A LEGENDARY, CONTAINING AN AMPLE DISCOURSE OF THE life and behaviour of Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, and of his brethren, of the house of Guise.  
Written in French by Francis de L'isle.  
Imprinted. 1577.   

Francis de L'isle unto the Reader.  
THE most reverend Cardinal of Lorraine, friendly reader, did in his life time long feed us with a vain hope of a view of the Legend of the life of his brother the Duke of Guise, who was slain before Orleans, the which we have with great devotion diligently waited for, in full assurance that among so many learned men, as the said Cardinal had always at commandment, he would choose out one of the quickest wit and capacity, who might frame some work worthy the sight of our France, which long time hath seen few devices pleasant unto the eye, or delectable in the ear: We know also that the Cardinal was not destitute of sufficient store of remembrances, requisite for the beautifying of such a labour. But after much attendance, we finally have found ourselves frustrate of our expectation, through the decease of the said Cardinal, who hath left unto us the making of the Legendary as well of his own person, as also of the aforesaid Duke of Guise, and the rest of the brethren: whereby divers have been occasioned to think evil of this his said promise, and to suppose that himself was fully resolved to feed them in hope, through doubt lest his flower pot should have been discovered, the filthiness and abomination whereof, would have yielded him and all his progeny, most stinking and abominable in the sight of our whole nation. Not wasting any longer time therefore in the disputation, or arguing upon the causes which have moved him thus to cast dust in our eyes, neither making any account of his lies and gloss, it is requisite that myself should yield a reckoning of mine own doings, and display the causes which have moved me to undertake to ease the said Cardinals heirs (if so be he hath any, for myself neither am, neither will be counted in their number) of such their labours, as they should have sustained by writing this legend, comprehending the lives not only of the Duke of Guise, and of the Cardinal of Lorraine, but also of all the rest of the brethren, which nevertheless are not displayed at full, but only in part.  
Some years therefore are passed; since that thinking upon the miserable calamities of our France, which I did see daily to increase, not that I was so blind, as not to behold how God being provoked through the iniquities of the French Nation, did stretch forth his arm against them, yet marking with what stones and weapons he endeavoured to humble us and assuage our pride, I found that the house of Guise, among others were as his chiefest instruments, whose crafts and cruelties exercised over both great and small, and therefore already published in sundry pamphlets, aught not still to lie scattered abroad, in hazard of perishing in the pit of silence, or by being never detected unto the posterity. This was therefore one of the causes, that moved me by little and little to begin to search among my writings and papers, for some books and remembrances correspondent unto such as the Cardinal in his life time made so great account of, as to lay them for the most part upon his table, and then to say, (as he did in the time of Francis the second, at an assembly of the chiefest estates of the realm at Fontainebleau) that the same were the crowns of his life which should yield him immortal: Out of the which I began to collect certain places and notable matters, hoping thereby somewhat to assist a certain friend of mine, who began happily with this piece of work: But when he gave wholly over this labour to the intent the better to tend unto things of greater importance, which one day I hope shall come to light, also that the murders of S. Bartholomew so bloodily celebrated had even lighted in the neck of their other drifts (for therein the said Lords of Guise were in manner chief doers) I thought it not amiss to set forth before such as are thereof ignorant, part of their life and manners, seeing that themselves do delight in the continuation of the same, and that the wicked man must both hear and see things which he would not, because himself committeth such as he aught not.  
Now am I so far of, through these remembrances collected here and there, (as any who have read or perused such discourses as within these fifteen years have been published, may at the first blush perceive) from restraining the desires and pens of such as have in their hands other more large, ample, or exact Legends of the race of the Guisians, that contrariwise I do most hearty desire them no longer to defraud our France the common mother of us all, of such remembrances and warnings as aught often to be set before her eyes, the which the house of Guise both have, and yet do endeavour to pluck out of her head, whereby themselves may afterward conduct and order all things after their own pleasures and ambitious appetites.  
Many times have I wondered at the dullness of divers French men who otherwise do profess but over much knowledge and understanding, and yet in the mean time do seek to persuade us that whatsoever commodity we have, doth proceed only of these men, from whom in deed most of our inconveniences do arise: For had not private affection bleared the eyes of their understanding, I dare say they would be of an other mind, and that whensoever it shall please God to take out of their sight the looking glass of ambition, revenge, and such other pretences as do dazzle their sight, themselves will willingly eschew and detest that filthiness which now they do cherish and worship.  
In respect of those who daily with me do behold these evils, them do I wish to consider how or in what manner they may be able to procure any remedy thereunto, and to the same earnestly to set their hands, as the law of Nature bindeth them.  
As for such matters as herein myself have entreated upon, at the first I supposed I might have reduced into ten or twelve leaves of paper all that I minded thereof to publish: but being once shipped I was suddenly carried away into so marvelous a sea of affairs, that before that I can recover any haven, I shallbe constrained through innumerable rocks and perilous gulfs, to make a long and tedious navigation: And as those who having once forsaken land, can hardly in a great while recover the same, although both with oars and sails they do what so lieth in them, even so I being entered so far into this Guisian sea, must & will now endeavour myself to come to as speedy a haven as possibly I may, and yet after such manner as I hope yourselves, though that I take not land so soon as you would wish, will nevertheless hold me excused: For the tracts & traverses are so long and divers, with so many waves one in an other's neck, & such contrariety of winds puffing and tossing the course of my little bark divers ways, that many times I am ready to begin again, and do still find new occasions of further travail: howbeit with Gods help I will recover land with all possible speed, setting before your eyes the rest of this legend.  
The style is such as you see, namely simple and naked after the manner of remembrances and collections. For, for the most part I am content to use only the terms and phrases of such other writers as before me have dealt herein: and notwithstanding that I have set forth most of them at large, yet have I not done it to the end to fill up paper, but only in respect that in my opinion it seemed necessary for the explaining of such points as in that place were to be handled. For I doubt not but that the time may come when we shall see a full history, wherein these homely and simple beginnings or descriptions of the deeds of the house of Guise shallbe set forth in such terms as the matter requireth: and unto me it is enough if my rude and silly discourse may serve some of our french men as a light wherewith to behold and feel the fire which hath already consumed many, and yet doth overmuch smoke still in purpose to waste the remnant, unless a mightier than man do take in hand to provide a remedy.  
It might be demanded wherefore I have so long deferred the bringing of this into light: but I may answer that it is yet time enough, also that it were to be wished that this Legend might be an ample discourse of all mischiefs fully ended and passed, whereby we should be exempt of all cause of fear in time to come. But the spirit of the Cardinal of Lorraine liveth still in France, nothing desisting from all means to bring the estate into like stay as in his life time he pretended, which in case many cannot comprehend or perceive, I would be very glad if also in time they might not feel it unto their own confusions. For my part I can not possibly betray her of whom I do hold my life, and therefore do begin to warn her of such fraudulent ambushments as are laid to devour her, under pretence of her maintenance, wherein I would that my brethren and fellow countrymen should, (if they lust) reap the commodity of my good will toward them, the which I mind more plainly to set before their eyes, if God lend me life, not permitting any other to be more affectionate to resist by lawful means the drifts and practices of foreign tyrants, than myself. And notwithstanding I have not so good opportunity so to do as many others, yet will I so effectually endeavour it, that the tokens of my good will shall not be to seek. I could have wished that I had some other matter to deal in, nothing doubting but that all men do know that I were able to writ of other affairs, which indeed is true: but I trust they can not deny but that it is both time and labour well bestowed, when a man discloseth unto the posterity, yea and to such as yet do live, such things as are most necessary for their instruction.  
Moreover in deducting of these matters, I have not prescribed unto any the end whereunto he aught to apply them, neither what commodity he may reap by the knowledge thereof, seeing that it willbe easy for every one to comprehend the same, considering also that both the things which be passed, and those which are contained in this book, together with such as shallbe disclosed in others that shall follow, are so clear and evident unto all men, that I should even do open wrong to their memory and judgement, if I should make any long discourse thereupon. My only request therefore is, that it would please all Frenchmen to call to mind their ancient generosity and liberty, & to withstand all slavish bondage, whereinto through the factions of the Guisians they have been drawn, who abusing the simplicity of our Kings, have reduced the whole estate of our realm into such danger as all men may evidently perceive.  
I am no otherwise persuaded, but that divers courtiers and servants of the house of Guise in reading in this legendary such things as are written in their own consciences, will shake their heads and bend their brows against me, contrarying this thing or that thing, whom I am to request patiently to bear with me, until they see the rest of the books which shall shortly follow this, if God permit: For then peradventure they will power water into their wine. Otherwise if they be desirous to publish any other Legends in their master's behalf, so that it be with better consciences than themselves have served than, I am therewithal very well content. But in case they seek to wrong the truth, let them be assured that their flatteries and falsehoods shallbe revealed to all the world, to the end men may beware of them, and that in time to come none may unwittingly be deceived.  
The Cardinal had continually one principle in his mouth touching the advancement of his enterprises, which was, that a lie faced out three hours, or as many days at the lest, was much worth, practising therein the saying of an ancient philosopher, which was, that a liar aught to be utterly devoid of shame: which rule his servants and partakers do still observe, thinking that in stoutly denying the thing which is more manifest than even day light, the time will wear away and for that most of them do little or nothing at all regard any religion, it is not to be marveled, though they tread under their feet all equity and honesty, which are the two pillars and stays of man's life, so that long to contend with them were but lost labour: wherefore we are to refer them unto the judgement seat of almighty God, before whom they shall at length appear, notwithstanding they endeavour to persuade both themselves and other men of the contrary.  
If any man ask me wherefore I do now publish but one book of this legend, seeing that I have promised more in the title, I do in deed confess that I am in possession of the remembrances of the whole work, but being surprised, and as it were manieled with an inevitable let, and the printer also being importunate to publish so much as I had already done, hath wrested out of my hands this first part, wherein finding any faults escaped through the said printers negligence, I trust you will nevertheless excuse me, as wanting opportunity to remain at his press, and leisure to writ over again that which I had but scribbled before, hoping that the next books shall be better corrected, also that if in any part of this book you miss any particular matter, you shall find the same in some other more convenient place hereafter. Howbeit if so be that such of the race of Guise as do remain, might obtain so much favour of God as that it would please him to turn their hearts, so that they would suffer our realm to be in quiet, and that contenting themselves with that which is past, and so through courteous and faithful behaviours would blot out the remembrance of their former mischiefs, I would be glad to break promise, and would endeavour to be the first that should cast the remembrance thereof into the pit of oblivion: but in continuing the race which hitherto they have run, they shall found both brains & hands enough to resist them. And although that through crafts and treason they and their semblables have hitherto, rather than by force of arms so highly advanced themselves, yet will the truth in the end overcome and have his course, so that they shall get nothing by following the steps of their ancestors, save only they shall become so much the more odious both unto God & men. Yea they shall build their pinnacle so high that finally it shall fall upon their own heads, and ensnare themselves. If therefore they will prevent this danger, and assubiect themselves unto their duty, it is the thing whereof I should be very glad: neither can I deny but that the house of Guise containing themselves within their limits, might have done good service to the crown of France: but of servants seeking to become masters they have marred all, and overthrown both themselves and others. Thus loath to be in this matter over tedious, I beseech you friendly readers, to show a good countenance unto this first book, until the coming forth of the rest which shortly shallbe presented unto your view: This do I assuredly trust that you will do, in case you be natural French men, that is to say, affectionate unto the service of God, the commodity of your country, and the conservation of your ancient and noble liberty.  
Far well.   

THE legend of Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, and of his brethren, of the house of Guise.  
IN the year of our Lord 1362, 
The genealogy of the house of Guise.  after the decease of john Duke of Lorraine, succeeded his eldest son Charles the first, who by Margaret daughter unto Robert of Bavieres, county Palatine, had issue three sons, & as many daughters. The sons named Charles, Robert and Federic died without issue: But of the daughters, the eldest named Marie was married unto Enguerand Earl of Coucy, who also died without heirs: The second called Katherine was given to james Marquis of Baden, with the dowry of three prevostshipps, namely S. Dier, Arches, and Bruettes, besides a good sum of money, in consideration whereof, the said Marquis renounced his whole title unto the succession in the Duchy of Lorraine: The third daughter Isabella was married unto Rene of Anjou the son of Lewes of Anjou, the second son to john King of France. This Rene the first succeeded his father in law Charles in the Duchy of Lorraine, seeking also the possession of the Duchy of Bar, in the right of his mother Yoland of Arragon: wherein Anthony Earl of Vaudemont, son of Ferry Duke Charles brother withstood him, and challenged the said Duchy, whereunto he was assisted by Philippe Duke of Burgundye, who was offended with the marriage of the said Rene of Anjou unto Isabella of Lorraine. Hereupon in a conflict near unto Bulainuille, the said Rene was taken prisoner, and thence conveyed unto Dijon under the custody of the Duke of Burgundye aforesaid, where he was detained fifteen years at the petition of the Englishmen and Burgundions, under whom at the same time Ferry of Vaudemont, son to this Earl Anthony, did serve: howbeit finally it was agreed that Duke Rene the prisoner should give his eldest daughter Yoland in marriage unto this Ferry of Vaudemont, with the sum of two hundred thousand crowns in the name of a ransom. In the mean time Lewes of Anjou Duke Rene his eldest brother, intending the conquest of Naples, whereof Pope Clement had crowned him King, died without issue, whereof so soon as Duke Rene was advertised, he purposed the possession of the same Realm, but notwithstanding the aid of most states of Italy, as Genes, Milan and other Potentates, he was by the spaniards finally expelled Naples, and forced to retire into France unto his brother in law King Charles the seventh, whereas after some war against the city of Metz, having knowledge of the death of his wife Isabella, he resigned the whole government of Lorraine unto his eldest son john, in full intent to live the rest of his time quietly and peaceably within his dominions of Provence and Anjou.  
john surnamed of Calabre, after he had governed Lorraine eighteen years died, leaving a son named john of Anjou, who in the time of his grandfather Rene aforesaid, fianced Anne the daughter of King Lewes the eleventh, albeit afterward breaking of with his said father in law through the persuasions of the Duke of Burgundye, and intending by repudiating the daughter of France, to conclude a marriage with Marie the said Duke of Burgundyes' daughter, being even at the very point so to do, he died. By means whereof Rene the second of that name, son of Ferry of Vaudemont brother unto Duke Rene of Anjou, and of Yoland sister unto Duke john, succeeded in the said duchies of Lorraine and Bar in the year 1473. for want of other heirs, during the life of his grandfather on the mother's side Rene of Anjou, & of his mother Yoland, whom the inhabitants of the country would not accept for governor. This Duke waged continual war against the Duke of Burgundye, whom finally he overthrew before Nancy, in whose time lived his great grandfather Rene of Anjou, termed King of Sicill, who rested his old bones within his duchies of Provence and Anjou: him did King Lewes the eleventh, greatly cherish and quietly entertain, fearing his association with the Duke of Burgundye and the English men, who greatly thereunto solicited him. This King Rene sent word to his nephew Rene, that in case he intended to be his heir, he should wholly take upon him the full arms of Anjou, which proffer he refused, well was he content to quarter together the arms of Anjou, Sicill, Provence, and Lorraine. howbeit upon his other refusal, his grandfather King Rene instituted Charles Earl of Maine his nephew by his brother Charles also Earl of Maine, for his inheritor, whereof Rene being certified, he hasted toward his grandfather, but all being done and passed he returned back again in a great heat, and King Rene died in the year 1482. Shortly after also died Charles of Maine his competitor, whereby Lewes the eleventh King of France, remained lord of the countries of Provence, Anjou, and Maine, by the gift of the last will of the said Charles, who also left unto him the Duchy of Bar.  
After the death of King Lewes the eleventh, Rene of Lorraine, who through the persuasion of Pope Sixtus was gone into Italy to seek the conquest of the realms of Naples and Sicill, and there had continued in wages with the Venetians a certain space, did now return into France, there to challenge his right in the Counties of Provence & Anjou, with the Dutchye of Bar. This Duchy was granted unto him, conditionally that he and his successors should for the same do homage unto the King of France, who thereby remained sovereign lord over the same but as for the Counties of Provence and Anjou, it was answered, that they being parcel of the demesnes of the crown, might not fall unto the distaff: so that finally by consent of King Charles the eight and this Duke Rene, the controversy was referred unto the arbitrement of three umpiers, whiles in the mean time the King committed unto the Duke a regiment of an hundred men of arms, with the entertainment of six and thirty thousand franks of yearly pension. Now in the year of our Lord 1489, the neopolitans detesting the tyranny of young Alphonsus, required the aid of this Duke Rene, who thereunto prepared himself: but during his preparation, the three umpiers aforesaid pronounced their arrest, wherein it was found tha● not only Anjou and Provence, but also Sicill and Naples did appertain unto the King of France, upon which occasion Charles the eight undertook that voyage himself. Howbeit notwithstanding this arrest, Yoland mother unto this Duke Rene, even after the decease of her father Rene the great, did still retain the title of Queen of Sicill: yea this Rene the second challenged the title of King of Sicill and jerusalem in the name of the conquests o● his ancestors, causing his eldest son Anthony to be called Duke of Calabre, still quartering the arms of Anjou with his own, for which his presumption, together with divers other his practices, King Lewes the twelfth stomaching him, expelled him out of France, and took away all his pensions: but he found means to be reconciled, and afterward died as he road on hunting, having remained Duke five and thirty years. This man had by his second wife named Philippe, the sister unto the Duke of Guelderland, twelve children, of whom seven died in their youth, whereby he left only five, who all were sons, named Anthony, claud, john, Lewes and Francis.  
Anthony succeeded his father in the duchies of Lorraine and Bar, also in the county of Vaudemont and Marquisat of Ponte: and by the death of this Charles Duke of Guelderlande his mother's brother, in the said Duchy of Guelderlande, and in the county of Zutphan, leaving behind him three children: Francis who succeeded in his dominions, Anne married unto the prince of Orange, and Nicolas, first bishop of Verdun, and afterward of Metz, and finally (as presently he is) earl of Vaudemont, and at this present father in law unto Henrye the third King of France.  
Francis the successor of his father Anthony, had by Christian the daughter unto the King of Denmarck, issue, one son named Charles, and two daughters.  
Charles the second, and son unto Francis, succeeded his father in the year 1545. and presently liveth, having to wife claud the daughter of King Henrye the second by whom he hath divers children now living.  
claud, the second son of Rene Duke of Guise and Baron of Ginuille, repaired unto the French court, where in short space he obtained the government of Champagne and Burgundye, and marrying Anthoynet of Bourbon aunt unto the late King of Navarre he had by her, issue six sons, namely Francis, Charles, claud, Lewes, Rene, and the great Prior of France: of whom, but especially of Francis, who after his father was Duke of Guise, and finally slain by Poltrot at the siege of Orleans, and of Charles afterward Cardinal of Lorraine, we will hereafter speak more largely, not omitting what so may be incident touching the other brethren, of whom claud obtained the Dutchye of Aumale, and was slain at the siege of Rochel, Rene enjoyed the Marquisat of Allebeufe, Lewes was created Cardinal of Guise, and the youngest was made great Prior of France.  
john the third son of Rene, and bishop of Metz, was through great suit unto Leo the tenth elect Cardinal in the year 1518, and afterward being ordinarily resident in the French court, obtained great favour with King Francis the first, for he never meddled with matters of estate, but passed over his time in pleasure.  
The other two sons, namely Lewes and Francis died in the wars, the one in the realm of Naples, and the other at the battle of Pavia.  
Duke Anthony the first son, was of a reasonable good disposition, and voluntarily came unto Dijon unto King Francis, and there did him homage for the Duchy of Bar, showing himself very sorry for his offence which he had committed in seeking to defraud the same King Francis of the Duchy of Guelderlande, which he pretended to fall to him by succession in the right of his mother. For he had practised by one james Canis the Borowmaster of Nemegue, to raise the commons, and keep the said King out of his possession: but then seeing that the people would not accept him, but had submitted themselves unto the Duke of Cleveland, he fought all means possible to be reconciled, & to cure this scar, which through the help and favour of his brother john, Cardinal of Lorraine, he soon brought to pass, and King Francis did clearly pardon, and forgive him.  
This Cardinal john was the iollyest encrocher of benefices alive, as might plainly be perceived by the estate where into he brought the whole French Church: but because he otherwise was of a reasonable courteous disposition, a great spender, and therewithal very liberal, all was taken in meetly good part.  
The third brother who was Duke of Guise, and father unto this Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorraine with the rest, was never put in any great credit, neither had the charge of any weighty affairs committed unto him. For his leading of the kings power without his love or leave into Lorraine to the succour of his brother Duke Anthony, who, as the talk went, was sore overlaid with anabaptists, was taken in very evil part, and himself (had not the Constable at that time great master and Marshal of France entreated for him) would King Francis have committed unto prison and hardly dealt withal: For King Francis was such an one as would not permit those who without his own liberality were of themselves of no reputation, so far to encroach upon his authority, as appeared at another time, when the said Lord of Guise being governor of Burgundye, sought to enter into the castle of Aussonne, which at that time was a several charge, and in the custody of a french gentleman of the retinue of the Marquis of Rotelin, named the Lord of Roweray, who withstood him & forbade him the entry thereinto, which the said de Roweray durst not have done, in case the said Lord of Guise had been a prince, who for that cause complained unto King Francis, but he for that deed greatly commended the said gentleman, and laughed to scorn him, who undertook the person of a prince of his blood. This Duke pinched to the quick, and did extremely persecute divers merchants of the best towns of France, but finally beginning with the merchants of Paris, who hitherto were not accustomed unto the razor, the whole city took upon them the matter, and caused his commissions to be revoked, imprisoning some of his promoters, whereat the rest vanished away like snow against the sun: for which cause he conceived so grievous an hatred against the inhabitants thereof, that neither for dearth or plenty, what abundance of corn, wine, or other victuals so ever there were within the country of Champagne or Bourgundy, during his government of either of them, the said city of Paris could ever come by any, either for money or love without plenty of letters of mart, which were sweetly paid for and dearly bought. howbeit by that means he never after durst deal with any whole estate or communality, not that he therefore quite quailed, but still hauked after confiscations here and there, and so lightly met with one or other: wherefore his whole rigorous force he executed over the inhabitants of his own jurisdiction, whom he even flaied with all extremity, which was the cause, that King Henry through his father's advice, would never after commit unto him any matter of weight, although his two eldest sons the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine did bear great sway, for he was at that stay, that conducting his children unto the court gate, he there left them, and so returned back again, whereof I doubt whether the father or children aught most to have been ashamed: Finally this man died through poison, and as become a good Christian, pardoned those persons who mistaking him for an other, had hastened the course of his days.  

●e pre●ment of 〈◊〉 house of ●ise.  His children did his brother Cardinal john advance, who seeing himself furnished with many benefices, chose Charles to be his successor, whom a few years he maintained in the college of Navarre, from whence he was preferred to the government of the Dauphine. For although in France were no want of men far more meet to undertake such a charge, and execute that function, yet did the credit of his uncle john procure this favour at the hands of the great King Francis, together with some tokens of his quick wit and capacity herein, all which notwithstanding, during the reign of the said great King Francis, they were not of any estimation: For this Charles was simply named lord of Reims, & his brother Francis, Earl of Aumale, their father being yet living, & the rest of the brethren were forced to prefer & thrust themselves forward with might & main. Again, King Francis was not ignorant that these men might stir up coals and procure some broils, under pretence of the counties of Provence and Anjou, and so trouble the state, upon which causes he credited them no further than needs he must. In deed he so highly honoured the beauty of their eldest sister, as that he permitted her at the entry of Queen Eleanor to be attired, in Princess array, although afterward perceiving these strangers to prevail as if they had already been Princes of France, he denied the wife of the Marquis of Maine of the mantle royal. It is not also unknown how the same King, toward his end made but small account of the Constable, who therefore withdrew himself unto his own house, the chief occasion of which displeasure arose of that, that through the commendation of the said Constable, his son the Dauphine Henry had retained into his favour the said Lords of Guise, the consequence whereof he doubted. Their alliance also unto the daughter of the great Seneschal of Normandy, whom all that time the said Dauphin kept, caused that the same King Francis who before had highly favoured her, did now also disdain and mislike her. This Lady who was called the great Seneschal, was daughter unto the late lord of S. Valliers, and with her own maidenhead redeemed her father's life, but afterward to the great reproach and slander of our France, after she was half spent, was given to the Dauphine Henry, whose heart she so steadfastly won, as that finally she was created Duchess of Valentinois, and in effect become Queen of France. Whereupon the house of Guise accounting her as a convenient bridge, by the which they might pass over into France, did think it meet to take hold of so good an occasion, although it were in effect but an homely shift, and therefore procured the marriage of their third brother, afterward Duke of Aumale, unto the youngest daughter of this said Seneschal, by whose means, they the further insinuated themselves into King Henry's favour, upon whom in the mean time they practised two several drifts, wherein we may as in a glass behold the rest of their behaviours toward the estate of France.  
First by means of this Seneschal they presumed so far, as to attempt to wrist from the Dauphine Henry a promise of restoration unto the counties of Provence and Anjou, as part of a dowry toward this their brother's marriage: Howbeit as God doth for the most part, even by the simplest persons abate the pride and cruelty of the mightiest, so likewise did he now 'cause the only countenance of the Lord de la Chesnay to force them most shamefully, and even as it were in despite of their hearts, to release this grant, being in this only respect to be accounted happy, that through the throwing of the same into the fire, they did also therewithal consume and reduce into ashes the assured proof and manifest detection of their traitorous felony, considering that in case King Francis had but once had any inkling of the same, it would have been the utter extirpation and undoing not only of themselves, but of the great Seneschal also.  
Let us now therefore proceed unto the second point which was this. On the one side King Francis not long before his decease was much accompanied with two persons of whom he made great account: The one was the Cardinal of Tournon chancellor of the order, and Master of his chapel: The other was the Lord Annebaut Marshal and Admiral of France, and besides both these there was the Constable also, who notwithstanding he came not to the court, yet did he retain the office of great Master of France. On the other side the Dauphine was entangled with the Lady great Seneschal, upon whom two of the brethren of Guise did continually attend, namely Francis Earl of Aumale, and Charles Lord of Reims because of the alliance aforesaid, all which notwithstanding, yet was he most addicted unto the Lord of S. Andrews, whose father had been his governor. Now then seeing that the sickness, whereof the late King Francis the first died, was long and in most of the physicians opinions in manner incurable, the Lords of Guise persuaded the aforesaid Dauphine that so soon as he had gotten possession of the crown, he should set forth an edict, the contents whereof were, that no man should from thence forth retain in his hands two offices, by means of the which they promised unto themselves the spoil of the noble men aforesaid, besides that under colour thereof they might have free access unto the handling of the whole estate, and so in time attain unto their aspiring drifts & purposes, and that the rather, because they perceived none of the Princes of the blood over hasty to intrude themselves thereinto.  
Howbeit now before we go any further, we have to consider two other notable chances which happened presently at the death of King Francis afore named. 
〈◊〉 Fran●●ateth ●ouse of ●e.  This King lying on his death bed, called for his son the Dauphine to the end familiarly to talk with him. In which communication like as the soul approaching unto his departure, is for the most part more free and devoid of worldly cares, earthly burdens and all other transitory affairs, and so consequently less tied unto the body, also that in manner all men in that extremity, time and place do entreat upon more mystical and heavenly matter, then before time they are wont, yea divers through a certain prescience of things to come, which surpasseth man's natural understanding and reason, do prognosticate of that that is most likely to happen: even so now among divers other advertisements and notable instructions which this King gave unto his son, one was, that he desired, yea and charged him not to deal with the Children of Guise, neither to permit them to have any rule in the affairs of the estate: For saith he, I have manifestly perceived and am well assured that the whole stock of them is nought, also that in case you transgress this my precept, they are to strip you into your doublet & your subjects into their shirts. This admonition deserved both to be marked & put in execution, but the simplicity of the Dauphine being bewitched by this Seneschal together with Gods heavy displeasure against France, would not permit the child to follow his father's counsel, which in this case proved but over true, for his affirming the whole race of them to be nought, did shortly after prove itself certain. The same day that this great King Francis let his life at Rambovillet, whereas the Dauphine for very sorrow and grief, seeing his father lie in such extremity, and therewithal being in a manner overcome, was laid down upon his wives bed, who the while sat upon the floor showing great tokens of anguish and heaviness, the great Seneschal & the Duke of Guise who yet was but Earl of Aumale walked there also, although contrarily affected, for she was very pleasant and joyful, seeing the time of her triumph draw on, and he still from time to time walked to the door to harken after news, using always at his return this phrase, Now the younker goeth his ways, but had not that younker, (seeing it pleased him so to term him) been, both he and the rest of his whole family had been but simple underlings in Lorraine still.  
But now to our former matter, let us mark the execution of the forenamed edict, concerning retaining of sundry offices. The same being concluded upon, & King Francis dead, 
〈◊〉 house ●uise do ●le the ●dinal of ●rnon.  was put in practice before it was either seen or published. For presently the Lord of Reims displaced the Cardinal of Tournon of his office of chancellor of the order, who in displeasure resigned to them his mastership of the chapel also: The Admiral d' Annebaut lost his office of Marshalship: likewise now therefore I will proceed to the Great Mastership, for the obtaining whereof the Guisians were importunate, moving King Henry to writ unto the Constable that before his coming to the court, he should by proxy resign one of his offices, either the Constableship or else the great mastership, for they supposed that he would still keep the Constableship as being of great authority & credit. But were it that the King was at that time determined to exempt his gossip from their ambition, or else that he sought through the others voluntary resignation to confer the said office unto the Marshal of S. Andrew's, to whom he had already broken his mind, to the end by such ordinary means to suppress some part of the furious attempts of the Earl of Aumale and his brother, or what other occasion soever there were yet certain it is that he wrote to the said Constable with all speed to repair to him, but not to resign any of his estates, referring that unto their own private communication at their next meeting. After his coming the King who before even burned with earnest zeal & desire to see the said Constable, who so long had been absent out of his sight, was now so far from taking from him any of his estates, that contrariwise at their first embracings he professed himself to be ashamed that he had in his hands no office worthy his person, & therefore in respect of such default, the more to honour his welcoming, he yielded and presented unto his said gossip his own person. Now the Lord of Reims had gotten the great seal, and the Earl of Aumale had seized upon the keys of the castle, as a seisin fallen to him even by succession: But hearing the King call to the one to tender the keys, and command the other to carry the seal unto the great master, whereby they should be driven necessarily to sleep under the lock of the said great Master, walk at the commandment of the Constable, & not in any wise to deal in matters of estate without the said gossip's permission, it may be easy for each man to comprehend into what part the affections of these brethren were bend: Seeing also at the same instant an other estate of Marshal of France erected to the behoof of james of Albon lord of S. Andrews, which was even the last office that remained in the kings hands, upon the which as upon his last refuge, the Earl of Aumale had fixed his whole hope and trust.  
This therefore hath been one of the foundations & roots of their quarrel against the Constable and his progeny, 
Their gratitude toward Consta●  wherein besides their manifest injury offered unto their own persons, in this respect, they have also showed themselves very unthankful toward the said Constable: For it is not unknown unto all those, who during the reign of the great King Francis had any dealings in matters of estate, that as well the father as also the uncles of the said Lords of Guise, had never any more assured or faithful friend in France then the said Constable, who long before their coming into that country was already in great credit and estimation with his Prince, and afterward with incredible favour did succeed two great masters of France, the one the Lord of Boisy his cousin germane, the other the Duke of Savoy his Father in Law, and finally attained unto the highest degree next under the Princes of the king's blood, that ever any man (of what estate, country, or condition so ever he were) might climb unto in France. To him only above all other (I say) is the whole generation of Guise bound & beholding for their descent from a Princess of France and daughter of Vendosme, because that he the said constable was the motioner of the marriage between their father and mother, who already nothing hoping or once thinking upon any so good hap, had begun to cast his eye toward another Lady of far meaner estate and calling. Again, the only request and petition of the Constable were of sufficient force in their behalf, at the return of King Francis out of Spain to keep free their father out of prison, for his leading of the King's power and forces into Lorraine without the said King's love or leave, yea, and to restore him again into favour. Again, after the decease of the King's daughter, who was Queen of Scots, and that the King of Scots was desirous to take another wife in France, the Constable was the only preferrer of the said Lords of Guise's sister, the late Queen, mother unto Marie Stuard how Queen, who by his means was preferred before many other both more marriageable and meet for such a man then herself. Howbeit I can not deny but that it was necessary to sand her into places unknown, for that whiles she remained at Nancy she endeavoured to have forsaken the court of Lorraine, and have yielded her person unto the Abbot of Beaulieu great uncle unto the late Duke of Bovillon, yea had not the Countess of Lignanges warned the Lady Rene of Bourbon of her determination, she had assuredly departed with the said Abbot into his cloister of Beaulieu. For the which practise the afore named Abbot was rewarded with the natural courtesies of this race: for after that upon their fidelities he had yielded himself into their claws, and that it seemed they had forgotten the wantonness of their said sister, they procured his murder at unwares, accompanying their cruelty both with perjury and great ingratitude: For notwithstanding the house of Sedan hath always stood the race of Lorraine in great stead, yet have the Lords of Guise in divers wise since persecuted the same.  
Now therefore to return unto their ingratitude toward the Constable. King Henry the second coming unto the crown in the year 1546, and having, as is aforesaid, committed the whole regiment thereof unto his good gossip the Constable, did shortly after take the Earl of Aumale, his brother the Lord of Reims, and the Lords of Sedan and of S. Andrew's, and present them unto the said Constable with these words. Gossip, these scholars do I give unto you, to the end they may learn of you, and obey you as myself: I pray you train them up in my affairs, so that under you during your life they may do me service. And then turning unto them he said, I do give you this man for your father and Schoolmaster: him love and honour, doing whatsoever he shall command, for myself do account him my father, and the most dear friend and faithful servant which ever my father had, or myself may have.  
Afterwards the said Lords of Guise's father at his next meeting with the Constable said unto his sons. Behold your father, for myself hath he also created: him honour and serve, for we all be bound so to do.  
The testimony also of the late Cardinal their uncle, which he gave in the presence of the Cardinal of Lenoncourt describeth more plainly their duties unto the Constable, for it was pronounced in his absence, and they practising some conspiracy against him. Take heed, said he, of displeasing that man, for had not he been, both your father and whole kindred had had enough to do, neither should yourselves have ever attained unto that estate wherein you are now placed, nor your sister neither: even myself am in his debt for mine own promotion, and for whatsoever favour, commodity or credit that I have reaped at the hands of the late King. All which admonitions were nevertheless not of sufficient force to restrain them from practising as well openly as privately the overthrow of the said Constable, notwithstanding that so long as King Henry lived, their drifts came but to small purpose, in deed during the reign of Francis the second they were even with him, and paid for their schooling, as hereafter more at large will appear.  

The original of the malice of the Guisi●ns against ●he Admiral of Chastillon.  We have already spoken of the marriage of their brother the Marquis of Maine unto the great Seneschals daughter, which was the first root of their hatred against the Lord of Chastillon, afterward Admiral of France, the which through new occurrences hath since so increased, that finally they have brought both him & all his brethren unto their ends, not yet ceasing from practising the utter extirpation of all his race and family, unless themselves may first be dispatched and made away. To begin therefore at the foundation of all these evils, which since have almost subverted the whole estate of France: we are to understand that the Constable seeking the preferment of his nephews, did about eighteen years since procure unto the eldest brother of the house of Chastillon the degree of a Cardinal, which in that time through ignorance and superstitious zeal was greatly desired among all estates, and afterward did by all convenient means advance as it were step by step the other two brethren jasper and Francis, into all commissions and offices of warfare both by sea and land, by means whereof they having obtained great credit among the whole nobility, it was an easy matter for the Admiral then but Lord of Chastillon, as well through the support of his said uncle the Constable, as also in respect of the debates and quarrels that then were prosecuted between the Lords of Dampierre & S. Andrew's, to insinuate himself into the especial favour of King Henry then Dauphine. This the Earl of Aumale perceiving, who in those days was in lest reputation with King Francis, he thought it meet for the attaining of the said Dauphine's good will, to join in familiarity and strait league with the said Lord of Chastillon, which familiarity each of them so firmly observed for the space of four or five years, that these two Lords could not live one without an other, but as a token of their more mutual agreement, did for the most part apparel themselves daily in like suits of raiment. In the mean time it so fell out that the father of these Lords of Guise, purposing the preferment of his family by all means possible, sought to join his third son the Marquis of Maine in marriage unto the youngest daughter of the great Seneschal, the mother being as then the Dauphine's harlot. Of this marriage the Earl of Aumale could in no wise like, and for that cause fearing to provoke the Dauphine against himself he broke the matter unto his companion the Lord of Chastillon, desiring him, as his especial friend, to give him some good counsel how he might herein behave himself, affirming, and that even with tears, that whatsoever might happen, he could never give his consent thereunto. The Lord of Chastillon seeking to comfort him, endeavoured to appease him, and after divers debating of the matter between them, their resolute determination was, that better were an inch of authority with honour, than a whole fathom with shame. Howbeit after this resolution, the Earl of Aumale did so far stray from following the advice wherein before he had so obstinately persisted, that now to the end to displace the said Lord of Chastillon out of all favour with the Dauphine, he showed the Marshal of Vieille ville their common friend, how that he could hardly have believed that the Lord of Chastillon had so envied his honour and advancement, as thus to have encouraged him to withstand the aforesaid marriage. This therefore was one occasion of their displeasure, of the rest we will speak more in place convenient.  
Through this marriage one of the brethren is now provided for, 
The practices of the Duke of Guise for getting of a wife.  let us therefore proceed to the preferment of the rest. Duke Rene their grandfather married Margaret the daughter and only heir of William Duke of Tancaruille of the house of Harcourt in Normandy, by whom they do enjoy the County d' Aumale, the Marquisate d' Albeufe & all other their possessions in France, except Ginuille: But because this lady was crouchbacked and found barren, he forsook her, and as is aforesaid, married the Duke of Guelderlands sister, by whom he had issue the Duke Anthony, the Duke of Guise their father, and the Cardinal john their uncle. Duke Anthony (as they pretend) was borne during the life of his first wife, and left a son named Francis who was father to Charles at this present Duke of Lorraine, whom at his decease he left very young, as having scarce attained the third year of his age. Then (as for the most part it still chanceth, that widows & orphans are commonly entangled in the snares of the wicked and covetous) the Earl of Aumale began to bestir him seeking to have found a door open into the Duchy, by publishing Duke Anthony to be a bastard: But seeing that he could not well bring his purpose to pass before he had gotten at the lest one foot into the said Duchy, he sought by all means possible the marriage of Christian the widow of the late Duke Francis. Howbeit she being both wise and of good capacity, according to the nature of a good mother intending the preservation and maintenace both of the country and orphan, aspired unto the custody of the one through the wardship of the other, and therefore kept this hasty wooer in breath, who through her marriage assured himself of the same wardship, which afterward might yield unto him a favourable and honest entry unto the possession of this desired Duchy. And therefore presently upon the marriage of their brother the Marquis of Maine, all these Lords of Guise in triumphant wise hasted into Lorraine there to put the widow in full possession of the wardship of her son. But so soon as she had gotten her desired prey, she gave them a rosemary wipe, dismissing them & sending them away with fleas in their ears, utterly disappointed of their purpose.  
Having therefore thus miss of their intent against their cousin germane, (for the Duke of Lorraines father and they were brothers children) they cast forth their nets to entrap their other kinsfolk on the mother side, (for likewise the King of Navarre and they were brothers and sisters children.) They therefore endeavoured to stop the marriage between jane d' Albret princess of Navarre & Anthony of Bourbon Duke of Vendosme afterward king of Navarre: But as a widow standing in some need of their help, could closely despise them, even so could a King's daughter, who regarded not their aid, openly disdain them: For (said she to King Henry who motioned the matter unto her) would you my Lord wish that of her, who by duty aught even to carry up my train, I should make my sister in Law? either that the daughter of the Duchess of Valentinois should go cheek by jowl with me? with which answer the King found himself satisfied, and therefore never communed any further with her in that respect, which caused the Guisians from that time forward to bend their whole drifts against himself, making him finally to pay for their marriage in manner and form following.  
Hercules d'Este Duke of Ferrara, had a daughter whom he loved better than his own wife: For it is not unknown to all the world after what manner in her life time he entreated the noble Lady Rene, the daughter of King Lewes the twelfth, commonly called the father of the people: neither is any man who had to deal in those days in matters of estate, ignorant upon what considerations she was denied unto so many noble persons who sued for her marriage, & then finally placed in so base estate as was Ferrara. This Duke had I wots not what share in certain powders, boulets and munition, with such other like trash which he had bestowed to his own behoof, & yet now sought to make our King to pay for the same, which in the time of King Francis he could not do, for he knew over well what juggling had therein been practised against him. To be brief, his right herein did this Duke give in marriage with his daughter, and King Henry paid for it, whose lenity made them to way down to much on that side, and boldly to undertake greater matters, whereunto they added yet an other drift, which was, that accommodating themselves unto all kind of pleasures, or delights correspondent unto the age of the King, they used him as a foundered horse, or stolen, over whom they might the farther cast their sight. I need not here rehearse their infamous dealings, for the very walls, beds and candlesticks of their house of Reims and other their Manors can bear more than sufficient record thereof, in that they have (as we may say) even blushed at such whoredoms, fornications, and baudries as the Guisians have been ministers and assistants of.  

The Guisians sought to expel Katherine de Medicis.  Thence have they proceeded forward: For they were so malapert as to counsel King Henry to sand his wife Katherine de Medicis home into Italy, whereupon had not the Constable and Cardinal of Chastillon withstood their determinations, she had assuredly repassed the Alps: howbeit afterward trusting that she should have remained barren (which was their whole desire) they yet lived in hope of recovering the Counties of Provence and Anjou, yea and peradventure of the crown of France itself which was one cause of their alliance unto the daughter of that great Seneschal and manifest harlot, through whose means they sought to drink up as with a sponge all the substance of this poor kingdom, 
Their great ●es grounded upon an ●arlot.  for the attaining whereunto they first procured to her the custom commonly called, Tilletage (which is as much to say, as an incredible sum of money rising of the renewing of the offices of the whole realm, which sum, if all at once it should be disboursed, would surpass the prodigality of all Princes that ever were) hoping after her to enjoy the same themselves.  
During these matters, the Lord of Reims gaping after more promotions, whereby he might the better order his intents, through the means of the aforesaid Seneschal obtained favourable letters from King Henry to Pope Paul the third, who in that time curried favour with all Christian princes, to the end through their aid to be revenged of the Emperor Charles the fifth, for the death of his abominable son Peter Lewes, whereby also the Lord of Reims (whom the Seneschal called but master Charles) filled his own bags with the sale of his master's favour. By means therefore of these letters, 
Charles made Cardinal.  about the end of julie in the year 1547 he was created Cardinal, upon occasion whereof under pretence as well of the Council of Boulogne, as also of many other affairs which himself devised, he undertook a voyage into Italy, through other two principal motions. The first was for the concluding of the marriage aforesaid of his brother unto the Duke of Ferara his daughter. The other to the end to show his person, and so be known in Rome, whereby he might in time to come the better order his drifts and devices. Being there he took upon him the title of Cardinal of Anjou, but into what peril, through that presumptuous folly, he brought himself, most men do know. For had not the great Seneschal stood his friend, he never durst have showed his face in France any more, albeit howsoever it came to pass, he was compelled to leave his title of Anjou beyond the Alps, and at his return to accept the surname of his ancestors and country, whereupon we shall hereafter call him (as himself hath especially after his uncles decease done) the Cardinal of Lorraine.  
At his coming home to the court he so laboured king Henry, 
The Guisians dealing with Cardinal john their uncle  that the Earldom of Aumale was erected into a Duchy thereby to hasten the marriage of his brother Francis unto the aforenamed Duke of Ferrara's daughter, which shortly after was consummate. After this time began they to procure their own advancements, and to lay the foundation of their tyranny over all men both rich and poor in France. We will therefore begin with their uncle Cardinal john, who was the instrument to translate master Charles from the College of Navarre unto the Court. Not forbearing until that through his decease he might enrich them with his benefices, they never left (especially master Charles) to pluck from under his elbow all that possibly they could, through a kind of importunatenes not far different from mere violence. This good nephew found means to make his uncle desirous to forsake the court, procuring unto him such servants as pleased him, and frustrating him of those which were the most faithful under whatsoever colour he thought best, and dealt with him in such manner as that to his power, he stripped him even into his shirt: in so much that shortly a sudden death (for he lived over long for his nephews commodity) carried him away, at his return from the election of Pope julius the third in the year 1550. At that time did his nephew become famous in Rome procuring a Cardinal's hat for his brother the Cardinal of Guise, the overliver of all the six brethren, at which time also was ended & consummate the aforesaid marriage of the eldest brother unto the daughter of Ferrara.  
Having thus unclothed their uncle before he were ready to go to bed, let us consider how they handled him after his death. This man died indebted unto many merchants, but especially of Paris, leaving such wealth in movable goods as was great, yea and more than sufficient to have discharged al. After his decease, his creditors drew toward his nephew the Cardinal of Lorraine, who together with the Cardinal of Guise had raked up all his livings, but himself alone had seized upon all the movables, to whom he answered that he was not his heir: For such men do never account him heir, who seizeth upon the goods, &, as the practitioners do term it, do meddle with the inheritance, but him only, who saith, I am he. But now no man spoke that word, for the Cardinal of Lorraine meant to have the goods of free cost, and as for his brethren, they would not pay because they had not the goods. Again it is not unknown that benefices by a certain rigour of Law are not chargeable with the debts: If therefore the said Cardinal of Lorraine had at the first willed most of them to look for nothing, yet in losing of their debts, they should have been good gainers, for than should they have saved both their time and cost, which they wasted in waiting almost two whole years, to know the end of this fetch which he caused one of his men to play, to whom he gave commission to peruse the debts of the party deceased, and the same to verify, and set in order as he termed it, with other such like terms of practice which still were in this commissioners mouth. In the mean time they do make an inventory saith one, a description saith an other, a remembrance saith another, but whatsoever it were, among all the dead man's movables, was to be found in the end, nothing by the report and conscience of his nephew save a few old stools and settles, with a little rotten tapestry good to make sport with all, which to be brief, was the whole inventory of all that, that the Cardinal would not have: But the sport was to hear his talk hereupon. Whensoever the merchants of Paris came in his presence Me thinketh (would he say) these fleas do bite me an other time, Tush they be Englishmen, Saluters, or givers of good morrows. Again coming to the particulars, To one, he is an usurer of Paris, to an other, he hath not yet delivered his wares, to an other, he sold it for six times more than it was worth, to another, he hath received some money in part of payment, to another, Nothing is dew, signifying you get nothing, which title comprehended the greatest number. But unto those to whom he showed greatest favour, he used to say, Help to pay yourselves, not meaning Hold forth your hands and take, but give and acquit: For when a man had forgiven half, or two third parts, yea three quarters and more, yet looking upon his book, he should find no more received, then that which he had acquitted and forgiven. And for the rest, Ask would he say some composition, some right or privilege, or some other thing of the King, and I will help you unto it, which was as good as if he should have said to the merchants, Go every one of you kill one or two, and I will procure your pardons, for the sale of the settels, stools and tapestry was put of until the day after domes day. Whereupon two notable merchants among other, beholding this shameful dealing, did after divers motions finally offer, to acquit the party deceased of all his debts for one quarter, or at the most, a third part of the yearly revenue of all his benefices, and yet could come to no end: part of them nevertheless did finally obtain, some a quarter, others a fifth part, others a tenth part, some more, some less, but the greatest number could get nothing at al. And yet for so much as each one did acquit, all, or at the lest the most part, were driven to give acquittance as for money received, to what end each one may soon perceive: namely to defraud the creditors of their honour, & the Cardinal of the remembrance and thinking upon their liberality. Thus by little and little, he dispatched away the Merchants of Paris and such others, to the end the more easily to fight against the mightiest, and generally against all the estates of the realm, whom he and his brethren must necessarily subdue, before they can attain to touch the white whereat they do level their shot.  

●heir qua● for the ●uchie of anjou.  They had wrested a promise from King Henry whiles he was Dauphine, whereby when he were King, the County of Provence and Duchy of Anjou should return into their hands: But because the General de la Chesnay had therefore clawed them to the quick, that matter lay still until the King's entry into Angers, for then they begun afresh to quarrel this Duchy, desiring the only title thereof for one of them: Howbeit one only frowning look of the Constable did quite so overthrow them, that from that time they never durst once open their mouths any more for that matter.  

●hey ●ught to ●come the prince's fe●wes.  In the mean time therefore, they went another way to work, which was, by seeking openly to become princes, & both openly & secretly to suppress the princes: To which effect their practices have been of long continuance, and as strange as possibly might be, as by the only history of the late Prince of Conde is most evident, and ourselves will here and there show by divers particularities worthy to be remembered.  
First, in as much as neither the worthiness of their blood neither their family could prefer them before divers french gentlemen, but only the prerogative of their lands: therefore to cover the default of their race, they have caused to erect their simple baronages into Duchies, principalities, Marquisates and Counties, which is the thing that hitherto hath blinded the eyes of the commons, who are utterly ignorant of matters of estate.  
Secondly, they have endeavoured to make the estate of the Peers (for the Cardinal was one) equal unto the Princes, yea, even to prefer the said Peers before the Princes, whereupon happened in the year 1551 a notable matter, as thus. The court of Parliament of Paris, had sent six of the chiefest members of their body unto King Henry, to understand his will and pleasure concerning certain articles, whereof one was.  
The second point is to inquire of the King, whether it be his pleasure that my Lords the princes of the blood, with other great Lords entering into the said Court, may wear their sword. For time out of mind that hath been lawful for the King only, as an especial prerogative of his Royal dignity, who hath the hand of justice, as being justice himself, & maintaining in assured safety the ministers of the same. And notwithstanding sundry times some princes or lords have entered with their sword, that hath been only when coming suddenly they have found the door open, or else by entering at unwares: either have so done by the King's express commandment, at such time as he hath been displeased, or provoked to wrath against his said Court, upon some other occasions, whereof nevertheless no rule or custom aught to take place: For contrariwise the late King Francis, when he was Dauphin, together with the Lord Charles of Bourbon coming in, left their sword at the door, which order King Lewes the twelfth caused still to be observed. This judgement of that court, which according unto right and equity preferreth the princes before all lords whomsoever, together with the sitting to this day observed in the same, and the arrest pronounced against their father, did so grievously move the Lords of Guise, that to the end to breed some debate & contrariety, between the judgement of the King & of his said Court of Parliament, also to augment their own credit, and so by little and little to exalt themselves above the Princes, they closely practised that whereas the secretary, accommodating himself unto the request of the court & the order in the same observed, had in his roll (as himself hath since testified) named the princes first, they were nevertheless in the Kings answer placed after the Peers in manner following. The King's pleasure is that when soever in his absence the Peers of France, the princes of the blood, the Constables and Marshals of France shall come & enter into his Court of Parliament, & into the chamber of Audience, whether the doors be open or shut, they shall nevertheless still wear their sword, the which the said King meaneth not that any other of what estate or calling soever he be shall do. Given at Fountainebleau the last day of August in the year. 1551. signed Henry, and contresigned Du Thier.  
Thirdly, they practised a wondered subtlety, whereby with the time to yield a kind of prescription unto such principality as they sought to usurp. which was in seeking to ally themselves on all sides, in the most high and rich manner that possibly they could, and so to slide in among the princes, and bear the like port as they. As also at the entry of King Henry into the town of Suse, Francis Duke of Guise presumed to march cheek by jowl with the King of Navarre the first prince of the crown. Also at king Francis the second his first coming forth of his chamber in his mourning weed, the said Lord of Guise intruded himself between two princes of the blood, to the end with them to bear up his train. Again, during the reigns of Henry the second, Francis the second and Charles the ninth, and even at this present also every man both hath seen and plainly may behold, with what presumption the house of Guise both have and still do encroach above the said princes of the blood, whom they have oppressed and trodden under foot, as we will more plainly declare, after that we have yet touched a few matters more, tending unto the discovery of their raging ambition in this respect.  
Fourthly, the house of Guise being thus advanced, grew very suspicious and jealous of their honour, stoutly opposing themselves against all such as withstood their attempts, as is manifest in this. The Frenchmen do so highly reverence their princes, that as they are not to be accounted wronged, or in their honours defamed for any thing that their said princes either do or say unto them, so do they also never set hand to their sword against the said princes, notwithstanding that any other of what estate or calling so ever he be, stranger or Frenchman, aught to take heed of misusing the person of any French gentleman, unless he presently be minded to receive at the hands of the party misused, as much, or rather more than he hath done or said unto him. Now the more that the lords of Guise have sought to become as Princes of France, the more resistance have they found, especially during the reigns of Francis the second, and Charles the ninth, neither being as yet quite free from the same, as in place shall be showed. Let us therefore consider some examples of the time of Henry. The lord of Rochefort, youngest son of the house of lafoy Roche-guyon, was on a time challenged man to man in the King's garden at Fountainbleau, by Francis Duke of Guise, whereas in their talk he showed the said Duke, that he accounted him not as a prince of France, whereof he also afterward made him more plain demonstration, when as at the only countenance, that the Duke of Guise made to set his hand upon his dagger, he the said lord of Rochefort, who was no knight of the order, as now he is, set as soon his hand to his sword, and thereby made him to be quiet: which deed both the King and Princes did well allow of. This resistance caused that the same Duke of Guise (who thought that the lord of Montmorency, against whom he had a quarrel, notwithstanding he were not as yet Marshall, would do no less than the other) on a time suborned his great companion the Duke of Nemours, and the prince of Ferrara, at a place near unto the castle of saint German, shortly after the Constables return out of imprisonment, and then went and plucked the said lord of Montmorency by the cape in the Queen's chamber (the meaning whereof is not unknown unto the gentlemen) who presently without speaking unto any man, arose and followed him out of the castle to the place appointed, where he made him an answer correspondent unto his demand, accounting him therein no otherwise for a Prince then before time: which afterward he showed him more evidently at Paris (King Charles the ninth being there the same time that the meeting was about the edict of july) in a controversy concerning an airy of hawks of the forest of Compiegne, which the said lord of Guise challenged by prerogative: but the said airy finally remained unto the lord of Montmorency. It is not unknown again how the Precedent Liset in this point divers times withstood them: for once in the full audience at the Parliament of Paris, he caused to correct the quality of the Prince, which the Duke of Guise in a certain cause had taken upon him. another time in the presence of King Henry, he affirmed unto the Cardinal of Lorraine that he was no Prince, neither aught to take place among Princes. Again at another journey before the said King, in a foolish brabbling which the Cardinal made, the same Precedent Liset used unto him these words. My son and friend, you are yet to young to understand those matters, which are no usual speeches to be said to any Prince of France, yea he added moreover these words, You are no Prince, neither equal with Princes, if therefore you be determined to take upon you that title, show us also the places of your Principality. This young son was above five and twenty years old, & already both Peer and Cardinal. The aforesaid court of Parliament did also an other time by sentence definitive, expulse the Duke of Guise these men's father from his fore sitting, which by reason of his Peereshippe he challenged above a prince of France. All which notwithstanding their haughtiness in this point, broke out openly in divers wise during sixteen or seventeen months, whilst King Francis the second reigned, whereof we must necessarily here note also some particularities.  
Immediately after that King Henry was deceased, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine conveyed King Francis the second, his brethren, & the two Queens into the Louvre, leaving the Princes of the blood, and the rest of the great lords of the Realm, which were not of their faction, behind to keep the dead corpse: whiles in the mean time, themselves permitted no man to come near the said Francis, or to speak unto him, unless at the lest one of them were still in presence, and that so diligently, that they never let him go out their sights. Then did they also drive away the Constable, and displaced all such as they liked not of, causing the King to say whatsoever themselves listed. They found honest pretences to dispatch away the Princes of the blood, by sending one into Flanders, another into Spain, and so of the rest, having continually secret servants and privy spies about them. They changed the estates and officers of the King's household, ordering themselves with such violence, that a man might (as it were at high noon) perceive their intentes. We will now therefore orderly show you what people withstood them, and in what manner: For such particular resistance was to small purpose, in respect of that which followed.  
We must now therefore consider, to what estate their ambition have brought the affairs of France, being accompanied with covetousness, cruelty, ungodliness and manifest villainy. I say therefore, that since the time that they were exalted by means of the Seneschal, considering also that their children be of a troublesome and perverse disposition even to the end, they never desisted from persecuting all sorts of people high and low in this Kingdom, whereby to satisfy their aforenamed passions: yea for want of means and opportunity to persecute them whom they do hate, they have bend their whole rage against themselves, in so much as it is doubtful to whom they have done most displeasure, whether to their friends or enemies.  
We will therefore begin with such mischiefs as they have practised, first against our Kings, then against the Princes of the blood, afterward against the great lords of the Realm, and so consequently we will proceed to the estates, namely the Nobility, the officers of justice, the people, the Clergy, their favourites and friends, and finally unto their own injuries among themselves: setting forth the whole in as brief manner as possibly we may, desiring the readers to quote down in their books, whatsoever they perceive that we have omitted, to the end to participate the same unto the posterity, which thereby shall be occasioned for to abhor the misery of France, which hath suffered and borne so much, with over great respect many times of such dangerous monsters. After the same manner also, according as shall be incident in the continuation of our discourse, we will somewhat touch their virtues, to the end each one may know by what tokens to remember them.  

●mea● of the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 to●●he 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  Notwithstanding that at the first they were not over busy, neither kept to great a stir, yet afterward persuading themselves that they had some right unto the Crown, they endeavoured to make thereunto by all means possible, whereof one was by assubiecting all the world under their feet, whereby although they were no Kings in name, yet tarrying the time they were so many times in effect. In the time of Francis the first, who was sufficiently acquainted with their humours, they profited not greatly. Afterwards in the time of Henry the second, their horns began to shoot out: for he was of a mild disposition, but of small forecast, and very easy to be led about by the nose: and so was he afterward rewarded. For the ambitious covetousness of the house of Guise replenished Germany, Italy, France, and Flanders with blood, it set to sale to the most giver the laws of justice, and with infinite exactions it soaked the purses both of rich & poor. With their insolences and cursed conspiracies, they have also defiled the King's house, wherein they have erected the scaffold, whereupon they have brought in the horrible tragedies of the destruction of France, and there have heaped up the stack of wood, which themselves did afterward so sore kindle, that the flames and coals thereof do yet remain. But this we must by little and little overlook, wherein we are to recite word for word, the lamentations that have been made and published long since.  
The great King Francis had left France in reasonable good estate: but the house of Guise, smelling out a thousand commodities arising unto themselves by the wars, could not suffer the Realm to continued quiet. It was unto them a gate to advancement, as was evident by the heat and violence of the eldest and third brother, whom the Cardinal never doubted to hazard, knowing that howsoever things chanced, his enterprise would countervail them: again, in case they were more happy than wise, it were an assured means to exalt himself even to the highest place that might be: but if they chanced to be slain, their death should serve as a bridge for the rest to pass over further, so himself moreover, having the chief superintendence over the treasures of the Realm, it was more easy for to fish in puddle then in clear water. Besides all this, the Cardinal perceived that by one kind of means, he might both obtain the favour of those, of whose quarrel he intended the commodity of his own race, at the cost of the poor commons, and also should diminish the King's forces, whose crown he wished to behold upon his brother's head, with the triple Papal crown upon his own. Finally, this was also the assured mean whereby he might hazard the King, the Princes of the blood, and all other of whose destruction depended the increasing of his honour and power.  
These were therefore the goodly occasions of this long and cursed war, which hath been dispersed over the whole Realm, whereunto it was no mastery for them to frame the King's mind, being of himself but of small experience, and at his attaining to the crown, desirous of new honour and conquest over the sworn enemy of France, who at that time having (as it was thought) subdued Germany, seemed terrible to this Realm, unless such his drifts, as he might have practised there against, were speedily cut of, to which end there were three especial occasions offered which greatly might hinder him.  
The first was the breaking of of the Council of Tridente, whose authority the Emperor used, in the uniting of all Germany unto his devotion, whereby he might afterward both in Italy, and other where do what himself thought best.  
The second was the undertaking of the restoration of the house of Farneses, whom the Emperor had expulsed out of Plaisance.  
The third was the practising of the Elector Maurice and the Marquis of Brandebourges army, who lying at the siege of Maydenbourg, were greatly moved against the said Emperor, for the detaining of the Landgrave of Hesse, with whom there was some likelihood that the son of the said Landgrave and other German Princes would easily join. And notwithstanding that all these three devices were utterly repugnant to the Cardinal's former profession, which was to be accounted as an assured pillar of the Catholic faith: seeing that by the first, he hazarded the King and whole Realm into danger of the Pope's curse and excommunication, and so manifestly did withstand the magnificence of the Apostolic seat, whereof he counterfeited so earnest a defender: by the second, he troubled the quiet of all Europe: and by the third, did openly join the King in league with the Lutherans, who by that means should have better opportunity to multiply and strengthen themselves then ever before: all which notwithstanding, this fatal enemy both of God and man, would not therefore quail, or give over his purpose in any of them all, but motioned King Henry, over whom he in effect reigned, to practise them all one after an other. This was the original root of the protestation against the Council, and of the war of Parma undertaken against the Pope, for the appetite of this prop of the papalty, and at the excessive charges of our poor Realm, all for the commodity of a bastard child, who since hath given us a reward correspondent to the expectation of all wise men. Hereof proceeded the first causes of all the most woeful and lamentable calamities, that ever our poor Realm of France did endure: for it was finally expedient that this impostume should have an issue, and that these furies should raise a civil war in Germany, by the which notwithstanding that God hath chastised the iniquities of many, yet have there thereof proceeded so many mischiefs and murders, that it is to be marveled, that the Turk hath not yet taken hold of this occasion, and so passed over the bridge which the house of Guise have builded, and so come even into our bosoms. From this root proceeded their voyage into germany, whereas they miss of their purpose, for God would not permit that country to come in their claws: howbeit such was their cruelty, that their own country of Lorraine was the first that felt the force of their rage, receiving therein a meet reward for bringing forth such children into the world. Their first enterprise there was so to be revenged upon the Duchess the widow of Francis, and mother unto Charles now Duke, who had disdained them, that thereby they hoped to have entrapped the whole Duchy. To which end they dispersed abroad a thousand slanders against the said widow, bringing her finally into displeasure with King Henry, never ceasing until that under pretence of protection (for the most notable mischiefs do still bear the fairest show) the said King had taken the young Duke into his hands, in full hope that having the King favourable unto them, & the Duke & Duchy, as it were, in their own hands, they might in time hit the mark, whereat on that side they leveled. But as God in all his works is wondered, so hath he brought to pass, that the Duke and Duchy of Lorraine never found surer or more steadfast foundations, than the same which their cousins of Guise had laid in intent to overthrow them. For King Henry took charge of the child, and afterward made him his son in law, committing his Duchy into the hands of his uncle the Earl of Vaudemont. Hereunto adding their practices against the town of Metz, what farther testimony shall we need? For what mischief is there which this poor town hath not suffered within these few years, both within and without, being under colour of protection, bereaved of her liberty, dismembered from the Empire, for the most part destroyed, and as a fullness of all miseries reduced into the bondage of the Cardinal? who under a borrowed name, hath yearly wrested thereout at the lest a hundred thousand francs, leaving unto our King nothing but the dishonour of surprising the same under pretence of defence, the charge of keeping of it with inestimable expenses, the loss of great numbers of Frenchmen, and the hatred of the Empire, which yearly reneweth the decree of the recovery of the towns of Metz, Thoul and Verdun, expressing therein their desire at the first opportunity to restore the same to their former liberties. For soon after ensued the siege of Metz aforesaid, whereas the Cardinal fearing his brother's skin, and seeking to exalt him above all men, procured to be sent unto him most part of the Princes and great Lords of France, for his more assurance, and at the price of their bloods to raise him as it were unto the shoulders of Victory itself: But what need we to purchase the triumph with the offence both of God and man? or at the charge of the King's honour and treasure? Also, how sweetly have we paid for this so valiant defence of a foreign town, which never offended us, unless it be an offence to give over hasty credence unto the words of a Cardinal therein brought up, whom she accounteth as her bishop and pastor? yea to speak truly, the Frenchmen have dearly bought the exchange thereof, through the burning and spoil of Picardy even unto Noyon: when as under the conduct of the third brother of this race, and son in law unto the great Seneschal Duchess of Valentinois, the French nobility received the sorest wound that ever it had since the battle of Pavia, because that without any reasonable cause they were trained thereunto, as to a butchery rather than a battle: For in the same conflict, wherein the said harebrained Duke of Aumale the third brother was through his own default taken prisoner, there were slain about two hundred French gentlemen, among whom were sundry great Lords, as the Lords of Rohan, S. Forgeu, Nancay, la Motte, Dusseau, the Baron of Couches, & of Castres', beside divers other Lords of name. Had our whole realm sustained that only loss through the conduct of these men, yet were this sufficient to procure all men to detest them. Shortly after this overthrow ensued the siege of Metz aforesaid, from whence the Emperor being forced to departed, the Duke of Guise attributed to himself the whole glory, which the Princes and great Lords of France, whom the Cardinal had procured the King to sand thither, had dearly paid for, whereupon it is wondered to see how the Guisians triumphed. Well, to proceed, what did the next years following bring with them, other then two double & irrecuperable losses, namely, the utter sack and spoil of Tirwin and Hesdin the two keys of Picardy, by reason whereof the Cardinal sang out his triumphs, scoffing at the French nobility, who, said he, through default of his brother's assistance were overthrown by the enemy, persuading the King that he had no man, but of that race, who was sufficient to guide the affairs both of peace and war. Howbeit the imprisonment of the third brother, whom the Marquis of Brandebourge held, did somewhat restrain the course of his brags, wherefore they sought with speed to withdraw him home, to the end the one might heave forward the other: and yet were themselves unwilling to disburse any penny of all their briberies and thefts, either to take any compassion of the French nation, which was devoured to the hard bones. They invented therefore an other reasonable honest shift, as they supposed, which was to borrow the King's name and authority, whereby they might under pretence of heresy, vex and torment whom so ever they thought best, to the end to meet with some confiscations. For it seemed not sufficient for him, through his temerity and rashness to be the cause of the death of so many great Lords, and gallant French gentlemen, at his own taking: but now his ransom must be gathered out of the lives of such as remained, not forbearing the wives of such good and virtuous Captains, as in the mean season ventured their lives and goods in the King's service. Whereof the Lord of Teligny might have been a sufficient witness, had he not shortly after lost his life in King Henry's service: For during the imprisonment of the Duke of Aumale, the virtuous Lady of Teligny was unjustly accused of heresy, at the instance of a Sorbonist one of the Cardinal's stallions, as are the rest of our masters his companions, who be men ignorant of all goodness and honour, as fierce, cruel and seditious, as any alive, using religion as a cloak to cover their perversity, in this respect altogether like unto the Cardinal of Lorraine the setter of them on work at the cost of the King's honour, who for that cause incurred the evil will of many. In this fetch they disclosed an other of their sleights, for what with their sponge which was laid close to King Henry's ribs, namely the Duchess of Valentinois this prisoner's mother in law, who by all means rob him on the one side, & themselves who ruled the common purse, they wholly spoiled the King both of the love, and of the goods of his subjects, arraying themselves in the same, persuading him that nothing was well done, but what themselves did. Yea they waxed so impudent, as to affirm that their brother had very well discharged his duty, also that they whom he had led to the slaughter, had in manner betrayed him, insomuch that the whole fault was imputed unto the dead, and he the survivor, who had disobeyed the King's commandment, who sent him word not to hazard any thing, after his delivery returned to the court, where by the means of his mother in law, he was as much or rather more cherished and made of, than any of the lustiest lieutenants that the King had. Thus did they on the one side laugh King Henry to scorn, whom in the mean time they had so artificially bewitched, that he accounted himself to have none more assured or faithful servants, than the said lords of Guise, except the Constable, whom therefore they hated to the death, as they afterward declared in divers wise.  
These wars of Metz were nothing in respect of those of Picardy, whereof the house of Guise were the kindlers, which also so long as the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal had the dealings about King Henry, waxed still more and more yet were they not content to hazard that part of the King's estate, who thereby lost Tirwine and Hesdine together with many great lords and gentlemen, besides prisoners of name: but they also procured to him an other great blow in Italy. It is not therefore requisite that we should here rehearse all our damages, and loss of battles wherein were slain four or five thousand Frenchmen, together with the Captains and gentlemen of Name: neither the loss of the city of Siene, which hath cost this realm so much money, buried so many frenchmen, and beautified Florence with our shame, neither the bringing of the poor inhabitants thereof into perpetual bondage, and in a manner utter destruction: for to whom is all this more justly to be imputed, then unto the jealousy of the said Lords of Guise who then governed all things, (This happened in the years 1554. and 1555.) when they desired rather to defer the promised aid, and so to put the whole army in despair, then to suffer it to be reported, that without them the King had gotten Tuscan, or at the leastwise compelled the inhabitants to come to such composition as himself would have granted them.  
These Lords of Guise did in the mean time frame sundry conspiracies in Italy, whereby somewhat the more to increase their own honour: and all with the treasure of the realm, and unto the King's confusion. It is not unknown how they quarreled for the crown of Naples & Sicil, neither how the Cardinal all his life time gaped after the papalty, persuading himself to procure wonderful and strange alterations, in case he might once attain to be God upon earth. And so soon as the old Pope was deceased, the Cardinal provoked through his wonted ambition, went not reasonably, but ran so fast as possibly he could, to catch up the triple crown, which imaginatively with a vain hope he did already devour. At that time did experience teach the French nation, that this man where ever he become, drew all mischief after him. For immediately after his departure, the Emperor Charles the fifth & King Henry were soon inclined to yield unto the better counsels, of such as spoke of quietness to be granted unto the poor people, in so much that notwithstanding the peace might be concluded, yet through the grave advice of the Constable and the Admiral, there was the fifth day of February, in the year 1556 an abstinence and truce agreed upon for five years. This Cardinal according to his wonted manner, minded not to go his journey to Rome at his charge, and therefore had assured King Henry, that in Italy he would practise such leagues against the Emperor Charles, that then he might easily be overcome, which, the King liking of it, stood the Cardinal in stead, as a cover to hide his ambition and covetousness, who with many circumstances (still at the realms charges) made Hercules the second Duke of Ferrara, the King's lieutenant general in Italy: But his chief drift was, to make friends, and entertain servants, through whose aid together with the power & treasure of France, he might conquer the Papaltye for himself, and the realms of Naples and Sicil for his brother. So soon therefore as he was advertised of the aforesaid truce, he was with the same greatly displeased, for that it was the assured death of all his drifts in that respect, in so much that he could not restrain his speech before divers, but said openly as he passed through Nevers, that this was not it that the King had promised him: also that he knew a mean to break this truce, fully persuading himself so to do, immediately upon his coming to the Court, which then lay at Bloys: whereas so soon as he was arrived, and had spoken with the King, he finally obtained through the means of his clients, and especially of Cardinal Carasfa, (whom the Pope had sent to present the King with a rich sword,) a grant to break the truce, notwithstanding whatsoever reasons the Constable, Admiral and other great Lords could allege. The Guisians principal instrument was the Duchess of Valentinois, who was to them a bridge both in body and mind, wherever to pass unto the Royal throne, for she commanded King Henry, and they commanded her.  
Hereby did they entangle the King in open perjury, & the realm in new troubles, procuring the overthrow on S. Laurence day, the taking of S. Quintin's, the spoil of Picardy, and the peace unprofitably concluded for the French nation. None but the Guisians hoped for any commodity of this news: for the eldest of them aspiring unto the Crown of Naples and Sicill, procured for himself a commission, to go and break the truce in Italy, accompanied with six thousand Swithers, four thousand French men, five hundred men of arms and five hundred light horses. It is not unknown to all men, that he transported with him all the best soldiers that he could get, leaving, according to King Francis prophecy, his son Henry in his doublet, and his subjects in their shirts. For beside so many men whom he led away, the Cardinal (who had the oversight of the treasury) had so soaked the same, that finally the King was brought to that stay, that through persons (whom the Cardinal's covetousness had brought forth) interposed, the King was driven to borrow the money, which proceeded from his own treasury. Moreover the rolls and records of that time, and of the next year following, will declare what excessive rewards the said Cardinal, & his brother did wrist forth of the King's lenity, while in the mean time the commons were unconscionably peeled, the treasury (as is aforesaid) wasted, the domains, receipts and cities mortgaged, the war revived, and the coast of Picardy come into the King of Spain's hands. For the enterprises of Henry, who then followed the only advice of the Cardinal, were so wide from prosperous success, that within short space after, he lost the lamentable battle upon S. Laurence day, wherein were slain john of Bourbon Duke of Anghien, the viscount of Turaine, besides many other French lords and gentlemen, the footmen for the most part hewn in pieces, and the Constable taken prisoner, besides a great number of other valiant lords and gentlemen. Again, within twelve or fifteen days after, was the town of S. Quintin's taken by assault, whereby the King there also sustained a shrewd foil.  
We must not here overslip a testimony of the Cardinal's good will, toward King Henry and his estate, as this. After the overthrow of S. Laurence day, the King being destitute of men, money and counsel, (for as the mischief was, the Cardinal only was left about him) this reverend father, in stead of helping the King with his goods, or of relieving his necessity with such coin, as he had fished out of the said King's revenues, even the next day after this mischance, enforced the treasurer of the purse to pay him the most part of a sum of fifteen thousand francs, which he pretended to be due unto him. Throughout the whole realm there remained not so mean an artificer, or so poor a citizen, who was not contributory unto the King's relief, and for the same cause was not most extremely dealt with all, whilst in the mean time the Cardinal becoming a sergeant, executed King Henry in the chiefest time of his misery, and when his affairs were in greatest danger, dallying with the spoiled King with such impatiency, that he would not forbear until the said treasurer of the purse had gathered up so much money, but drove him to borrow the same sum wherewith to satisfy his request. Also at the same time the king obtained in the name of a gift of the city of Paris, the sum of three hundred thousand franks, whereof the Cardinal had the disposing, which, how or whereabout they were employed God knoweth. Let this therefore be sufficiently spoken for a simple proof of infinite such like practices, whereby it is to be doubted in which of these two the Cardinal did most exceed, either in unreasonably hoarding together, or in excessive appetite to waste all France, which he had chosen as a pray convenient for his ambition.  
But how was the Duke of Guise occupied in Italy, (while the French nobility was in the King of Spain's prisons) in laying the foundation of the greatness (though invisible) of these our Lords and masters? The Duke had led with him a reasonable number of noble men, and had dried up all the King's revenues, endeavouring in the mean time nothing in Italy, saving that for the augmentation of his brother's credit, and the practising of conspiracies under colour of simplicity, he went with his famous principality to prostitute the dignity of one of the king of France his lieutenant's general in Rome, to dally among priests, & to make up a lower mess and last service at the table of Cardinals, of whom the chief part are but the Pope's Marmosets and Apes. Whereupon sundry have commended the free stomach of one of the masters of requests that accompanied him in the said voyage, who misliking of the said Duke of Guise's behaviour, without any leave of the Cardinalitie, sat down gallantly by the Duke's side, lest it should have been reproached unto the Frenchmen, that the King's lieutenant general had served as a cloak bearer unto such lickorous griediguttes of the Pope's cauldron, who upon their own dunghill do so lightly account of Christian Kings and Princes. But what of this? It was necessary that France with the cost and loss of men should put up yet two injuries more in Italy. The one by the said Lord of Guise, who left his camp idle, and his master's business undone, to the end to loiter and dance after the Pope's court, there to created (as the Cardinal's hope was he would) some and so many new Cardinals after his brother's mind, that in case the papalty should be void, he might be as certain to succeed in the said room as a Cardinal's faith could extend. The other through the folly of the said Duke of Guise, in that in his own person being a lieutenant general, he permitted his King's honour and reputation so shamefully to decay: The enemies of the crown laughed heartily at such his foolish ambition, & the wisest Frenchmen supposed that the King & the Constable had suffered themselves to be entangled in such enterprises, to the end to be released of an intolerable burden, hanging continually upon their arms through such continual alarms, as the inconstancy, covetousness, & vain glory of the Guisians did daily minister unto the King's affairs, exceeding the cost of two such conquests. Now the Cardinal's drift was, so soon as he were Pope, to transport the wars into Naples & Sicil, which conquest was the way to have overthrown their whole race, or else in achiving their enterprise (wherein France should have won more than by keeping them upon her hands as she hath done) to have bound themselves for their life time about their necks, a bond of the maintenance and keeping of their new conquered dominions. Howbeit under this pretence the Cardinal pinched at all assays, insomuch that for this cause and others, he jested with them in good earnest, who so cunningly turned the letters of the name of Charles of Lorraine, that thereby he found this which truly we might reproach unto him to be most true. RACLE AS L'OR DE HENRY, signifying, Thou hast scraped away all Henry's gold. But hereof we will speak some what more particularly.  
proceeding therefore in our matter, after the loss of so many men at S. Laurence battle, together with the taking of the Constable, and other contrary chances, the Cardinal finding (as he supposed) the best occasion possible offered for the advancement of his family, displayed at that present his whole wit toward the execution of his purposes. The first was by making his brother in effect during the reign of King Henry, a King: The other so well to wrap his ivy about the pinakle, that finally the one might overthrow the other, which was by motioning a double alliance: the one, of his niece Marie Stuard Queen of Scots unto Francis King Henry's eldest son, the other was of his cousin Charles Duke of Lorraine unto the Lady claud of France. Again, the Constable's absence, of whom the Cardinal stood in great awe and fear, whom also marvelously he hated, did altogether hearten him on.  
As for the first point, the affairs being troubled in Picardy, and the realm void of forces, the Cardinal thought it best to call home those that before were sent into Italy: & the while to watch, lest any other should have undertaken the superintendence & ruling of the affairs, hoping (seeing the Constable detained) to commit the same into the hands of his brother the Duke of Guise, presently upon his return: who about the same time had been repulsed from before Ciuitella, so that this commandment came fitly to him: The esquire Scipio also was sent to hasten him away, and to will him to bring his power with him: being come, the Cardinal caused him presently to be sent to Compiegne there to muster the army, whither as the King shortly after followed him, publishing in the presence of his knights of the order, and Captains of his army, that the Duke of Guise was come in fit time to preserve his realm, and minded to have made him Viceroy, or under King of France: but forasmuch as that title seemed strange, he commanded to dispatch him a warrant for the King's lieutenant generalshippe throughout all the said Kings dominions: the which du Thyer secretary of commandments soon made in such manner as it pleased the Cardinal to devise, being also afterward received and verified by the court of Parliament of Paris, and sundry other Parliaments of the Realm, whereby the Princes of the blood were contemptuously put back: as also after the taking of Calais they procured the preferring of the Duke of Nevers before the Prince of Conde, concerning the charge of the light horsemen: Yea, within a year after, the Marshal Brissac was also preferred before the said Prince of Conde in the government of Picardy.  
The Duke of Guise having gotten this commission, and men over whom to command, swelled manifestly in pride, whiles in the mean time the Cardinal playing upon his harp in the midst of all these broils lulled King Henry on sleep in the bosom of the villainous Seneschal. Nevertheless Henry, who on the one part vehemently loved his gossip the Constable, and on the other part had not his eyes so overcome with sleep, but that sometimes he opened them, and so perceived the Guisians taking over highly upon them, whereat he finally begun somewhat to be displeased with him, not refraining from discharging presently part of that which afterward he considered more largely of: for he excused himself toward his gossip, secretly certifying him, that he had been compelled to make the Duke of Guise his Lieutenant general, also to agreed to the marriage of the Dauphine, with many other things against his will, but that the time should do him right.  

●a●●f the ●ine Marry  This marriage of the Dauphine was in this wise. The Cardinal perceiving no man at the court able to control him: his brother upon his return out of Italy, & the Constable prisoner, began to motion the marriage of his niece the Queen of Scots: for the compassing whereof he propounded that the King might during his own natural life, 
●e of  behold as well his son a crowned King, as the Emperor Charles had in his time seen his son Philippe crowned King of England. He procured also the estates of Scotland to hasten this matter, soliciting them thereunto by the lord of Oisell, who had the superintendence of the Queen dowagers affairs in that country. Also to the end to 'cause the Queen of France to condescend unto this marriage, who still alleged that he need not be so hasty, seeing both the parties were in the King's hands, & besides that her son the Dauphin was yet to young, and not all the best at ease, he began to show himself enemy unto the great Seneschal Duchess of Valentinois, and her to blame so much as in him lay, as disdaining the remembrance of her alliance, no longer remembering (or at the lest counterfeiting forgetfulness) that she had been the only ladder whereby both he and all his brethren had gotten up so high. This did he, thinking it the readiest way to win the Queen's heart, who mortally hated the said Duchess, and not without cause as all the world knoweth. To be brief, this practice so well served his turn in the advancement of his business, that within seven months after the taking of the Constable, this marriage was accomplished, & thence forth Francis was called King Dauphin, and so consequently the lords of Guise the King's uncles.  
The taking of Calais, 
The ta● of Calai●  the enterprise whereof the Constable, the Admiral, and the lord of Senarpont had long before devised and forecast, augmented the hatred conceived in King Henry his heart against the Duke of Guise. For having often heard of the easiness of the same, he had many times purposed himself to have taken it in hand, but the Cardinal seeking the winning of the Frenchmens' hearts unto his own family, procured the King's mind to be altered, and the charge thereof to be committed to the Duke of Guise, who nevertheless made the matter very dangerous, esteeming it unpossible to bring to pass: yea he stood so much thereupon (such was his valiantness) that he protested that his proceeding therein was only to obey the King's express commandment, who incessantly motioned the contrary, affirming no difficulty at all to be therein. Wherefore seeing now how the commendations of the said Duke of Guise were therefore sung and published over his whole Realm, he could not but openly affirm that the said Duke had defrauded him of an honour to himself only appertaining.  

●e peace ●cluded ●o the king ●payne.  Moreover, under matters of goodliest show outwardly, the Cardinal still concealed strange drifts tending to the exalting of his race, through the overthrow of France. He nourrished the wars of Picardy and Italy, he broke the truce, he with his brother governed all for the satisfying of his ambition, and preparing of his path to proceed further, and yet was not all this sufficient. He must therefore try some other means. The Duchess of Lorraine motioned some peace with King Philippe, whereof the Cardinal taking his advantage, as shortly we shall perceive, procured to himself the commission to go to her, to the end there to find out some other means, which was this. The bishop of Arras now called Cardinal Granuelle, being come as the King of Spain's deputy to this interview, alleged among other things, that France was infected with Lutherans, among whom some were even of the chiefest lords, naming the lord d'Andelot, adding also that some of the Princes were of the same profession, who by means thereof lay in wait for the crown, whereunto they might easily attain through the aid and support of the Protestants, as lately he had perceived. These words were not spoken in waist: for the Cardinal thereby desirous to frame some practice, disclosed to Granuelle all that he knew touching certain offers which the Protestant Princes had made to King Henry, together with the meetings thereupon between the King of Navarre and them. This spoke he now to the end to hear the other's opinion, knowing that unless he found some occasion to stir up households in France, his own drifts would be in vain, & his family come to decay. Granuelle on the other side, considering of what importance in his master's affairs the breaking of these practices with the Protestants might be, together with the Cardinal of Lorraine laid this foundation of peace: namely that their masters were either of them of such force, that in case the one should overthrow the other, a third person might easily overcome the conqueror, and therefore that it was necessary to agreed them in such manner, that with their whole power they might together set upon these gospelers, thereby to get the recompense for their own losses, first putting to death all such as were within the jurisdictions of both princes, not sparing any. For the Cardinal of Lorraine hoped that the Princes and great lords of France (which were thought to be Lutherans) being dead, the King and Realm should thereby be so weakened that his family might with less travail and cost enjoy the same. Also that their confiscations might be employed to the winning of servants and friends. But that which most of all encouraged him to undertake this matter, was that Granuelle showed him, that he knew no knight or captain living more honoured and regarded then the Duke of Guise, who therefore was most worthy of such a commission. For presently he began in a foolish kind of vain hope to swallow up whole countries and kingdoms, persuading himself to strike his stroke under the goodliest pretence possible, namely the zeal of Religion, all which was but the destruction of Henry, his estate and succession. For the Cardinal having once rooted this principal proposition in our King's hearts, namely that they aught to strain their consciences, also that unto Heretics they were not to observe any faith, thereby he struck two wonderful blows. first, he drew to him most of the Catholic great lords, especially the Constable & others very affectionate protectors of France, whom he made his executioners in cutting of their own arms and legs, by persecuting their fellow citizens. Secondly, he should thereby make away the Princes, many noble lords, sundry gentlemen & infinite true Frenchmen, who together yielded the crown impregnable, and terrible in the eyes of their enemies. But under these two fetches are hidden so many slights and practices, as that it is unpossible to name them all, wherefore we will hear rehearse some, to the end the readers may the better call the rest to mind, not forgetting how that since that the Cardinal had found this door open, neither the King, neither his successors had ever any rest, because they have given over them selves unto such pernicious counsel as hath been also the destruction of the Cardinal himself, and of most part of his abettors and supporters, and undoubtedly will in time entrap his whole family and progeny: in as much as it is the will of God the just judge, that into the pit which the wicked have digged, themselves shall first fall, and so be ensnared in the net that they have pitched for others, and finally be strangled with the same cord that they have twisted for their neighbours.  
To conclude, the peace was granted to the great prejudice of France, but the Cardinal forced not of the price, so that it might in any wise serve his purpose. The first article imported, that both the Kings should procure a general council, wherewith to repress all heresies, which was as much to say, as after that the Pope and his adherents had concluded thereupon, they should on all sides assail the Lutherans, wherein the Duke of Guise should be one of the first that should be set on work. As for the rest of the articles, they were such, as that by the report of most men, the Cardinal in them showed himself so faithful unto the King of Spain, that most of them proceeded in his favour, without any, or at the lest with very simple controversy. And notwithstanding both the Constable and Marshal of S. Andrew's were joined in commission with him, yet did both he and Granuelle extremely prosecute the King of Spain's commodity. As for the Constable, notwithstanding he plainly beheld the open wrong offered to his master, & did somewhat smell out the Cardinal's intent, yet through an earnest desire which he had to return into France, there to repress (through his credit with King Henry) the ambition of the said Guisians, who in his opinion took their flight over high, the effects whereof were partly discovered in the practice of the marriage of their niece, for he began to fear lest this fire should take such hold, as that in time it could hardly be quenched, did therefore easily permit himself to be drawn away after the Cardinal's lure in these affairs.  
And the Marshal of S. Andrew's was no such man as durst withstand the Cardinal: for having obtained his honour through such means as all men wots, it was no news though his mind were servile and his heart of small force or courage. Also although the Cardinal mistrusted that the King's earnest affection unto the Constable would procure, that presently upon his return he should become especial & principal counsellor unto him, yet accounting the peace, as the briefest and most ready way to hasten the course of his thoughts, he earnestly pursued the publication thereof.  
About the same time, 
The Cardinals' pursy against t● Protestā●  the Protestants through the favour of sundry great lords and judges of the realm, began to look abroad and lift up their heads: but the Cardinal presently caught hold of this occasion, thereby to further his intents: His determination therefore was to quail the upright judges, hereby to discover the best affected, to the end to triumph either in suppressing their constancy, or else in rooting them out, to plant men of his own begetting in their rooms, whom afterward he might govern as he list, and through whom he also might undermine all other. proceeding on still he knoweth that the protestants must either forsake their religion, or else maintain the same. The forsaking of it, is the means at better leisure to bring them into bondage and fleze them. The maintaining of it must consist in the support of the mighty, and men of authority, who thereby shall consequently be excluded the court and all affairs of estate: whereby he & his supporters shall bear such sway as finally no man shall be so bold as to withstand him. he moreover assured himself in such wise to provoke King Henry against the mightiest, that the place should remain empty for him and his brethren of Guise. He thought this also a very honest opportunity to trip the Constable, by reason that his nephews of Chastillon, together with the King of Navarre and the prince of Conde, being wrested from him under pretence of religion, he should loose the principal stay of his force.  

●he Cardinal joineth ●ue with ●e Parliament of ●aris.  Hereupon he striketh one of his greatest strokes against the Court of Parliament of Paris, beginning first with the Precedent Seguier, who was gone to the court, there to sue for the pay of certain pension due unto him and his companions. For when he had pronounced his oration before the King, the Cardinal stepping forth said unto him. I suppose not that any man seeketh to stop your wages, provided that yourselves do faithfully execute your vocations: and then having sharply rebuked in the whole body of the Parliament their winking at the forming of process against the said protestants, caused the King bitterly to reprove them, and to command them to call the Mercurial which was the very net, wherewith to entrap the hardiest. And having in the parliament many assured servants, through their report he so inflamed the King, that he determined personally there to assist, whereas having by course heard the definition of every man, he imprisoned Anna du Bourg and other counsellors. This was the Cardinals proceeding against the fairest pearl in King Henry's crown, procuring, under the beautiful pretence of Religion, the notablest company that was in any place to be found, by little and little for the most part to be converted into a troop of slaves, devoid of all other honour saving the rob and outward countenance: so that among all the mischiefs which ever the Cardinal wrought in France, this hath been one of the principal.  
Also God justly moved against such confused abuses as then began to take root, especially Atheism, Magic, unjustice, whoredoms, with other infamous dealings, began to execute his judgements, whereof the Guisians took occasion the more to trouble the estate. For King Henry died suddenly, being one of the challengers at the tilt with the Duke of Guise, who followed him at the stripe whereof he received his deaths wound.  
We have already plainly perceived how by the wars of Picardy and Italy, 
The behaviours of the Guisians toward the person of King Henry.  the Guisians emfeblished the estate of King Henry. Now let us therefore mark their dealings toward this prince's person, as well in his life time as also at his death.  
This Prince naturally was mild & courteous as all men do know, but in brief, they marvelously altered his nature, so that had he lived any longer, the peace with the King of Spain would have hatched terrible tragedies in this kingdom. Before his coming to the crown, he was committed to the government of the Cardinal, who sought only to corrupt and spoil him, becoming his bawd and minister of amorous behaviours. The very stones, cabins and hangings of the house of Reims, wherein infinite whoredoms have been committed, do yet speak of the same: yea not content to entertain about his person the Duchess of Valentinois, to the Queen's great grief and spite, they did through other inferior servants entice other ladies & gentlewomen on all sides, to the end through such accursed means to win the favour of this prince through the loss of his soul. We will not here speak of the filthy and foul adultery which they procured him to commit at his return out of Piedmont, while he was yet Dauphine, neither of that, that they have brought unto him such as belonged very near unto themselves, to the end he might take his pleasure with them, that is, pollute himself in sundry and strange wise. How often hath the Cardinal fretting at his brother the Duke of Guise, said unto him, that never uckold sung fair song? Let others weigh with themselves whom he touched. Peradventure Henry had companions, but he was the first lost in these filthinesses, through the dealing of these men. Hereof it came that for the destruction both of his body and soul, soon after his coming to the crown, they invented a thousand means to entertain him in wantonness, and turning his mind from God, in succession of time to set all in trouble, whereby themselves might fish the better. We must therefore view some particularities. Queen Katherine de Medicis remained barren sundry years, whereof King Henry being yet Dauphine was very sorrowful. These our lords hereupon having brought in the Seneschal, endeavoured to procure Henry to sand home his wife into Italy. Yea, once at Rossillon upon Rosne they held a great parliament in full determination to sand home this Queen, who afterward was well assisted by the Cardinal of Chastillon in the same matter. Then seemed she an earnest Christian. on the one side, the Bible was still upon the table wherein sometime herself read, sometime she caused others to read: On the other side, it chanced that upon the commandment of the great King Francis, Clement Marot had translated thirty psalms into French, which were set in music by sundry good musicians, for both the King and the Emperor Charles the fifth had allowed of this translation, as appeared both in their words and rewards: But whosoever loved or fervently embraced them, ordinarily either singing or causing them to be sung, this young Prince Henry then Dauphine was nothing behind, whereupon the Godly praised God, and his minions, yea the Seneschal herself counterfeited a love of them, & would say to him, My lord, Shall not I have this? you shall give me that if it please you. Whereby sometimes he had enough to do to satisfy both his own fancy and theirs also. Howbeit he especially kept for himself the hundred & eight and twentieth Psalm, beginning thus, Blessed art thou that fearest God, etc. Whereto himself set a tune, both very pleasant and correspondent unto the words. The same did he so often sing, and cause to be sung, that every man might thereby perceive how desirous he was to be blessed in stock, as that psalm doth import. Shortly hereafter the Dauphine multiplied in children: but her husband Henry in stead of acknowledging such a benefit, began to follow the abominations of this villainous Seneschal, doing worse than before, so that I may (as I suppose) say this blessing was turned into a curse, whereunto the Cardinal of Lorraine was a fit instrument: For he perceiving that Henry delighted in these holy songs, which are the bulwark of chastity, and capital enemies unto all filthiness, fearing jest thereby with the time he might be won the better to love his wife, and to sand away his harlot, and so consequently the credit of my Lords of Guise, being builded upon so filthy a foundation should fall down, began first to reprove the translation, and then the Psalms themselves, substituting in their steads the lascivious verses of Horace, together with other foolish songs and abominable love matters of our French Poets whom he brought into credit. Then began Ronsarde, Iodelle, Baife, and other vile Poets to come into estimation. And God no longer permitted his Name to be so profaned, but plucked away his praises, to the end to commit them to the mouths of infants and babes. The Psalms, and Marot himself were together banished. All kind of vile songs and lascivious music took place, through the especial favour of the Cardinal the Maecenas to all these villainous inventors. And the better to end all their labour, they through the Seneschal took from the King all godly music, and deprived the Queen of her chaplain Boteyler, who in those days preached the word sincerely, giving unto King Henry a Sorbonical doctor of their own, a man both ignorant and wicked even to the end, and so plucked out of his heart, that little spark of godliness which peradventure was entered thereinto. Afterwards, they become King Henry's companions, especially after he was King, yea in more wise than honesty could endure. Here therefore to rehearse and stir up such villainies, it were but to much to trouble the readers: Let such therefore as can call to mind all the time passed, since the year 1550. even unto death, with me reduce before their eyes the wicked practices which the Guisians have practised upon this poor Prince. First in the destruction of his soul, maintaining a harlot in his bosom, and behaving themselves so unworthily in his service, as that willingly I would to God I had never heard speaking thereof. The very tablets made and presented unto the Cardinal himself, together with his countenances and manners of behaviour have sufficiently showed it. Again, what goodness have they done to the Queen? Nay, what evil have they not committed against her? Henry left four sons alive. First, how they dealt with Francis, we shall presently perceive. What confusions have we through their means been tossed withal, during the reign of Charles? Or if the Cardinal lived, how would he handle Henry the third through the means of Queen Louyse of Lorraine? Loved he the Duke of Alenson? Nay, but contrariwise at the King's departure into Poland, he defrauded the said Duke of the lieutenantshippe, conferring the same to his nephew the Duke of Lorraine, and under colour thereof governed more malapertly than ever before. But all these injuries do require a more exact discourse, which hereafter we will look upon. Thus therefore having scorned Henry and all his, they have replenished his house with abominations, and his realm with troubles, they have destroyed the mighty, entrapped the mean sort, and brought all things into such confusion, that in man's judgement the kingdom is passed all hope of restoration, or being reduced to any small form of the pristinate and ancient glory. In this Prince Henry the seconds life time, also they began to note out such of his servants as displeased them, dispersing some of them abroad, bringing others into displeasure, removing from the King his faithful counsellors & bringing in their own minions & bondmen, through whose means this Prince was persuaded that the Lords of Guise were his most trusty and faithful servants, who sowed dissension among the other Princes and great Lords, to the end that drawing the one party unto their side, they might with the less labour destroy the other. All these particularities shall better be seen hereafter in their order, whereby these injuries shall plainly be perceived. At this present thus much we will say, which also all true Frenchmen will stand unto: that considering the brevity of King Henry's life, he did them in so short time more good, than any King his predecessor did ever unto all his whole household together: he suffered more, he bore more with them, endured more sorrow, grief, undutiful behaviours, losses and hindrances by them, than ever master, friend or father sustained at the hands of their servants, companions, or children. For besides that while he lived, they infinite ways and times, turned away from him, seeking the destruction of both his body and soul to their powers, they have also contaminated his house, marred his children, and consumed his people: even at his death they have showed what regard in his life time they had unto him. We heard before how the eldest brother perceiving the death of the great King Francis at hand, scorned him, calling him yoncker. They all now have been nothing behind, but have uttered many more signs of disobedience, and of their treacherous hearts toward King Henry at his death, who was their especial friend, natural Lord and mighty benefactor. What a sight was it to the French nation bewailing the so untimely and unlooked for death of their Prince, to behold at the same instant of his decease, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine with joyful countenances, taking their young King and nephew, and transporting him from the Tournelles unto the Louvre? Yea, there was one who seemed to name that day, and that not impertinently, the Even of the feast of three Kings. For there was no man so ignorant, but that viewing these Lords on horseback, might well judge that France should now have the King inheritor, King in name only, and the two Lords of Lorraine Kings in effect, or at the lest, two crafty and cruel tyrants, a since they have manifested themselves. Moreover it is the duty of the great chamberlain to take the charge over the dead King's corpses until it be buried: Now the Duke of Guise was great chamberlain, for he had even in manner forcibly taken the same office from the house of Longueville. Who then letted the Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorraine, having a King at their devotion, yea, if we may so say, at their commandment, from doing their duties, but that needs they must presently forsake the corpses as some filthy carrion? What may be said of them that so shamefully abandoned the corpses of their King and Lord, nothing caring or thinking upon the guard and burial of the same? for the which cause both the Constable and all other the Kings trusty & faithful servants remained still behind. Yea, if they had but stayed until the body had been cold and assuredly dead, or at the lest if they had but showed some countenance of sorrow. Howbeit peradventure this inhumanity proceeded of that they had gotten some inkling that King Henry was minded to drive them away, presently after the triumphs and feasts were ended: or rather their own ambition permitted them not long to defer the discovery of that which their hearts conspired, which was, under the name of their nephew Francis to reign over us, waiting better occasion to proceed. Well peradventure they dealt better with Francis the second, and so behaved themselves, that now they deserved to have their former offences concealed. Let us therefore see whether it be so or not.  

●eir beha●urs toord Fran● the se●d.  This young Prince, being sixteen years old at the most, reigned scarce seventeen months fully: but we may say and lie not, that never Realm in seventeen months space was so shaken as our poor France, all through these men's ambition: yea I dare affirm that in case God for the just punishment of our sins had prolonged the said Francis reign other seventeen months, the house of Valois had utterly lost the crown, and the whole nobility might well have prepared themselves unto death, or other strange bondage and violences. The people, the officers of justice and even the Clergy themselves could have assured themselves of no other than most horrible tyranny. To the end therefore, that all this may the more evidently be perceived, let us mark the ordering of the Realm in the said seventeen months space. First they ravished the King out of the hands of the Estates of the Realm and officers of the crown, conveying him even at the hour of his father's death into the Louvre, with his brethren, mother and wife. There they so warily watched him and diligently kept him, that no man might come near him, unless some of the Guisians were at hand. At the same time also began they to be called the King's keepers. They drive away the Constable and others, they sand away the Princes of the blood, one to carry the order into Spain, an other to conduct the lady Elizabeth, another to confirm the peace in Flanders: and finally used them, as we shall see coming to speak of their dealings toward sundry Princes of the blood. They take or rather wrest from them the dealings in the affairs of estate: for when the Parliaments had sent their deputes to the King, he gave them to understand that his two uncles, the Cardinal of Lorraine and the Duke of Guise had the whole dealings: commanding that thence forth all men should resort unto them in all matters touching the estate of him and his Realms and dominions, charging all men to obey them as himself. Here you see them by their own instrument declared Kings: for this young Prince being of no experience, and miserable in that he was linked in to such company, said and did nothing but what they lusted: because the Cardinal had so enured him to his signs, that at the lest motion of his countenance, the King spoke, walked or held his peace, etc. In so much that he was also termed the King's life or soul, for, to say the truth, he caused the King to move or stand still, yea to counterfeit what countenance so ever he thought good.  
Having scattered the princes and lords whom they suspected, let us behold how they dealt with the rest. As touching the privy council, after they had once assured themselves of the chancellor Oliver whom they revoked, who also so far forgot God and himself, that he gave them his conscience, they brought thereinto whomsoever themselves reposed any confidence in. After the time of Henry, the Parliaments consisted of such men as had brought in most money, and the chiefest favour of mighty men. The Guisians considering that they stood in need of such men, had brought in by little and little the children of the greatest usurers and extortioners, with such other manner of people, who have corrupted all divine & human equity, and retailed such offices as they bought by great, or had in recompense of some bribes, revealed contrary to their oath the secrets of the Court, and finally violated justice in all sorts: so that it was an easy matter for the Guisians to order these courts at their own devotions, bridling some, and replenishing other some with vain hope. That which touching these matters they had practised in the time of Henry, they did now under Francis the second more hotly proceed in, in so much that since they have had great support on that side. They began also to order the estates of the King's household, usurping therein the office of the Constable as then great Master still. To the end to bring in their own servants, and men of their own conditions, they displaced part of the late King's officers, who before had still continued from the father to the son, whom they lest under pretence of good husbandry: others they dismissed giving them half pay in the name of pensions, notwithstanding the new estate of household officers did far surmount the other. The provinces of the Realm and frontier towns, were furnished with their supposts, and such as liked them not were sent home to their dwelling places: All governors, heads and captains of wars and towns, were commanded to obey the Duke of Guise, as the Kings own person. The revenues were put into the hands of such as the Cardinal most favoured, and all the courts of Parliament were admonished, that he had the superintendence over all matters of estate. To the end themselves only may remain armed, they forbidden the wearing of all arms, especially of dags and fire woods, also of long cloaks and great hosen. For the Cardinal being of a cowardly nature, was warned by a Necromantian at Rome, that he should be slain with some fire staff through the envy of such enemies as he should procure in France, when he were at his highest degree of honour.  
Their first tyrannous practice was in persecuting the Protestants in the persons of certain counsellors of the Parliament of Paris, especially Anna du Bourg, whose process is amply described in sundry treatises and discourses, especially in the history of Francis the second lately set forth, which revealeth sundry villainous injustices and wickedness, committed by certain judges whom the Cardinal had opposed and suborned.  
another practice was in raising the commons against the Nobility in manner following. For to suppress such as might contrary them, also to obtain the goodwill of the commons, and to make their government agreeable unto them, they published letters of revocation of all alienations, as well for life as years, whether they were in recompense for service or otherwise, except sales, the coin whereof had been bestowed upon the kings great and weighty affairs, without any collusion, together with the appanage of the daughters of France, and the dowry of the late Queen Eleonor, which the infant of Portugal did possess, all the rest were thereby reunited unto the Kings domains and ordinary receits. This was the way to bring the mighty into their hands, and procure them selves more servants than before, by obtaining for them such declaratory letters as themselves listed.  
The third practice was by driving away the King of Navarre the first prince of the blood, through the most unworthy means that might be, which also shall be mentioned in the treatise of their dealings against the princes of the blood.  
By the fourth they wrested from the Constable the office of great Master, for the Duke of Guise, & bought the Marshal Brissac with the government of Picardy, which they plucked out of the hands of the Admiral of Chastillon.  
In the fifth, to the end to fortify themselves against the preparatives framed for the repressing of their tyranny, they made eighteen knights of the order at one clap, making of a mark of knighthood, thoroughly tried and unblamable, a collar unto all kind of beasts.  
For the sixth, considering that all this was not sufficient, but that with the time it was to be feared, lest the estates would challenge their ancient privileges & liberty, by means whereof their licentiousness would lie on long, first they caused the King wonderfully to mislike of the voice that went, that the people was determined in the King's minority to demand the estates: & this brought they very subtly to pass through divers sleights, the principal whereof was to bring the mightiest into fear through some notable means, & so to win the Queen mother, that she might be the instrument to strike this stroke. They therefore propounded unto this woman, who otherwise was sufficiently pinched with the burning irons of her own ambition, that if the estates should take place, as the enemies of her authority wished, she should be sent to dress & trim her gardens, or else conveyed over the mounts: & therefore, that as her faithful servants, they counseled her to look to it. Now they regarded not her so much, for in case King Francis had overlived the King of Navarre, & Prince of Conde, whom they were determined to put to death a little before that the estates were holden at Orleans, they would soon have made her to have scudded, for they marvelously suspected her mind & nature: it was therefore their own commodity whereat they leveled. But this woman feigning not to perceive their subtleties, told them that she believed their words, & still the more & more to establish herself, & play them some fine prank, she writ to her son in law the King of Spain, complaining upon the King of Navarre & the princes, as if they had sought (by means of the estates) to reduce her unto the estate of a handmaid Sun after returned the packet out of Spain, wherein King Philippe writ how he was certified that certain seditious persons & rebels, endeavoured to move some troubles, seeking to altar the regiment of the kingdom so wisely already established by so many counsellors, & by the late King Henry his good brother & father in law, as if the King his brother in law were not of himself capable to administer it, or to commit it unto such as he thought good without the intermeddling of any other consent, or receiving any law at his subjects hands, which he aught not to permit: wherefore for his part he would willingly employ his whole power in the maintenance of the authority of him and his ministers, although it should cost both the life of himself, and of forty thousand men whom he had in a readiness, if any man should attempt the contrary: for, said he, he bore him so great good will, that he would declare himself the tutor and protector both of him and his kingdom, and also of his affairs, the which were to him in no less recommendation than his own. Thus may you see how the heredital enemy of the crown of France was called to the defence of their tyranny. Many accounted these letters full of wondered presumption, that a foreign prince durst thus openly in the presence of the whole privy counsel (for these letters were read among them all even before the King of Navarre's face) abolish the french liberty, and overthrow the authority of the estates. But the Guisians had already advertised him in what estate all things stood, and in case matters had so fallen out as they began to do, he had had his share among them. So at the same instant, these the spaniardes letters were as effectual as they desired, for presently the King of Navarre began to cap them, and of his own accord to seek all occasions whereby to return to the defence & custody of his country. howbeit the better to walk him, he together with the Cardinal of Bourbon & the Prince of la Roch Suryon who were joined in his commission, were appointed to conduct the Lady Elizabeth the king's sister who was married to the spaniard, & her at the frontiers both of France & Spain to deliver up.  
Now therefore perceiving that the more they sought the hastening of the overthrow of France, the more they opened the mouths of all true Frenchmen, they determined to fortify themselves by alluring the Parliaments, the Clergy and the men of war to their parts. The Cardinal supposed the advancement of religion, and multiplication of the professors thereof, to be to him a goodly pretence wherewith to entice the Clergy: As for the Parliaments, in as much as many of the counsellors and precedents placed in the same, came in at the windows, and were men but of small consciences, they needed no great labour to hasten them forward to the assubiecting of themselves to the house of Guise, for such good men as remained, being terrified with the exmples of Anna du Bourg and others, laid their hands upon their mouths. Also the men of war seeing the Princes hold their pieces, and perceiving the Duke of Guise in his armour, whilst others both high and low were in their shirts, waiting every hour for to be slain, took part with the mightiest. And notwithstanding all men, one and other, were assured by sufficient conjectures, that the drift whereunto the house of Guise aspired, was far other than they represented: yet they being watered with a certain vain hope, also to the end to maintain themselves in their imagined prosperity, as men utterly devoid of understanding, did wholly cast themselves headlong into this gulf.  
The Guisians being thus in favour, and having expulsed all such as were not of their band, did determine better to look to their matters upon this occasion. As King Francis grew, so did he more and more reveal an assured judgement of his evil health. Now had they married him to their niece the Queen of Scots, and had betimes procured him to taste all worldly delights, and bewrapped in his wife's swathing clouts, to the end to yield him the more suppling and delicate to their handling: But this Prince being sickly, who also in his youth had foreshowed a most dangerous evil disposition, by reason he could neither hoake nor spit forth, caused that certain his physicians of the creation of the Guisians, secretly warned them to provide for their own estates, for as much as the King was no man of long continuance. Upon this report, the Cardinal having already most men bound to his hand, to the end to find out their affections toward the King, would sometime bewail the misery of the present time, also the Kings unweldines, who should not peradventure have leisure, said he, to punish the heretics, so that all things might after his death happily be turned otherwise. Having then struck this stroke, and finding that many did even half wish that he would invent some steadfast means, proceeded on inferring upon the King's sickness, whom maliciously he after a manner taxed of leprosy, and that in double consideration: First to bring the Frenchmen out of taste in their natural love which they bear to their Kings, because the King was (as they made men to believe) infected with such a contagious disease, and so to prepare them against a new change: and next to bring the protestants into such hatred (whom he pretended to make authors of this bruit) with the King, that through his commandment they might be utterly extermined, to the end that they being thus made away, the Guisians might find no man to withstand them. Following this determination, they bruited abroad through their partakers, that the King went to Bloys to take physic for the spots in his face, and when any man asked the meaning of such speech, these spies would closely whisper them in the ears, saying, that assuredly King Francis was infected with leprosy, and that to the end to procure his health, he must necessarily be bathed in the blood of many young children: also that there was already a commission given forth for the taking up of the most beautiful and healthful from four years old unto six. To be brief, these ruffians which followed the Court, being hired by the Cardinal, went abroad into the boroughs, towns, and villages along the river of Loire inquiring of the number of children, being presently followed by an other number, who enquired whether any had been there to take a register of their said children, willing them to take heed how they did deliver them, because it was to the end to bathe the King in their blood. These voices mightily terrified all the country about Loire, and the King after his coming to Bloys heard thereof also, whereat both he and his mother were greatly moved. But the Cardinal cast all the fault upon the Protestants, so persuading the King, that he kindled in him such a hatred as remained printed in his heart unto his lives end. Howbeit one of these villains who had spread these news, and under colour of warning the parents had gathered great store of money, being taken near unto Loches, and found guilty; and so finally condemned to be beheaded, confessed, maintained and affirmed even until his last gasp, that the Cardinal had caused to give this commission both to him and many others. All which notwithstanding, they bent against the Protestants, and although that a month or five weeks before they had published a sufficient rigorous Edict against the said Protestants, yet did the Cardinal now set on a fresh onset of three Edicts in November, 1559. In one of the which these words were expressed. That in the assemblies both by day and night of the Protestants, not only the use of the Romish church was villainously profaned, but also that there were sundry vile words, both infamous, and reproachful against the King, and such as in deed tended only to the encouraging of the commons to sedition, were there also dispersed and spread abroad. But all this served only to provoke sundry persons, yea, such as were indeed enemies to the religion, and to move them to suspect that there was other matter then religion, which in this point, as also in many others, served but for a shadow. In the mean time the Guisians raised such a blot upon their nephew, that although he were no leper, yet after those reports he lost most part of his reputation.  
Hereupon also arose two new accidents, which brought the Cardinal again out of temper: the one was because the precedent Minard one of his slaves of the Parliament of Paris, was slain with a dag by unknown persons: another was that one of his good servants named julian Farm, was also killed near unto Chambourg where the King was. This Farm was departed to carry many remembrances to Paris, concerning the making of the processes of divers of the greatest Princes and Lords of the realm, together with many notable persons, favourers of the religion. The Cardinal therefore taking his advantage of these occasions, gave a new onset with this slander aforesaid upon the Protestants, and by letters patents forbiddeth the bearing of arms more straightly than before, through such reports bringing the King into the hatred of the people, which never was wont so to be suspected. During these affairs, namely the three and twentieth day of December, the Counsellor du Bourg was put to death, together with sundry other Protestants in divers places, to the great displeasure and grief not only of sundry Frenchmen, but also of many foreign Princes.  
Howbeit all this is nothing in respect of such confusions and mishaps, as the Guisians did afterward entangle the King and his dominions in. For their dealings openly importing tyranny, their usual threats against the mightiest in the realm, their setting back of the Princes and great Lords, their despising of the estates of the realm, their corrupting of the chiefest of the justices, who were reduced to the devotion of these new governors, the revenues of the kingdom at their commandment divided, and given where they pleased, as likewise were all offices and benefices, and to be brief, their violent regiment being of itself unlawful, had altogether provoked & moved such hatred against them both of great and small, that thereof proceeded the enterprise whereof la Renaudier was captain in the name, & under the aduow of the second Prince of the blood, the handling & breaking whereof we will more largely declare in the title of their behaviours to the nobility.  
At this present let us mark how at that time they mocked the king and his estate. 
Of the enterprise of Amboyse.  A certain advocate of Paris named des Auenelles, had warned them that there were certain practices in hand against them, whereupon they used the help of the Queen mother in calling the lords of Chastillon to the court, where by their advice they framed a new edict in the King's name, in the which they qualified the rigours of such as before stood in force against the protestants. This did they only to the end to break of the said enterprise, minding incontinently after to revoke the same, as by particular letters they certified their bond slaves of the Parliament of Paris, whereas this edict was immediately published, and the qualifications enregistered in the secret register, in such wise nevertheless that some counsellors so far forgot themselves, as to say that it was but a false trap to catch the protestants in. This was their dallying with the King's faith, bringing upon our Kings an infamous blot & blemish, namely to be perjurers and unfaithful. In the mean time having fresh advertisements, instead of thinking upon their regiment, or effectually declaring that they meant not to be such men as hitherto they had been reported, either that they sought to tread down the King's authority, they now gathered power on all sides, gave money out of the King's coffers to Auenelles and other spies, sent men of war every way, and kept the king in the midst of themselves, procuring, during these broils, certain letters whereby the Duke of Guise was made lieutenant general for the King with all absolute authority: then was there no talk but of putting all to fire and sword, and slaying of infinite noble men and gentlemen, and so blemishing the name, honour, sight & reign of this young King, with the most horrible cruelties that ever were known. for the firmament, earth & sea shallbe witnesses of the barbarousness of these monsters, who have replenished all France with blood, the heavens with witnesses and judges, and the earth with complaints. Their treachery appeared in that they would never permit the King to hear (as he aught to have done) the just complaints of his subjects, whom they so villainously entreated before his eyes. He often demanded even with tears what he had done against his people, why they should be so moved against him (for these Lords still blue in his ears that they sought to slay him, and under pretence thereof, had environed him with troops of armed men, gathered from among the worst members of the whole realm, whom since they have continued to the end to keep themselves about our Kings, whose dignity they have thereby converted in to I wots not what kind of Persian pomp, or Turkish terror) and said that he would gladly here their complaints & reasons. yea sometimes he would say to his good uncles: I wots not what these commotions mean: I hear say that you be they whom the people is offended withal: I would to God you would for a while departed, to the end we might be the better certified whether this people be grieved at you or me. But as the murderer that held his enemy's father in his arms did by that means save his own life, so the Guisians joining themselves (as the ivy about the pyramid) close to the young King's sides, did cunningly ward these blows, wherewith undoubtedly they should have been pierced through. They did therefore reject all these the King's words, assuring him that neither he nor my Lords his brethren should remain one hour after their departure, because (say they) the house of Bourbon through the support of the heretics sought utterly to root out him and his. Thus may you see how they envenomed the King against his blood and people, naming to him Valois in stead of Guise, openly playing at King put of thy coat, & yet could not their cruelties stop men from casting these things in their teeth both in word and writing, being accused of weakening, devouring and wasting both the King and his Realm. But all this shall more particularly be described. The Cardinal was then so malapert as in the King's presence to swear by God's blood, that the Baron of Castelnaul should die for it, and that no man should save him. In the mean time the King's edicts posted every way, and the Duke of Guise the more to flout the King, and doubting jest the execution of so many might procure him more hatred among all men, fearing also lest this word, estates, which already began to tingle in their ears, should tickle the people's hearts, thought it best to save the lives (after the manner of a thief which holdeth a man in his mercy at the corner of a wood) of the most part of the poor soldiers who were come on foot: which was done, giving every man closely a testorne.  
I will not here say that they counseled the King to slay the Prince of Conde, neither speak of the means which they used in washing and cleansing themselves in innocent blood, neither of the slanders which they laid upon the dead persons, or of their fair promises for time to come, and all in the King's name, and yet observed nothing: for we shall have time enough to speak thereof more largely hereafter. But I will set before the readers an other wondered injury, which their ambition wrought against the King and his estate.  
Their niece who was married to Francis the second, was Queen of Scots. 
Wars in scotland by ●he Guisians ●eanes at ●e cost of ●rance.  Now challenged she some title to England, because she was the daughter of the son of one of the sisters of King Henry the eight of England, pretending that Queen Elizabeth, at this present reigning, might easily be displaced, especially because that Marie Queen before her, being married to King Philippe had declared her unlawful. They caused therefore their niece to take upon her the title & arms both of England & Scotland, determining finally to appropriate to themselves the realm of England at the cost of France, and in the name of their said niece, whether it were by subtlety or force. Also the religion which Queen Elizabeth professed, seemed to them a meet pretence to win some power in England, where it is not unknown that there are suffered over many of the pope's affectionate servants. Again, the mightiness of the King of France, together with the invincible alliance of both kngdomes was unto them an other cover or cloak, under the which they gathered together many secret servants & pensioners, who sold their wicked consciences by gold weite, and in scoffing at the Guisians, persuaded them that for the attaining of England, it was requsite first to came the Scots, who for the most part were become protestants. For by this goodly exploit, the English Catholics should have a sufficient gage of their rest for time to come: also that it was necessary that one of the six brethren should remain still in Scotland. During these practices, there arose some trouble in Scotland about religion, King Henry the second died, and they seeing themselves on horseback, determined to pursue this prey with horn and cry. They sent therefore the Bishop of Amiens a very nimble person in the court of the Church, who in one month should reduce (said he) all the strayed Scots, & with him lafoy Brosse a hairebrained and furious person, who should murder all in that realm. These two good commissioners being arrived in Scotland, began in their own fancies to make partition of the gentlemen's lands, and selling the bears skin which yet they had not taken, they writ unto the Guisians that there were ways how to draw yearly two hundred thousand crowns out of this kingdom, by putting to death the nobility, and bringing the commons into subjection: also that there they might well lodge a thousand French gentle men, who should be to do the lords of Guise service. God knoweth whither this council clawed them where they itched and whither they maligned the Queen dowager their sister, and her minion the lord of Oysel, who thought it not best to overrun the said Scots, who had blood in their nails, as they showed well, making the Bishop to feel that they had naught to do with his instructions, and compelling la Brosse to return the same way he came, and to go and brag it in some other place, driving away the priests, the Cardinalty and the Papalty, all which, had it not been for the foolish ambition of the Guisians, might well have remained. Also besides this blow they sustained an other onset on the coast of England, for Queen Elizabeth made a large protestation expressly against them, therein setting before all men's sight the causes of these broils, to the King's confusion and the destruction of his realm. And whatsoever countenances or practices that they made afterward, fastening (according to their custom) the fox's skin unto the lions, yet gained they naught else on that side, saving shame to themselves, and loss and hindrance unto the King and his realm.  
While they extended their wings so far of, in France one the one side the protestants multiplied, and on the otherside such as misliked the government of the Guisians, began again to take heart, notwithstanding the success of the enterprise of Amboyse had in the beginning greatly quailed the greatest part. Hereupon the Duke of Guise marvelously chafed that in his government of Dauphine the protestants had first lifted up their heads, brought in sixteen ensigns of the old bands of Piedmont, together with divers companies of other French soldiers, under the conduct of Tauannes, Maugiron and others, who made marvelous havoc in those countries. Sun after also they brought the King to Tours, where they did what they could to have had the town destroyed, for they supposed that the inhabitants thereof had favoured the enterprise of Amboyse, and therefore a great while bore them a milk tooth.  

●he Guisi●s resist 〈◊〉 order.  Thus walking the King up and down, causing him to taste of the bait of all pleasures, they abused his youth and simplicity, daily planting other pillars of their greatness for time to come. & the more they see they were contrariried, the sorer were they envenomed & bend unto new practices, bringing the King into the hatred both of his subjects and strangers, more endamaging the realm in one month then, then before it had been in a whole years war against the Spaniard: for it was incredible what exactions and debts they procured, also what goods themselves hoarded up, during the reign of their said nephew Francis the second. These behaviours together with extreme violence used, brought most part of the commons in manner into despair of ever seeing France again in quiet estate, considering what blows these men struck. To procure therefore some remedy, they first sent under the name of Theophilus, an admonition unto the Queen mother, wherein the tyranny of the Guisians was most lively set forth, the conclusion whereof was, that it was necessary to provide for the government of the estate. also to counsel the King according to the ancient constitutions and customs of France, and not after the appetite of the Guisians. Also that the troubles for Religion were to be appeased by a holy and free Council. The Queen mother being then in their claws, and seeking by all means to please them, served their turn in stead of a spy in all manner possible, and caused the bringer of this admonition to be stayed, and afterward having sought in all places for this Theophilus, and put the bringer in fear, even of beating, considering that such writings might in time quench their fires, and turn the edge of their swords points, they concluded to plant the Spanish inquisition in France, having first by secret servants, maintained at the King's charges, as well in Germany as other where, to their powers defamed with all kind of slanders the said Protestants. Howbeit the wisdom of the chancellor de l'Hospital, who politicly handled these thorns, after a manner broke this blow: For in place of the Spanish inquisition they framed the Edict called of Romorantin, which forbade all unlawful assemblies, comprehending under that title all preachings and exercises of Religion. But in stead of appeasing the troubles, this Edict doubled them in all places. The thing which most began to quicken their spirits, was a book entitled the King's majority, written in the favour of the Guisians by john du Tillet a clerk of the court of Parliament of Paris, notwithstanding his entertainment at the Cardinal's hands, should never have procured his appetite thereunto, but in those days all men worshipped these our Lords, who in deed were even as Kings.  
To this book was made a quick and lively answer, which afterward was followed by a number of other small pamphlets, for the which there was great search made, yea, such as to 'cause to hung Martin l'Hommet, who had printed one, called The Tiger of France, wherein the Cardinal among his other brethren was painted out in all his colours. On the one side, the Cardinal feigned a kind of joy that he was thus made immortal, and on the other side, he practised men to answer these libels, which discovered his sleights, and already made his Legend, immortalizing in deed the filthiness both of him, and of his whole family. But among other, Du Tillet, who had received a shrewd yerke, excused himself for ever after, and exhorted the Cardinal to provide for his affairs by some other means, namely, by using against both the persons & goods of the Protestants, all kind of rigours which he could devise, to the end they might take no sure footing, neither have their minds at liberty: showing him that he might particularly writ unto the Princes, whose counsel the Cardinal immediately followed as the most expedient.  

●ew ruins ●f the ●ealme.  Now to maintain their credit among foreign Princes, and to discover whatsoever was said or done, besides the ordinary ambassadors, who were at the Guisians devotion, they did with store of coin win divers Prince's servants, having in Spain, England & Germany, pensioners at the cost of the Realm of France. Moreover, besides these they had in the courts of these foreign Princes, and of the Princes & Lords of France also, other secret servants, to whom they gave such pensions, that the only expenses of secret servants in France, amounted to above twenty thousand franks by month. They had also ordinary posts, who ran spying in the ynnes abroad in the countries, to mark the behaviours of all men, whereby sundry not thinking thereupon, were shortly after imprisoned, and brought to that point that they were no more heard of.  
These things thus established, they renewed their league with the Queen mother, wrote unto all their partakers, and gathered up so many men as they could, in so much that the Duke of Guise durst make his vaunt, that he had the promises of twelve hundred french gentlemen of name, and the oaths of the captains, with whom, together with the old bands come out of Piedmont, and others whom he had at commandment, he would overrun all his enemies. The Cardinal also propounded unto the King's council, that it were good to seize upon the Prince of Condes person, who was burdened to be the chief captain of the enterprise of Amboise: and hearing that he was gone into Bearn, they persuaded the King that it was to the end to arrear new war against him, and so to escape punishment for his former offence. This entry being made, they dispatched out new commissions for the raising of men, to the end to assail the King of Navarre, who had withdrawn the Prince, his brother. They sent also the Marshal of Saint Andrew's to espy the Prince's demeanour. They fetched through the means of the Queen mother, one named lafoy Planche, to the end by him more particularly to hear the complaints of the Huguenots of estate and Religion, whereby they might with new subtleties arm themselves there-against. Also from that time forward they were so impudent, and she also, if I be not deceived, as to affirm, that the means to remedy so many discontentations, was by causing to march always a Prince of the blood, and then one of the house of Guise, a Prince and a Guisian, and so forward. Wherein they sufficiently discovered what mind led them. Then they changed the governors as they thought best, they sent la Motte Gondrin into Dauphine, and others of their own stamp here and there, after this manner laying their nets, the more easily to entangle their enemies.  
And as God's judgements in this one point are admirable, namely that the stoutest contemners of his majesty have for a while all things succeeding according to their desires, to the end their fall afterward may be the greater: so happened it to the Guisians. For lying in watch, and not knowing at which end to begin, lafoy Sague a Biscain gentleman being sent from the prince of Conde to solicit his friends, was taken at Fountainbleau with sundry instructions, by means whereof together with his own confessions upon the rack, they did more evidently than before, perceive the string of their tyranny to be in manner cut a sunder, unless they took the better heed. First therefore they imprisoned le Vidame de Chartres and the Prince of Condyes' mother in law: then sent they the County Ringrave unto the frontiers of Lorraine, there to keep in a readiness a regiment of Lansquenets and two thousand arquebusiers. They 'cause the old bands comen out of Piedmont, to descend along the river of Loire into Dauphine, feigning that they would sand them into Scotland: but they sojourned in Gyen and about Mountargis, there at their need to assure themselves of the Admiral's houses. There did they commit infinite mischiefs, and yet escaped punishment, to the end afterward they might do the better service, spoiling or ransoming the best houses, violating the fairest virgins and women, and to the end to suffer no justice, it was sufficient to accuse the plaintiffs to be Huguenots.  

●he assembly at Foū●●inbleau.  Hereupon happened an other expedient means to bring their purposes to the better pass. The Queen mother seeing so many preparatives, also that among all these tempests she could not easily continue, for that one of the parties would humble her, for she more feared the Guisians a hundred fold then any others, accounting herself certain, (as indeed it was true) that if they overcame the Princes of the blood, they would neither spare her children nor herself: & on the other side if the Guisians were mated, in that she was confederate with them, she was also in danger to fall with them: she therefore asked the counsel of the Admiral and of the Chancellor, who showed her that it was necessary to propound unto the King's council, that the princes, lords of the realm, knights of the order and all other men of authority, aught to be assembled together for to find means how to pacify these troubles.  
The Guisians therefore understanding this opinion, notwithstanding they misliked utterly this liberty in the Admiral & chancellor, & were fully resolved to pull them both down together with the rest, yet did they hereunto condescend, accounting this the best motion of all for the attaining to their point: for said they so soon as the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, the Constable and the rest shall receive the King's letters tending to that purpose, they would not fail to come, and so should they all be brought where they should be detained, without causing them so much pain as to go so far for them. Again, notwithstanding they could not obtain this, yet at the least they should have so many voices in this assembly, that all their deeds passed should be authorized, and their degree established for the time to come, so that hereafter it should be a manifest offence for any man to seek to contrary them, and so consequently should in effect remain Kings of France, attending until their other drifts might procure them so to be in name also. Moreover if their enemies would not come to the said assembly, then should they have new matter against them, aswell by bringing them more and more into the kings hatred and mistrust, as also by having the better pretence to be revenged of them. Thus therefore there was now no question but of sending of packets every way in the King's name, and of their own letters to their friends. Then did a great number of Knights of the order, whom they had lately created, stand them in good stead, for there were so many voices won to the confusion of the King and his realm.  
But they used a wondered craft toward the King of Navarre. For they caused the Queen mother to writ unto him not to fail, but come: but closely they caused his own counsellors, namely Descars his chamberlain, Bouchart his chancellor & other their spies and secret servants who were toward this prince, to will him not to come to this assembly, and by this means they gave so shrewd a spurn at the estate of this realm that it feeleth it yet: for this Prince being put in fear, was cause that the government remained to these Lords, who afterward anew strengthened themselves.  
In all this assembly were but three persons which pricked them, of whom two especially angered them outright. For the Bishop of Valence saying his mind warmed them, but the Archbishop of Vienna named Marillac, made them thoroughly to change countenance in his learned and bold oration concerning the authority of the estates, and the urgent necessity of calling them, concluding with a national council also.  

●the assem●e of the ●tates.  Entreating of the estates he showed first, that the same was the assured means to withhold the commons in their duty, than what the estates were, and to what end they aught to be assembled. Then that the complaints of the people aught to be heard and examined in the presence of the estates. Therupon he discoursed very fitly of the evils which troubled the realm, and whereof the Guisians (not naming them) were cause. These evils were the extraordinary over chargings, which were so grown & multiplied, that the people were therewith overwhelmed, the wasting of the King's revenues, his great debts, the excessive expenses of the realm, the ignorance of the auditors, the matters of estate troubled, the King's chief ministers burdened with turning all things to their own advantage, & of reping their private commodities out of other men's calamities, the King not obeyed, the people not heard & the government disordered. afterward he declared the great commodities which the assembly of the estates would procure. By them the King should understand the particular affairs of his kingdom, he should examine the manners of his people, he should know his own part, and might provide for his own estate: he should become a good shepherd, peaceably shearing his sheep without otherwise hurting of them, he should behave himself royally, that is to say, courteosly & holily: he should be happy and obtain the beautiful title of the name of a Father of the people, whereby the memory of King Lewes the twelve is most celebrated, and shineth as an example to the posterity, more than all the conquests and victories of his predecessors. Then that the people would thereby be the more encouraged to the helping of their King. That whatsoever is ordained in such assemblies is very effectual to make the people quick and ready in all obedience. Also that whensoever few folks are called to the making of laws, the people do interpret that they were forged according to some men's affections, & without examining such reasons as those who are absent might have alleged in case they could have been heard. He added that the house of France had flourished eleven hundred years a row, by conserving the authority of the estates: that the like had happened in the Empire, and in the realms of Spain, England, Scotland, Denmark, Suethland, Boheme, Hungary and every where else. He afterward answered to all the objections of such as sought to persuade men to believe, that the assembly of the estates was the diminishing of the kings authority, and then did openly tax the tyranny of the Guisians, who therefore did give him so little thanks, that after they had caused him to be threatened, he was finally forced to withdraw himself, and then seeing in what estate matters were, died for sorrow. His oration is printed and inserted into the notable History of Francis the second, lately come to light, and therefore we will no longer prolong these matters at this present. But that which most of all drove them into a rage, was the Admiral's oration, which pierced the impostume of their tyranny: for speaking purposely of the Kings new guard, he showed that it was evil done of those, who had thus armed their Prince against his subjects, and said plainly that in case the King's officers feared to be displeased, they should take away the occasions, also that the displeasure was not against the King, (as to what purpose should it so be, seeing he was but a child, who stirred not, neither did any thing without the counsel or prompting of his uncles,) but against those who had the dealings in the affairs of the kingdom, whereto it was easy to provide, so that all might be compassed orderly, and according to the laws of the realm. The rest of his oration tended to the same end as did Marillac. He spoke some thing also of Religion. Then did the brethren of Guise show that they were Kings: for besides that all the Knights of the order there present durst not define, but said only that they were of the Cardinal's opinion, they bent themselves chief against the Admiral, insisting upon the new guard, and briefly showing that their nephew Francis served but as a mask & cloak to their felony: Which also the letters sent immediately after this assembly unto all Bailiffs and Seneschals, did evidently declare: For the Cardinal had framed them, who promised a mighty reformation in the Church, (but think with yourselves how the harlots do use to reform the stews) together with the estates, which were summoned to the tenth day of December, in the town of Meaux, and that in the mean time that all governors and lieutenants of the Provinces (for the most part servants and slaves of the house of Guise) should deliberately visit their towns, to the end particularly to understand, & to make report unto him of the complaints of the people, that is to say, on all sides practise the establishment of their tyranny: Thus did they scoff at the King's authority, making voided & frustrate this so notable assembly, as by the effects did incontinently appear.  
They added hereunto an other practice of wondered presumption against the King, which was by raising in arms all the companies of Ordinances, under colour that the enterprise of Amboyse was yet not fully quenched, although in deed to destroy the princes of the blood, to deprive the estates of liberty, and to make an end of marring all. Also for their better fortification, understanding the return of the French troops come out of Scotland, by reason of a treaty of peace, wherein the King had been constrained to agreed to certain both dishonourable and hurtful articles, through the foolish ambition of his uncles, they joined them unto the old bands of Piedmont, Metz, and Picardy for their own guard, besides twelve hundred others whom they had reserved, over and beside the departing of the companies placed and sent into all governments. Having then thus the sword in their hands, and being on cock horse, they made a dispatch from the King their nephew unto the King of Navarre, whereby the prince of Conde was charged with treason: & therefore for his hearts ease, the said King desired the King of Navarre to sand him his brother in sure and safe custody: if not, himself should be driven to fetch him, and that with such company as the force shall remain to him. The King of Navarre and his brother answered so wisely, and with such constancy, as the Guisians did well perceive that withal their power they could hardly come to an end: and therefore they determined to use the kings faith and promise, whereby to deceive these Princes, and to get them into their trap: and did incontinently frame another packet, wherein the King sent word to the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, that they might safely come to him, and return again when they listed, assuring them in the word of a King that nothing should in any wise be attempted against their persons, that peaceably he would hear their declarations and justifications, that they should not come into any prison, neither that any man should make their process: only he desired an answer of the Princes own mouth unto such points as he was charged with all, and which he could hardly believe: to be brief, that they should be received according to their estates and dignities, yea they should enjoy the rank which unto them appertained in the dealing in the affairs, to the end to have their advice and counsel whereby to bring all things into good policy and order. Also as for the Religion, whereof the said lord Prince had made open declaration and protestation, he would not, neither ment that by reason thereof they should sustain any trouble or disquietness. These poor princes as true Frenchmen leaning upon so solemn a promise, although they were not so blind but that they saw the lions pats of the Guisians, which waited to devour them, neither so devoid of means, but that they could by force of arms have ranged these usurpers and well enough come to an end, yet trusting in their innocencies, and in the mean time led, as in an other place we will more particularly show, they took their journey, and by little and little dismissed their company, to the end with a small train to fall into their enemy's nets.  

●he Gui●●ans make ●ing Fran●s the 2. ●rsworne, 〈◊〉 vnfaith●l unto his ●ne blood.  Now let us behold how they caused their nephew to perform his faith so solemnly promised. The same day of the Prince's arrival, who were very unworthily received, & little or nothing at all regarded, the King causing them to follow him into the Queen his mother's chamber, addressing himself to the Prince of Conde, said unto him that he had been certified out of divers places, that the said Prince both did make, and had made sundry practices against him and the estate of his Kingdom, by reason whereof he had sent for him by his own mouth to know the truth: The Prince having pertinently answered and showed his innocency, also having discovered the malice of the Guisians (who fearing the touchstone were absent) was nevertheless presently committed to the hands of Chavigny the Captain of the guard, and bondslave to the Guisians, and by them sent expressly to convey the said Prince to prison: for they would not suffer him to remain in his brother the King of Navares custody, who upon his life answered for him, for he had enough to do to save himself.  
Now as a wicked conscience doth never cease seeking like means to lean unto, 
Their practices with stranger's f● the destr●ction of France.  so the Guisians seeing that they had undertaken a work which they should hardly bring to an end, unless they were supported by others then Frenchmen, notwithstanding that many had already renounced their liberties, they determined to practise & draw unto them foreign Princes, through whose help at their need to prevail. A man may well guess whether the King paid the players of these tragedies, also whether his authority were manifestly usurped in this case. The peace before concluded with the King of Spain, contained among other this condition, that both the Kings should with all force persecute the Lutherans with all extremity. This enterprise being broken of by the death of king Henry, was revived in the beginning of the reign of Francis, and then slacked again through the enterprise of Amboyse. But now the Guisians having two of their principal enemies in their power, determined (mocking the king of Spain, in making him believe that they were earnest defenders of the Catholic Church) so to root out the Protestants, that thereby they might make their way to the throne, the plainer. They therefore sent the Spaniard word (who for his part lay also in wait, determining if fit opportunity might serve to give them the slip also) that the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, under colour of quarreling at the government, sought to put the King and his brethren to death, and through the aid of the Queen of England, of the Protestant princes and of the gospelling Swissers to bring in their Religion into France, and after the same also to prescribe a rule unto all Christiandome. They used other slanders enough, in the end whereof they added, that if it pleased the king of Spain to maintain & favour them in their government, they would stop all the harm that was meant to him, & would set to their hands that King Hērys promises might be accomplished. Hereunto they had such answer as they requested, through the help of the Cardinal of Arras, who then thought to have found a good breach whereby to bring his master into France: but had the Guisians become Kings, he should have had less entry than before, and peradventure have been in greater care than before: for ambition neither will, neither can abide a companion. At the same instant they also sent to the Pope & to the Duke of Savoy, also through the practices of the Colonnel Freulich, who was at their devotions, they won the catholic Swissers: determining the same winter to destroy all their enemies in France, and the next spring, to go and assail Geneva, and thence against the Germans & Swissers of the Religion. Also to the end the Spaniard might not on that side be letted by the Turk, who might have set upon his countries, whiles his chiefest forces were entered into the King of Navarre's dominions, they sent expressly to Constantinople to him, to accuse the Princes of the blood of treachery and treason, & of having with certain men of a new Religion (which acknowledged no Magistrates or superiorities) conspired to put the King and his brethren to death: beseeching him whiles they were busied in repressing those men's presumption, not to innovate or enterprise any thing on the cost of Italy or Spain, and that in consideration of the ancient alliance, amity and confederacy which had been between him and the Kings of France. Of him they had so good an answer, that the Duke of Guise so far exceeded his bounds as divers times to say, that whatsoever happened, he had rather that the Realm should fall into the Turks power, and remain under his dominions, then to see the Lutherans and heretics doctrine (for so he called them) there received.  
Here you see wondered preparatives for the establishment of their greatness: for within the Realm they were armed at all assays, and had their enemies in manner at their feet. They had the towns, governors, treasury and people in manner at their commandment. The aforesaid foreign Princes favoured them, and peradventure should have had some share in the cake, as the Spanierd chief looked for it, having so easily obtained truce of his great enemy the Turk, to the end to set upon France, & therefore we may here see whereunto the cruel ambition of these men had brought all things, in case God at the same instant had not appeared, smiting them sundry blows on the ears, before they could bend their gauntlets.  
They had granted the assembly of the Estates, 
The Guisians practices broken.  the more easily to discover their enemies, and called the King's letters patents the mousetraps to catch fools: but that letted not but in the particular estates of the provinces many things were propounded concerning re-establishment of the Realm, as well in matters concerning Religion, as policy, as at Bloys, at Angiers, and especially at Paris: for notwithstanding all the greatness wherewith the Guisians made themselves every where to be feared, yet was it published openly in the full Town house (when the Prince of Conde's imprisonment was known) that they would not permit the blood of France to be trodden down by strangers. These reports hastened the prince of Conde's process, whom they purposed to put to death about the tenth of December. As for the King of Navarre, they also sought his death, endeavouring to do the King their nephew so much injury, as to make him the hangman of his own blood. And even as there remained no more to do, but to execute this blow, to the end afterward to strike infinite others, God struck Francis the second with an impostume in the ear, which finally stifled him, and so he died the fifth day of December in the year 1560. This death overthrew all their enterprises, and did so quail them at the first, that when they knew there was no more hope, they went & closed up themselves in their lodgings, replenished with mistrust and incredible fear, from whence they departed not of a day or twain, until they were assured by the Queen mother and the King of Navarre, that they should have nothing done to them. But they were not so far overseen, but that they caused presently at their coming forth, to carry into their lodging three or four score thousand franks, which were left in the coffers: insomuch that all the King's treasures were wasted, but no man withstood them, which was thought strange, whereby men might plainly perceive, that these things were not done without the Queen Mother's consent, who sought through their authority to maintain hers: and to say the truth, if she had not supported them, their noses had then kissed the ground: but the sleights and practices on that part do deserve an other discourse. I had here in manner forgotten an other draft of the wickedness of the Guisians against their nephew. For seeking to wash their own hands of all that was passed, and the same to cast upon the King's power and absolute will, notwithstanding he were but a child, wanting both wit and discretion to be able to examine or to enterprise such and so weighty matters, yet did they easily obtain of him, that he should speak courteously and lovingly unto the King of Navarre, which he did fulfil three days before he fell sick, declaring that the Guisians had never enterprised any thing against him or his: but that of his own mere motion, and contrary to their opinion he had imprisoned his brother the Prince of Conde, and this he desired him to believe, and for the love of him and of the Queen his mother, to blot out whatsoever evil opinion he might have conceived against them. This practice stood them in great stead afterward, for having wrested this confession out of the King's mouth, whom herein they caused villainously to lie, they did afterward stiff and stoutly deny whatsoever might be objected against them, laying all upon the dead man's back, offering the combat to any that would say that ever they of their own heads had enterprised any thing at all.  
Besides all the aforesaid practices with strangers, at the end of the Estates in the kings name, all the power of France should have been divided into four parts, and led by the marshals of Saint Andrew's, of Brissac, and of Thermes, and by the Lord of Aumale, to make such havoc as all the world may well think. For beside the utter subversion of all Estates, and destruction of all the mightiest and most ancient houses which should have been assaulted, were it for their religion, either for having taken the Prince's part, either for having spoken amiss of the King, with infinite such other means, France should have been reduced to the Turks order of living, to the end afterward no man might have had power to resist or withstand the tyranny of the Guisians. Also if through importunity they chanced to forgive any, it should have been with the condition of perpetual ignominy. Moreover the Cardinal had used such diligence, that there was no corner in all the Realm, where he had not the names and surnames of all the inhabitants, who either were Protestants or of any dealing or enterprise to be able to hurt him, or that had not ranged themselves after his devotion: and this had he gotten by the means of certain Apostates and secret servants, who ordinarily went ploding about here and there, to the end to sound the hearts and wills of men: insomuch that such truandes were made judges, and ordered the sentences of life and death unto all the world. Now were they determined so to have provoked the people against the Protestants especially, that they should need no other hangman: & herein it was to no purpose to say, I am none, for the Monks & other preachers hired to the same purpose in going about, should pronounce the condemnations. The granting of this liberty to the common people was commonly called as a watch word, The letting lose of the great Greyhound, and there was no part of France which could have been exempt from this calamity. Also the King of Spain was on his part so forward, according to his time and promise made to the Guisians, that six thousand spaniards had already taken the way toward Bearn, intending suddenly to surprise the Queen of Navarre, and both her and her children to put to death, committing like murder of her subjects as of the King of Frances: and in so doing to stay and break the forces which were in Guienne. But so soon as the Spanierd had advertisement of the King's death, also that the Queen of Navarre had discovered him, and so fortified herself in her strong holds, that he should hardly without long siege come by her, not knowing what fold the affairs would take, doubting also to have those on his back, who had caused his troops to come into the country, among whom Monluc was one of the first, upon promise of the County of Arminack: wherefore he retired without doing any thing, considering also that such of the King's letters whereby he had granted them passage through Bayonne (which is one of the principal fortresses & keys of the realm) whether they were many or few, and his commandment to aid them with as much victuals, artillery, and munition as they would require, would not now be of any force or virtue after the said lords death, how plain & full of threats so ever the same were.  

●heir behaviour at ●e death of ●rancis the ●conde.  If the Guisians during the young King their nephews life behaved themselves outrageously, they did not assuredly at his death recover their honour. In his life time they kept him so diligently, that no man without their favour might come at him, I will not here speak how they ordered him privately: For besides that they glutted him with all fleshly pleasures before he was of age, they did also replenish his household with corruptions and infamous dealings. Also through their earnest desire that their Niece might have issue, and yet knowing King Francis but simply disposed thereunto, in that his generative parts were altogether dulled and hindered, they permitted many courtiers to have her company, who did their endeavours to make her very fruitful: yet am I ashamed to know that in a certain table which an Italian of Laque found means to get conveyed into the Cardinal of Lorraines chamber, with certain letters from the Pope in stead of our Lady of Grace, wherein were the said Cardinal of Lorraine, the Queen his Niece, the Queen mother, and the Duchess of Guise most lively set out, their bodies naked, their arms one about an other's neck, and all their legs interlaced together. Willingly would I have forgotten the execrable filthiness which I have heard reported of him and his brethren, by such as in Francis the seconds time followed the Court, and were witnesses of such things as appeared almost manifestly in all men's eyes. Francis had despised all the world to the end to honour them, he had displeased all his Realm to satisfy them and to set them aloft, he prepared to thrust the knife into his own blood (a man may say into his own body) thereby to save them: to be brief, he had hated himself to love them, and abased his own person for their exaltation: and yet was there ever person dead of the pestilence, whose body men did more abandon, than themselves did this? Thus it was. The Custom at all times in France observed after the decease of the Kings is such, as that they whom in their lives they have most favoured, and who especially have had the ordering and dealing in their affairs, aught to accompany them to their graves, and during the forty days that they be kept and solemnly served, wait upon their funerals: This ceremony did the Guisians cause to be most straightly observed after the death of Henry, and hereunto the Duke of Guise was in double manner holden and bound, for enjoying (together with the sovereign authority) the great Mastership of France, which do namely bind those that do enjoy such a dignity: yet all this notwithstanding, so it was, that none of the house of Guise did this honour to their King and Master the husband of their Niece, who in his life time was so dear to them: but by their counsel and advice he was both by day and night sent to be thrown into his Father's tomb without any kind of pomp or funeral solemnity, whereof arose a pretty quip, namely that the King, who was mortal enemy to the Huguenots, could himself nevertheless not choose but be buried after the Huguenots manner. That which brought the Guisians and their partakers to this point, was the assembly of the estates, where they would needs assist for fear jest any thing should be decreed against them, also jest their absence should bewray to all the world the difference between their furious and unlawful government, & that of the Princes of the blood, of the Constable, of his eldest son Montmorency & of the brethren of Chastillon: also jest by means hereof, the cause and root of the contagion, which infected the common wealth should be cut of, which was the thing that they feared more than the plague, for they saw that unless they took some order, it would be known that themselves were the very causes & originals of disorder. But which most troubled them, they had a woman to govern, whose steadfastness they did greatly suspect, by reason the Admiral was near to the young king her son, to whom she seemed to yield as much as she could pass withal, for the mollifying of the Princes and Estates. They doubted also jest so soon as their backs were turned to the Courtward, & that they had given over the dealings in the affairs, there would come in infinite complaints, the verifying whereof neither the Queen mother, neither other their friends could deny, seeing that the crime of treason walked to fast abroad. These occasions therefore caused the Guisians to forsake & overthrow all good laws and usual orders put in practice as funerals. The Cardinal sought to excuse himself by the King of Navarre, and the Chastillons, saying that they had so concluded in the counsel chamber, because there was not money enough to bestow upon so charitable a deed, although the four score thousand franks which he & his brethren had gotten out of the money that came out of Poictou had been more than sufficient: and in deed they were openly taxed therefore. For when Sansac & la Brosse had brought the body unto S. Dionice, & there buried it without any solemnity or royal ceremonies, two days after the burial there was found pinned upon the velvet hearsecloth which covered his body, a little paper with this writing, Ou est messire Tanneguy du Chastel? mais il estoit Francois, signifying, Where is master Tanneguy du Chastel? but he was a French man. Hereat every man at the first did but laugh: but afterward thinking better upon the matter, they found it to be other than it was taken for. This Tanneguy was charles the sevenths chief chamberlein, & bestowed 8000. franks upon his master's funerals, which he was not paid again until three years after: he laid out this money when he saw that all men had abandoned his master's corpse, by reason all the Lords had drawn to his son Lewis the eleventh, who was newly entered into his kingdom, being as then in the low countries, whither before through his father's displeasure he was gone. This writing therefore was interpreted as a lamentation made in the name of King Francis, seeing himself forsaken & destitute of such a chamberlain as Tanneguy was: and then saying (as if he revoked) that Tamneguyes good nature & duty was not so wonderful, because he was a French man & no stranger: wherein the Author seemed to note the Duke of Guise, because he had wrested the office of Great chamberlain from the house of Longueville.  
Now have we seen the evil entry of the Guisians during the reign of Francis the first, 
The Guisians behaviours in the time of Charles the ninth.  also how in the time of Henry the second, their ambition replenished all Germany and Italy with blood, how their covetousness set to sale, as it were to the most giver, the laws & all justice, how through infinite exactions it emptied the purses both of rich and poor, whereof followed innumerable calamities. Then how in the time of Francis the second, it was to be doubted whether bore greater sway in them, either rapine or cruelty. True it is, that the cruelty made the greater show, as we have already showed, and will again hereafter. But in the time of Charles the ninth, the aforesaid vices together with many more, also all their shadows of virtue did then as by day appear. In this place cometh into sight so many to true discourses, that I am even in a perplexity, not knowing which to take, the number of those which presently do appear is so infinite. Of one thing I am sure, and that is this, that at this day there is no French man, having any knowledge in worldly affairs, but that he is able to make an other legend of the particular acts of these Guisians, in case he will take so much leisure as to gather together all that he knoweth: wherefore I hope to be excused, although I do only set in hand this work which requireth both more hands and wits.  
King Francis being dead, as is aforesaid, and the Cardinal when he was even ready to give up the Ghost, having procured him to utter these words: Lord forgive me my sins, & impute not unto me whatsoever my officers in my name and authority have done: The Guisians minded to follow a new counsel, which was to put of their lions skin, that they could no longer keep without manifest danger of being drawn to flaying, and to put on the fox's case. Now therefore they determined to follow their hunt through the Queen mother's means: They promised her that if she will favour them, they will set to their hands to keep her in the chiefest degree. Also the more to put this hammer into her head, they do allege unto her, that the Princes through her winking at matters being so evil dealt withal, can do no less than wish her harm, seeking all means to bring her down, to the end to set up the Constable and the house of Chastillon, whereby afterward to make more alterations: That the estates will disgrade her, unless she goeth out at the back door to meet them: also although then the Guisians were excluded, yet have they so many servants & friends, that for a long while they could withstand the Princes. In the mean time that she should retain her authority, & that when her children should come to age, the government of the Princes & their partakers should vanish away. The Queen being as crafty as they, knew how to take hold of this proffer, and so to get in between both parties, that bending sometimes one way, sometimes an other, to this present she hath kept the place, to the confusion of those who had thither lifted her. Having thus found so good an attorney, who at once reconciled them to the King of Navarre, and gave forth speeches that she would maintain the Guisians against all their enemies and misreporters, they began somewhat to assure themselves. Now therefore remained no more to do, but to beat down first the Prince of Conde, who would not be handled as his brother the King of Navarre, than Montmorency, and then the Chastillons. Hereupon came to sight the goodliest determination for their purpose in the world. They perceived the number of Protestants still to increase in all parts of France, also that the Prince of Conde and the Chastillons were openly of that profession, for the Prince had made manifest declaration thereof, having caused Gently and others to certify King Francis that he was so in deed. Yea even in the hardest time of his affliction, he drove out of his chamber a priest, whom the Guisians had sent thither to sing Mass. As for the Admiral, he had in the full assembly at Fountainbleau presented their supplication to the King, tending to the end to obtain some Churches and public exercise thereof. He had also declared to the Queen mother that he would never abjure his Religion, but offered to dispute against the Cardinal. The lord d'Andelot had of long time been of the same profession, and it is known that at the accusation of the Duke of Guise, and by the soliciting of the Cardinal, the late King Henry had almost slain him, when on a time he asked him if the Mass were good, and that he answered that it was a profane and wicked thing. The Cardinal of Chastillon also began by little and little to forsake the Papaltye. This then in their eyes seemed a fit occasion to bend the Constable against both the Prince, and his own nephews of Chastillon, the which they artificially afterward did, as shall be showed in place convenient. They concluded therefore a while not to meddle with the Religion, for (said the Cardinal of Lorraine) as yet there were none but rascales of that profession, and therefore it were best to let some great and wealthy men also enter into it, to the end by their destruction to get some thing.  
Now in making war against the Protestants, they shot sundry ways with own self arrow: for first they obtained the favour of the Pope, the King of Spain and others, of whom they looked for some help.  
Secondly, they were assured that sundry of the best towns in the Realm, were so deeply rooted in Popery, that it would be hard to pluck away their old skin without good store of stripes, also that with the lest stay in the world, they would use all resistance possible.  
Thirdly, they knew the Queen mother's disease, who would hardly permit her children to be brought up in Religion, for herself was of none at all: also that such countenance as for a while she might show, should be only to the end to win the Protestants, and to set them against the Catholics, that whiles they were the one sort bend against the other, herself might rule all, and so that they should have no leisure to consider of or examine her actions. They had also a number of secret servants, who to the end to rob and make havoc of the Protestants goods, would become most Catholic. The courts of Parliament also were so compounded, that unless justice were reformed from the crown of the head unto the sole of the foot, the Protestants should never prospero. Again, having through the Queen mothers help the King and his brethren in their hands, they might easily under that shield fight against all their enemies, and in time order them as they listed, yea through their overthrow become mightier than ever before. But yet there was one thing which troubled them, namely the prolonging of time, and the inconstancy of the Queen mother, which the Duke of Guise more feared than any other thing, together with the Prince of Condes liveliness: To remedy therefore all this, they procured (as is afore said) their atonement with the King of Navarre, which was so brought about, that by the same means he resigned to the Queen mother in presence of the Duke of Guise, and of the Cardinal of Lorraine, all such right as he might pretend unto the regency of the King and the Realm, never to quarrel, demand or accept the same again, and thereof gave them an acquittance sealed with his own hand.  
Having thus gotten this point, they concluded that if the Prince seemed to deal with them, he should have to do with so strong a match, as that soon they should overcome him: also that this might be the means to bend his brother against him, and so they should draw the one party to the Catholics. As for the Queen, they determined a while to let her paunch some times one way, and some times another, curiously watching to what end her behaviours would come. Again, they were well assured that having this advantage over the King of Navarre, she would so practise the estates, that her authority should be allowed of: also that them selves had such part in her, that her inconstancy would turn to their commodity: also that before the year were passed, they should see some stirrings, whereby to help themselves up again.  
One part of that whereof they perceived some likelihood, came to pass: but in the rest they were shrewdly deceived. For whiles they sufficiently tormented the Protestants with four civil wars, & a horrible murder under Charles the ninth, five of them came short home, and the most doulte of all remained behind, & as for the most apparent of their descent, who at this present is Duke of Guise, he is in such estate, as (according to the proverb which runneth of such as are upon the sea) A man can not well say whether he be alive or dead: for God hath given him such a blow on the face, that he shall remain blasted for ever. We must therefore consider what hurt they have done to the King, his Realm, and themselves in all these civil wars: and as the thunderclaps always before their coming do show by some tokens which go before, their following to be at hand, even so the Guisians before that they shot their thunderboults into France, gave forth certain deaf noises, practising here and there, whereby to become more furious after that they were once fortified. Being delivered of that which they most feared, which was the research for the Prince's imprisonment, through such assurance as the Queen mother had rooted in their hearts, also being reconciled to the King of Navarre, having, as is afore said, procured the King lately deceased, to declare that he of his own absolute authority had caused the Prince of Condye to be imprisoned: they determined to go to the estates, there to hear what would be said, and so help their matters as much as might be possible. But before they go any further, they enter league with the Cardinals of Tournon and of Armignac, the Duke of Nemours, the Marshals of S. Andrew's and of Brissac, the lords of Rendan, Martigues, Sipierre, Monluc, la Motte Gondrin, la Suze, Sanssac, Savigny and many other lords and captains, who hoped to become mighty, rich and wealthy through the civil wars, which (said the Guisians) the Princes would bring in, together with the alteration of the Principality. The voice hereof caused they to be sounded in the King of Navarre's ears, who in stead of providing according to his duty there against, began to faint, and to resign all his authority, as anon we will more amply declare. Thereof ensued the order the one and twentieth day of December 1560. established in the King's council, touching the government of the estates of the Realm: wherein the Queen mother was planted upright.  
In the mean time happened a chance very agreeable to the Cardinal, but his joy continued not. The deputies of about forty baylywickes and Seneschaltyes of the realm, alleged that their authority was out, because King Francis had summoned them, & he being now dead, they must needs have new remembrances. The Cardinal & his faction supposed that although this could not wholly dissolve the estates, yet would it somewhat delay them, whiles in the mean time they might practise some thing: but through the wisdom of the Chancellor and others, it was agreed that they should proceed, seeing that the royal dignity died not but was represented in his successor. Also in case these declarations had delayed the estates, than had it gone wrong with the Guisians, for in their new remembrances they also should have received new commissions. The Queen mother also fearing jest they should smell out the writing, which with threats she had wrested from the King of Navarre, and thereupon had examined her doings, and corrected her as appertained, for working so treacherously against the people's liberty, hasted the matter forward, whereby the Guisians got most.  
They thereupon guessed that which was true, namely that at this assembly they would deal in matters as well of Religion as of estate: they were also assured that at that time Religion should be the chiefest, which greatly rejoiced them: yea they determined with all their might to heave at that wheel, to the end the other might remain undecided, or if necessity drive them to give account of their administration, they intended to present up their reckoning in a warlike field, there to be examined & proved at the sword point, wherein they assured themselves to make so fair a broil, that their wrongs together with the rights of their adverse party, should there stray away together. They must therefore earnestly deal in Religion, and with the same to cloy the Huguenots, who with earnest affection, purposed no other matters but to think upon the liberty of their consciences, accounting all bodily bondage somewhat tolerable, so that the principal might remain in his full perfection. But yet they were sore discontented: for the one could not consist without the other, also Godliness without justice in this world hath but a feeble foundation: as there were some that said at the same time, that if the establishment of the realm in her pristinate glory, and the reformation of Religion did not both go together, we should yet behold and find greater mischiefs than before, which experience hath now taught to those who then would believe nothing, and God grant that the French nation may in time learn.  
This determination being taken, the Cardinal of Lorraine practised all means to have the charge of making the oration in the name of the three estates unto the King, whereunto the Clergy did consent: and therefore did sand one named Griveau a Canon of the holy Chapel, unto the third estate for to obtain their grant, but he had presently an open answer, that they would not accept him to speak for them of whom they minded to complain: and upon this occasion, he refrained from speaking to the nobility, taking in the mean time such hold of this answer, as thereby he might turn it to his own commodity: for he assured the Catholics, namely the Clergy, that now the Huguenots would tread them down, unless in time they withstood their determinations, and therefore consequently they aught in the oration for the clergy, especially to stand upon that point, for seeing the third estate had so detected itself, and protested against him who was one of the principal members of the Apostolic seat, they now would not spare the other smalller dependences. Hereupon the Clergy chose for their speaker one named Quintin, a forsaker of the religion, and at that time a doctor of the Canon Law at Paris. The nobility chose the Lord of Rochforte, and the third estate, Lange an advocate of Bordeaux.  

The estates ●t Orleans.  The estates began to be holden the thirteenth day of December, in a house provided for the same purpose: Thither came the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise, also the Duke of Guise, to the end by hearing the orations, to apply the same so much as they might to their own commodities. The first day was spent in hearing the Chancelers' oration, which little or nothing touched them, for he spoke but generally. The Deputy of the third estate stood upon taxing the ignorance, covetousness and dissolutions of the Ecclesiastical persons, not particularly touching any. Rochfort in the name of the nobility did much commend the delivery of the government unto the Queen mother, noted certain abuses in the Clergy and justices, & after that he had desired the King to maintain the nobility in their privileges, he offered up a supplication, wherein he desired some churches for the gentlemen protestants. Quintin on the clergies behalf, made a long oration or invective against the protestants, joining against the mightiest, in covert words taxing the Admiral, who had presented the supplication of them of Normandy which desired Churches.  
These orations put the Cardinal and his brethren in good hope: for they persuaded themselves that in case the estate of Religion went forward, as it was very likely, the same would be the undoubted means to separate the Constable from the Chastillons, & to make the Catholics strive against the protestants: so in the mean time themselves would grow strongest.  
In this thought chanced an other matter which somewhat served their purpose, 
The Gui●●ans called accompter  although the pursuit thereof were to them prejudicial. The deputies who were appointed to visit the rolls of the estates, having made their report unto the privy council, the King of Navarre and the chancellor to the covent of the Franciscans, to speak with the estates there assembled, where they began to talk of the restitution of excessive gifts, of discharging the King's debts and such other like matters: but this could not be compassed before that those who in the time of Henry the second & Francis the second had had the whole dealings in matters of estate & in the treasury, were reduced into great extremity. Of this motion was the Queen mother very glad, as one assured that by reason of her regency, she should not be molested, & therefore determined to heave at that wheel, thereby to pull down those whom she accounted to high next her own person. The King of Navarre had not meddled at all, but the Guisians, the Constable, and the Marshal of S. Andrew's were deepest in this matter: there was therefore but one only remedy wherewith to break this blow, which was by troubling the whole estate of the Realm. For the attaining whereunto, and for the more commodious compass of all things hereunto requisite, in stead of proceeding in this point, God who justly was displeased, minding to begin to scourge the French Nation, permitted them to remit the estates unto the month of May next ensuing: which was the thing that the Guises especially sought for, neither was the Constable any whit sorry, notwithstanding he had often protested that he was ready to give up his accounts.  
The King of Navarre being yet somewhat affected unto the Religion, his brother the Prince of Conde, and the Chastillons sought to advance the said Religion, and that they might the better do, in case for a while they deferred dealing in the other point, which shortly after they might nevertheless easily enough take in hand again. But they were deceived through the ambition of the Queen mother, the dastardliness of the King of Navarre, the practices of the Guisians without the Realm, and the drifts of the Constable within the kingdom, whom under colour of Religion, they had separated from his nephews.  

●he polites of the ●uisians, herewith bring the ●alme in● trouble.  In this mean time the young King and his brethren were in the Queen mother's hands, who only marked which side would be strongest, to the end to the same to commit both herself and her children: and because she had suffered much at the Guisians hands in the time of Francis the second, she could now have wished that the Protestants might have been masters, being assured that she could more easily have dealt with them: for she had already in her hands the Chastillons. The King of Navarre suffered himself to be led every way, and as for the Prince of Conde, in case she withstood not the amendss for such injuries as he pretended through his imprisonment to have been done unto him, she accounted him as hers, yea she looked to find in him a new staff wherewith to suppress the Guisians. The Cardinal of Lorraine understanding the Prince to be ready to come to the court, departed from the same under pretence of residence in his archbishopric of Reims, leaving behind him his brother as a spy, and others to the end to practise according as matters might fall out. After that the King had well received the Prince of Condie, and that in full counsel he had justified himself, he was permitted to sue out more ample declarations, & for the same purpose went to Paris. Soon after this fell an other controversy, which much molested the Duke of Guise and his partakers, yea, without the policy of the Queen mother, who at this time stood them in good stead, and sought in time to come to aid herself, they had at the same instant been quite unhorsed: for the King of Navarre through the soliciting of some who saw meetly clear, did complain to the Queen of the too great authority which the Duke of Guise took upon him, who at all times had been her adversary: also that the said Duke of Guise continuing about the King, he could not remain, and therefore that it was expedient that either the one or the other departed from the Court: after that the Queen had alleged some excuses tending to the overthrow of this matter, the said controversy proceeded so far, as that the next morning the King of Navarre put on his boots, and was ready to departed, accompanied with the Princes of the blood, the Constable, the Lords of Chastillon and many other great Lords. Now the Queen seeing that remaining among the Guisians only, the world was at an end, both of herself, and of them also: for her own conservation, feigned to procure their commodity, to the end in case they yet once again got the mastery, they should not harm her. She sent therefore to fetch the Constable, causing the King to command him not to departed, by the compass whereof all this matter was broken of, and the King of Navarre sent to fetch back his mulets, which already were gone as far as Melun.  
This controversy being dispersed, raised a voice that the Queen maintained the Guisians against the Princes of the blood: insomuch that the particular estates of Paris proceeded and began to touch the chief points of the estate, not forgetting the article of yielding up the accounts. The Guisians were expressly named, with full determination to seek all means possible to forbidden them any entry into the privy council, before they had given up their aforesaid accounts. The Queen mother of the one side greatly rejoiced in seeing the Guisians her chiefest enemies by this means in danger. Again, on the other side she was in some care as concerning her regency. To provide therefore against all inconveniences, she through the aid of the Constable made a new agreement with the King of Navarre, in such wise as the said King was pleased, and moved the Duke of Guise to sergeant humility, which he now more than usually did put in practice. She sent also for the Prince of Conde to come and seal to this accord, & used the help of the Marshal of montmorency, in amending and correcting all that had been concluded in the particular estates of Paris, touching the government of the Realm.  
The Cardinal dealt with the Queen mother in all these matters, to whom he writ often, and notwithstanding each of them mistrusted other, yet had they so long kept household together, that the taking of this path seemed most necessary for both their conservations. And in deed we may well say that all the policies of the Guisians did never stand them in so good stead, as did the only wit of the Queen mother, who nevertheless did mortally hate than: but this shallbe showed in place more convenient. Here may we behold our poor king & kingdom, swimming & waiting for present shipwreck, for the compassing whereof the Guisians finding themselves to weak, under pretence of Religion do join to their faction the Constable, provoking him against his nephew the Admiral, who openly professed the Gospel, & so do aid themselves with all convenient policies. The Marshal of S. Andrew's also herein stood them in good stead: for he did beaten into the Constables head, that whatsoever the estates had propounded concerning the revoking of excessive rewards, the Admiral had procured, to the end to bridle his uncle the said Constable, and so to compel him necessarily to consent to the alteration of Religion. The Earl of Villars being moved against the Admiral for that he had reproved his evil demeanours in Languedoc, did also thrust at the same wheel, so that notwithstanding whatsoever declarations or persuasions the Marshal of Montmorency could allege, yet did the Constable join to the Guisians, who made their leagues to the intent by robbing the King, & his realm of their faithful servants to bring all into confusion.  
The Catholics finding themselves through such leagues fortified, began to rise, 
Commotions of the Catholics  & thereupon through the policies of the Guisians, there was a noise raised, that the Admiral had endeavoured to expel the Mass, & to plant the Religion in France without any ado. The Catholics therefore of Beawais a bishopric pertaining to the Cardinal of Chastillon began, being followed by the Catholics of Amiens, Ponthoise & other places. At Paris also were monks, & such other trumpets of sedition, who greatly advanced the Guisians practices. In deed upon the first noise of these broils the King's letters patents were sent forth to all judges royal in the Realm, with strait defence that no man should molest other by the name either of Papist or Huguenot, whereby to provide for the surety & liberty of either sort.  
The court of Parliament of Paris which consisteth most of the servants of the house of Guise sent earnest declarations unto the privy council as touching this Edict, but all was but a new practice whereby to shuffle the cards as we say, and so to heap one discord upon another under the goodliest title in the world, namely of Religion. In the mean time, the Cardinal waited for the young King at Reims, who was brought thither to be anointed, whereas the Duke of Guise was so presumptuous, as to step in between the King of Navarre, and the Duke of Montpensier, so to march after the King, and by such sleights to become equal unto the princes of the blood. There the Cardinal finding his strength sufficient, having won this point, to propound Religion as a cloak to his ambition, did then grievously complain of the protestants, declaring that during the parley concluded upon concerning the determination of these controversies, the King aught not to permit any kind of innovation, and that for the more assured provision thereagainst, it was requisite to make an inviolable law: also to the same end to assemble in the Parliament of Paris, the Princes, Lords, & others of the King's privy counsel, there to frame an arrest, which ever after should solemnly be observed. But all this was no other saving a new policy whereby to hasten the practices of the house of Guise. Now the Cardinal knew well that in this assembly of the Prelates for the determination of matters of Religion, there would be nothing dispatched, also that while things hung thus in suspense, the King should be called upon to permit the excercise of the Religion openly: which being once granted, the prince of Condye and the Chastillons would step in afterward to withstand him: for the withstanding whereof, he supposed that in preventing this parley through an other assembly at Paris, where he had men enough at commandment, he might get somewhat, or at the lest so bend the one sort against the other, that himself should loose nothing. This was the cause of the assignation of that assembly: whereunto the Queen mother agreed almost for the same considerations, and the contrary parties in hope it would redound to the commodity of the whole realm. Here may the readers consider what journeys to and fro the Guisians practised as well within the realm as without, also how they for their own maintenance removed both heaven and earth. The Spaniarde and divers Italian Princes were daily advertised of the estate of the affairs, and then did the Queen mother stand the Guisians in stead of a secretary, to the end to make out goodly dispatches in the King's name against the Princes of the blood, whom in the mean time they seemed greatly to favour. For at that time, namely the 13 of june 1561. did the Parliament of Paris, all the chambers being assembled in their read gowns in the great chamber of pleas, in the presence of the Duke of Guise, the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise with others, pronounce their sentence concerning the innocency of the Prince of Conde: also about the end of August following, was the atonement made between the said Prince, and the Duke of Guise.  
During these matters, 
The Edi● of july.  the Edict of july was published in this assembly of the Princes and Lords of the Parliament of Paris: whereby the Protestants enjoyed more freedom and liberty, than ever before they had had. There was it again concluded, that the prelate's should be called, and the ministers of the Religion should have safe conduits to the end to seek some means of agreement. Then began the Cardinal to hope well of his own matters, for he was sure to find a ready way how to bend the Churches of the Confession of Ausbourg, against the reformed Churches of France, by reason of the Supper. This being brought to pass, besides that he should bring the ministers into derision, he should also hinder the Prince of Conde and the Chastillons, who openly favoured them, from all provision to withstand such drifts and preparatives, as the Duke of Guise and his adherents began to frame, whereby to give up their accounts upon the spears point, for so they might have no succour of the Germans, who would easily be persuaded that all these troubles in the Realm proceeded only of Religion.  

●actises to ●rthrowe 〈◊〉 King of ●uarre.  The Guisians would feign have found some means so to bring the Prince of Condie on sleep, that he might have been drawn from the Chastillons: But their consciences did so reprove them, because of so many displeasures as they had done unto him, that they left him, being sufficiently contented with setting the Constable and others against him: Howbeit before they came to handle blows, they deemed it necessary yet to strike one stroke more. They perceived the King of Navarre and his brother the Prince of Conde to agreed well enough, and supposed (as it was most true) that so long as these two Princes should continued in unity together, all the French nobility and commonalty (notwithstanding Religion) would bend to them, to the end to expel the Guisians, or else to bring them to accounts, & so consequently restore the Realm to her pristinate brightness & dignity. They also persuaded the Queen mother how dangerous the union of these Princes might be unto her: she therefore requested them to provide so much as in them lay, and promised of her own part not to be slack in the matter, as in deed she was not, but used such dishonest means, as in the discourse of her government are at large set down. Now the Guisians during the reign of Francis the second had gotten to their service the Lord of Escars the King of Navarre's chamberlain, & through the same espy had discovered all his master's secrets, who finally having manifestly detected the said d'Escars through certain letters which he had written, did for the same turn him away. Then did he half bend himself unto the Guisians faction, who sent him word to endeavour to come again into favour with his old master, there to do them such service as before time, namely to entertain his said master in all his pleasures, doing his messages unto the Ladies of the court, & so consequently withdrawing him from all Religion, which required an utter abandoning unto all wantonness & abominations: thereupon so many men were set on work, that finally the King of Navarre revoked the said Descars, whereat many began to foresee great mischiefs likely to follow: and assuredly it is said that the Cardinal of Lorraine hearing of this his calling again, began to laugh, & as his custom was, clapping one hand within the other, said unto divers that he had not of long time heard any news that more contented him.  
You have heard already how the estates holden at Orleans were prorogued unto May: 
The estate at Pontoise.  and afterward through divers disturbances of such as intended to give no account but on horseback in armour, they were adjourned unto the end of August at Pontoise, where they had been appointed. There among other things which touched the Guisians, but especially the Duke of Guise there present, the proposition of the lord Bretagne in his oration in the name of the third estate, concerning the evil dealings of the said Guisians, did chief pinch them: the words because they be notable, have we here set down. Your subjects (said he speaking to the King) have been molested with infinite subsidies, both ordinary & extraordinary, whereupon have ensued also, the augmenting of impost, the wages of fifty thousand footmen, the collations, the twenty franks upon every steeple in the Realm, the levy of eight crowns upon the officers royal, six upon the advocates of the Parliament, four upon the burgesses, widows & artificers, two upon the rest of the advocates, practitioners, notaries, and sergeants, borrowed & not borrowed, free holds, new gains, money levied after the battle of S. Laurence, alienation of the domains, helps, gables, fines taken upon offices both old & new, the suppression of certain of the same, money for confirmations, coin raised upon houses & town houses, pay levied upon consignations, vessels of gold & silver billeted, warlike munitions, victuals for camps and armies levied within these thirty years, horse and furniture of artillery, erecting of sales of wine, furniture, apparel, and food for soldiers, wages and pay for soldiers in divers particular towns, saultpeter and powder which the people must furnish, officers wages, men of arms and footmen unpaid, conduct money into Bretagne, with other infinite sums under sundry names and titles, and all tending to the getting of your subjects money: so that by reason of the said in supportable charges, your poor subjects are so weakened, enfeebled & impoverished, that at this present, Sir, they have nothing left to offer or present unto your majesty, other than their good & faithful wills. They often have examined themselves, & tried their whole abilities in your majesties affairs, but to their great grief they have found themselves destitute of all means of helping or succouring you, and therefore do most desire, that it may please you to defer & put of the succour which you at this time do attend at their hands, until some other time, when through as well their own diligence, labour, travail, sparing & sobriety, as also through such good entreaty as they hope for at your hands, they shall have recovered part of their former ability & power. Neither can they be persuaded, considering the great subsidies of them, levied during the reigns of the Kings your late father and brother, that you can be so greatly indebted. Calling also to mind, whatsoever all ancient histories or records as well holy as profane, have left of all antiquity as testimonies of valiant deeds, they do find that never any monarch, King or sovereign Prince hath died indebted in such excessive sums as did the late King Henry your Honourable father, how long or continual wars the said monarchs have sustained or enterprised, for the augmenting of the bounds and limits of their realms and empires. And to say the truth, so great and wondered are the debts, that quite emptying all the treasuries of your dominions, and particularly researching every subject, yet shall you hardly find gold or silver in their possessions equivalent unto the said sums. Which notwithstanding it seemeth very hard and incredible, yet is the knowledge thereof more grievous unto your subjects, because their power is not equal to their desires. This therefore hath moved them to conjecture that such great sums of money levied among your people, never came wholly into your coffers, neither was ever converted to the commodity of your predecessors, but through unreasonable gifts and such other means, have in part remained in the hands of some particular persons, whose houses do now triumph and flourish through the harms of your said subjects. For the reparation therefore of such former government, also to prevent that in time to come you fall not into any such bottomless pit of debts, they do most humbly beseech you to ordain that the treasurers & over seers of your treasury, who hitherto have had the handling & disposing of the same during the reigns aforesaid, may come & bring in an account of their administration before such delegates as yourself shall choose, or through the assistance of the estates every province and government shall name: by this means may such be quailed and revoked to their duties, as in time to come might commit the like trespass. Again one of the first articles contained in the rolls which the third estate presented, were these words. That such might bring in their accounts as were accountable, & had had the ordering of the treasury, for that the said third estate could not believe but that thereby sundry great abuses might be found out: also that in the mean time aswell such as were accountable, as also all other who had been dealers in the treasury, even being of the privy counsel, might nevertheless be forbidden entry into the said council, together with the execution of their said offices, until the said accounts were made other where then in the chamber of accounts, and in the presence of the delegates of the estates, and that all rests and debts were paid. also that especial review might be made of the accounts of those who had received the particular loans of the sums of eight, six, four and two crowns, the twenty franks of each steeple, the munitions and victuals, the furnitures of the sales of wines and other necessary things for the wars, the money levied upon the walled towns after the battle of S. Laurence, and all other extraordinary pays levied upon the people. Also that all excessive pensions & unreasonable gifts whatsoever might be revoked without exception of any person, saving the Queen mother, (who had solicited the estates to pursue these matters, for the causes rehearsed in the discourse of her government) for that it was evident that this money had never been employed unto such use as it had been destined unto, namely, the relieving of the king's affairs now may we well think whether these motions clawed the Guisians. The Cardinal more stayed than his brother the Duke, made no show of aught, as if he had sought to make ready his accounts. but in the other's forehead a man might read a thousand threats against the estate of the realm, the effects whereof appeared within five or six months after. For their better providing therefore for their own affairs, they determined as touching the giving up of their accounts, that they would practise all means possible, rather than be brought into any such necessity, also that in case under pretence of religion they found no way, than would themselves endeavour to make one, by associating to them their partakers, and so falling upon the Protestants, who they were assured that the Prince of Condie, the Admiral & other Lords would defend: & by this means they should so mingle these accounts, that together with foreign succours they would exalt themselves higher than ever, and having this fair pretence of religion, they consequently did assure themselves of the favour of all Catholics. Moreover the Cardinal beholding such numbers of people daily declaring themselves protestants, according to his wont, smiled in his sleeve, saying that this was the reward of the soldiers who had more need, and a proper mean to content many both great and small, who sought naught but the spoil.  
The disputation also at Poissy between the ministers who were to treat upon religion, & the Prelates who also were called to help to pay the kings debts, was freely granted unto, which was in hope to move some controversy between them and the Germans that held with the confession of Ausbourg, either (peradventure because he accounted them ignorant, as he had every where termed them so to be) to the end in so notable an assembly to astonish them, either else with his prating, together with the sophistical reasons of some sorbonists, who were sent for there to dispute, utterly to take away their speeches, and make them dumb: But afterward more deeply weighing the matter, he called to mind an other drift, which was to keep the Pope's legate in a readiness, to the end that if this disputation turned more to the protestants advantage then he wished, he then might in time break of this assembly, referring the ministers to the general council appointed at Trent: He also minded thereby still to bridle the Queen mother, whose inconstancy the Guisians greatly mistrusted, although wrongfully, seeing that she was more perfect in playing her part then themselves: although she communicated not her whole mind unto them, but suppressed whatsoever she thought not convenient for their advancement. Now had they already shaken the King of Navarre, by means of the Lord d' Escars: that wall must they therefore wholly pull down, to the end that gathering up the stones thereof, they might with the same stone the protestants, as afterward they did: Large promises were thereunto requisite, wherein the Pope's legate and the King of Spain's ambassador, at the Guisians suit did lustily set to their help.  
As for the disputation at Poissy, 
The dictation 〈◊〉 Poissy.  in as much as the orations and discourse thereof is already published, and also shall hereafter more largely be declared, we need not here stand long thereupon, seeing also that hereafter we will cast out some word in discoursing upon the Cardinal's divinity and religion, and of his brave oration made in the same assembly, the sixteenth day of September in the year of our Lord 1561. In this place it shallbe sufficient, to note certain of his policies against the quietness of the Realm. First then to cause fools to think that the Prelate's were not thither assembled for nothing, he framed divers articles touching the institution of Bishops, the dignity of Cathedral Churches, and such other like, but not mentioning any one point of doctrine: For they all were before agreed not to yield any thing unto the ministers, for fear of being taken for seducers, and so of making an irreparable breach in the dignity of the Romish seat. In this wise did the Cardinal scorn the King and all his council, who pretended to any reformation.  
The ministers of the reformed Churches in the Realm, were willed to sand thither some of their fellows, and so they did, therein obeying the commandments of the King and the Queen mother. Peter Martyr and Theodore Beza were brought from Zurich and Geneva, where they professed divinity, to the end more precisely to consider of all controversies. The Cardinal then seeing himself to far shipped in matters wherein he was but a novice, thought to prevent it. So soon therefore as Theodore Beza was come, he went to him into the Queen mother's chamber, where after certain talk he was forced to say to the said Beza, that he was glad he had heard him speak, also that be hoped they should well enough agreed together. But this was but dissimulation, as the Lady of Cursol at his departure showed him, saying, that for that night he was become an honest man, but in the morning he would be turned: as more plainly appeared in that his supposts did publish abroad, that the Cardinal had stopped Beza his mouth, and brought him to his opinion. But when the contrary was seen in the oration of the said Beza, the Cardinal was so abashed, that being among the Doctors and Prelates, he could not but say, I would to God that that man, (meaning Beza) had either been dumb, or ourselves deaf: Thereunto perceiving that they must answer, it was thought expedient that a Sorbonist named Despence, an assured servant of the house of Guise, together with certain others should pen the oration which the said Cardinal did afterward pronounce, wherein nothing answering to the Ministers propositions, they determined to stand upon two only points, namely of the Church, and of certain questions thereupon depending: also of the lords Supper: wherein he did nothing, but plaster up certain sophistical syllogisms, and therefore I thought it superfluous here to insert the same oration, which more fitly may be seen in the history of our time. After the end of this oration, followed certain ample discourses of Despence, Saints, and other jesuits and monks whom the Ministers sufficiently answered. Now was the Cardinal glad to set each party in a heat with other, to the end that the audience being vexed, all might be referred to some conference either privately or in writing, whilst in the mean time the Pope might sand some new precept wherewith to stop the Prelate's mouths, who waited for nothing else: having for certain months thus debated, when the Queen perceived that the Ministers and Prelates could not in any one point agreed, not not so much as in the article of worshipping of Images, also that the Prelates & Doctors did not very well agreed in the same point, she broke up the said disputation, whereof the sorbonists were so glad, that they could not refrain from showing a thousand tokens of friendship unto Theodore Beza their principal enemy, out of whose hands they escaped better than they hoped for: But the Cardinal had procured the Pope to writ unto the Prelates, that under pain of Excommunication, they should refer the determination of such controversies unto the council of Trent, which came in good time for those our masters who were then sore busied. As for the confession of Ausbourg which was the trap, whereinto the Cardinal hoped to have brought the Ministers, they so wisely behaved themselves, that he stumbled thereinto so that all the shame returned upon himself.  
During these disputations, 
The Edi● of Ianua●  the renowned edict of january was published by the advise & consent of the chiefest & most notable persons in the Realm, & was the most convenient way to appease the tumults, and to reduce the estate unto his pristinate beauty and renown: But the Guisians could not tolerate the same, because that if all things had quietly succeeded in France, they should have been called to their accounts, whereof none was ready, except in levying of soldiers and foreign power, as well as of the Realm, wherein they travailed as followeth.  

●f the Triū●●irate, and ●e capitu●tion of the ●me.  We have here before seen how under pretence of Religion, there was a bar laid between the Constable and his nephews of Chastillon, whereby the Guisians might the more fortify themselves, and the sooner overthrow the said lords of Chastillon, whom they hated and mightily feared. The Constable thereby began by little and little to be offended with his said nephews, but especially after he was certified that they together with the Queen mother, had been the chief motioners of the estates to call for accounts: for in them should himself be examined, notwithstanding he were not by twenty parts so deep as the said Guisians. Having thus won the principal officer of the crown, they associated to them the Marshal of S. Andrew's, who was as all men do know, one of the most accountable. Then took they counsel among themselves, wherein the Cardinal always used this policy, namely to propound Religion the better to cloak his intents, & made this resolution. First that the superintendence of all affairs should be committed unto the Catholic King, who should in the beginning accuse the king of Navarre as a favourer of a new Religion: & should solicit him through fair promises to forsake all, and to take the Catholics part: In case the King of Navarre remain obstinate, then should the Spaniard, in continuing his glozing promises sometimes accompanied with threats, in winter time raise soldiers, and then on a sudden set upon him. Also if there they should find any resistance, then should the Duke of Guise declare himself captain of the Catholic Confession, and so go and assail the said King of Navarre on another side, who by that means should soon be overthrown. The Emperor and Catholic German Princes, should be requested to hinder the Navarrians of all succour. The Catholics should retain the Protestant Swissers: The Duke of Savoy should assail and utterly root out the Genevians to the terror of all others.  
Thus much touching the first point of their league. Now as for France, they determined not to pardon any one who had been known once to have been a protestant. The commission for the murder was allotted to the Duke of Guise, who also had the charge of rooting out the whole race of the Bourbons, for fear jest in time to come any one of their progeny should have revenged the same murders, and restored the Gospel.  
Then should they have raised war against the Protestant Princes, and have lent the Emperor and the Catholic Princes all the money arising of the confiscations of so many Protestants as should be murdered in France: and the Cardinals, Bishops, and other holy fathers should be cottized to furnish the expenses of this holy war.  
These goodly articles did the Cardinal devise. And the Constable minding nothing but his religion, was then so dazzled, that he could not perceive that notwithstanding his family were not named, yet the houses of Chastillon and Bourbon being overthrown, his race could not continued. As for the Marshal of saint Andrew's, he was glad to see the accounts in this wise rendered, for that in stead of restoring the most, because he had most received, he now hoped upon a new receipt, and of never being coumptable for any thing: and besides that the Guisians tended to the same end, they did moreover persuade themselves at that blow to be bathed in all their enemy's blood.  
For the bringing therefore of these things to effect, the Guisians departed from the Court about the end of November, manifesting their discontentation, which soon after did more augment by reason of certain proceedings holden against the Duke of Nemours, whom they had procured to steal away, & convey the lord of Orleans into Lorraine, where having him at their devotion, they purposed to make him captain of their enterprise. For at all assays, they sought to have sundry strings upon one bow, because they yet knew not which way the Queen mother would take. Howbeit thinking that in case the King of Navarre would take their part, she durst not join with the Prince of Conde for fear of being displaced, they sought to bring their first purpose to pass, by the aid of Destars & others, through bringing him into a vain hope of being restored to his dominions. Whereunto the Pope (as said his Legate, who was one of the chief solicitors of the matter) would assist him, provided always that the said King of Navarre would defend the Romish Church: the effect whereof did soon appear, when the said King drove away the Ministers, and revolted from the Religion: by reason whereof there fell out many doubts about the publication and verifying of the said Edict of january.  

●e voyage Sauerne.  Not long before, the Guisians had written to the Duke of Wirtemberg, a protestant Prince, requesting him to confer with them about the confession of Ausbourg, wherein they showed some hope of a desire to be instructed. Upon this cause they came to Sauerne not far from Strasbourg, where they had such conference with the said Prince about the fifteenth of February 1561, that all of them having protested to follow the doctrine of the said confession of Ausbourg, & the Cardinal having for the same purpose conferred with Brentius the Duke of Wirtemberges principal Minister, the Duke of Guise did finally entreat this Prince that in favour of their Religion, he would so labour the rest of the Protestant Princes, that in as much as in ancient time the house of Lorraine still appertained unto the Empire, now in the same respect he & his brethren might be avowed for Princes of the same, bearing voice in the Imperial diets: whereby they might withdraw and exempt themselves out of the king of Frances jurisdiction, hinder such succour as the Protestant Princes might send to them of the Religion, and with the same to strengthen themselves, and finally in stead of recompense, afterward destroy the same Protestant Princes. As this Prince was at the point according to their request to procure them to be received, news came into Germany of the murder of Vassye, which the Duke of Guise had executed in his return into France from the aforesaid town of Sauerne. The Protestant Princes greatly wondered hereat, and that not without cause, seeing it was in manner scarce three days between the time that the Cardinal gave with the one hand silver and gilt cups to Brentius & other German ministers, and that now with the other he sacked the Protestants. But they had before determined to come strongly and armed into the city of Paris, and thence to the Court, to the end to be sure both of the town, and of the King and Queen mother's persons, and so the more easily to compass their conspiracies. And to the end to find some honest cover for the Duke of Guise's return into France, he caused the King of Navarre to call him home: howbeit he could not temper his rage until he came to the Court, but did discharge the same upon the inhabitants of Vassye, as is afore said, being guarded with men of arms, according to a determination concluded upon above three months before, namely that every man should entice as many Gentlemen and men of arms as was possible, warning them to meet in their furniture near unto Paris, about the beginning of March, whereof the Queen mother and the King of Navarre had been sufficiently advertised, and yet in stead of providing thereagainst, they deferred their matters from day to day, so that each played his part after a strange manner, and all in one tragedy. The Duke of Guise met at the time appointed at Nantueil, where other his fautors did soon meet with him, whose purpose a man may easily conjecture, in that most of them coming thither there received their Easter rights, & put themselves in such estate, as like men do use to do when they think themselves near unto any dangerous enterprise. In the mean time, the Queen mother was counseled that for the eschewing of these troubles, it were meet to keep the Duke of Guise (being armed contrary to the King's ordinances) from passing through Paris, where the Provost of Merchants and other of the principal did wait for him: whereupon she divers times sent for him to come to her unto her house at Monceaux, where he should be welcome, expressly forbidding him all entry into Paris in such array, for the avoiding of such inconveniences as she foresaw likely to ensue: considering also the execution and slaughter lately by him committed at Vassy, for the which all men earnestly cried upon the King and her for justice, and in respect of the same, all the realm was replenished with complaints and lamentations. Hereunto the Duke of Guise answered, that he could not come to her, for that he had enough to do to feast and to welcome such his friends as were come to visit him. Then after that the Queen had the second time written to him to come, he made no answer, but having received his friends, did according to the resolution afore taken touching their enterprise, take his journey on the one side, & accompanied with his adherentes, came into Paris by S. Dionice gate, making his entry in open armour, in which order he had still marched even from the murder at Vassy. The Provost of Merchants and three of the counselors of the city assisted him in this entry, with great companies of people, and exclamations of men thereunto hired, even as if the Kings own person had been there, crying aloud, Live Lord of Guise, whereat neither he, neither any of his company showed any token of discontentation. 
〈◊〉 gins of the trou●   
The Guisians having struck this first stroke against the kings authority, and the estate of the Realm, proceeded on, and in Paris began to hold private councils. Hereupon the Queen mother lying at Monceaux, and having daily advertisements, that the Guisians intended to seize upon the kings person and her, determined hastily to depart and retire into some place of assurance. she came therefore to Melune, minding to get to Orleans, there to wait in broader day light, to see how matters went, which now began to come to great confusion: But the Guisians sent the Provost of Merchants to cry after her, that unless she returned, Paris and all was lost, because the Prince of Conde was in arms, & the Parisians naked: and he so laboured, that the rebels had their weapons delivered them, whereby to fortify the Duke of Guise and his faction against their enemies, and so to have the readier opportunity to seize upon the King's person. Also the more to hasten their work, they got the King of Navarre unto Paris, for this Provost of Merchants incessantly cried out at the Court, that the King of Navarre's presence was most necessary in Paris, to repress the troubles, but through the Guisians drifts all was contrary. For so soon as he was come, they held councils more narrowly than before, wherein among other things they determined, thoroughly to assure themselves of Paris, and thence to drive away the Prince of Conde, as the only hinderer of their enterprise, touching the seizing upon the King and Queen mother, and their bringing to Paris, to the end there having them at commandment, to prosecute under their name and authority, their whole determinations. Finally, they did so much that they got the place, & took the King & Queen mother, & brought them to the Louvre: This done, notwithstanding whatsoever the chancelers & others declarations, it was fully concluded to arrear open war against the Prince of Conde and his adherents.  
During these matters, the Prince of Conde sent to the King his protestation and declaration, containing the causes that had moved him to take weapon, namely to the end to restore the King and his mother to their full liberties, & to maintain the Edicts, but especially the last which touched Religion: offering to go home to his own house, in case the Duke of Guise would do the like. Now the Cardinal of Lorraine, his brethren and their adherents, considering that now there were two especial points which they must needs craftily cloak, namely the King's captivity, and the breaking of the Edict of januarie, did diligently procure the dispatch of a declaration bearing date the eight of April, wherein they 'cause the King to confess that the report of his captivity is a false and slanderous lie, which the Prince of Conde and his partakers have invented to excuse his own dealings, and that he and the Queen were in as free liberty as ever before, also that of their own accord they came to Paris, there to provide against these troubles. These letters were soon allowed in the Parliament of Paris, where were many of the Guisians creatures. The plainlier also to scorn the King and all the realm, they invented in their opinions an other crafty devise, for within eight or ten days after these letters, they procured others, wherein it was declared that the Prince of Conde under a false and feigned pretence of Religion, was personally seized upon by certain seditious persons, who had him now in their possession.  
Also to the end to have one full blow at the Edict of januarie, they in the same month dispatched other letters, wherein in the kings name they gave out that he had been advertised, how that divers numbers of people were retired to Orleans and other places, under colour of a certain pretended fear of being searched in their consciences, and restrained from the benefit of the Edict of januarie: He therefore declareth that he intendeth not to revoke this Edict except within Paris, the suburbs & bailiwick of the same, where he will permit no other exercise then of the Romish religion. These letters being repugnant to the Edict of januarie, were presently received and allowed in the Parliament.  

●he first doubles.  This done, the Guisians having first used the Constable's aid to strike a stroke in Paris, & then the king of Navarre's help to drive away the Protestants, did now send out the Marshal of S. Andrew's on the one side, who executed cruelties sufficient, and themselves on the other side gathered power every where, took the fields and used terrible deeds of hostility against the Protestants. We will therefore in this place only briefly run over matters, for it is enough to touch them only by the way, referring the ample discourse unto the history of our time. First therefore they used the help of the Queen mother, of the King of Navarre, of the Parliament of Paris, and of their own secret servants in the quailing of the Prince of Conde's constancy, and separating him from the Lords of Chastillon, whom they minded first to overthrow. But getting naught that way (for he had discovered their ambushments, and had both in the Realm and abroad fortified himself against the same) they now proceeded unto violence, murdering the protestants in divers towns of the Realm, and with incredible violence assaulting certain places, whither the said Protestants had for their own safeties withdrawn themselves. And although the King of Navarre were in name Lieutenant general, and that the Constable remained in his estate, yet did all things pass through the Guisians hands, who in small time raised all the realm into arms.  
Then the Constable, the Marshal of S. Andrew's, 
The triu●●uirates request.  & the Duke of Guise presented a request to the King & Queen mother, therein requiring the utter abolishing of religion, the exercise whereof had four months before been granted, That all officers of France, the household servants of the King, his brethren & sister, all officers of justice, war, accounts, exchequer, treasury, and others bearing office, having charge, administration or commission from the King, should profess the same religion, and thereof make open declaration: and that all such as refused, delayed, or withstood the same, should be deprived of their estates, charges, offices, wages, administrations and commissions. That all Ecclesiastical persons should do the like, under pain of deprivation of their benefices. That all temples which had been razed, should now be new built, and satisfaction made for all damages, and the pullers down of them punished. That all weapons taken without the King of Navarre's express commandment, should be laid down again, and that all men persisting in the bearing of them against the will of the said King of Navarre, the Lieutenant general representing the King's person in all his Dominions, should be declared rebels and enemies to the King and his Realm. That it may appertain to the King of Navarre only, to keep and assemble power in France, and the same to retain certain months for appeasing of the troubles. This done, they promised every man to go home to their houses, yea (said they) even to the end of the world into perpetual exile, if need so required. This did they the fourth day of May 1562. The same day they procured the King to command them not to departed from the Court, & therefore presented an other request to the Queen mother, therein offering to go home to their houses, to the end (said they) to obey the King of Navarre. Unto these requests did the Prince of Conde sufficiently answer, who largely discovered the sleights of the Guisians, and did daily fortify himself, as well by his authority in this point, as also by certain letters which the Queen mother wrote unto him, committing to his safeguard the mother and the children, and openly enough condemning the tyranny of the Guisians.  
It is hard to say, whether the policies or violences of the Guisians did most harm: and as for the cruelties which their soldiers exercised in sundry parts of France, especially the men of war, together with some murderers in divers towns, the posterity will wonder more in reading the history of the year 1562, than we who were the beholders of such horrible tragedies, as the Cardinal & his brethren played to the confusion of King Charles & his kingdom. For in their behaviours they used some sleights needful to be marked. The Prince of Conde's troops were well armed and resolved to fight, being compounded of the most valiant French Lords, Captains and soldiers. The Guisians therefore doubting the trial, hoped by their journeys to and fro to disperse his army, wherein the Queen mother and the King of Navarre were employed. In the mean time, they daily surprised some places which the Protestants held, gathered up money, & called strangers out of all countries to the spoil, and seeing themselves at the point to be beaten, about the end of june through the aid of the King of Navarre they obtained truce, and within two days after, the Duke of Guise departed from the camp at Baugencie with divers others, whereupon they immediately sent the Prince of Conde word, that according to his request the Duke of Guise & his partakers were returned to their own houses. Now was the Queen mother instructed what communication she should use toward the Prince of Conde and the rest of the protestāns: as did manifestly appear in a letter which the Duke of Guise wrote to his brother the Cardinal of Lorraine, dated the 25. day of june, which being surprised, to the end the plainlier to set forth these good people's wits, I have here inserted as followeth. I do send unto you (writeth he) this bringer with all speed, to let you understand, that yesterday all things were agreed, and I may say unto you, that some are far wide of their accounts. Our mother (the Queen) and his brother (the King of Navarre) swear no other but by the faith that they own us, also that they will take no counsel but of those whom you wots. To conclude, the reformed Religion, in well governing ourselves, and standing stiffly unto the end, as we will do, will come to naught, and the Admiral's party be as evil handled as it possible. Albina our power remaineth whole, & theirs is broken, and their towns yielded, without any speech of either edicts or preachings, or administration of Sacraments after their manner. The next day after the Duke of Guise's and his partakers departure, the Prince of Conde went to submit himself in the hands of his brother the King of Navarre and of the Queen mother at Baugency, passing through the midst of the Guisians army to the great danger of his own person: The Queen mother being come to Talsy a village hard by, did there sufficiently give to understand to the Prince of Conde, the Admiral and other Lords whom she had sent for thither, that herself was the Guisians assured instrument, whereby to maintain & support troubles and partialities in the realm. For she told them flatly, that they must not look to have the edict of januarie observed, neither that in France should be any other religion used then the Romish, also that the catholics were so strong & therewith so chafed, especially at Paris, that without further tumults the said edict could not be kept: wherefore they aught to be content in being tolerated to live quietly in their own houses, without any slander or being searched in their consciences, provided always that they practised no preachings, administration of the Sacraments, or other exercises of their religion. The Guisians also remembering how divers times before, the said Prince of Conde & his adherents had declared (which language they now also used unto the Queen) that rather then for their parts to agreed to the forcing of their consciences, or to tolerate any thing contrary to God's honour, or his word, they would departed the realm, & incur perpetual exile, did now expressly advertise the Queen that at this parley she should reduce them again to the same communication, & then take them at their word, which she both promised and diligently brought to pass. For having declared to the Prince & his partakers, that their protestations touching the maintenance of the edicts & religion were not receyveable, she did very liberally yield to the other point, namely that their best was to withdraw themselves out of France, promising to procure unto them as well generally as particularly, all such letters of assurance as themselves would devise: then accounting herself assured of their departure, she began to discourse with them upon the time when the king should come out of his nonage, showing them that there were some who threatened to continue it unto the twentieth year of his age, notwithstanding she were determined at the four tenth year to proclaim his majority: alleging that she assured herself that in case any man sought therein to contrary her, the said Prince & the rest would not fail, but come to her aid and assistance. Yet was she not content so accursedly to maintain both the Guisians & her own ambition, but that she must needs the same night after she came from Talsye, dispatch Ramboillet, to the end in the morning to be at the said Princes uprising, to hasten the departure of him & his, & to bring her word of the assured hour & time of their said departure out of the Realm, writing unto the said prince, that she would sand him ten thousand crowns to what part soever he went, therein manifestly declaring herself the instrument of the said Guisians wherewith to banish him: so that hereby every man may perceive what way poor France was like to go through such accursed government.  
The Prince hereupon returned with such lords as accompanied him into his own camp, having first revealed to the Queen mother certain of the Guisians practices, whereby they endeavoured to have apprehended him in his return from the said parlye, which he had discovered. But all this notwithstanding, they were so wide from quailing his constancy, that contrariwise being fully resolved to maintain the liberty and laws of his country, and to do his duty unto God & the Church against the enemies, he twice offered them battle. But the Duke of Guise and his friends (who so greatly before trusted in their power, knowledge and experience, as to presume to say, even before the King's face, that with three hundred men of arms they would not fail, but so beat the Huguenots, that for their safety they should have enough to do, quickly to get into the corners of the Realm) then with all the power that they could get in seven or eight days, together with such forces as they gathered under the King's name and authority, could not now otherwise shift, but by stealing away and in the night departing unto Bloys, a town of no strength, where they found the poor inhabitants utterly disarmed, of whom some they murdered, & some they drowned, violating women and maidens, and committing wonderful havoc: and thence, having that passage open, they went and sacked sundry other towns, and foraged a great part of the Realm. The Cardinal also together with the Pope's Legate followed the army to the army, whereby to prevent all means of agreement, & to maintain the troubles, whereof we need no more assured proof then of a certain remembrance which at the same time was met withal, which the said Cardinal sent to his brother the Duke of Guise and his companions, to the camp at Bloys by Seure the controller of his said brother's houshoold. This remembrance among other did contain these words. As for breaking of or hindering whatsoever is newly propounded touching agreement, it is that that is the hardest, and containeth most labour: and never believe that any man taketh any heed thereto, or harken unto them, either that they shall come to any point, unless they submit them selves to such offers, as the Queen saith she hath made unto them. Afterwards he addeth saying, As for continuing about the Queen, that is done: & all diligence is employed according to the instructions, without omitting any hour or occasions, and so shall be continued. Concerning the Pope, those be so long delays that we can come to no end, neither is there any default of calling upon, yea even of angering outright. Touching the succours of Flanders, we perceive nothing ready without long attended, & yesterday the Ambassador was spoken unto, who, saith he, hath done his endeavour in writing to the Lady of Parma. For Meaux, we have not power sufficient to do any thing, and therefore we seek to get them to yield. In any wise forget not Man's and Bourges, & see that after your departure from where ye are, you be not new to begin. The declaration of rebellion was yesterday read in the council, and well liked of all men. The King's men penned it, and it should this day have been published: But they say they have promised to do nothing without you, and therefore do sand it to you to add or diminish. Time wasteth, sand it therefore back again speedily.  
This declaration of rebellion had the Cardinal practised, thereby to break the Prince of Condes power, 
The C●nall pr●reth th● be pro●med re● who do● withsta● his pr●ses.  and so with more ease to attain to his purposes. The arrest thereof was published in the Parliament of Paris, the 27 day of july 1562. But the Prince and his partakers did first refuse the Guisians slaves, who prepared them selves to make this declaration, and then uttereth the unjustice of the same, whereby the Cardinal got not much that way, saving that he detected his own practices and rebellions, as the said Prince and his confederates published in their declaration to the Queen, wherein were these notable words among other. Considering with a single eye the parties in this cause, ye shall find that the said lord Prince and his confederates, have been wrongfully declared rebels by those who are so in deed. The procurers of all the troubles happened in this Realm, since the death of the late King Henry, are the declarers of the said Prince and his fautors to be seditious. They who do oppress the King's majesty, abolish his decrees, and abuse his name and authority, to the end with his overthrow to establish their own mightiness, are the same who have declared us guilty of treason. Those those are guilty of treason against God, whose works have always showed that ambition is their God, covetousness their religion, and worldly pleasures their paradise and last felicity: who have sworn war against the Son of God, his word, and the defenders of the same: who show the deeds of anabaptists, in rebaptising children baptized according to the ordinance of JESUS CHRIST: whose houses are replenished with theft, and their hands bloody in all cruelty. Those men also are guilty of humane treason, who have violated the kings edicts, armed themselves contrary to his commandment, and seized upon his royal person: who are inward friends, and to the same end do use the help of those, who in seeking to steal away the second person of the Realm, endeavoured to oppress the King, & to bring his estate into ruin & confusion. And seeing we must needs proceed, I say that those men are guilty of treason, who lately made a conspiracy in Provence through the aid of Lauris a precedent in the Parliament of Aix, together with Fabritius Cerbelone the Pope's governor of Avignon, tending to the raising of fifteenth thousand men, who as they swore, marched at the commandment of the Duke of Guise, of whom the said Fabritius furnished a thousand footmen, and two hundred horse: which conspiracy being detected, and in the court of Parliament of Provence, verified: Entrages and Laydet the two chief captains of this faction were beheaded by sentence of the said court. If this be not sufficient, I will say yet more, namely that the Guisians made the like match in Dauphine by means of captain Mantil: hoping to arm the said two provinces, & then to 'cause them together to march where they thought best. So that these conspiracies made for the abolishing of the preaching of the Gospel, these leavying of men, and this oath, to march at the Duke of Guise's commandment, do cry out that he and his confederates are rebels, seditious persons, and guilty of treason against both God & man: Also that contrariwise, those are the King's true and faithful servants, who both have and still do valiantly withstand their rebellions, seditions, and attempts against the King's majesty, and the estate of this Realm. Also hereof above all that is yet spoken, the overthrow of the policy, and subversion of the justice of this Realm, together with the perverting of the court of Parliament of Paris, may be a sufficient testimony: The aid of which court they have used in this false and pernicious judgement of rebellion, because they could not light upon any other company so corrupted & depraved, either so much bound to their wills and appetites as is the same: for so many as now be members thereof, either do keep their rooms through the said Guisians and their adherents favour, or else do live in hope hereafter through their help to climb higher: yea most of them are by name comprehended in the said conspiracy and league, which the said Guisians and their adherents have made.  
Thus you see what was then published against the Guisians: 
The Cardinal's polic● for the maintaining of his Tyrant  But unto this policy of causing the Prince of Conde's adherents to be proclaimed rebels, the Cardinal yet added other sleights. First he got the King and the Queen mother to be brought into his brother's camp by the King of Navarre, whom he sent to fetch them: & so caused both the Child and mother to march as it were in triumph, the better to cloak the end of this war. Secondly he won to their part all strangers, even the Protestant Germans, whom he caused to enter into the Realm, and in the mean season scoffed at the said Protestants religion: because, said they, that with money they brought them to root out the gospel in France, which themselves had planted in Germany, which also they still professed. yea the better to scorn the said Germans, the Guisians gave them to understand, that of long time they had been minded to establish the confession of Ausbourg in France, (which the Cardinal had openly detested in the assembly of Poissy, notwithstanding that afterward at Sauerne he protested that he did allow of the same) & already had so done, in case they had not been letted by the Prince of Condye & his adherents, whom they charged to be rebels, to seek to usurp the crown, to be anabaptists, Atheists, and men devoid of all faith and religion.  
All this time in France there was no news but of tempests and horrible confusions throughout all the Country, 
The Car●●nal goeth the Coun●  as more largely is, and shall be discoursed upon in certain treatises tending to the same end: but the Cardinal endeavouring to assure his matters as well as he might, determined to leave his brethren at work in France, whiles himself went to practise with the Pope, the Spanierd and others assembled unto the Council of Trent, and all under colour of religion, which he did openly scoff at: for at Gyen and Bloys among other the articles whereunto he caused the King & his council to subscribe, to the end they might (said he) pass in the Council, though in effect to bring the Pope and his adherentes to that whereat he shot, were these five, wherein his practices may plainly be perceived. First that the Canon of the Mass might be cut of, and the rest corrected according to the form of all ancient liturgies, & brought into French. Secondly, that the Psalms might be sung in Churches after the manner of that French translation which the doctors of Sorbone had corrected, who in deed are as rude Poets, although they love their drink well, as evil divines. Thirdly, that indifferently all men might participate in the lords Supper under both kinds. Fourthly, that all flat paintings tending to the story only, should be permitted in Churches, & all Images taken away: or at the lest wise the people should be exhorted not to worship any of them either simply or by relation. Fifthly, and finally, that all curates and prior's should either by themselves or by others interpret the epistle and gospel for the day unto the people. Thus did this troublesome member handle France: who was against all men and all men against him, yea even in Rome the Cardinal Vitelly did sharply rebuke him, calling him a busy fellow and molester of all things, who only by his drifts cut out more work in a day, than the whole consistory of Cardinals could sow in a year. The better to frame his gins, he got forth with him nine bishops, four Abbots, and certain sorbonists, and arrived at Trent in November 1562. whereupon the twenty third day of the same month he made an oration containing some matters worth the noting.  
First he confessed that God's wrath over France proceeded of the corruption of manners in all estates, and the utter despising of all Church discipline. About the midst speaking of the King of Frances request, this good orator said, He requireth us, so much as we may, to avoid all new quarrels, to omit all new and unfruitful questions, to our power to procure all Princes & countries to abstain from wars, that we eschew all desire of moving debate, for doubt lest such as have strayed from us should account this council to be holden, rather to the end to stir up princes to take weapon, also to make complots & alliances of wars, notwithstanding it were holy, then to provide for the universal reconciliation of minds. Afterwards he maketh mention of the reformation of the church, and doth conclude with his own submission to the Romish Church. Now let the reader consider the purpose of this speech. And from that time forward he still practised against the estate of the realm, from whence he daily received letters, neither was there any thing in France done without him, as hereafter we shall perceive. But being now in hand with the council, we will also touch some leagues. Immediately after he heard of the death of his brother the Duke of Guise, upon whose authority his whole hope was grounded, he suddenly thought never to return into France, but with his usual inconstancy turned his mind toward the affairs of Italy, gratifying so far forth as he could, the Pope and all foreign princes, especially the Catholic King of Spain.  
Before the news of this death, he had with the Spanish Bishops stood stiffly in defence of residences upon benefices against the Pope's dispensations, alleging them to proceed of the Law of God: but then he soon changed his copy, maintaining with his adherents that they belonged to the positive Law, and so through the plurality of voices bore it away, in so much that the Archbishop of Granado cried out, that the Cardinal of Lorraine had betrayed them. Also when the County de Luna the King of Spain's ambassador slacked his coming to the Council, because he disdained to sit under the French ambassador, the Cardinal procured him to come, & to the end to curry favour with the King of Spain, caused his ambassador to enjoy the more honourable place, thereby causing the King of France to loose the pre-eminence, which never before was called into question.  

The siege of Bourges & Roven.  Now let us mark whether his brethren, whom he had left in France, were any truer servants to the crown. The Duke of Guise kept the King and Queen mother in his hands, making them to troth up and down, also to be present in the taking of towns, and so hiding himself under their authority struck his blows. For the King of Navarre he did strangely scorn and flout. Well, in August he besieged Bourges, and in September they yielded, then did he 'cause the King and Queen to enter, and used marvelous threats and outrageous words against them that were yielded. All the Protestants in those quarters did he worse entreat then either Turks or jews. The Duke of Aumale, and Marquis d'Ellebeufe lay in Normandy, the one before Roven, and the other before Caen, and yet notwithstanding they wanted neither grease nor growing, yet could they not greatly profit that way. The Lord of Moruilliers was at Roven, and in S. Katherine's fort was so good a garnison, that the Duke of Aumale all summer time, did naught but loose men and munitions. Yea, the parties besieged, the more to laugh at him, erected certain rampires and bulwark, against the which he wastefully spent his powder and pellets, as if he would have scared sparrows. To be brief, every man was a master in his camp, insomuch as when a certain boy was gotten out of Roven to behold, and espy the demeanours of him & his, seeing every roister intrude himself to counsel him and to command in his presence, at his return said, that there were very many captains, but few soldiers: wherefore, said he, you are in no danger except when the Lord of Aumale sleepeth. In the mean time the Duke of Guise called in all strangers, as Italians, Spanierds and other, the more to trouble all things: But hearing that the Queen of England prepared to aid the Protestants, and knowing her landing to be in Normandy, he led thither his army, drawing with him the King and Queen mother together with the King of Navarre, who at the siege of Roven received a wound whereof he shortly after died, being therein rewarded for joining with the enemies both of the crown and of his family. Roven was taken, and all extremity therein exercised. That done, the Duke of Guise returned to Paris in great perplexity, for that the Prince having received succour out of Germany, was coming to seek him. Howbeit in the mean time he received new supplies of Gascoynes and Spanierds, and therewith intended to keep the Englishmen from joining with the Prince.  
Hereof followed the battle of Dreux fought in December, the effect whereof all men do know. 
The battle of Dreux.  But as the Duke of Guise's refusing to give the onset when the Constable sent him word, which caused the said Constables taking, procured men to judge that willingly he sought this chance, so did others who supposed better to know his nature, attribute it to his cowardliness: and thereof did men take their argument, to assure themselves of all that which since that battle this brave warrior hath compassed. For all men will confess that after this battle of Dreux, all the Protestants power consisted in the band, which the Admiral kept in the fields, and not in the city of Orleans which was impregnable, for the said Admiral remained safe. And therefore it had been reason that the Duke of Guise had assailed him, who being overcome, Orleans would have stretched forth her hands: and not in such wise to have wasted his men, money, munition & forces, about the taking of a town, which being won & razed, should but have made the Admiral more strong, wary and diligent about new and dangerous enterprises. Thereof did men conclude that the Duke of Guise wanted both wit and courage, in that he neither could, ne durst follow the Admiral at his retire out of Normandy, but did suffer him so to fortify himself with towns, holds, fortresses, men, money and all other munitions. Yea, the most valiant & expert captains of France do think certainly, that in case the war had a little while longer continued, the Admiral had given the Duke of Guise an immortal reproach, who at Dreux durst not look in his face, neither at his coming out of Orleans to go into Normandy, follow at his back: notwithstanding the said Admiral was but slenderly accompanied at his coming out of the said besieged city, and yet passed part of France, and even before the said Duke of Guise's face forced certain towns, as Touque, Caen, Falaize, Argenten, Vire and other places in Normandy, took sundry fortresses and castles, & compelled the Marquis d' Ellebeufe to come under the yoke, and yield to his grace and mercy, notwithstanding the said Marquis might well enough have withstood him, as having an unpregnable place, namely the castle of Caen at commandment: But that was not his occupation, he was fit to handle a bottle and a gambon of bacon. And in deed not long before the Admiral's coming to Caen, he sought to flee, and had not Captain Renovard been, he had never abidden the summons. Of him therefore did not a gentleman of Caux speak much out of the way, when as after the first troubles, at the same time that the King's army feared, that it would be long before they could recover New haven, he counseled them to 'cause the Marquis d' Ellebeufe to enter thereinto: for, said he, there is no fort so strong, so well defended or so impregnable, but that he immediately will yield the same.  
In the mean time, the Cardinal hearing of the battle of Dreux, said, All is well seeing my brother is escaped. Is there no more talk of calling us to accounts? and then turning unto two bishops of his familiars, he said to them smiling, So far as I perceive, my brother must take his accounts, himself alone: now is it as I desired. The King of Navarre was dead, The Marshal of S. Andrew's was slain, the Prince of Conde was prisoner on the one side, and the Constable on the other: now was it as he desired. Now did he and his brother fear none but the Queen mother, whose inconstancy and subtleties they were to conquer. To the attaining therefore to their purpose, they thought it necessary to get Orleans, thereby to entrap the Lord d'Andelot, whom they did both doubt and hate, also to recover the Constable, whereby he might be wholly at their mercy, if peradventure they had not caused him to be made away in the heat of his taking. They were in possession of the Prince of Conde, who should not very cheap depart out of their hands: and although they saw the Admiral on foot, yet hoped they in time to mate him. They made therefore at one flight forty Knights of the order, and divided the companies of men of arms unto men of their own retinue. And the Duke of Guise not long before his hurt, sufficiently discovered himself: for when one of his familiars moved him to follow the Admiral, he answered, That perchance will not be the most commodity to many, in case they should so soon be overcome: the cards are not thoroughly shuflled, I have a worse beast to overcome then all the Huguenots together, speaking of the Queen, of whom many times privately he complained, saying, that she was very unthankful to him ward, also that closely she wove some web with the Prince of Conde: But, said he, if God will, who knoweth the wrong done to our house, (speaking of the Counties of Provence and Anjou, and of the crown also) I will come to an end with them all, and whatsoever it cost, seeing my share is therein, I will have justice before the game be at an end. The wickedness of his desire was yet more plainly perceived by an other word which he spoke, at his making of the last Knights of the order (among whom his son Henry yet more meet to play with nutshales, then to handle a sword, was one of the first) when it was objected what a reproach it would be to so many worthy men and noble Lords as were already of the same, in case he should put in some of those whom he had named: you, said he, do not know my meaning. There be some said he (speaking of the Queen) who seek to live in confusion, and therefore we must put in so many, that the disorder may bring good order. This may you see was his care over the estate of the realm: but we may herein perceive how he defaced himself. In the battle of Dreux the Constable was taken fight valiantly: the Marshal of S. Andrew's was slain in the same place: The Duke of Guise could not avoid without shame and dishonour, after he had refused to set upon the Huguenots when his captain commanded him, and had abandoned his general in the midst of the field. In this battle did he no honourable deed, but lost the honour of the Prince of Conde's taking, who lighted in the Lord of Danuils' hands: But to his great confusion, he had before him the Admiral only, of whom he had spoken so much shame, and therefore before all men sustained this reproach, that with all his power he durst not assail him whom before he had so much despised, and who by his saying was destitute of all virtue, valiantness and grace in commanding. The thing which most spited the Duke of Guise, was in that he perceived himself bridled by the yielding of New haven to the Englishmen, which unto them was granted upon sundry not very unequal conditions, considering the time: & this caused the Cardinal and the rest of his brethren to bite their nails, seeing new work now cut out for them in an other place. Now they did in manner account assuredly, that this matter was never done without some practice of the Queen mother, with the Prince of Condie & the Admiral, and therefore did through the means of certain their secret servants, counsel the King of Spain to ask the custody of some towns to the King of Frances behoof, putting the Spaniard in hope that they would procure his request to be granted, if he had been as unjust and foolish as to have demanded the same. The Duke of Guise's fretting also a little before his wounding at Orleans, which himself disclosed to a certain familiar friend is not altogether unknown: for he said that he repented himself, in that he delivered not two towns to the spaniards in stead of one which the Englishmen possessed: for that, said he, had been the way to bridle the inconstancy wherewith he charge the Queen, and the envy and ielouzy, which, said he, she bore to his greatness, besides the means that this might have been to do some thing for his own family, which openly he would not discover: and yet could he not so closely keep his game, but that in saying that he had by this means a share in the lump as the rest, a man might discern (together with other words which he spoke) whether he were minded to give the realm in prey, and so have a portion therein.  
These discontentations did partly procure the Admiral to pass safe into Normandy, 
The Du● of Guise death.  and there anew to fortify himself, whiles the Duke of Guise laid siege to Orleans, minding after the execution of that matter, to prepare himself unto more haughty enterprises: and using no talk, but such as tended to threats against the estate and quiet of the Realm. But in the midst of all his devices, Poltrot shot a dag at him, whereby he lanquished certain days in terrible torments, not without wonderful grief, for that he perceived himself cut of in the midst of his course. Sometimes he would thrust his finger into the wound, as if he were extremely chafed against the surgeons and Physicians, who could not prolong Francis the second his life, also as if he could not give them one good look, because he saw himself ensnared. Finally after he had forgiven his wife, and left his children to the Cardinal's tuition, not without strait charge to revenge his death, and bring his drifts to their perfection which so often had been frustrated, he was (as ye would say) by death tied to the suburbs and gate of Orleans. This was the end of the fiercest of all the Guisians, who fretted (said many) in that he should die in the town where a King had died, either that now alive he should come into the City which he and his partakers had destined for the death of a Prince of the blood, and many good officers of the crown. The Catholics especially of Paris (who nevertheless had small cause as afterward appeared) did greatly bewail his death. When the King of Navarre was slain at Roven, the Duke of Nevers, and the Marshal of S. Andrews at Dreux, and divers others in other places, there was no token of sorrow. But for the Duke of Guise, who had abandoned his captain, who fought because he would not be accountable to the estates of France, who had violated the King's edicts, and sought to suppress the house of Valois, did they make hearses, and used all other funeral solemnities as if he had been a King. Now therefore like as after the decease of Francis the second, all the whole court which environed the Guisians vanished away, and all their multitudes at the same instant converted into solitariness, yea that many who before had followed them, were now ready not only to hold the basin to whomsoever would cut their throats, but even themselves to paunch them: so after the death of their eldest brother, they remained as a body without members, being forsaken of most men, and through the unreasonable authority which they had usurped, become odious unto such as to them were most uprignt. The Cardinal now being at Trent, sought new means how to begin at an other end: and first dealt with the Spaniard, as himself did since disclose to one of the chief counsellors of a certain noble french Lord: for having declaimed against, and reproved the estate of matters of France, he told him that the Spaynishe government was excellent and good, where the Great Lords of the country do so bridle their King, that they permit him scarcely to sport himself: handling him after the manner of counters, of which a man maketh that which sometime is worth but one, sometime worth ten, sometimes worth a hundred, sometimes worth ten thousand, and immediately reducing it again to nothing at his pleasure: neither were it (said he) a very hard matter to reduce France to the same point. In the mean time he counterfeited the mourner, writing such consolatory letters unto his mother, as a man would hardly read without laughing, especially where he writeth these words, Madam, I say unto you, that God never so greatly honoured any mother, neither at any time did so much for any his creature, (excepting always his own glorious mother) than he hath done for you. But this good child of the most blessed mother in the world, next to the virgin Marie, invented other new practices against the estate of his King and country, as we now shall perceive.  
The Duke of Guise his mouth being stopped, 
The first pacificat●  peace presently ensued, but in such manner as did easily show that such remembrances, as the Cardinal left at his going to the Councille, were of great force. For the edict made in the month of january was in manner extinguished, the Prince of Condye displaced from the room which to him appertained, as to the first Prince of the blood, the Admiral and other great Lords expulsed the Court, but principally the said Admiral, who was charged with procuring the shot at the Duke of Guise, which nevertheless was but a policy which the Cardinal and his fautors practised, to the end still to keep the water troubled, and themselves out of accounts: in which point, the Queen mother somewhat favoured the Guisians, in that she was glad to put from her son all honourable persons, to the end to bring him up and frame him according to her own humours, the effects whereof have since manifestly appeared.  
Many things chanced in France between the first and second troubles, 
The Gu●●●ans beha●ours bet● the first 〈◊〉 second t●bles.  wherein the Guisians sleights diversly appeared, to the destruction of the realm; whereof we will touch some the most notable particularities, not staying overmuch upon the circumstance of Days: in that that entreating of their injuries offered to the Princes of the blood, to the nobility, to the estates and to other private parties in the Realm, we may behold such matters as now we will pass over.  
First, the Cardinal laboured the Queen mother to grant the estate of great master, unto his nephew Henry son to the late Duke of Guise. So that notwithstanding this child was not capable thereof, yet to the great dishonour of the King and the Realm, and in despite of the Constable and the Protestants, whom the Queen began to hate, he was chosen great Master, standing in deed in greater need of a Schoolmaster and rods.  
After the King of Navarre was dead, the Queen mother become a Catholic, for she doubted jest the Prince of Conde, than first Prince of the blood would hold his estate, & (knowing her humours, through the assistance of the Chastillons, & the Constable himself, whose heat began now to cool) reduce her to order, & take the government from her. The Cardinal foreseeing also, that if this were brought to pass, both he and all his should be plucked away, determined to take some order. At the assembly at Orleans, the estates with one common consent had made great complaints of the unreasonable gifts, which both King Henry and King Francis the second had given to sundry persons, of whom some were unworthy, others had had too much, seeking to call to accounts those who had the charge and government of the treasure. The first part of these complaints, touching the unworthiness of persons, concerned especially and from the bottom of their hearts, the Duchess of Valentinois, and all her abomination. The second of excess did pinch to the quick the Guisians, the Marshal of S. Andrew's, and some others. another point of this complaint tended wholly against the Guisians, as having relation only to the time of Francis the second, whom they had ordered at their pleasures, in whose time much money was spent and consumed. On the other side, the reformation of the ecclesiastical estate, whereupon the nobility and third estate did earnestly call, killed the Cardinal's heart outright. Wherefore to the end to procure this pursuit to vanish away, he and his brethren could invent no better shift, then by kindling the civil war aforesaid. The same now being pacified, he propoundeth unto the Queen mother, that to keep the Prince of Conde from challenging his degree, and abolishing her government, it were most expedient to proclaim the King's majority, as also she was minded to have done before the King of Navarre's decease. For the Cardinal knew that so long as the Queen mother was Mistress, the accounts should never be taken, because that in permitting the estates to search so narrowly the behaviours of governors, it was to be feared lest in time they would examine herself. As for the reformation of the Clergy, he propoundeth to her how profitable that would be for the advancement of the Protestants, which necessarily must ensue, for she should raise against her the Spanierd, the Pope and the Catholics, and so should loose her credit, and peradventure her authority also. According therefore to this counsel, shortly after the peace the King's majority was proclaimed, wherein the Queen mother and the Cardinal made him play a terrible part, in procuring him to speak as big as if he were forty years old, when in deed it was they that spoke with his lips.  
To this counsel the Cardinal yet added an other, touching the instruction of the King and of his brethren. For he showed the Queen, that if she suffered the Princes and Lords of the Religion to come near her children, either else so timely trained them up in the affairs, they might be won, and in time do herself some displeasure, or at the lest wise, put her from the government, and then choose other counsellors, as the Bourbons, Montmorencies and Chastillons. For remedy whereof, he causeth the King to waste his time with a top and scourge stick, at cockefights, at putting dogs together by the ears, or setting them upon this body or that body, in hearing of plays, seeing of dances, talking with harlots: finally in swearing and whorehunting, and all in the Queen's presence and knowledge, through the dealings of divers of the Guisians servants. Also because the King of himself was wild enough, somewhat to cool these heats, he was sent on hunting whiles a priest and a woman governed the Realm.  
To keep the Protestants also still in breath, & so to stop the King, that with the time he might not so favour both the parties at once, that finally the Guisians policies should be detected, the Cardinal caught hold of an occasion which the Queen mother had practised a little before the Edict of pacification. There was a certain, I wots not what, deposition attributed to Poltrot, wherein he confessed that the Admiral had procured him to slay the Duke of Guise: and although the Admiral hearing the bruit hereof, which lafoy Pallet servant to the Guisians had caused to be noised among the Protestant Reistres, who were come to the Protestants aid, and therewithal considering the consequence thereof, had by express letters entreated the Queen mother to 'cause the said Poltrot to be reprieved, to the end to be brought face to face, yet had she by sentence of the Parliament of Paris caused him to be drawn asunder with four horses. Wherein was to be seen the cloaking and wonderful policies of the Queen mother and the Cardinal. But as touching the Queen's practices, they require an other legend. And in respect of the Cardinal, he was the gladdest man alive of this advantage, whereby at his pleasure to bring the Realm again into troubles, to rid his hands of his enemies, of Bourbon, of montmorency, and of Chastillon: and indeed this justice which he procured the Duke of Guise's widow and children to prosecute, was a very proper means to help himself with all: For soon after, he yet proceeded giving the Queen to understand, that neither her regiment, neither the kings estate would ever be assured so long as the Bourbons, Montmorencies and Chastillons were on horseback: that it was meet to humble them, and to set so many men against them, that the King and his assistants might continued masters. Also that in case she would accept of his brethren and nephews, also of such as were affectionate to that race, she should find them priest with all means possible: Again, that so long as she would mislike of the Protestants, most towns in the Realm would bestow their whole power to the maintenance of her and her authority.  
Moreover, because it had been too much so to disquiet all things at once, and a little to hazard themselves, rather than to deal with the three houses aforesaid together, having consulted with his brethren, the said Cardinal propounded to the Queen mother, that it were best first to dispatch the Chastillons, whereunto the justice which the Guisians demanded might serve for a colour, also for that it would be hard coming by them by force, it were best in showing them a good countenance to entrap them at once. Now notwithstanding the Queen were not ignorant of the unrighteousness of this counsel, also of such confusions as might ensue: yet preferring her own ambition before the quietness of her children and Realm, she took that way. For, although she did not greatly love the Guisians, yet being assured that she should the better compass her matters, also that they were already so deep in these affairs, that they would with her hazard all means for their preservation, and therefore now there was no more to do but to find opportunity to be rid of the Chastillons. But when they were at the point to practise their matters, the Prince of Conde in the kings open counsel took the Admiral's matter in hand, and plainly declared that who so ever dealt with the Admiral otherwise then by Law and equity, he the said Prince would not suffer it. This therefore together with other considerations, procured the counterfeit atonement between the Admiral and the Guisians, which was made at Moulins as the King was in his journey to Bayonne.  
This journey was undertaken through the advice of the Queen and the Cardinal, under pretence of visiting the realm: but in effect to confer with the Spaniard, to renew a league which might reduce the realm into new troubles, as indeed it came to pass after this race was run. And the whiles the Cardinal and his brethren framed other practices as followeth.  
The Cardinal at his being at Trent had procured an after session, thereby to publish the King of France to be an heretic, a schismatic, and an excommunicate person, in case he persisted in selling the domains of the Church, although the same sale was of his own inventions, and that he together with his brother had granted thereto before his departure: for to the obtaining of their greatness and accomplishing of their purposes, nothing was so holy, but it might be alienated. In the same practice he determined to open and give in spoil to the first conqueror, the realm of Navarre, because of the religion which the Queen and her son the Prince did profess. Whereof the King being advertised, he sent word to the Ambassadors and Bishops of his realm speedily to come their ways from the Council, publishing moreover vehement protestations against the auctors of the said counsel. But herein consisted an other of the Cardinal's policies, who secretly alleged that he had invented these means somewhat to gratify the Pope and the Spaniard, to whom he presented a new pray, and on the other side he writ to the Queen mother, that the King must needs counterfeit a discontentation hereat, whereby to allure the Queen of Navarre, and so to separate her from the Prince and the Chastillons, the readilier to dispatch each after other. Here upon he returned into France, and there set his matters in such order as shortly you shall perceive, and then made a new voyage unto Rome, there personally to solicit this curse against the Queen of Navarre. And then to the end to clear himself of such mischief, he departed two days before judgement should be given: from whence being arrived at Venice, he there sharply accused the Pope and consistory of Rome for transgressing the King's pleasure, whereby to persuade men that he was not of that conspiracy or faction.  
At his return, for the accomplishment of his promise, 
The Articles of th● Council which th● Cardinal● propounde● thereby again to trouble t● Realm.  he was so impudent as to present the councils articles unto the King, not so much for the establishing of the same at the first dash, as to the end by little and little to annihilate the Edict of pacification. And to the end it might have the fairer show, at his soliciting the Ambassadors of Spain, Savoy and the Pope, came to the Court, and presented certain Articles devised at the instance of the Cardinal and his adherentes, which here we have set down, because they do reveal the foundation of the rest of the troubles which since have ensued in France.  
In the first point, they called upon the King to keep and cause to be kept within his own Realm, the Countries, Territories and Lordships in his obedience, the articles of the holy council lately holden at Trent, which now they had brought with them to the same end. And for the reading of the same, and to swear thereunto before the Delegates of the said council, they assigned the said King to be at Nancy in Lorraine upon our Lady day in March, there to meet with their said Lords, who together with all other Christian Kings and Princes were determined, to make a general constitution correspondent to the same which was made at Trent, for the rooting out of all heresies and new doctrines repugnant to the said holy council.  
In the second point they requested the said Lord to cease alienating the temporalities of the Church, certifying him on the behalf of the King of Spain, and of the Duke of Savoy, that they neither do nor ever did mean to be paid their marriage money, which the late King Henry had promised them out of the church goods: and therefore that he aught to be content with some voluntary gift, which the Ecclesiastical persons should give him, having regard unto such sacks and spoils, as lately have been committed in his Realm, under his name and by his Edict: whereof they do nevertheless (according as they have been desired) hold him excused through his youth.  
In the third point, that at the lest wise he should banish (unless he had rather otherwise punish them) the chief seditious persons and schismatics of his Realm, by whose means the aforesaid spoils of Churches have been committed, and who have brought the enemies of his Crown into the Realm, and given strangers free entry thereinto.  
In the fourth, that he should revoke the remission and absolution, which in his Edict of pacification he had granted, especially against such persons as had committed treason against GOD: showing him that it was neither in him nor in any other Christian King or Prince, to remit or forgive the offence committed against the Divine Majesty, for that all such remission appertaineth unto God only.  
In the fifth, that he as King for his part would assist justice, and the same authorise, as his predecessors have done, because that thereof dependeth the authority of all Christian Kings and Princes: also that in so doing, he should punish the traitorous murder committed in the person of the late Duke of Guise, by such as manifestly are known: and that in such cases he aught not to use any dissimulation, considering what person he was, who so accursedly was murdered. Also that he should procure himself to be obeyed as a King, so that justice might flourish in his Realm: And that the Lords whose Ambassadors they are, do offer unto him all aid and help, so soon as he the said King shall demand the same.  
Ever since that the Guisians usurped this authority over the Crown, by making our Kings their slaves, we have always had two kind of councils, of the kings Letters, and of his words, the one open, the other secret. The privy Council do entreat of such matters as they would that all the world should know. The letters patents and open speeches do serve for confirmations of the same.  
But now the Guisians have induced a secret Council, which also sometimes is divided into three parts. For the Queen mother hath one, the Guisians an other, and sometime the King hath the third, which do consist of certain who do govern him. In these Councils have all the matters of our time been determined of: from whence these bloody executions have ensued. The letters of the Seal are ordinarily contrary to the letters patentes, and open speeches unto those which are whispered in the ear: as it came to pass at the coming of these Ambassadors, for publicly in the view of all the world, the King answered them, that the edict of pacification was made for the expelling of the enemies out of his Realm, and for other matters generally: but particularly their demands were handled in the secret Council, in such wise as the effects have since declared. The six and twentieth day of February in the year 1563. the King opened one part of this declaration unto the aforesaid Ambassadors: and to the end the better to colour all matters, the Cardinal and the Queen mother had taught it him by heart, together with the manner how to pronounce it with his mouth, for at that time he was as well seen in that he spoke, as in that that he spoke not, for he was yet but a child, especially in such matters.  
Now must we note that one day before, the Cardinal had obtained of the Queen a licence in the manner of a brief, signed by Secretary Bourdin, wherein he was permitted to bear weapons both by Edicts and letters patents forbidden. But if any man ask why he got this brief, rather of the Queen then of the King, seeing that the only Lawmaker my dispense with the law which himself hath made: either wherefore he demanded not letters patents rather than a simple brief: I will leave the judgement thereof to such as be free from all affection. For that which immediately ensued, doth sufficiently detect the purposes both of the Cardinal and his adherents.  
But to be able here to specify those purposes, aswell in the outridings which they procured the King to make, under pretence of the journey to Bayonne, where their holy league was confirmed, & order taken with the Duke of Alba for the overrunning of the Protestants: either of certain other leagues made in sundry parts of the realm through the drifts of the Guisians, from the which proceeded the horrible murders, especially in the Counties of Maine, Tourayne & Vandosme. Also in Guienne where the Marshal of Bourdillon, & in other places other officers were to much at the beck of the Queen and the Guisians. Neither will I here particularly rehearse these murders, whereafter followed extortions, and wonderful injustices in sundry cities of the realm: neither the sleights which the Cardinal used to win the Prince of Conde, under pretence of an imaginative kingdom & marriage, whereby to weaken the Admiral: Neither will I speak of the Citadels erected in sundry places in the Realm, of the razing of towns which the Protestants held in the first troubles, of the false accusations laid to their charges, of the declaration or Edict of Roussillon, which manifestly abolished the Edict of pacification, of the scorning of the declarations which the Prince of Conde made against the same edict, together with the flouting of those who sought for quietness and justice. Of the murders at Tours and at the castle of Loire, of the presumption of Chavigny, who was slave to the Queen and the Guisians, of the banishment of certain Protestants in the town of Rochel. I will not here make any larger mention of the forbidding of the Protestants to keep any schools, which was done at the Cardinal's pursuit, who therein did imitate the Edict of julian the Apostate against the Christians: either of the said Cardinal's endeavour to destroy the souls together with the bodies, in that he procured that the ministers should not visit the sick, or abide in any other place then where the exercises of the Religion should for the Bailiwicks be holden.  
On the one side the Cardinal of Guise practised with the bishop of Man's, whereof ensued infinite mischiefs. On an other side the Duke of Aumale was in Champagne, where he did little better. He took from them of Troy the exercise of their Religion, which by the King's declaration was permitted in their suburbs, and assigned them an other very discommodious village. He by his own authority changed the place of the Bailiwick of Chaumont unto Bassigny, against the King's express decree. And to the declaration which the Lieutenant of the Bailiwick (a manifest enemy to the Gospel) concerning the commandment which he had to accommodate the Protestants in case the governor should refuse: he answered that he had contrary Edicts from the King in his sleeve, and therefore forbade the said lieutenant from proceeding any further. He imprisoned an Advocate at Troy, because he had presented to the King a poor widows supplication, whose arms and legs they had after the peace cut of. He caused to pill and sack the receiver of Mascons house. He in all manner of wise favoured the seditious and open murderers of Creuant. On an other side the Cardinal of Lorraine was in arms, accompanied with certain knights of the Order, and the rebels of Paris and other places, who seeing the Protestants on all sides overrun, sought nothing but some mighty man to set them to the like work, considering also that the King was far of, in whose absence they were very desirous to be doing, and to make a terrible broil. But the Marshal of Montmorency foreseeing the same, and understanding that not only at Paris, but also in most towns of the Realm; the seditious persons lay in wait and watched for the Cardinals coming, certified the King of whatsoever he understood, whereupon he received a precept, that he should not permit the Cardinal or any of the Guisians to enter in warlike array into Paris. Again after that the Marshal was advertised of the brief, which the Cardinal had obtained of the Queen mother, he divers times advertised the King, especially at Chaalons, Bar, Mascon and Lions, that if the Cardinal and his guard came armed to Paris, he would endeavour to unarm him. Also five or six months before the rumour was spread in Paris of the Cardinals coming guarded with arquebusiers, the said Marshal made the like declaration both openly and particularly unto the Cardinal's especial servants. And to the end no man might pretend any cause of ignorance, the thirteenth of December 1564, he made proclamation with sound of trumpet, and then printed, that upon pain of death no soldiers ordained for the guard of any governors or government, should enter within his precinct: declaring in express words to the end the Cardinal might understand that this defence touched himself, that it was not lawful for any lord whatsoever, unless he were a Prince of the house of France to enter into the government of the isle of France with any guard. All this notwithstanding, the Cardinal took his way to Paris: and departing from Reims, noised that he went unto Ginuille. And although he were tender, yet did he in the sharpest of winter take the fields, making exceeding journeys, and such as himself was never wont to do in any time whatsoever, or upon any kind of occasion. After his coming to S. Dionice, there were many goings to and fro. In the mean time the Marshal went to the Parliament house, where he knew the Cardinal had always endeavoured to procure most benefactors and friends, there to complain of the said Cardinal, in that he came to throw himself headlong, and as the proverb is, to burn in the flame. Moreover he sent a Provost to keep the way, who endeavoured to apprehend the foremost of the Cardinal's guard and arquebusiers that he met, who notwithstanding all these warnings, understanding that his brother d'Aumale, who before with his troops had kept the fields, should now enter into Paris at one gate, came thither also with his men toward evening, the streets being replenished with people attending his coming. But the Marshal of Montmorency accompanied with certain lords and gentlemen of name, came in his way, 
The Cardinals' entr● into Pari●  and so soon as he perceived the weapons of those who accompanied the said Cardinal, called aloud to them to lay the same away: whereupon some fled, and a few strokes were given, wherewith one of the said Marshal of Montmorencyes gentlemen was slain: And the Cardinal and his nephew the Duke of Guise were worse afeard than hurt, so that suddenly alighting they saved themselves in a house at hand, where it was said that the Cardinal was in such plight, that his hosen served him in stead of a basin, and his doublet for a close stool: hereupon the said Cardinal more coward than a hare, seeing himself thus disappointed, together with his company departed without any sound of trumpet.  
The voice went the same time, (and the Admiral whom the Marshal of Montmorency had sent for, to the end to assist him both with counsel and help, affirmed the same to the chief of Paris) that there was a letter which came from the Guisians, sent into Normandy, containing these words. The readiest way to restore in France those to whom the Crown doth appertain by right, & to expulse the house of Valois, is to sack the Huguenots who do support the same, and therefore we must sell their woods to gather therewith money & weapons: & in the end was added, that the said Huguenots that would go to law, need not care for taxing their charges. It was not unknown also that in sundry places the Catholics made collections of money, to what end let all men judge. While the Admiral was at Paris, the Duke d'Aumale being hungry, & seeking to catch some odd Crown, withdrew himself to Annet with his mother in law, whither he brought the guard which was allowed him for the government of Bourgundie, and there quaked for fear jest the Marshal of Montmorency, because it was in his government, and beside for that his said guard did many extortions unto their neighbours, would sand to apprehend him. Wherefore he writ every way to his friends, desiring them to come and secure him, and to help him to get away, so that he might go to his charge. At this summons some came, others made no great account: & of those that came, there tarried not twenty, by reason of a certain declaration, wherewith a gentleman of Normandy reduced them all to their right wits. For how would you (said he to the Duke of Aumale) that we should take weapon against a Marshal of France, who with his only word, is able to take the same from us, and catch us in his danger? Yea if he should command us to turn against you, what should we do, unless we would be rebels and disobedient to our King? Again, the answer of a gentleman of Maine who could not come at his summons, which was intercepted, is worthy the noting, in respect of the French freedom of speech unto such as know not themselves, wherein is to be seen what judgement we are to give of true Princes.  

〈◊〉 letter to 〈◊〉 Duke Aumale.  The words of this letter in this point were these. I said not, my lord, that you were no Prince, either that I am not your servant: But peradventure I affirmed that I knew no french man that did acknowledge you for a Prince of the blood, or of the crown, wherein I do not think that I did amiss, but rather should have offended in advowing the same: yea I never heard or knew that either you or any of yours did pretend thereunto. As for service, in as much as your messenger said that you accounted me unthankful, I told him in deed, that I was subject to none but to the King, neither aught any obedience but to him and his officers, every man in his vocation. Thus much will I now add, that I never was servant to other than the Princes of the blood, neither did own any duty to other man living, except of free heart, and that so long as I listed, neither do I believe (my lord) that you do otherwise think of me. For you know that I have spent twelve thousand franks of my own goods, in following the late Lord your father, my lord your brother and yourselves, and yet never took wages of any of you all, or received benefit or advantage at any of your hands. I am, I thank God, a gentleman, and yet never did deed straying therefrom, and boldly I may say without wrong to any, that I am to none but to the King, his Princes, my friends and myself: for at this day I have no other master that nourisheth me, or payeth my wages then myself: Not that I mean utterly to renounce doing you service, or that of courtesy I be not your servant, so long as you take it of a free heart, without any kind of bond that I own unto you. For it is not unknown unto you, that there be many who (under the like authority as yourself) would pretend as much interest in me, which to die for it, no man shall forcibly compel me to avow: for so should I do injury unto those to whom all service is dew, and unto all french Nobility, who justly might reproach it unto me. This was the speech of a true French gentleman, which all such as do bear this title have not marked according as they aught.  
The Duke d'Aumale being escaped thence as well as he might, went into Champagne, 
The Du● d'aumall letter of ●spiracie.  where he devised new practices wherewith to keep the water thick, and the five and twentieth of February 1565, which was six weeks after the Cardinal's entry into Paris, he writ a letter to his brother the Marquis d'Ellebeufe, therein detecting the Guisians affections, and their desire never to suffer France to be in quiet. In this letter having touched all that had passed at Paris, and scorned the King and Queen, saying that it was their custom to give out the fairest speeches and promises in the world, he addeth this: In the mean time, brother, whiles you continued there, namely in Touraine, I think you were best to visit the lord of Montpensier, to whom I will writ a letter bearing credit, according to your request. And it were your wisest; with him and other Lords our friends thereabout to practise some good association, which should have been long ago compassed, if every man had done his endeavour. I know some who were the motioners, and yet when it came to effect, they bled at the nose, as also in many other things: for if every man would for his own part take pains, we should soon come to some good end, considering what good occasions are now offered us. But they whom it toucheth as near as me, do not account of it as I could wish they did. I would be very loath the fault should be in me: at the lest, if God lend me life, I will let them understand the contrary: and sorry would I be, to loose that reputation whereunto I have so long aspired, as I hope I shall not. I have already often written to the lords of Montpensier, Estampes, Martigues and Chavigny, so that they might plainly perceive how fain I would be revenged, and how desirous I am of the association that you speak of: and sufficiently do foresee how necessary it were not for us only, but for all honest men, whom now they are more bend against then ever: and therefore, brother, I would think it excellent well, if the said Lords would harken thereunto, and leave the walled towns, because there is no certainty in the people (This he speake●● by the people of Paris, who when they saw how the Marshal of Montmorency had assailed, and in manner unarmed the Cardinal, did seem to mislike of his enterprise) as lately I did perceive. But with the Nobility I am fully resolved and ready pressed to deal, and for my part will spare no cost, thinking that the sooner would be the better, which maketh me desire you well to see unto it, and diligently thereof to consider, together with the said Lord of Montpensier, and to sand me word of your determinations, to the end that according to the same I may take order with such of the Lords and noble men as remain hereabout, and devil within my government, who will do whatsoever I shall request.  
Now must I not forget to certify you, that writing this letter, I had the sight of the copy of another letter, which the lord of Montpensier wrote to the Marshal of Montmorency, as an answer to that which the said Marshal had written to him concerning his goodly deed. I pray you thank him in our behalfs, but chief in mine, notwithstanding I do it in the letter which I do writ unto him: we all are greatly beholding to him. Moreover if you see the Bishop of Man's, it were not amiss to move him also in the same association, for both he and his friends would be glad to harken thereunto, and we have already conferred thereof. You might do well also to writ unto the Lord of Martigues, or if you can see him, it were better to common thereof together. I know his good will toward us is nothing diminished, and likewise he may be sure of ours, as you may better give him to understand, and I will seal unto whatsoever you and the said lords shall agreed upon. I sand this messenger, purposedly to the end that by him I may the better be certified of your news. He may tarry with you so long as you think good, and then come to me into Champagne. Written the four and twentieth of February 1565.  
Seven months before, the said Guisians had practised an other league in Guyenne, through the means of the lord of Candales, the Marquis of Trans and others, whereof the Queen mother being advertised, she sent them word to pass on no further therein: which, notwithstanding afterward when they perceived them selves strengthened through the aduow of the principal in the Realm, they sought to bring to effect.  
On the other side the Marquis d'Ellebeufe, through the soliciting of the Duke of Aumale, did practise his league in his government of Touraine, gathering together from all parts all the thieves and common murderers of the country, who under his protection daily committed infinite robberies and slaughters, so that neither any honest man might escape without travail, nor quietness rest without troubles.  

●e Cardinals pra●ses.  The Cardinal of Lorraine also for his part practised sundry matters about the same time, and endeavoured to bring the Baronages of the Bishopric of Metz under the emperors protection, if the lord of Salcede the King's lieutenant at Marsault, had not through force stopped the publication of the said protection. Upon which occasion the Cardinal skirmished with him, and arreared the war called the Cardinal's war, wherein he had as good success, as in his entry into Paris. But albeit herein he become a laughing stock and execrable altogether, yet did he still bear a grudge unto the said Salcede, and razed him out at saint bartlemew's murder, procuring him to be slain at Paris, and his house utterly to be sacked.  
But the chief occasion of suspicion ministered touching this matter, was that this drift was not executed without the counsel of the Baron of Poluiller, the governor of Haguenau, who for that cause came to the Cardinal to Rembeviller in Lorraine: who hath also been a solliciter of the most part of such enterprises, as have been practised against the estate of France, both during the wars of Picardy, and after that they were ended. This was he also who endeavoured to surprise the town of Lions, and to procure the countries of Bresse and Savoy to revolt, through the counsel of the Cardinal of Arras about the end of the said wars. This was the same Poluiller, who practised the King of Navarre to revolt, promising him in recompense the realm of Navarre. This is that Poluiller, who being the Cardinal of lorrain's broker, durst practise the Prince of Conde, under pretence & vain hope of helping him to the lands of the Bishopric of Metz, in case he would have professed the Romish religion: wherefore the readers may well consider what counsel is to be hoped for at such a counsellors hands, being also conjoined unto the Cardinal of Lorraine, who during his abode at Rembeviller and in Lorraine, did many goodly deeds: for he peeled his subjects of the Bishopric of Metz under pretence of withdrawing the lands engaged unto the County john of Nassaw: He persuaded the Duke of Lorraine to murder all his subjects that were of the Religion, which he had done in case the Lords of Castelet and Bassompierre had not with their counsel restrained him. He procured him also to banish a great number of the inhabitants of Pont-amosson, for hatred to the Gospel. Moreover he suborned (some say he defiled and forcibly took) the daughter of the bailie of Rembevillers wives chamber maid.  
The original of the Duke d'Aumales letters to his brother the Marquis, 
new sleigh for procuring of table's.  whereof we have seen part of an abstract was presented unto the King, who thereupon having heard the deposition of one of his Knights of the order, who confessed that he had subscribed to the association aforementioned in the said letters, caused in his privy council this act following to be made, which here we have set down, to the end thereby hereafter to consider certain notable crafts of Italian Cardinallike policies.  
This day being the 18. day of May 1565, the King being at Mont de Marsan assisted by the Queen his mother and his brother my lord the Duke of Orleans, hath called and assembled the Princes of his blood, his privy council, and other his Lords and Knights of the order, who were about his person: to whom he hath given to understand how he hath been advertised, that in divers places of his Realm, there be made associations, collections of coin, enrouling of men, gatherings of armour and horses: that some have so far strayed from their duties, as to send men out of his Realm, to have intelligence and communication with foreign Princes without his knowledge, contrary to his Edicts of Pacification, of majority, and other ordinances, declarations and prohibitions against such like matters, which he neither can, ne yet will believe, by reason of such account as he maketh of the affection and sincere good will of all his subjects, to the obeying of his commandments, the commodity of his service and the quiet of his realm. Nevertheless to the end better to be instructed in the truth, he admonished & charged them to tell him the truth of all that they have heard. Which they have done, & moreover do most humbly beseech his majesty to believe, that they are so far wide of these so pernicious practices, that rather they be ready & priest to spend their lives and goods, as always they have done, in procuring him to be obeyed, and his edicts and ordinances to be observed for the rest and tranquillity of his said realm. And we declare upon their lives and honours, that they be in no wise participant in any such intelligences, or have any communications with such as are desirous to make any such enterprises. Also as for themselves, they know not the meanings of any associations, leagues, oaths, promises, or seals given to any such intent, and the same do utterly renounce, not minding in any wise to participate in them, as in things contrary to the obedience due unto his majesty, and to the quiet of the realm, which to their powers they will defend and maintain, & therein follow or know no other meaning then his Majesties, not intending for any private quarrel or occasion whatsoever, to take or cause to take weapons in the behalf of any man living without his express commandment. Also although his Majesty do sufficiently know their loyalty and fidelity, and be of the same so well assured, that in their opinions he can desire no other more assured proof than the effects, yet were they content for the satisfying of his majesties request, to sign this act with their seals. Also to the end that under a false pretence no man may cloak his wicked intent under their names, & because the Princes of the blood, & other Princes, Governors, Knights of the order & captains being absent might know & understand the contents aforesaid, his Majesty willeth that this present act be sent unto them, that by their seals, they may yield a like testimony of their intents & good meanings in the same respect, no less (as he assureth himself) faithful, them those who be about his person, & therefore will not believe that they will stick any thing at all thereat. For he can not account such as by their seals do refuse to make declaration, other then guilty of such enterprises, factions, and intelligences, and so consequently worthy his evil will, as contemners of the authority of him & his edicts, perturbers of the common peace, & therein guilty of treason. And in that case for such doth he account them & from henceforth declare them. And so likewise of all other who know any thing of the said associations, factions & conspiracies, unless they presently come & reveal what they are assured of unto his Majesty, as is the duty of good & lawful subjects, whom also he intendeth & will preserve and defend to the uttermost of his power, taking them into his protection against all such as shall endeavour to offend them. In witness whereof, he hath the day and year aforesaid signed with his own hand to this present act. This Act now served as a powder to throw in the protestants eyes, thereby to blind the sight of such things as were practised against them. Also the Queen mother according to the Cardinal's instructions & remembrances, feigned herself offended with the Guisians, thereby to procure the chiefest Protestants by little & little to come, & of themselves to fall into the pit prepared for them. The Cardinal also and his brethren made as if this act had touched them, but secretly knowing what they had to do, they followed their point. And then did letters of the signet fly into all places, so that thereof proceeded what soever was afterward executed in the countries of Tourayn and Maine, and other provinces, to the prejudice of the Edicts and underhand authorized against the Protestants, notwithstanding whatsoever the Prince of Condies and others declarations. When then the Catholics removed both heaven and earth, and brought all things into confusion, a paper decree, stuffed full of fair pretences, quieted and appeased all, but if the Protestants stirred never so little to the end under so violent a tyranny to take breath, than was no speech but of fire and blood, as witnessed the more than barbarous and turkish cruelties executed upon the inhabitants of Pamiers, who falsely were accused of sedition, for that they would not suffer their throats to be cut, and yet at the first summons of the Lord of Rambovillet, because he came in the King's name, and promised that they should have nothing done to them without order of law, they submitted themselves.  
The King in the mean time arrived at Bayonne, where the holy league was renewed, which contained a full determination to root out all the Protestants, without exception of degree, kind, age or place. They should have begun in France, but the preparatives were somewhat long, for the Cardinal of Lorraine had not yet accomplished his practices in divers places with strangers: neither were the associations within the realm very well assured. The Prince of Conde also and the Admiral being advertised of all that had passed at Bayon, as well through the late Prince of la Roche sur-yon as otherwise, stood upon their guard, which caused all for a while to be deferred.  
About the same time began the wars of Flanders, by means whereof they determined, with the advise of the Cardinal who daily was summoned to perform his promise as well by the Cardinal Granuel as by the Pope, (for Granuel daily advertised him of all things) that without farther delay they should use the Duke d' alba's passage to bring their conspiracies to effect: and divers messages were sent to the Duke d' Alba thereupon. About the same time also namely in the year 1567. in the months of july, August and September, sundry councils were holden at Marchais and Monceaux, whereby to determine according to the Cardinal's remembrances, of the most assured and final means, which were to be observed for the execution of their enterprises: and in the last council holden at Marchais through the Guisians advice, it was decreed that the King should go to Bois de Vincennes, and thither under some honest pretence should sand for the Prince of Condy and the Admiral: to the which commandment if they both, or any one of them did obey, he should immediately be apprehended: but in case they refused, than the six thousand Swissers who had been levied under pretence of defending Calais against the Queen of England, and also to keep the borders until the Duke d' Alba were passed, jest he should enterprise any thing against the King's dominions, should be employed. Also that they had ready twenty two companies of men of war, already chosen and enrolled to muster in arms, who were already charged, through whose help together with the said Swissers, they might easily surprise and assure themselves of the Prince and Admiral. And in the mean time that with all rigour they should research the Protestants, touching their behaviours contrary to the edict of Roussillon, namely the gentlemen that had received into their houses to the sermons, any other than their own subjects. Whereupon at the instance and soliciting of the Cardinal of Lorrayn, it was decreed not long before his coming to the Court, that the great days should be holden at Poitiers, especially to tend unto the process of those who should be found culpable in the said pretended misbehaviours, and them to declare guilty of treason: and inasmuch as those presidents and counselours of the court of Parliament of Paris, as were appointed to go thither, seemed insufficient, partial and factious in the Cardinal's sight, he caused to cut of seven from the list which was first made, and in their steads did surrogate others of his own creation and conditions. For the country of Normandy he sent the master of requests named S. Martin, to whom he procured a commission to the same end with letters directed to the court of Parliament of Roven, tending that with the said de. S. Martin, they should tend to the performance of his commission, and not break up the court, notwithstanding it were almost vacation time.  
On an other side the Cardinal endeavoured through the Constable's means, to bring the Admiral and his brethren on sleep, who had already written certain letters, which detected the trains laid for them. The six thousand Swissers who were levied for the execution hereof, about this time came to the King to Meaux, who was environed with the Guisians, so that the Prince and the Admiral plainly perceiving, that it was against them and the Protestants that these preparatives were made, determined before things were at a worse point, to come to the King, and for that he was in both his and their enemy's hands, they thought it best to take into their company certain gentlemen of name, of their kinsfolks and friends, to the number of a hundred or six score, also to take some weapons for their assurance: which the Cardinal and his adherents failed not to 'cause the King to take in very evil part, and the more to provoke him against the Protestants, they persuaded him that his death was at hand, unless with all speed he got to Paris, seeing that the Prince of Condye and the Admiral came with fifteen hundred or two thousand horses, intending to force his majesty, the Queen his mother and my Lords his brethren, and to enterprise somewhat against the estate: and therefore the 28 of September about four of clock in the morning, they caused the King to depart, and put him among the Swissers, supposing that if the Prince were so well accompanied as they reported (which was false, for when he came to speak to the King between Meaux and Paris, he had not at the most above three hundred horse) things might grow to such pass, that still some of their enemies of one side or other might go to wrack. The Duke d' Aumale & certain others followed the King, who about four of clock after noon arrived at Paris, where the Guisians did exhort him never more to trust the Huguenots, as himself made ample Protestation.  
The Cardinal according to his custom would not follow the King, but feigned to take the way to Reyms: 
The secon● civil war  howbeit being met by certain of his enemies, fled upon a jennet of Spain to Chasteauthierry. Thus was the second war kindled in France, and notwithstanding any the Prince of Condye or his adherents requests for the reducing of all things into quiet, yet the Guisians and the Queen mother to the end to be dispatched of one or other, caused a battle to be fought between Paris and S. Dionice, wherein the Constable was wounded to death.  
This day brought the Cardinal and his a great contentation, in that they saw themselves rid of the Constable, and thereby the way open unto the accomplishment of their desires. For on the one side, they endeavoured to make the King a sworn enemy unto the Protestants, who so much had stopped the course of the Guisian preferrment, and so through him to overthrow their adversaries. It was also requisite to have some other mighty man more at commandment then the King, under whose authority they might shield themselves in the execution of their passions. So soon therefore as the Constable was dead, the Guisians counseled the Queen mother to make the Duke of Anjou the King his brother's lieutenant general: and she perceiving what commodity thereby she might reap, did soon follow this counsel. Whereupon the army marched, & the Guisians wholly governed the Duke of Anjou, & under his shadow, both then & ever since procured divers fetches for the overthrow of the Protestants chief. But hereafter we will show what injuries they have done to the said Duke, in using him as an instrument to subvert all France.  
Now forasmuch as the Protestants had presently succours out of Germany, 
The seco●● Edict of pacification  the Cardinal perceived that by going backward he might jump the farther, and therefore when the Prince of Condes camp was before Chartres in the year 1568 he procured the King to sand some men to the Prince to conclude a peace, that is to say, to unarm the Protestants, whereby the more readily afterward to murder them. For he could not deny but that the Protestants were at that time the strongest, and yet not being compelled through want, either of strength or good success, did separate and unarm themselves, opening their towns to such as the Queen and the Cardinal sent in the King's name, under whose only faith and word, they put away from them all assurance of lives and goods, yielding their naked breasts unto their adversaries swords and knives. All the Protestant Lords & gentlemen departed to their own houses, whither when some could not found any sure access, and others were so evil entreated, as that divers were most cruelly slain & murdered, many of them were constrained to assemble themselves together (which was it that the Cardinal and his fautors desired, as well to find occasion to slander them as infringers of the Edicts, as also to the end the more easily by overrunning of them to destroy them,) and not knowing what to do or whither to go, to take the way into Flanders very undiscreetly, in that the King had forbidden them the same, although they were through mere necessity, which (as the proverb is) hath no law, compelled thereunto. Howbeit the punishment was so ready and extreme, that the Cardinal and his partakers aught to have been content. They used in the execution thereof the Marshal de Coss his aid, to the end to charge their rage upon as well one as other. Then sent they a gentleman unto the Prince of Conde, to know whether he allowed of the said levy of men, wherein is to be seen a right Cardinals fetch, for the maintaining of the King in his rage, expelling the Prince out of the Court, causing to overrun him, or his troops if he avowed them, and so by little and little consume his enemies. As for the strangers come to the Protestants aid, they were presently sent home, and the Prince and other Protestants compelled to borrow great sums of money wherewith to pay them: and yet through the Guisians commandments, the garrison of Auxerre stole part of that money, slaying some of the guides and ransomming others, without any kind of justice, for the Lord of pry governor of Auxerre, where this great murder was committed, had the Cardinal's word.  
We will here now briefly rehearse the practices which the Guisians after the second peace, 
The Cardinal's practices for th● third troubles.  used for the more speedy dissolving thereof, and reducing the Realm into new troubles, thereby utterly to root out the Protestants & so to advance their own affairs. Wherein we will recite part of the lamentation then published, referring to the reader's remembrance certain the particularities here omitted, the number whereof is so great, that it is unpossible for one man to think upon them al. The strength therefore and certain assurance of this peace consisted in that, that the King, his brethren and their mother should wholly blot out all kind of mistrust conceived against the Protestants, wherein they hoped that themselves had already taken a very good order, through their so ready & speedy obedience in forsaking their weapons, sending away of such of their power, as had been sufficient to have subdued the Guisians and other their enemies, and in yielding those places wherein consisted their safeguard. The Cardinal therefore to the end to prevent so great a commodity, which undoubtedly had spoiled his attempts, tended only to the entertaining of the King and the Duke of Anjou (for as for the Queen mother, she used her children after the Guisians desire) in these mistrusts and mortal hatreds against the Protestants, daily repeating and putting them in mind of new occasions. Wherein he holp himself with two virtues, which always he hath been very familiar withal, namely of boldness to invent all kind of lies, being still assisted by men meet for his purpose in that respect: and of such shameless assurance, that he would never be dashed out of countenance, notwithstanding his falsehoods were detected. His practices which he hath exercised for both the entertainment and destruction of the nobility at once, his bribery and exactions against the Clergy, and the goodly pretences, under the which for that purpose he hath shrouded himself, shall be revealed in place convenient. In the mean time we will behold what injuries he & his have still done to the King, and general to the whole Realm, wherein we will again speak of the true complaints published thereagainst.  
Soon after the peace, whereof the Cardinal sent his mother word, that he would hinder the execution, he took order by certain preachers of his own faction, that the people might be persuaded that it was a matter of conscience to keep this peace, not only for that it was made with heretics and Atheists, but also because through the necessity of time it was in manner wrested from the King by force. This caused that sundry Catholics made no conscience of putting of all natural affection, and that the most wicked finding the gate open unto all theft and extortions, did without stop run headlong into all kind of mischiefs, and the most horrible violences in the world. Whereunto the winking of judges and parliaments, being for the most part subject unto the Guisians, did greatly avail, insomuch that within three or four months after, divers persons of all estates professing the Religion were murdered, the particularities whereof we will refer unto the history of our time. But in this place are two notable particularities. Presently after the peace, the Catholics of Amiens among other, murdered six or seven score Protestant's of all kinds, ages and conditions. Now to the end to make men believe, that they sought to chastise and punish so wicked and cursed a deed, they sent thither the Marshal de Coss, who imprisoned the authors of this murder: but soon after at the soliciting of the Cardinal, they were released & set at liberty, for he in full counsel affirmed that they aught to take pity of these poor prisoners, who through a godly zeal of Religion had been moved to do this deed, and that himself would be the first that should sue for their pardon, and so for a form of justice they caused to whip three or four rascals, whom they persuaded to confess what they were, and in picture executed such as indeed aught to have been punished in person, who also were present at the execution of their own pictures.  
Toward the end of june in the same year 1568, was Rene of Savoy Lord of Sipierre murdered in Provence, together with five and thirty gentlemen and soldiers of his train, according to a certain precept which the Guisians sent unto the Baron des Arts: and fifteen days before the said murder, the Cardinal of Guise in much company said that they might already account the Lord of Sipierre for a slain Captain, and that so they should shortly have all the rest.  
By these and infinite such other deeds, the Protestants in stead of being taken into their houses with the freedom of conscience according to the Edict, were now forced to fly, the towns being in stead of towns, become dens of Tigers and Lions. And afterward the governors, parliaments & other officers, whom the Cardinal used at his pleasure, and who also for the most part were not very desirous to publish the peace, lest thereby they should loose the means to spoil after their usual manner, had their excuse ready: namely that the people being thus moved already, it was not best to proceed any farther for fear of marring all. In the mean while, the King himself was not only entertained through a thousand false and impudent slanders in the mistrust already conceived of his subjects, which is the greatest mischief that may alight upon any Prince: but also contrary unto all royal generosity, was put in fear and reduced to this point, that he was fully persuaded that it was unpossible that he should be thoroughly obeyed, unless the one part of his subjects might be permitted to destroy the other, and therefore it was an easy matter for the Cardinal to wrist the edict of peace into an occasion of a thousand millions of troubles.  
Moreover, the Cardinal foreseeing that if all the protestants should at once be turned out at doors, they might assemble and fortify themselves again in sundry places, therefore provided against that mischief as followeth, yea, he presumed to writ into the provinces, that they should not credit the King's letters, unless they had some other assured tokens. First he procured the edict by little and little to be published, sometime here and sometime there, to the end to draw the most needy and simple persons into the towns: but with this watchword, that the gates should be kept with arms even more diligently then during the wars, that they should utterly unarm the Protestants at their entry, that they should not permit any that once were entered, to get forth again notwithstanding they abjured. And in all this the Cardinal was so well obeyed, that few towns escaped without some manifest and open murder, besides all other violences which were exercised, to the end to make the most constant to revolt: which could not but come to pass when the sword was once taken from the King and justice, and committed to the hands of the commonalty with all immunity. Also to the end to be assured that never a protestant might escape, the Cardinal gave the King to understand that he should never remain safe from the Huguenots practices, unless the towns which they had holden, together with such as were their captains neighbours were furnished with good and strong garrisons: so that this was no sooner counseled, but it was also commanded. Also yet for their more assured dealings herein, if there were any captain renowned for thevery, or cruelty, either any who had ever a private quarrel, or any company given over to all lewdness, those were sure to be preferred, how many soever there were of them, to the end to replenish the towns so soon as they were yielded, or to lie about the houses of the Prince of Condie, the Admiral and other Lords, whom the Cardinal hated, and stood in most fear of. Also when one of the privy Council chanced to show the said Cardinal that it was to be feared, lest hereby the Protestants should over soon perceive and smell that they would not observe the edict, also lest the Catholics should complain of being overpressed, the charges being so great that the King were not able to bear them: he answered, saying, You know not what you say. For the first of these two points, the answer is ready, namely that it is for the maintaining of both parties in peace according to the edict: and as for the second, for the soldiers lodging among the Huguenots, and so an hundred fold overcharging of them, as touching Cottising, all such matters shall light upon their coffers: & howsoever it be, their confiscations shall pay for all, and over and beside such recompenses, shall discharge the King's debts.  
The Cardinal not yet content, to the end to keep the said lords of the Religion from coming to the court, and more surely to provide for the execution of his drifts, persuaded the King that his person should never be in safety, without keeping himself as it were shut up in Paris for a time, and not to stray away thence but by little and little. This when he had obtained, for the better keeping of his prisoner, he made drawbridges, and other guards in all the ways and entries into Paris, as in time of open war.  
Having thus framed his nets, he made an Edict in the King's name, wherewith to draw all the Protestants into the towns, there to murder them or keep them prisoners in their own houses, at the mercy of a number of thieves, until the appointed hour for the Sicilian evensong. And to the end men might the better conceive hereof, we have set down the Edict, containing as followeth. 
The Kin● Edict of Cardina● devising to what  Like as to procure the observing, entertaining and inviolable keeping of the contents of our Edict, made for the pacification of the last troubles, chanced in this our Realm among our subjects, we have heretofore written and sent word unto our governors of our provinces our intent and pleasure as followeth: That the gates of our towns should be open unto such our subjects as do profess the reformed Religion, and that themselves should be received and settled in their houses in full possession of their goods, as before the said troubles they were: leaving their weapons at the gates of the said towns, according to an order which to that end we have sent into all parts and places of our dominions. So now being since advertised, that sundry our subjects of the said Religion, taking an opinion that they can not be received into the said towns, either being entered, cannot tarry without being oppressed and molested by other the inhabitants, have therefore retired into the fields armed in great companies, there committing infinite evils and oppressions against our poor people, so that it is to be feared lest they may procure in our Realm new troubles (whereunto desiring to provide as it is requisite,) we have again said and declared, and now do say and declare that our intent always was and still is: That the said of the Religion pretended reformed, as well such as have borne arms, as all others comprehended in the bounds of our Edict, shall have free entry, and be received into their mansion houses, whereinto we will and do mean that they be admitted by the governors of our provinces and towns, bayliefs, Seneschals and others our justices and officers of the same, by whom they shall be summoned so to do with all gentleness possible, maintained in peaceable possession and use of their said goods, and preserved from all injuries and oppression: to the end that in all surety and quietness, they may with other our subjects of the Catholic Religion, under the benefit and according to the true meaning of our Edict of pacification, live in all assurance and quietness: taking them into our protection and safeguard, and giving every man charge with the custody the one of the other. Also in case any do go against this our determination, our will and pleasure is that all such be punished with the extremity and rigour of our Edicts and ordinances of whatsoever Religion that they be, without exception of persons. Also wheresoever after these summons and calling, any shallbe found enemies of common tranquillity, or still keeping the fields, there to molest our subjects, or to gather together in arms, to begin any new troubles: We will and our intent is, that all our said governors of provinces and towns, all Bailiffs, Seneschals and other our justices and officers, every man in his own jurisdiction as to him appertaineth, shall assemble such numbers of men of war, whether of men of arms, of footmen being in our pay, or inhabitants of towns and villages, as they shall think convenient and necessary, according to the advertisements which they shall receive of the perfect number of the said perturbers of the common quiet, for to overset them, and by all such means as themselves shall think convenient, them overthrow and hew in pieces, in such wise as may be for our strength and obedience: For such is our will and pleasure. Given at Paris the 19 of May 1568. Charles. Robertet.  
This Edict containeth infinite clauses and guiles of the Cardinal for the rooting out of the Protestants, aswell with in the towns as in the fields, which the murders following, together with an other practice now to be seen, did but over truly verify, to the great interest of the whole Realm, and perpetual ignominy of the royal Name.  
All men do know that the profit of all countries consisteth especially in traffic and merchandise, 
Other of the Cardinal's slight for kindling of the thi● civil warr●  which is the thing which most commendeth France above all countries in the world. Now did one of the Articles of pacification import, that the towns should immediately be restored into such estate as they were before the troubles, & all traffic & merchandise restored. The Cardinal not being able to abide that, & desirous that in France there might shortly appear as many robberies, even at the Kings & his poor people's costs, as there be bridges and passages over rivers: To be brief, to the end there might be no traffic, letters or purses which thirteen ribbauldes were not sufficient to visit from one place to another, thereof to make report unto the said Cardinal, we must mark what order he took, under colour said he to keep the Protestants from assembling together to conspire against the King. As indeed that was one mark that he shot at, together with certain other more high attempts, in case his enterprises against the Prince of Condye and the Admiral had had good success. Howbeit the commission which then he procured, more manifestly did reveal the injury which he did to the King and the realm: also his vehement desire to trouble all the estate, to the end to exalt his own race through his enemy's overthrow. This therefore was the tenor of the commission, made about the time of the edict afore set down: namely in the month of may 1568. The King hath ordained captain N. in the town of N. there to remain Captain and keeper of the bridge and passage: to whom shall be delivered twelve men to assist his person, whom he may command whatsoever he thinketh meet & convenient for the King's service. which twelve men his majesty shall pay, over and beside the entertainment allowed to the said captain. He shall first procure to make a drawbridge over the said passage, which he and his twelve men shall day and night diligently and warily watch and keep: not permitting any to pass unless he first know whence he cometh, whither he goeth, what his business is and who himself is. Also seeing any numbers of men approaching to the passage over the said bridge, he shall presently 'cause it to be drawn, not suffering the passage to be taken before he be assured of the same, & do know that they have no means to hurt him. Also to the end that he & his twelve men with him may continually remain at the said bridge, with all convenient commodities, he shall immediately take order for the making of a lodge near unto the said bridge, whither he and his soldiers may retire, lodge and accommodate themselves, in not going from the said bridge or abandoning the custody thereof: and to the same effect his majesty hath written to the inhabitants of the same town, that they at their own cost do make the said lodge and drawbridge. Also forasmuch as it may greatly advantage the said captain toward his sure keeping of the said bridge, and providing that there be no means to surprise the same, to have knowledge of things done in the said quarters, he shall endeavour to discover to his power the actions and intentes of those of the new religion: and hearing of any thing prejudicial to the King's majesties service, he shall look diligently to his charge, and give warning unto the Captain of the next bridge, passage or town: and the like shall all other captains do, who have commission for the keeping of any other bridges or passages, till time the King be thereof advertised, so that he may take some order. And although the principal cause which moved the King to commit this captain to the charge of the bridge or passage aforesaid, is for the safe custody thereof, yet shall he for his part take diligent heed, that the Protestants have no preachings or other exercises of their religion, in any other place then his majesty hath to them ordained and established as well by the contents of his edicts of pacification, as also by the rule prescribed since the publication of the last edict. He shall harken and take good heed (as much as possibly he may) that the protestants make no enrouling of men of war, no levies or collections of coin, no unlawful assemblies, or no motions of war, either where his charge lieth, or in any other place thereabout: but shall provide for faithful men to advertise him, and if need be to sand some of the skilfullest about him, and such as have any understanding, or do seem meet to penetrate into the said Protestants affairs, to the end they may certify him of whatsoever they can learn out. He shall endeavour to know whether there be any gentlemen of the kings side, that be displeased, or do show any countenance to favour or follow the said protestants, any whom they have suborned or motioned to make any practices or drifts tending to the surprising of any the King's towns, & have not disclosed the same, to the end to keep the said practices or enterprises the more secret & farther from suspicion. He shall also labour when the said Protestants do hold their Synods & assemblies, thoroughly to detect & understand the causes of the same, together with the conclusions thereof. He shall find means to get in under such pretence as he shall think best, some wise and trusty person, who may know and smell out the end of their intentes, and give him a good account of all that hath been propounded or agreed upon in the said assemblies. he shall take heed that there be no assemblies made in any town or place forbidden and defended, either any secret exercise of their religion. To the end also that his majesty may be served as appertaineth, & with good knowledge among his trusty & faithful subjects, the said captain shall often common with the governor who hath the charge of the town, of such matters as may fall out touching his said majesties service, & the one not to encroach upon the other's authority, jest any displeasure or controversy should breed between the said governor & him. He shall curiously inquire who be the superintendents over the protestants affairs in the said country, what their pensions are, and whether they do sand any messengers into foreign countries, & to what end. He shall also certify the King of all such matters as he hath learned, touching any the said matters or other things tending to his majesties service, neither shall he fail of sending weekly one or more messengers according as matters shall fall out: & the same shall he address to my Lord the King's brother and lieutenant general, who shall give him answer. And the said captain may certify the King & my said lord his brother of all that he knoweth by sending his letters to him that shall have the custody of the next bridge, & so from hand to hand shall the same be conveyed by other captains having like commission, unto the King, or my Lord his brother.  
Now may any man having wit or discretion consider in this commission wondered policies of the Cardinal, & new preparatives for war, by the means whereof he advanced himself. Also how by these drifts the third civil war was soon kindled, for in less than two months after the peace, there were above ten thousand persons slain here & there: & in the mean time the Cardinal boasted that he would kill more between two trestles, than the King could with all his power: & sent word ordinarily to Rome & other places, that they had dispatched more Huguenots in one day during the peace, then in one month whiles the wars continued.  
Besides all this, 
The lea● of the Catholics.  the Cardinal doubting jest the catholics would not sufficiently rebel, procured them to make brotherhoods, leagues, and associations, wherein sundry of the Parliaments and nobility assisted them, gathering together of money, giving their oaths, enroling of soldiers, together with such other matters concerning the entertainment of their brotherhoods, which they called of the holy Ghost. As in the town of Dijon through the drifts of the Lord of Tauannes, and one named Begad a counsellor of the parliament, the like league was made, and when certain standers by demanded whether it were by the King's authority, the said Begad answered, that he had his majesties letters for that purpose, which Tauannes had delivered to one of his secretaries, who then could not be found. Also that though the King liked not thereof, yet they need not to fear, for he knew well enough whither else to repair. moreover, that they were not to regard such letters as the King ordinarily writ to the said Tauannes, or unto the court of Parliament, tending to the observation of the edict, for they contained another mystery which all the world understood not. The like was also done in Bourgundy & other places.  
In the mean time the exercise of religion was forbidden in the high and low countries of Awergne and in all other parts pertaining to the king's brethren, 
Counsel the de●tion o● Fran●  and to certain Princes of the blood. In other provinces were daily preparations for the apprehending of the principal, & yet by letters directed unto such governors as had the wachword, they were charged to let the gentlemen of the Religion understand, that the King's mind was well to entreat them, and to maintain them in the exercise of their Religion, thereby giving them to wit, that he accounted them as his faithful and good subjects and servants: and that such broils as they heard of, tended only to the assuring of his estate against sundry towns men, insolent and seditious persons, and so afterward to the restoring of all things into quiet estate, and to the favouring of the nobility as well of the one as other Religion, for that they are his principal strength, causing them to live in agreement under the authority of his Edicts. These now were fair words: but lest certain Catholics, not being sufficiently trained in the Cardinal and his adherents affairs, hearing such letters, might quail, there were also other secret letters, sent with commandment to communicate the same unto such, as were accounted meet to be called to like accounts. This enterprise did the Cardinal also communicate unto the Cardinal of Crequies agent at the Castle of Madrit in August 1568, whereof the said agent did at large writ unto his master: the very words of his letter which was surprised and brought to the Prince of Conde, have we here set down. They have (said the Cardinal to this agente) taken good order every where, that the King may remain master, that the chief may be caught, and all opportunity of gathering together taken from them, to the end that having brought them to that point, as by the order already taken it will be easy to do, we may then utterly root out this vermin (for so did the Cardinal call the Protestants) being enemies unto God, the King and the estate, and not leave one infected person in the Realm, because it is such a seed as still will bud out new mischief, unless we should take this way, whereof our neighbours do set before us so goodly examples. Attending which time, that can not be past this month, it is thought best in all the provinces to speak fair to the principal of them, and to such of the Nobility as seem lest affected to the said Religion, thereby only to content them in dallying, and as much as may be lulling them on sleep, as already divers have harkened thereto, and do begin to assure themselves: yea some come, & of their own accord do burn their wings in the candle, & yet do we hope well that more will do the like, who we know are already shaken. This way undoubtedly we shall soon win our process, and obtain assured victory, without any great labour or resistance against the enemies of our faith. These were the Cardinal's fetches, which together with divers other practices, whereof we will in more convenient place make mention, did kindle the fire of the third civil wars, being of longer continuance and more tedious than the rest.  
The Prince of Conde toward the end of the same month, 
The third civil war●  in great haste saved himself by departing from Noyers in Bourgundie, where he should have been enclosed within two days after, & got to Rochel, against which place, the Cardinal had already practised many things, but he troubled his head in vain. Then was the war open: and while they prepared to 'cause the Catholic army to march under the conduct of the Duke of Anjou, the Cardinal devised two Edicts published both in one day in the Parliament of Paris, namely the 28. of September, to wit, the third day after that they had been framed in the council. In the first, the King making a long discourse of things happened in his Realm through the Religion, declareth among other things, that the Edict of january, wherein he granted the Protestants leave to exercise their Religion, was but provisional attending his majority: also that now he was no longer minded to permit the edicts touching Religion to stand any longer in force. Also that now being come to his maioritye, he forbiddeth all excercise of the same within his dominions, willing perpetually that there be no other exercise of Religion, saving the Roman in all his jurisdictions, under pain of confiscation of body and goods. Also under like penalty, he chargeth all ministers of the said Religion, to avoid his Realm within fifteen days: forbidding nevertheless that any of the said Religion be researched in their consciences, so long as peaceably they will live in their houses. In the other he declared that from that time forward he did not intend to use the service of any of the said Religion, and thereby did suspend them from their offices and functions: commanding them to come, and give up the same into his hands within fifteen days, or else himself would otherwise provide. These two Edicts had long been upon the file, and the Cardinal a far of showed the same to the Catholics, to move them to come to the offering, and to bring in coin for the armies pay, wherein he, the Queen mother, and their minions used their wonted sports. But these Edicts were more prejudicial to the Catholics than they supposed, for most of the Protestants, who otherwise were not determined to have gone out at the doors, beholding this so manifest perjury, wherewith the Cardinal defamed the house of Valois, took the fields presently. Also the Protestant Lords sent these Edicts into England and Germany, as assured testimonies that they were not pursued, as seditious persons or aspirers unto the crown (as before it had been noised) but as defenders of the Gospel, which the Catholics endeavoured to root out of France. This was all that the Cardinal or his adherents gate thereby. About this time, were many writings published against the presumptuous and ambitious cruelty of the Guisians, but chief against the Cardinal, whose nature was amply described by a certain learned French Poet, in a certain Sonnet comprehending a curse in the end.  
And for that the said Sonnet is pretty, & never yet to my knowledge was put in print, I have here presented the same to the Reader.  

Sonnet.  
De far, de feu, de sang, Mars, Vulcan, Tisiphone,  
Bastit, forgea, remplit, l'ame, le cueur, la main  
Du meurtrier, embraseur, du tyrant inhuman  
Qui tue, brusle, perd la Francoise Couronne.   

D'vn Scythe, d'vn Cyclope, & d'vn fire Lestrygone,  
La cruaute, l'ardeur, & la sanglante faim,  
Qui l'anime, l'eschauffe, & conduit son dessein,  
Rien que far, rien que feu, rien que sang ne resonne.   

Puisse-il par le far cruellement mourir,  
Ou par le feu du ciel horriblement perir,  
Et voir du sang des scions la terre estre arrouset:   

Et soit roville, estaint, & seche par la paix,  
Le far, le feu, le sang, cruel, ardant, espais,  
Qui tue, ard & rougit la France dissipee.   
This third civil war beginning in October 1568, continued to the beginning of August 1570, the history whereof hath been at large written and published, wherein is to be seen how the Catholics and Protestants have one destroyed the other, by viewing what battles have been fought, what places besieged and taken, or what captains and soldiers have been slain: so that the Frenchmen have committed against themselves, that which peradventure all other nations in Europe together could not have accomplished. While in the mean time the Cardinal beheld this bloody tragedy, and practised all means to make the one part to destroy the other. And for that it would be an infinite labour to describe all his drifts, it shall now suffice to consider part of his subtleties used during this third civil war.  
First he assured himself of the King's person, whom he led hither and thither according as things fell out, and so provided that nothing might be done without his advice. He served also in stead of a firebrand to kindle the King more & more against the Protestants, chief against the chief of them, in whose respect he practised all kind of violences and treasons for the compassing of his purposes. Some being taken prisoners were (notwithstanding all vowed faith) slain, others were poisoned, against others were murderers hired, unto whom the Cardinal gave great rewards.  
Then got he many servants about the Duke of Anjou the King's lieutenant general, by whom he might incense the said Duke against the Protestants. This was of so dangerous consequence unto the Prince of Conde, that finally it cost him his life. For Montesquiou, the said Duke's Captain of his guard, slew the Prince, whom the lords of Argence, and of S. john had taken prisoner. Under the same policy the said Duke would grant no safe conduit unto the lord de l'Estrange, the deputy in the behalf of the Protestant Lords & Princes in june 1569, who should have gone to present their supplication to the King, as touching such means and remedies, as he knew most convenient and profitable for appeasing of the war, and establishing of a perfect peace.  
The same policy did the Cardinal use in hindering the concluding of the peace: For being certified that the Admiral had sent the said supplication to his cousin the Marshal of Montmorency, that he might offer the same to the King, he prevented the said Marshal, alleging unto the King, that it was no reason that such rebellious subjects should speak to the King afar of, also that unless they came and yielded themselves to his mercy, they were not to be heard, but with weapons to be subdued. According to which counsel the King showed the said Marshal of Montmoremcy, that he would neither look upon, or hear any thing that came from the Protestants, but chief from the Admiral, before he had taken them to favour, which he would do in case they would yield to do their duties: as if afore the said Admiral and his men had not most earnestly entreated the King, like as now again in this supplication they did, for these words were therein contained: They do most humbly desire your Majesty to grant, and generally permit to all your subjects of what estate or condition so ever they be, free exercise of their religion in all towns, villages and boroughs, and in all other parts & places of your realm and countries in your obedience and protection, without exception, moderation or restraint of persons, time or place, with all requisite and necessary assurance. And moreover to ordain & enjoin all men, openly to profess either the one or the other religion, thereby to cut of divers, who abusing this benefit and favour, are fallen into Atheism and all carnal liberty, having freed themselves from the exercise and profession of all religions, being desirous to see nothing but confusion in this realm, together with the overthrow and suppression of all order, policy, and ecclesiastical discipline, which is a most pernicious and dangerous matter, utterly intolerable. Also, dear Lord, for as much as the said Princes, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and other in their companies, doubt not but they, who hitherto have planted the foundations of their practices upon such slanders as impudently they do publish, to the end to procure the said Princes to be brought into the hatred and displeasure, even of such as through the grace of God, are freed from all bondage and tyranny of Antichrist, will not fail but affirm that they will rather stiffly without reason defend whatsoever they once have determined to believe, touching the Articles of Christian religion, then correct and withdraw themselves, therefore the aforesaid Princes, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and other their company do declare and protest, as always they have done, that if in any one point of the confession of faith heretofore presented to your Majesty by the reformed churches of your realm, they may be instructed, that by God's word comprehended in the Canonical books of the holy scripture, they have strayed from the doctrine of the Apostles or Prophets, they will readily yield and willingly grant to such as by God's word may better instruct them, then in the beginning they have been, if they do err in any article. And for this cause do desire nothing so much as a convocation of a free, general and lawful council, wherein every man may be heard allege their reasons, which must be either confirmed, or convinced by the only word of God, according to the manner used in all times for like occasions.  
In the mean time the Cardinal brought up the Duke of Anjou at the charges of the Clergy and Catholics, to the end to destroy the Protestants, and to get a new string unto his bow, wherewith he might shoot at other matters, in case the war had such success as he wished. For as for peace he accounted it unpossible and past hope of being concluded, without the utter destruction and abolishing of the contrary faction. Now sought he continually to cloak his private interest, and to 'cause the King to think it unpossible to come to any peace, and so consequently to hazard all things rather than to yield so much, and to that end propounded two great lets. The first taken of the contrariety of religion, which (said he) neither could nor aught to be borne withal in the realm. The other derived from the King's majesties fame, which (said he) the protestants had blemished, and therefore it was unpossible for them to salve up such a wound, unless laying down their weapons, they came in haulters about their necks to submit themselves to the King's mercy, sitting in his seat of the Cardinal's justice. But he alleged these reasons (to the which the protestants have often sufficiently answered) not so much for any zeal to religion, whereof in the books following we will more amply entreat, neither for any affection to the King against whom he conspired, but rather because that before he granted to any motion of peace, he would be assured that howsoever matters went, he & his would keep the chief room in the counsel of the King & realm, that he might put out or in, the officers of the crown at his own discretion, that he might ordain and dispose the law & treasury, as seemed best to his covetous appetite: to be brief, that the realm might of him take laws to do or not to do, to speak or not to speak, & at one word, that at his pleasure he might remove both souls, bodies and goods, both of the head and members of the said Realm.  
He feared also lest the King should give ear unto the declarations of the Protestants deputies, whereby in time he might easily perceive, that those counseilers who have given him to understand, that the only means to extinguish in his realm all diversity of Religion, was through war, were Atheists, or else brainless persons wholly ignorant even to the end. Also lest the King might call to mind how that since the said Cardinals return from the Council of Trent, the whole body of his privy council hath been divided and parted into two several opinions, the one part wishing for peace, the other for war: and therefore the Cardinal and his adherentes might be the worse entreated. Wherefore he resolved together with his partakers, so much as might be to prolong the war, thereby to corrupt and frame the King after his own appetite, and so destroy the Protestants, thereby to prepare the readier path to the performance of his secret drifts. He persuaded himself in time to conquer the said Protestants. First, being driven out of most towns in the Realm, and reduced into the extremities of the same in a little corner of Saintonge, they might easily be enclosed in this small quantity of ground, by means of such rivers & towns as do abut upon the Marches of Angoulmois & the places thereabout: so that being once ranged within such bars, the famine and infection of the air, raised through the vapours of their troops and companies, should within few months force them to come in with haulters about their necks, and so to yield themselves to his discretion & mercy. Then that the principal strength of the Prince's camp consisting in strangers, for the payment of whose arrearages already due unto them, until then the protestants had almost drawn their purses dry, & therefore had small opportunity in time to come to satisfy them: they of friends should become foes, which easily might be compassed, and they be enticed if not to fight with the Protestants, yet at the lest upon payment of their duties to return home into their own countries. Finally, the Cardinal grounded the prolonging of the war upon the uncertain hazard of battles, by reason of inconveniences of his own part. All such as considered that now all the French Nobility, and the chief part of their warriors were already in the fields upon the point, in case any battle should be fought, to murder one an other, did bewail the miserable estate of the King and his Realm, who leaned to their subversion through the hap of such a meeting, to whom soever the victory fel. But the Cardinal and his faction made so small account hereof, that they could have wished that the part lying upon the ground, had left the conquerors so wounded, that they might never have risen again: not in hope to have created any new French nobility with a sheet of paper, or a skin of parchment, and four ounces of wax (according to the Cardinal's apothegm, which was that the King was able in one hour to created more Gentlemen, then in ten years space might be consumed in the wars) but rather for that that the said French nobility being extinguished, the way would be the readier unto the accomplishment of the Guisians forecasts, and through the support of the Mayres, Sheriffs, and counsellors of the most part of the towns in France, of long time affectionate unto the Cardinal, like as were the courts of Parliament, under pretence of maintaining the Catholic Church, they might challenge the title to the Crown, the which they have so long boasted to appertain unto the house of Lorraine, by virtue of an imaginative succession from the stock of Charles the great: Howbeit the Cardinal fearing lest the battle should be tried rather in the manner of a fray, and dispersion of one of the armies, then by any great bloodshead, thought best to assure himself through delays in prolonging the time, rather than to build his full hope upon so wavering and dangerous a foundation. For if the victory had fallen to the Protestants, the Guisians would have accounted themselves undone: also if the Cardinal's army had gotten the best, than did he forecast that their fury being over, some of the Catholics might have commenced as dangerous a quarrel against him as that, and again require of him the lives of such Lords and Gentlemen, as peradventure had been offered upon the altar of his ambition. For all they that served the Duke of Anjou, were not so bend unto the Guisians service, as the said Cardinal and his adherents could have wished.  
Thus did the Cardinal spin this cord of Civil wars, & draw it as long as he could, notwithstanding that in his considerations there passed great oversights, which here I will neither detect, neither confute, for that is the office of some such person as hath leisure to devise some politic discourses, and reveal the blindness of the French Catholic Gentlemen, who in professing themselves men of experience and practise, have suffered a priest to baffulle them, who was more cowardly than a woman, and who also in his sleeve in the company of his familiar friends with open throat scorned them, as in place convenient we shall hereafter see.  
The Duke d'Aumale was upon the borders of Bourgundy & Lorraine, accompanied with great troops over whom he commanded, and there waited to stop the passage of the Reistres, who came to the protestants aid. Wherein he had as good success as in other his martial deeds: For his soldiers openly said that he had more flesh than wit or courage. And in deed notwithstanding he were in a convenient country for his footmen, of whom there were a great number, and those trained soldiers, yet did he nothing worth the speaking of, but sundry times was in danger of being well beaten, yea he refused to meet with his enemies in a place greatly to his advantage. But to say the truth, the Cardinal was also one cause of these kind of dealings, for he minded not that they should so soon come to handy blows, but hoped either to win the strangers, or else to find them at a better advantage, and so sought more and more to shuffle the cards, whereby he might meet with the better game.  
As for the young Duke of Guise, through his great favour with the Duke of Anjou, proceeding of their strait acquaintance, besides that he was great master, he was now highly advanced. His uncle also placed about him many captains, who at Poitiers stood him in good stead. The Marquis of Maine his younger brother, was then through his youth of no countenance. The great Prior and the Marquis d'Ellebeufe his uncles were dead a while before, neither were they greatly regarded, as men having no more wit than their brother the Cardinal of Lorraine had bestowed upon them, neither were they factious, but as he taught and commanded them.  
But at all adventures, we have extended this matter far enough in this first part of the legend of the lords of Guise: We will therefore permit the readers to take breath, and give our pen some respite, whereby to proceed in the rest, namely of the behaviours of the Cardinal and his adherents in the third Edict of pacification, also of their means to attain unto the murder at S. bartlemew's day: also of such things as of their parts have since chanced to the confusion of King Charles and his estate. Also of the evil pranks which they have played with King Henrye the third now reigning, with all the princes of the blood, the great Lords, the nobility, the justices, the Clergy, the people as well of the one as of the other Religion, their fautors and friends, yea and one of themselves with an other. Here before we have seen part of their dealings under Francis the first, Henry the second, Francis the second, and Charles the ninth: but the sundry particularities, which shallbe set down in the other books following, will show that in this first part we have only touched the matters, and described as it were the entry into the bloody, villainous and accursed palace of the Guisians. Let this therefore be the beginning of a greater work, & I would to God that by this that is past, the Frenchmen might (though somewhat late and to their cost) know part of those instruments wherewith the Lord for their offences hath scourged them, to the end that returning unto him as they aught, they might receive sooner than I hope for, some rest and ease.  
FINIS.