A New Description OF IRELAND: Wherein is described the disposition of the Irish whereunto they are inclined.  
No less admirable to be perused then credible to be believed: neither unprofitable nor unpleasant to be read and understood, by those worthy Citizens of London that be now undertakers in Ireland: By Barnaby Rich, Gent:  
Malui me divitem esse, quam vocari.  
Printed at London for Thomas adam's. 1610.   

The Contents of the Chapters contained in this Book.  

OF the little credit that is to be given to their testimonies, that have hitherto written of Ireland. Cap. 1.  
Of the temperature of the air, and the fertility of the soil universally through Ireland. Cap. 2.  
Of the nature & disposition of the Irish how they are inclined. Cap. 3.  
From whence it proceedeth, that the Irish are so repugnant to the English. Cap. 4.  
That the Irish by nature are inclined to cruelty. Cap. 5.  
Of the ingratitude of the Irish. Cap. 6.  
Of the incivilty both of manners and conditions used by the Irish. Cap. 7.  
Of the Vulgar sot of the Irish, what account they make of an Oath. Cap. 8  
That a Conquest should draw after it, Law, Language, and Habit. Cap. 9  
Of certain septs and degrees amongst the Irish. Ca 10.  
Of the manner of the Irish Coshering. Cap. 11.  
How Ireland was purged from all venomous worms, by the prayers of Saint Patrick. Cap. 12.  
Of the holy Saints that hath been borne, bred, and brought up in Ireland. Cap. 13.  
Of the superstitious conceit that is holden by the Irish, about certain Wels. Cap. 14.  
A true description both of the City, and Citizens of Dubline. Cap. 15.  
Of some defects in the government of Dublin. Ca 16.  
Of the trade & traffic that is used in Dublin. Ca 17.  
Of the ambition of the Irish. Cap. 18.  
Of the Doctrine of the Pope, how embraced by the Irish. Cap. 19  
How the Papists of Ireland, are neither ashamed nor afraid, to manifest themselves. Cap. 20.  
The inconvenience of Popery, how it hurteth in Ireland. Cap. 21.  
Whither there by any possibility, that the Irish should be able to maintain war against the kings Majesty. Cap. 22.  
Of those lets and impediments that defeated our late gracious Qu. in her services against the Irish. Ca 23.  
Of Pardons and protections, how hurtful in Ireland. Cap. 24.  
Of the dallying out the time of service, and the delays of Ireland. Cap. 25.  
How Tyrone was still supplied with Soldiers, and all other provisions for war, at the Queen's charges. Cap. 26.  
That the Irish are more dangerous than necessary, for his Majesty service in Ireland. Cap. 27.  
The conclusion.    

To the Right Honourable, Robert Earl of Salisbury, Viscount Cranburn, Baron Cecil of Essenden, Lord High Treasurer of England, principal Secretary to his Majesty, one of the Lords of his Honourable Privy Council, and Knight of the Noble order of the Garter, etc.  
MOst Honourable, and most worthy Earl, the several Books that are spread, bearing the names and Titles of Histories, of summaries of Chronicles, & of divers other collections drawn from unworthy Authors: some of them printed, some otherwise published here in Ireland, by Papists, by lying Chroniclers, by idle Poets, by Bards and Irish Rythmers, all of them containing matter of untruth: As the memories of superstitious foundations, lies and Fables, foolishly meddled and compacted together: written rather in the maintenance and favour of lewd misdemeanour, of Superstition, of Idolatry, and do rather give encouragement to wicked Subjects to enter the field of Rebellion, to take Arms against the Prince, to disobey, to contemn, to despise, not only the Prince's laws, and his majesties gracious proceedings, but also setting open the wide gate that leadeth to many misdemeanours against the Prince himself. I have therefore thought it a matter much importing his majesties service, to do my best endeavour to stop this gap thus broken down, that thus openeth the way to the wasteful spoil of Rebellion, of Treason, of Superstition, of Idolatry, of Disobedience, of Contempt: and to give a Book to the well-disposed of that Realm of Ireland, wherein they may behold that truth, which they themselves have heard with their ears, have seen with their eyes, and are able to testify upon daily experience.  
These lines thus squared out, I durst not presume to present to your Honour, in respect of any ability that I acknowledge to be in myself, I know there can come nothing from me, that may be any ways answerable to your exquisite judgement or worthiness: but it is your own virtue, your own affability and Noble disposition, that was yet never known to despice or discountenance any man's endeavours, that were honestly intended, or undertaken to a good end and purpose.  
It is this, your Honourable inclination, that hath encouraged me: this is it hath made me to presume of a favourable acceptance. To you therefore, and to your honour alone, I have in most humble and submissive manner, bequeathed those experiments, which forty years observation hath taught me to know. To your Honour, whose exquissite judgement is best able to discern, and whose wisdom and knowledge is most fitting to redress: by whose Honourable care for the good of the commonweal, England and Ireland, are both made happy. By whose providence and wisdom (next under his Majesty) we have hitherto reaped the fruits of a most happy and blessed government. To your Honour therefore, I submit my labours, my Love, my lines, my service, myself, my endeavours, & all that I have, to be at your honours dispose: and thus will rest to pray for your Honour, that GOD would still continue his blessings upon you, as hitherto he hath done.  
Your Honours, in all humble and dutiful affection: Barnaby Rich.   

❧ To the Courteous and friendly Reader, either English or Irish, either Protestant or Papist, either learned or unlearned, or to any other whosoever, I care not.  
ONe of the diseases of this age, is the multitude of Books, that doth so overcharge the world, that it is not able to digest the abundance of idle matter that is every day hatched and brought into the world, that are as divers in their forms, as their Authors be in their faces.  
It is but a thriftless, and a thankless occupation, this writing of Books, a man were better to sit singing in a cobblers shop, for his pay is certain, a penny a patch: but a Booke-writer, if he get sometimes a few commendations of the judicious, he shall be sure to reap a thousand reproaches of the Malicious.  
Books are like Cheese, that is never well seasoned to every man's taste; for one will say it is too salt, another will say it is too fresh, a third will say it is to tart, another thinks it to be too mild; one will have it too hard, another too soft, another too tough, another too brittle, it never pleaseth every man's taste; no more do Books.  
I am censured for writing of a Book, to be a malicious enemy to Ireland, to poor Ireland, that (God knoweth) is rather to be pitied, then spited.  
I confess, I have made myself known in print, to be an enemy to Popery, but not to Ireland.  
Aristotle being upbraided by some of his friends, that he had been over merciful to a wicked man: I have indeed (said Aristotle) been merciful towards the man, but not towards his wickedness.  
So say I by Ireland, though I find fault with the Idolatry that is committed in the Country, yet I find no fault with the Country itself, nor with a great number of good people that are of the Irish birth, that I never meant to reprove, neither am I able to detect.  
But for those that have found, so many faults with my book, that I so honestly meant for the good of the country. I forgive them from my heart, for I durst swear for them, they did it more for want of wit, then for any malice they bear to my person.  
I have lived in Ireland of a poor pay, the full recompense of 47. years, spent in my Prince and countries service, I have not begged nor purchased any man lands, rents, or revenues; I have not heaped to myself, either Offices or church-livings: yet something I have noted of the Country by observation. I see a number of good people, that are both capable of obedience & discipline, if they were not misled: but their minds (alas) are still poisoned with Popery, and what is he that it not touched with a kind of compassion, to see the poor & silly people so seduced & carried away by these juggling Jesuits? What monstrous miracles are there daily presented, and how many lying wonders are there to be witnessed, testified by men scarce worth to be credited, and yet with what confidence are they received and believed?  
I have yet once again betaken me to my pen, and I have writ something. I know not what myself: he that would understand it, let him read a God's name, he shall find I have dealt plainly, without welt or guard.  
I would not have it thought, that I make any difference between the English and the Irish, in respect of their birth, for I know there be as worthy men in Ireland, as any are in England, though not in such generality, nor so many in number: neither is that to be wondered at, for there are many reasons to induce it: So I know, there are too many of the English, that are planted in all the parts of Ireland, that are no less superstitious, no less Idolatrous, nor no less contentious both to God and the K. then the most wild or savage Irish man, that never came in place where to learn good or bad.  
It is not therefore either the Country or the Countryman, that maketh me either to love or hate, it is their manners and conditions that maketh me both to praise or dispraise.  
As M. Stanihurst therefore in his description of Ireland, in the 8. Chapter, discoursing of the manners and dispositions of the Mere Irish (for so he termeth them) before he entereth into the matter, forewarneth his Reader, not to impute any barbarous custom, that he should there speak of to the Citizens, Townsmen, or to the Inhabitants of the English pale, for that he reputeth them to be men of another spirit, better trained up in science, knowledge, civility, in courtesy, and such other like compliments of humanity. Let me entreat the like favour, that having now occasion to speak of the manners and customs of the Irish, do not think me yet to be so general, but that I do make a great difference, between those that are rude, uncivil, unreverent, uncleanly, and untaught, and those other again that are mild, modest, merciful, kind, courteous, and that are every way endued with wit, reason, and understanding. And I do make the like exceptions between those that are irreligious, superstitious, Idolatrous, seditious, rebellious; that do retain Jesuits, Seminaries, and other Traitorous priests, then of those, that chose are professors of the gospel, that do embrace the holy Scriptures, and do endeavour themselves in the service of their God, and obedience to their Prince.  
Now, for these men of little wit, and less understanding, that because by the Text of the holy scriptures, I have hunted their Pope from Saint Peter's Chair, to the seat of Antichrist, would therefore conclude, that I were an enemy to Ireland; let them understand, that I love Ireland, and that I think there is as near a high way to go to Heaven from out of Ireland, as there is from any part of England, or else myself would never have stayed so long in the Country. Now, for the people, they are in Ireland, as in all other places, some good, some bad, yet more rude & uncivil in Ireland, than they be in any part of the world that is known: but for Popery (I protest) they are more foolish-superstitious in Ireland, than they be in Rome itself. But I do therefore, rather pity, than malice them; there be a great many of known Papists in Dublyne, that I do love, and wish well unto: for, may not a man love a papist, as he loveth a friend that is diseased? Admit I had a Brother that were visited with Morbus Galicus itself, might I not love him, and hate his sickness both at once? Even so I love a papist, I love the party, when I defy his Religion. But Popery is a malady not easy to be cured, and I think these lines of mine will sooner move Choler, then give contentment, or produce amendment. And yet as I mean not in this my Description of Ireland, to busy myself about any matters of State, so I will not meddle with the discovery of any hidden secrets, that may be brought into any question of doubt, for the truth and certainty: for, as I have used no other help then mine own experience, so my best method shall be, to speak nothing but what is true, and so to be approved. If there be any exceptions taken by Fools that be ignorant, I hope the wise & learned will make no worse construction than the matter doth import: for the rest that be of a wrangling disposition, let them do as they have done, fret and fume at that which they are not able to contradict: let them join impudency to their ignorance, and because they cannot comprehend the sincerity of true religion, let them carp and cavil against it, and let them never spare.   

An Epistle, added in the due praise and commendation of that worthy and worshipful Gentleman, Master WILLIAM COKYNE, Sheriff and Alderman of the most renowned and Honourable City of LONDON.  
WOrthy Gentleman, if the kingdom of heaven were to be merited by a man's own deservings (as a number of Gross-headed Papists will not let to affirm) you were then happy, for you neither needed to purchase any Pope's Pardons, or to buy any Masses of Scala Celi, to be sung for your soul when you are dead.  
You have begun a work of Supererogation, more merritorious in the judgements of all those that are (indeed) godly wise, then either the building of a Chapel, or a chantry, or the giving of perpetuities, either of lands or livings, what or how soever bestowed about any Popish purposes.  
This enterprise, the rather by your encouragement thus undertaken, for the planting of the Northern parts of Ireland, with the English, cannot be but acceptable in the presence of God, when it shall draw so much to the advancement of his glory, making way for the Gospel of jesus Christ to be truly preached in a place where there was nothing but Idolatry and superstition formerly practised; giving light and understanding to a blind and ignorant people, to discern the way of salvation, that do rather hope to be saved by the means of Saint Patrick, then by the mercy of God.  
This action cannot be but pleasing to the Kings most excellent Majesty, when the sequel shall not redound to his honour, but likewise to his profit: But how happily will it fall out for a number of poor people in England, that are oppressed with penury, by reason of the multitude that doth so superabound, whereby the scarcity of victuals doth the more exceed, that may there be relieved by their own industry: for Ireland is able to render relecfe to forty thousand people, but to be placed in those parts of the Country, that at this present lieth waste, and altogether uninhabited: and yet where the Country is best planted and peopled throughout the whole realm, the third part of the commodity is not raised, that the soil would afford: the reason is, by the ill Husbandry of the Irish, that either for want of wit, or for want of knowledge, doth not manage their Husbandry according to skill.  
And although it be out of my element to speak of husbandry, that all the days of my life, could never play the good Husband for myself: yet I am not so dull of conceit, but I can see a number of defects, and that in the most principal points of their Husbandry; as in the manner of the Tilling of their ground, and sowing of their Corn, they have no other means whereby to draw the Plough, but every Horse by his own tail, so that when the poor beast by his painful labour, hath worn the hair of his tail so short, as it can be no longer tied, the Plough must stand.  
I might speak of many other defects, and one amongst the rest, of the unseasonable time that they use in the making of their Hay: but to speak truly of their ill Husbandry in that point: in the greatest part throughout all Ireland, they use to make no Hay at all, although they have as good ground as any other Country doth afford: so that their poor Cattle in the Winter season, have no other father, than what they can pick up, and gather from the ground: but in those parts near about Dublyne, where they use to make Hay, they never meddle with the cutting of their grass, till they be likewise ready to cut their Corn, so that they will have their Hay harvest, and their Corn harvest, to come both together, which commonly never falleth out, till September be well spent: at which time of the year, there sometimes falleth out great store of rain, so that from the best Meadow Lands, which is evermore upon their lower grounds, their hay is many times either utterly marred, or altogether swept away with a flood.  
I might here conclude and boldly affirm, that if those parts of Ireland that now lieth waist, were inhabited by an industrious people, and that the rest of the Country were manured and husbanded according to skill, Ireland would sustain more people by two parts, then are now inhabiting in it. But leaving to speak of Ireland in general, I will come to that part of the North now intended to be planted, namely of the Derry and the Colrane. In the time of Sir john Parrates Government, I myself lay at Colrane, with a hundred soldiers under my leading, I may therefore speak something of mine own experience.  
For the Land that is adjoining about Colrane, it is very fertile, and the whole Country that stretcheth itself between the River of Band, and the river of Loughfoile, that was sometimes O-Cannes Country, is not only a most pleasant place, but is likewise very commodious both for Corn and Pasture.  
On the South side of the river of Band, fast by Colrane, there lieth a goodly country, called the Rout, no better Corn land in any part of Ireland, and it did at that time so abound with Coneys, so exceeding fat, and therewithal so sweet, as I never saw the like, neither in Ireland, nor in any other place where I have travailed.  
What should I speak of the Salmon fishing of the Band, which is so famously known and spoken of: and there is moreover for three months of the year, between September & December, such a fishing for Eels, as I think is not the like again in Europe, especially when there shall come men that hath skill to take them, which the Irish hath not to any purpose, yet they take great store, by reason of the great abundance of such notable Eels, both for greatness and for goodness, as the like are no other where else to be found.  
I might speak here of the fishing for fresh water Trout, whereof there are great plenty in every River, in every Brook, in every Lough, and that throughout the whole Realm of Ireland, but specially in those Northern parts about Colrane and the Derry.  
But let me speak now of the fishing for Sea-fish, and first for Cod and Ling: what ships are yearly set out from all the parts of England: some to Newfoundland, some to Island, some to Shotland, some to Ward-house, some to one place and some to another: and I think of my conscience, that at the very entrance aswell of the river of the Band, as of the River of Loughfoyle, which are not above some eight or ten miles distant, there will fall out as good fishing both for Cod and Ling, as in any other place that I have formerly spoken of.  
Now for Herring-fishing, who can name a better place than Loughfoyle itself, and there is one other Loughe fast by, called by the name of Lough-Sully, where he that were but standing upon the shore at the time of Herring-fishing, would think that the very Sea itself did swell of herrings, there are such abundance all along that Coast.  
Without doubt, there will be found good fishing for Ray, for Haddock, for Whiting, for Gurnard, and for all manner of other fish, which never faileth all along the Coast of Ireland, if it be sought for.  
As I have now spoken of fishing, so I might yet again speak of fowling: but let it suffice, that aswell for fish, for foul, for Conics, for Cattle, and whatsoever is otherwise needful for man's sustenance, the whole Realm of Ireland is as rich and fertile as any other Country in Christendom: yea and for all manner of fruits: as Apples, pears, & plums, in many parts of the Country, where men have been industrious to plant, they have as good fruit in Ireland as any is in England.  
To conclude, there wanteth nothing in Ireland but the true knowledge of God, & obedience to the Prince, the which by God's permission, will so much the rather be brought to a good pass, when that part of the Country that in former ages hath been most rude and inclined to incivility, that hath evermore been the receptacle and refuge for the worst disposed people, shall by this Plantation, be made a pattern of good example, aswell for Godly as Civil Government, to all the Realm beside: but there is a kind of temerity that doth no good, yet is conveyed by those men, that are utterly ignorant in the affairs of Ireland.  
Since my coming from dublin, within six days after my arrival here at London, I think I was asked sixteen several times, what I thought of this Plantation in the north of Ireland, and whether it were possible that those laboverers and workmen that are now sent over for the building, could save their throats from cutting, or their heads from being taken from their shoulders, before the work were finished: or what assurance there could be, but that when this erection were fully perfected, and that men did think themselves to be most quietly settled: why might not the Irish do then as they had done before, in one night to lay waist and consume all with fire and sword? So that I see there be a number that are afraid, but it is but of their own shadows.  
But let timorous men doubt as they list, and let ignorant men write what they please: Ireland (God be praised) is in no such dangerous manner of plight. That doubt is dissolved, and the danger is past: for men may work as quietly in those places whereunto they are now sent, as they might do if they were in Cheapside. And in that part of the Country, through the which a thousand men in times past would have been intercepted, I dare now undertake to pass myself and my Boy.  
But there be some will say: And why may it not come to pass, that there may be as great danger as ever there was, and that the Irish may be as Potent to execute mischief, as ever they have been before?  
I say, They cannot. And whosoever shall please to read the sequel herein contained, I hope shall be fully satisfied in that point, for only to that end and purpose, I have endeavoured these Lines. And all the matter that I aim at throughout this whole Book, is but to make it manifest, that the Irish are of no such resistance at this hour against his Majesty, as they have been in times passed against our late Queen.  
I am not ignorant, that although Ireland be reduced to a great conformity, and that his Majesty hath a number of loyal and faithful Subjects in every part of that Kingdom, yet I know again there be some, that are not to be trusted, and therefore I speak not of their minds, but I speak of their manners: And I say, that the Rebel of Ireland shall never more stand out hereafter, as they have done in times past.  
If any man please to read, let him judge of my reasons, in the mean time, there is but one thing (worthy Gentleman) that is to be feared, and may very easily be holpen, if you suffer no Papist (either English or Irish) to plant himself among you. Look well but to that, and there is no doubt but the Almighty God himself will bless your enterprise, and England and Ireland both, shall hereafter call you happy, & I shall rest still to wish you well.  
Your welwilling Friend Barnaby Rich.   

A Description of IRELAND, together with the Manners, Customs, and dispositions of the people.  

CAP. 1.  
Of the little credit that is to be given to their testimonies, that have hitherto written of Ireland.  
I Think Ireland to be in nothing more unfortunate, then in this; that the History of the Country was never undertaken to be truly set forth but by Papists. Giraldus Cambrensis, whose testimony of that Country is most ancient, & upon whose authority all that have hitherto written of Ireland do especially rely, was a Papist, and in his description of Ireland hath fabled so many follies, as Stanihurst himself, though he maketh mention of them in his History which he hath written of Ireland, yet he durst not avouch them to be true, but leaveth them to the discretion of the Reader, to judge of them as he findeth himself disposed.  
But to put the matter quite out of doubt, Cambrensis himself, in his Epistle Dedicatory to King john, giveth advice to the K. that the peterpence might be paid throughout the whole Realm of Ireland, that his Father had formerly promised to the Pope; in performing whereof, he might thereby deliver his Father's soul, (I think he meant from Purgatory) for he was not so mad to believe that a soul could be delivered from Hell.  
A second Writer, that hath made collections of the History of Ireland, as Stanihurst himself reporteth in his Epistle to sir Henry Sidney, was his fast & sure friend Edmond Campion. I need not describe the man any further, for his end made trial of his honesty: but like will to like (quoth the Devil to the Collier) and birds of a wing (they say) will fly together: but for master Stanihurst himself, I knew him many years sithence at Antwerp, where he professed Alchemy, and undertook the practice of the Philosopher's stone, and when he had multiplied lies so long, that every body grew weary of him, he departed from thence into Spain, and there (as it was said) he turned Physician, and whether he be alive or dead I know not: but these three, Giraldus Cambrensis, Edmond Campion, and Richard Stanihurst, are the only Authors that have patched & peeced together the History of Ireland: who beside, that they have stuffed their volumes with manifest untruths, so they have interlarded their lines with such ridiculous matter, as they themselves are ashamed to avouch them for truth. For the rest that hath been attempted by Holinshed and Hooker, they have referred the whole matter of what they have writ, concerning Ireland, to those men's authorities: Holinshed, to what had been collected by Campion and Stanihurst; and Hooker, to no more than he had translated out of Giraldus Cambrensis.  
These lying authorities, do evermore engender ignorance, & there is nothing that hath more led the Irish into error, then lying Historiographers, their Chroniclers, their Bards, their Rythmers, and such other their lying Poets; in whose writings they do more rely, than they do in the holy Scriptures, and this rabblement do at this day endeavour themselves to nothing else, but to feed & delight them with matter most dishonest and shameful: for in their speaking and writing, they do nothing but flatter them in their ungracious humours, still opening the way with lying praises of their progenitors, what Rebellions they have stirred up, and how many mischiefs they have performed; this is such a whetstone to their ambitious desires, and being thus made drunk with these lying reports of their Ancestors worthiness, that they think themselves to be reproached for ever, if they should not be as apt & ready to run into all manner of mischief, as their fathers were afore them. From hence it cometh, that being thus drowned in ignorance, they think it to be the true highway to happiness, for every man to do what he list, and do therefore seek to free themselves from Law, justice, and reason, because they would not be bridled, or compelled to obey, either to duty or honesty.  
For Ireland otherwise, the less it hath been famed for any memorable matter, the more it hath been replenished with horrible murders, and actions of blood; there are no histories of good things worthy to be followed, but Tragedies of cruelty, fit to be abhorred.  
One of the greatest felicities wherewith Ireland hath been blessed, is the government of godly princes, which have endeavoured themselves, to their great expenses, to reform that country, and to reduce the people to civility, and to a reasonable knowledge of human society.   

CAP. 2.  
Of the temperature of the Air, and the fertility of the soil universally through Ireland.  
MY meaning is not to make any Cosmographical description of Ireland, I have nothing to do with Longitude, with Latitude, nor with Altitude: I will not speak of the Country how it stretcheth itself towards the East, or towards the west, nor how it is divided into Provinces, into Shires, nor into Countries; nor how the country is replenished with Cities, with Towns, and Villages: but to speak something of the temperature of the Climate, under the which it is adjacent. I say, we do not find Ireland to be cold in the winter, nor so hot in the Summer, as it is in England. The frosts in Ireland, are neither so hard nor of that continuance as they be in England, and yet the Country is very cold, with a kind of rawish moisture, but not so nipping, nor durable, as the dry cold that commonly comes with frosts.  
Ireland is wonderfully inclined to fogs & mists, and given to very much rain, aswell in summer as in winter, and the Country is full of springs, and great currants of water that falls from the mountains, which with a shower of rain will rise very suddenly, and will fall again as quickly when the weather cleareth up.  
Ireland is full of great Rivers, and mighty huge Loughes, such as we call Mere in England, wherein are many large and spacious Islands, where the Irish have many times fortified themselves against the Prince, but are still ferreted and drawn out by the ears, though other while with great difficulty. To speak of Ireland generally, it is replenished with Rivers, with Woods, with Bogs, and with as good land, both for corn and pasture, as any Europe affords; but not so well manured, nor so well husbanded: for the Farmers of Ireland, are far to seek in many points of good husbandry, and the women (for the most part) have as little skill of housewifery.  
From hence I might affirm, and confidently conclude, that throughout the whole Realm of Ireland, what between the ill husbandry of that which is inhabited, and so much of the Country again lying waist for want of Inhabitants, there is not the third part of that profit raised, that Irelaud would afford.  
For fish, for foul, for Coneys, they are very plentiful throughout all the parts of Ireland, and for red-Deare, they have them upon the mountains, but not in such plenty as I myself have known. Fallow dear are not so common, unless it be in some few Parks.  
To be short, there is nothing wanting in Ireland that is behoveful for the sustenance of man, yet I dare not stretch so far as M. Stanihurst, that would have Ireland the treasure-house of the world, as he hath published in his Book, I will not say how vainly or how unwisely. Let other men judge of that, but I think he meaneth of hidden Treasures that are not yet discovered. It is truth, there are some small store of Pearl now and then found, chopped upon by chance, but not in such abundance that they be worthy to be so spoken of, nor those few that be found, are neither so orient, so praise worthy, nor of such price and estimation, as those that are brought from other places, both from the East and West Indies, and yet I once saw an Irish Pearl that was sold for xv. pound. I never heard of any Mines either of Gold, or Silver, or Copper, or Tin, or Lead, or of any other Mineral matter that was found in the Country, that would quit the charge in refining; but to speak truly, the Irish are so malicious that they will not suffer men of art and skill to make search for them: One of the best Mines that is known to be in Ireland, is that of Iron, which is very rich (indeed) if it would hold out, or that there were any store of the Oore to be found, as like enough it would do if the Irish would give men leave to seek for it. It is many years ago since I heard talk of an Alum Mine that was found, and great hope was had of profit and commodity, but how it was left, I know not, I think by the unwillingness of the bad disposed people of that Country, that will never (by their good wills) suffer men to work with their heads upon their shoulders. Ireland (without doubt) is a fruitful Country, and it yieldeth in most abundant manner, all convenient necessaries that is behoveful for humane sustenance, but to hope after Mines and Minerals in Ireland, I think there is no such likelihood, for those are evermore to be sought after, in those Countries that are warm, or at the least very dry, but not in those places that are so overcharged with rain, and so much given to moisture as Ireland.   

CAP. 3.  
Of the nature and disposition of the Irish, and how they are inclined.  
I Think it shall not be impertinent to this my description of Ireland, to decipher the disposition of the Irish, of what temper they be framed, and whereunto they be naturally inclined. But before I will set down mine own understanding, what I myself have gathered by experience, I will deliver what M. Stanihurst hath written on the very same matter, whose words be these: The inclination of the Irish people is, to be Religious, frank, amorous, ireful, sufferable of infinite pains, very glorious, many Sorcerers, excellent Horsemen, delighted with wars, great alms-givers, passing in Hospitality, The lewder sort (both Clerks and laymen) sensual and over-loose in living, the same (being virtuously bred up or reform) are such mirrors of holiness and austerity, that other Nations retain but a shadow of Devotion, in comparison of them. As for abstinence and Fasting, it is to them a familiar kind of chastisement. They follow the dead Corpse to the grave with howling and barbarous outcries, pitiful in appearance, whereof grew (as I suppose) the proverb; To weep Irish.  
Thus far have I cited, what Master Stanihurst himself hath published of the disposition of the Irish whereunto they are inclined. And now (not to impugn any thing that Master Stanihurst hath written) I will yet once again take a superficial survey of what he hath set down, and will give him mine opinion, what I do think of his Description.  
And first, he saith [They are Religious] I say, It is truth, but I would to God it were according unto knowledge. [They are frank,] Neither will I impugn that, for the Irish are benevolent enough among their friends and acquaintance. [they are Amorous] I think he meaneth to women: but if he speaketh in general, I say and affirm, that the greatest number of the Irish, are utterly ignorant what honest Love doth mean. [They are ireful] the more is the pity, for it hath cost the price of much Christian blood. [They are sufferable of infinite pains] but yet at any hand they will not, or can cannot endure to labonr, for there is not a greater plague-sore to Ireland, than the idleness thereof. [They are very glorious] very true; and they are no less proud, for the meanest Shackerell, that hath scarce a mantle to wrap himself in, hath as proud a mind as Oneal himself, when he sits upon a green bank under a bush in his greatest majesty. [There are many Sorcerers] and the Country doth no less abound with Witches; and no marvel that it should so do, for the Devil hath ever been most frequent and conversant amongst Infidels, Turks, Papists, & such other, that do neither know nor love god, than he can be amongst those that are the true professors of the Gospel of Christ. [They are excellent horsemen] yet good for nothing but for the service in Ireland. [They are delighted with wars] they are delighted with Rebellions, Commotions, and Insurrections; but they cannot be called wars, that are stirred up by subjects against their Prince. [They are great alms-givers,] I never heard any great commendation of their almsgiving, in any such generality, unless it were to a Friar, a Priest, or to some other of that anointed Order. [Passing in Hospitality,] I would be loath to bar the Irish of that right; for to give them their due, they are as bountiful of their meat and drink, as any other Nation in Europe whatsoever. [The lewder sort both Clarks and Laymen, sensual & over-loose in living,] By that same word [Clerks] so joined with the Laity, I think he means the Irish Clergy, which he saith are of lascivious and lose living: he might have added farther, that the greatest number of them are traitorous Priests, protested Enemies to their Prince, and so vowed to their Pope; [The same being virtuously bred up or reform, are such mirrors of holiness and austerity, that other Nations retain but a shadow of Devotion, in comparison of them.]  
A proud praise, that the holy ones of Ireland should so far outstretch all the holiness in the world beside: but I will not contradict M. Stanihurst; for without doubt he spoke but as he thought: And here we may see, that these lying suppositions thus published by our Irish Writers, have led the people into such a blind arrogancy, that they will admit nothing for truth, but what they receive from their own Authors, or gather out of their own books; And now it followeth.  
[As for Abstinency and Fasting, it is to them a familiar kind of Chastisement.] I think this Abstinency and Fasting, is the holiness which Master Stanihurst hath formerly spoken of, for this is a visible holiness (indeed) which every man may see and wonder at: for let me speak of the most abject Creatures, that I think either Ireland or the world affordeth, and those are the Kearne of Ireland, amongst whom, there is not so notable a wretch to be found, that will not observe his fasting days, three days in a week at the least, and those are Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays: then they have other Vigiles, and such Saint Eves, as I never heard of but in Ireland, nor I think be known in any other place, which they observe and keep with such religious zeal and devotion, that I am sure Cardinal Bellarmine himself cannot be more ceremonious than these be, nor show himself to be more holy, nor more honest; yet that very day, that for conscience sake, they will abstain from eating of Flesh, Butter, Cheese, Milk, Eggs, and such like, that very hour they will not forbear to spoil, to rob, to ravish, to murder, nor to commit any other villainy, what or howsoever.  
And let me say something for our Females in Ireland, and leaving to speak of worthy Matrons, and of those Women that are honest, good, and virtuous, (as Ireland Good be thanked is not destitute of many such) I will speak only of the riffraff, the most filthy Queans, that are known to be in the Country, (I mean those housewives that do use selling of drink in Dubline, or else where) commonly called Taverne-keepers, but indeed filthy and beastly Alehousekeepers: I will not meddle with their honesties, I will leave that to be testified by Master Maior of the Bull-ring, but otherwise for the greatest number of them (for God defend that I should condemn them all) they are in the manner of their life and living to be detested and abhorred: yet on their prescribed fasting days, if there be any sanctity in abstaining from flesh, from Butter, from Cheese, from Milk, from Eggs, they are as holy (I dare undertake) as the Pope himself, and why not as honest? This is the holiness which (I think) M. Stanihurst hath so highly commended to be in the Irish; And this is to be lamented, that the poor people of that country should be so seduced and made believe, that their fasting, their praying in Latin, their running wells and to other Idolatrous places, is a full satisfaction for any sins that they can commit, how detestable or abominable soever; for thus they are taught, and so they believe.  
But is not this a mad manner of fasting, that marcheth in equal manner with Theft, with murder, with Treason, with drunkenness, with whoredom, and with all manner of Sodometry? but the cause of all things must needs tell whose child the effect is.  
Now lastly, M. Stanihurst seemeth to find fault at the manner of the Irish burials, and saith; They follow the dead corpse to the grave, with howling and barbarous outcries pitiful in appearance, whereof grew (as I suppose) the Proverb To weep Irish.  
I think it would be admired in any part of Christendom, to see the manners of the Irish, how they use to carry their dead to their graves, in the remote parts of the Country; to a stranger that had never seen the sight before, at the first encounter, would believe that a company of Hags or hellish Fiends, were carrying a dead body to some infernal Mansion; for what with the unseemliness of their shows, and the il-faring noise they do make, with their howling and crying, an ignorant man would sooner believe they were Devils of Hell, than Christian people. But as M. Stanihurst saith; [it is pitiful in appearance:] pitiful indeed, that a people so many years professing Christianity, should yet show themselves more Heathen like, than those, that never heard of God.  
M. Stanihurst farther supposeth, that the proverb, to weep Irish, had here the first beginning: It may be so, and it is troth, that in Cities and Towns where any deceaseth that is of worth or worthiness, they will hire a number of women to bring the corpse to the place of burial, that for some small recompense given them, will furnish the cry, with greater shrieking and howling, than those that are grieved indeed, and have greatest cause to cry; and hereupon ariseth this Proverb, to weep Irish, that is to say; To weep at pleasure, without cause, or grief.  
here is thus much more to be considered, that notwithstanding this unchristianlike demeanour of the Irish, that in their burials do show themselves like Infidels, repugnant to all Christianity, there is neither jesuit, Seminary, nor Popish priest, (that do so swarm in the Country,) that will once rebuke or find fault at the matter. But they are not to be blamed, for the Pope's doctrine hath no such operation, to draw men from darkness to light; but it serveth rather to hoodwink them, or put out both the eyes, and so make them stark blind.   

CAP. 4.  
From whence it proceedeth, that the Irish are so repugnant to the English.  
I Remember, there was sometime one Alan Cope, who hath written of many matters, who, if a man might judge of, (but as he hath testified of himself) was a most arrogant & superstitious Papist, yet writing against that foolish conceit holden by the Irish, that Ireland was purged from venomous worms, by the only prayers of S. Patrick, was therefore complained on, and accused by M. Stanihurst, that Cope had wronged and slandered the whole Irish Nation.  
I hope I shall not be so dealt withal, that because I have detected and reproved the uncivil demeanours of those that be blameworthy, I shall not therefore be exclaimed on, to be an open depraver of all that whole Nation.  
I protest, I do know never a man in Ireland that I do hate, or that I do wish any harm unto, and therefore if I happen to glance at the abuses of those that be ill, let not those that be good think themselves thereby to be detected, or so much as touched. But as the throng of fools, doth evermore exceed the number of the wise, so the multitude of the rude and ignorant among the Irish, do far pass the number either of the religious, or civilly reform. I do not hold, that every Citizen or townsman that liveth in common society, is therefore to be accounted civil; neither doth it follow, that every man inhabiting the Country, is therefore to be called uncivil; for civility and uncivility, hath no relation to the City or Country, but it hath consideration to the manners and conditions of men, that are therefore to be accounted civil or uncivil, according to the dispositions of the mind.  
All the Countries that are known (especially in Europe) have their several inclinations aswell to virtue as vice: We say, the Frenchmen are politic and deceitful, and not so valiant in conquering, as provident in keeping. The Spaniard is said to be proud and tyrannous. The Italian full of courtesy, and full of craft. The Dutch are more wise when they be in their Cups, then when they be in their Closets; the English are reputed to be more wise to look after, than they are to foresee: and the Englishman (indeed) doth then think himself to be best in fashion, when he is most out of fashion. To speak now of the Irish more at large, for to them my talk doth especially belong, I say they are beholding to Nature, that hath framed them comely personages, of good proportion, very well limbed, & to speak truly, the English, Scottish, and Irish, are easy to be discerned from all the Nations of the world: beside, aswell by the excellency of their complexions, as by all the rest of their lineaments, from the crown of the head, to the sole of the foot. And although that in the remote places, the uncivil sort so disfigure themselves with their Glybs, their Trowes, and their misshapen attire, yet they appear to every man's eye to be men of good proportion, of comely stature, and of able body. Now to speak of their dispositions, whereunto they are addicted and inclined. I say, beside they are rude, uncleanly, and uncivil, so they are very cruel, bloody minded, apt and ready to commit any kind of mischief. I do not impute this so much to their natural inclination, as I do to their education, that are trained up in Treason, in Rebellion, in Theft, in robbery, in Superstition, in Idolatry, and nuzeled from their Cradles in the very puddle of Popery.  
This is the fruits of the Pope's doctrine, that doth preach cruelty, that doth admit of murders and bloody executions; by poisoning, stabbing, or by any other manner of practice hosoever: the pope teacheth subjects to resist, to mutiny, and to rebel against their Princes.  
From hence it proceedeth, that the Irish have ever been, and still are, desirous to shake off the English government.  
From hence it doth proceed, that the Irish can not endure to love the English, because they differ so much in Religion.  
From hence it proceedeth, that as they cannot endure to love the English, so they cannot be induced to love any thing that doth come from the English; according to the proverb, Love me, and love my Dog: so chose, he that hateth me, hateth in like manner all that cometh from me.  
From hence it is, that the Irish had rather still retain themselves in their sluttishness, in their uncleanliness, in their rudeness, and in their inhuman loathsomeness, than they would take any example from the English, either of civility, humanity, or any manner of Decency.  
We see now the author of this enmity, is he that never did other good, where he had to do with men's consciences.  
There is yet a difference to be made, of those faults that do grow from our weakness, and those that do proceed from our malice: and the Irish in this are the more to be pitied, that are no better taught; whose educations, as they are rude, so they are blinded with ignorance, and I think for devotions sake, they have made a vow to be ignorant.  
But although the vulgar sort, through their dull wits, and their brutish education, cannot conceive what is profitable for themselves, and good for their Country, yet there be some other of that Country birth, whose thoughts and minds being enriched with knowledge and understanding, that have done good in the Country, and whose example hereafter, may give light to many others: For I think, that if these people did once understand the preciousness of virtue, they would far exceed us; notwithstanding, our long experience in the Sovereignty of virtue.   

CAP. 5.  
That the Irish by nature are inclined unto cruelty.  
IT cannot be denayed, but that the Irish are very cruel in their executions, and no less bloody in their dispositions, the examples are to many, and to manifest, to be by any means contradicted.  
But some will say, their cruelty doth not so much proceed from that natural inclination that is in themselves, as from the malice and hatred they bear to the English government, which they have always spurned at, and are still desirous to shake off; but their rebellious dispositions are thereby made the more apparent, and they ought therefore to be so much the more restrained: for there is not a more dangerous thing, to rely either in the promises, or in any other assurances of those men, that are by nature ambitious, disloyal, cruel, and accustomed to shed blood.  
But let us make a short survey, what they are in behaviour amongst themselves, and we shall find that it is the English government that stayeth them from their bloody executions, the one of them against the other, and that our late gracious Queen was in nothing more troubled, then in keeping them from persecuting and prosecuting the one the other, with fire, with sword, and with such raging fury, that the most barbarous savages that never knew civility, are not more tragical in their executions, then are the Irish.  
The time hath been, when they lived like Barbarians, in Woods, in bogs, and in desolate places, without politic Law, or civil government, neither embracing Religion, Law, nor mutual love.  
That which is hateful to all the world beside, is only beloved and embraced by the Irish, I mean civil Wars and domestical dissensions.  
The wild uncivil Seythians, do forbear to be cruel the one against the other. The Cannibals, devourers of men's flesh, do leave to be fierce amongst themselves, but the Irish, without all respect, are ever most cruel to their very next neighbours.  
In civil broils, every base Rascal is an equal companion with the greatest commander, and their liberty to do wrong, is no less the one than the other; for they know they are the more willingly drawn to undertake commotions and rebellions, for the aid & assistance of these licentious routs that follow them: they therefore forbear no mischief, abstaining no more from that which is holy, then from that which is profane: neither marriage nor honour so protect any, that Rape be not mingled with murder, nor murder with Rape.  
All things are full of misery in civil Wars, and as in foreign encounters, there is nothing more honourable than Conquest, so in civil and domestical conflicts, there is nothing more miserable than victory: for the rebellious that are led by cruelty first to undertake, can use no moderation where they become victors.  
These civil furies, are by several means engendered: many take arms oppressed by the tyranny of Princes, but these through sufferance and overmuch liberty: some others, having been offered wrongs and injuries, have therefore betaken themselves to actions of rebellion; but these fearing to be punished for wrongs by themselves committed, do therefore seek to prevent it by playing the Rebels: Some to free themselves from thraldom, (as they pretended) have opposed themselves against their Princes (and as they say) to purchase liberty: but what Subjects in Europe, do live so lawless as the Irish, when the Lords and great men throughout the whole Country, do rather seem to be absolute, then to live within the compass of subjection? neither have I known any amongst the Irish, that have stood upon those terms of liberty, but whom they would set free from the Prince, they would enthrall to the Pope. I never yet heard of any man that was an enemy to the common quiet of a Realm, but he was likewise an enemy to the commonwealth.  
Alexander was wont to say, that the clemency of Kings & Princes, consisted not so much in themselves that were to command, as in the disposition of their subjects, that were to obey. And one, attributing the flourishing estate of Sparta, to the government of the Kings that knew how to rule well; nay, answered another, It is to be imputed to the virtue of the Citizens, that know how to obey well.  
Alas poor Ireland, what safety may be hoped for thee, that art still so addicted to disobedience, to contempt, to sedition, to Rebellion, that thy wounds are no sooner closed up, but thou thyself goest about to open them again? Your granfathers have felt the smart of disobedience, your fathers have complained of it, yourselves have seen the calamities of contempt, and God grant that your children's children, have not just cause to curse the miseries that are raised up by Rebellion.  
The extremest point whereunto the cruelty of man may stretch, is for one man to kill another, yea Divinity itself, willeth us to show favour, and not to be cruelly inclined, no not to bruit beasts, which the Almighty hath created and placed amongst his other creatures, aswell for his glory as for his service, and hath himself had merciful respect unto them; as when he said to jonas, Should not I spare Ninivy that great City, wherein are six score thousand persons that cannot discern between the right hand and the left, and also much Cattle.  
We see here God himself had some commiseration to the poor cattle, and it was not without respect, that he prescribed to Moses in the first Table of the commandements, that aswell the cattle as the stranger within thy gates, should cease from their labour, and rest on the Sabaoth day.  
If it hath pleased God the Creator of all things to be thus regardful to the work of his hands, I am fully persuaded, that such as by nature do show themselves to be no less bloody minded towards men, then towards beasts, do show themselves to be naturally inclined to cruelty, the ugliness whereof, is to be abhorred and detested amongst men.   

CAP. 6.  
Of the ingratitude of the Irish.  
THE Irish, as they are naturally inclined to cruelty, so there is neither lenity, love, nor liberality, whereby to confirm them in their duty and allegiance to their Prince.  
Some will say that there is not a readier mean whereby to draw subjects to a settled love, than a gracious clemency to be used by the Prince: but in times past it would not serve, and I shall not need any far-fet precedents, let us but remember our late gracious Queen, with what mildness and with what mercy, she ruled and governed forty & odd years, and with what disloyalty was she still requited.  
Her Majesty thought in being gracious, she might thereby have won their hearts to a more loving and willing obedience, and to this end, to draw them to a more dutiful regard, what did she neglect, that was either befitting for a Prince to grant amongst subjects, or behoveful for subjects to receive from their Prince? If clemency might have mitigated the rigour of cruelty, what pardoning, what protecting, and what tolerating of offences that were daily and continually committed against her.  
But for the better discovery of their ingratitude towards her Majesty, how did she continually grace and countenance the Nobility of that realm, not only suffering them to triumph and tyrannize over their Tenants and followers, with such privileges and prerogatives, as were more befitting Kings, then behoveful for subjects, but also she bountifully bestowed of them, contributions, stipends, pensions, and other daily pays out of her Coffers, for the better upholding of their decayed estates, and to have won them (if it had been possible) to her love and their allegiance; and how some of them requited her, it is so manifestly known, as it were but lost labour any further to rehearse.  
How many Gentlemen again of that country birth, came daily into England about suits, that were still begging and craving, and were continually returned from her majesties Court back again into Ireland, laden with gifts and preferments, that she graciously & liberally bestowed on them; who after they had passed & possessed their grants, would never come in place to say Amen, when they heard her Majesty prayed for; but rather by their ill example of contempt, made some others more obstinate and stubborn, then otherwise they would.  
I think the ingratitude of the Irish (considering how mildly they have been and are yet governed) deserveth no less to be condemned them their Treasons: and Rebellious: and there is nothing so much detested amongst the Irish themselves, as this vice of ingratitude.  
Ingratitude is no way to be excused nor coloured, Theft, robbery, Murder, yea Treason itself, may be a little flourished over with some blind excuse, but ingratitude can neither be covered nor shadowed by any means, but remaining naked, must mannifest itself every where with shame & dishonour.  
Not to requited a benefit received is ill, but this may be said to be the frailty of man: but to render and requited evil for good, is most pernicious, and this malignity hath evermore proceeded from detestable Creatures, denounced and abhorred by God and all good men.  
The Egyptians used to geld such persons as were detected with this vice of ingratitude, to the end that there might been no farther procreation of so viperous a brood: if this severity were used to those of the Irish that have tasted of the bounty, liberality and mercy of their Princes, & have repaid them again with grudge; murmnre, disobedience, contempt, and sometime with Treason itself, I say the eunuchs of Ireland, would far exceed in number over and above all the rest that were fit for propagation.  
They have been still governed by such Princes, who shunning the severity of Laws, have rather conformed themselves to divine mercy, then to due justice; they have been and still are, governed by Christian Princes, endued with the knowledge of the truth, that have ruled and do rule with courtesy and clemency, but it is the imperfections of their judgements, that maketh them to mistake the perfection of their Princes.   

CHAP. 7.  
Of the incivility, both of manners and conditions, used by the Irish.  
IF I should set down the sluttish and uncleanly observations of the Irish, as well of the men, as the Women, but especially of those manners & conditions whereunto they invre themselves in the remote places of the Country, I might set down such unreverent and loathsome matter, as were unfit for every queasy stomach to understand of.  
I will not speak of those affairs belonging to childbearing women, that are no less uncivil than uncleanly, in many their demeanours belonging to those businesses: Neither will I speak of their unmannerly manners in making of their Butter, nor of the beastly Physic they have used to apply to a Cow, when she will not give down her Milk.  
I might speak here what I myself have seen in the North parts of Ireland, how unhamsomely the women do use to grind their Oatmeal.  
But to speak generally throughout the whole Realm of Ireland, in those things wherein they should be most neat and cleanly, they do show themselves to be most sluttish and filthy; namely, in making of their Butter, and washing of their Linen.  
First, they do abuse one of the greatest blessings of God bestowed upon that Country, for as God promised the children of Israel to transport them into a land that flowed with Milk and Honey, so the plenty of milk throughout all the parts of Ireland doth so abound, that the greatest part of the people (of the poorest sort) are especially relieved and sustained (both Summer and Winter) with Milk and Butter; but according to the Proverb, GOD sends meat, and the Devil sends Cooks; so, it pleaseth God to send them plenty of Milk, but as they behave themselves in the using of it, it is fit for no body but for themselves, that are of the uncleanly diet: not only in their Milk and Butter, but in many other unsavoury dishes beside.  
It is holden among the Irish, to be a presagement of some misfortune, to keep their milking vessels cleanly, and that if they should either scald or wash them, some unlucky misadventure would surely betide them: upon this conceit, all the vessels that they use about their milk, are most filthily kept: and I myself have seen, that vessel which they hold under the Cow whilst they are in milking, to be furred half an inch thick with filth, so that Dublyne itself is served every Market day with such Butter, as I am sure is much more loathsome than toothsome.  
Now, in the manner of their washing, they are yet more filthy then in any other of their exercises, wherein they are most uncleanly, and I do almost loath, but to think of their scouring stuff which they do use in the stead of Soap; but he that came in place when they were in their Laundry, in their Netting (as they call it) would never after stop his nose, if he chanced to go by where they were scouring of a Privy.  
These and many other loathsome observations are used by the Irish, from the which they will not be dissuaded, but the unnurtered sort among them are no less admiring our decency, than we their rudeness & uncivility. And as I have said elsewhere, they will not take any precedents from the English, and long it was before they could be brought to imitate our English manner, in divers points of husbandry, but especially in the ploughing of their land; in the performing whereof, they used the labour of five several persons to every plough, and their Teem of Cattle, which commonly consisted of five or six horses, were placed all in front, having neither cords, chains, nor lines, whereby to draw, but every horse by his own tail; and this was the manner of ploughing when I knew Ireland first, and is used still at this day in many places of the Country.  
Demand of them, why they should be so much addicted to their own dirty demeanours, & that they should not conform themselves to those civil courses which they see are to be performed with less pain, and more profit; they can satisfy us with no other reason but custom, Thus did our Ancestors.  
Custom is a Metal amongst them, that standeth which way soever it be bend; Check them for their uncleanliness, and they plead Custom: reprehend them for their Idolatry, they say thus did our Fathers before us: and I think it be Custom that draweth them so often into rebellion, because they would do as their fathers have done before them.  
But alas! their judgements are both blind and lame, and they are deaf to all good counsels, they are fallen into a blind arrogancy, and they are so generally bewitched with Popery, that they will neither draw example nor precept from the English.  
But I hope my general speeches, will breed no general offence; to say that the Irish are generally addicted to Popery, it would argue but a quarrelsome disposition, to denay that truth which we see in daily example before our eyes, and the Irish themselves (I am sure) would be much offended, if they were not able to drop ten Papists, for one Protestant, throughout the whole Realm; themselves are neither ashamed, nor afraid to confess it, and I would we might as well trust them in their fidelity to the King, as we may believe them in that: but they all speak fair, and they say they love the king, and without doubt there are some small number, to whom it hath pleased God to open their eyes, and that do stand assured to his Majesty: but for the greatest number of those that be Papists, what fair semblance soever they make, his Majesty may well say with our Saviour, This people honoureth me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me. And for these, whatsoever they speak with their lips, their hearts are at Rome. Do they not show it through every part of the Realm, in City, Town, and Country, in their receiving and entertaining of Jesuits, Seminaries, and Popish Priests, the protested enemies to his Majesty?  
With what face may they then avouch themselves to love the King, that doth with such fervency embrace his majesties deadly enemies. I will never believe them, neither can it sink in my head, that an honest man may be brought to be in league with God and the Devil, and to be in perfect love and charity with them both together.  
The vulgar sort of the Irish, wanting faculty to judge of things truly as they are, and suffering themselves to be led and carried away with outward apparitions, are not only possessed with boldness to despise, but likewise with malipertnesse to impugn those means, that should aswell induce them to the love and obedience of their Prince, as to the true knowledge of their God, wherein consisteth the state of their salvation.  
It is ignorance that hunteth after light in darkness, that believeth shadows to be substantial; but Divine knowledge, from whence proceedeth all blessings, it is the parent of Peace, of Wisdom, of Obedience, and it is the light of reason, that discovereth truth from falsehood, and therefore the most resplendent ornament of man..   

CHAP. 8.  
Of the vulgar sort of the Irish, what account they make of an Oath.  
THe multitude of the Irish (I mean the ruder sort) are very regardless of their Oaths, and there are many reasons to induce it; for I have known Ireland these forty years, yet (to my remembrance) I never knew any man punished for perjury, by any judicial course of the Prince's Laws.  
They have a custom, that upon any controversies amongst themselves in the Country, the Tenants are enjoined to swear by their Landlords hand; the which Oath, if the Landlord do by any means disprove, he imposeth a great fine upon the party, and he shall be sure to pay it: they are therefore very circumspect in taking of that Oath.  
They have some respect again to their Oaths, when they are deposed upon a Mass-book: And I will trust him better, that offereth to swear by bread and salt, then him that offereth to swear by the Bible▪ I mean, amongst the greater number, that make no conscience what they swear upon an English book. And the simpler sort of them, do hold their Oaths to be so much the more, or so much the less, according to the bigness of the book: for if they swear upon a little Book, they think they take but a little Oath.  
Thus, what between those that are simply ignorant, and the other again that are blinded with Popery, there will hardly be found a jury that will find for his Majesty. And here (with all reverence) I must needs remember that ever renowned Qu. Elizabeth, who would many times say, That the Irish were so allied in kindred the one with the other, and she having never a Cousin in the Country, could never get her right. But woe be to him, that hath his state depending upon the verdict of a jury in Ireland, especially if he be a Protestant.  
The honesty of him that should give testimony in any matter whatsoever, is to be reputed for more or less, according to the company that he is known to frequent. I do not think it therefore convenient, that a Papist, that is trained up in the devilish doctrine of Equivocation, and that they may swear what they list, with A mental reservation, is to be received as a witness against a protestant, or to be believed or credited in any thing that he shall either say or swear against him.  
Because the two Midwives, Shiphuah and Puah in the first of Exodus, told a lie to the King, who had commanded that all the male children of the Hebrews should be slain, therefore saith our holy Father the Pope, it is lawful to lie for advantage. Methinks his holiness might have borrowed such another from the 12. of Exodus, where by the commandment of God, the children of Israel borrowed jewels of Silver and Gold of the Egyptians; if the Popes catholics might have the like liberty with Protestants, than it were an excellent matter to be a Papist, for then a man might both lie & steal by authority, and they are not far from the matter: for it is known well enough, that in the time of our late gracious Queen, the Pope gave full power and authority to dispense with all Popish Recusants, neither to hold word, promise, contract, nor protestation, what or howsoever, that had been formerly conditioned, or were hereafter to be made with any Heretic (as they call him) that will not acknowledge the Pope to be Christ's high Vicar here on earth, and that he hath thereby full authority to depose Kings and princes at his own will and pleasure.  
Methinks this Doctrine of Equivocation and Mental reservation, was very acceptable to the young married wife, who in her Husband's absence being solicited by an amorous friend, she consented unto him, upon condition, that he should not meddle with her lips, neither to kiss, nor so much as to touch them; Her lover demanded the reason, she answered; That at my marriage day, this mouth of mine made inviolable promise to my husband of continency; and therefore, what my mouth hath Religiously vowed, shall Ceremoniously be kept: content thyself therefore with the other parts of my body, for my lips are only vowed unto my Husband, and for him I will reserve them. I think of my conscience, this Woman was as firm in the promise she made to her husband, as a number of Papists in their Oaths they do make to the king.  
This Doctrine is not only warrantable against Protestants, but it may sometimes serve to salve a vow that is rashly made to God himself, as the holy Pilgrim, that made solemn protestation to offer the one half of his good fortunes at the high Altar, whatsoever should betide him in his journey. And by the way as he passed, fortuning to find a bag of Nuts, he eat up the Kernels, and offered up the shells.  
What call you this, Equivocation, or Mental Reservation? But call it what you list, this Doctrine doth fit our holy Father's tooth, for he hath taught us long ago, There is no Faith to be holden with Heretics.   

CAP. 9  
That a conquest should draw after it Law, Language, and Habit.  
Master Stanihurst is of opinion, that a Conquest should draw three things after it, and that the vanquished should surrender themselves to imitate the Laws, the Language, & the manner of Apparel used and accustomed by the Victors.  
I could wish that the Irish would submit themselves to the obedience of our English Laws, for I say the Country is accursed, that is not governed by Law, but it is ignorance that breedeth contempt of Law; contempt of Law, draweth on Rebellion; and Rebellion is the utter decay, ruin, and desolation of countries and kingdoms.  
It is ignorance joined with obstinacy, that hath not only contemned the positive laws of Princes in Ireland, but they have likewise despised and impugned the divine laws of the living God. And where God is not known, the Prince cannot be obeyed: for it is the light and knowledge of God's word, that containeth subjects in obedience unto their Princes; and where the Gospel is generally received, there is peace and tranquillity universally embraced.  
It is not so in Ireland, and they are in nothing more repugnant then against the law of God. And as for the imitation of Language (as M. Stanihurst hath said) it hath been thought very expedient, for divers respects, that the conquered should surrender themselves to the language of the Conqueror: and for this very cause, when William Duke of Normandy had conquered England, hoping to translate our English language into French, he caused all our English Laws to be written and set down in the French tongue, and so they have continued, and are still remaining at this very hour.  
But here behold the godly disposition of our gracious King that now reigneth, who comiserating the calamity of the hunger-starved Realm of Ireland, that hath never yet tasted of any thing published in their own language, but lies, fables, and popish fantasies, that hath but led them into ignorance and error. To give them some taste therefore of that heavenly food, whereof they have never yet felt smack or savour; he hath caused the New Testament, together with the Book of Common Prayer, in that form and manner as it is now used in our English churches, to be both translated into Irish, and to be printed in the Irish Character, that aswell the lettered sort, that can read their own language, as also the unlearned, that can but understand what they hear others read, may reap the benefit of his majesties clemency and love towards them, that doth seek by courtesy to win them, that might otherwise enforce them by compulsion of Laws.  
Now, for the Irish to invre themselves to speak English, I think it were happy for England & Ireland both. If never a Papist throughout that whole country, could either speak, or so much as understand a word of English: and it is holden for a Maxim in Ireland, that ten English will sooner become Irish, than one Irish will be found to turn English.  
Now, for the imitation of habit and attire, that (M. Stamhurst saith) should likewise follow a conquest, I protest I would not wish the Irish so much harm, to enjoin them to follow our English fashion in apparel, when there is almost never a passage from Chester to Dublyne, but one Fool or other cometh over with a new fashion, either for men or Women, or for both. And although the Irish are proud enough of mind, yet they are not lightly proud in their apparel; and yet the example of our English pride, hath done a great deal of harm amongst that people.  
I remember many years ago (when I was a little Bookish) I have read of a pretty Proviso, devised for the prevention of Pride, an Act established, debarring all sorts of people, aswell men as women, from the wearing of any gayish or light-coloured apparel (Players and Courtesans only excepted) to whom free liberty was given to wear what they themselves listed.  
This did not only incite those that were honest, to live within the compass of modest and comely attire, but it was alike inducement to those that were well known Strumpets, to shelter themselves under the habit of modesty, thereby to escape from being reputed infamous.  
But as the Proverb is, It is not the Frock that maketh the Friar, so without doubt, those women are not all dishonest of their bodies, that by the outward shows in their Attire, a man would think, they had sent their Consciences unto the Stews.  
It were pity that beauty should be Mercenary, or that by strange inventions it should set itself to sale; And why are those beauties veiled, that Women themselves desires to show, and every man desires to see? But they say it is for modesty, and I commend it, but let them be modest likewise in their Manners.  
Pythagoras Niece was wont to say, that a Woman going to bed with a man, ought together with her Petticoat, to put off all bashfulness, but in the morning to put it on again: Not like her, that when she first went to bed with a Seafaring man, stripped herself quite of her modesty, & could never find a time to put it on again after. But modesty (aswell in attire, as in conversation and manners) hath ever been the reputed Ornament of women; but to speak truth of our Gentlewomen of Ireland: that be of Irish birth, they have little practice, either in pride or in good housewifry; for they are for the most part always busied in taking their ease. And it is holden for a servile kind of baseness amongst the Irish, for a gentleman or a gentlewoman, to be seen in any manner of faculty, Idleness only excepted. And this conceit of theirs, is another occasion of ignorance, which as it engendereth many vain & lascivious thoughts, so it draweth after it, wicked and dishonest deeds.  
To conclude this Chapter, I say, that those of the Irish that have reduced themselves to civility, (were it not for their Religion) are otherwise, of very good conversation; and aswell in their manners, as in the decency of their apparel, they are very modest and comely, but they are so charmed by their ghostly fathers, that if an Angel should come from heaven, and speak against Popery, he should be condemned amongst them, yea and holden for accursed.   

CHAP. X.  
Of certain Septes and degrees among the Irish, how they are reputed.  
THere is amongst the Irish, as amongst all the Nations of the world, divers degrees, accorto the which each man is regarded.  
For the Nobility of that Realm, they are amongst them as Honourable, and as worthy to be honoured, as of any other Nation whatsoever; so likewise again, both of Knights and Gentlemen.  
After their Gentlemen, whereof a great number of them are rude and uncivil enough, the horsemen succeed in the next rank, who is more fit to serve his lord and Captain in an action of Rebellion, then in the service of his Prince.  
The Galloglas succeed the horseman, and he is commonly armed with a skull, a shirt of mail, and a Galoglas Axe: his service in the field, is neither good against horsemen, nor able to endure an encounter of Pikes, yet the Irish do make great account of them.  
The Kern of Ireland are next in request, the very dross and scum of the Country, a generation of Villains not worthy to live: these be they that live by robbing and spoiling the poor Countryman, that maketh him many times to buy bread to give unto them, though he want for himself and his poor children. These are they, that are ready to run out with every Rebel, and these are the very Hags of Hell, fit for nothing but for the gallows.  
We are now come to the hors-boyes, so termed by their professions, which is, to keep or dress horse; and as in England we call them horsekeepers, so in Ireland he carries the name but of a horse boy how young or old soever.  
There are other Septes or professions, namely of Bards, which are in manner of Poets or Rythmers, which do nothing but sit and compose lies. Then they have Harpers, and those are so reverenced among the Irish, that in the time of Rebellion, they will forbear to hurt either their persons, or their goods, but are rather inclined to give them, & are very bountiful, either to Rymers or Fools.  
Then is there a certain brotherhood, called by the name of Karrowes, and these be common gamesters, that do only exercise playing at Cards, and they will play away their mantles, and their shirts from their backs, and when they have nothing left them, they will truss themselves in straw; this is the life they lead, and from this they will not be reclaimed.  
But here is now a matter to be noted, that among all these sorts and professions of the Irish, the child is ever desirous to imitate what his father hath been before him. If the father hath been a horseman, the son will be a horseman: if the father hath been a Galoglas, the son will be a Galloglas: if the father hath been a Kern, the son will be a Kern: if the father have been a horse boy, the son will be no better. But this is most of all to be wondered at, that if the father had been a Rythmer, the son would be a Rhymer; which seemeth strange unto me, that Poetry in Ireland, should succeed by descent from the father to the son, that must be holpen elsewhere, not only by Nature, but Art: and therefore, if their Irish Rymers be of such excellency, as the Irish themselves will commend, I say it is wonderful.  
Every great man in the Country hath his Rymer, his Harper, and his known Messenger, to run about the Country with Letters.  
These altogether among themselves, do observe the Law of Compliments, and every profession hath his particular Decorum, I cannot commend them for their Civility, nor they do not superabound in honesty: their Virtue is, they will do nothing but what their Fathers have done before them.   

CHAP. XI.  
Of the manner of the Irish Coshering, and of the credulity in believing of Lies.  
THere is amongst the Irish, a kind of feasting or banqueting, which they call Coshering, & this is the manner of it; Good company both of men and women being drawn together a feasting, to entertain the time between meals, they have their Rythmers & their Harpers; the one, to sing, and the other, to play: the songs that they use to sing, are usually in the commendation of Theft, of Murder, of Rebellion, of Treason, and the most of them lying fixions of their own Collections, invented but of purpose, to stir up their hearts to imitate the example of their Ancestors, making repetition how many Cows they had stolen, how many murders they had committed, how many times they had rebelled against their Prince, and what spoils and outrages they had done against the English.  
The manner of their sitting in this great feasting, is this; Stools nor Tables they have none, but a good bundle of Straw strewed about the flower, they set themselves down one by another: Another burden of straw being shaken over their legs, doth serve them to set on their dishes. Perhaps, if it be in the time of Summer, or where the place will afford it, then in the stead of Straw they use green Rushes; but whether it be Straw or Rushes thus strewed over their legs, this is both Table and Tablecloth, whereon they use to place their dishes.  
Victuals they shall have plenty, Beef, Mutton, Pork, Hens, Rabits, and all together served in a great wooden platter: Aqua vite they must have good store, or else it is not worthy to be called a feast. Upon Wednesdays, Fridays, and Satterdays, they have like plenty of fish, for upon those days, to eat a bit of flesh, is a more deadly sin, than either drunkenness or Lechery.  
And commonly the Irish custom is, that when they are served with flesh, they have no bread with their meat, but if their store be such that they havebread, their finest Manchets are ordinarily Oaten-Cakes, in this sort prepared.  
First, in the remote places of Ireland, in the stead of Threashing their Oats, they use to burn them out of the straw, and then winnowing them in the wind, from their burnt ashes, they make them into meal, but if I should say how unhandsomely they do grind them, or if I should tell, how myself have seen a woman sitting with a Mustard Quearne between her bare thighs, grinding of Oatmeal, I think a man would have little list to eat of the bread; but of this Meal, as ill in complexion (to look upon) as a little dirt under a man's feet, they make their Cakes, for other bread they have none, and it is but seldom when they have this.  
I might tell some other unmannerly tales used by the Irish, in those times of Coshering, but I will let them pass. And as M. Stanihurst saith, the antiquity of this manner of feasting, is set forth by Virgil, when Dido entertained the Trojan Prince & his company; but Master Stanihurst shall never make me believe, that the Irish manner of Coshering was drawn from that precedent: but the manner of our Irish writers, have ever been, to draw precedents from ancient and Worm-eaten Authorities: for with these Trifles they do bewitch the poor ignorant people of the Country, that they make them believe what themselves list to persuade; and the Irish are wonderfully addicted to give credit and belief, not only to the fabulous fixions of their lying Poets, but also to the Prognosticating Soothsayers and Witches, like our Husbandmen of the Country, that do draw all their knowledge from the Counsel of a Calendar. And if any of their wise men, or wise women (as they call them) do prognosticate either good or evil fortune, they do more rely in their presagements, than they do in the four Evangelists: and sooner they will believe them.  
They do believe in Charms and Incantations: then they have words and Spells to drive away rats, & to heal diseases: then they have enchanted girdles, that can defend the violence of shot, and are of such defence, that no sword, or any other weapon shall hurt the party that is girded with them.  
It were both admirable and incredible for to set down the observations used by the Irish, upon certain Saints Eves, but especially on May-eeve, & Midsummer eve; what watching, what rattling, what tinkling upon pans and candlesticks, what strewing of Herbs, what clamours, and what other Ceremonies are used, and not only in the Country, but in Dublyne itself, the very marks and badges of infidelity, neither observed nor believed amongst any other people in the World, but amongst Infidels, Pagans, and Papists.  
And it is a wonder to see, how from these vain fantasies, so many famous impressions do arise, or rather (I may say) how many infamous lies are believed, and as when a man hath once gotten the end of a Clue, he may wind off at pleasure what himself listeth; so men that are naturally inclined to nourish Novelties, having once received any thing for truth, he thinketh it a deed of charity to impart it to his friend, and feareth not to add something of his own invention, the better to make the matter to be believed: and thus from a particular error, by this manner of handling, it becometh public: for as the flixability of our inventions, to frame reasons unto all manner of dreams and fantasies, are very apt and ready, so our imaginations are likewise found as easy to receive impressions from falsehood, derived from very frivolous and foolish apparitions: but it is commonly said, that to be light of belief, and easily persuaded, proceedeth from a lightness of the wit, and weakness of the brain.   

CAP. XII.  
How Ireland was purged from all venomous worms, by the Prayers of Saint Patrick.  
Master Stanihurst, in his Chronicle of Ireland, is very angry against Maist. Alan Cope, that seemed to scoff at the Irish conceit, that will needs attribute the purging of venomous Worms from out of Ireland, to the Prayers of S. Patruke.  
Now, although Master Alan Cope, sufficiently proveth by the Testimony of several writers, that Ireland was destitute of all these venomous worms, many hundred years before Saint Patrick was borne; yet Master Stanihurst is so angry, that there should be any doubt or question made of that which hath been so long received and believed for an undoubted truth amongst the Natives of Ireland, that he picks a great many of quarrels against M. Alan Cope; finding fault first, that he neither observed Decorum persona, nor Decorum dialogi, and then he quarreleth with his Divinity, which (as he saith) is far dissonant from the Rules of Charity.  
And when he hath charged M. Cope with many other absurdities, he setteth down this proposition, That like as God in his justice punisheth a Country that is hard hearted, with Worms and Vermin, so of his mercy they are removed again from a Realm, that is obedient and ready to follow his Laws and Precepts.  
To put this out of Question, he bringeth this Precedent, That as Pharaoh would not listen to those threats denounced him by Moses & Aaron, was therefore punished with Frogs and Flies, and such other vermin, yet upon his show of repentance, at the instant request of Moses, those plagues were appeased, and the worms extinguished: why then (saith he) may it not likewise hold, that Saint Patrick, finding the Irish so priest and ready to embrace the Christian faith, might not stand so highly in the favour of God, as through his earnest Prayers, the venomous and poisoned Worms should be abandoned.  
But alas (saith he) this is not a matter of such difficulty to be believed, when it was forepromised by Christ himself, who in the xvi. of Mark saith, And these tokens shall follow them that believe, they shall cast out devils in my name, they shall speak with new tongues, they shall drive away Serpents, etc.  
Were not these places of Scripture well spied out by our Irish Chronicler, and as aptly applied, as those of the Devil, that willed Christ, if he were the son of God, he should cast himself from the pinnacle of the Temple, For it is written, That his Angels should hold him up, that he should not dash his foot against a stone.  
But I will not contend with M. Stanihnrst, nor with any other, whether it were Saint Patrick, who by his Prayers hath thus purged Ireland from Toads, from Snakes, from Adders, & from other like venomous Worms: but there are other, aswell Beasts as Birds, as the Roebuck, the Moule, the Pianet, the Nytingale, that are as mere strangers in Ireland, as the other, and I cannot think but that it was one man's work to expel all these together, and all at one time. But if it were Saint Patrick, or whosoever otherwise, that was so severe against the Nytingale, the sweet Querister of the Wood, whose delectable harmony is pleasing to every ear, I would he had been as strict in justice against that foul mouthed Bird the Cuckoo, whose notes were never yet pleasing to any man's ear, that was jealous of his wife.  
And yet to do the Irish no wrong, this galling grief of jealousy, is no general sickness in Ireland, it troubleth very few, and I account them so much the wiser; it is a kind of frenzy, that never yet did good, the wise men of the world hath ever sought to restrain it by discretion.  
If Histories be to be credited, Lucullus, Caesar, Pompey, Anthoni, Cato, and divers other gallant men, were Cornuted: and although they themselves knew it, yet they made no stir about it, that Coxcomb Lepidus only excepted, who died with very grief that his Wife had made him Cuckold.  
But how many husbands have their been, that have endured this accident, not only without reproach and offence against their wives, but with singular commendation to their own Virtue, in concealing it from the world.  
Some women there hath been, that hath prostituted themselves, thereby to advance her Husband's credit, sometimes to save her husband's life: but this subject is not for this place, and these precedents are out of season for this age, but there hath been Husbands known, that have of themselves made Port-sale of their wives honesties, aswell for their profit, as for their preferment: as Phanlius the Argian, who through ambition, offered his wife to King Philip: And as Galba, who bestowed a Supper of Merenas, and perceiving him to cast some amorous glances on his wife, being risen from the Table, shrunk down upon his Cushion, as one oppressed with sleep, thereby to give him the better scope, whereby he might persist.  
It is a foolish curiosity for a man to seek for that which he would be loath to find, and that when he hath found, he cannot amend.  
I rather commend me to him, who taking his wife so tardy, that he needed no other witness, than what himself had seen, would not yet believe his own senses, but would say, that he would never condemn a true dealing wife, for a false misdeeming eye. I applaud his Wisdom, that with his own Virtue, could suppress his own shame.  
It is not said without judgement, that a good marriage might be made between a deaf man, and a blind woman. But I say, I would not wish that a man should either be too light in hearing, or too quick of sight, to look into his wives affairs: and for him that would live in a quiet content, I say that one eye were enough, and with the most, for him that will be still peeping and prying into his wives business.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the holy Saints, that have been borne, bred, and brought up in Ireland.  
IF a man may believe Master Stanihurst in his description of Ireland, there hath been many holy Saints, natives of that Country, that were full of Miracles, & performed so many wonderful matters, as there is never a wise man in the world would believe them to be true, and so they continue still at this present hour. Our holy, holy brood of Jesuits, Seminaries, Friars and such other, do perform stranges things, but specially for the increase and propagation of children, not a barren woman in an house where they be lodged: for she that is not childbearing, a blessing from one of these of the holy order will make her so to fructify, that her husband (whatsoever he wanteth beside) shall be sure to want no Children.  
But as Master Stanihurst adviseth his reader not to be over credulous to believe all that is written of those holy Saints themselves, nor yet of their feigned Miracles: so I protest, for the love that I bear to a number of my Ireland friends, I could wish them to be well aware of this holy brood of the Pope's Cockerels, the proverb is old, and not so old as true: That Pigeons and Priests do make foul houses.  
I have heard of many Miracles, and there is no place or Country where Popery is professed but they are full of Miracles, full visions, and full of strange events, but the Miracles of Ireland, they are more foolish, more ridiculous, more gross, and more absurd than any other, that I have either heard or read of. It were strange to make relation of the Miracles that have been wrought at the holy Cross, but especially at Saint Patrick's Purgatory; and it is a piece of Rhetoric, sometimes by seeming to affect ignorance, to set forth a subtlety; and he that should but read, what Master Stanihurst himself hath set down of that miraculous place of S. Patrick's Purgatory if he hath been but a little touched with the Tincture of wit, will find out the very mystery of gross and palpable Knavery.  
And as Ireland is full of strange Miracles, so I think there are more Saints known in that Country, than ever was heard of in Heaven, or were ever registered in the Pope's Golden Legend.  
We read of a holy saint that was long sithence in the North of Ireland, called by the name of Saint Wooddoge, to whom was given a large portion of lands, the which were after translated to the bishops sea of Rapo; but some of those lands being holden at this day from the Bishop that now is, and being called in question upon what consideration the Church livings should be so detained, there is a record brought forth, how a holy Bishop, many hundred years sithence, conveyed away that parcel of land to one Sugere a Boylle, with these plain words, For the use of his Daughter's body. They have moreover in the North of Ireland, an old monument (called by the name of Baughall Murry) and this is reserved only for O-Neale to swear by. There is mention made of many other Saints; as Saint Colme, Saint Branden, Saint Keven, Saint Mac-Looge, Saint Dolocke, and they say there are some few Saints of a later edition: as Saint Bedloc, Saint Brown, & there is great hope that if Tyrone be not already in the Pope's Calendar that he shall not be long out.  
I think this Saint Colme before spoken of, is that great Saint in the North, called by the name of Coleme Rille, in great veneration at this day for many strange Miracles, the which they say he still performeth. Then they had a gentlewoman Saint, that Stanihurst in his History maketh mention of, called by the name of Bridgit, not that Bridgit who in the time of Pope Urban erected a certain order of Nuns, (called Bridgidians) but this without doubt was a very holy woman, for she lies buried with two men; namely with Saint Patrick, and Coleme Rille, as appeareth by an ancient Monument in the Cathedral Church of Down in the North of Ireland, where this inscription is to be read: 
Hi tres in Duno, tumulo tumulantur in uno,  
Brigidia, Patricia, atque Columba pius.   
I have not numbered Saint Patrick amongst these Saints that be of Irish birth: for if a man may believe M. Stanihurst, he was a Welshman borne. He setteth down in his Chronicle the certain place of his birth, and how coming over into Ireland, he bound himself Prentice to a Master, that set him to keep Hogs, and following his masters Swine in the field, one day as they were rooting, one Hog among the rest, turned up with his snout a parcel of Gold, the which Patrick taking up, brought home his Hogs to his Master, and with that Gold, he bought his own Freedom: & thus departing again into his own Country, he travailed after that to Rome, where being instructed in the Christian Faith, from thence he returned again into Ireland, where he established the Christian Religion, & wrought a great many of Miracles more than were true.  
Thus far M. Stanihurst, and till I had read it of his own setting down, in his description of Ireland, I would have laid two to one, that S. Patrick had been an Irishman borne. But I will be better advised hereafter, both how I lay any wagers, & how I believe any such authorities. But let S. Patrick be what countryman he list, I wonder how he found the Irish so confirmable as M. Stanihurst reporteth, that will believe nothing now, but what their fathers have believed before them.  
They are now so much inclined to custom, that they will give no place to reason, but let them stand upon Custom as much as they list, yet truth is truth, in despite of Customs heart: but presumption is our natural and original infirmity, and this opinion of wisdom is the plague of man.  
I think the over good conceit and self-weening opinion that man hath of himself, is the mother of false opinions, both public & particular, when there is nothing whereunto men are more addicted, then to give way to their own opinions.  
It was a bold speech delivered by Pliny: This only is sure, that nothing is sure, and nothing more miserable, and yet more arrogant and obstinate then man.  
Obstinacy, is no other thing, than a settled and firm purpose and determination, either to do, or not to do something: he that is in this manner resolute, is unfit to receive either council or advise, how wise, how learned, how behoveful, or how honest soever. And such men, preferring their own opinions, are the cause of many evils, & do many times bring themselves and others into extreme dangers: and it is but lost labour to dissuade any such persons by the rules of reason, for they presuming to know more than all the world beside, do stop their ears to all good counsels, and their eyes to all dangers, and persisting in their obstinacy, without reason or judgement, the Brownists themselves are not more precise, nor sir Patrick, (Saint Patrick I mean) the canonised saint of Ireland, was never more holy, than these obstinate fools do assume unto themselves in their own conceits.  
Courtesies that are bestowed upon obstinate persons, are evermore bestowed in vain, for there is no courtesy nor clemency that can be so used, but the nature of obstinacy, is rather to impugn, then to make any show of humility.   

CHAP. XIIII.  
Of the superstitious conceit that is holden of the Irish, about certain Wels.  
THere are yet other admirable matters in Ireland, such as I am half ashamed to speak of, and yet if there were but one half of the virtue in them that the Irish do believe, and will confidently avow, we needed no other physic nor Surgery to heal all manner of diseases. The blind might be restored to their sight, the halt and lame to their limbs; there is no infirmity, but it might be cured at sundry sanctified and holy wells, whereof there are great plenty in Ireland. The City of Dublin is quartered out with them. First, on the East part, they have Sai. Prtricks Well, the water whereof, although it be generally reputed to be very hot, yet the very prime of the perfection, is upon the 17. of March, which is Sai. Patrick's day, and upon this day, the water is more holy than it is all the year after, or else the Inhabitants of Dublin are more foolish upon that day, than they be all the year after. For upon that day thither they will run by heaps, men, women, and children, and there, first performing certain superstitious ceremonies, they drink of the water; and when they are returned to their own homes, for nine days after, they will sit and tell, what wonderful things have been wrought by the operation of the water of Sa. Patrick's Well.  
On the west part of Dublin they have Sa. Ieames his well, and his feast is celebrated the 25. of julie, and upon that day, a great Mart or fair is kept fast by the Well. The commodity that is there to be vented, is nothing else but Ale, no other merchandise but only Ale: I think such another Fair was never heard of in any other place, where a man can not buy so much as a pennyworth of pins, but what money he hath to bestow, he must lay it out for Ale, and yet it carries the name of S. james his fair.  
The multitude of rascal people that useth to frequent this fair, are first accustomed to perform certain ceremonies at S. james his well, in casting the water, backward and forward, on the right side and on the left, and over their heads; then drinking a draft of the water, they go into the Fair, and there installing themselves in some Brothel-booth, they sit and drink drunk all the day after.  
On the South side of the town, they have Sa. Sundays well: I cannot tell what country man Sa. Sunday was himself, but his well is of precious estimation amongst the Irish (I mean) amongst the Popish sort of the Irish, that do flock thither so thick upon sunday mornings, in the summer season, that I am sure, that if saint Sunday were there in person to read a Lecture out of the New Testament, they had rather go altogether to an alehouse than they would travel so far to see him.  
To the North-wards from the City of Dublin, they have S. Dolocks well; another sanctified place ceremoniously frequented at certain seasons, foolish and ridiculous to be spoken of; so that let the wind blow which way it list, East, West, North, or South, Dublin is so seated, that a Papist may go from the high cross, with a Blown Sheet right before the wind, either to an Idalatrous Mass within the town, or to a Superstitious Well, without the Town.  
But this is most of all to be admired, that a people that hath been so many years instructed and informed in the doctrine of the Gospel, should still submit themselves to such gross & perverse foolery.  
I might speak of divers other Wells, for I think there is neither Apostle nor Patriarch, that never came near unto Ireland, and yet there be Welles, Fountains, and other holy places, that be attributed unto them. But if I should speak of the wonders and miracles, which they say are wrought there, it would make a more admirable history than that of sir john Mandevile: It would undo all the Physicians in England and Ireland. For at those holy Wells, and at many other of those sanctified places, the blind are made to see, the Lame are made to go, the Cripple is restored to his limbs, or what disease soever, never so strange, never so inveterate, which is not there cured.  
But I am sorry for dublin, the place where I myself do live, the town that of all others in Ireland, I do best love, I do not therefore speak any thing maliciously (I appeal to their own knowledges) whether I speak true or false: I have often said, & still do say, that there be many good people in Dublin, and so throughout all the parts of Ireland beside, men of all sorts, of all professions, and of all degrees, that are not to be detected. And thus (I hope) the good will take no exceptions at any thing that I shall truly report of those that be ill.  
And although I direct my speech still to the Irish, I make no such difference between the English and the Irish, but that I know there be as perverse Papists that come daily creeping out of Eng. to plant themselves in Ireland, that give worse example, & are more dangerous to his majesties estate, than those that are naturally borne in Ireland.  
I dare be bold to avow it, that there is never a Pulpit within the City of London (that at Paul's Cross only excepted) that is better supplied, than that Pulpit at Christ-Church in Dubline; and how many grave and learned men, that upon a Christian Commiseration have charitably admonished them to desist, from those blind fantastical follies which they themselves by many years' experience, have found to proceed but from their own vain and superstitious conceits: but neither preaching nor teaching can so prevail amongst them, but that they become thereby to be more froward and stubborn, and do with the more obstinacy persevere, not so much of ignorance, but rather in despite. But I am come now to a strange event, a tale of Master Stanihurst his own setting down in his History of Ireland, and it is worth the reporting, if it be but laughed at, and thus it followeth:  
There is in the Notth part of Ireland a mighty Loughe, 30. Miles in length, and 15. in breadth, called by the name of Lough-Earne, but now called Lough Sidny, I know the place well.  
This Lough (as Master Stanihurst saith) was at the first one of these holy Wells, and was frequented and sought unto, by the inhabitants of those parts, for many Miraculous accidents that was there effected.  
A prescribed custom there was, (belike set down by some angry Saint) that the Pilgrims at their departure should not leave the Well uncovered, fore warning them aforehand, that when the spring should be left open, the water should so abound, that it should drown all the Country adioying near about. And it happened (as Master Stanihurst sayeth) that an old Trot came to sanctify herself at that Well, and having uncovered the springe, a child of hers which she had left but fast by, began to cry, the which the woman hearing, forgetting the observance of her prescribed order, which was to cover the Well, she made haste to still her brat, and returning back again to have mended her miss, she was encountered with the water, which was so far overflown, that it was past her help, whereby both she, her child, and all the rest of the inhabitants with in that territory, were all together drowned. And here Master Stanihurst, fearing that his lie is to palpable and apparent, yet to the end it might be something the better believed, he addeth, that there is the more likelihood of truth in this story, because the Fishers in a sunny day, may see the Steeples and other Piles plainly, & distinctly in the water. And this is a larger lie and more ridiculous than the first, for to begin withal, it is well enough known, that the Lough is of no such depth as M. Stanihurst would persuade: large it is, and very full of Islands, & somewhat deeper in one place then in another, but not so deep to drown Steeples. Again, Master Stanihurst hath very fond forgot a School Principle, Oportet mendacem esse memorem: for Master Stanihurst being an Irishman borne, could not be ignorant (I am sure) that in all that part of the Country near about Lough-Earne, there was never yet any Steeples known, unless it be the Steeple of Armagh, there is never another steeple now to that Lough, not by a great many of miles, perhaps (as M. Stanthnrst saith) there may be some lately builded in the bottom of the Lough, but I am sure that there neither is, nor never was any upon the land, in all that part of the Country.  
I do not meddle with this matter of any set purpose, whereby to impugn M. Stanihurst in his history of Ireland; although he hath therein fabled forth a great number of untruths: but I have done it indeed, whereby to make manifest the light belief of obstinate Papists, that are ready to give credit to idle lies and fantasies, than they are to believe the testimony of the word of God.   

CAP. XV.  
A true description both of the City and Citizens of Dublin.  
HE that had no other knowledge of the City of Dublin, but as it is described by M. Stanihurst, in his Chronicle of Ireland, would think it to be far exceeding in stateliness of building, and in many other commodities more than it is at this hour, & yet I am sure that within these forty years that I have known Dublin, it hath been replenished with a thousand chimneys, and beautified with as many glass-windows, and yet it maketh no such sumptuous show: But (saith M. Stanihurst) It doth exceed in gorgeous buildings, in Martial Chivalry, in obedience and loyalty, in largeness of hospitality, and in manners and civility. First, for the gorgeous buildings in Dublin, there be some other Towns in Ireland that do far exceed it: And to speak truly, the buildings of Dublin, are neither outwardly fair, nor inwardly handsome: a ruinous kind of building, neither convenient nor well cast: neither do I think, that either the Masons, nor yet their Carpenters, are of skill to contrive any better.  
For their Martial Chivalry, I will not disavow them, no doubt they have able men among them, both of body & mind, but I believe there are better soldiers in Ireland, than any be in Dublin. For their obedience and loyalty, let me not flatter (if he means it to the Prince) I say, that if they would mix but a little love with that loyalty that he speaks of, the Pope's vermin could not be so well entertained in Dublin as they be. It is but folly to dissemble any longer, for if we did but look a little into the course of experience, we should find, that this mocking & dallying with them, hath done more hurt than good.  
For their largeness of Hospitality, I will not deprive them of their right: They are bountiful enough of their meat and drink, according to their abilities. Now lastly, for their manners and civility, I confess, Dublin is very well reform, since M. Stanihurst writ his Chronicle. And now he cometh again to speak of the pleasantness of the situation, & by seeming, he would make it a town impregnable. But I think M. Stanihurst had little skill in the Art of Fortification. Then he describeth it with so many Churches, with so many chapels, with so many streets, with so many lanes, with so many Gates, and with so many Bridges, as I protest, I having known Dublin these forty years, yet know not where to find the one half of them he hath named; and a great many of those that are to be seen, when they are found, make but a sorry show in respect of the commendation he hath given.  
Master Stanihurst maketh mention of a certain Tower scituat in Dubline, commonly called by the name of Lsoudes Tower. Which as he saith, as it first took the name from La Bell Lsoude, so it seemed unto him to be some Castle of pleasure, for Kings to recreate themselves in.  
The pleasantness of the Tower is very well known, in what case it was when M. Stanthurst writ his chronicle, fitter (in good faith) to have made a house of office, then for a Palace to entertain Kings, & yet I cannot tell what manner of Kings they had in Ireland in those days; but if they had no better houses than Lsoudes Tower to recreate themselves in, they were the sillieth Kings that ever I heard on: but I wonder if Copper Ally had flourished when Master Stanihurst writ his Chronicle, as it doth at this day, what praises he could have published in the worthiness of that work.  
To speak the truth of Dubline as it deserveth. First for the Town itself, it is convenient enough, pleasantly seated, as well for the serenity of the air as for the pleasing walks that are round about the City.  
The Citizens themselves, are wonderfully reform in manners, in civility, in courtesy: themselves and their wives modest and decent in their apparel (I speak of the better sort) and they are tractable enough to any thing, Religion only excepted. I had almost forgotten to speak of honesty, but it is in Dublin as in all other places where I have traveled, an easy matter to play the juggler, to make a show and appearance of honesty, but to keep a due rule and a formable decorum in our actions, that's the very point.  
The very names of goodness and honesty, are many times the names of mere contempt, & who dares find fault at his honesty, that is a known dissembler both with God and the world.  
God bless me for speaking against pride, lechery, drunkenness, or against Idolatry. I will not speak against Dublin, but in many parts of Ireland it is more dangerous to be reputed an honest man, then to be a known knave: greater peril to be a dutiful subject to the King, then to be a professed votary to the Pope.  
Men are not to be deemed by their outward appearance: for Infidels, and those that have no belief in Christ, will counterfeit holiness: he is but a foolish Painter, that cannot paint both white & black with one Pencil. I will never believe him to be an honest man, that will first swear obedience to his Prince, and then will submit himself to the service of his Pope; that will go to Church openly, and hear a Mass privily; that will listen a little to the Preacher when he is in the pulpit, but will never come near a Communion.  
God keep me from being an honest man, according to the description that I see made of honesty now adays. And I say Heraclitus was but a fool to passionate himself with comiserating the follies of his age; but I think Democritus would laugh till he were ready to burst, if he were now living in Ireland, to see the commixture of manners & dispositions, how they are now carried.  
I will talk no more of idle matters, but now a little of Religion in Dublin: If there be one that doth submit himself to his majesties proceedings, there is ten for one that is vowed to the Pope.  
Who knoweth not this to be true, that knoweth Dubline; the Papists themselves do rejoice in it, and they not love to dissemble the matter, but they will show it both by words and deeds, that they are so, and will be so accounted; and I think they would be angry with him that should otherwise report it.  
Among many other privileges that they have, one amongst the rest is, that if there be any Man within the City (be he free, or be he foreign) if he do seem to find fault at their entertaining of jesuits and Popish priests, they may by their Charter, be at their choice whether they will love him or nay.  
If any man that is freeborn in the City, that is conformable to his majesties proceedings, and doth show himself a dutiful subject to his Prince, it is at the sheriffs choice, whether he will bid him home to dinner or no.  
But Dublin is not yet so destitute, but that there are some, aswell learned Divines, as other grave and godly Citizens and Townsmen, that God hath blessed with the light of his word, to spy out all the Pageants of Popery, that do daily endeavour themselves to give good example, seeking no less to advance the glory of God, the honour of their Prince, the good of their Country.   

CAP. XVI.  
Of some defects in the government of Dubline.  
THis inclination to Popery, whereunto the greatest number of the Citizens of Dubline are so much addicted, is not only prejudicial to things appertaining to piety and godliness, but it is hurtful to matters that are belonging to civil government; for this diversity in Religion, causeth opposition, and that the Maiestracy of the town being principally swayed by those of the Popish crew (that doth far exceed the rest in number) bringeth a toleration of Popish enormities.  
First, where it is the use and custom of every well governed City or Town, that on the Sabbaoth day, during the time of the divine Service, there is a general restraint to all Innkeepers, Taverners, Alehouse-keepers, and to all sorts of victuallers to shut up their doors, & not so hardy as to retain any guests within the house, or to serve either Wine, Beer, or Ale, without the house, till the Service and the Sermon both be ended: and that this might be the better performed and seen unto, they have certain sworn men to make search, and to present all such as shall be found to offend in the premises: the which offenders, by all Officers that be of worth, be they Majors, Bailiffs, or Sheriffs, are evermore severely and sharply punished.  
But in Dublin, then in the time of divine service, and in the time of the Sermon, as well in the forenoon as in the afternoon, even then (I say) every filthy Alehouse is thronged full of company, that as it were in despite of our Religion, do sit drunkening and quaffing, and sometimes defiling themselves with more abominable exercises: so that the Sabbaoth day, which God hath commanded to be sanctified and kept holy, is of all other days most profaned and polluted, without any reprehension or any manner of rebuke. And although many godly Preachers, and some other of the better sort of the Clergy, hath endeavoured a reformation, so far as their Commission doth warrant them, the which (indeed) is but by the way of exhortation to admonish and persuade: but those that have authority to punish and correct, and doth challenge to themselves a special prerogative, to manage all affairs whatsoever within their City, are for the most part of them so blinded with Popery, that they can neither see, nor be persuaded that this dishonouring of the Sabbaoth day is any offence at all.  
I cannot tell from whence it should proceed, whither of ignorance or despite, that they should keep so many Popish holy days in Dubline (more than ever were heard on in England) the which because they are allowed by the Pope, are therefore kept, as it were in contempt of his majesties proceedings.  
There be some that are numbered in the Beadrole of Saints, and have their Feasts solemnly celebrated amongst the Irish (especially at Dubline) that of my conscience are damned Devils in Hell.  
I know this will be grievously taken, and our Papists will say my censure is very uncharitable, & more than becometh a Christian to avouch, but blind men can judge no colours. And if our Catholics of Dublin, could duly conceive how horrible a sin it is, for a Subject to become a conspirator, a Rebel, or a Traitor to his Prince, they would sooner pronounce Thomas Becket to be a damned villain in the pit of Hell, than every year to celebrate his feast with such solemnity as they are accustomed. I might speak of some other such like holy ones, that be inrouled in the Pope's Calendar: And there is scarcely one week in a year, but we have one Popish holiday or other solemnized at Dubline, more than they have at London, and yet I think there be as wise men in London, as any be in Dubline, and as true, and as loyal to their Prince, but the vidimus of the matter is, our Londoners are neither vowed nor sworn to the Pope. Can there be a more dangerous matter, then where impiety becometh to be lawful, and by the Magistrates leave and liking, to take the cloak of virtue. I might speak hear of Friars, Jesuits, and other of the pole-shorne order, well known to be his majesties vowed and protested enemies, that are yet entertained, upholden and maintained in Dublin, not without great contributions allowed unto them, by the Papistical sort of the Citizens, that will grudge and murmur to give a Soldier a night's lodging, that is drawn in by the Lord Deputy, but for the guard of himself, and of his majesties Castle, and for the prevention of traitorous practices.  
This harbouring and upholding of Traitors, must necessarily either put his Majesty to a charge for his own security, or leave his estate in a desperate condition, evermore subject to the plots and practices of his capital enemies. And I can see no reason why his Majesty should be drawn to an expense, by the misdemeanours of his false hearted Subjects, but that they themselves should be made to feel the penalty of it, if not in their persons, yet in their purses.  
But in Dubline, his Majesty should have little need of Soldiers, or of any other martial men to put him to charges, were it not for the contemptuous demeanour of the Popish sort of the Citizens: but if upon any urgent occasion, there be but one hundred of Soldiers to be ceased amongst them, the which they themselves by their obstinate impugning his majesties proceedings, doth many times enforce, they will impose the charge (as much as in them lieth) upon those that they know to be best affected to Religion, and that do stand most assured to his majesty, both in duty and obedience; and would not only draw contributions from Foreigners and Strangers, such as have neither Trade nor Traffic in the Town, but would likewise enforce it from his majesties pensioners, and other Gentlemen, that are there attendant upon the State, if they have but a house or a chamber within their Liberties.  
And they do not only show an unwillingness to his Majesty in these trifling matters, but they do likewise make manifest their ingratitude by many other means. And whereas their Corporation hath been dignified by several Kings and Princes of England, with many large privileges, and that they have the whole trade and traffic amongst themselves, no man to buy or sell within their liberties, unless he be a freeman, yet upon any imposition, though it doth properly belong unto the City, and not so much but for an annual rent, which they are to pay to his Majesty for those lands and liberties that they do hold from his Highness, yet they would exact it from strangers, that are neither free, nor have any manner dealing in the City, but to spend their money, which only the Citizens doth gain by; & there is neither merchandise, nor any manner of commodity that is brought from Spain, from France, from Flanders, or from any other part of England or Scotland, but they will have the whole bargain to themselves, not suffering any man that is not free, to buy for his own provision, no, not so much as a drinking glass, but it must be had from them, and by that means he shall be enforced to pay double the price.  
Thus the freemen, by virtue of their Privileges, will reap the whole commodity among themselves, and they would make the Foreigners to pay their rent, and to become contributors to any impositions whatsoever it shall please them to assign, and yet in their demands, they have neither certain sums set down, what any man ought to pay, nor who they be that should pay, but the Sheriffs of dublin are the men that do cease at their pleasure whom they list, and doth impose upon every man what they list; so that if the Sheriffs of Dublin be a little stuffed in the head with a Pope (the disease being so common amongst them, that there are very few that doth escape it) where they cease a Papist at six pence, they will ask a Protestant ten shillings, the which if the party denaies to pay (or at the least to satisfy them to their own content) they will break open a door, contrary to Law and equity (and I believe farther than their Charter will reach unto, if it were well overlooked) they will carry away with them any goods whatsoever they be, that they can find.  
I could speak of many other mattress, and I could speak by experience: for although I be not a Freeman of dublin, yet I was thus much beholding to the two late Shcriffes, that because I would not give them ten shillings which they had imposed upon me, at their own will and pleasure, (I know not why nor wherefore, unless it were for writing a Book against the Pope) but they very kindly drew me out of mine own house and carried me to prison, where they kept me forthcoming for one night, & this (I hope) be very well known, by the same token, that the very next Sunday after, I could have met with one of them, in Hangmannes' Lane at an Idolatrous Mass.  
But I cannot blame them, though they be somewhat sparing of their purses unto the Prince, for with out doubt, they are at greater expenses with the pope; but if they could draw in his majesties pensioners, and those Gentlemen that are to attend his highness service, to be contributers with them to those payments it pleased them to impose, I would more commend their wisdoms, than I can do their honesties.  
This description of the government of Dublin, cannot be a general reproach to the Citizens universally: for as I have said before, so I say still, that Dubline is replenished with many worthy Townsmen of all sorts; and amongst the Aldermen themselves, there are are some few that are well known to be assuredly confirmed, both to God and to his Majesty, and that doth hate and detest this jesuited generation of the Pope's Riffe-Raffe: but they are overswayed with the multitude, the Papists do far exceed them in number; and do they not impugn the Prince himself? then alas what can they do, in a matter that could yet never be redressed, neither by the prescript of law, nor by the intimation of love.  
But were not this contemptuous disobedience of Subjects, enough to bereave his Majesty of his royal disposition: but I confess, it is not good to put a Prince into any jealousy, or to bring him into any doubt or suspicion of his Subjects; for these are means, not only to trouble a Prince's mind, but also many times to betake himself to those extraordinary resolutions as might be offensive. But it is very expedient for a Prince to have due intelligence, aswell of his enemies as of his doubtful friends, in what estate they remain, what determinations they hold, and to have knowledge of their enterprises, what courses they undertake, and what purposes they pretend, but especially those Princes that are incertain and vnassured of the love of their Citizens and Subjects.   

CAP. XVII.  
Of the Trade and Traffic that is used in Dublin, and from whence they do exact their greatest Commodity.  
THe City of Dubline is principally upholden by the English; for the Lord Deputy holding there his majesties estate, and the whole body of the Counsel of that Realm, together with the Captains, pensioners, all Officers, as well appertaining to the Army, as to the four Courts, all their servants, friends and followers, being there for the most part resident; this maketh the Citizens to raise their prizes in all things, their Houses, Chambers & Lodgings, are dearer rent in Dubline, than they be in London.  
It is the nicety of the English (that are every day innovating & devising of new fashions) that helpeth them away with their Satins, their Silks, their fine cloth, both woollen and linen, their new striped stuffs, their lace of Gold, of Silver, of silk, and a number of other gaudy devices, that the English do use to buy at unreasonable rates, that would never be vented amongst the Irish themselves.  
The trade that they commonly use is but to London, from thence they do furnish themselves with all sorts of wares for their shops, for shipping they have none belonging to the Town that is worth the speaking of, yet they will be called Merchants; and he that hath but a Barrel of salt, and a bar or two of Iron in his shop, is called a Merchant. He that doth but sell earthen Pots and Pans, soap, Otmeale, Trenchers, and such other like trash, is no less than a Merchant: there be shopkeepers in Dubline, that all the Wares they are able to show, are not worth a poor English peddlers Pack, and yet all these be Merchants. But now to speak the truth, there are several Citizens of Dubline, that are very wealthy and men of good ability, that have there Shops well replenished withal sorts of wares, as well Mercery, as Grocery, and Drapery, both linen and woollen, and there is neither Silkman, nor Milliner in London, that can show better wares (for the quantity) than some of those can do, that be called Merchants of Dubline.  
But I am now to speak of a certain kind of commodity, that outstretcheth all that I have hitherto spoken of, and that is the selling of Ale in Dubline, a Quotidian commodity, that hath vent in every house in the Town, in every day in week, at every hour in the day, and in every minnute in the hour: There is no Merchandise so vendible, it is the very marrow of the common wealth in Dubline: the whole profit of the Town stands upon Alehouses, and selling of Ale, but yet the Citizens a little to dignify the title, as they use to call every peddler a Merchant, so they use to call every Alehouse, a Tavern, whereof there are such plenty, that there are whole streets of Taverns, and it is as rare a thing, to find a house in Dubline without a Tavern, as to find a Tavern without a Strumpet.  
This free Mart of Aleselling in Dublyne, is prohibited to none, but that it is lawful for every Woman (be she better or be she worse) either to brew or else to sell Aale. The better sort, as the Alderman's Wives, and the rest that are of better ability, are those that do brew, and look how many householders there are in Dublyne, so many Ale-brewers there be in the Town, for every Householders Wife is a Brewer. And (whatsoever she be otherwise) or let her come from whence she will, if her credit will serve to borrow a Pan, and to buy but a measure of malt in the Market, she sets up Brewing: then they have a number of young idle housewives, that are both very loathsome, filthy and abominable, both in life and manners, and these they call Taverne-keepers, the most of them known harlots; these do take in both Ale and Beer by the Barrel from those that do brew, and they sell it forth again by the pot, after two pence for a Wine quait. And this (as I take it) is a principal cause for the toleration of many enormities; for the gain that is gotten by it must needs be great, when they buy malt in dublin, at half the price that it is sold for at London, and they sell their drink in dublin, at double the rate that they do in London: and this commodity the Alderman's wives and the rest of the Women-brewers do find so sweet, that master Mayor and his brethren are the willinger to wink at, and to tolerate with those multitude of Alehouses, that themselves do even know to be the very Nurseries of Drunkenness, of all manner of Idleness, of whoredom, and many other vile abominations.  
I have hitherto spoken but of Ale-brewers, that are almost as many in number as there be dwelling houses in the Town. There be likewise some three or four that have set up Brew-houses for Beete, whereof they are accustomed to make of two sorts; that is to say: Strong Beer, and Ordinary: their ordinary Beer▪ they do use to serve to the English, that are there inhabiting in dublin, that doth keep Servants and Families, and this Beer they do prize at six shillings the Barrel, which according to their measure, amounteth to xlviij. s. the tun, and in London their iiij. s. Beer, that is sold after the rate of xxiv. s. the tun, is better Beer by odds.  
Their strong Beer is commonly vented by these Alehouse Queans, Taverne-keapers, (as they call them) and this they do take at xii. s. the Dubline Barrel, and that is just after the rate of xuj. s. a London barrel, which amounteth to iiij. l.xuj. s. the tun, shameful for the Magistrates of the Town to suffer, considering the cheapness of Malt.  
Here is now to be considered, that there is almost never a Householder in Dubline (whatsoever Trade he otherwise useth) but he will have a blind corner in his house reserved for a Tavern, and this (if he have not a Wife of his own to keep it) shall be set out to one of these Women-taverne-keepers, she taketh in drink both Beer and Ale, after the rate of xii. s. the Dubline Barrel, she payeth moreover to the party of whom she hireth her Tavern, vi. s. out of every Barrel that she uttereth: if she doth not get vi. sh. more for herself, she will never be able to keep herself honest, so that here is xxiv. s. made out of every Barrel of Beer, which cometh just to ix. li.xij. s. a tun. How shameful a thing to be suffered in a well governed City, let wise men judge, for with those that be called honest, I will not meddle.  
I have been so long amongst these filthy Alehouses, that my head begins to grow idle, and it is no wonder, for the very remembrance of that Hogs wash which they use to sell for ij. d. the Wine quart, is able to distemper any man's brains, and as it is neither good nor wholesome, so it is unfit for any man's drinking, but for common Drunkards; but I will here leave my women Taverne-keepers to Master Maior of the Bull-Ringe to look unto, and I will now have about with our Dubline Bakers, that will be sure to sell their Bread at double the price that they buy their Corn: and although there have been several Majors of the City which have seemed to be angry at the matter, yet as long as I have known Dubline, I never knew Mayor, but he was either ashamed or afraid to reform it. But there be some that will make ill-favoured reasons, and will say, that the Bakers have such a kind of dexterity, that they will make any Mayor both deaf and blind: I cannot tell how it cometh to pass, but the Bakers do make a good shift for themselves, for they neither reform their own bread according to the prizes of Corn, neither will they suffer the countrey-Bakers upon the Market days, to bring in bread that is reform to a true assize.  
Thus the Magistrates of Dubline doth tolerate and bear with a number of enormities, unfit to be tolerated in any well governed City, the which (as I suppose) they do the rather wink at, when they know well enough that this extortion that is exacted by selling of Bread and Beer, doth pinch none but the English, those that are to follow the State, & those again that are of the poorer sort of the Irish, for there is not a Citizen in Dubline (that is of any ability worthy to be spoken of) but he hath a Farm in the Country, that yieldeth him Corn, both for Bread and Beer, enough to find his own house; but the English that must go to the Bakers and the Brwers, are made to pay dearly for it (and so they do for every other thing that they buy) and as the Irish do know all this well enough, so they have therefore the less care to redrese it: and yet if the Lord Deputy should but withdraw himself but for two years together into any other part of the Country, the greatest part of the Citizens of Dubline, would be ready to beg, that do now dwell in a malicious conceit against the English.   

CAP. XVIII.  
Of the Ambition of the Irish.  
THe Irish are very Ambitious of Fame and renown, but it is with Herostratus, that sought to leave himself in record by burning the Temple in Ephesus; so the Irish do hunt after Fame, and to leave themselves registered to posterity, they will kill, they will murder, they will rebel, and what action so ungracious which they will not attempt, to leave an audible memorandome to their lousy Bards and Rithmers, that can writ in the commendation of nothing but of vice and villainy.  
By this example of the Irish, we may distinguish between the lovers of Fame, and the lovers of Virtue, and although it be true that Virtue hath Fame for an attendant, yet Virtue seeketh not for Fame: for glory with the crocodile flieth him that followeth it, and followeth him that flieth it; no wonder then though there be great difference in their values that employ them for Fame, from those again, that endeavours for Virtue.  
This vain ostentation, we see whereunto it leadeth: and he that seeketh renown in a wrong box, either by unlawful attempts, or base endeavours stumbleth many times upon Infamy in stead of Glory: so he that hunteth after dignities by unworthy deserts, in seeking after Estimation, betrayeth himself to open Derision.  
Amongst the wise, a man is esteemed but only for his virtues. For Offices, authority, & Riches; all these, are but the gifts of Fortune, but for a man to be exalted to a dignity, and to be deemed worthy of the place by a common consent, that mark is unfallible, for there magnificence doth manifest & make known itself.  
The office of a Prince doth crave obedience in his Subjects, but our affections are still depending of his virtues: if thus to a Prince, what hope is there then left to a Peasant, that hath neither virtue, wit, nor honesty wherewith to bless himself withal, and will yet throng himself into a Dignity, and only but to make it dirty.  
Nero, demanding of a Soldier why he hated him, was answered: Because (said he) whilst thou wast worthy of love I honoured thee, but now thou art become an enemy to virtue, I therefore abhor thee.  
Ambition is no vice for any of these love-prized Swains. For when I see a fellow that is but base of birth bare of of honesty barren of wit, and that is but dropped into a dignity without desert, I never look upon such a creature but methinks I see a jack anapes in a satin suit. This is a base Ambition, and right of the Irish stamp, for there is not a people under the sun, that are more desirous to be famed then the Irish or that will adventure upon more desperate resolutions than they, and but to leave themselves i●●●●●●d in some one of their Rymer-rolles.  
The miserable malefactor at the very hour of his death, when he is going to execution, doth even then affect Fame, and is much more desirous that his lookers on should see him take his death with resolution and without fear, than he is to reconcile himself unto God, and is more ashamed that it should be said, that his countenance began to change with faintness of courage, than he is of the crime that he hath committed, how abominable soever. And all this, but that he might appear constant; and to whom, but to those that do behold him, that are commonly more inconstant than the wind.  
Sir Thomas More, whom Ballarmine (in his letter to George Blackwal the Pope's Archpriest) so confidently avoweth for so worthy a Martyr, was sick of this disease, and at the last hour, when he was to take his death for Treason, he did sacrifice to Fame; for when the Executioner was ready to strike off his head, he prayed him, in any wise to be good to his beard, telling him, that he should find his neck so short, that if he were not very wary in the performance of his business, it might prove a blemish to his reputation.  
Methinks it to be but an unseasonable conceit, at the last hour of a man's life to fall a jesting with the world for vain ostentation, and neglecting to seek the fruition of eternal felicity, to rest himself upon the smoky applause of Fame.  
It may sometimes serve for a shroud to shelter a shame, but it is an ill chose time, to fall a jesting with the Hangman, when he may play too much upon the advantage, if not by vivacity or quickness of wit, to thrust back a jest upon the jester himself, yet Ex officio, he may do it by action, that doth pinch nearer the quick, than the bitterest words.  
But if More were a Martyr as Bellarmine would have him, I say he was but a mocking Martyr, that would fall a scoffing with the executioner, at that very instant when he was to take off his head.  
But I have heard of some others that have been of this merry disposition, and I think aswell worthy to be Martyrs as More; one amongst the rest that was condemned to the Gallows, and when the hangman came to fasten the halter about his neck, he desired him of all friendship, that he would not bring the rope too near his throat: for (said he) I am so ticklish about that place, that without doubt I shall hurt myself with unreasoneble laughter.  
Such another, going to the place of Execution, desired the officer to shun a street that lay right in the way as he should pass, and to go a little about: The Officer demanding the reason, he told him, because he ought a Citizen a little money that dwelled in the same street, and he feared that if he should see him passing by, he would arrest him, and bring him unto some trouble of the law.  
I must not forget one more of these merry conceited fellows, who going to the gallows to be executed, was admonished by his ghostly father to take his death patiently, assuring him, that though his dinner were somewhat sharp and harsh, yet he should find a joyful supper in Heaven. Alas (said the malefactor) that's but a cold comfort to me, for I never use to eat any supper.  
We cannot judge of any man's assurance by the boldness of his death: for it falleth out many times, that men in those cases, will make great show of resolution and courage, but for ostentations sake, and there is not a people that are more inclined unto that then the Irish; but amongst those that have most valiantly resolved themselves to execution, it is yet to be doubted whither in so dangerous an intent, constancy, or obstinacy had the pre-eminence.  
Every Coward can despise death in misery, for to the distressed, life is but a scourge, and death their only solace: but he that can endure the calamity of all misfortunes with patience and constancy, more rather deserveth the Chariot of Triumph than Caesar himself. Those that in the times of execution are seen to run to their end and to hasten on the execution, they do it with resolution, but because they will defeat themselves of time to consider of the horror of death, for it grieves them not to be dead, but to die. Heliogabulus, the most dissolute man in the world, had a resolution to die some desperate death, as it might appear by those provisions he had made for the purpose; for first, he built a stately Tower from whence he might cast himself, he also caused cords to be made of gold and Crimson silk, wherewith to strangle himself; he further provided a rich golden Rapier of purpose to murder himself; and he prepared poisons, and kept them in boxes of Emeralds, and topazes thereby to poison himself.  
Every man that dares adventure to desire death, cannot be said to be resolved to die; for many a man that hath seemed to wish for death, hath fainted again, when they have been put to the trial.  
Poverty, misery, diseases, & death itself are subjects of a heavy burden, that do weigh and grieve especially those minds that are but of the common stamp: we had need therefore to be very well instructed both how to sustain, and how to combat with those kinds of accidents. The best aim we can take whereby to judge of a man's death, is but to consider of the manner of his life: for have we known him to live constantly and quietly it is likely he should then die resolutely and reposely, for it is to be supposed, that he that konweth how to live, knoweth likewise how to die.  
Amongst all the benefits that Virtue bestoweth of us, the contempt of death is most approved and precious: and as the place is uncertain where death looketh for us, we must therefore be the more vigilant to expect him every where, for the premeditation of death, is but a forthinking how to live and die well. It skills so much the less when death doth come, so we be provided for it, for all the time that we live, we do but steal it from death, and the continual work of life, is in the end determined by death.  
The jollity of youth and the gravity of age are different in this point, for the one looketh forward and the other backward, youth delights itself with wanton allurements, Age preacheth severity, and readeth daily Lectures of temperance and of reformation, and whether it wake or sleep, it doth not permit us one hour but to think on instruction, on patience, on repentance, and on Death.  
I might have enlarged this Chap. with other matter of some particular persons in Ireland, that have sought to make themselves famous amongst their Countrymen, by those endeavours, that were directly prejudicial to the dignity of the Prince, but I will here omit them, & for conclusion say, there is no Nation in the world, that are more ambitious of Fame then are the Irish, nor that doth hunt after it with more contrary courses than do the Irish.   

CAP. XIX.  
Of the doctrine of the Pope, how it is embraced by the Irish▪  
THey say it was S. Patrick that purged Ireland from all manner of venomous Worms, and it is the Pope that hath poisoned it ten times worse with his Locust vermin of Friars, Monks & Jesuits, & he hath so infected the whole Country with Toads, Frogs, & padocks, that in the habit of popish priests do keep such a continual croaking in the ears of the poor people, that they have made them deaf to all good council. It is only the poison of the Pope's doctrine that inciteth to seditions, to Rebellions, and that setteth subjects against their Princes. Look into Bellarmine's writings, that hath taken such pains in behalf of the Pope, and you shall find, that all his Books are stuffed with no other Doctrine, but that Popes may degrade Emperors, kings, Princes and potentates, may abrogate their Laws, may dispense with their subjects for their allegiance, that they may take Arms against their Sovereigns, that they may rebel; yea, and although Treason and murder be the most hateful offences that any man can commit, and are most abhorred and detested of all men, yet they are admitted, maintained, and upholden by the pope, and he doth not only tolerate those offences, but he doth likewise give pardons and dispensations to his villains, both to practise and execute them, as that holy Pope, that gave Parry plenary indulgence and remission of all his sins to murder Queen Elizabeth.  
A filthy Religion, that hath abased the simplicity of all natures, and defiled the people of so many Nations, not only through Idolatry, and superstition, but also by bloodshedding, and detestable murders, as though it were lawful and no offence (if it be done under the colour and show of Religion) to abandon all honesty and shamefastness: insomuch, that such horrible and detestable cruelty hath been shown, that their Altars have been oftentimes inbrewed and stained with men's blood, as though God were pleased with those horrible murders, practised and committed by those abominable wretches, that care not how they defile themselves with all kind of beastliness, and detestable villainy.  
This is the Religion which the Irish do embrace, and this Doctrine is it that hath deluded a number of poor people of that Country, and hath set them so opposite, that they despise to learn any thing from the English, be it never so necessary, that doth but appertain either to Civility, Morality, or Humanity: it maketh some of them maliciously to impugn the proceeding of the Prince, it hath induced a number of them into open Rebellion. And this Idolatrous Doctrine is it that fitteth their turns, that are so addected and inclined to undertake against the Prince. The property of true Religion, doth evermore keep men within the bounds of duty, it illumineth them with the true light of holiness, and sanctimony; and so desirous are they which follow the rule and discipline of Christ, by imitation to exprese the gracious goodness and mercy of God, that in the same they repose the whole sum of Religion: therefore neither provoked with taunts, they are any thing moved, and being vexed with slanderous reports, they are not yet kindled with anger; and although they be sometimes provoked with injuries, they do not go about to be revenged: nay, rather they suppose that trial to be laid upon them, that they by a heap and multitude of good turns, should abate the edge of their enemy's wrath.  
Whilst the Pope's doctrine had overwhelmed the Realm of England, with the misty fogs of darkness, what commotions, what rebellions, & what tumults were stirred up from time to time, by the commons of that Realm: but after that the minds of men were able to behold the extraordinary light of the heavenly doctrine, they submitted themselves to that duty and obedience, which the rule of God's word both prescribeth and commandeth to subjects: yet after this, when Queen Marie had again re-established the Idolatrous Religion of Rome; when Hell was broken loose, and that the Devils themselves had stirred up the hearts of our English Popelings to all cruel tyranny, that they left no torture nor torment unattempted, that might have wrought the subversion and overthrow of Christian Piety: what a multitude both of men and women, suffered themselves to be tortured and cruelly tormented, through all the parts of the Realm for the Faith of Christ, without any manner of resistance: and although this horrible cruelty had continuance for five whole years together, yet where was their herd of a Rebel that offered to arise in arms, or by any means to oppose himself against that monstrous tyranny.  
The Christian Faith was first established by preaching, and the Disciples and those that followed Christ, prevailed still by suffering: the Pope upholdeth his doctrine, only by persecuting, by murder, by Treason, and by tyranny; such diversity there is between the doctrine of Christ, and the doctrine of the Pope.  
It is truly reported of the French K. that was lately cruelly murdered, who many years since lying before Rone, had intelligence of an enterprise that should have been attempted against his life, and being well informed of the party that had undertaken it, the king chancing to descry this Gentleman thus described unto him, caused him to be called; who coming before his presence, the King perceiving him already begin to tremble, as one doubting some bad measure, said unto him: I am fully persuaded, you fore-imagine what I have to charge you with, and your countenance doth already bewray it, but I am so well instructed in the business you have taken in hand, that if you would go about to hide it, you should but make the matter the worse for yourself; fail not therefore as you tender your life, to confess the truth of all your purpose.  
The Villain, that saw himself thus discovered, began to hold up his hands and to plead for mercy: but the King interrupting him in his pretence, said unto him; Did I ever do you any wrong? Have I ever offended any friend of yours? or how happeneth it? or what might move you to conspire and enterprise my death?  
The Gentleman with a very faint trembling voice, and a self-accusing look, answered him again: That no particular occasion had ever moved him to do it, but the interest of the general cause of his faction, for that he was persuaded by some of his ghostly fathers, that to root out (and in what manner of sort soever) to make away so great an enemy unto their Religion, would be an execution full of piety, and a work of supererogation.  
Well then (said the King) I will show you the difference of our Religions: yours persuades you to kill me having never done you wrong, but mine wills me to pardon you convicted as you are: go your ways therefore and avoid out of my sight, and let me never see you here again, and henceforward be better advised in your enterprises, and take honester counsel than those that be of your own Religion, and thus he let him pass.  
We may here still see the fruits of the Pope's Religion: but precedents in Ireland do serve to little purpose, if they make against the Pope; all the testimony that the holy scriptures can afford, will never be credited in that point. We believe in Ireland, that when Christ came to work the salvation of the world, he did not finish the work he came for, but left the greatest part of the business to be performed by a Popish Priest. We can tell how to worship a god that is of our own making, but we know not how to worship the God that hath made us: we know how to receive benefits and blessings from the Prince, but we know not how to render that obedience that belongeth to Subjects. My conclusion is, that as men cannot make known their dreams till they be awake, no more can these acknowledge their faults till they mean to amend.   

CHAP. XX.  
How the Papists of Ireland are neither afraid nor ashamed to manifest themselves.  
THey say, a man ought not to be ashamed to speak what he seemeth not to think; it should then follow, that men should not be ashamed to hear of that they are not ashamed to do. The Irish are not ashamed to manifest themselves, aswell by words as by deeds to be professed Papists; they are not afraid to confess it, and it may well be supposed that when men have a daring to speak ill, they have likewise an intent to do ill. But I must say, they are all his majesties subjects, and so I think they be, but I pray God send his Highness to have need of them against the Pope, for if it came to voices between them two, his Majesty would hardly be able to reckon with the Usurer, after ten in the hundred throughout the whole Realm, but that the Pope would still be able to encounter him with ten for one. That the Irish are thus inclined to the Pope and to popery, I shall need no other testimony than their own demeanours, and I would be glad for their own sakes, that they could convince me of slander: but as I hope they will not go about it, so I think they will not be offended with me for speaking, when they themselves are not ashamed so publicly to manifest it. For, as they do show themselves to be apparently malicious to his majesties laws and proceedings, so they do hate and detest him, that doth but speak against their Pope, or that will take any exceptions against that Catholic brood of the Pole-shorne order, that they do both harbour in their houses, and uphold with their purses (without doubt) to their great charge & expenses, considering the abominable number of those Balamites, that doth so abound throughout that whole Realm, in City, town & Country, that doth daily practise against his majesties government.  
And what Prince in the world would endure to be thus crossed by this contemptious demeanour of undutiful subjects, and would not make them to feel the penalty of their wilful disobedience, but that excellent Majesty that is not only inclined to all gracious clemency in his own person, but with the like royal disposition he hath so provided, that his Ministers and those that he putteth in Authority in that Realm, doth behave themselves in their government with that mercy & mildness whereunto he himself is addicted.  
If I should speak of the government, how it is managed at this present, by that most honourable Gentleman, the Lord Deputy that now is, who is likewise assisted with diverse other of his majesties Counsel of that Realm, Men in like manner of great wisdom and judgement; I might perhaps fail in making a true relation of their worth and worthiness. I do therefore appeal to the Irish themselves, when they did ever know Ireland to be better supplied, either with a Deputy, either with a Counsel, either with a Clergy (I mean those of the Clergy that have been invested by a lawful Authority from the Prince) or that the affairs of that Realm, were every known to be managed with more mildness, with more mercy, or with more love and lenity then now they be: and I would but demand of them again, when they did ever know the Papists of Ireland to be more perverse, more obstinate, or more apparently contemptuous then now they are. I could yet say more, but I will wade no further in this, and I am sure the papists themselves (although they will not let to lie for adantage, yet) they they will not for shame deny this truth. The papists of Ireland are (as in other places) of two kinds, the seducers, and the Seduced.  
The Seducers are those, that under a little show of literature, or under the pretence of being travelers, that they can say they have been in Spain, or at Rheims, or at Rome, or that have been jesuited, or that carrieth the mark of a Monk, of a Friar, or a runagate Priest, that can but say a Mass, or read our Lady's psalter; any of these shows, any of these pretences, or any of these titles, are enough to grace and credit a Dog, and not only to bring him into a venerable estimation, and to be holily accounted of, but to give him that reputation amongst the multitude, that he shall be believed, and he shall be beloved; for men are commonly believed, as they are beloved.  
And these seducing spirits under a counterfeit show of holiness▪ are still endeavouring to pervert the simpler sort of his majesties poor subjects, to withdraw them from their duties, and to arm them with all disobedience and contemptuous demeanour towards their Prince.  
The second kind of Papists, that I have said to be seduced, are the unlearned and ignorant sort, that are abused and misled, by the only inducements of those counterfeit Hypocrites, thus formerly described.  
Now, if there be any commiseration to be had to a people that are thus enchanted, these are to be pitied, and it is for their sakes only that I have endeavoured these lines, the which if I would go about to confirm by any authority drawn from the holy Scriptures, I know it would be to very little purpose, when there is no testimony that can be alleged, either from Peter, or from Paul, or from any other of the Apost. or from Christ himself, that will be either admitted or received against the Pope. Whatsoever I have therefore related in this Description, that may any ways concern the Irish, I have neither inferred precedents, nor enforced other matter, but such as they themselves are best acquainted withal, and what is most frequent and conversant to their own experiments. And there is not a Nation under the sun, that are more apt to make collections of accidents that shall happen, or that will sooner refer them to presagements of misfortune, then will the Irish.  
And although our Papists of Ireland, are generally compacted of a dull metal, that hath little sense or feeling but of ignorance & arrogancy, yet thus quick sighted they be, to look into those events that doth make nothing at all for their purpose, and are stark blind on the other side, to discern of those matters that do especially concern themselves.  
If they would but remember, what a number of runagate shakerels the Pope hath sent from time to time, laden with his trash: with his Bulls, with his pardons, with his Blessings, and with his Ban-bels, which they take to be a strong Supersedias against all perils & dangers, what or wheresoever; and yet if there were but half that sanctity in them that they suppose, they could not all miscarry, some of them would take effect; for they are assuredly persuaded, that he that can but furnish himself with a little holy-water, an holy candle, an Agnus dei, a pair of hallowed beads, or with some such other of the Pope's trinkets, he is free from all misfortunes: & yet they have seen the pope's Holy-banner that was brought amongst them from Rome by D. Saunders, that holy ambassador, sent from the Pope, and they were persuaded, that where this banner was once displayed, the very sight of it had been enough to have dismayed a whole army of devils; but this vain hope of theirs cost a number of Rebels lives, and sent a many of Traitors heads to Dublin.  
They saw what became of the Pope's two holy prelate's, Ailyn and Saunders, whom the Pope had sanctified and al-to be-blessed: and thus hallowed, he sent them into Ireland, in assistance of them that were then out in Arms against their Prince, and they saw what became of them; the one was slain in the field among a number of other Rebels, and the other finished a traitorous life by a miserable death, and died in the Woods, and as it was supposed, was devoured by Wolves: but others say, he died in the Wood Clannedi, partly through famme, and partly of the Irish Ague.  
They have seen how many confederates, how many conspiracies, how many practices of Treason hath been plotted, how many detestable exploits have been undertaken, yet all of them discovered, and the practisers still confounded, our silly Papists of Ireland have not only heard of these things with their ears, but they themselves have likewise seen it with their eyes. But they profit nothing, neither by hearing, nor in beholding: they can wonder at them, and they can say with the Egyptians, when they saw the Miracles wrought by Moses; The finger of God is here, but they have no grace to repent, it doth but harden their hearts, it armeth them with despite both against God, and against the Prince.   

CHAP. XXI.  
The inconvenience of Popery, how it hurteth in Ireland.  
MIght we now judge of the tree what it is by the fruit, or (as the Papists themselves are accustomed) to deem of all causes by their own effects, Popery could not hide itself, but that it would appear in it own likeness, loathsome to every eye. But it is very easy for a man to wink at that, which himself is unwilling to see; but if we would not be enemies to our own discretions, to discern of things with judgement and reason, though reason itself be but a gadding instrument, and is many times misled by our own affections, it could not yet lead us so far astray, but it would undoubtedly confirm us, that popery is the only plague-sore, that hath so poisoned Ireland.  
It is Popery that hath drawn the people from that confidence and trust that they should have in God, to believe in Saints, to worship Idols, and to fly from God's mercy to other men's merits, and to set up a Pope-holy righteousness of their own works.  
It is Popery that hath alienated the hearts of that people, from that faith, fidelity, obedience, love and loyalty, that is required in Subjects towards their Sovereigns.  
It is Popery that hath set afoot so many rebellions in Ireland, that hath cost the lives of multitudes, that hath ruined that whole Realm, and made it subject to the oppression of Thiefs, Robbers, spoilers, murderers, Rebels and Traitors.  
It is Popery, that hath still hardened the hearts of that people, as well against God as against all goodness.  
I have known Ireland long, and I have heard of many audible exploits that hath been accomplished, by Murder, by Rebellion, by Treason, and by many other villainies; but they have been evermore plotted, conspired, acted, and performed by Papists: It is the Papist that is still the Author, the undertaker and the Executioner of all manner of villainies, how barbarous, how cruel, or how audible soever.  
God be thanked, Ireland was yet never so destitute, but there hath been a number of good people natives of that Country, that hath zealously and religiously professed the Gospel, yet I never heard of any of those that was ever tainted, stained, or detected with any of these capital crimes: no, it belongeth to Popery, it is a parcel of the Pope's doctrine; for he avoweth it to be a work meritorious, for any of his Disciples to lie, to flatter, to counterfeit, to dissemble, or to enter into any action, be it never so base, be it never so abject, be it never so servile, yet if they can by any of these means compass a plot of villainy, they may do it by prescription, he giveth them Bulls, he giveth them Pardons, he giveth them Dispensations.  
From hence it is, that the poor Popelings of Ireland, do think there is no other highway to Heaven, but that which leadeth by these damnable endeavours, thus graced and countenanced by the Pope. And they know again well enough, that his holiness is in nothing better pleased, then in those that will impugn and exploit against the Prince. The better therefore to countenance the matter, and to give themselves opportunity, they pretend great love and loyalty, they will protest subjection, perhaps they will go to Church and hear a Sermon, and what care they for taking of an oath which they never mean to keep, the Pope is able to forgive all, and this is the way to give them credit, whereby they may practise what they list, and how they list, they know it well enough: But if I would go about to infer precedents, I might be infinite in example, to show what murders, what massacres, what treacheries, and what Treasons have been performed, which the Irish could never have been able to have effected, but by that honest repose there hath been had of their fidelity, and by that countenance and credit that hath been given them by the Prince.  
It is by our trust that they compass their treason & it is our sufferance that enableth them in all their mischief, and what they perform by fraud, by falsehood, by perjury, by breach of faith and fidelity, is still ascribed unto them, for wit, for policy, for valiance, and is evermore reputed to their glory and our disgrace.  
If I were demanded of the drift of my lines whereunto they tended, I could not well make answer on the sudden, yet I have a meaning; but I am brought into the labyrinth of the Metaphysics, who wading in a matter past their reach, would conclude of some thing, but they know not what: I would approve by reasons, that the Irish are not to be trusted, because they have already so often deceived: And yet I do reprove myself, for I know there be in Ireland, a number of worthy subjects that cannot be detected, nor their fidelity and trust to their Prince by any means impeached, and these do not only deserve to be countenanced, but likewise to be cherished; yet the Traitor of Ireland, as well in words, in looks, in appearance, and in the whole course of his conversation, doth so nearly resemble and imitate the true meaning man, that they cannot be discerned nor distinguished by their outward shows. It were therefore a desperate matter (and of no small adventure) to commit a trust to those that are so hardly discerned. I will therefore conclude nothing, yet I say, for him that is a known Papist, I would never trust his word, his promise, his vow, nor (if it were for the Prince's service) I would never trust his oath, for Papists when they swear fastest, they commonly lie fastest.  
I have discovered myself to the full, and although I have thereby made my folly the more apparent, perhaps it may yet give some little blaze of light to those that be wise, for wise men may learn more from fools, than fools from wise men: but the only part to play the fool well, is amongst fools to seem to be wise, yet I could be contented to play the fool a little, and so to be accounted amongst our Irish Catholics, if they would vouchsafe, but to draw a little spark of wisdom from my over much folly.  
There were many matters more to be wished for, but wishing in Ireland is out of date, and our English Recusants do know it well enough; they have therefore so planted themselves through every part of Ireland, that they are more pernicious in their example, than the Irish themselves.  
I may now conclude (and I hope with a good conscience) that the Popery of Ireland, is the bar that excludeth all regard of duty, both to God and the King.   

CHAP. XXII.  
Whether there be any possibility that the Irish should maintain a war against the King's Majesty.  
THE broils that hath been stirred up by Papists in Ireland are infinite, and they have cost the price of many men's lives, and the expense of great sums of Treasure.  
But methinks, it cannot be called a war, that is maintained by Subjects against their Sovereigns: It is for Princes to make war that are absolute, not for Peasants that are dissolute: And for this Papistical generation, that are evermore seditiously contending against their Sovereigns: I cannot do them so much credit, to say they maintain wars, but that they stir up tumults, dissensions, uproars, commotions, insurrections, and give them the best Titles that can be applied, and they are but rebellious, and they themselves are Rebels & Traitors that do first undertake them.  
Now, that the Irish should have any means or ability to bear out a rebellion against our gracious King, I think there is no Soldier so unwise to affime it.  
Wars are not to be performed without Soldiers, nor soldiers can be contained without pay; for besides men, Money, Munition, armour, weapon, & a number of other necessaries belonging to War, there is neither means to conquour, nor hope to defend.  
What may we now think of the Irish; first their greatest wealth, wherewithal to maintain a war, consisteth in Otmeale and Butter: their wisdom is our oversightes, their strength our sufferance; And they have ever been more beholding to their English friends with their Irish hearts, then to their wit, their policy, their valiance, their wealth, or to any other thing that Ireland could afford them.  
They are altogether unfurnished of all manner of warlike necessaries, either for defence or offence, neither are they able so to fortify themselves in any ground of advantage, but that we are still able to fetch them out by the ears, either by force or by engine: they cannot deal so with the English: for they having neither Artillirie to batter, nor means to approach, a small company of our English Soldiers will make good any place against the whole forces of the Irish, and although they be but slenderly fortified.  
And I would but learn how it were possible for a people (how valiant or politic soever) that hath neither Mint to make pay, shipping to transport, that hath no manner of provision, no store, nor storehouses furnished with Munition, Powder, Shot, Pieces, Pikes, Armoury, Weapons, nor with a number of other Engines and Implements belonging to the War, without the which, a war cannot be maintained; They have no provision for carriages, but what themselves are able to carry upon their backs, neither are they able to levy new forces▪ nor have they means to supply their old, with convenient necessaries belonging to an Army. Now if it be possible, that a people thus destitute, should be able to wage War against so mighty and puissant a Prince, I will never trust experience again so long as I live. But let us look into their ability, what they are able to perform in the day of fight, and notwithstanding that I can take no exceptions to their ability of body, yet being neither armed, with corselet, nor Pike (not in any convenient number nor in able sort) by this defect they are not able to make a stand upon any firm ground, where our horsemen are either able to charge or chase them, neither are they able to endure the encounter of our armed Pikes: so that upon any equal ground, that yieldeth no other advantage then the virtue or valiance of him that doth command, and where Horsemen & footmen may be both brought to serve, the Irish are not able to abide.  
The Horsemen of Ireland; again, are not fit to serve in the time of fight, neither against Horse nor foot, until it doth come to a flat running retreat, and then in a chase they are good for execution, but otherwise, they can stand in little steed.  
The reason is, by defect of their appointment, for they are armed with a Skull, a Shirt of Mail, and a Staff, which as they use to carry, is of no service, but for execution in a chase: and their Horse likewise, being as slightly furnished with a Pad, wherein the Rider having neither Stirrups nor stay, no otherwise then if he should sit on the bare Horse back, is therefore quickly unhorsed and easily overthrown.  
I might farther enlarge, how they are not able to uphold any Garrisons, nor to maintain a Camp, nor yet to contain themselves in any company, one whole week together, but that they must betake themselves to their Woods, to their Bogs, and to their starting holes.  
I know I shall be encountered here with presidents, and they will tell me of more than twenty several Traitors, that hath maintained Rebellions against our late gracious Queen: what sums of money they have spent her; how many men they have consumed her, and yet how little she prevailed against them, notwithstanding her great expense, & the many years expired in their pursuit.  
To the end therefore, to make discovery why there was no better service performed, I will unrip those occasions, that were the lets and impediments: the which being made manifest, may give some light for his majesties future service in that Realm, and therefore I hope not altogether unnecessary.   

CHAP. XXIII.  
Of those lets and impediments that defeated her Majestic, in her services against the Irish.  
IT is not unknown to all the world (I am sure) in what magnificent manner our late gracious Queen behaved herself against the King of Spain, the Monarch of this part of the world, that hath kingdoms at command, that hath Indies upon Indies, both of silver and Gold to make pay to Soldiers, and to bear his expenses: that had the prime choice of skilful Captains, and of Martial men of all sorts that Europe could afford, that left no practice unatempted, that either Sapine, Rome, or Hell itself could plot or conspire. And all this (and much more than I have spoken of) employed for many years together, to have ruined and subverted this worthy Princess whom he so much maligned: but she, not only prevented him in all his purposes, but she many times encountered him, aswell by Sea as by Land, and triumphed in several notable victories, and several exploits performed against him, sometimes at home in his own dominions, yea almost at his own Court gates.  
Why then (will some say) if her Majesty were able to perform so much against so mighty an enemy as the King of Spain, why could she not find means to suppress the Rebellions of so base and beggarly a people as the Irish, that are so lightly accounted of.  
I answer, because she was never so sound advised, nor faithfully counseled how to prosecute the Irish, as she was to encounter the Spaniard.  
It will be yet again replied, what might be the reason that her Majesty should be better advised against the Spaniard, then against the Irish? Alas, who is ignorant of the cause, it is well enough known, that there was never any great affinity between the English and the Spanish, unless a little between Merchants for trade and traffic. But her Majesty had not a Counsellor in England, that was a Spaniard born, or that was combined with the Spanish, either by Marriage, either by fostering, either by gossipping, or by any other means whereby to confirm love & friendship between them: but as they were all noble and honourable personages, so they were firm and assured aswell in their loyalty to their Prince, as in their love to their Country, and therefore in all their Counsels and consultations, they more respected the honour of their Prince, and the good of their Country, than they did their own private profits.  
Now in Ireland, there were divers belonging to the Counsel table, who although they were of English birth, they were yet so linked and combined with the Irish, aswell by Marriage, as by many other means, that I never knew so arrant a Traitor in Ireland, that was destitute of English friends, that would undertake in his behalf, yea although he were out in open rebellion, that, they durst not apparently adventure, yet by secret means and practices, they would both strain themselves and try their friends, to help out a Traitor when it came to a pinch.  
Of this combination between the English and the Irish, I might speak more than perhaps would be thought necessary to be openly published; and it should seem, that our progenitors many ages sithence, finding out the inconveniences, what hurt it did, seeking means therefore to prevent it, they established by act of Parliament, that no man of the Irish birth, should have charge or be put in trust, with any Castle or place fortified, belonging to the Prince. They were likewise prohibited, from diverse principal affairs, and amongst these prohibitions, the English were likewise enjoined, neither to Marry, foster, nor combine with the Irish.  
I think our ancestors were not more careful, than we be now, but it should seem, they employed their cares better than we do now.  
Amongst many reasons that might be rendered, why the English should be so endeavouring and helping to the Irish, there be three especial reasons, more importing then the rest.  
The first, is grounded upon foresight or providence, for those of the English that have settelled themselves with Lands or livings in the Country, do find it to be a matter of approved policy, to combine with those of the Irish, that are most likeliest to play the Traitors, especially, if they be bounding or bordering upon him: for he thinketh by these means, not only to save his lands and tenements from the spoil of the party himself that is most likely to endanger him but also by being in league and friendship of such a one, that is but in the state and condition of a demy-Traitor; that is, half in, and half out, he hopeth by his means so much the rather to scape scotfree, from the spoil of others: from which conceit of theirs, this proverb doth arise: That it is good to have a Rowland for an Oliver: or after our English interpretation; a Thief to encounter a Thief.  
A second reason, that induceth the English to be so undertaking for the Irish, is grounded upon consideration, peradventure some hundred Cows, some times more, and sometimes less: for gifts and presents, though they consist but in Cows, in horse, or in ready money itself, will be received, and he that knoweth how to steal from one, and what to give to another, shall find friends.  
Now, a third reason, and that which most enforceth the English to stand so firm for the Irish, is, for that it concerns our own freehold: for we are so linked and combined with them, what by marrying, what by fostering, and what by one means or other, that we must not see them quail, we must not see them confounded but their hurts will be to our own detriments if not of ourselves, yet of our children of our brethren, of our Cosines, of our wives, of our allies, of our friends, or of some other such of our families, as we must put to our helping hands, we must not see them utterly overthrown.  
Who will demand now, how the Irish have been able so to dally with their Priuce, & to continue their rebellions as in times past they have done, when they have been still bolstered out by the English, when they have had such friends, that (if they could not prevail in Ireland) durst adventure to write into England, yea sometimes to the Queen herself, and under those plausible pretences of profit and policy, would persuade, what a sparing it would be, both of money & of men's lives, that a Traitor that had committed infinite spoils, and spent her Majesty huge sums of money, should be brought in by composition, by pardon or by protection, and how many ways it would be available to her Highness, that he should be received to mercy.  
And how many of these have I known, that after they had received all these favours, and having again strengthened and enabled themselves, have watched their opportunities, but to commit new stealths, and to execute some other actions of villainy, and thus going out again, have been ten times more chargeable than they were at the first.   

CHAP. XXIIII.  
Of Pardons and Protections, how hurtful in Ireland.  
AS I never knew the Irish to want English friends that did uphold them so they are never destitute again of some others, to procure them pardons.  
This Port-sale of pardons, hath been the utter undoing of Ireland: for what between those pardons that were sent from the Pope, and the other again that were obtained from the Prince, every Traitor, every Rebel, every murderer, every These & every Robber, might put in practice what he listed, without dread or danger, for the Pope he dispensed on the one side, and the Queen she pardoned on the other, and thus between them (as time and occasion served) it was holden for the high way to preferment, for a man to play the traitor, and to stir up Rebellion: for he that was found to be most diligent, most dangerous, and most desperate, in the execution of Treason, should not only be sure to have a pardon, but he should be likewise gratified with a pension, or with some daily pay, from out of the Prince's Coffers.  
Now, who would forbear to be a Traitor, or a Rebel, or a Thief, or to enter into any mischief whatsoever, that could still warrant himself a pardon for a few stolen Cows?  
This generality of pardons and protections, did much harm in Ireland, for they still gave encouragement to the ill disposed to adventure of any enterprise, and to do any manner of villainy what themselves listed, and there wanted not those that were favourites and followers to the Lord Deputy, that were still hunting after suits, that obtained both Pardons and protections, and many other Grants, that were so prejudicial unto the service of our late gracious Queen, that she had been better to have given them stipends of some thousands by the year to have maintained them in England, rather than to have suffered them to have made such Traffic in Ireland, as they did at that time.  
As these Pardons were the only encouragements to give daring Traitors to attempt against their Prince, so they were again the very cause of dismay, whereby to terrify the subject from the service of his Sovereign: for when a Traitor was out in rebellion, those that were bordering upon him, that had best knowledge in the strength and fastness of his Country, durst never serve against him; for they knew well enough that there was not a Rebel in Ireland so foolish, but that he had English friends to procure him a pardon, and then they were sure that the winding up would be (as it hath been in many other things) that he that should oppose himself to serve his Prince faithfully, should be left to the spoil of a Traitor, who having once made his own peace by pardon or protection, would live to be revenged of as many as had served against him.  
Is it now so much to be wondered at, that her majesty could have no better service performed against her Rebels in Ireland, when by her over much clemency, she defeated herself of their services, that were best able to stand her in stead.  
I might speak further of Pardons, that hath been many ways more prejudicial, than I have set down: but I will conclude, That so long as there are any pardons to be hoped for in Ireland, so long there will be Traitors in Ireland: and so long as a proclaimed traitor shall be able to compass either pardon or protection, so long the Prince shall have no service performed against any Rebel, either by English or Irish, that are dwelling near about him, and that can best serve upon him.   

CHAP. XXV.  
Of i dallying out the time of service, and the delays of Ireland.  
THere is nothing wherein our English policy hath been more overreached, then in managing the Wars against the Irish, that were still prosecuted with delays, and dallying out the time with deluding parleys (which they termed times of Sessation) but under those coloured-treaties, and counterfeit truces, though we let slip both time and occasion, yet the enemy forgot not to take all advantages. For in those dallying times of their deluding parleys, the Rebels recovered Conaughe, they took Eniskaline, Monohan, the Blackwatre; they supplied themselves with Wine, with Aqua vitae, with Armour, with Weapon, with Powder, with Shot, and with all other necessaries whatsoever they wanted, from all the parts of Ireland; yea, from out of Dubline itself.  
The Precedents are innumerable, what practices have been performed in the time of parleys. And as Alexander would not admit of any of these night-stoln victories, so amongst the romans, these entertaining of Truces was banished as an enemy to their ancient proceedings, who were still desirous to fight by Virtue, but not by deceit.  
He only is judged to be overcome, that is not vanquished by craft, nor by fraud, nor by fortune, nor by chance, but only by mere valiance.  
The time hath been, when it was never deemed to be a worthy victory, where the enemy's courages were not daunted by true valiance and magnanimity.  
But for the seruiees in Ireland, rest is evermore dangerous than rashness, and although it be a foul imputation for a Commander, to be reputed heady or hare-brained, yet amongst the Irish, expedition that is sometimes unseasonably taken, is more available, and hath ever concluded with better success, than this temporziing & trifling out the time with delays and delusions. For, the Rebel of Ireland, must have no leisure to take his breath; he must be hunted like the Fox that is new roused from his den, he must be chased from Covert to Covert; and ply him thus but one three Weeks or a month, and you quail his courage, his edge is taken off, and his pride is suddenly abated. But would ye have a precedent, let me put you in mind of the Traitor Odougherty, one of the Gallants of the North of Ireland, a Champion of such worthiness, that the Papists were in great hope, that he would have proved no less than a second Tyrone; but will you see what became of this mirror of magnanimity, he compassed a plot of Treachery, and of Treason both, but such a plot as he could never have effected, but by the trust that was reposed in him by the English. For this is the ground work of all their villainies: we advance them, we countenance them, we credit them, and we enable them; and this trust, and this confidence which we repose in them, giveth them matter to work upon; and by this means, Odougherty performed his enterprise without resistance, and as he never struck stroke in the exploiting of his villainy, so he never struck stroke after, till his head was taken of, neither durst he ever show his face after, but in woods and Bogs, where he thought to catch no harm. We see here the difference between expedition and delay, for as Odougherty was speedy in the execution of his mischief, the Lord Deputy made as quick a dispatch for the prosecution of revenge, and making a special choice of a celected company for the following of that service, there was one amongst the rest (sir Thomas Ridgway by name) who of a voluntary disposition (without weet or knowledge of his dearest friends) conveyed himself from his own house, and came to the place of service with the foremost man, and with the like speed he so pursued the Rebels with such judgement, valiance and industry (and many times with a far less company than the Rebels were in number) that they expecting a more leisurable pursuit, such as Tirone and other Traitors had had before them (being now deprived of that hope) they began to faint at the first, and were in a short space as easily surprised.  
Sedition durst never yet attempt any thing valiantly, and the multitude, hath ever had more courage to rebel then to fight.  
Now to be short, it was the expedition of the Lord Deputy and the diligence of the Treasurer, that broke the neck of this rebellion in a much shorter time than hath been accustomed: And as this precedent of theirs may give a further light for his majesties future service, so by this it may appear, that if the Irish be well followed with a direct course, they are of no such ability, as some ignorant men have dreamt & believed.   

CAP. XXVI.  
How Tyrone was still supplied with Soldiers, and all other provisions for war, at the Queen's charges.  
THe greatest matter reputed to be in the Irish in times past was this, they had Treachery to contract a plot of Treason, and wit to conceal till they had performed it, and that being once effected, their greatest courage afterwards, whereby to maintain their Traitorous attempts, consisted in the hope of a pardon; in the mean time, they kept themselves like foxes in their dens, and we hunting and ferreting after them, if sometimes by casualty, we fortuned to light upon them, they trusted better to their heels then they did to their hands.  
It will be said, that the Irish in the time of Tyrones' Rebellion, showed themselves to be men of better worth, than I do seem to account of them. And it is truth, that in that Rebellion of Tyrones', they put the Queen to a great expense of Treasure, and continued the war a much longer time than hath formerly been accustomed; but how it came to pass, that the Irish were so enabled on the sudden, to maintain their Rebellion, and to continue it as they did, whether it were by any new supply either of strength, courage, force, or fortune, or by any other ability either of body or mind, inspired or infused into them more than their predecessors have had before them, this would be known. And this I think were not unnecessary to be discovered.  
I will not speak how Tyrone was befrended by the English, neither will I make any repetition, how the English soldiers were generally enfeebled & brought so weak that they were not able to perform a good days march (I will not say how it came so to pass, but it is well enough known that so it was:) And although that this penury wherewith our Eng. troops were thus pinched, had been enough to have abated the courages of the most able minded men, yet that was not it that made Tyrone so potent as he showed himself, nor that did so much enable him against his Prince.  
The matter that strengthened him, was the continual supplies, aswell of men as of munition, armour, weapon, powder, shot, he was still furnished with Soldiers, ready armed and trained at her majesties costs and charges, and it was her majesties purse that relieved him from time to time, with those supplies, that he himself (otherwise) had never been able to have compassed.  
Our Ancestors many years since, that had some speculation in the Irish disposition, foreseeing well enough the danger that might ensue, by training them up in any warlike discipline, thinking to prevent the inconvenience; they ordained by statute, that no Englishman, serving in that Country with command, should retain into his Company of one hundred soldiers, above three Irishman at the utmost, and these were entertained rather for guides then for any other expectation that was hoped for by their service.  
Whilst these observations were charily observed, the Irish were not able to make any encounter against the Prince: and Ireland was able (not only) to bear it own expenses, but also to contribute to the prince's Coffers, some twenty or thirty thousand pounds, per An. as appeareth by ancient records that are yet to be seen.  
By this we might conclude, that it is better for wayfaring men, to tread those tracts already traced out to their hands, then to seek unknown ways, that if they do not sometimes lead astray, are sure at all times to lead the furthest way about: for if those Precedents left by predecessors, had been by us as carefully observed, as they were by them wisely prescribed, the rebellious sort of the Irish had not been so well enabled to have maintained their rebelions, as now of late they have done: But Tyrone was the man that the Irish did extol, and Tyrone was the man that was beholding to his English friends; he was beholding to those deluding parleys, to those deceitful times of sessasion, that gave him still opportunity to help himself by many advantages: sometimes when he was driven (as it were) to the very last gasp, & when he was not longer able to hold out, then there was a parley procured: by means whereof, he relieved himself with all manner of necessaries, and would lightly enterprise something, that was both to the disadvantage and dishonour of the Prince.  
I have already made mention of a prescript, wherein our English Captains were enjoined, that in every company of one hundred, they should not retain above two or three that were of the Irish birth, but during the whole season of Tyrones' rebellion, there were some companies, that for every three of the English, there were three and twenty of the Irish; and to speak truly, it might have been called a special and a choice company, that had not three Irish for one English. How it fell out that our English Captains were thus inclined to entertain the Irish, and to discharge the English, I shall not need to make relation; there was a reason why, but they raked up all the Irish that were to be gotten, that there was not a Horseboy left in the Country, but he was armed & trained, and when he had committed insufferable spoils, away he went to the enemy.  
The Rebels themselves sent as many Rogues as they were able to procure, to be thus armed and trained, & to watch their opportunity to perform some exploit of villainy, and so to make their return.  
Besides this, there were whole companies of the Irish raised at her majesties costs and charges, & that received her daily pay, that were as arrant Traitors, as any were with the Rebels, and committed as many spoils, killing and burning only excepted.  
All these, still furnished Tyrone with daily supplies of Soldiers that were thus armed and trained at her majesties charge, and he had the like helps to supply himself with many other wants, but especially with powder and shot, wherewith he was still relieved from out the Queen's store; sometimes by those Irish bands and companies, that made more provision for the rebels, than they did for themselves.  
Sometimes again by some Gentlemen of the country, who under the pretence of making themselves strong against the Rebels, would fetch out of the Queen's store, Powder, Shot, Armour, Weapon, and what beside was there to be had, wherewith they still supplied Tyrone, who otherwise had never been able to have maintained one good days fight.  
I might yet speak further, how that every peddling fellow that kept a Shop, was suffered to sell Pieces, Powder, Swords, and such other implements of War, not allowable for every man to sell, & (considering the state of the Country) not sufferable for every man to buy.  
I will here conclude, how all that extraordinary Wisdom, policy, and valiance, that was attributed unto Tyrone, was but our oversights, our negligences, and our winking at that which was apparent unto every Wise man's eyes: and let the Irish project unto themselves what they list (I say) if Tyrone had been as well hunted after as Odougherty was, he must have come unto the very self-same Market that Odoughertie did.   

CAP. XXVII.  
That the Irish are more dangerous than necessary for his majesties service in Ireland.  
IN ever read of any such policy, where a rebellious people, that were every day ready to revolt from their duty unto their Sovereign, should be permitted to exercise chivalry, or should be enured with the practice of Arms: but I could set down a number of precedents, how prudent and politic Princes, when they have been so continually vexed and urged by rebellious Traitors, have not only prohibited them from the use of weapons, but have also restrained and deprived them from all manner of practices appertaining unto War, by the severity of Laws.  
I know amongst the Nobility of Ireland, there hath been (as there are still) many honourable persons (& so there are of many other Gentlemen) that without all doubt are as forward, as ready, and as willing to serve their Prince, as any other whosoever. But to speak truly, sithence I have known Ireland, I never knew any of the Nobility of that Realm, that was able to perform any service (that was worth the speaking off) with their own Countrymen, in the behalf of their Prince, no not against a mean Rebel: such a one as in a private quarrel, durst not lift up a sword against any Noble man, that did dwell near or border upon him. And this is a matter to be admired, that any threadbare Rebel should be so apt and hardy to oppose against the Prince, and so timorous again to offend a Nobleman of his own Country: and it is no less strange, that every Nobleman of Ireland should be potent enough to right his own causes against any of that ragged rabble, that dares but look awry upon him (as I could show many precedents) and can perform nothing in the service of his prince, no not against the most basest Rascal, that ever marched under the Title of a Rebel.  
The Mystery of this matter is easy to be decided, for although I know that amongst the Nobility of Ireland, there be some that would be both willing & desirous to do the Prince unfeigned service in their own persons, yet they themselves know well enough that they shall never be followed in those endeavours: their own household servants would fail them in such a case; and he that could bring a thousand followers into the field, in an action of Rebellion; is not able to bring one hundred, in the service of his Prince: they are so vowed and protested to the Pope, that they will not be induced to serve their prince, at the leastwise, not in that due respect of love, that subjects are bound and do owe unto their Sovereigns. Perhaps in somptivate quarrel between themselves, they may perform some exploit the one against the other, but it shall be done more in revenge of their own malice, then for any love they owe to the service. There is nothing, wherein the Irish do more privily deride us, then in this conceit that we have of their help: & therefore they have hatched up this pretty interrogatory: Where was it ever known, that one wolf would pray upon another. And it hath ever been thought a most dangerous thing, to have friends and enemies both of one Nation. But I know the Irish did never want friends, to persuade that their service is very behoveful: it may sometimes serve indeed, to help to stop a gap, but I answer it will shortly after break down the whole hedge, and it is but a mad part for him that would defend an entry, to shut up the wicket, and then set open the great gate.  
The Irish do but betray the service and strengthen the enemy (I speak of the multitude) and to have them trained as heretofore they have been, (especially those that are so much addicted to the Pope) I say it is dangerous, and a gross oversight. I have hitherto displayed, (though not all that I know) yet so much as I think necessary, the which although it please not all, yet I would be glad it should prove profitable to some. I have but glanced at things, by giving them a touch and away, which if I should enlarge but as they deserve, I might write a whole volume in folio.  
The virtue of things is not so much in their magnitude as in their quality, and so likewise of reason, which being wrapped in a few words, have the best tongue.  
My purpose is to profit, not to please; to entice, not to entrap; to council, not to control; and I rather desire to make my friends penitent, then leave them insolent.  
I have directed my lines but to the forming of good manners, and moderating of affections, and who can be silent in these matters here handled, if he love his prince. And yet I know, that nothing can be so well or providently spoken, but malice will find matter whereat to carp and repine: yet I hope my good intent will be the rather born with all, in that I do but set down precepts of good council, but not decrees to be resolved on.  
I hope it will be accepted of by some, that will reap profit by it, and find fit advertisements and examples for them to imitate: which if it do, I shall think my time and labour the better bestowed: if otherwise, my care is the less, because it hath contented myself, in keeping me from Idleness.  
But I know some will say, it were as good be idle, as ill occupied: 'tis true, There is no endeavour wherein a man may busy himself, that is more distasteful than the writing of books (especially if they be of a reprehending humour) but it is to those that have guilty consciences, but to men of pure and honest life, they little force what any man can either write or speak against them.  
I may speak something by experience, for I myself have been mistaken, and am reputed to be an open enemy to Ireland, and all but for writing a Book, entitled, The Survey of Ireland, wherein I have laboured nothing, but the discovery of the Pope.  
But such is the malignity of Papists, that they cannot endure to have their Idolatry checked, no not with precedents and examples that are drawn from the holy scriptures.  
Certain Pagans offering outrageous violence to a Religious Christian, mocking and upbraiding him for his Religion, they asked him in the end, what profit he had by his Christ: Is not this a singular profit, quoth he, Not to be moved with your bitter words, but to pardon and forgive the wrongs you do unto me.  
I answer with the Christian: Let the Papistsly and slander how they list, I thank God, I am taught by the Religion I profess, to put up all wrongs and injuries, whatsoever they can offer unto me, and not only to forgive them their upbraiding and depraving of me, but also pray to God that he would so open their eyes, that they may see the right way of their salvation.  
I hope there is no man that will accuse me of partiality, to say I have more forborn to speak against the follies of the English, then against the manners & customs of the Irish: or that I do otherwise distinguish between them, but value them both alike, the good, to be good, and the bad, to be bad. I confess I have been very plain with the Citizens of Dublin, but it is those that are only addicted to the Pope, it is with those that have so be-pusseld themselves in Popery, that they yield to a number of disorders, that are no less odious in the sight of God, then injurious to the King: yea & to eclipsing the reputation of their City if they did but well advise themselves, with discreet consideration.  
Perhaps it will be imputed to me for an offence, that I have so avowed the greatest number of the Irish to be papists: But if Popery be so Catholic a matter as they themselves do believe, I have then done them great honour and credit so to repute them, but if it be a doctrine that seduceth, and that draweth subjects rather to Rebellion then to true obedience to their Princes, is it not then best to speak the truth, if it be but to shame the Devil?  
And now to purge myself from any malicious intent, I do here protest before the face of the living God, and do further avow it by that Religion that I do openly profess, that I do know never a Citizen in Dubline, nor any other person that is a native borne in Ireland, that I do either hate or dislike; no, not he that hath done me the greatest wrong, but do wish him as well as I wish to myself, that god would make us all wise, and set us in the right tract that leadeth to life everlasting.  
This is all the malice I bear them, this is all the hurt I mean them, to this end and purpose I have written this Book, not against any Papist in particular, but against Popery in general; for Popery in Ireland is the original of a number of imperfections, that otherwise would be reform, and it is Popery only that hath secluded the English and the Irish from that perfect love and amity, which else would be embraced on both parts aswell to the glory of God, as to the great benefit of this Country.  
God bring it once to pass, that we might all join together as well English as Irish, in the true acknowledgement of one God, of one Religion, of one King, of one Law, and of one love, this is all that I wish for, and this is all that I have endeavoured.  
FINIS.