaxad dies. 2778 2096 13 538 438 403 373 88 36 88 19  
 julian. World. Promis●. Sem. Salah. Heber. Abraham. Assyria Egypt. Sition.   2781 2099 16 541 406 376 91 6 1. Arius 30 91 22  Isaac borne when Abraham was 100 years old complete 101. current. 2791 2109 26 551 416 386 101 11 101 32 1. Isaac 180 The last year of Salah. 2808 2126 43 568 433 403 118 28 118 49 18  2811 2129 46 571  406 121 7 1 Aralius 40 121 52 21  2812 2130 47 572  407 122 2 122 6 1. AEgyrus, 34 22 Sarai the wife of Abraham died this year. 2827 2145 62 587  422 137 17 137 16 37 Isaac took Rebecca to wife, when he was 40. years old complete. 2831 2149 66 591  426 141 21 141 20 41 The last year of Sem. 3840 2158 75 600  435 150 30 150 29 50  
 julian. World. Promise. Heber. Abraham. Isaac. jacob. Assyria Egypt. Sition. Argives.   2846 2164 81 441 156 56  36 156 7 1. Thurimachus, 45    2851 2169 86 446 161 61 1 jacob 147 8 1. Baleus 3● 161 6 1. Inachus, 50  Abraham died this year. 2865 2183 100 460 175 75 15 15 175 20 15  Heber died this year. 2869 2187 104 464  79 19 19 179 24 19  The 17. Dynestie, called of the Shepherds, beginning this year, lasted 103. years. 2881 2199 116   91 31 9 1. Armamithre●, 38 191 1 36 31   2891 2209 126   101 41 11 201 11 8 1. Leucippus, 53 41   2901 2219 136   111 51 21 211 21 11 2 1. Ph●roneus, 60  The flood of Ogyges, a thousand and twenty years before the Olympiads. See L. 1. c. 7. §. 2. 2919 2237 154   129 69 10 1 Belochus Priseus, 35 229 39 29 19   2942 2260 177   152 92 24 252 62 52 42 1. joseph. 110  1944 2262 179   154 94 26 254 64 9 1. Messapius, 47 44 3 See L. 2. c. 2. §. 6. 2952 2270 187   162 102 34 3 & 4 1. Typhon, and after him Hercul. 7. 72 9 52 11  2954 2272 189   164 104 11 1. Baleus 52 3 74 11 54 13  
 julian. World. Promise. Isaac. jacob. Assyria Egypt. Sition. Argives.  joseph sold into Egypt. 2959 2277 104 169 109 6 5 1 〈◊〉. 79 11● 16 50 18  2961 2279 196 171 111 8 3 81 18 3 1. Apis. 35 20 The last year of Isaac. 2970 2298 215 180 120 17 12 90 27 10 ●9 Israel into Egypt. 2980 2298 215  130 27 22 100 37 20 39 The eighteenth dynasty in Egypt, which lasted 348. years. 2984 2302 219  1●4 31 26 1 41 24 43  2991 2309 226  141 38 33 8 10 1 Pera●us, ●6 31 50  2996 2314 231  146 43 ● 1● 6 4 1. Argus, ●● 55 jacob. dies in Egypt. 2997 2315 232  147 44 ●●●● 7 ● 56  
 julian. World. Promise. joseph. Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Argines.  3006 2324 241 65 12 1. Al●ades, 32 48 23 16 11  3037 2355 272 96 32 79 54 11 1. Pl●●●aus, 4● 42  3038 2356 273 97 13 1. Mamitus, ●0 80 55 2 43 The last year of joseph. 3051 2369 286 110 14 93 68 15 56  ●066 2384 301  29 108 83 ●0 5 ●. P●r●sus, or Cr●●sus, 5●  ●068 2386 203  14 1. Mancaleus, ●0 110 85 32 3  3074 2392 30●  7 6 1. ●esos●●is the Great 3● 91 38 9  3085 2403 320  18 12 102 12 1. Orthpolis, 6● 20  3098 2416 333  15 1. Spherus or ●phereus, 20. 25 115 14 33  3107 2425 342  10 ● 1 Sesostris the second 14 124 23 42  3116 2434 351 1. Moses. 120 19 10 133 32 51  
 julian World. Promise. Moses Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Argives.   3118 2436 353 3 16 1. Mamilas, or Mamelus. 30 12 135 34 53   3120 2438 355 5 3 14 137 36 6 1 Phorbas. 35   3121 2439 356 6 4 8 1. Orus, 2. or Busiris, 38. 138. 37 2 Athenians.  3148 2466 383 33 17 1. Sparetus, 40 28 165 13 1. Marathius, 30 29   3151 2469 386 36 4 31 168 4 32 1. ●●●●ops. 50 Moses visits his brethren the Israelites; kills an Egyptian, and flies into Midian. 3155 2473 390 40 8 35 172 8 7 1. Triopas, 46 5  3159 2477 394 44 12 9 1. Therm●●is. or Acench●r●s. Qu. ●2. 176 12 5 9  3171 2489 406 56 24 10 1. Ratheris, or Achoris, 9 188 24 17 21  3178 2496 413 63 31 8 195 14 1. Marathus, 20. 24 28  3180 2498 415 65 33 11 1. Ch●cres, 16 197 3 26 30  3188 2506 423 73 18 1. Ascatades. 40 9 205 11 34 38 Moses his wonders in Egypt. 3195 2513 430 80 8 16 212 18 41 45  
 julian. World. Exodus. Moses. Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Argos. Athens The Passeover. Israel delivered out of Egypt. Pharaoh drowned. The Law given. The first of the 480. years from Exodus to building the Temple. 3196 2514 1 81 9 12 1. Acherres, 8. 213 19 42 46 The Flood of Deucalion, and Constagration of Phaeton about this time. 3198 2516 3 83 11 3 215 15 1. Echireus, 55. 44 48  3201 2519 6 86 14 6 218 4 8 1. Crotopus, 21 2 1. Crana●s. 10  3204 2522 9 89 17 13 1. Cherres, 15 221 7 4 4  3211 2529 16 96 24 8 228 14 11 3 1. Amphytryon, 12  3219 2537 24 104 32 14 1. Armeus, or Danaus, 5. 236. 22 19 9  3222 2540 27 107 35 4 239 25 9 1. S●hen●lus, 11 12  
 julian. World. Exodus. Moses Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Argos. Athens   3223 2541 28 108 36 5 240 26 2 4 ●. Ericthonius. 50   3224 2542 29 109 37 15 1. Ramesses, 68 241 27 3 2 Troy.  3228 2546 33 113 19 1. Amyntas, 45 5 245 31 7 6   3229 2547 34 114 2 6 246 32 8 7 1 ●. Dardanu●, 64  3233 2551 38 118 6 10 250 36 10 1. Danau●, ●0 11 5 The Last year of Moses. 3235 2553 40 120 8 12 252 38 3 13 7  
 julian. World. Exodus. Israel. Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Argos. Athens Troy. The Israelites enter the Land of Promise. 3236 2554 41 1 josua 18 9 13 253 39 4 14 8  3253 2571 58 18 26 30 270 16 1. Corax, 30 21 31 25  3254 2572 59 2 1 Othoniel, 40 27 31 271 2 22 32 26  3273 2591 78 20 20 1. Belochus the second. 25. 50 290 21 41 5 1. Pandiŏ, 40 45  3283 2601 88 30 11 60 300 17 1. Epopeus, 35 11 2. Lynceus, 41 11 55  3292 2610 97 39 20 16 1. Menophis, 309 40. 10 10 20 64  3293 2611 98 40 21 2 310 11 11 21 2 1. Ericthonius. 46  3294 2612 99 3 1 Ehud 80 22 3 311 12 12 22 2  3298 2616 103 5 21 1. Belopares. 30 7 315 16 16 26 6  3313 2631 118 20 16 22 330 31 31 6 1. Er●cth●us. 50 21  3318 2636 123 25 21 27 335 18 1. Lamedon. 40 36 6 26  3324 2642 129 31 27 33 341 7 12 1. Abas. 23 12 32  3328 2646 133 35 22 1. Lamprides, 32. 37 345 11 5 16 36  
The 19 Dynastie: of the Larthes', 194. years. See lib. 2. c. 26. §. 4. 3332 2650 137 39 5 17 1 Zethus, or Sethesis, 55 1 15 9 20 40  3339 2657 144 46 12 8 8 22 16 27 3 1 Tros. 60 Tantalus in Phrygia. 3347 2665 152 54 20 16 16 30 13 1. Proetus, 17 35 9  3358 2676 163 65 31 27 27 19 1. Si●●on, 45. 12 46 20  3360 2678 165 67 23 1. Sosares, 20 29 29 3 14 48 22  3363 2681 168 70 4 32 32 6 17 7 1. Cecrops the second, 40 25 Pelops in Pisa, who gave name to Pelopo●n●sus. 3364 2682 169 71 5 33 33 7 14 ●. Acrisus, 31 2 26 jon and Xuthus the son of Hellen. See l. 2. c. 17. §. 6. 3374 2692 179 4 1. Deborah & Ba. 40 15 43 43 17 11 12 36  3380 2698 185 7 24 1. Lampares, ●0 49 48 23 17 18 42  3387 2705 192 14 8 18 1. Ramses, 66. 56 30 24 25 49 After the death of Acrisius, the Kingdom of the Argines was divided into many small parts, and overgrown▪ by that of Mye●na whereof some Kings descended from Perse●, others from Pelops, as in the Pedigree ●ollowing. 3394 2712 199 21 15 8 63 37 31 32 56   genealogy 
 lulian. World. Exodus. Israel. Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Micenae. Athens Troy.  3399 2717 204 26 20 13 68 42  37 4 1. Ilus, 55.  3402 2720 207 29 23 16 71 45 1 Euristheus, 45 40 4  3403 2721 208 30 24 17 72 20 1. Polybus. 40 2 8 ● Pa●dion the 2. 2● 5  3410 2728 215 37 25 1. Pannias, 45 24 79 8 9 8 12  3414 2732 219 5 1. Gedeon, 40. 5 28 83 12 13 12 16 Pandion chased out of his Kingdom, which is recovered by his son Aegeus, in few years after. The omission of this Interregnum, and reckoning the years in the forty eight of 〈◊〉, or the numbering them apart by themselves, breed answerable difference in the times of the Athenians following: as of Mnestheus, Carops, and the rest. 3427 2745 232 14 18 41 96 25 26 25 29 3432 2750 237 19 23 46 101 30 31 9 1. 〈◊〉 48. 34 Oedipus in Thebes. 3443 2761 248 30 34 57 112 21 1. Inachus 42 42 12 45  3447 2765 252 34 38 61 116 5 1. Atreus and Thye●●es,. 65 16 49  3453 2771 258 40 44 19 1. Amenophis, 122 40 11 7 22 55  3454 2772 259 6 1. Abimelech, 3. 45 2 123 12 8 23 5 1. Laomedon, 36  3455 2773 260 2 26 1. Sosarmus 19 3 124 13 9 24 2  3457 2775 262 7 1. Thola, 23 3 5 126 15 11 26 4  3474 2792 379 18 27 1. Mitreus 27 22 143 32 28 43 21  3480 2798 285 8 1. jair. 22 7 28 149 38 34 10 1. Theseus, 30 27  3485 2803 290 6 12 33 154 22 1. Phestus, 8. 39 6 32  3490 2808 295 11 17 38 159 6 44 11 6 1. Priamus, 40  3493 2811 298 14 20 20 1. Annemenes, 162 26 23 1. Adrastus, 4 47 14 4  3497 2815 302 18 24 5 166 24 1. Polyphides 31 51 18 8  3501 2819 306 22 28 1. Ta●tanes 32 9 170 5 55 22 12  
 julian. World. Exodus. Israel. Assyria. Egypt. Sition. Micenae. Athens Troy.  3502 2820 307 9 1. lephta, 6. 2 10 171 6 56 23 13  3508 2826 313 10 1. Ibzan. 7. 8 16 177 12 62 29 19  3510 2828 215 3 10 18 179 14 64 11 1. Mnestheus 24 21  3512 2830 317 5 12 20 181 16 1. Agamemnon, 18 3 23  3515 2833 320 11 1. Elon 10 15 23 184 19 4 6 26 The war of Troy began this year. 3519 2837 324 5 19 21 1. Thuoris, 7 188 23 8 10 30  3525 2843 330 12 1. Abdon, 8. 25 7 194 29 14 16 36 The 20. dynasty, called Of the Diapolitani, began this year in Egypt, and lasted 178. years, See lib. 2. c. 26. §. 4. 3526 2844 331 2 26 20 1. dynasty. 178 30 15 17 37  3528 2846 333 4 28 3 25 1. Pelasgus, 20. 17 19 39 Troy taken 408. years, before the beginning of the Olympiads, See l. 2. c. 14. §. 1. 3529 2847 334 5 29 4 2 18 20 40. Troy taken.  
julian. World. Exodus. From Troy taken. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Sition. Mycenae. Athens The Kingdom of the Latins. 3530 2848 335 1 6 30 5 3 1. Aegysthus, 6. 21  3533 2851 338 4 13 1. Samson, 20. 29 1. Teuteus 40 8 6 4 24 1. Aeneas, 3. 3534 2852 3●9 5 2 2 9 7 5 12 1. D●mophon, 33 2 3536 2854 341 7 4 4 11 9 1. Orestes, 70 3 2 1. Ascanius, 38 3548 2866 353 19 16 16 23 26 1. Zeusippus 32 13 15 13 3553 2871 358 2 14 1. Eli. 40. 21 28 6 18 20 18 3567 2885 372 38 15 35 42 20 32 13 1. Oxyn●es, 12. 32 3573 2891 378 44 21 30 1. Thyneus ●0 48 26 38 7 38 3574 2892 379 45 22 2 49 27 39 8 3 1. Syl. Posthumus, 29.  
 julian. World. Exodus. From Troy taken. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Sition. Mycenae. Athens The Kingdom of the Latins. The Sycionian Kings ended in Zeusippus. 3579 2897 284 50 27 7 54 32 44 14 1. Apuilas, 1. 6  3580 2898 385 51 28 8 55  45 15 1. Timoe●es, 8. 7  3588 2906 393 59 36 16 63  53 16 1. Melanthus, 37. 15  3593 2911 308 64 15 1. Samuel, and after him Saul, 40. 21 68  58 6 20  3603 2921 408 74 11 31 1. De●cilus, 40. 78  68 16 4 1. Silvius Aeneas, 31.  3606 2924 411 77 14 4 81  1. Tesamenus, 2. 19 4 The de●cen● of the Heracl●●e unto Peloponnesus, gave end to the Kingdom of Mycenae, and beginning to the Kingdom of Sparta, Corinth, and Messon●, the Kings whereof I forbear to insert into this Table. 3609 2927 414 80 17 7 84   22 7  3625 2943 430 96 33 23 100   17 1. Codrus, 21 23  
 julian World. Exodus.  From Troy taken. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Latines.  3633 2951 438  104 1. David, 40. 31 108 9 31  3634 2952 439  105 2 32 109 10 5 1. Syl. Latinus, 50.  3643 2961 448  114 11 32 1. Eupales, 38. 118 19 10 The Medontidae succeed unto the Athenian Kings, after the death of Codrus. See L. 2. C. 17. §. 10. 3646 2964 451  117 14 4 121 1 1. Med●n, 20 13 13  3666 2984 471  137 34 24 141 2 1. Agastus, 36. 33 Vaphres reigneth in Egypt. See L. 2. C. 26. §. 5. 3673 2991 478 Temple 1. 144 1. Solomon, 40 31 148 8 40 Solomon began to build the Temple 480. years complete after the deliverance out of Egypt. 3676 2994 481 1 147 4 34 151 11 43  3681 2999 6 152 9 33 1. Laosth●nes, 45. 156 16 48  3684 3002 9 155 12 4 159 19 6 1. Syl. Alba 39  3692 3010 17 163 20 12 1. Sesac 26 167 27 9  3702 3020 27 173 30 22 11 177 3 1. Archippus, 19 19  
 julian. World. Temple. From Troy taken. Israel. Assyria. Egypt. Athens Latines. The 21. Dynastie in Egypt, which lasted 130. years. 3704 3022 29 175 32 24 13 1 3 21 The ●on●ck migration after the taking of Troy 180. years. See L. 2. C. 17. §. 6. 3709 3027 34 180 37 29 18 6 8 26  
 julian. World. Temple. Troy. juda. Israel. Assyria. Egypt. Athens Latines.  3713 3031 38 184 1 1. Rehoboam, 17. 1 1. leroboam, 22. 33 22 10 12 30  3718 3036 43 189 6 6 ●8 1. Chem●is, 50 15. 17 35  ●721 3039 46 192 9 9 41 4 18 4 1. Tersippus, 41. 38  3723 3041 48 194 11 11 43 6 20 3 7 1. Syl. A●ys, 26.  3726 3044 51 197 14 14 34 1. Pyrithiades ●0 9 23 6 4  ●7●0 3048 55 201 2 1. Ab●●am, 3. 18 5 13 27 10 8  3733 3051 58 204 3 1. Asa, 41. 21 8 16 30 13 11  37●4 3052 59 205 2 22 2 1. Nadab. 2. 9 17 31 14 12  3735 3053 60 206 3 2 3. 1. Baasha, 24. 10 18 32 15 13  3749 ●0●7 74 220 17 15 24 32 46 29 8 1. Syl. Copies, 28  3756 3074 81 227 24 22 35 1. Ophrateus, 20 39 53 36 8  3758 3076 83 229 26 24 4 1. Ela, 2. 3 41 55 38 10 Of these Israelitish Kings. See lib. 2. c. 19 §. 5. 3759 3077 84 230 27 2 1 

5 Zimri.  
6 Tibui.  
7 Omri.   12. 4 42 56 39 11  3762 3080 87 233 30 4 7 45 59 5 1. Phorbas, 31. 14  3768 3086 93 239 36 10 13 1. Cheops, 56. 65 7 20  3770 3088 ●5 241 38 12 8 1. Ahab, 22. 15 3 67 9 22  3774 ●092 99 245 4 1. jehosaphat, ●5 5 19 7 71 13 26  
 julian. World. Temple. Troy. juda. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Latines.  3776 3094 101 247 3 7 36 1. Ophra●●●e●, 50. 9 73 15 28  3777 3095 102 248 4 8 2 10 74 16 9 1. Syl. Cap●●us, 13 Of jehoram his sundry beginnings to reign. See lib. 2. c. 20. §. 1. & 2. 3790 3108 115 261 17 5 1. jehoram. 21 9 1. Ahazia, 2. 15 23 87 29 10 1. Syl. Tybermus, 8  3791 3109 116 262 18 2 22 2 10 1. I●horam, 12. 16 24 88 30 2  3793 3111 118 264 20 0 3 18 26 90 6 1. Mezales, 30. 4  3795 3113 120 266 22 1. jehoram again, 8. 5 20 28 92 3 6 jehosaphat dies, and jehoram reigns alone. 3798 3116 123 269 25 4 8 23 31 95 6 11 1. ●yl. Agr●●pa, 41.  3802 3120 127 273 8 6 1. Ahazia. 1. 12 27 ●5 99 10 ●  3803 3121 128 274 7 1. Athalia, 7 11 1. jehu, 28. 28 36 100 11 6  3809 3127 134 280 7 8 1. joas. 40. 7 34 42 106 17 12 Carthage built. L. 2. c. 22. §. 6. 3819 3137 144 290 11 17 44 52 116 27 22  3825 3143 148 294 15 21 48 56 120 7 1. Diogne●us, 28. 26  3824 3142 149 295 16 22 49 1. C●phr●●●s, 50. 121 2 27  3826 3144 151 297 18 24 37 Oc●azapes or 1. Ana●y●●araxes 42 3 123 4 29  3831 3149 156 302 23 12 1. jehoabaz. 17 6 8 128 9 34 The end of the 21. dynasty. The Dynasties following, l omit. 3833 3151 158 304 25 3 8 10 130 11 36  3839 3157 164 310 31 9 14 16 17 12 1. Syl. Alladius, 19 joas reigned with his Father. Lib. 2. c. 22. §. 7. 3845 3163 170 316 37 15 13 1. joas. 20 22 23 7 joas reigns alone. 3847 3165 172 318 39 1. joas, 16. 22 24 25 9  3848 3166 173 319 40 9 1. Amazi●, 20. 2 23 25 26 10  
julian. World. Temple. Troy. juda. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Latines. 3851 3169 176 322 4 5 26 28 8 1. Pheredus, 19 13 3858 3766 183 329 11 12 33 35 8 13 1. Syl Auen●●nus, 37 3862 3180 187 333 15 16 14 1. jeroboam, 41. 37 39 12 5 3868 3186 193 339 21 7 38 1. Sardanapalu●, 20. 45 18 11 3870 3188 195 341 23 9 3 47 9 1. Ariphron 20 12 3874 3192 199 345 27 13 7 1. Myce●inus, 6. 5 16  
 julian. World. Temple. Troy. juda. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Latines. Media L. 2. C. 22. §. 11. 3877 3195 202 348 1. Interregnum eleven years. 16 10 4 8 19   3880 3198 205 351 4 19 13 1. Bocchorus, 44 11 22  L. 2. c. 22. §. 12. 3887 3205 212 358 11 26 10 Sarda●apalus slain. 8 18 29  L. 2. c. 33. §. 1. & 4. 3888 3206 213 359 10 1. Vzzia, or, Agaria, 52. 27  9 19 30 1. Arbaces, 28.  3890 3208 215 361 3 29  11 10 1 Th●sp●●us, 27 32 3 L. 2. c. 23. §. 4. 3892 3210 217 363 5 31 1. Belosus, or Phul. 48. 13 3 34 5  3895 3213 220 366 8 34 4 16 6 14 1. Syl. Proca●, 23. 8 L. 2. c. 23. §. 1. 3903 3221 228 374 16 1. Interregnum, 23. years. 12 24 14 9 16  3916 3234 241 387 29 14 25 37 27 22 2 1. Sosarmus, 30.  3917 3235 242 388 30 15 26 38 11 1. Agamn●st●r, 20 23 2  3918 3236 243 389 31 16 27 39 2 15 1. Syl▪ Amulius, 44 3  3924 3242 249 395 37 22 33 ●. 〈◊〉 and after him A●ysis. 6. 8 7 9 Zacharia began at the very end of the year. L. 2. c. 23. §. 1. 3925 3243 250 396 38 ●3 15 Zacharia six Months. 34 2 9 8 10  
 julian. World. Temple. Troy.   juda. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Latines. Media  3926 3244 251 397   39 16 Shallum one month. 17 M●nahem 10 35 3 10 9 11 This year nearly concurs with the first of Menahem. 3927 3245 252 398   40 1 36 4 11 10 12  3930 3248 255 401   43 4 39 1 Sabacus the Ethiopian. 50 14 13 15  3937 3255 262 408 Iphitus Olympiads. 50 18 1. P●ka●●a, 2. 46 8 12 1. AEschylus, 23 20 22 The beginning of the Olympiads. L. 2. c. 23. §. 5. 3938 3256 263 409 1 1 1 51 2 47 9 2 21 23  3939 3257 264 410 2 1 2 52 19 1. Pek●●omeliae. 2● 48 10 3 22 24 L. 2. c. 23. §. 6. 3940 3258 265 411 3 1 3 11 1 jotham 1● 2 2 1. Tigla●● Phul 〈◊〉, 27 11 4 23 25  
julian. World. Temple. Iphit: Olympiads. juda. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Latines. Med●●. 3946 3264 271 9 3 1 7 8 7 17 10 29 3 1. Medi●●s, 40 3955 3273 280 18 5 2 16 12 1. Ahaz, 16 17 16 26 19 38 10 3959 3277 284 22 6 2 5 1. Jnterregnum. 7. years. 20 30 23 42 14 3960 3278 285 23 6 3 6 2 21 31 13 1. Al●menon, 2 43 15  
 julian. World. Temple Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olymp. juda. Israel. Assyria Egypt. Athens Roman. Media Rome built. Lib. 2. chap. 24. §. 5. Carops the First, governing in Athens for ten years: after whom succeeded six cho sen each after other for the like time; and 〈◊〉 the office become Annual. 3962 3280 287 1 25 7 1 8 4 23 33 1 1. Ca●ops, 10 1 1. Romulus, 37. 17 3966 3284 291 5 29 8 1 12 20 1. Hosea, 9 27 37 5 5 21 The Aera of Nabonassar. L. 2. c. 25. §. 1. 3967 3285 292 6 1 30 8 2 13 2 3 1. Salmanas●ar or Nabanassar, 10 38 6 6 22 Ezekia began in the very end of this year. L. 2. c. 25. §. 1. 3968 3286 293 7 2 31 8 3 14 13 Ezekia, 29 3 2 39 7 7 23 This year concurs with the first of Ezekia. Ibid. 3969 3287 294 8 3 32 8 4 15 1 4 3 40 8 8 24 The beginning of the first Messenian War. Whereof see L. 2. c. 27. §. 4. It lasted 20. years. 3971 3289 296 10 5 34 9 2 3 6 5 42 10 10 26 Samaria besieged by Salmanassar. 3972 3290 297 11 6 35 9 3 4 7 6 43  11 27 The captivity of the ten Tribes. 3974 3292 299 13 8 37 10 1 6 9 8 45  13 29  3976 3294 301 15 10 39 10 3 8  10 4 1. Senacherib, 7. 47  15 31 L. 2. c. 26. §. 7. 3980 3298 305 19 14 43 11 3 12 Kings of the Chaldeans. 5 1. Sethon. 33  19 35 Senacherib's Armio destroyed, and be slain. 3982 3300 307 21 16 45 12 1 14  7 3  21 37  3983 3301 308 22 17 46 12 2 15 1. Merodach or Mardoc●●padus. 5 1. Asarhaddon. 10 4  22 38  3980 3304 311 25 20 49 13 1 18 4 4 7  25 4 1. Cardiceas, 13 Merodach gets the whole Empire. This year or in the end of the year foregoing, An Eclipse of ☽ 3993 3311 318 32 27 56 14 4 25 1. Merodach, 40 11 14  32 8  
 julian. World. Temple. Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olymp. juda. Chaldoea. Egypt. Rome. Media Lydia. Two Eclipses of the Moon, in the second year of Mardocempadus. 3994 3312 319 33 28 57 15 1 26 2 15 33 9   3997 3319 322 36 31 60 15 4 29 5 18 36 12 1. Gyges, ●8  3998 3316 323 37 32 61 16 1 14 1. Manasses 55 6 19 37 13 2  3999 3317 324 38 33 62 16 2 2 7 20 interregnum one year. 5 1. Deioces, 53. 3  4000 3318 325 39 34 63 16 3 3 8 21 2 1 Numa Pompilius, 43 2 4 L. 2. c. 27. §. 2. 4013 3331 338 52 47 76 19 4 16 21 1. Interregnum, 2. 14 15 17  4015 3333 340 54 49 78 20 2 18 23 1 12 Princes, 15 16 17 19 The beginning of the second Messemian War; which lasted about 18. years. L. 2. c. 27. §. 4. 4029 3347 354 68 63 92 23 4 32 37 ●5 1. Psammit●●us. 4● 30 31 33 L. 2. c. 28. §. 3. 4033 3351 358 72 67 96 24 4 36 2 1. Ben Merodach, 2. 5 34 35 37  4035 3353 360 74 69 98 25 2 38 3 7 36 37 2 1. Ardys, 49  4043 3361 368 82 77 106 27 2 46 11 15 3 1. Tullus Ho●●ilius 32 45 9  4052 3370 377 91 86 115 29 3 55 20 24 10 6 1. P●●●aor●●s, 24 18  4053 3371 378 92 87 116 29 4 15 1. Amen, 2. 21 25 11 2 19  
 julian. World. Temple Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olymp. juda. Chaldaea. Egypt. Rome. Media Lydia. The Expedition of the Scythians. L. 2. c. 28. §. 3. & 4. 4054 3372 379 93 88 117 30 1 2 3 1. Nabu●assar, 3● 26 12 3 20  4055 3373 380 94 89 118 ●0 2 16 1. josias, 31 2 27 13 4 21 L. 2. c. 28. §. 2. 4073 3391 398 112 107 136 34 4 19 20 1. Neco, 17 31 22 39  4075 3393 400 114 109 138 35 2 21 22 3 4 1. A●eus Martius, 34 24 41  4076 3394 401 115 110 139 35 3 22 23 4 2 7 1. 〈◊〉, 40 42  4084 340● 409 123 118 147 37 3 30 31 12 10 9 3 1. Sady●t●●s, 1● L. 2. c. 28. §. 1. & 2. 4085 3403 410 124 119 148 37 4 31 1● Ie●oa a● 3. 〈◊〉 32 13 11 10 2 Nabuchodonosor had reigned one year with his Father, which is to be regarded in Astronomical observations concerning his time. L. 2. C. 28. §. 6. & C. 25. §. 1. 4086 3404 411 125 1●0 149 38 1 18 1. jehoiakim, 11 33 14 12 11 3  4089 3407 414 128 123 152 38 4 4 4 1 Nabuch●●●nosor the Great. 44 17 15 14 6  4090 3408 415 129 1●4 153 39 1 5 2 1. Psammis, 12. 16 15 7  4096 3414 421 1●5 1●0 159 40 3 11 ●9 1. Ieho●i●●●●●●. ●0 zedekia 11. years 8 7 22 21 ● 1. ●●●●●●es, 57 Zedekia his journey to Babylon. L. 2. c. 28. §. 6. 4099 3417 424 138 1ST 162 41 2 4 11 10 5 1. 〈…〉, 38 24 4  4102 3420 427 141 1●6 165 42 1 7 14 1. Apri●s or ●o●hra 1● 4 27 ● jerusalem taken by Nabuchodonosor: with whose 18. for the more part, and partly with whose 19 this year concurs. 4106 3424 431 145 140 169 43 1 11 18 5 8 31 11  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olympiads. Captivity. Captivity. Egypt. Rome. Media Lydia. jerusalem destroyed. 4107 3425 140 141 170 43 2 1 19 6 9 32 12 Egypt conquered by Nabuchodonosor. L. 3. c. 1. §. 8. & 9 4111 3429 150 145 174 44 2 5 23 ●0 1 Phar. Ho●hra s●am & the kingdom of Egypt governed ●●rtie years by Vi●ereyes. 13 36 16  4116 3434 155 150 179 45 3 10 28 ● 18 8 1. As●yages, 3●. 21 Nabuchodonosor lives wild; and his Kingdom is governed by others for him, during seven years. L. 3. c. 1. §. 13. 4125 3443 164 159 188 47 4 19 27 1. Euilm●rodach. 2. 15 27 10 30  4127 3445 166 161 190 48 2 21 39 1. Nighsa●, & N●●ocri●, 4. 17 29 12 32  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olympiads. juda. Chaldaea. Egypt. Rome. Media Lydia. Nabuchadnezzar recovers his sense and Kingdom. 4131 449 170 165 194 49 2 25 43 ● Laborosardach. 9 months. 21 33 16 36 Lib. 3. Chap. 1. §. 6. The 37. of jechonia his captivity complete, and he enlarged. 4133 3451 172 167 196 49 4 27 5 1. Euilmero●dach, 26 23 35 18 38  4137 3455 176 171 200 50 4 31 5 27 6 1. Servius ●ullus, 41 22 42 Forty years after the Conquest of Egypt past, Amasis began his reign: this being inclusively the 41. and therefore the next year seems concurrent with Amasis his first. 4151 3469 190 185 214 54 2 45 19 Amasis, 34 15 9 1 Cyaxares or Darius the Mede, 26 56  4153 3471 192 187 216 54 4 47 21 2 17 3 5 1 Croesus. 14  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olympiads. Persia. Chaldaea. Egypt. Rome. Media Lydia. jews.  4154 3472 193 188 217 55 1 1. Cyras in Persia, 23 22 3 18 4 2 48 The seven Sages in Greece. 4159 3477 198 193 222 56 2 6 6 1. Balthasar, 17 8 23 9 7 53 Pisistratus makes himself Tyrant in Athens. 4164 3482 203 198 227 57 3 11 6 13 28 14 12 58  4166 3484 205 200 229 58 1 13 8 15 30 16 14 Croesus taken by Cyrus. 60 The end of the Chaldaean Empire. 4175 3493 214 209 238 60 2 22 17. Balthasar slain. 24 39 25  69  4176 3494 215 210 239 60 3 23 1. Darius the Mede 2. 25 40 26  70 The beginning of Cyrus his Empire. His Edict of liberty to the jews. 4177 3495 216 211 240 60 4 1 Cyrus 7. 2 26 41 Years from 1 Cyrus  Zorobabel.  4181 3499 220 215 244 61 4 5  30 7 L. Tarqvinius Superbus, 25 5 Only Zorobabel & Nehemias are remembered as Governors of the jews unto the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon. But there were many before Nehemias, as himself witnesseth. Ch. 5. n. 15. so that the flories of them, their number, and names, are uncertain.  4184 3502 223 218 247 62 3 2 1. Cambyses, 7.  33 4 8 The two first years of P●a●menitus and part of the third may be added to the y●eres of his Father, if it be true that Cambyses wan Egypt presently upon the death of Amasis. L. 3. c. 4. §. 2. 4186 3504 225 220 249 63 1 3  1. Psammenitus, 3 6 10 The Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. 4188 3506 227 22 251 63 3 5  3 8 12  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olymp. Persia. Egypt. Rome. Greece jews. From Cyrus. Cambyses reigned seven years and five month, so as this bis last year was filled up by the Magis, and (as may seem) a good part of the next. L. 3. c. 4. §. 4. 4191 3509 230 ●25 254 64 2 8 The Magis one year.  11   15  4192 3510 231 226 255 64 3 3 1. Darius Hystaspis, 36  12   16  
 julian. and World. Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olympiads. Persia. Egypt. Rome. Greece. jews; and from Cyrus.  4197 3515 236 231 260 65 4 6  17 Hip●ias the son of P●sis●●aus Tyrant. in Athens. 21  4204 3522 243 238 267 67 3 13 Babylon which ha● rebelled in ken by Darius.  42  28 The Tarquin's expelled Rome. L. 4. c. 7. §. 1. 4205 3523 244 239 268 67 4 14  25  29 The Carthaginians first league with Rome. L. 5. c. 1. §. 2. 4206 3524 245 240 269 68 1 15  Brutus and Publicola Consuls. 30 L. 3. c. 5. §. 4. 4211 3529 250 245 274 69 2 20. Darius' his expedition against the Scythians    35  4212 3530 251 246 275 69 3 ● 21   The Athenians and jonians take Sardes. 36  4222 3540 261 256 285 72 1 31  Sp. Casuus Posth. Comin●us. Consuls. The battle of Marathon. 46  4226 3544 265 260 289 73 1 35 Egypt rebelleth against Darius.   50  4228 3546 267 262 291 73 3 4 1. Xerxes, 21    52 The Law Agraria in Rome propounded, for division of lands: which bred great commotion. 4229 ●547 268 263 292 73 4 2 Egypt recovered by Xerxes. Proc. Virginius Sp. Cassius. Coss. 53 An Eclipse of the Sun. L. 3. c. 6. §. 2. 4233 3551 272 267 296 74 4 6 The great muster of Xerxes his Arm at Sardes.   57 L. 3 c. 6. §. 3. & 6. 4234 3552 273 268 297 75 1 7   The battles at Thermopylae, Arte misik & S●l●mi●. 58 L. 3. c. 6. §. 9 10. & 11. 4235 3553 274 269 298 75 2 8. Xerxes' his tragical love.   The battle of Platea and Mycale. 59 L. 3. C. 7. §. 1. & 2. 4237 3555 276 271 300 75 4 10   The Athenians rebuild their walls, and lay the foundation of their Dominion. 61  4244 3562 283 278 307 77 3 17   The great victories of Ci●●n, a● Eurymedon, a●d elsewhere. 68 L. 3. c. 7. §. 3. 4248 3566 287 282 311 78 3 21 The death of Xerxes by the treason of Artaba●us.   72  4249 3567 288 283 312 78 4 5 1. Artaxerxes Longimanus, 40.   Themis●ocles being banished, f●●●, to Artaxerxes, 73  4251 3569 290 285 314 794 2 3 Inarus set up as King by the Egyptians.   75 L. 3. c. 7. §. 5. & 7. 4255 3573 294 289 318 80 2 7. The marriage of Hester. Inarus vanquished by the Persians'.   79 Esdras cometh to jerusalem. 1. Daniel his 70. weeks, or 490. years b●●in  4264 3582 303 298 327 82 3 16  ●●e dece●●iri chosen to compound a body of the Roman Laws. Hypocrates the great Physician, and Democritus the Philosopher flourish. 88 10  
The Account from the solution of the Captivity, is the same with that from julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olympiads. Persia. Egypt. Rome. Greece. jews ●●●●rom Cyrus and Daniel.  4265 3583 304 299 328 82 4 17  The decem viri chosen for a second year tyrannize & usurp the pla●e a third year Cymons voyage to Cyprus, in which he died. 89 11 Nehemias comes to jerusalem. 4268 3586 307 302 331 83 3 20   A League for 30. years, between Athens & Sparta 92 14  4272 3590 311 306 335 84 3 24  Tribuni Militum first chosen in stead of Consuls, Dionys. Livy placeth them in the 110. year of Rome.  96 18  4273 3591 312 307 336 84 4 25  The conquest of Samos by the Athenians under Pericles. 97 19  4278 3596 317 312 341 86 1 30   The Athenians & the Cor●●●ae●ns against the Corinthians. 102 24 The walls of jerusalem finished. Nehemias' returns to King Artaxerxes. 4280 3598 319 314 343 ●86 3 32    104 26 L. 3. c. 8. §. 1. 4283 ●601 322 317 346 67 2 35   The first year of the Peloponnesian War. 107 29 L. 3. c. 9 §. 1. L. 3. c. 8. §. 4. 4289 3607 328 323 352 88 4 6 Xerxes 2. months. 7 Sogidanus 8. months.  The victory of the Athenians at Pylus. 113 35 L. 3. c. 9 §. 1. 4290 3608 329 324 353 89 1 8 1. Darius Nothus. 19    114 36 L. 3. c. 8. §. 5. & 6. 4292 3610 331 326 355 89 3 3   A vain & troublesome peace between Athens and Sparta. 116 38 L. 3. c. 9 §. 1. etc. 8. §. 8. 4301 3619 340 335 364 91 4 12 Egypt rebelleth against the Persian, & sets up Kings that reign successively, till Och●●his reconquest. 1 1. Amyrtau●, 6  The Athenian forces in Sicily utterly destroyed. 125 47 C. 8. §. 9 4302 3620 341 336 365 92 1 13 Darius enters into confederacy with the Spartans'. 2  The government of the 400. in A thence, which was suppressed the year following. 126 48 The Carthaginians invade Sicily with an Army of 300000. L. 5. c. 1. s. 4. † 3. 4304 3622 343 338 367 92 3 15 4  The Athenians begin to recover strength. 128 50 L. 3. c. 8. §. 10. 4306 3624 345 340 369 93 1 17 6  Alcibiades after many victories returns from banishment to Athens●is made General, & banished again. 130 52  4307 3625 346 341 370 93 2 18 2 1. Nephres 6  The battle at Arginusae. 131 53  4308 3626 347 342 371 93 ● 19 2  Dionysius the elder usurps tyranny in Syracuse. 132 54 L. 3. c. 8. §. 12. 4309 3627 348 343 372 93 4 9 1. Artaxerxes Mnemon 43 3  The battle at Argos, Potamos, etc. 133 55  4311 3629 350 345 374 94 2 3 5 The siege of Veii, which lasted 10. years  135 57 L. 3. c. 10. §. 1. 4313 3631 352 347 376 94 4 5. The expedition of Cyrus against Arlaxerxes. 3 1. Acoris 12  Socrates put to death. The 30. tyrants put down in Athens. 137 59  
 julian and World. Rome and Nab: Iphit: Olympiads. Persia. Egypt. Rome. Greece. jews From Cyrus. Daniel. L. 3. c. 11. §. 4. 4318 3636 357 352 381 96 1 10 6  Agesilaus warreth in Asia. 142 64 L. 3. C. 11. §. 7. 4320 3638 359 354 383 96 3 12 8  The victory of Conon at Gnidus, etc. 144 66  4321 3639 360 355 384 96 4 13 9 Vey taken by Camillus. Xenophon and Plato flourish. 145 67  4325 3643 364 359 388 97 4 17 3 1 Psammiticus the son of Inarus, & after him Nephr●s, that had been expelled reigned in all about two years. The honourable victory of Camillus over the Falisci.  149 71 L. 4. c. 7. §. 1. L. 3. c. 11. §. 9 4326 3644 365 360 389 98 1 18 2 Rome taken & burnt by the Gavies. The Peace of Antalcidas. 150 72  4327 3645 376 361 390 98 2 19 4 1. Nectanebus. 18   151 73  4332 3650 371 366 395 99 3 24 6 M. Manlius Capitolinus put to death. The Lacedæmonians take the Citadel of Thebes by treason. 156 78 L. 3. c. 11. §. 11. 4336 3654 375 370 399 100 3 28 10  The Thebans recover their Citadel, and make strong war vp●n the Lacedæmonians. 160 82  4340 3658 379 374 403 101 3 32 14 Tribunes o● the people continued 5. years in office, propound popular Laws, among which, That one of the Consuls should be still a Plebeian.  164 86 L. 3. c. 12. §. 1. 4343 3661 382 377 406 102 2 35 17 The famous battle of Lenctra. 167 89 L. 3. c. 12. §. 4. 4345 3663 384 379 408 102 4 37 4 1. Tachus 8. Eusebius gives only 2. years to Tachus. Reinee. 6; but the story of him proves more. L. Sextius a Plebeian, and L. A●●ylius, Consuls. The hasty growth of the Theban Estate. 1●9 91  4351 3669 390 385 414 104 2 43. Many Provinces rebel against Artaxerxes, and are soon reclaimed. 7  The great Battle of Mantinaea. Epaminondas dies. 175 97 L. 3. c. 12. §. 8. 4352 3670 391 386 415 104 3 10 1. Ochus. 23. 8. Tachus betrayed by Agesilaus. 1. Nectanebus 13.  Peace in Greece. The Athenians weaken themselves by connecting their Treasure to vain uses. 176 98 jonathan about this t●me high Priest.  4354 3672 393 388 417 105 1 3 3  1. Philip King of Macedon 24. years, and part of the 25. 178 100 L. 4. c. 1. §. 4. 4359 3677 398 393 422 106 2 8 8  6 The Phocian war gins. 183 1●5  4364 3682 403 398 427 107 3 13 Ochus reconquers Egypt. 13. Nectanebus bus flies into Aethiopia.  11 188 110 L. 4. c. 1. §. 6. 4368 3686 407 402 431 108 3 17   15 The end of the Phocian War. 192 114 L. 5. c. 1. §. 4. †. 4. 4369 3687 408 403 432 108 4 18   16 Timoleon his voyage into Sicil. 193 115  4370 3688 409 404 433 109 1 19 Nabonassar. Novemb. the 17.  17 Philip wasteth ●llyria, and draws the Thessalians to follow him 194 116 After this, the years from Cyrus & Daniel are too few, by One. 4375 3693 414 409 438 110 2 11 1 Arses 3.   22 199 121 jaddus High Priest. 16  
 julian and World. Rome and Nab: Iphit: Olympiads. Persia. Egypt. Rome. Greece. jews From Cyrus. Daniel  4376 3694 415 410 439 110 3 2   23 The battle of Cheronaea. Philip chosen Captain General of the Greeks'. 2 199 121  4378 3696 417 412 441 111 1 12 1. Darius 5. years & somewhat more Nabon. Novemb. 15.  25 Philip slain by Pa●sanias. 1. Alexander the great twelve years and five months. 4 201 123  4379 3697 418 413 442 111 2 2   2 Thebes razed by Alexander. 5 202 124  4380 3698 419 414 443 111 3 3   3 Alexander passeth into Asia. 6 203 125 L. 4. c. 2. §. 4. 4381 3699 420 415 444 111 4 4 The battle of Issus.   4 7 204 126 L. 4. c. 2. §. 5, 6 & 7. & l. 5. c. 2. §. 8. 4382 3700 421 416 445 112 1 5  The Gauls enter into League with the Romans. 5 Alexander wins tire and Egypt. 8 205 129 jaddus meeting Alexander, is reverenced by him.  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olymp.    An Eclipse of ☾ 4383 3701 422 417 446 112 2 6 The battle of Arbela. 6 Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis won by Alexander. 9 206 128 L. 4. c. 2. §. 13. 4384 3702 423 418 447 112 3 7 Darius slain by Bessus. 7 10 207 129  
     Macedon. Egypt.  Greece. Romans. jews. Daniel  4385 3703 424 419 448 112 4 8. Al●xand●r changeth conditions: he puts to death Parme●io and Philotas.     11 130  4380 3704 425 420 449 113 1 9 Alexander passeth into India: ●●lls Clitus and Calisthenes.     12 131 Alexander died 17. days before the Summer Solstice From Nabonassar hitherto are collected 424. years: and hence to the reign of Augustus, 294. The sum 8, 718. years, which agrees with this account, Ptolem. Almagest. l. 3. c. 8. 4390 3708 429 424 453 114 1 13. Alexander dies at Babylon. Nabon. Novemb. 12.    16 135 4391 3709 430 425 454 114 2 1. Aridaeus, 6. and four months. 1 1. Ptolemie Lagi, 39 L. 3. c. 3. §. 1. 2 & 3. The Lamian War.  1. Onias, 23. 136 4●94 3712 433 438 457 115 1 4 4. Perdiccas' slain in Egypt. Nab. N●u. 11 L. 4. c. 3. §. 8. & 9 Victories of Eumenes.  4 139  4395 371● 434 429 458 115 2 5. Antigonus sent against Eumenes. 5    5 140 Aridaeus slain by Olympias. Antigonus beaten by Eumnes. 4397 3715 436 431 460 115 4 7 7    7 142 Eumenes betrayed to Antigonus. Olympias slain by Cassander. Antigonus grows dreedfull 4398 3716 437 432 461 116 1 1. Cassander. 19 8  Thebes re-edified by Cassander.  8 143 Some place the beginning of Seleucus in this twelfth from Alexander, b● which accom●p he reigned 32. years. 4402 3720 441 436 465 117 1 5 12 Nabonassar. Novemb. 9 Demetrius beaten at Gaza, by Ptolemie and Sele●●us.   12 147 Peace between Alexander's Captains, with division of Provinces. 4403 3721 442 437 466 117 2 6 13    13 148  
 julian, and World. Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olymp. Macedon. Egypt. Syria and the Kingdom of the Greeks'. Greece. Romans. jews. Daniel The Aera of the Kingdom of the Greeks'. 4404 3722 443 438 467 117 3 7 14 1 1. Seleucus. 3● 1 L. 4. c. 5. § 7.  14 14● Alexander's Captains assume the name of Kings. 4406 3724 445 440 469 118 1 9 16 Ptolemie overcome by Demetrius at Cyrrus. 3 3 Athens set free by Demetrius the son of Autigon●s.  10 151 L. 4. c. 6. §. 4. 4413 3731 452 447 476 119 4 16 23 10. The battle at Ipsus, wherein Antigonus was slain. 10   23 1●8  4414 3732 453 448 477 120 1 17 24 11 S●lencus makes alliance with Demetrius. 11   1 〈…〉 th● Ancient 13 1ST  4417 3735 456 451 480 120 4 1. Antipater and Alexander the son of Cassander. 4 27 14 14   4 162 L. 4. c. 6. §. 7. 4421 3739 460 455 484 121 4 1. Demtrius. 6. 31 18 18   8 166  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olympiads. Macedon. Egypt. Syria. Greece. Rome. jews. Daniel   4427 3745 466 461 490 123 2 1. Pyrrhus 7. Months. 37 24 24   ●. Elezar ●igh Priest 1● 172   4428 3746 467 462 491 123 3 1. Lysimachus 5. 38 25 25   2 17●   4429 3747 468 463 492 123 4 2 39 2 1. Ptolemi● Philadelphus, 38 26 26   3 174  The translation of the Bible by the Septuagint. 4432 3750 471 466 4●5 124 3 5 4 29 29  The ●arentines raise war in the eastern part of Italy, & call in Pyrrhus against the Romans. 6 177  L. 4. c. 6. § 9 & 4433 3751 472 467 496 124 4 ●. Lysimachus slain. Selencus 7. Mon. 5 30. Selencus slain in the end of the 124. Olymp. Polib. & justin. 30  Pyrrhus his victory against the Romans. 7 178  L. 4. c. 7. §. 3. & 7. 4434 3752 473 468 497 125 1 1. Ptolemie Ceraunis, Antipater, Mel●ager, Sosthenes, 6 Nabon Novemb. 1 2 1. Antiochus So●t, 19 31 The Gauls do great spoil in Macedon and Greece, under Brennus and Belgius.  8 179   4436 3754 475 470 499 125 3 1 1. Antigonus Gon●tas, 36. 8 3 33  Pyrrhus goes into Sicil. 10 181  L. 5. c. 2. §. 6. 4438 3756 477 472 501 126 1 3 10 Nabon●si●rs year gins the first of Octob. 5 35 About these tim●● the Achaeans begun their society. Pyrrhus called out of Sicily against the Romans. 12 183   4439 3757 478 473 502 126 2 4 11 6 ●6  Pyrrhus overthrown by the Romans. 13 184  L. 4. c. 7. §. 5. 4441 3759 480 475 504 126 4 6 13 8 38 Pyrrhus slain at Argos. The Tarentines crave aid of the Carthaginians 15 186  The translation by the septuagint finished, this 17. of Philadelphus. 4445 3763 484 479 508 127 4 10 17 12 42   19 1●0 Consuls  4446 3764 485 480 509 128 1 11 18. Nabonassar. Oct. 29. 13 43   1. Manasses high Priest, 27. 191  The more ancient Roman Consuls have been often so v●●●rlayne, that Livy hath doubted whom to name. 4450 3768 489 484 513 129 1 15 2. Nabonassar, Octob. 28 17 47 L. 5. c. 1. §. 3. The beginning of the first Punic War. 5 195 Ap. Claudius. M. Fuluius  
 julian. and World. Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olymp. Macedon. Egypt. Syria and the Kingdom of the Greeks'. Greece. Romans. jews. Daniel Consuls.  4453 3771 492 487 516 129 4 18 25 3 1. Antiochus Theus. 16 50   8 198 L. Valerius. T. Octacilius. L. 5. c. 1. §. 6. 4454 493 488 517 130 1 19 26 2 51  Duilius his victory at Sea. 9 199 C. Duilius. Cn. Cornelius.  4457 3775 496 491 520 130 4 22 29 5 54  Regulus passeth into Africa. 12 202 M. Attil. Reg. Cn. Cornelius. L. 5. c. 1. §. 8. 4458 3776 497 492 521 131 1 23 30 6 55 Marcus Carynensis Praetor of the Achaeans. Regulus taken prisoner. 13 203 L. Manlius. Q. Caditus.  4463 3781 502 497 526 132 2 28 35 11 60 Aratus recovers Sition and joins it to the Achaeans.  18 208 L. Caecilius. C. Furius. The Roman Consuls beaten at Lilybaum. The beginning of the Parthian Kingdom. 4464 3782 503 498 457 132 3 29 36 12 61  Regulus his death. 19 209 C. Atilius. L. Manlius.  4465 3783 504 499 528 132 4 30 37 13 62  Shipwreck, and unhappy ●ight of the Romans at sea. 20 210 P. Claudius, Pulcher, & L. junius.  4467 3785 506 501 530 133 2 32 3 1 Ptolemie E●erge●es, 26 15 64   22 212 L. Caecilius. M. Fabius. Amilcar the Carthaginian in Sicil. L. 5. c. 1. §. 11. 4469 3787 508 50● 532 133 4 34 3 4 1. Selencus Callenicus 20 66   24 214 M. Fabius. C. Atilius.  4472 3790 511 506 535 134 3 2 1 Demetrius 10 6 4 69  Luctatius his great victory as AEgateis. 27 217 C. Luct. Catul A. Posthumius The war of the Mercenaries with the Carthaginians. L. 5. c. 3. 4473 3791 512 507 536 134 4 2 7 5 70 Aratus wins Corinth. Peace granted to Carthage. Onias 1 218 Q. Luctatius. A. Manlius.  4474 3792 513 508 537 135 1 3 8 Nabon Oct. 22 6 71   1. Simon the just 28 219 C. Claudius. M. Semproi● The war with the Mercenaries ended. 4476 3794 515 510 539 135 3 5 10 8 73  The Romans take Sardinia from the Carthaginians. 3 221 Gracchus. Falco.  4482 3800 521 516 545 137 1 3 1. Antigonus Doson 1● 16 14 79   9 227 Lepidus. Malleolus.  4483 3801 522 517 546 137 2 2 17 15 80  A Roman Ambassador slain by Queen T●●r●. 10 228 M. Aemylius M. junius. L. 5. c. 2. §. 7. 4485 3803 524 519 548 137 4 4 19 17 82  Teuta Queen of Illyria subdued by the Romans. 12 2●0 L. Posthumius. C. Fulnius. L. 5. c. 5. §. 1. 4489 3807 528 523 552 138 4 8 23 5 1. Sel●●ent C●ra●●us. 3 86   16 ●●4 L. Aemylius. C. Atilius. Flaminius was also Consul this year. See L. 5. c. 2. § 8. 4492 3810 531 526 555 139 3 11 26 5 1. Antiochus the Great. 36. 89  Marceilus his victory over the Gaul ●bout Milan. 19 237 C. Cornelius. M. Marcellus L. 5. c. 5. §. 2. 4493 3811 532 527 556 139 4 12 4 1. P●olo ●●● P●●lo pator 27. 2 90   20 238 P. Cornelius. M. Minuti●s.  4494 3812 533 528 557 140 1 4 1. Philip. 42. 2 3 91   20 239 L. Verturius. C. Luctatius.  
 julian. World. Rome. Nabon Iphit. Olymp. Macedon. Egypt. Syria & Kingdom of the Greeks'. Greece. Rome. jews and Daniel Consuls. Hannibal takes Saguntum. 4495 3813 534 529 558 140 2 2 3 4 92 Demetrius P●arius chased out of his Lordship. L. 5. c. 3. §. 4.  22 240 L. Aemylius. M. Livius. The beginning of the second Punic war. 4496 3814 535 530 559 140 3 3 4 5 93 The battles of Ticinus and Treb●a. 23 241 P. Cor. Scipio. T. Sempronius The occurrences of this year are referred by Polyb. l. 5. to the 3. of the 14. Olymp. This battle of Thrasimene was sought in the Spring, the Olympian y●ere began at the Summer Solstice. Hannibal and Marcellus. Hiero King of Syracuse dies. Hieron●mus. succeeds. 4497 3815 536 531 560 140 4 4 OH Eclipse. Li●. l. 22 〈◊〉 reckoning by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5 War in Syria between An●●●chus & Ptolemie. 6 94 Philip and the Achaea●s make peace with the 〈◊〉. The battles of Thrasimene. 24 242 C. Flaminius. Cn. Servilius. 4498 3816 537 532 561 141 1 5 6 Nabonassars' year gins Octob. 16. 7 9●  The great battle of Cannae 25 243 C. Teret. Varro L. AEm. Paul 4499 3817 538 533 562 141 2 6 7 8 96  Posthumius the Roman Consul slain b● the Gauls 2● 244 L. Posthumius T. Semp. Grac. Q. Fabius. The 2. Scipio's slain in Spain. Hannibal wins Tarenium 4502 3820 541 536 565 142 1 9 10 11 99 Philip & the Achaeans have war with the Ae●olians and Romans in Greece. Syracuse won by Marcellus. Capua besieged 247 1. O●ias high Priest 39 Ap. Claudius. Q. Ful●ins. Hannibal at the walls of Rome 4503 3821 542 537 566 142 2 10 11 12 100 Young Scipio sent into Spain. Capua won by the Romans. 2 248 Cn. Ful●ins. P. Sulpitius.  4507 3825 546 541 570 143 2 14 15 16 104 The battle at Metaurus. 6 252 C. Clau. Nero. M. Livius.  4508 3826 547 542 571 143 3 15 16 17 105  Scipio drives the Carthaginians quite out of Spain 7 253 Q. Caecilius. L. Veturius.  4510 3828 549 544 573 144 1 17 5 1. Ptolemie Epiphanes 24 19 107  Scipio invades Africa. 9 255 Cethegus. P. Sempronius  4511 3829 550 545 574 144 2 18 2 20 108  King Syphax taken. 10 256 Servilius, and Servilius.  4512 3830 551 546 575 144 3 19 3 21 109  Hannibal vanquished by Scipio. 11 257 T. Claudius. M. Servilius. The end of the second Punic War, and beginning of the Macedonian war with Philip. This year and the next were three Eclipses of the Moon. 4513 3831 552 547 576 144 4 20 4 22 110  Scipio triumphs over Carthage. 12 258 Lentulus. Patus. 4516 3834 555 550 579 145 3 23. Philip overcome at the River Apsus, by the Romans. 7 25 113  L. 5. c. 4. §. 13. 15 261 T. Q. Flamen. Sex. AElius. L. 5. c. 5. §. 14. 4517 3835 556 551 580 145 4 The battle at Cynoscephalae 8 26 114   16 262 Cethegus. Q. Minutius. Hannibal expelled Carthage. l. 5. c 5. §. 4. & c. 4. §. 15 4518 3836 557 552 581 146 1 25 Peace between Philip and the Romans. 9 27 115 Liberty of Greece proclaimed by the Romans  17 263 L. Furius. Marcellus. C. 5. §. 5. 4519 3837 558 553 582 146 2 26 10 28 116 War upon Nabis the Tyrant.  18 264 M. Cato. L. Valerius. C. 5. §. 7. 4522 3840 561 556 585 147 1 29 13 31 Antiochus at Chalcis. 119   21 267 L. Quintius. Cn. Domitius.  4523 3841 562 557 586 147 2 30 14 32 Antiochus vanquished at Thermopolae. 120   22 268 Acilius Glabrio Nasica.  4524 3842 563 558 587 147 3 31 15 33 121 C. 5. §. 8 The great victory of L Scipio over Antiochus in Asia, which gave beginning to the Roman Luxury. 23 269 L. Scipio. C. Laelius.  
 julian. World Rome. Nabon Iphit: Olymp Macedon. Egypt. Syria & Kingdom of the Greeks'. Greece Rome. jews and Daniel Consuls. L. 5. c. 5. §. 9 4527 3845 566 561 590 148 2 34 18 36 124  S●●p●●●riuen to banish himself from Rome. 26 272 Lepidus. Flaminius.  4528 3846 567 562 591 148 3 35 19 6 1. Selencus Philopator, 12. 125   27. 273 Sp. Posthumius. Q. Martius. L. 5. c. 6. §. 2. 4531 3849 570 565 594 149 2 38 22 4 128  Scipio, Hannibal, and Philop●●men die. Tully placeth Scipio's death two years earlyer. 30 276 Marcelius. Q. Fabius L. 5. c. 6. §. 3. 4532 3850 571 566 595 149 3 39 The tyranny of Philip. His son Dem●trius accused to him, & slain the next year. 23 5 129  31 277 Paulus. Cn. Baebius. Chap. 6. §. 4. 4533 3851 572 567 596 149 4 40 24 6 130 Callicrates 〈…〉 Achaeans and all the Greeks'.  32 278 Cethegus. M. Baebius.  4534 3852 573 568 597 150 1 41 1. Ptolemaeus Philometor, and his brother Physcon, 35. 7 131  33 279 A. Posthumius Piso.  4535 3853 574569 598 150 2 42 1. Perseus 11. or 12. years. 2 8 132   34 280 Piso. Manlius. An Eclipse of ☾ the 7. of Philometor 573 years and 206. days from the beginning of Nabon. which agrees with this account. It was (by julian years) the last of April, about one of the clock in the morning. 4540 3858 579 574 603 151 3 6 7 7 1. Antiochus Epiphanes, 12. 137   39 285 Sp. Posthum. Scae●ola. 45413859 580 575 604 151 4 7 8 2 138  See L. 5. c. 6. § 11. jason bu●●s the high Priesthood and after him Moore 〈◊〉, 286 L. Posthum. M. Popilius. 4543 3861 582 577 606 182 2 9 The beginning of the war of Perseus. 10 4 140  C. 6. §. 6. 288 P. Licmius. C. Cassius. 4545 ●863 584 579 608 152 4 11 12 Egypt invaded by Antiochus under pretence of helping one King against the other. 13 Antiochus commanded out of Egypt by the Romans, spoils the Temple. 14 6 142   290 Martius. Servilius. A total Eclipse of the Moon, foregoing the over throw of Perseus in the year of Nabonassar here noted. 4546 3864 585 580 609 153 1 12 Perseus vanquished and taken. 7 143 C. 6. §. 8 9, & 11. Gentius King of Illyria taken. 291 Persecution in jury for Religion. L. Aem. Paul C. Licinius. 4547 3865 586 581 610 153 2 Macedon made a Roman Province. 8 144 The captivity of all the best among the Greeks'. triumphs in Rome. C. 6. §. 10. & 12 Paetus. junius.  4549 3867 588 581 612 153 4  16 10 146  1. judas Macchabaeus, 6. Torquatus. Octavius.  
FINIS   


AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL CONTENTS OF THE FIRST AND SECOND BOOKS OF THE FIRST Part of the History of the WORLD.  
Wherein the first number signifieth the Leaf, the second the Line.  

A  
ABRAHAM'S age before Noah 〈◊〉, 79. 18. He was the first 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and Egyptians, in 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 knowledge, 202. 29 Was contemporary with Ninus, 217. 54 〈◊〉 journey from Haran to 〈◊〉, 220. 6. His first entry into Canaan, 225. 4. Is childless, till about ten years after his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Canaan, ibid. 28. His age when he rescued Lot, 229. 10.  
Abacuc his Monument, seenely Saint Hierome. 382. 2.  
Abijah his victory against Icroboam. 508. 30.  
〈◊〉, one of the Rivers that fall into Indus, where Alexander built his Fleet of Galleys. 67. 35.  
Acrtsius and 〈◊〉. 424. 18.  
Adam's free power in his first creation, 〈◊〉 described in the person of Proteus. 32. 31.  
〈◊〉 his Tyranny. 313 25.  
Adrianus his 〈◊〉 against the jews. 412. 37.  
Egyptians, at what time they first took that name, 155. 45. How they may be said to have story for 13000. years, 156 12.  
Egypt itself denominated from Aegyptus, the son of Belus, 161. 6.  
A 〈◊〉 Kingdom in the time of Abraham, 235. 29.  
Anciently called the Land of Ham, 240. 2.  
Egyptians Gods for all turns, 259. 9  
Egyptian wisdom, 323. 3. etc.  
〈◊〉 Babylon, not in the beginning of Nimrod's Empire, 188 24.  
The manner of the ancient Egyptian King's government, 238. 32.  
Aequinocating oaths, how dangerous. 328. 8.  
Aethiopia's distance from Arabia and Palaestina. 62. 20.  
Against the overmuch curiosity of some, in searching how God wrought in the creation of the world. 7. 1.  
Against the inexcusable excuses of this latter time. 283. 47.  
Agag, a general name of the Kings of the Amalekites. 315. 25.  
Agenor his proceed. 360. 41.  
Agamemnon and Menclaus at variance. 458. 33.  
Aid foreign ill invited. 580. 3.  
All forms are in the first Mover. 14. 15.  
All Kings called jupiters' by the ancient. 88 30.  
Aleppo, anciently called Magog. 37. 45.  
Alba longa, founded by Ascanius. 586. 29.  
Amphiaraus his destiny. 436. 4. etc.  
Amazia his disstmulation. 548. 21.  
His base Idolatry, 550. 15. etc.  
His quarrel against Israel, 551. 24.  
His overthrow, 552. 20.  
His 〈◊〉, 555. 35.  
His flatterers, 556. 10.  
He is generally hated. 557. 16.  
Ambition, the first sin. 432. 43.  
Annius, quite contrary to Moses, in the situation of Henoch, 73. 46. His vanity in planting Gomer in Italy, and Tubal in Spain, in the twelfth of Nimrod's reign, 134. 8. Contradictory to himself, 156. 43. How to be credited, 237. 6. His Philo. 533. 31.  
An answer to some few objections against certain particulars in the fourth and fift chapters of Genesis. 74. 13. etc.  
Answer of a Germane Prince to those that persuaded him to become a Lutheran. 297. 14.  
An Indian, presented to Solyman the Turks General, in Anno 1570. who had outlived three hundred years. 78. 7.  
Andromeda her 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉. 376. 35.  
An enemies approbation, the best witness. 461. 44.  
Androclus, the Fcunder of Ephesus. 494. 17.  
Anastasius the Emperor 〈◊〉 by lightning. 589. 24.  
Antioch upon the River Orontes, whereof S. Peter was Bishop. 164. 37.  
Apollo his Temple at Delphos, consumed with fire from heaven under julian Apostata: with the 〈◊〉 ruins it suffered. 96. 40. etc.  
Armenia and Mesopotamia, first of all known by the name of Eden, 52. 42.  
Araxea, a Nation of Annius his making. 119. 43.  
Ararats misprision cleared. 125. 12.  
Aradus, a City in the Isle of Arados, where S. Peter preached (according to Clement) and founded a Church in honour of our 〈◊〉. 163. 53.  
Aram Naharaijm, now Mesopotamia. 177. 47.  
Argives, how they come to be called Danai. 155. 38.  
Aristides his Ephemerideses of 〈◊〉. 206. 25.  
Armeus, otherwise Danaus, King of Egypt, 〈◊〉 thence by his brother Aegyptus, 245. 37. Afterwards King of Argos in Greece. ibid. 40.  
Arad, King of the 〈◊〉, surpriseth divers Israelites. 298. 46.  
Archas, the son of Orchomenus, of whom Arcadia took name. 317. 20.  
Arias Montanus 〈◊〉 derivation of the name Heber. 331. 44.  
Arbaces destroyeth Ninive, 565. 46. His too much lenity. ibid. 50.  
Aristodemus his blind zeal, with the first-fruits thereof. 620. 52.  
Aristocrates his per fidie, 621. 45. Worthily rewarded. 623. 27.  
Aristomenes his valour during the siege of Era, 621. 50. His strange escape out of prison, 622. 11. His death and burtall. 623. 33.  
Ascania, a Lake bordering Phrygia. 145. 16.  
Assur, the name thereof diversly taken. 191. 21.  
Assyrians 〈◊〉 aid of Croesus. 230. 27.  
Astarte. 335. 40.  
Ascalus, one of the sons of Hymenaeus. 378. 34.  
Ascalon, the birth-Citie of Herod, Christ's Persecuter. 378. 54. Repaired by Richard, King of England. 379. 2.  
Asclepius his practice to cure the Frenzy. 477. 42.  
Asychis his sharp Law. 609. 47.  
Athos, an exceeding high Mountain between Macedon and Thrace: and how far it casts shade. 123. 53.  
Athenians true Original, 142. 52. Their pride. 458. 1. etc.  
Atlas, divers of that name. 317. 1. etc.  
Athalia her practices, 524. 25. Her cruelty, 528. 20. Her sacrilege. 531. 20. Her 〈◊〉 and death. 540. 1. etc.  
Atossa her wantonness. 536. 47.  
Augustine's answer to those that take the Tree of life allegorically. 66. 54. His discourse on the Ark, 110. 46. His Milanese, 206. 33. His opinion concerning Baal and Astarte. 335. 40.   

B  
BAbel was forty years in building, 117. 23. Not walled till Semiramis time. 194 48.  
Babylonians Done. 216. 2.  
Balonymus, invested in the Kingdom of Zidon. 363. 21.  
Easan, an exceeding fertile Region. 396. 16.  
Bdellium, growing plentifully in Havilah or Susiana. 58. 32.  
Before the beginning there was neither primary matter to be informed, nor form to inform; nor any Being but Eternal. 1. 43.  
Belus (properly) the first, that peaceably and with general allowance exercised sovereign power, 187. 10. His Sepulchre. 194. 48.  
Bel, the signification thereof. 193. 38.  
Bellonius his report of the Pyramids in Egypt. 216. 32.  
Bellerophon and Pegasus moralised. 422. 23. etc.  
Bel-zebubs Temple. 379. 43.  
Benhadad, twice overthrown by Ahab. 404. 16.  
Beroaldus his solution of the doubts arising of the 〈◊〉 of the Text, that a River went out of Eden. 54. 26.  
Bersabe, why not named by Saint Matthew. 489. 35.  
Bethsaida, the native City of the Apostles, Peter, Andrew, and Philip. 351. 54.  
Bethleem, the native City of Ibzan, 〈◊〉, and CHRIST. 382. 43.  
〈◊〉, anciently Nysa, built by Liber Pater. 355. 26.  
Bozius his indiscretion. 367. 30.  
Boreas' his rape of Orithya. 419. 7. etc.  
Britain's Boats in the time of the Romans, 135. 1. Their manner of fight. 253 52.  
〈◊〉 moralised. 515. 2. etc.   

C  
CAbala, what it importeth. 79. 5.  
Cadmus, the first that brought letters into 〈◊〉. 319. 3.  
Cain, his departure from God's presence, not to be understood literally. 71. 45.  
A vagabond, how to be understood. 72. 47.  
Caponi his resolution. 554. 20.  
Cardan's mortal Devils. 208. 40.  
〈◊〉, anciently Tyrians. 335. 41.  
Carthaginian butchery. 579. 10.  
Castle of Pilgrims. 354. 12.  
Cataractae Coeli, probably expounded. 107. 16. etc.  
Cause of Adam and 〈◊〉 disobedience. 70. 48.  
Cethim, afterwards called Macedon. 148. 11.  
Cedes, the native City of Barac. 350. 3.  
〈◊〉, Babylonia, Shinaar; three names of one Country. 49. 24.  
Chaldaeans, descended of Arphaxad. 170. 43.  
Chalybes, and their condition of life. 138. 20.  
Cham, entitled jupiter Hammon by the Egyptians. 92. 47.  
Charran, sometime called Charre, Haran, and Aran; are the same Charran in Mesopotamia, 48. 29. Famous by the overthrow of Crassus. 49. 10.  
Chebar, mentioned by Ezechiel, but a branch of Euphrates. 59 3.  
Chemmis his Pyramid. 608. 36.  
Cheops his Daughter. 609. 8.  
Chison, on whose banks the idolatrous 〈◊〉 of Achab were 〈◊〉. 354. 16.  
〈◊〉, a garment belonging to the Persian Kings. 232. 14.  
Cimbri, whence so named. 139. 17.  
Cimmerians invade Asia. 624. 28.  
Civil Law defined. 290. 1. etc.  
Cleanthes his description of God by his attributes and properties. 95. 30.  
Codrus his resolution. 493. 45.  
Collis Achillae, a steep Mountain. 303. 44.  
Commestors' tale of Moses and Tharbis. 251. 5. etc.  
Conjectures on the time of Deucalion's flood, and Phaeton's conflagration. 100 24. etc.  
Continency, not a virtue, but a degree unto it. 286. 25.  
Congo, diverted from Christian Religion. 293. 25.  
Contemporaries with josua. 329. 54 and 330.  
Contemporaries with Othoniel. 416. 48.  
Conjectural reason, why Succoth and 〈◊〉 refused to aid the Israelites their brethren. 426. 27.  
Confidence in signs, in stead of the substance. 460. 40.  
Coral in the Read Sea. 261. 18.  
Correction of the julian year by Pope Gregory the thirteenth. 257. 2.  
Cornclius Tacitus contradictory to himself. 413. 43.  
Countess of Desmondher long life. 78. 9  
Creon his cruelty. 438. 37.  
Cruelty, the chief cause of the Flood. 71. 38.  
Cursing of Parents. 285. 5.  
Cush, the son of Ham, with his sons Sheba, Havilah, etc. first seated in the Valley of Shinaar: which Region was afterwards denominated after the name of Havilah. 59 37.  
Cush, and the Region of the 〈◊〉, extended 〈◊〉 North from Aethiopia. 61. 10.  
Cush, mistaken for Aethiopia, proved. ibid. 25. etc.  
Cush, being taken for Aethiopia, is the cause of much mistaking in Scriptures. 152. 50.  
Custom of tanistry in Ireland. 291. 21.  
Cyril his comparison of Cain and the jews. 72. 21.  
Cyaxares forceth Ninive, 635. 35. Is compelled to abandon Assyria, 636. 10. His extremity and remedy. 642. 41.   

D  
DAGON, the Idol of the Philistines, described. 215. 6.  
Dalaqua, an Island in the Read Sea. 261. 9  
Dardania, built by Dardanus. 246. 28.  
David his election to the Kingdom, 471. 26. His combat with Goliath, 472. 9 His many dangers in Saul's time, 477. 31. etc. His 〈◊〉 on the fellow that allowed himself to have slain Saul, 478 30. His imprecation against joab, 480. 12. His 〈◊〉 on Rechab and Baanah, for murdering Isboseth, ibid. 38. His dancing before the Ark, and deriding by Micol, 481. 28 etc. He is prohibited to build the Temple, ibid. 41. His taking and demolishing of Gath, 482. 13. Endangered by Ishbibenob, ibid. 26. His destruction of the Moabites, ibid. 40. His embassage to Hanum, 483. 39 etc. His victory at Helam, 484. 13. etc. His crosses after his adultery with 〈◊〉, 485. 20. His extreme sorrow for the death of Absalon, 486. 51. His reason for delivering Saul's Sons or Kinsmen to the Gibeonites, 488. 1. etc. His love to jonathan, expressed in sparing his son Mephibosheth. ibid. 6. His speech in Parliament, and the approbation thereof, 490. 1. etc. His advice to Solomon concerning Shimei, 491. 5. His Death, parsonage, and internal gifts, ibid. 18. etc. His Tomb. 492. 31. etc.  
Debts of 〈◊〉 and mercy never left unsatisfied. 427. 1. etc.  
Deceit in all professions. 207. 49.  
Deioces his strict form of Government, 624. 39 He built Tauris, formerly called Ecbatane. 625. 1. etc.  
Derceto's Temple. 378. 40.  
Deucalion and 〈◊〉, Contemporaries with Moses. 317. 35.  
devils policy. 206. 12.  
Diagoras his three sons. 577. 17.  
Difference of Translations about the signification of Gopher, whereof the Ark was made. 110. 6.  
Difference of Authors concerning the Mountains of Ararat. 122. 44.  
Difference between Necromancers and Witches. 209. 28.  
Difference between Emath and Hamath, 〈◊〉. 165. 10.  
〈◊〉, the Bar to Moses and Aaron's entry into the Land of promise. 302. 20.  
Diodorus his report for the Original of the Gods. 90. 1. etc.  
Distance between the flood and birth of Abraham, 228. 19 And between the flood of Ogyges, and that of Noah. 99 28.  
Distance between tire and Zidon. 334. 55.  
divers repaired from Age to Youth. 78. 15.  
divers computations of years. 255. 32.  
divers appellations of the Read Sea. 260. 41.  
divers things in the Scriptures referred to the reading of other books, which by injury of time are lost or 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 20.  
divers Mercuries. 318. 31.  
Dodanim, the fourth son of javan, the first Planter of Rhodes. 148. 23.  
Dogs, first brought by the 〈◊〉 into Hispagnola, changed into Wolves. 111. 47.  
Domitian his shameless spectacle. 427. 50.  
Doubts concerning the time of the Earth's division after the flood. 172. 46.   

E  
Easy to draw those men back whom rage without reason hath 〈◊〉. 433. 7.  
Eden of Paradise, described by the Countries bordering it, 50. 22. An 〈◊〉 of that name in Tigris, described, 53. 5. Known by the name of Geserta. ibid. 54.  
Education especially inverteth influence. 16. 23.  
Effects of fear. 311. 36.  
Eglon subdueth Israel. 389. 50.  
Elius or Sol his Pedigree. 92.  
Emaus, overthrown by Earthquake. 382. 27.  
Emims, Giants of huge stature. 307. 16.  
Enoch and Elius at the time of the flood could not be in the Terrestrial Paradise. 44. 41.  
Enoch, the first City of the world, built by Cain. 72. 44.  
Epaphus, Founder of Memphis in Egypt. 245. 19  
Epaminondas, Author of the 〈◊〉 replantation in their old possessions. 624. 3.  
Ephori in Lacedaemon, the time of their beginning. 433. 23.  
Ephraemites quarrel with Gedeon. 426. 11.  
Epiphanius his answer to such as draw the truth of the story of Paradise, to a 〈◊〉 Allegorical understanding. 37 42.  
Aera, 〈◊〉 by a 〈◊〉. 622. 〈◊〉.  
Error of such as understood the sons of God, Genes. 5. 24. To be 〈◊〉. 81. 21. etc.  
Easie the Prophet his cruel death, 614. 30.  
Esiongaber, where Solomon built his 〈◊〉. 301. 15.  
Euangelion, diversly taken. 281. 32.  
Euphrates and Tigris, two guides to Eden, 46. 45. Being two of the four heads, whereinto the River of Paradise is divided. 52. 50.  
Euphrates itself is divided into four branches. 55. 10.  
Eusebius his error. 〈◊〉. 14  
Ezekia his godly beginning, 591. 9 Is besieged by Sennacherib, 593. 25. Miraculously delivered. 594. 33. etc. His oversight. 595. 33.   

F  
FIcus Indica described, 67. 37. etc. Allegorized. 69. 14. etc.  
First or last naming in Scriptures, no proof who was first or last borne. 224. 48.  
Fortescue his report of a judgement given at Salisbury. 294. 9  
Frederick Barbarossa his end and burial. 379. 8.  
From the same place where Man had his beginning, from thence again had Men their increase. 64. 10.   

G  
GAmala, a strong City, forced by Vespasian. 397. 8.  
Ganges falleth into the Ocean divers degrees to the Eastward from Indus. 57 49.  
Gaza, a goodly City surprised by Alexander janneus King of the jews. 397. 8.  
Gehazites and Simonians. 373. 38.  
Gehoar, Founder of Cairo. 603. 14.  
Gehon disproucd to be Nilus, 60. 26. So confessed by Pererius. 61. 20.  
Geometrical cubit not used in Scripture. 112. 13.  
Gergeseus, the fift son of Canaan, first Founder of Berytus (afterward called Foelix julia) in Phoenicia. 163. 18.  
Geographers Maps. 573. 45.  
Georgians, from what place they take their names. 123. 37.  
Giants, men of huge stature and strength, to have been before the Flood, proved by Scriptures; and that there are the like now, by experience. 82. 11.  
Gedeon his oversight and overthrow, 427. 18. His Contemporaries. ibid. 34.  
God foreknow and comprehended the beginning and end before they were, 33. 6. He worketh the greatest things by the wéakest means, 251. 42. His first punishment of the Egyptians, was in changing those Rivers into blood, whereinto formerly their Fathers had thrown the Hebrews innocent children. 253 1. etc. His secret hand in all manner of accidents, 310. 4. His punishment of places for the persons sakes. 413. 2. etc.  
Godly use to be made of praying towards the East. 37. 1.  
Gog and Magog; what is understood by them. 136. 30.  
Good spirits not to be constrained. 209. 20.  
Golden age. 182. 48.  
Great slaughter of the Israelites. 300. 5.  
Greeks' vanity, in holding that no Flood preceded that of Ogyges. 99 11. Their malice. 638. 14.  
Gyges obtaineth the Kingdom of Lydia. 598. 10. etc.   

H  
HAEDON, judge of Israel, in whose time happened the destruction of Troy, 434. 49.  
Father of forty sons, and thirty grandchildren. 445. 25.  
Halon the Bohemian-tartar forceth Damascus, 402. 7.  
Halyattes his reason for defending the 〈◊〉 against Cyaxares. 640. 47.  
Ham, father of the Egyptians. 149. 23.  
Haran, the eldest son of Terah. 226. 13.  
Havilah, one of joctans sons, seated in the Continent of the East India. 177. 17.  
〈◊〉, where Adam, Abraham, Isaac, and jacob were buried. 382. 5.  
Helen the Empress her sumptuous Chapel. 353. 1. etc.  
Helen and Melantho, sons of Deucalion. 318. 15.  
Henoch was not dissolved as the rest. 80. 40.  
Henricus Mechliniensis his observations touching the general flood. 105. 40.  
Hercules, native of 〈◊〉, to whom the twelve labours are ascribed. 321. 51.  
Herod his Harborough. 358. 2.  
Herodium, a magnificent Castle, built by Herod. 383. 9  
Herodotus his testimony of Eden, and the Country adjoining. 56. 5. His argument; that Helen was not at Troy, during the siege. 453. 36.  
Jerusalem, how uncertain the time is of her first building. 410. 30.  
Hippones his cruel justice. 597. 45.  
Hiram his displeasure against Solomon, 341. 47. His policy in holding league with Israel. 366. 51.  
Historians, borrowers of Poets, 536. 18.  
Historical caution. 599. 40.  
Homer and Hesiod, placed in hell (for their fictions) by Pythagoras, 93. 24. His partiality in Achilles praise. 456. 30.  
Hooker's definition of Law. 270. 7.  
Horatij and Curiatij their combat. 627. 24.  
How the Text, speaking of four heads, (into which the River of Paradise was divided) is to be understood. 55. 33.  
How the Tree of life is understood by the Hebrews. 66. 25.  
How ridiculous their resolution is, that reckon the Ages of the first Patriarches, by Lunary or Egyptian years. 76. 24.  
How far the education and simplicity of these times, differ from former Ages. 77. 7. etc.  
How the certain knowledge of the Creation come to Moses. 78. 35. etc.  
How the appointed number of creatures to be saved, might have place in the Ark. 112. 42. etc.  
How the West part of America, to the South of Panama, come to be called Peru. 175. 30.  
Hus, the Country of job, how bounded. 171. 48. etc.  
Hyllus and Echenus their combat. 475. 20.   

I  
IApha, a strong place, forced by Titus. 352. 27.  
Idanthura his answer to Darius his letters. 324. 20.  
Idle Chroniclers. 436. 4 etc.  
Idolaters vanity. 196. 20.  
jehoiada his godly care, 531. 45. 〈◊〉 policy, 538. 50. He prodaimeth joas, 539. 35. His honourable interment. 541. 7.  
jehoiakim his impiety. 646. 37. Herevolteth from 〈◊〉, 647. 47.  
His death and burial. ibid. 52.  
jehoram his cruelty towards his brethren, 521. 28. And was the first 〈◊〉 erected irreligion by force, ibid. 〈◊〉. He 〈◊〉 Lihna, 522. 4. etc. Is oppressed by the Philistines and Arabians, 523. 22. His wretched end. 524. 18.  
jehoshaphat his great numbers of Soldiers. 2. Chron. 17. How to be understood, 516. 5. etc. Is reprehended for aiding Ahab, 517. 10. Loseth his fleet by shipwreck. ibid. 24. In great extremity for want of water, ibid. 50. His Monument. 518. 7.  
jehu, and his proceed, 526. 9 etc. His execution of Baal's Priests, 530. 19 His ingratitude and punishment. ibid. 40. etc.  
jephta his just defence against the Ammonites. 385. 8.  
jeremy the Prophet his death and burial. 651. 20.  
jericho, one of the Toparchies of judaea. 407. 45.  
jeroboam his wicked polity, 372. 1 etc. His end. ibid. 10.  
jesrael, where Naboth was stoned. 357. 7.  
jethro or jothor, Raguel or Revel, and Hobab, all one person, 267, 27. His departure from Moses. 298. 20.  
jewish impiety. 425. 46.  
improbability of their conjecture, that place Paradise beyond the Ocean, 43. 11. etc.  
improbability of the confusion of tongues, at the birth of Peleg. 117. 19  
improbability of the short time of ten years, allowed by some for the finishing of Babel. 133. 32.  
Improhabilitie of the waters standing upright (like walls) in the Read Sea, as some Schoolmen have 〈◊〉. 263. 13.  
Image and similitude taken in one sense by S. Paul and S. james. 23, 33.  
Indus descent into the Ocean. 58. 6.  
India, the first peopled Country after the 〈◊〉. 116. 37.  
In whose time it was that Moses led Israel out of Egypt. 248. 13.  
Invention of Alcinous Gardens, drawn by Homer from Moses his description of Paradise. 38. 28.  
Invention of Ethnic sacrifice ascribed to Cain. 86. 42.  
loab his iealcusie, of his place and dignity. 480. 24. His speech to David. 487. 3. Is oppressed in his greatest security. 490. 40.  
joas, King of Inda, (in 〈◊〉) not the natural son of Ahazia, 532. 41. Scriptures making to this purpose, 533. 43. His forwardness to repair the Temple, 541. 43.  
Is 〈◊〉 to buy his peace, 543. 5. His cowardice, 545. 3. His death. 546. 4.  
joas, King of Israel his triumphant entry into Jerusalem, 552. 38. His errer, 553. 40. His end. 555. 20.  
job his Sepulchre, 398. 26. Who he was, 399. 25. Whence were his friends, Elihu and the rest. ibid. 27.  
john, the son of Levi, his commotions. 342. 6.  
jonas, the stery of his prophecy. 564. 34.  
〈◊〉 his happy resolution. 470. 10.  
jones and Medes, from whom descended, 140. 24. etc. jones expelied 〈◊〉. 474. 10.  
joppain judaea, founded before the 'slud. 99 48. Burns to the ground by the Romans. 369. 20.  
joseph his reason in favouring the Egyptian Priests, 241. 30. Esteemed the first Mercury. 319. 51.  
josephys, the first Author of mistaking Pison for Ganges, 59 6. Mistaken in his own tale, 150. 20. Condemned together with Apollinaris, for avowing Moses to have married both Tharbis and Sippora. 151. 26  
joseph Scaliger his short answer, 570. 1, etc. His retractation. 571. 10. etc.  
josias his zeal to God, 629. 21. his 〈◊〉. litie to the King of Babel, 631. 3 His death, ibid. 42.  
josua his remove from 〈◊〉 to the banks of jordan, 325. 22. His passage through it. ibid. 40. His skill in war, 326. 41. His keeping faith with the 〈◊〉, 327. 2. etc. His death, 329. 16. His 〈◊〉, 370. 19  
jotapata, a strong City, for tified by josephus, 352. 6.  
jotham, his Encomion by josephys. 578. 1. etc.  
Irreligious cavilling. 332. 36. Andirreligious polity, 506 12.  
Isaac his birth, rather a miracle wrought upon Sarah, then upon Abraham, 222. 43 His prophccie, 521. 50.  
Iscah and Sarah, two names of one signification, 225. 52.  
Isles of Elisa, mentioned by Ezekiel, 146. 54.  
Ismaelites and Amalekites, possessed of the Countries between Havilah and Sur, wasted afterwards by Saul, 59 35.  
Israel punished in Saul's time for slughter of the Gibenites, contrary to the faith long before given by josua, 328. 1, etc.  
Israelites overthrown by the 〈◊〉. 460. 19  
jupiter Belus, the son of Nimrod. 92. 45  
jupiter, renowned among the Greeks and Romans, borne not long before the war of Troy. 93. 4.  
justice vendible. 463. 51.   

K  
KEnites and Madianites of two sorts. 267. 10.  
Kethura, wise to Abraham, the maternal ancestor of the Kenites. 266. 44  
Kingdom gained by an Ass' loss. 466. 6  
Kingdom of Argos transtated to Mycaena, 424. 10, etc.  
Kings, made by God and laws divine; by human Laws only so declared. 292. 33   

L  
LACTANTIUS his judgement of the first Mercury, 320. 3, etc.  
Law amongst the Romans. 206. 26.  
Law human desined, 289. 6.  
Law national defined, ibid. 43  
Law abused grievously punished, 465. 2.  
Law of Moses diversly taken. 278. 27  
Lawmakers, no less beneficial to their Countries, than the greatest Conquerors. 268. 34  
Laws, not imposed as a burden, but a blessing. 287. 18  
Lehabim, the son of Mizraim, called Hercules Lybius. 240. 35  
Letters among the Chinois long before either Egyptians or Phaenicians. 115. 52  
Licentious dtsorder, proved (upon better 〈◊〉) no less Perilous than an unindurable bondage. 179. 25  
Lords of Thoron, whence denominated. 341. 25  
Lucian his supposal concerning Helen, 453. 41. His errand to Hell to speak with Homer, 476. 38  
Ludim, the eldest son of Mzraim, first Progenitor of the Lybians in Africa, 167 44  
Lycurgus his Law, 273. 19  
Lyda, (afterward Diospolis) where S. Peter cured Aeneas of the patsie. 168. 16   

M  
〈◊〉 Sepulchre, 377. 45  
Machanaijm, where the Angels met jacob for his defence, 393. 2.  
Macharus, a strong City and Castle, where john Baptist was beheaded. 386. 8.  
Madianites stain by Gideon, 314. 30.  
Magdalum, the habitation of Mary Magdalen, 352. 4.  
Magic, according to Plato, 201. 8. Improperly termed Necromancy, 204 48. An helper in knowing the divinity of christ. 205. 4.  
Mahometan Arabians descended of the Ismaelites. 62. 7.  
Man, wherein he chief resembleth God, or may be called the shadow of God. 27. 4 etc.  
Manner of fight at the Trojan War. 4561. etc.  
Many thousand jews overwhelmed in rebuilding the Temple under julian Apostata. 97. 4.  
Many of the Species, which now seem differing, were not at the time of the general Deluge in rerum natura. 111. 35.  
Maresa, the native City of Michaeas. 381. 49.  
Margiana, where Alexander feasted himself and his Army. 126. 33.  
Marus his Labyrinth. 615. 32.  
Means which the Greeks' were forced to use for maintenance of the siege before Troy. 454. 34  
Medusa moralised. 421. 48  
〈◊〉 his inhuman cruelty. 562. 50  
Menon (first husband of Semiramis) his death. 199. 4 etc.  
Mercator his conceit, That Nimrod and Ninus were one and the same person, answered. 187. 40.  
Merchants of Eden traded with the City of 〈◊〉. 47. 30.  
Mercurius Trismegistus his write, in some places (probably) corrupted, 319. 40.  
His two last speeches, 320. 26. His many books. 324. 40.  
Merodach investeth himself in the Kingdom of Babylon. 596. 1. etc.  
Missene in Sicily, by what occasion so named. 623. 43.  
Minaeus and Menis, names or titles of dignity. 242. 52.  
Miriam her Sepulchre. 302. 3.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 205. 24.  
〈◊〉 described, with his Sacrifice. 578. 49.  
Money, not used in Greece in Homer's time. 435. 46.  
Monuments of jupiters' Tomb in the Mount 〈◊〉, remaining in Epiphanius his time. 89. 50.  
Mosal, or Mozal, anciently called Seleucia Parthorum. 52. 1.  
Moscoutans from whom descended, 142. 7.  
Their wooing. 643. 50.  
Moses Bar-cephas his opinion concerning the Tree of Knowledge. 67. 32.  
Moses did not number the generations before the Flood precisely, 75. 42. His preservation, 250. 46. His birth-time. 264. 18. His compass by the Rivers of Zared and Arnon, 304. 39 His message to Sehon King of the Amorites, 305. 25. His reason for not entering immediately into judaea, after his victory against 〈◊〉, 308. 1. etc. His death. 309. 16.  
Mountains and Rivers, formerly named by the Ancient after their own names, or their Ancestors names: and the cause why. 148. 38  
Mountains of Paria, their length. 175. 49  
Mourning for Thammuz. 335. 50  
Mouse-Magick. 209. 48  
Multiplicity of Gods. 197. 22.  
Myris, a great Lake in Egypt. 604. 38   

N  
NABOTH, the eldest son of Ishmael 311. 30.  
Nabuchodonosor over throweth Necho, 645. 44. His peremptory message to jehoiakim, 646. 17. His conquest of Egypt 647. 6. He besiegeth tire. ibid. 14. He puts jehoiakim to death, ibid. 52. He besiegeth Jerusalem, 649. 13. And forceth it, ibid. 50. He destroyeth the Temple. 650. 30.  
Nahas, a cruel King of the Ammonites. 395. 21.  
Nebo, the Idoll-Oracle of the Moabites. 387. 7.  
Nectar and Ambrosia, alluding in the Poets to the Tree of life. 67. 12.  
Nestorians, part of their general Epistle to the Pope. 53. 24.  
Nimrod, seated in the confluence of those Rivers which watered Paradise, 64. 10. The first founder of Ninive, 131. 54. His buildings. 912. 10.  
Ninias, son to Semiramis, an effeminate Prince. 232. 30.  
Ninive formerly called Campsor. 213. 40  
Ninus his time of government, after the Flood, 158. 3. etc. His conquests, 173. 15. The first notorious sacrificer to Idols. 191. 21.  
Noah his sundry appellations, 107. 44. Analogically conferred with janus, 108. 10. A City of that name upon the banks of the Read Sea, 109. 5. He never come so far Westward as Babylon, 118. 6. Is no more remembered in Scripture after his sacrifice; and the cause, 118. 45. His children come not all together to Shinaar. 121. 20.  
Nobility in Parchment. 184. 49.  
Noema, or Naamath, the sister of Tubalcain, expounded by Saint Augustine. 86 46.  
Numa his Law, 196. 14. His grave, 626. 50. His books. 627. 3.   

OH  
Oak of Mambre. 303. 41.  
Obedience to Princes commanded without distinction. 182. 3.  
Occasion of obscurity in the Egyptian 〈◊〉, 236. 47. And of the supplicatory letters of the Nestorians to the Pope, in the year 1552. 53. 5.  
Oceanus and Hesperus, Contemporartes with Moses. 316. 53.  
Of the Mass, indigested matter, or Chaos, created in the beginning. 5. 41.  
Offences punished without form of judgement, 'cause the offenders to seem innocent. 513. 40.  
Ogyges, Contemporary with jacob. 99 19  
Olympiades', whence so called. 575. 18.  
One of the Pillars erected by Seth the third from Adam, was by josephus testimony to be seen in his days. 41. 27.  
Ophir, one of joctans sons, seated in the Moluccas in the East India. 175. 6.  
Opinions concerning the length of Man's life, 77. 42. etc. And concerning jupiter, the son of Saturn and Ops, 88 33. etc.  
And concerning Moses his birth-time, 247 20. And concerning Nimrod. 146. 83.  
Oracles of Amphiaraus. 205. 36.  
Origen his Sepulchre. 379. 11.  
Orosius his report of Pharaoh's Chariot wheels. 263 42.  
Orpheus' his instruction to Musaeus concerning God. 94. 40, etc.  
Orus the second, (or Busiris) Author of the Edict for drowning the Hebrew children. 244. 4.  
Osiris, the eldest son of Cham. 239 49 Oysters growing on trees. 68 14. etc.   

P  
PACUVIUS his wise carriage with the Commons in Capua. 574. 40.  
Painter's wives Island. ibid. 20.  
Palm trees, whereof the people make Bread, Honey, Wine, Vinegar, and fine Flax. 56 20.  
Paradise of Eden, truly taken for the proper name of a place, 35. 46. By knowing the place whereof, we may better judge of the beginning, 40. 15. A City of that name in Coelesyria. 47. 19  
Paternal authority in transferring birthright. 496. 19 etc.  
Paternity and Eldership, the 〈◊〉 Government. 178. 34.  
Patience wounded. 460. 2. etc.  
Pelasgus, King of Arcadia. 315. 54.  
Pelusium, a great City upon the branch of Nilus, next Arabia. 153. 38.  
People in the Indieses, near far greater waterfalls than the Catadupae of Nilus, are not deaf at all. 44. 30.  
Periander, a cruel Tyrant. 644. 32.  
Petra, the native City of Ruth. 388. 13.  
Pharaoh his Sorcerers Frogs, 210. 17. His Army wherewith he pursued the Israelites. 254. 1. etc.  
Pharaoh his devilish policy, 250. 8. The ground of his cruelty. ibid. 30.  
Pharaoh Vaphres, Father-in-law to Solomon. 242. 31.  
Pheron, son to Sesostris, assumeth his Father's name, 243. 12. Is strucken blind, ibid. 25. Recovered. ibid. 28.  
Philistines, destroyed with thunder, 463. 15. Their 〈◊〉 in not prosecuting the victory after Saul's death. 478 50.  
Philosopher's ignorant in nature, and the ways of her working. 13. 49.  
Philostratus in vita Apollonij Tianaei found true, though fabulously expressed. 115. 37.  
Phineus, and the Harpies. 430. 1 etc.  
Phoenicians navigation about 〈◊〉. 632 30.  
Phraortes, overthrown in his attempt of Ninive. 635. 30.  
Phunon, sometime a principal City of the Edomites. 304. 50.  
Phut, the third son of Ham, first planted in Lybia. 161. 21.  
〈◊〉 punished. 609. 17  
Pineda his miracle. 500 47.  
Pison, falsely taken for Ganges; and 〈◊〉, falsely for Nilus. 43. 8.  
Pison and Tigris joining under 〈◊〉, retain one name of Piso-Tigris, to this day. 58. 44  
Plato his differing from Moses in that place where God made answer by his Angel: Existens misit me ad vos, 93. 52. 〈◊〉 judgement concerning God. 95. 48  
Pluto his Rape of Proserpina. 418. 37.  
Power, secured from 〈◊〉, pernicious. 464. 49.  
Pride, foolish and wretched. 550. 43.  
Princes ruling in divers parts of the world, at the time of the Law given in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 276. 20.  
Probability that Nahor and Haran did not persist in idolatry, 223. 40. And that job lived in the time of Moses, 252. 22. And that the Greeks' lay not before Troy the first nine years. 454. 42.  
Prodigy, preceding the flood of Ogyges: with a discourse thereon. 100 28.  
Prometheus' his Vulture moralised, 104 28. etc. His Fire. 316. 10.  
Proteus, what he was probably. 〈◊〉. 12.  
Psammiticus, abandoned by his own followers and Countrymen, 616. 50. His long siege of Azotus, 617. 19 His provident course to divert the Scythians from Egypt. 612. 3. etc.  
Ptolomaeus Lathurus defeateth Alexander King of the jews. 356. 20.  
Pygmalion, King of tire, in whose time Dido sailed into Africa, and built Carthage. 364. 25.  
Pythagoras his Eagle, 209. 31. His golden precept. 274. 7.   

R  
RAbba, where Urias was 〈◊〉. 394. 33.  
Ramases, a City in Gosen, from whence the 〈◊〉 made their first march towards the Read Sea. 254. 23.  
Ramesses or Aegyptus, under whom Moses was horn. 246. 4  
Reasons why the jews omitted Circumcision during their abode in the wilderness, 325. 45. And proving the Tyrians to have been originally Idolaters, 367. 25. And reasons moving the Ammonites to make war upon jabes Gilead. 467. 30.  
Recem, now called Crac and Mozera, a 〈◊〉 City, where the Sultan's of Egypt kept 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 388. 1 etc.  
Read colour 〈◊〉 observed by the Egyptians. 253 26.  
Reges Arabum & Saba, in the 72. Psalm, expounded according to the Hebrew. 50. 15.  
Regions lying between Armenia and Scythia. 120. 36.  
〈◊〉 his conceit of the names of Troes, Tucri, and Thrace's. 447. 39  
Romulus his description. 589. 43.  
Ruth and janus Contemporaries. 140. 22.   

S  
SABA, the son of joctan, seated in India. 174. 46.  
〈◊〉, the birth-Citie of Zebedaeus, Alphaeus, james, and john. 352. 35.  
Sages of Greece, in whose time 〈◊〉 flourished. 575. 30.  
Saint George his Sepulchre. 369. 25.  
Saladine dishonourably repulsed, 341. 40  
He acquireth the Soucraignetie of Egypt. 605. 35.  
Solomon anointed King, 490. 18. His education, 495. 36. His reasons for Adonijabs death, 496. 3. Wherein the chief excellency of his wisdom consisted, 497. 7. His letter to Hiram, ibid. 50. The answer to it, 498. 10. His Garrisons, 501. 14. His Ring dissossessing evil Spirits, 504. 4. His frailty. ibid. 47  
Samaria, founded by Amri, or Homri, 368. 36. 〈◊〉 by the sons of Hircanus, ibid. 45. Where Helisaeus, Abdias, and john the Baptist were buried. ibid. 47.  
Samaritans, a perfidious nation. 164. 23.  
Sanar, the first bringer of the Turks into Egypt. 600. 10  
Saul, elected (probably) by lot, 466. 47 His disobedience, 470 43. His cruelty, 472. 22. His end, and dishonour after his death, ibid. 40.  
Schoolmen, all gross in holding the Countries under the Equinoctial uninhabitable. 46. 21.  
Scorners rewarded. 591. 20.  
Scriptures more ancient than all other Antiquity. 130. 40.  
Scultet his calculation. 590. 46.  
Scythia Saga, or Sacae, under the Mountains of Paropanisus, 119. 50. Scythia intra Imaum, bounded by Marius Niger. 120. 20  
Sehon discomfited. 307. 47  
Seleucia, anciently called Chalanne. 48. 〈◊〉  
Semiramis her policy in obtaining the Empire, 214. 20. Her Armte against Staurobates, 215. 36. Her overthrow. ibid. 54.  
Sennacherib his expedition against the jews; according to Herodotus. 612. 8  
Seneca his judgement of Nature, Fate, or Fortune. 20. 5.  
Sephora and Thua, famous Mid- 〈◊〉. 250. 12.  
Sephoris, the City of joakim and Anna, the Parents of the Virgin Mary. 352. 37.  
Sesostris, endangered by his Brother streason 243 9 His Coach. 504. 47.  
Seth, worshipped by the Egyptians. 87. 51.  
Setheitica, a principal Province in Egypt ibid. 53.  
Sheba and Rama border the Persian Gulf. 47. 49.  
Shishak his policy in entertaining Adad and jeroboam. 371. 45.  
Simon Magus his end. 208. 46.  
Sinai and Horeb, but one Mountain. 267. 42.  
Single Combats. 479. 20.  
Sixtus Quintus his answer to a Friar. 537. 4.  
Slave, why so called. 494. 4 etc.  
Socrates suffered death for acknowledging one only powerful God. 43. 39  
Spaniards pride in America, 172. 29.  
Their plantation in the East at Manilia. 499. 39  
Spartans' 〈◊〉. 620 39  
Spring perpetual in the South of Armenia. 56. 43.  
Stars and other celestial bodies incline the 〈◊〉 by mediation of the sensitive appetite. 35. 34.  
Statues erected by the woman, whom Christ cured of the 〈◊〉 issue. 346. 17.  
Sterculius, mentioned by S. Augustine. 583. 39  
Strange execution of the Citizens of Gadara committed on themselves. 396. 48.  
Strato, King of Zidon, expelled by Alexander Macedon, 362. 50. Another of that name, slain by his own wife. 363. 10.  
Sugar mode by the Sun. 343. 38.  
Susa, in the Province of Elam; sometimes the seat-Royal of the Kings of Persia. 170. 15  
Syrta described. 331. 8, etc.   

T  
TAlus, destroyed by Medea. 431. 34.  
Tamburlaine his Trophy of victory. 402. 23.  
Tanais and Volga, whence they truly arise: with the vanity of the Riphaei and Hyperborei Mountains. 120. 50.  
Tantalus moralised. 420. 1. etc.  
Tarichia, a City, forced by Vespasian. 353. 31, etc.  
Taurus, where on the Ark rested. 128. 18.  
Taurus his stealth of Europa. 360. 17.  
Telassar, inhabited by the Edenites, 50. 30. Called Thiluthe by Am. Marcellinus, sometimes a garrison Town against the Assyrians. 51. 3.  
Teman, the City whence Eliphaz come to reason with job, where situate. 366. 2, etc.  
Temper of the lower part of Eden. 64. 35.  
Teneriffe in the Canaries, the highest mountain known in the world. 124. 18.  
Tereus' his Rape of Philomela. 419. 10.  
Testimonies of the Ancient concerning Moses. 322. 22.  
Tharsus in Cilicia, the native City of Saint Paul, founded by Tharsis the second son of javan. 147. 42.  
That which seemeth most casual and subject to fortune, is yet disposed by the ordinance of God. 〈◊〉. 38.  
That the flood made no such alteration as is generally received. 42. 20.  
That the Stars and other celestial bodies, incline the will by the meditation of the sensitive appesite. 35. 34.  
The means that David grew rich by. 492. 7.  
Theseus' his worthy exploits. 434. 4.  
Thirst of 〈◊〉. 463. 50.  
Thought unsearchable to the Devil. 206. 16.  
Three general opinions of Paradise. 39 1.  
Three things especially are the natural causes of a long and an healthful life. 78. 20.  
Three causes why Moses sorbare to conduct the Israelites through Arabia. 258. 34.  
Thua and Sephora, famous Midwives. 250. 12.  
Thulis an Egyptian King, of whom strange matters are reported. 606 36.  
Thuoris, supposed to be Proteus. 606. 3.  
Thuras, the first Mars. 195. 6.  
Tiber, whence it took the name. 587. 4.  
Tiberius restraineth human sacrifices. 438. 3.  
Tigris, separated from Danubius by the Sea of Hellespont, and all Asia the less, 58. 40. it overflowed Ninive. 559 etc.  
Time, wherein men might attain to be such as they aught, oft-times misspent in seeking to be such as they are not. 556. 50.  
Tiras, father of the Thracians. 144. 38  
Tohu oppressed by Hadadezer, and succoured by David. 477. 10.  
Token of liberty with the wicked, 〈◊〉 despise the service of God. 542. 23.  
Torniellus' his pains to prove the Book of judith Canonical. 625. 39  
Tostatus his opinion of Ophir. 176. 26.  
Traditional oblations. 180, 22.  
Treachery rightly rewarded. 623. 17.  
Treason in fashion. 485. 40.  
Treasure anciently used to be buried with the dead. 492. 28.  
Trees of life and knowledge. 66. 18.  
Tree of life, how understood by the Hebrews. 66, 25.  
Tree of knowledge, so called of the event. 70. 2.  
Tribute denied, causeth Senacherib to make war on Ezechias. 593. 18.  
Troy, when destroyed. 445. 24.  
Two sorts of Kenites and Madianites. 267. 10.  
Two Eden's. 47. 9  
Tydeus his quarrel with Polynices; and the issue thereof. 436. 33.  
Tyranny of Saul towards jonathan. 470, 26. and towards Abimelech. 472. 23.  
Trust in worldly prosperity, how vain. 526. 20.  
Tyrant's are the last that hear of any mischief against them. 539. 13.  
Tyrannous dominion of the Scythians in Asia. 642. 30.  
tire besieged by the Chaldaeans. 647. 14.  
Tyrrhenus, the first bringer of Vines into France. 121. 46.   

V  
VAgabond, how to be understood. 72. 47.  
Valour of the Cymmerians. 638. 2.  
Vanity of Homer, in description of the fight between Hector and Achilles. 456. 30.  
Vanity of superstition. 460. 48.  
Vanity of many great 〈◊〉 of war in valueing themselves too highly. 491. 1.  
Vanity of Becanus his Gigantomochia. 81. 41.  
Vanity of Chronologers, in taking Amraphel for Nimrod. 227, 6.  
Vanity of the Greeks used in the Olympian Games. 577, 15, etc.  
Vaphres, father in law to Solomon. 607. 37.  
Vanity of opinions concerning the rape of Helen. 451. 35. etc.  
Vasco de Gama, the first finder of the Cape of good Hope. 632. 32.  
Vatablus his opinion concerning Eden. 51. 20.  
Vengeance cast upon Israel for the ingratitude of Iehu. 530. 40.  
Virtue truly heroical. 551. 4.  
Virtue of josias in his childhood. 629. 20.  
Venetians, probably descended from the Troyans'. 458. 10.  
Venetus his report of japan. 116. 16.  
Victory of jephta, envied by the Ephraemites; and the issue thereof. 439. 40.  
Victory begetteth security. 484. 45.  
Victory of Nabuchodonozor against Necho. 645. 43.  
Violence towards parents, punished with death. 285. 5.  
Virgil's opinion touching the original of the Troyans'. 446, 27, etc.  
Uncertainty of Authors, about the time when Homer lived. 476. 2.  
Vnwarlike people hardened by custom of danger. 635. 26.  
Voluptuousness of Sardanapalus. 559. 1.  
Uriah his death, considered with the slaughter done by Solomon upon his elder brother. 465. 19  
urim and Thumim of the jewish Priests 466. 48.  
〈◊〉 to be made of praying towards the East 37, 1, etc. Use of letters found out before the Flood. 79 22.  
Uses of the Moral, Ceremonial, and judicial Laws. 283. 10  
Vzzia punished by God, for meddling with the Prtests Office. 564, 1, etc.   

W  
W Antonnesse of Atossa. 536. 47.  
Wariness of the Romans in establishing Rome for the Seat of the Empire. 566. 52.  
War concluded upon uneven terms, eftsoons breaketh out with greater violence. 621, 6.  
Way attempted to be made for passage of ships, from Nilus into the Read Sea. 632, 10.  
West part of America, how it come to be called Peru, 175. 30 etc.  
What Saint Paul may probably be thought chief to intent, in the account of time, from Israel's coming out of Egypt to the division of the promised Land. 444. 12.  
What kind of Prophets they were, with whom Saul encountered and prophesied. 〈◊〉. 34.  
What year of the Lord David died in 492. 7.  
What Cinaei they were against whom Balaam prophesied, jos. 19 33. 163. 48.  
What kind of Kings those five were, mentioned, Gen. 14. 230, 32.  
What part of the Read Sea Moses passed thorough. 261. 35.  
What might be the cause of Iehosaphats taking his son to be partner in his kingdom 519 20.  
Whence the report come, that oysters grow on trees in India. 68 14.  
Whence that conceit of Orpheus and Hesiodus sprang, That Giants were the sons of Heaven and Earth. 81. 52.  
Whence the fable arose, of dividing the world between the three sons of Saturn. 86. 50.  
Whence the word (Slave) had its original. 494. 4.  
Where it was that Christ remained, whilst joseph and Marie feared Herod. 249. 14.  
Which Magog Ezechiel had reference unto. 137. 36.  
Which Havilah it is that Pison compasseth. 177. 20.  
Which Belus was the more ancient. 194. 42.  
Who they were that first institated the Nemaean Games. 437. 7.  
Who were supposed to be the first Inventors of Navigation. 134 30.  
Wholesome severity rather desired, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 624, 40.  
Why the Babylonians gave a Dove in their Ensigns. 216 2.  
Wickedness quickly planted, but not 〈◊〉 rooted up again. 633. 37.  
Wicked instigators. 524 33.  
William of tire his report, concerning the Egyptian Caliph. 600. 4.  
Wine and strong drink prohibited to teeming women. 459. 21. etc.  
Wisdom better than all worldly riches. 496. 42.  
Wisdom of man, blind in looking into the counsel of God. 535, 50.  
Wise at home, and foolish abroad. 551. 44.  
Witches transportations. 209. 1.  
Woman, given to man for a Comforter, not for a Counsellor. 70 43.  
Women, with Idolatry pervert Solomon. 504. 12.  
Wonder of a Nation. 624. 1.  
Wondering at any thing in this world, is folly; considering the folly of the world. 537. 4. etc.  
Words of Image and similitude, taken in one and the same sense by Saint Paul and Saint james. 23. 33.  
Worldly men, and their condition 468. 20.  
World's first written received Law. 276. 22.  
Worship done to Christ by the Magis: with aprobable conjecture whence they come. 166. 10.  
Wretched pride. 550. 42.  
Writers on the place of Paradise, diversly conceived. 33. 40.   

Y  
Y Oak of jacob, broken by Esau. 521. 50.   

Z  
Z ALEUCUS his mild Law. 644. 43.  
Zeal waxetls cold, when troubles cease 484. 48. Zeal of David and the Israelites towards the building of the Temple. 490. 12.  
Zedekias' his journey to Babel, 648. 31. is besieged in Jerusalem, 649. 3. is taken prisoner, 650. 5. and hath his eyes torn out, and is carried captive to Babylon. ibid. 20.  
Zerah his terrible invasion of judaea. 509. 30.  
Zoan, a City in Egypt, where Hieremie the Prophet was stoned to death. 248. 42. in whose confines Onias built a Temple for the jews. 249. 7.  
Zoroasters birth, 199. 52. his Oracles. 202. 52.    

AN ALPHABETICAL LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL CONTENTS OF THE THIRD, FOURTH, AND FIFT BOOKS OF THE FIRST Part of the History of the WORLD.  
Wherein the first number signifieth the Leaf, the second the Line.  

A  
ABROCOMAS his cowardice. 113. 39  
Achaemenes his assoctation with Arbaces. 28. 40. His progeny. 30. 1, etc.  
Acrocorinthus, a strong Citadel of Corinth. 398. 30.  
Adherbal his notable victory at Sea against the Romans. 365. 19  
Advantage of absolute Lords, above such as are served by Voluntarics. 95, 50.  
Adversity is always sure to hear of her errors. 376. 10. It rectifies the under standing. 533, 16.  
Advisednesse and rashness. 435, 2. etc.  
Aegira, taken by surprise, and lost again through greediness of 〈◊〉. 589, 21. etc.  
Aemylius Paulus his great circumspection 445, 33. His encouragement to his Soldiers 448, 18. His care to prevent the mischief imminent, through the headstrong conduct of his vainglorious Colleague. 450. 45. Is stain in battle. 455, 48.  
Aetolians ingratitude. 402, 5. etc. Their pride abated. 689, 20. Who being the first drawers of the Romans into Greece, are the first whose necks are galled with their yoke. 702, 46.  
Agathocles his degrees, whereby he obtained the Kingdom of Syracuse. 341, 40. He overthroweth the Carthaginians. 343, 12. Is himself shortly after besieged by them; with the strange course he takes to raise the siege, ibid. 30. His perfidy toward Ophellas, 345 15. His 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 making timely peace with the Carihaginians, ibid. 32. His amazed slight into Sicily, 346, 4. etc. His bloody nature, ibid. 12. His wretched end. ibid. 50.  
Agesilaus his sacrifice thrown down from the Altar. 134, 18. He deludeth Tissaphernes, ibid. 39 He driveth Pharnabazus out of his camp. 136. 8. He wasteth Boeotia. 139. 14. His disloyalty. 154. 26. His death, ib. 40.  
Agis his great care for the good of Sparta, unworthily recompensed with the lamentable death of himself, his Mother, and Grandmother. 402, 35. etc.  
Alcetas his unhappy end. 230. 25.  
Alcibiades his cunning dealing with the Spartan Ambassadors. 97, 31. Is forced to banish himself. 99, 22. and seeketh revenge upon 〈◊〉 own Citizens, ibid. 39 he is revoked from banishment. 101, 35. his great favour with Tissaphernes, ibid. 48. again 〈◊〉 exiled. 103, 24. his friendship and good counsel is rejected. 105, 5. etc. his death. 106. 9  
Alexander, the son of Amyntas King of Macedon, his magnanimity and prudence. 50. 40.  
Alexander M. chosen Captain General of the Greeks', 169, 16. He winneth Thebes, 170, 20. etc. his clemency to the race of Pindarus. ibid. 36. his cruelty to his Mothers-in-lawe kinsmen. 171, 15. his gracious dealing with the Cities of his first conquest in Asia. 173. 36. his policy in sending the Persian targets to the Cities of Greece, 175. 6. his easy passage through the straitss of Cilicia, 176. 22. his many good fortunes at once, 180. 21. his answer to Darius his letter after the 〈◊〉 of issus, 181. 4. be releaseth Apollo, ib. 34. his vision in Dio, 182. 41. his affectation of Deity, 183, 49. his passage over Tigris, 184. 50. his answer to Darius his Ambassadors, 187, 22. the number of his Army, 188, 13. hath Arbela, with a great mass of treasure, yielded unto him, 189. 13. waxeth contemptible amongst his followers, 192. 11. his happy temerity. 197. 36. his stratagem to win the passage of a Rock, ibid. 47. his gross affectation of flattery. 199. 44. etc. his passage over the river Oxus, 201, 50. his cruelty to a colony of Greeks, 202, 10. his munificence to Omphis, 206, 20. he loseth most part ofhis Army, 209. 10. his marriage with Statira, 210, 3, etc. his lamentation for Epbestions death, ibid. 36. his last draft, ibid. 40.  
Alterations of time. 621. 23.  
Alliance between Hannibal and the Campans. 460. 10.  
Altinius his treason worthily punished. 498. 32.  
Amasis' his entry to the Kingdom of Egypt. 23. 9  
Ambition making haste to her own ruin; 434. 12.  
Ambition of divers Consuls, to wrist the honour of the war in Africa, out of Scipio's 〈◊〉. 580. 51. etc.  
Ambition, malignant of others virtue, is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a great counsellor. 643, 43.  
Amilcar, father of the great Hannibal, invadeth and wasteth Italy. 368, 24. he resineth his charge to Gesco, 372. his passage over the river Bagradas, 387, 42. his first victory over the Mercenaries, 388, 7, etc. his humanity towards his prisoners, affrights the Captains of the Mutineers, 389, 1, etc. his notable entrapping of the Rebels; and the terrible execution done upon them, 392, 2, etc. he besiegeth Tunes, ibid. 40. is made General in the Spanish Expedition, 395, 51. his singular virtue acknowledged by his most deadly enemies, 396, 3, etc. his death. ibid. 11.  
Amyntas (almost) expelled out of Maccdon. 142, 13.  
Amyrtaeus obtaineth the Kingdom of Egypt. 107. 35.  
Andronodorus his subtlety in resigning his Protectorship, 510. 18. his close dealing to attain the 〈◊〉, 512, 33. his death. 513. 15.  
Angra, a strong Fort. 365. 19  
Antigonus the Great, his politic escape from Perdiccas, 223, 39 is made General of the Macedonian Army. 229, 1, etc. his barbarous usage to the dead corpse of Alcetas, 230, 31, etc. his reasons for not entering Macedon, 238, 36. his politic surprise of Eumenes his carriages, 249, 20. his subtle plot in betraying Eumenes, 250. 20. his just payment of the traitors, 251. 2. his preparation against Ptolemie, 253 24. he enforceth tire, by famine, to tender itself, 254. 40. his journey into Phrygia, 257, 45. he forceth Cassander to retire into Macedon. 258, 40. his intent to marry with Cleopatra, sister to Alexander, 270, 12, etc. his fleet in great extremity, 276, 17. his departure out of Egypt, 277, 10. etc. his vain ostentation, 279, 51. his unwonted sadness, 281. 17. his end and conditions. ibid. 46.  
Antigonus the younger, the son of Demetrius, is 〈◊〉 King of Macedon, 303. 38. his found ostentation to the Gauls Ambassadors 304, 1, etc. is forced to abandon his camp, ibid. 16. is forsaken of his own Soldiers, and expelled his Kingdom, 305, 30. he raiseth a new Army against Pyrrhus, 306. 44. and re-obtaineth his Kingdom, 307, 44. his policy in getting Acrocorinthus. 398. 43.  
Antigonus, surnamed Tutor, made Protector to Philip the son of Demetrius, 399 6. his Expedition into Achaia, 407, 41. is made 〈◊〉 General over the Achaeans, and their Confederates, 408, 33. he vanquisheth 〈◊〉 at Selasia, 410, 20. his death. 411, 43.  
Antiochus the Great marcheth against Molo, his Rebel, 645, 30. Wins the victory by his name and presence, ibid. 44. he winneth Seleucia from the Egyptian, 646, 35. he sueth to Ptolemie for peace, after his overthrow at Raphia, 648, 24, etc. he taketh Sardes, 649, 15. his Expedition against the Parthians, 651, 53. his passage to the Indian's, 652, 52. he reedifieth Lysimachia, 657, 12. his Embassage to the Romans, 668. 44. his vain brags, 681. 18. his Embassage to the Achaeans, 682, 26. he is driven out of Grecce, 688, 28. and is utterly defeated by the Romans. 699. 27.  
Antipater sends to Craterus for succour, 216, 35. is besieged in Lamia, 217, 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the aid of the 〈◊〉 camp, 219, 48. his subtle dealing with the Greeks' in the treaty of peace, 220, 23. 〈◊〉 changeth the Government of 〈◊〉, 221, 1, etc. he returneth with the King into Macedon, 229, 1. his qualities. 231, 10  
Apelles his device to supplant Aratus, 593, 50. happily discovered, 594, 22. his conspiracy against the King, 595, 12. his arrogancy, and treachery towards the King, 598, 7. he is dashed out of countenance, and forsaken of his company, by a simple check from the King, ibid. 26. and is imprisoned, where he dies. ibid. 48  
Apollo's Oracle concerning Cyrus, 10, 20  
Apollonides his treachery. 229. 30  
App. Claudius arrives at Messana in favour of the 〈◊〉, 318, 3. he giveth an overthrow to the Carthaginians, 320, 1, etc.  
Apries, King of Egypt, put to death by his subjects. 15, 45  
Apsus, or Aous, a great River in the 〈◊〉 of Epirus. 625, 36  
Aratus expelleth the Tyrant of Sition, 400, 7, etc. and surpriseth the Citadel of Corinth, ibid. 17. Being led with private passion, he makes a bad bargain for his Country, 405, 9 his violent opposition against the League with 〈◊〉, 406 44. his 〈◊〉 against all the gentle offers of 〈◊〉, 407, 27 his many disgraces by Antigonus, 408, 45. his revenge taken on Mantinaea, 409, 2, etc. is overthrown by the 〈◊〉, 586, 44. he procureth Philip to invade 〈◊〉, 596, 1 etc. by his good counsel he diverteth Philip from his practice upon Messene 604, 32. and is afterwards 〈◊〉 by Philip. 605. 23  
Arcadians 〈◊〉 to Athens and 〈◊〉, 150, 10  
Archimedes his strange engines in defence of Syracuse, 517, 25. his death and sepulture, 521, 25  
Argives at dissension among themselves, 98, 49  
Argos, the name of an Altar in Greece, 640, 19  
〈◊〉 his weakness. 215, 32  
Aristagoras surpriseth the Persian fleet, 54, 43. is assisted by the Athenians, 55, 6 he surpriseth Sardes, and burneth it, ibid. 10 is over thrown by the Edonians. 56, 4  
〈◊〉 his integrity. 70, 47  
Aristodemus his 〈◊〉 flattery. 275, 10  
Art of quarrel. 546, 33  
Art of Tyrants. 632, 1, etc.  
Artabazus his bootless counsel, 59, 25. he 〈◊〉 into Thrace, 73, 30. is together with his whole family put to death by exquisite torments. 81, 39  
Artabazus 〈◊〉 favoured by Alexander, for his fidelity to Darius, 194, 49. and is made Governor of Bactria, 201, 45  
Artaxerxes his vain ostentation, 115, 30 his message to the Greeks', 116, 18. his base mind. 117, 43  
Artemisia, her sounded advice to Xerxes, 67. 37  
Asdrubal, the son of Amilcar, his strange 〈◊〉 towards 〈◊〉 482, 21, etc. his terrible entry into Italy, 533, 28. his main over sight, 534, 48. his death and commendations. 537, 40  
Asdrubal, the son of Gisco, is chosen General of the 〈◊〉, 558, 23, etc. is fired out of his Camp by Scipio, 561, 11. and flieth to Carthage, ibid. 38. he raiseth new forces, 562, 9 and is put to 〈◊〉 by the Romans. ibid. 34  
Assembly of the Grecian Estates, upon the Treaty of peace with Philip. 636, 4, etc.  
〈◊〉 constancy, 70, 20. they sand a fleet into Egypt, against the Persian, 82, 35. they enforce Aegina to tender upon most base conditions, 85, 14. they invade Sames, 87, 8. and subdue Mytilene, 90, 20. Their rough answer to the Spartan Ambassadors, 96, 21. their perverse obstinacy, 99, 43. their 〈◊〉 against Syracuse, 329, 47. they besiege it, 330, 29. their obstinacy in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, ibid. 45. are beaten at Sea by the Syracusians, 331, 11. their last Sea-fight in Sicily, ibid. 50. the miserable end of their whole Army. 333. 20  
Atilius M. his victory by Sea, against the Carthaginians. 353. 11.  
Aulis in 〈◊〉, a goodly Haven. 134. 12.   

B  
BAbylon, the greatness thereof. 37, 38  
Bagoas his malicious cruelty. 209, 43 Balthafar, not the son, but the grandchild of Nabuchodonosor, 7. 40. miserably slain by his own people. 37. 7.  
Bantius his easy nature. 463. 38.  
Barbarous resolution. 123. 3.  
Battle of Metaurus. 536. 25, etc.  
Battle of Nadagara. 577. 3, etc.  
Battle of Magnesia. 698. 15. etc.  
Benefit and Grace. 34. 11.  
Benefits arising from wrongs done, make not injustice the more excusable. 521. 16  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their own Land, and recover their liberty. 86. 44.  
Bravery, of all qualities, is the lest 〈◊〉 unto Sovereign command. 458. 33  
Britomarus, slain in single fight by Marcellus. 420. 10.  
Britons policy against the French. 313 37  
Brutus his overgreat severity. 293. 26  
Burrough his waftage of the English thorough the Straitss of Elsenour. 304. 44.   

C  
CAlamities of war, in some cases, rather enable than weaken Kingdoms. 496. 26.  
Calpas, a goodly Haven. 127. 49.  
Callinicus his bloody entry to the Kingdom of Asia: and his unfortunate reign. 641. 43, etc.  
Cambyses' his chief reason, in bindering the building of the City and Temple of Jerusalem. 40. 30. he marrieth his own sisters, 41. 16. his cruelty to the dead, 44. 42. his attempt against the Temple of jupiter Ammon, 45. 12. his dream: and the issue thereof, ibid. 24. His death. 46. 10  
Camillus F. his 〈◊〉, 295. 24. Vniuslly banished, ibid. 35. his notable service against the Gaeules, 296. 19  
Campanians submit to the Romans. 296. 42.  
captains unhappy, but happy Clerks, 714. 10.  
Care taken to avoid good admonition. 376. 3.  
Carthage described, 314, 50. The special causes of her destruction. 315. 20.  
Carthaginians policy to separate the Syracusians from the 〈◊〉. 333. 33. their sacrifice to Saturn; with the event thereof, 345. 40, etc. Their wofullover sight, 373. 16 Their consternation, 563. 10. They assail the Romans in the haven of 〈◊〉, 564. 8. their great joy upon a small occasion. ibid. 26 their dishonour able embassage to Scipio, 567 47. their impatience loseth them many helps, 574. 35. their bootless sorrow, 583. 33, etc. their envy to the Barchines, repaid with advantage. 725. 1, etc.  
Carthalon his fortunate success against the Romans. 366. 30.  
Cassander his secret conference with Antigonus, 232. 25. His entry into Firaeus, 235. 48. he reduceth Athens to obedience, 236. 50. he builds Cassandria; and reedifies Thebes, 243. 32. his politic dealing with Alexander, the son of Polysperchon, 256. 10. he vanquisheth Glaucius King of the 〈◊〉, 257. 2. he putteth Roxane, and her son, to death, 268. 7. His cruelty repaid on his own house, 287. 1, etc.  
C. Cassius his wise answer. 100 42.  
Cato his general conclusion in Senate, 468 38. his conastion. 707. 2, etc.  
Ceraunus repaireth to Seleucus, 290. 41 His treachery against him, 291. 13. his good success in Macedon and Thrace, 301. 10. his perfidious love to his sister, ibid. 36. his foolish pride and miserable end. 302. 1.  
Cetaphim, or Hagiographa, of the lewis. 3. 46.  
Charidemus his good counsel to Darius ill rewarded. 179. 3. etc.  
Charles the fift his advice to his son Philip. 353. 20.  
Choice ill made. 728. 25.  
Cimon, General of the Athenians. 80. 24. He reduceth Phaselis to their subjection. ibi. 41. he obtaineth two victories in one day. ibi. 50. he overthroweth the Phanicians flecte, 81. 1, etc. and is sent with a strong Navy, to take in the Isle of Cyprus, 83. 9 his death, 85. 29.  
Cincinnatus his notable Expedition against the Volscians. 295. 9  
Cleadas his bootless persuasion. 170. 29.  
Cleander and his Complices, worthily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 209. 30.  
Clearthus driveth the Persians' out of their Camp, 117. 32. his confident message to the Persian, ibid. 40. his overmuch credulity, 119. 28. his death. 120. 4, etc.  
Cleomenes his victory against Aratus, 404. 4. he restoreth the ancient discipline of Lycurgus, ibid. 18. his great spirit, and good carriage in managing his affairs, ibid. 33. his great victory at Dymes, 406. 21. etc. his winning of Argos, 407. 10. is enforced to abandon 〈◊〉. 408. 19 his bold affront given to Antigonus. 410. 2. is put to flight by Antigonus; and lovingly entertained by Ptolemie Euergetes. 411. 1. etc. his unfortunate end. ibid. 19  
Clypea, a Port town on Africa side. 354. 20.  
Cocles his admirable resolution. 293. 45.  
Combats of 〈◊〉 kinds. 544. 47. etc.  
Commodity of a retreat, is a great advancement to flat running away. 432. 11.  
Conditions of truce between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians. 91. 30.  
Concolitanus and Aneroestus, with a mighty Army of Gauls invade the Romans 416. 45. But are overthrown, together with the greatest part of their forces. 419. 10. etc.  
Congruity of natures in a rare couple. 617. 47.  
Conon his famous retreat. 130. 46.  
Conquest of revenge, what it is truly. 547. 42.  
Consultation rightly Creticall. 650. 16.  
Contempt used against Princes, less pardonable than ill deeds. 337. 29  
Contradictions in the Roman history, about the wars of the two Scipio's in Spain. 471. 39  
Convenience and inconvenience of an Army, consisting of divers Nations and Languages. 373. 11.  
Coriolanus his dangerous war against the Romans. 294. 38.  
Counsel prevaileth nothing, where opportunities are neglected. 417. 17.  
Courage not answerable to goodwill. 519. 45.  
Court wars. 394. 32.  
Cowardice and Courage strangely intermixed. 400. 36.  
Craft of the Romans in obscure covenants. 472. 12  
Craterus his malice. 199. 12. Is sent back into Macedon, and made Lieutenant thereof, 210. 21. he joineth with Antipater, 220. 5. 〈◊〉 marriage with the daughter of Antipater. 222. 7. etc. He reduceth the Aetolians into hard terms, ibid. 18. his overmuch haste to encounter Eumenes, 226. 27. Is deceived in his expectation, 227. 5. etc. his death, ibid. 32.  
Cratippus his answer to Pompey. 33. 4.  
Croesus' his cause of enmity with the Medes. 28. 7. His Pedigree. 32. 2. His many conquests. ibid. 17. His security and delusion. ib. 26. Contemns Sandanes his good 〈◊〉, ibid. 40. Flieth to Sardes, 33. 17. Is there besieged. ibid. 36.  
Cruelty in Lords, begetteth hatred in Subjects. 379. 36.  
Curtius and Trogus mistaken, in Alexander's arrival on the banks of Tanais. 202. 46.  
Custom of conquered Nations. 472. 33.  
Cyna, mother to Eurydice. 228. 17.  
Cyneas, a principal Counsellor to Pyrrhus 298. 25. Is sent Ambassador to the Romans. 300. 10.  
Cyrus' his first military service, 22. 44. He overthroweth the Assyrians. 28. 9 His name made reverend by his goodness. 31. 24. His policy in pursuing Croesus. 33. 30. his great mercy. 34. 7. his war in Scythia, 34. 48. his siege of Babylon. 35. 10. his forcible entry into it, 37, 1, etc. His Supulchre and Epitaph. 38. 50.  
Cyrus, brother to Artaxerxes, his policy in levying Soldiers, 112, 35. his unfortunate valour. 114. 41. etc.   

D  
DAMARATUS, the paternal Ancestor of the Tarquinij. 292. 8.  
Danger in constituting two Generals of contrary factions. 390. 4. etc.  
Danger at hand neglected, through vain hope of future victory. 560, 22.  
Darius, the son of Hydaspes, his message to the Scythians, 49. 50. Strangely answered. ibid. 53. his difficult escape. 50. 10. his jealousy of Histiaeus. 56. 20.  
Darius' 〈◊〉 Seizeth the Kingdom of Persia. 107. 32. etc. He recovereth all, that his Father and Grandfather had lost in Asia, 108. 1. etc. His death. ib. 18.  
Darius' his vain insolency, 171. 25. his Army, and their condition, ibid. 40. Is discomfited at Issus. 180. 26. he offereth conditions of peace to Alexander, 186. 50. His retreat into Media: 189. 9 his hard destiny, still to follow the worst counsel. 193. 7. his woeful dejection. ibid. 14. his last speech to Polystratus. 194. 7.  
Deceit, overreached by fraud. 〈◊〉  
Decius Magius his constancy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Romans. 60. 19  
Delay, the sharpest Enemy to aninuading Army. 175. 2 〈◊〉.  
Demetrius the son of Antigonus the elder, his love to Eumenes, 250. 38. his vain journey into Cilicia, 259. 22. he taketh Cilles, with his Camp and Army, 263. 13, etc. his wantonness well punished, 271. 42. 〈◊〉 Sition, and calleth it Demetrias, 279. 26 his hapless success, 281. 32. he obtaineth Cilicia, 283. 32. his gentle dealing with the ungrateful Athenians, 284. 53. his weakness most apparent in his most Greatness, 287 6. his unprincely sentence, ibid. 52. he repelleth Pyrrhus, 288. 5. his hard escape from Pyrrhus, 289. 1. Is hardly pursued by Agathocles, ibid. 36. his passageover Lycus. ibid. 45  
Demetrius, the son of Antigonus Gonatas, expelleth Alexander the son of Pyrrhus, out of Macedon and Epirus, 398. 26. Decayed in virtue, after he become King. 399. 2.  
Demetrius Pharius, expelled his Kingdom by the Romans, and entertained by King Philip, 590. 35. he procureth Philip to make a League with Hannibal, 600. 28. A cunning observer of Philip's humours, 603. 37 Is slain in attempting Messene. ibid. 42.  
Demosthenes his temerity corrected, 331. 1. his good 〈◊〉 rejected, 332. 15. Is abandoned by Nicias, 333. 6. and basely murdered. ibid. 10.  
Desire of Rule, belongeth to the nobler part of Reason. 383. 23.  
Desperation derided by obdurateness, 615. 6.  
Dieneces his resolute answer. 63. 40.  
Dion, banished for his good meaning, 338. 30. he returneth with an Army, and entereth Syracuse, 339. 20. is again expelled, ibid. 34. his death; with the revenge thereof. ibid. 50.  
Dionysius the elder, aspireth to the kingdom of Syracuse, 334. 30. his revenge taken on his revolted followers, 335. 10. Is excluded, and recovereth Syracuse, ibid. 30. His powerful Navy, 336. 10. His perfidious dealing with Himilco; patterned, 336. 43. He sacketh Tauromenium, 337. 7. his siege of Rhegium, ibid. 10. His death; and his condition. 338. 1, etc.  
Dionysius the younger his barbarous cruelty, 338. 12. his hard dealing against Dion, 339. 16. is expelled Syracuse, ibid. 27. he recovereth it again, ibid. 53. he surrendreth the same to Timoleon. 340. 35  
Disease common to Princes and private persons. 349. 42  
Dissension between Commanders. 344. 40  
Doctrine of policy. 169. 31  
Dreams sometimes too true. 345. 4.  
Duilius his policy in fight with the Carthaginian Galleys, 350. 28. he raiseth the siege of Segesta. 351. 35  
Duty out of season. 651. 12   

E  
ELoquence dearly bought. 166. 9  
Emperor of Congo his Guard. 196. 35  
Emporioe, a Town of great importance in Spain. 469. 18  
Interchange of victories between Hannibal and Marcellus. 526. 20, etc.  
Envy of the Spartans'. 140. 10  
Epaminondas driveth his Enemies from their fortifications, 146. 38. he invadeth Peloponnesus, 148. 48. his politic dealing with the Spartans' and Mantinoeans, 150. 40. his notable prowess, 152. 25, etc. his death. ibid. 50  
Epicides his crafty dealing with the Leontines, 514. 1. his costly feasting of the Syracusians. 519. 20  
Error of man's judgement, in valuing things according to common opinion. 384. 3, etc.  
Errors that are especially to be avoided by a General. 435. 25  
Euergetes, and the cause of such his denomination. 644. 1, etc.  
Eumenes is made Governor of Cappadocia, 218. 15. his open dealing, 226. 8. His policy in preventing Craterus, ibid. 32. he killeth Neoptolemus in single fight, 227. 13 his wisdom in redeeming the love of his people, ibid. 47. the condition of his Army, 229 19 his admirable resolution, ibid. 40. Is set at liberty by Antigonus, 237. 30. his Country and condition, 239. 10. his profitable use of afained dream, 244. 30. his passage into Persia, ibid. 40. he fortifieth the Castle of susa, 245. 12. his singular dexterity in ordering his Army. 246. 2. his politic delusion of Antigonus, ibid. 50. his provident circumspection, 247. 16. his mecre virtue the sole cause of his overthrow, ibid. 51. his unfortunate end. 250 44.  
Eumenes' King of Pergamus his policy to animate his soldiers, 609. 24. he waxeth contemptible, 731. 24. his voyage to Rome to complain against Perseus. 731. 51.  
Eurydice her 〈◊〉 and murder, 159. 21. Eurydice her title to the Empire of Macedon after Alexander's death, 212, 23. 〈◊〉 calleth Cassander to her succour, 240. 16. is abandoned by her own followers: ibid. 25.  
Expectation is always tedious, when the event is of most importance. 448. 48.   

F  
FABIUS his advised temporising, 440. 40. he diutdeth the 〈◊〉 with Minutius, 443. 48. his grave counsel to Aemylius; with his answer thereunto, 448. 1. etc. his unanswerabie objection to Scipio. 471 35. his try all of his sons 〈◊〉, 498. 24. etc. his recovery of Tarentum, and by what means, 527. 16. etc. his 〈◊〉 at the growing virtue of Scipio, 553. 22. his opinion touching Hannibal's departure out of Italy, 573, 15. he dieth much about the same time. ibid. 39  
Faith of the Petilians towards the Romans. 484. 13.  
Fayal taken by the English, 362. 3. etc.  
Fear pretended where war is intended 663. 5.  
Flaminius his costly 〈◊〉. 437. 30.  
Flatterers the basest of 〈◊〉. 385. 28.  
Flattery 〈◊〉 baseness. 401, 21, etc.  
Flight is sometimes commendable, 433. 16.  
Fons Solis of a strange nature. 184. 21.  
Fortitude is a diligent preserver of itself. 547, 33.  
Friend's 〈◊〉 for enemies. 5061 etc.  
Friendship sought after a strange manner. 656. 13.  
Fruit of popular jealousy. 438, 38. etc.  
Fury of a multitude. 546, 19   

G  
GAdes is yielded to the Romans. 552. 17.  
Gams report to 〈◊〉 the 5. at the battle of 〈◊〉. 451. 39 etc.  
Gauls, their furious invasion of Rome, 295, 39 over thrown by Antigonus. 304. 28.  
Gelon, Prince of Syracuse, 326, 15. his victory against the Carthaginians, ibid. 35. etc. his 〈◊〉. 327 6.  
〈◊〉 his provident course in transporting the 〈◊〉 Army from 〈◊〉 to Carthage, 372. 8. is sent to pacify the 〈◊〉, 374. 24. is detained prisoner by them, 375 50.  
GOD 〈◊〉 a man of half his virtue that day, when he casteth him into bondage. 386. 29.  
Greeks' terrible to the Barbarians, 113. 17.  
Gracchus his victory at 〈◊〉, 494 1. etc.  
Gylippus cometh to the relief of Syraeuse, 330. 26. he wins the 〈◊〉 Fort, ibid. 41. he taketh Nicias prisoner, 333. 12.   

H  
HANNIBAL his great valour and wisdom, 422, 44. etc. his hereditary hatred against the Romans, 426, 34. his passage 〈◊〉 Rhodanus. 427. 50. and over the Alpss, 428 〈◊〉. he 〈◊〉 the Taurini, and forceth their Town, 430. 44. his 〈◊〉 Rhetoric, 431. 25. his politic dismission of the 〈◊〉, 433, 27. his taking of Clastidium, ibid. 50. his peril among the 〈◊〉, 436, 12. his dealing with the Romans after a trick of their own. 438. 4. etc. his Stratagem in passing the Hills of Callicula and Casiline, 441. 12. his encouragement to his soldiers, 451. 6. his order in the marshalling of his Army at the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉, ibid. 50. his intelligence in Nola, 464. 10. his siege of Casiline. 465. 20. his 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉, not so effeminate as is supposed, 466, 2. his bootless attempt upon 〈◊〉, 493, 1. the fear of the Romans at his approach to their City, 505. 21. he dislodgeth from before it, 507, 1. his overmuch credulity, 525. 22. his victory against Cn. Fuluius. 526, 1. his stratagem against Fabius discovered, 528, 10. his politic surprise of Marcellus, 530, 30. his notable commendations, 539, 30. he raiseth an Altar, with an inscription of his victories, 554, 25. his Speech at his departure from Italy, 572, 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Leptis; and winneth 〈◊〉 to his party, 574, 12. his Speech to Scipio upon their meeting in Africa, 576. 11. his resolved dealing with a vain Orator, 581, 39 his laughing in a general calamity, 583. 35. his escape from Carthage, 661, 33. his conference with the Romans, 676, 33. his free 〈◊〉 to Antiochus, 693. 8. his death. 715. 1.  
Hanno, Admiral of the Carthaginian fleet, 369, 25. is 〈◊〉 and overthrown by Catulus, 370, 1, etc. he is a bitter enemy to Amilcar, 373, 42. his ill conduct of the Carthaginian Army, 387, 12, etc. his malicious jests at Hannibal's victories, 467. 10. his unjust accusation of Hannibal, 469, 2.  
Hardiness is unworthy the name of valour, which hath no regard of honesty or friendship. 401. 49.  
Help purchased at a 〈◊〉. 407. 14.  
Hermias his unreasonable counsel to Antiochus, 644, 25. his deadly hatred to Epigenes for his 〈◊〉 counsel to Antiochus, contrary to his own liking, 645, 30. his treasons are discovered, and himself speedily dispatched. 646. 9  
Hermocrates his policy to detain the Athenians, 332, 34. his unjust banishment and death. 334, 2.  
Hicroms' woman-Cow. 21, 46.  
〈◊〉 the elder chosen King of Syracuse, 317, 30. his League with the Carthaginians for exterminating the Mamertines out of Sicily, ibid. 50. his great over sight in encountering with Claudius, 319, 40. he 〈◊〉 from Messans. ibid. 50.  
Hieron the younger relieveth Carthage, 391, 32. his wise forecast in relieving the 〈◊〉 and Romans, when they were oppressed. 446, 45.  
Hieronymus, the last King of 〈◊〉, his 〈◊〉, 510, 42. his death. 512, 12.  
Himilco 〈◊〉 many Towns in Sicily, 335, 52. he besiegeth Syracuse, 336, 13. his treacherous peace with Dionysius repaid with like 〈◊〉. ibid. 34.  
Hypocrates his sergeant Epistle, with the success thereof. 515, 〈◊〉, etc.  
His majesties prudence and Kingly power, 549, 43. his justice, 550, 21. his great bounty and honour conferred upon martial men. 718. 10.  
Histiaeus his practices against the Persian. 54, 31. his escape from Darius his Lieutenants, and death. 56, 8.  
Historians general affection. 450, 23.  
Hollanders passage by the mouth of the Duke of Parma's Cannon. 365, 1, etc.  
Honour without trust, 190, 34. Honour that is acquired by detracting from others worth, seldom thriveth with the possessor, 445, 40.   

I  
ICETES his crafty dealing with the Corinthians, 340, 3. he besiegeth them in the Castle of Syracuse, ibid. 40. is taken by Timoleon, and put to death. 341, 17.  
Impudence of Roman falsehood, 468. 21.  
Inarus, King of Lybia, hanged by the Persians'. 84, 34.  
Incoherences in the relation of the Roman History. 457, 34.  
〈◊〉 of rigour. 462, 20.  
Infidelity finds no sure harbour. 643, 9  
Injuries newly received, abolish the memory of old good turns. 627, 40.  
Insolency well rewarded. 357, 10.  
Insolency of a matincus Army, 374, 2.  
interregnum among the Romans, and the nature thereof. 445, 47.  
john Lord Talbot and Aemylius Paulus paralelled. 455, 51, etc.  
joiachim the High Priest 〈◊〉 the Feast of 〈◊〉. 86, 8.  
Isaurians desperate resolution. 223, 8, etc.   

K  
KIng james his prudence, and Kingly power, 549, 30. his justice, 550, 21. his bounty and honour conferred upon martial men. 718, 10  
Knowledge in a Commander, what his Enemy aught to do, is a special mean to prevent all hostile attempts. 370, 6.   

L  
〈◊〉, their patiented valour, 72, 41. their condition of life, 88, 10. are driven to hard terms, 92, 9 their 〈◊〉 overweening, ibid. 48. they loose their old true friends for new false ones, 93, 45. their Embassy to Corinth. 95, 1  
Laodice her malicious revenge, 641, 33. worthily punished. ibid. 52  
League between the Romans and 〈◊〉. 486, 40  
League between the Lacedæmonians and Aetolians. 588, 44  
Lemnia, a Courtesan, 〈◊〉 notable resolution. 53, 15  
Lentulus his speech to Aemylius at the battle of Cannae; with the Comment. 455, 23  
Leonatus departeth out of Babylon, 214, 33. and is slain in fight against the Athenians. 219, 40  
Leonidas his admirable prowess. 63, 28  
Leontius his quarrel with Aratus; and the issue thereof, 596, 40. he raiseth sedition in the Army, 597, 46. being detected, is put to death. 598, 40  
Leosthenes levyeth an Army against the Macedonians, 216, 30. he overthroweth Antipater, 217, 15. is 〈◊〉 at the siege of Lamia. 219, 15  
〈◊〉 his great loss at Sea. 336, 5  
Letters from the Carthaginians in Capua directed to Hannibal, intercepted by the Romans; with the issue thereof. 507, 16  
Leutychides his successful stratagem, 74, 20  
Liberty in counsel. 179, 26  
Liberty chained. 709, 1. etc.  
Lie: from what ground it is become so terrible a word, 546, 10. their conditions that are most tender in taking it, ibid. 42. Liars by Record. ibid. 50  
Ligurians, their Nature and Condition, 670, 28  
Loray-Law. 545, 51  
Love purchased by mild Governors, without impairing a 〈◊〉 of Majesty. 382, 40  
Lycidas, the woeful end of himself, his wife, and children. 70, 48  
Lycophron expelled Thessaly. 163, 22  
Lycurgus buys his election to the Kingdom of Sparta, 589, 6. he expelleth his fellow King, and establisheth his own tyranny, 592, 8. etc.  
Lysimachus murdereth his son in law, 286, 52. is taken prisoner by the Thracians, 287, 21. his City Lysimachia ruined by earthquake; and himself, with his whole family, shortly after extirpate. 291, 1, etc.   

M  
MACHIAVELLI his observation upon mercenary Soldiers, 380, 7. his lesson to Caesar Borgia. 711, 16  
Magnificence of the 〈◊〉. 72, 17  
Mago cometh to secure Icetes, 340, 44. abandons him through fear, and hangeth himself. 341, 1, etc.  
Mago, the brother of Hannibal, his joyful message of the victory at Cannae, 466, 20. his departure from Gades towards Italy, 552, 12. he winneth Genua, 554, 6. he fighteth a battle with a Roman Proconsull, wherein he receiveth 〈◊〉 death's wound, 571, 50, etc.  
Mamertines treachery to the Messanians, 316, 52. are besieged in Messana, 318, 1. etc. their impudent request to the Romans, ibid. 47  
〈◊〉 his Monument. 207, 33  
Mandonius rebelleth against the Romans, 551, 14. and being overthrown, is gently pardoned. 552, 6  
Manlius his victory against the 〈◊〉. 509, 44  
Marcellus repelleth Hannibal from the siege of Nola, 464, 13, etc. His dishonourable advantage taken upon Casiline, 497, 36. he taketh Leontium, 514, 30. he besiegeth Syracuse, 516, 8. his profitable circumspection, 518, 22. his underhand dealing against the Syracusians, during treaty of peace, 520, 25. his winning of Syracuse, 521, 19 his death. 530, 46  
Mardonius, General of Xerxes Army against the Greeks', 59, 51. his fearful flattery, 69, 18. his Embassage to Athens, ibid. 50 he invadeth Attica, 70, 30. he burneth Athens, 71, 37. is 〈◊〉 with many thousand I ersians. 73. 5  
Martial of England, his power to preserve every one's fame and reputation. 548, 43  
Martius his miraculous victories, 478, 30  
proved idle dreams. 481, 38, etc.  
Martyrs. 547, 37  
Masanissa proffereth his service to Scipio against the Carthaginians, 552, 10. the cause of his Revolt from them to the Romans, 556, 20. is driven out of his Kingdom by Syphax, 557, 1. he 〈◊〉 Hanno and his company, 558, 42. he pursueth Syphax, 562, 51. is restored to his Kingdom, 564, 30. he leadeth Syphax 〈◊〉 unto Cirta, where he marrieth Sophonisba, 565, 30. his heavy Message and Present unto her, 566, 12. is highly magnified by the Romans, and proclaimed King. ibid. 50  
Masiste and his wives unfortunate ends. 76, 39  
Matho his mutinous Oration against the Carthaginians, 374, 45. is chosen by the Mutineers for one of their chief Captains, 375, 37. his surious Sally upon the Carthaginians, 392, 50. is utterly defeated, and taken prisoner. 393, 32, etc.  
Mazcus his treacherous cowardice, 189, 24  
Megasthenes his report of Nabuchodonosor. 9, 36  
Meleager proclaimeth Aridaeus King, 214, 20. his plot against Perdiccas is discovered, ibid. 38. his death. 215, 41  
Men that lie in wait for others, are seldom heedful of what may befall themselves, 622, 5  
Menedemus and his Army overthrown by Spitamenes. 203, 25  
Menelaus his great indiscretion, 273, 18. is besieged in Salamis, ibid. 43. is forced to yield up the Town and his Army, 274, 49  
Metapontines and Thurines yield to Hannibal. 502, 22  
Midias his detestable murder. 131, 30  
Miltiades good service ill rewarded, 58, 30  
Minos his pursuit of Daedalus, 323, 1, etc.  
Molo rebelleth against Antiochus, 644, 28. is forced to retire towards Media, ibid. 51. upon advertisement returns, and by surprise over-throweth Xoenetas' and his whole Army, 645, 11. is abandoned by his followers, and layeth hands on himself, ibid. 44  
Murder by guile. 550, 5  
Muster of the Macedonians, with the ancient manner thereof. 720, 15  
Mutines his good service procures him 〈◊〉. 521, 41  
His wrongful disgrace by the Carthaginians, loseth them Sicil. 522, 40   

N  
NABIS defeated by Philopoemen, 675, 47. and is slain by treachery of the Aetolians. 678, 23, etc.  
Naburzanes his insolent behaviour toward Darius. 191, 38  
Nature 〈◊〉. 24, 35  
Necessity, and other reasons, of employing Mercenaries in the Wars of the Netherlandss, 381, 27  
Neoptolemus his dissimulation with Eumenes, 225, 41. is shamefully beaten, 226, 1. etc.  
Nicanor timely put into Athens by Cassander, 233, 32. he surpriseth Piraeus, 234, 10. his victory at Sea against Clitus, 236, 40  
Nicias abandoneth the Athenian Galleys, 332, 25. is entangled in his pissage to Camerina, 331, 1. yieldeth himself, and is barbarously murdered. ibid. 12  
Nitocris a Magnificent Princess, 24, 11.   

OH  
Observations of celestial bodies, the surest marks of Time. 262, 19  
Observations in the change of Empires, 585, 2  
Offenders are always afraid of their fellows, if more innocent than themselves, 389, 35  
Office of the Roman Censors. 495, 35  
Olympias, enemy to Antipater, 216, 49 is revoked into Macedon, 231, 31. her inhuman cruelty, 240, 40. is condemned to death, 242. her great Estate, and perverse conditions. 243, 6  
Orchards in the Air. 20, 21  
Orestes murdered by his Tutor Aeropus, 159, 4  
Ostentation checked by unexpected necessity. 511, 44   

P  
PACUVIUS CALAVIUS an ambitious Nobleman of Capua, 458, 40. his politic course taken to oblige both the Senate and People of Capua unto him. 459, 8  
Panic terrors. 506, 30  
Panormus, now called Palermo, by whom founded. 323, 31  
Papyrius his encouragement to the Romans against the Samnites. 177, 40  
Parsimony without thrift. 469, 28  
Passion in extremity. 33, 43  
Patience of the Spaniards. 367, 25  
Patience of awaiting a convenient season, is of great importance for obtaining victory. 448, 40  
Pausanias advanceth to secure the Athenians, 71, 28. he recovereth Byzantium from the Persians', 79, 40. is condemned as a Traitor, and dieth in banishment, 138, 10  
Perdiccas his nature and quality, 213, 40. his found overweening, ibid. 48. he joineth with Leonatus, 214, 50. his policy to entrap Meleager, 215, 9 is made the King's Protector, and Commander of his forces, ibid. 48. he conquereth Cappadocia, 218, 9 his unfortunate passage over Nilus, 224, 26  
Persepolis burnt at the request of an Harlot, 30, 31. an opulent City. 191, 37  
Perseus is sent by his Father against the Dardanians, 620, 38. his timorous nature, 724, 30. is blamed by the Romans for reducing his rebellious subjects to obedience, 726, 30, etc. his journey to Delphi, 729, 34. a good Treasurer for the Romans, 742, 34, etc. resolveth to fight with the Romans, 755. is there overthrown, and the first that fled thence, 757. he takes Sanctuary, 758. his found conceit in preserving his treasures, ibid. is cozened by Cretians, 760. his base dejection before Aemylius, 761. is led Captive to Rome; where he dies miserably, 773  
Persians' overthrown by their own policy, 75, 40. their barbarous cruelty toward their prisoners, 191, 21. their slavish subjection, 265, 30  
Petellia, a strong City in Italy. 382, 41  
Peucestes affrighted at the 〈◊〉 of Antigonus, 246. 44. his base retrayt from the Army, 249, 10. worthily rewarded for his treachery to Eumenes. 251, 51  
Phalanx of the Macedonians. 633, 21  
Phalaris his iust Tyranny, 325, 49. his death. ibid. 33  
Pharnabazus assisteth the Thracians against the Greeks', 128, 19 he repelleth Agesilaus, 134, 44. his politic dealing among the Greeks', 138, 43. he marry: h one of Artaxerxes his Daughters. 141, 18  
Pharnus and his seven sons. 25, 46  
Phidippides his familiar Devil, 57, 25  
Philadelphus the first of the Egyptian Kings that made league with the Romans, 641, 30  
Philetaerus his fortunate mishap, 609, 2.  
Philip of Macedon is left for an 〈◊〉 with the Illyrians, 160, 14. his escape thence, ibid. 44. he vanquisheth Argaeus, 161, 15 his politic 〈◊〉 of Pydna to the Olynthains, ibid. 54. he delivereth Pheres from the tyranny of Lycophron, 162, 3. 〈◊〉 over-throweth Onomarchus and his whole Army, 163, 17. he 〈◊〉 Olynthus, ibid. 50. his arbitrement for the Kingdom of Thrace, 164, 15. his policy in aiding the Boeotians, ibid. 26. he invadeth Asia, 166, 36. his last feast, ibid. 44. his diversissues, 168, 6  
Philip, King of Macedon, son of Demetrius, expelleth Attalus out of Opus, 488, 30. his gallint demeanour towards the Achaeans his Confederates, 489, 3. his Embassage to the Romans, 582, 12. is forced to quit Aetolia for the defence of his own Country, 590, 32. his successful Expedition against the Eleans and 〈◊〉, 591, 2. is forced to rise from 〈◊〉 Palaea, by the treason of one of his own Captains, 595, 30. he wasteth Aetolia, and carrieth away a great booty, 596, 11. etc. he granteth peace to the Aetolians, 600, 12. and enters into league with Hannibal, ibid. 28. his double-hand dealing with the Nobility and Commons of Messene, 603, 42 by his unjust courses makes his 〈◊〉 his Enemies, 604, 48. his odious dissimulation, 610, 50. 〈◊〉 stratagem in the winning of Prinassus, 611, 38. his 〈◊〉, or unaptness, to retain old friends; and his forwardness in seeking new enemies, 612, 48. he subdueth the 〈◊〉 of Athamania, 687, 4. his magnanimity construed by the Romans, as want of reverence to their Estate, 709, 31. is enforced to abandon divers Towns by him conquered, with leave of the Romans, ibid. 40. his cruelty towards the Maronites, 710, 42. he grows jealous of his son Demetrius, 713, 19 whom he puts to death, 721, 40. his end, 723, 10, etc.  
Philistus, a notable Parasite, 338, 35. is taken and executed. 339, 31  
Philopoemen his first 〈◊〉 action, 410, 30. his great dexterity and sufficiency in War, 606, 30. he killeth Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, 608, 29. he was a bad Seaman, 675, 5. his policy to overthrow Nabis, ibid. 50. his lamentable end. 714, 10, etc.  
Photion is made chief Ruler in Athens, 221, 41. his just dealing, 234, 5. is deprived, and compelled to fly for his life, ibid. 30. his Commendation, 235, 24  
Phyllides his Stratagem, 143, 1. etc.  
Pisistratus his divers changes of 〈◊〉, 52, 24  
Polybius his impartial dealing, 437, 19 his worthy reprehension of Fabius the Roman Historian. 470, 8  
Polysperchon is made Protector of the King and Empire of Macedon, 231, 5. his unthankful nature, 232, 50. his cruelty to his old friend, 235, 15. his dishonourable departure from Megalopolis, 236, 13. his Treachery unto his Sovereign, 240, 14. and to 〈◊〉 young Pupil, 269, 30  
Polyxenidas surpriseth the Rhodian Fleet. 694, 15  
Porcius Cato his condition, 707, 2, etc.  
Porus his manly answer to Alexander, 206, 30. is restored to his Estate, with a great enlargement. 207, 5  
Power of the Medes. 27, 50  
Poyet, Chancellor to Francis the first, worthily punished for his falsehood, 550, 31  
Praenestines honest resolution, 465, 3 their admirable patience. 465, 40  
Preferment 〈◊〉 by courting the multitude. 419, 38  
Pride beaten with her own weapons, 462, 10. and punished with contempt. 522, 16  
Provisions of War, and absolute power of command, are of greater use in need, than the willing readiness of friends, 89, 45  
Psammones his gentle reprehension of Alexander. 184, 33  
Ptolemie Lagus his subtle dealing, to debar all claim to the Macedonian Empire, 213, 10. is greatly beloved of the Egyptians, 223, 24. he sideth with Antipater, ibid. 48 his happy compassion, 224, 46. he scours the Sea with his Fleet, under the conduct of Seleucus, 254, 46. he subdueth Cyprus, 259, 15. he surpriseth 〈◊〉, and taketh tire and 〈◊〉, 260. 32. he retyreth into Egypt, 263, 43. he obtaineth 〈◊〉 and Corinth, 268. 47. 〈◊〉 politic course against Antigonus, 276, 46. he besiegeth Salamis, 285, 10. his virtues, 290, 35  
Ptolemie Euergetes, King of Egypt, takes part with Cleomenes, 406, 15. etc.  
Publicola his sincerity. 293, 21  
Punic Faith. 342, 40  
Purposes intended by men, but disposed by GOD. 406, 36  
〈◊〉 his hard beginning, 286, 10. his personal valour, 287, 36. is made Patron of the Athenians, 289, 21. is for saken by the Macedonians, 290, 50. is called into Italy by the Tarentines, 398, 17. his offer of peace to the Romans; with their answer, 299, 10. his Tyranny in Sicily, and departure thence, 303, 8. he recalls his sources out of Italy, 305, 37. his excuse sore his dissembling with Sparta, 306. 13. his fatal surprise of Argos. 307, 13. etc.  
Python employed against the Rebels in Asia, 218, 16. is deluded, and slain by Antigonus. 251, 27   

Q  
QVINTIUS his quipping answer to Philip, 630, 10. his profitable observation, 633, 31. his check given to the insolent Aetolians, 636, 47. his triumph, 668, 24. his grief mixed with gladness, 682, 26. his peremptory command and power. 691, 2.   

R  
Reason's moving the Romans to undertake the War in Sicil. 319, 6  
Rebellion of divers Provinces against the Persian. 148, 2, etc.  
rebels confidence in the multitude, how vain a thing it is. 599, 15  
Recklessness of the Campanes. 501, 28  
Regulus his encounter with a monstrous Serpent, 354, 35. he forceth Tunis, ibid. 50. his death. 356, 26  
Retreat in the head of an Enemies Army, how dangerous. 418, 26  
Rhodians recover 〈◊〉 from the Macedonian, 635, 32. their stout message to Antiochus, 656, 23, etc. are slighted by the Romans. 732, 50  
Romans, their admirable courage and industry, 358, 24. their great loss by Sea, ibid. 32, their whole loss by Sea during the first Punic War, 371, 1, etc. their answer in Senate to one of Privernum, ibid. 37. their policy to pick a quarrel, 396, 50. their confederacy with the Saguntines, 397, 20. etc. their great forces at the time of Concolitanus his invasion, 417, 10, etc. their Embassage to Carthage, 425, 15. their praecipitate affection, 446, 8. their magnanimity in the midst of their greatest troubles, 447, 8. their miserable condition immediately after the battle of Cannae, 461, 6. the 〈◊〉 shifts they were driven to, 462, 7. their policy in upholding, in their several Provinces, the greatness and reputation of such (and their families) as had first subdued them unto their Empire, 509, 34. their general affection to the good of the Commonweal, 524, 40. are abandoned by twelve of their own Colonies, 528, 29. their imaginary Prerogative, 567, 30. their cuflome when they took a Town by assault, 575, 25. their colourable thanks to the Athenians, 615, 37. their first use of Elephants in fight, 621, 20, etc. their answer to the Ambassadors of Attalus, 625, 21. their imperious answer to Antiochus his Ambassadors, 639, 10. their reasons not to be sorry for Hannibal's cscape. 662, 16  
Rome nothing so tyramnous as Carthage. 379, 22  
Rowing after a strange fashion. 350, 2  
Roxane paid with her own coin. 268, 10  
Rule of the husband over the wife, and of parents over their children. 384, 21  
Rumours cast out of purpose, to give an honest colour to the War against Philip. 612, 34.   

S  
SAguntines fear of Hannibal. 423, 11  
Saguntum recover ed by the Romans. 477, 30  
Saguntum found out in Athens. 615, 25  
Samnites and Etrurians become Tributary to Rome. 297, 3  
〈◊〉, near Garnsey, taken by the 〈◊〉, and again recovered. 203, 51  
Scaliger his opinion concerning Nabonidus. 9, 36  
Scipio P. is sent Proconsul into Spain, 480, 20. he winneth Carthagena, 481, 12. his victory against Hanno and Mago, 540, 30. his wary use of his Spanish friends, 541, 23. he expelleth the Carthaginians out of the Continent of Spain, 542, 40. his exemplaire justice upon his mutinous Soldiers, 551, 38. is chosen Consul, 552, 32. is furthered by the people in his African voyage, against the liking of the Senate, 555, 1, etc. he 〈◊〉 Locri, ibid. 20. the politic use he made of Syphax his Embassage, 557, 26. he landeth in Africa, ibid. 47. the manner of his Winter-Campe, 559, 6. his stratagem to fire the Camps of Syphax and Asdrubal, 560, 10. his fight with the Carthaginians in the Haven of Utica, 563, 53. his dislike taken at Masanissa, his marriage with Sophonisba, 566, 4, etc. his Embassage to the Carthaginians, 570, 4. his courteous usage of the Carthaginian Ambassadors, 575, 20. his answer to Hannibal upon their meeting in Africa, 576, 49. his triumphant return through Italy to Rome, 584, 4, etc. is enforced to abandon Rome, through the malice of the Tribunes, 706, 40. his death. ibid.  
Seleucus flieth to Ptolemie, 252, 32. he surpriseth Nicanors Camp, 261, 50, etc. he over throweth Antigonus, 381, 36. his marriage with Stratonica, 283, 10. his jealousy of Demetrius, 290, 13. his pretence of quarrel against Lysimachus, ibid. 47. his short joy. 291, 7  
Sempronius recalled with his Army from hts determined voyage into Africa, for the defence of Italy. 431, 14  
Senones, a people of the Gauls, expelled out of their Country by the Romans, 416, 17  
Sicily, whence so named. 322, 31  
Slaves in Nature, though not in Law. 385, 7  
Sophonisba her tragical end. 566, 21  
Spaniards smothered to death. 198, 3  
Spendius, a principal Ringleader of the Carthaginian Mutineers, 374, 35. he takes the field against Amilcar, 390, 44. is crucified before Tunes. 392, 40  
Sphodrias his found attempt upon the haven of Athens. 143, 37  
Spitamenes murdered by his wife, 204, 46  
Spoil and riches of most force with the common Soldier. 178, 22  
Spoil divided before victory gotten, 412, 24  
State of great spirit, but small force, 133, 23  
Steadfastness in taking revenge, is wrongfully held a point of honour. 389, 42  
Stipendiaries of Tyrants fight more courageously than those of free Cities or States, 607, 36  
Stratagem of the Capuans against those of Cumae. 492, 10  
Styx. 613, 5  
Sulpicius the Roman Consul invadeth Macedon, 615, 35. forceth Antipatria, 619, 4. is enforced to retire to Apollonia, 622, 45  
Superstition of the Persians'. 44, 47  
Syphax entereth into league with the Romans, 543, 49. but afterwards sideth with the Carthaginians against them, 557, 10. he bringeth aid to Carthage, 559, 3. his reckless manner of encamping, ibid. 43. is fired thence by Scipio, 560, 45. is driven home into his own Kingdom, 562, 45. he fighteth a battle with Masanissa & Laelius, wherein he is taken prisoner, 564, 53. his exclamation against Sophonisba, 565, 44. and is sent prisoner to Rome. 568, 39  
Syracusians Petalisme, 327, 39 their unfortunate expedition against Ducetius, 328, 3. their War with the Athenians, ibid. 35. they lock up the Athenians Fleet in their Haven. 331, 30.   

T  
tanistry Custom in Ireland. 544, 38  
Teleutias surpriseth the Athenian Navy. 141, 8  
temerity of the Roman Consuls. 358, 3  
Terentius Varro his base 〈◊〉 of himself towards the Campan Ambassadors, 460, 1  
Teuta, Queen of Illyria, her insolent handling the Roman Ambassadors, 413, 40. is enforced to beg peace of the Romans. 415, 10, etc.  
Thanks ill bestowed but in way of policy. 461, 32  
Thebans sand Ambassadors to Athens, 137, 44. their Army before Sparta, 145, 15  
Thebes glad to be rid of her Founder, 258, 48  
Themistocles his policy to alienate the jonians from the Persians', 64, 53. his sharp answer to an unbeseeming taunt, 66, 40. his predominating virtue, 69, 10. his policy torid Xerxes out of Greece, ibid. 34. is sent on Embassage to Lacedaemon, 78, 46. his Planetree. 532, 35  
Theocles his discovery of Sicily, 324, 33  
Theramenes enforced to drink poison, 109, 10  
Thimbro 〈◊〉 the jonians against the Persian, 129, 33. is slain by Struthas, 140, 25  
Thrasybulus surpriseth Phila, 109, 10. and taketh Piraeus, 110, 7. he taketh part with the Thebans, 137, 40. recovereth Byzantium from the Lacedæmonians, 139, 43. and is slain at 〈◊〉, 140, 29  
Thrasybulus his just punishment, 327, 20  
Tiberius his vain curiosity. 20, 3  
Timoleon is sent to the aid of Syracuse, 340, 10. his Stratagem to free himself from the Carthaginian Galleys, ibid. 20. he surpriseth Icetes his Army, ibid. 32. he 〈◊〉 the Castle of Syracuse, 341, 4. his great victory against the Carthaginians, ibid. 10. he freeth 〈◊〉 of all her Tyrants, ibid. 24.  
Tissaphernes his 〈◊〉 dealing with Cyrus, 111, 42. becomes 〈◊〉 for his base conditions, 112, 28. his trecberous Embassage to the Grecian Army, 119, 45. he burneth the Country about the Greeks', 121, 2. his cowardice, 132, 43. is finally overtaken by his own cunning. 135, 9  
Tithraustes his wise course against the Greeks'. 136, 50  
Treason obtruded upon guiltless persons, through the false accusation of a principal Conspirator. 511, 10  
Treaty between Philip of Macedon and T. Quintius, 629, 14. and between the Romans and Antiochus. 658, 27  
Trust reposed in known Traitors, well worthy to be betrayed. 413, 4  
Truth of good tidings many times not presently inquired, through the sudden joy of a vain report. 485, 32  
〈◊〉 persecuted by its own power, 376, 40. properly defined, ibid. 49. it is a distinct vice from all others, 383, 20. the true names thereof. 384, 10.   

V  
VAlour of small force without advisedness. 391, 10  
Valour scorns to bunt after opinion, 549, 30  
Vanity for a Prince to engage himself in a business of dangerous importance, upon the promised assurance of a State merely popular. 681, 37  
Varro T. his 〈◊〉 against Fabius, 443, 18. his vain boasting, 446, 30. his obstinacy against his Colleagues good counsel, 449, 11. his manner of embattailing the Roman Army, 452, 49. his chiefest wisdom in timely flight. 455, 6  
Vermina, 〈◊〉 son of Syphax, overthrown by the Romans. 580, 32  
Virtue (unfortunate) contemned. 94, 22.  
Virtue justly termed Heroical. 385, 38  
Victory never friendless. 340, 33  
Victory, to generous minds, is only an inducement to moderation. 636, 28  
Victory beyond hope. 648, 27  
Violence of great Armies is often broken upon small Towns or Forts. 589, 44  
〈◊〉, a goodly City in Africa. 387, 1.   

W  
WAnt of money finds many blind excuses. 462, 30  
Water of Styx. 613, 5  
Wisdom with the latest, 33, 46. Wise men are not moved with every rumour. 440, 50.  
Wisdom often taught by 〈◊〉, 532, 40  
Wretchedness of subjects living under the government of a tyrannical City. 379, 1  
Wrongs that are insolent, are the most 〈◊〉. 378, 15.   

X  
XANTIPPUS made General of the Carthaginians, 355, 20. he vanquisheth the Romans. 356, 6  
Xoenetas' is sent with forces by Antiochus to suppress Molo, 644, 34. his politic passage over Tigris, ibid. 48. but is made fruitless through his own folly. 645, 1, etc.  
Xenophon his wise answer to the Ambassadors of Tissaphernes, 119, 52. his providence for safety of the Army, 120, 47. he conducteth the Army over the River Centrites, 121, 38. he defeateth Teribazus, 122, 24. his advised answer to the Sinopian Ambassadors, 124, 19 his speech to his Soldiers, 128, 38. he ransacks Bythinia. 129, 2, etc.  
Xerxes' his barbarous ingratitude, 60, 34. his resolution on a wrong ground, 62, 20. his distraction, beholding the Greeks' resolution, 63, 20. he refuseth the counsel of Artemisia, and follows worse, 67, 37. his dishonourable return to Persia, 69, 26. is fortunate against the Egyptians, but not against the Greeks', 77, 6. his dishonourable peace with the Greeks', 81, 7. his own son executed for his death, which was contrived by another. ibid. 35.   

Z  
ZOPIRUS his dear love to Darius, 48, 31. Ztoberis, a great River in Parthia. 194, 40.    
FINIS.   

FOR THOU SHALT LABOUR 
PEACE PLENTY   printer's device of William Stansby  
LONDON Printed by William Stansby for Walter Burr, and are to be sold at his Shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Crane. 1617.