❧ A philosophical discourse, Entitled, The Anatomy of the mind.  
Newly made and set forth by T. R.  
❧ Imprinted at London by I C. for Andrew Maunsell, dwelling in Paul's Church yard, at the sign of the Parrot. 1576.   

¶ To the right worshipful Master Christopher Hatton Esquire capitane of the Queen's majesties Guard, and one of the Gentlemen of her Priveie Chamber, Thomas Rogers wisheth the true felicity of this life, and in heaven fellowship among the Saints of God.  
TRuly and commonly is it said (right worshipful) such prince, such people, such superiors such subjects. For so do men frame themselves, & conform their manners, as they see others placed in chief seat of authority, as it were to the view and sight of all men, addict themselves: thinking that to be well done, which is done by example. And therefore as a good prince by the example of goodness bringeth unspeakable commodities: so an evil prince by the example of wickedness, causeth infinite calamities in his realm and country. Xerxes most savedgelie, set his whole delight in pleasure: by whose example the Babylonians in naughtiness exceeded all men, and in beastliness the brutish kind. Nero contemned Philosophy, excelled in Music: which made better learning among the Romans to decay, & most men become Musicians. These wallowed in wantonness, and their subjects followed in wickedness. Ptolomeie was studious, and preferred the virtues of the mind before the vanities of the world. But what came thereof? His subiestes the Egyptians proved the most profound in the liberal sciences. If Englishmen at this day, be not only famous for all good learning, but zealous in deed in good religion, what marvel? Our noble prince is both well learned in human literature, and well lived through divine scripture. She doth embrace all godliness, & her people through her example increase in holiness. Of whose most excellent virtues, notwithstanding the body of her whole realm do savour, and aswell town as city: country as university are bettered by them: yet doth her majesties most noble Court more shine through them, than any part of her kingdom. As may witness her so grave, so godly counsellors, her so prudent, so vigilant officers, her so faithful, so trusty attenders upon her person. Among whom as your worship is not least gracious in her princely favour: so are you not least glorious in the sight of the multitude. For how can it be, but he must needs delight a faithful people, which so doth like a famous prince? The loadstone by nature draws Iron unto it. All good qualities by nature win the hearts of the multitude. But that loadstone hath greatest virtue, which hath the silver colour. But those qualities adorned with the goods of nature and fortune, get most good will. The diamond though placed in Iron is of great value. Virtue though in the mind of basest for condition, is very commendable. But nothing doth so set out the Diamond, as doth the Gold. But virtue is then most wondered at, when it is in him, which for authority is of power, and for desert, in favour with the best. Worthy sir, what your happy estate hath wrought in other's no hard thing it is to conjecture, what it doth in me, by this my dedication it may be gathered, For were it not I perceived an especial excellency in your worship (which deserveth an especial fame) more than in many, I could not, leau●●g all, reserve the patronage of midst fruits of study (by an especial prerogative) to you alone. The work I confess to be far unworthy, so worthy a patron: notwithstanding (because, those things (be they of nature never so simple, for value never so contemptible) are of countrymen well sought for, which are of courtiers well accepted: and of inferiors well bought, which are of superiors well esteemed) I thought it best humbly to offer the same unto him, which is in court of such authority, as in country he can do much, & every where of such countenance, as no where that will be misliked, which is any thing liked of his wisdom. Receive than I beseech you in good part this rude Anatomy at his hands, who wisheth unto your worship as much access of promotion in this life, & joys in heaven, as he which is most desirous of your eternal felicity. which if you do, I doubt not, but that will be welcome to others, which is well received of so worthy a man.  
Your Worship's most humble at commoundement, Tho. Rogers.   

❧ josua Hutten to the Book.  
SMall book, unfold the sense of things obscure  
resolve this doubt that in my breast is bred:  
Apollo's bays are thine (deserved sure)  
if thou arigt canst hit the nail on th'hed.  
¶ Upon a Hat black Velvet passing pure,  
with Plumes of white, and those advanced high,  
An Dutch I saw whose glory did allure,  
and captive led the fancy of mine eye.  
In field of green was borne a Diamond,  
of largeness rare, of valour infinite:  
Proportioned just circular and round,  
no earthly thing so perfect clear to sight.  
In midst whereof all Sable did ensue,  
these letters TEN. deep graven there:  
A thousand wings of Gold that ever slew,  
grew on this stone, the same aloft to bear.  
For Crest a Crown of stars I did descry,  
with Labels azure down dependent deep:  
This, this hath made such conquest of mine eye,  
that all my powers it do●th for Captives keep.  
By day in trance my thoughts are set thereon,  
by night my dreams the like effect do bring:  
In company, or otherwise alone,  
my busied head still runs upon this thing.  
Wherefore (good Book) the sense hereof display,  
the meaning of this mystery make pla●●:  
Unbind this knot, and take this Veil away,  
that thou thy praise, and I my rest may gain.  
¶ This Diamond what doth it signify?  

●ooke.  ¶ The mind the most renowned part of man  

H.  ¶ Why is it round? B. Because it cannot die  
whom force, nor fire, nor time diminish can.  

H.  ¶ Why hath it wings? B. For that in moment's space  
it sounds the depth, it travels Sea and land:  
It mounts to heaven even to the highest place,  
and down again with turning of the hand.  

H  ¶ Why is it so incomparable clear?  
¶ That serves to show the pureness of the state:  

●ooke.  Wherein it did once Angelic appear:  
when as the Lord at first did it created.  

H.  ¶ Those letters what? B. Consider how they sound  
TEN is the word a certain number set  
For number numberless of things there found,  
which long ago there purchased place did get.  
For first the mind before old Adam's fall,  
from Preturbations all, was perfect free:  
But after, Motions and affections all,  
and passions came, which now there dwelling be  

H.  ¶ Why is it set in field of grassy green?  

Book.  ¶ ●ll flesh is grass the Prophet doth us tell:  
The pomp thereof like flowers that fading been,  
such is man's body where the mind doth dwell.  

I.H.  ¶ T●e Crest & Labels, tell me what they show?  

B.  ¶ The just reward that never shall decay:  
That faithful minds which justly live below,  
shall gain above, by Christ at latter day.  

J.H.  ¶ I have enough, at window opened wide  
I see the Sun, that earth was under Cloud:  
By Th'ouch I saw, I see was signified  
the subject, that doth in thy letter shroud.  
The mind of man, who see puissant dignity,  
as in a Glass in thee is plainly taught:  
Each vain searched out, each secret ransacked nigh,  
no power, nor poare, no Arterye unsought.  
Which as I hear, thou dost by example show,  
more than by proof, wherein thou dost right well  
For labour lost it were to prove (we know)  
those things to be, which are, as all can tell.  
¶ But give me leave, me thinks a whistling wind  
from Pythian Caves, of Delphos Temple blown  
Upon me lights, which hath inspired my mind,  
and abled me to make like matter known.  
This Ouche I saw, I said that it was set,  
upon a Hat black Velvet passing brave:  
Whose plumes of white, with winds & blustringes great  
in flaunting wise still to & fro did wave.  
These things (dear book) as 'twere with finger's sign  
do point at him, to whom thou oughtest of right  
Thyself to yield, and all things else of thine,  
with bending knee prostrated to behight.  
¶ The Hat, it is the ornament of th'hed  
the Head may note the sovereign royal ●race:  
Make choice of him that stands the state ●●●sted,  
whom Prince regards & Nobles all embrace.  
By Sable hue, his person sage descry,  
The plumes, that winds so raised in ruffling sort:  
His virtues note, and rare integrity,  
blown forth by blast of all men's just report.  
¶ And though in Court there be about her grace  
full many such (wise, faithful, grave) as he:  
And such, to whom himself to give the place,  
of lowly mind still ready seems to be:  
Yet one, for all, this gorgeous Ouch to were,  
doth best deserve, one Hat of haughty height  
TEN hits his name. Let worthy Hatten bear.  
thy reaped Crop to barn of his delight.  
¶ Thus shall thy Ship ride safe at road in bay,  
thus shalt thou shroud thyself from Momus spite  
My life for thine, I Hutten, dare to say:  
that worthy Hatten deigns thy deed a right,  
Whom GOD preserve.   

justiniani Baldwini, carmen ad Lectorem.  
utile qui dulci, qui dulcia miscet honestis  
Exornans triplici commoditate librum  
Omne tulit punctum, meruit laudabile nomen,  
Et grates, semper quas habuêre boni.  
Haec tria Rogerius libro benè iunxit in isto  
Hunc igitur laud●m quis meruisse neget?  
Nam si turbatos animi componere motus  
utile sit, quò Mens cum ratione regat:  
Si jucunda solent animum mulcere legentis:  
Historijs si quae scripta referta placent:  
Clarorum liber hic dictis, factisque repletus,  
Omne docet vehemens extenuare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
jam Mens cùm nullo fuerit malè concita motu,  
Virtutum studijs inficienda manet.  
Nam quantô nostrum superat Mens aurea corpus:  
Hòc Mentis cura, et maior habendus honos.  
Istius ergò libri pars ultima tractat Honestum:  
Isthaec virtutis continet omne genus.  
ut vitium fugias▪ & quae sunt r●cta sequare▪  
Hîc multa exempla, & dicta diserta docent.  
Cùm fugit, & subitò fugit illecebrosa voluptas:  
Atque nim● periunt, quae placuêre, citò:  
Cùm senio vires, et morbis gratia Formae:  
Casibus et varijs diripiuntur opes:  
Sola manet virtus, virtus faelicitat una  
Et Senij●et Mortis n●scia, sola manet.  
Haec docet, ac ist●s multò maiora libellus.  
Est pretiosa, licèt paruula gemma, liber.  
A te nunc Author, solùm (doctissime Lector)  
Digna petit, tanto verba labore. Vale.   

¶ Abraham Fowlers needless Haedera.  
TO hang an heap of ivy boughs,  
where boots or needs none such,  
Is but a toy to serve the time,  
and yet we use it much.  
For good endeavours gain the goal,  
and practice proves it true,  
That honest pains do purchase praise,  
and labours win their lewe.  
Then Rogers reap thy just reward,  
that dainedst to devise,  
An happy work which must of force,  
the learned sort suffice.  
Who● golden pen hath put in proof,  
no urine conceits of love,  
Ne passion's strange which in such sort,  
the ●oting mind may move:  
But how to rule the rains of wrath,  
to conquer furies kind,  
As all things else (in moral phrase)  
that may molest the mind.  
For every grief that gripes the soul,  
a sovereign help in store:  
The wound, the weal: the cause, the cure:  
a salve for every sore.  
Thrice happy toil for him which took,  
the pains in penning thee,  
And for that worthy gentle wight,  
which must thy patron be.  
Let envy glut his gorge with grief,  
and rancour rage's his fill,  
Yet Momus must to cunning couch,  
and scorners yield to skill.  
The wise that read these fruitful lines,  
where lucky bliss doth lurk,  
Will wish with me, God guide his head,  
that framed so fair a work.   

¶ Epigramma Guil. Camd. in Anatomiam a Tho. Rogerio, elaboratam.  
Cui pater est nullus, quem Nox ten●brosa sinistro  
Progenuit foetu, deridèns omnia Momus,  
Incessit superos varijs, vanisque querelis,  
Quòd clathris hominum pectus non prostet apertum  
Cerneretit motus animi, mentisque recessus.  
Nuper at hunc rel●gens intento lumine librum,  
Substitit, ac imo referens suspiria, dixit.  
Quod querar, heu, nihil est, mihi iam mens tota patescit.  
Anfractus animi varios, mentisque labores  
Rog●rius doctè reserat, vel judice Momo.  
Vesalio cordis rimati fama redundat  
Rogerio mentis reseratae gloria cedet.  
Sic ait ingeminans, tristis, maerensque recedit.   

❧ The Preface to the friendly Reader.  
Among those (gentle Reader) whose endeavour is to profit in knowledge, (and there is none either of nature so wild, or for behaviour so wicked, but in their kind, (as it is for a hound natural to smell, and for a bird to fly) are desirous to learn, and be cunning in somewhat) they are of all most to be praised, whose chiefest, though not only, care is to know themselves. For if the ethics (because they prescribe good rules for the framing of manners, expel vices, advance virtue) excel other parts of Philosophy, and be chiefly commended: then must those men of necessity be deemed the best, who addict themselves rather to the knowing of their own nature, then natural things: and are more studious how to be glorious for good living, then desirous to be famous for great learning. And that was it which Apollo said: For being demanded who was the wisest man in his time, answered, that not that as learned, as famous hypocritical Hypocrates, but Socrates: one which laboured no● for popular praise, nor for unprofitable profoundness, but his care was to know himself, and therefore pronounced the wisest of the God of wisdom. The ancient Grecians made much of those of the sect of Socrates, but banished out of their country Poets and Orators: for they knew very well that these pricked unto wickedness oftentimes, the other did always adhort the Grecians to the knowing of themselves. Furthermore, it was the counsel of the same Apollo, that every man should know himself. Not for that other knowledge is unnecessary, but because without this it is mere vanity. For what a dangerous thing is it with that wise man Thales the Astronomer, earnestly to behold the stars, and not to care for that under our feet? besides what a ridiculous? What a foolish thing is it with Thraso the warrior to put men in a●aie, and be afraid to fight? besides how vain glorious? How unseemly is it with Aristippus the Philosopher, to profess wisdom, and to be a flatterer? besides how pernicious? What a madness is it with Gorgias the Orator, publicly abroad to praise amity, and privately at home to practise enmity? ●●●ides how odious? And that is to speakable thing, to think another, to talk wisely, to walk wickedly, what great inconstancy? what greater vanity? And therefore better were it to be ignorant of all things, then of ourselves. Know thyself, and thou shalt not offend: forget thyself, and what wilt thou not do? Neither reason from wickedness, nor religion from ungraciousness can hold thee back. Art thou an Aristides for uprightness? forget thyself, and what art thou but an Actaeon for covetousness? A Lucretia for chastity? forget thyself, and thou shalt be a Messalina for incontinency. A Caesar for clemency? forget thyself, and thou art a Nero for cruelty. An Aemylius for abstinency? forget thyself, and thou art a Verres for intemperancy. A Numa for religion? forget thyself, and thou shalt be a Pherecydes for atheism. At one word art thou a man? forget thyself, and what art thou but a beast? And such a beast, as surpasseth all beasts in beastliness. What so unreasonable as Alexander, when he was ashamed of his father Philip, and would be called the son of jupiter? what so savage as Xerxes, which appointed a great reward unto him, which invented a new pleasure never heard of before? what so cruel as Laodice, which to live in adultery, murdered h●r own sons? And certain it is that all ambitious Alexanders, and voluptuous Xerxes, and adulterous Laodices, that is, all such which forgetting themselves, thirst after that which is unlawful, are more to be abhorred for their poisoned behaviour, than any viper, and shunned for their devilish conversation, than any monster in the world. It was not for nought then that Philip that most famous king of the Macedonians so carefully willed his page every morning at his chamber door to cry, Philip remember thou art a man: and repeated these words with a most loud voice three times, Remember Philip thou art a man. Neither without great consideration have most grave, and wise Philosophers in fore time, so often repeated this of Apollo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Know thyself. Which notwithstanding, that Cicero in his Tusculan questions, deemeth to be spoken not of the knowledge of our external members, but internal motions, must of necessity be referred aswell to the knowledge of our bodily shape, as the state of our minds. And though we can not with Socrates, discern a wise man from an idiot, but only by his talk, yet may ●e know a man from a beast by other properties. And yet shall not that be a man which hath a body senseless: or if it have sense, reasonless: nor if it have reason, and is boddilesse, but a composition of these makes him. Hereof is man called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a little world: because that with every thing created of God, he hath some affinity. By which it is evident that he which thoroughly would know himself, must aswell know his body, as his mind. The body to put him in mind, of his slavery: the mind of his sovereignty. The body of his misery, the mind of his felicity. The body of his mortality, the mind of his eternity. For by the one we participate the nature of beasts, by the other of Angels. By the one we are for a time, by the other we continued for ever. By the one we die, by the other we live. Such as they are, such are their goods. For the goods of the body lasteth not, but leaveth us: the goods of the mind more increase in us, the more we esteem of them, and the elder we grow, the more they prospero. For beauty, strength, health, and other gifts of the body, either by time do vanish, or perish by sickness: but wisdom and other goods of the mind increase continually, and with the mind remain immortal. Again the goods of the mind, be the evils of the body, and the evils of the mind, are the goods of the body. For what is more hurtful to our minds then is riches, good cheer, and life? and what is more grateful to the body, for by them it continueth? what is more profitable to the body, then to be well nourished? and what is more pernicious to the mind, for thereby it is kept in servitude? Such as they are by nature, such are their friends. For the lovers of their bodies, are the haters of their minds: and they which love their souls, hate them which are in the flesh. Then is it meet that we know our bodies what they are, what their goods, and what are their friends, lest through ignorance we prefer frail things, before eternal: vain things, before profitable: and vicious fellows, before virtuous men. Of which knowledge these may suffice, and the rather because the manifold calamities which daily we do, and continually may feel, are to bring into remembrance the bodies misery.  
But the better to know the other part of us, which is our mind: I did once for my profit ●n the University. draw into Latin tables, which since for thy profit (christian Reader) at the request of a gentleman of good credit and worship, I have Englished, and published in these two books. The former of which is of Perturbations (and discourseth of that part of the mind of man which is void of reason) The latter of Moral virtues (so called because it is of that part of the mind, which is endued with reason). In consideration whereof, I have named the whole, the Anatomy of the mind, because the mind in them is divided, and every part of either of them sufficiently manifested, and illustrated with many examples of Heathen men, to the bettering I hope of dissembling Christians, which (if not by wholesome sermons of godly men, yet) by notable examples of others (destitute of those gifts and graces which we are adorned with all) may know themselves, be ashamed of their ungratefulness, embrace virtue, and increase in godliness. In the doing of which, if I have not discharged my duty, according to thy expectation, pardon me, I beseech thee, and accept this howsoever it be at this time in good part: hereafter (if God so please, and grant me life and leisure) it may be published both in sweeter phrase to delight, and in better method to profit. Valeas.   

❧ Of the Perturbations in general.  

Chap. 1.  
minding to discourse of the affections, or perturbations in man, necessary it is some what briefly to speak of them in general, according to the strange opinions of two sects of Philosophers, namely, the stoics, and Peripatetions, and the rather because they have been the Fathers and protectors of Philosophy. Which as they were of two sects in general points of human wisdom, so are they of two sorts, concerning the motions of the mind. 
stoics.  For the stoics will not permit a man to be moved any whit, for any thing: the Peripatetions contrariwise, 
Peripatetions.  think it meet that a man should be moved, and being passioned, he should keep himself within the bounds of modesty. Either opinion in respect of other, strange, and yet neither true. The stoics too severe, 
Lactantius de vero cultu. Cap. 15  or better preci●e▪ the Peripatetions in this point too prodigal. For (as termeth them Lactantius) furious and mad are the stoics, which are so far from tempering them, that they would cut of, and as it were geld men of those things which are grafted and planted in them by nature. Which what other thing is it, then from Hearts fear: from Snake's poison: fierceness from wild Beasts, from tame quietness to take away? for look what particular and special things are given to wild Beasts, those are to be found in one man altogether. And if true it be which Physicians affirm, that cheerfulness hath abiding in the Spleen, anger in the Gaul, lust in the liver, and fear in the heart, than easier is it to slay▪ then to pluck any thing out of the body, that is to altar the naturel & disposition of man.  
But these wise men perceive not that when they take vices out of man, they take virtue also, which only they would, should have the rule and government of him. For if it be the part or property of virtue, in the midst of anger to bridle & suppress that unruly affection (which they can not deny) then must he needs be without virtue, which is without anger: and if is be virtue to contain the insatiable desire of the flesh within his bounds, then must he needs lack virtue, which is without the lust which he should assuage: & again if it be a part of virtue to bridle the desire from coveting that which is another man's, then can he have no virtue which hath not that in the suppressing of which the use and office of virtue consisteth. And therefore except there be passions and perturbations in man, there is no place for virtue. Even as there is no victory, where as there is no adversary. And therefore how precise in their opinion the stoics have been, it may easily appear. Now the Perip. say that a man should be affectioned, but yet modicè meanly, and in his passions keep a measure: As though that then he should fall into none offence. But, as he offendeth aswell which goeth softly, as he which runneth, if they both wander and be out of the way: even so is he aswell to be reprehended, which is subject to perturbations, though it be but in measure, as he which immoderately doth serve them, if both be unlawful. For as directly to walk is good, and to go astray dangerous: so to be moved with affections to a good purpose is commendable, but to an ill end and purpose altogether damnable. For a more illustration, the burning desire of the flesh, though it be without measure, as long as it is in lawful Marriage, is without blame: but if it once desire another man's wife, though it be not in such burning, and vehement wise is a most horrible crime. And therefore to be angry, to covet, to lust, is no offence, but to be an angry, a covetous, and a lecherous man, deserveth great reproach. For he which is an angry man, is moved, when he should not: and he which is covetous, desireth which he aught not: and the lecherous hunteth after that which is unlawful. So that neither can we say with the stoics, that a man aught not, neither with the Peripatetions, that one should somewhat sharply without any respect serve his affections: when as necessary it is that perturbations should reign for the illustration of virtue, and to have them but a little, if it be not in respect of virtue, and to a good intent is much to be reprehended. And therefore as that water which is always standing, and never runneth, must needs be noisome and infectious: so that man, which is never moved in mind, can never be either good to himself, or profitable to others. But have them we must, and use them we may (and that abundantly) in honest wise. And therefore the end of our affections, make them either good, and so to be commended: or bad, & therefore to be dispraised. And thus briefly of the perturbations in general, and of the use of them.   

¶ What are Perturbations. Chap. 2.  
WE may define perturbations according to Zenons' opinion, 
Perturbation.  to be contritions of the mind, contrary to reason. Or as the ancient Academikes say: They are affections of the mind, not obeying unto the rule of reason. Or unreasonable, or contrary to nature, motions of the mind. Or they are desires too much abounding in man. They are in number four, and may be divided into two sorts, either in respect or opinion of Good, or Evil. To the opinion of Good, are ascribed Pleasure, and Lust: under the opinion of Evil, are comprehended Fear, and Sorrow.   

¶ Of Pleasure, and her parts. Chap. 3.  

Pleasure.  PLeasure, as in his books of Tusculane questions, Cicero saith, is a jesting joyfulness, a joyfulness showed forth, and expressed by the gesture of the body. Which translation or Metaphor is taken from brute Beasts, whose property is not by words, but by signs, and skypping to signify their meaning. By which it may be gathered, that this perturbation belongeth not unto a reasonable creature, or unto one of a confirmed judgement, but rather unto Beasts, Children or light persons, which when they have obtained any good thing, can no otherwise signify their delight and joyfulness, except either immoderately they laugh, or unreasonably leap for joy. This pleasure the stoics affirm to be an unreasonable puffing up of the mind, supposing itself to enjoy some great good thing.  
Cicero in his second book De finibus sayeth, 
Cicero de finibus, lib. 2 Au. Gelius.  Pleasure is a certain pleasant moving in the sense. Aulus Gelius saith, it is a certain exultation, or an exc●eding rejoicing, sprung of the events of things desired. This Pleasure Aristotle makes of two sorts: one to come of honest and good things, the other of dishonest: and according to these two sorts, it hath two appellations given to it by the Latins. For in respect of honest things, it is called Voluntas, 
Voluntas. Voluptas. Volupe. Volupia.  but in respect of dishonest Voluptas. And it is named Voluptas of one Volupe, or Volupia, which was Chamber maid to that virtuous Gentlewoman, or patroness of pleasure Venus▪ So that the Latins seem to take this pleasure, 
Venus.  in the worse part, but the greeks indifferently: for they say it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose derivation is from sweetness or pleasauntesse. But to leave the name, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  and come to the nature. Cicero will not have a wise man to be puffed with this pleasure: and Plato saith it is the food of filthiness, for it dulleth the wit, weakeneth the judgement▪ and taketh away understanding. This pleasure is well-beloved, and hath many companions, especially, Ilwyl, Delectation, Oblectation, Insultation, Boasting, Prodigality, and Ambition.   

¶ Of Ilwyll. Chap. 4.  

Ilwyll.  ILwyll is that which never speaks well, neither can take any pleasure at the prosperity of any man, but her own. And those which are affected with this quality, as they hate all men, so are they loved of none: and as they can take no delight at any's welfare: so for their crooked and overthwart dealing, none taketh pleasure in them. One may easily know them, for they are in looks grim, in talk snappish, in behaviour uncivil, and in opinion perverse. Such were doggish Diogenes, 
Diogenes. Heraclitus. Timon Atheniensis.  Heraclitus, and Timon of Athens uncivil persons: and for their strange manners, termed haters of men.  
It is reported of Photion the Athenian, 
Photion.  that he would in nothing fulfil the request of the people, and therefore was he hated worse than a Toad. And Cicero sharply reprehendeth Cato, for that he was in opinion so obstinate, that he would in no case agree to any thing which was decreed by the people. To be brief, all tyrants which rather seek to be feared, then loved, are such kind of men. And therefore is it a token of an abject and servile man, at another man's prosperity to be grieved: or to rejoice at the hurt of any man, espetiallye because the common state of mankind is such, as none hath assurance of perpetual felicity. For he which is this day in authority, to morrow may be displaced: and it is said that Fortune is like glass, which then may easily be broke, when it shineth most.   

¶ Of Delectation. Chap. 5.  
Now followeth Delectation, 
Delectation  which by the sense of hearing creeps into the mind, and filleth the same with much delight. The stoics say, that Delectation is a pleasure which infecteth the mind by a certain sweetness conceived by the ear. The fame is given to man to good purpose, and profitably (were it not he abused it) as by which we may recreate the mind, and bear the incommodities of this life, and the better go about our business. For by this we expel cares, and after a sort feel no pains in the things we take in hand. For certainly, the state of us is such, as except some recreation, we had cares would overcome us. But to leave men, which with singing, rhythms, & other instruments of Music are marvelously delighted: are not the very Birds by a consent & sweet variety of voices, are as it were nourished, & man by their melody greatly delighted? Hath not our most bountiful God in divine sort, & miraculously endued them with a perfect, & super excellent harmoni●? who is he which heareth the sweet melody of the Nightingale, 
Nightingale.  & is not strooken with admiration? especially▪ when he shall consider how pleasant a voice is in so small a body? what an artificial sound in a natural, & brute creature? and the same uttered not s●rekingly, but in number and good harmony. So that the most learned in old time, have thought that this bird hath not only the art of Music by nature perfectly, but also by discipline & practice to attain to the perfect habit thereof diligently: and hereof it cometh, the some say, the old teach the young, & that their singing most effectually telleth & prognosticateth things to come. It is reported that in Stesechorus mouth, 
Stesechorus  being then a child, & in his swaddling clouts, a Nightingale sang sweetly, which those who professed the knowledge of interpreting the singing of Birds, said: did signify that, that child Stesechorus should prove a rare and excellent Poet, and so he did. But to leave the illustration of this matter by examples, especially the thing being so plain, this part of pleasure, delectation, is a good thing, and may be used to the profit, and commodity of man, if it be referred to those ends above mentioned, that is, to our recreation, when cares trouble us, to 'cause us to bear discommodities of this life patiently, and cheerfully to go about our business.   

¶ Of Oblectation. Cap. 6.  
A Familiar companion of Delectation, 
Oblectation.  is Oblectation: and therefore because they have great affinity, they shall immediately one follow the other. It may seem by sound, to be almost one with Delectation: but as in sound they have a difference, so in sense they are divers, and one more general than the other. For (as it is above said) Delectation in the pleasure of the ear consisteth, but Oblectation stretcheth farther, and many ways pleasureth a man. The stoics say, that Oblectation is a certain bending, or inclination of the mind, to a pleasure gently and sweetly mollifying the mind. This Oblectation, except it be carefully restrained by the reins of reason, it so overcometh a man, that it makes him effeminate, and so spoileth him of discretion, that his only care and study is how to fill himself with pleasure, which is his chief felicity. 
Scythians. Sardanapalus.  With this vice the Scythians were so overcome, that in beastliness, they exceeded the brutish kind. With this vice was Sardanapalus so brought into slavery, that he could not be one minute without pleasure, whose poesy was Ede, bibe, lude post mortem nulla voluptas, which may be thus interpreted, 
Eat drink, and pass the time with play,  
For mirth is none, when life is fled away.   
But most shamefully, did certain Kings and Princes of Asia, 
Asian King●  submit themselves to this, more than brutish Oblectation. For their custom was before any Maid of their Dominions could be married: first to have a sight of them, and, if it were their pleasures, to take from them the flower of their Virginity. And the better to be delighted▪ they had so warily enacted, that none durst marry where he fancied, except first he had craved a special warrant from the kings person. It is therefore the duty of every well disposed person, by all means possible, to fly all provocations to this Oblectation: and especially at the beginning to see to himself, for if they once come to a custom, they will easily come to a habit and having got an habit in pleasure, impossible it is almost to put it away and to be endued with virtue.   

¶ Insultation. Chap. 7.  
NExt unto Oblectation, followeth Insultation, 
Insultation.  a fowl affection and unmeet for a reasonable man. This Insultation is an exceeding delight & pleasure taken at the hurts of another, especially as when we overcome our enemies, to laugh them to scorn, & unreasonably to rejoice at the same. In field to be a conqueror is a glorious thing, but miserable captives to have in derision, who will commend? for vanquishing Hector, 
Achilles.  who will not praise Achilles? But in shameless drawing Hector about the walls of Troy, who can but blame Achilles? By overthrow of his enemies Scylla got renown, and for his valiantness who dicsommendes him? 
●ylla.  But when he can not be content with victory, but will take his enemy's bones then buried, & fling them into the Sea, who cries not out of Scylla? So the more shame for their Insultation, than Fame for their victories have they purchased. But contrariwise, so far from insulting have wise & prudent captains been, that some have lamented the death even of their very enemies, and some have loved them for their great valiantness. And therefore julius Caesar, though much reprehended in respect of the civil discord between him & Pompey, 
julius Caesar.  yet is he greatly adorned with commendations, for severe punishing the most cruel murderers of his capital Pompey. And so Hannibal because of Marcellus, and Alexander in respect of Darius, 
Hannibal.  have got double honour: honour by reason of valiantness, and honour because of gentleness: one by sending the dead corpse of Darius richly adorned with the robes of Alexander to the Queen of Darius: the other by causing the relics of Marcellus to be put in a vessel of Silver, 
Alexander.  with a Crown of gold on the same, and for a token of good will to be sent to the son of Marcellus. So that as much honour for their clemency, as glory for their victory they have achieved. And therefore as one is not only to be desired, but also carefully to be sought for: so the other is so far from being cared for, that all men aught to hate Insulter's. And thus much for Insultation. Now let us orderly proceed, and speak somewhat of bragger's and boasting.   

¶ Of Boasting. Chap. 8.  
Much like unto Insultation is vain Boasting, and it is according to the mind of Cicero, 
Boasting.  a jesting joyfulness, exalting itself insolently. Which affection is much to be reprehended in all, but then is it most odious, when as wise men are defiled with the same. For it maketh them not only with pride to be puffed, but also ridiculous, and to be derided of all men. And such may be compared unto that vain Soldier in Terence, 
●iles gloriosus.  who by immoderate praising himself, is a good vice to make wise men sport. Even as the shadow doth follow the body, so should Fame follow good deeds, 
Fame.  it aught not to be hunted after. He which hath worthily brought any thing to pass, should look for commendations by others, but himself aught not to seek it. And to say the truth, every good man is content, and taketh delight in his own conscience, his praise by others if he do hear, it inflameth him not, if he heareth not, he careth not. But what shall I say? I see the notablest men defiled with this fowl affection. And of all sorts some are boasters. Of Poets and Orators Cicero reporteth that he knew many, 
Orators▪ Poets.  both Poets and Orators, and yet he never knew any which thought another better than himself.  
Zeuxis that notable Painter, when he had finished the Picture of Atalanta, 
Zeuxis. Atlantaes picture.  being strooken with admiration of his own work, broke into these words, & writ the same under the Table: I warrant any Painter will sooner envy then imitate my doing. O foolish Zeuxis, who heareth these thy words & doth not condemn thee of foolishness? Pompeius' the son of Pompey the great, having on the Seas put to flight his enemies would needs for that exploit of his, be called not, 
Pompeius.  the son of Pompey, but the son of Neptume. And this worketh boasting, it makes us not only to forget ourselves, and the cause of our well doing, which is God indeed, but also to be ashamed even of our own Parents, than which what can be more impiety?   

¶ Of Prodigality. Chap. 9  
PRodigality is next, another notable part of Pleasure. The stoics call the same a dissolution or a too much losing of virtue. 
Prodigality.  A Prodigal man's property is to covet other men's goods, and not to care for his own: to spend lustily, and to far deliciously: so he hath, he cares not how he gets it, and so he spends he cares not, how, when, or who consumes it. Nothing can make him thrifty, not not admonition of friends: nothing can make him keep a measure, not, neither fear of poverty, nor fear of punishment. This Prodigality the Athenians said was a token of him which desired to reign like a Tyrant. And therefore Aristophanes the Poet, in the presence of the people, 
Aristophanes.  exclaimed & said, that it was not meet a Lion should be nourished in a common weal, for if he should, men must serve to satisfy his appetite. The Poets call dissolute and prodigal men lose & ungirdled, which is taken from Venus' girdle, 
Venus,  which being once loased, she alureth unto wicked concupiscence whom she listeth. Homer writeth that by the loasenesse of this girdle, jupiter was inflamed with desire of his own sister juno. 
jupiter.  And hereof it cometh, that all such as do unlawfully desire copulation with any joined to them by alliance, are called Incests, as it were, lose & without girdle. For Cestos in Greek is a girdle, 
Cestos. Incests.  and Jncestus without a girdle. There are which call this Prodigality, luxuriousness, & men affected with the same Luxuriousness: 
luxuriousness.  even as we call bones & members put out of their place, loasened, so are they called Luxurious, in which there is no place either for reason or virtue. And therefore nothing is more unmeet for a man then Prodigality, which makes him careless in all his enterprises: whereof he is termed lose and dissolute. With this vice especially have been noted Elpinor a fellow & companion of Ulysses, 
Elpinor.  whom the Poets feign, because of his beastly behaviour, to have lived among Swine and Hogs: and whose end was lamentable by falling from a ladder, as the end of all prodigal persons, for the most part is strange and wicked:  
And one Fabius, which because of his great expenses, 
Fabius' ●urges. Apicious.  was named Fabius Gurges: And so was Apicius, who after he had by banqueting and good cheer, spent his whole patrimony, at length because he would not lead a poor and miserable life, took a halter and hung himself.   

¶ Of Ambition. Chap. 10.  

Ambition.  THat which occupieth the last place among the parts of pleasure, is Ambition: which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a love and care of promotion. And they say, it is an unmeasurable desire of glory: or an opinion most vehement, and infixed in the mind, as though it were greatly to be wished for. This Ambition the Poet Euripides crieth out of, as the most dangerous thing in a common weal. To which Cornelius Tacitus agreeth, and showeth the cause and ends of Ambition after this manner. The desire of principality hath been of long time in the minds of men: it than broke out and increased, when Princes began to enlarge their dominions. For when authority was but small, equality was accounted of: but when they began to conquer kingdoms, to subject the whole world, when they envied the felicity of common weals, and desired the eversion & overthrow of all: then even among themselves (meaning the romans) began this Ambition also, sometime the people against the Senators contended, some time troublesome Tribunes, would bear the sway, by and by the Consuls, after them sprang C. Marius, and tyrannical Sylla, 
C. Marius. Sylla.  which would altar the whole state of Rome, and reign at their pleasure: after them came Pompey & Caesar, 
Caesar, Pompey.  who could not abide to be in subjection to any: for it is written, that one (Pompey) could abide no equal, and the other (Caesar) would suffer no superior: Both (as Tully writing to his friend Atticus, saith) did seek not the profiting & commodity of their country, but their private commodity. And therefore true is the saying of Themistocles (touching himself and Aristides, 
Themistocles. Aristides.  who envied each other to the death, and would rule without controlment) except he (speaking to the Athenians) except ye cast me and Aristides out of your City, into the bottom of the Sea, ye shall never have a quiet Athens. And so truly it may be said, except ambition's persons be cut from every common weal, impossible it is to be without civil & continual discord. This ambition Theophrastus amongst men doth detest, 
Theophrastus.  as a shameful thing, but in young men, and those which apply themselves to the study of good learning, he greatly commendeth, and supposeth to be a notable occasion that they may the more courageously give themselves to study, and the better profit in the same: and in them it is called Emulation. 
Emulation.    

¶ Of Lust. Chap. 11.  
WE have spoken already of Pleasure, 
Lust what.  & her companions, now will we likewise declare what Lust is, and who are in subjection under her. It is defined to be either a desire raised against reason: or a wild and unbridled appetite, which, in whomsoever it reigns so killeth all good motions, that virtue can have no place in the mind of him. It is a wild and unruly colt, & needeth a skilful rider: else will it break other men's hedges, and spoil good & virtuous plants: it will make a man to have neither care of his own good name, nor consideration of the shame which his posterity shall have by his wicked living. Diogenes said, that this Lust was the tower of mischief. 
The tower of mischief.  And very well may it so be called, for it hath in it many shameless defenders, as Neediness, Anger, Wrath, Paleness, Hatred, Discord, Love, & Longing, all jolly fellows, and of great experience, whose skylfulnes and power shallbe declared in order.   

¶ Of Needynes. Chap. 12.  
NEedynesse is called of the stoics, 
neediness, what.  an insatiable coveting, or a desire without all measure immoderate. And then it appeareth, when as we, having enjoyed our desire, seem to be nothing the better for it. And it is termed of Plato Covetousness. The Stoics write, that this neediness cometh not of great penury, but of great abundance. For he which possesseth much, needeth much. And therefore, where little is, little is the care, and little aught for to be coveted.  
The elder Cato was wont to say, that he stood in need of many things, 
Cato signior  and yet he coveted nothing. And said he, if there is, which I may use, I use it, if not, I am he which can use and enjoy myself lawfully. M●n object unto me, that I need many things, and I tell them that they know not how to lack. And notable is that sentence: Covetousness is the desire, 
Covetousness.  and study to get money, which no wise man ever hath wished, for that (as it were infected with a contagious poison) doth effeminate both body & soul of man: it is never minished, neither with lack, nor with abundance: and it lacketh aswell those things which it enjoyeth, as which it wanteth. M. Cato, in his Oration which he made for the reformation of manners: 
M. Cato.  said, that Prodigality and Covetousness were the two plagues which overthrew great and famous kingdoms. This Perturbation of the mind, doth not only bring Princes into contempt with the people, but also causeth a speedy revenge.  
Plato's counsel is very good which saith, 
A rich man truly termed.  that he which would be counted rich, aught not to heap much money together, but rather to quiet and keep under his desire. For impossible it is but he should be always poor, which hath no end of coveting. And therefore is Covetousness well compared to the dropsy: and covetous men, 
Covetousness like the 〈…〉 and like that 〈◊〉 Dypsus.  to those which are infected therewith. For as those which have the dropsy, do thirst the more, the more they drink: even so covetous men, the more they prossesse, 
The effects of Poverty & Plenty.  the more they would. And as those which are bitten by a certain Viper named Dypsas, do unreasonably thirst, and by how much they drink, by so much are from easing their pain: even so those which are bitten with this Viper covetousness, are always thirsty, & the more they possess, the more their disease increaseth. Plato in his third book De Repub. would have both plenty and poverty to be banished out of his common weal, the one because it causeth Pleasure, Idleness, and Ambition: the other because it maketh abjects, seditious, and men given to all filthy lucre. Therefore will we here conclude and say with Solon, that riches aught to be gotten, but yet after honest means, not covetously, that is by wicked arts. Malè parta, malè dilabuntur, Ill gotten goods, are ill spent, saith Tully.   

¶ Of Anger, Wrath, Paleness, Hatred, and Discord. Cap. 13.  
ANger is defined after two sorts, either according to her nature, 
Anger what  or according to her effect. Those which expound the nature of it say, it is a heat of blood, and inflaming of the same, even to the innermost part of man. According to the effect it is thus defined: Anger is a lust or desire to punish, or to be revenged on him, which seemeth to have hurt us. 
Wrath, what.  Wrath is a desire to be revenged, seeking a time or opportunity for the same. The one of these consisteth in habit and disposition, the other in deed and effect. Lactantius saith, 
Lact. lib. de vero cultu.  that the anger of Superiors towards their inferiors, that is, of Magistrates towards wicked violatours of the law, is good and profitable for a common weal, but when inferior persons are moved with the same one against another, then is it both dangerous and damnable: dangerous because that if they should be resisted, it must needs follow that some be hurt or slain, from whence riseth part taking, dissension, and war: and damnable, because it is against the commandment of God, who willeth us to be in love and charity with all men. Great care have wise men had for the subduing of this affection. 
Clinias. Theodosius  Clinias by playing on the Harp, and Theodosius by reciting the alphabet, did forget their anger. Cicero's counsel deserveth to be remembered, which is: 
Cicero's ad Q. Fratrem.  I do not here contend, that as at all time, so especially in this our age it is a hard thing to altar the mind, and suddenly to pluck away that which by custom is come to an habit: but this I admonish you, that if you can not avoid it, that before your mind be occupied with anger, than reason could foresee it should be occupied, you aught so to frame yourself, and daily have this in mind, Anger should be resisted. And when anger most doth move you, than should you most carefully keep the tongue: which thing to do, seemeth to me as great a virtue, as not to be angry at all. For at no time to be angry is not only a great point of gravity, but of gentleness, but for to temper both talk and thought, when you are angry, or else to hold your peace, and to suppress the motion and grief of mind, although it be not of perfect wisdom, yet is it a token of a rare wit: Hitherto Cicero.  
The next and third in order is Paleness, 
Paleness, what.  which is called an anger newly begun, or but newly beginning, and after a little while is quickly gone. A man so affected is soon hot, and soon cold, because reason overcometh the outrageousness of the passion. For if it should persist and continued long, it would easily come to hatred. Which according to the mind of Cicero, is an old grudge: 
Hatred, what.  or as Zeno defineth. It is a certain desire by which we wish ill to some body, that so we may come either to wealth, promotion or profit.  
Here it is not impertinent to distinguish Hatred from Anger: for they may seem to be all one, and to have the same nature: 
Arist. lib. 2● cap. 8. Rhetorx ad Theodecten. The difference between hatred and anger.  but Aristocle doth as notably as learnedly, show the difference between them. For (saith he) Anger springeth from an injury done unto us: but hatred oftentimes is conceived of none occasion. For by and by, as soon as we conceive an ill opinion of any man, at the same time we begin to hate. Again, we are angry with some particular persons, with this man, or that man? but hatred most commonly is against a whole company: as every man that hath the fear of God before his eyes, hateth all droonkardes, thieves, whoremongers, and generally, all wicked men lewdly bend. Again, time can assuage anger, but hatred once rooted, can not be (or very hardly) plucked from the heart. Moreover, he which is angry desireth to bring vexation and grief, to him whom he is offended withal: but he which hateth seeketh to destroy. An angry man will be known: but an hater cares not much for that. The thing which an angry man will do, may be sensibly perceived: but the hurts which a hater doth, can not by sense be known, as injustice, slander, and such like. Besides, grief doth accompany Anger, but Hatred is without grief, and passed all shame. Furthermore Anger is driven away by revenge, but hatred no calamity can put away. To conclude, he which is angry desireth to have him vexed, with whom he is angry, but he which hateth, desireth his death, whom he doth hate.  

Discord, what.  The last is Discord, which Cicero defineth to be an anger conceived even at the very heart by an extreme, and inward hatred. He which laboureth of this disease, as an unprofitable member should be cut from the body of a common weal. For he can agree with none, he can yield to none, but dissenting from all, seeketh by conspiracies, insurrections, poisoning of Princes, the plain eversion and overthrow of all. 
Cice. pro lege Agratia contra Rullun ad populum.  Cicero saith, that Non potestatum dissimilitudo sed animorum disiunctio dissensionem facit: Not the inequality of power▪ but the disjunction of minds, maketh dissension. And Salluste very notably sayeth: That by discord the greatest things come to nought: which agreeth to that fiction of the Poets, who say, that by discord, which is called Allecto, 
Allecto▪  one of the furies of hell, the world, and all things else shall perish. All these affections in this Chapter contained, so depend one of the other, as if they were linked together with a chain. And therefore they aught very warily to be suppressed, lest they bring us into a mad estate. And that the more willingly it may be done, I will declare the effects of one, which in respect of other is not so hurtful, that by the same, the other which can hurt more, may be the better avoided, which is Anger. It is written, & experience proves the same, 
An angry man, a mad man.  that an angry man, when he is in his heat, differeth not from a mad man. Behold his looks, his colour, his gesture, voice, words and behaviour, and no difference shall you find. Examples we see many, and wonder at them. 
Alexander Magnus. Clito.  Alexander in his anger, caused his trusty and most faithful Clito most cruelly to be slain: 
Dionysius. Iracundiae comes poeni●●ntia.  Dionysius the Syracusane, in his rage, killed his best beloved Page, but when the fury was passed, and they came to themselves, they did so repent them, that for very sorrow desperately they would have slain themselves. Periander likewise in his rage, murdered his own wife: 
Periander.  but when with judgement he had considered the fact, he caused the strumpets and concubines which incensed him thereunto, with fire & faggot to be consumed. But what need I to recite these examples? Or why do we so much wonder at tyrants, when as grave men and of great judgement, have been subdued by this furious affection? Between Aeschylus and Sophocles about versefiing, 
Aeschylus & sophocles.  there was sometime no small contention, in which by the sentence & judgement of those which were present Sophocles was preferred. Aeschylus took the same so grievously, that for very anguish of mind, he could neither abide the presence of his friends, nor any body else, but fled presently into Sicilia, where obscurely he lived, and at length by thought died miserably. The like 
Calchas.  is written to have happened to Calchas a soothsayer, at his return from Troy. For coming into trial with Mopsus, 
Mopsus.  one of his profession, and being overcome did so, for very anger, torment himself, that within short time he died of that angry conceit. And had not Plato by learned persuasions altered the mind of Niceratus a young man of good disposition, and excellent in Poetry, 
Niceratus.  he had in such sort dispatched himself. For sometime great emulation there was between this Niceratus and one Antimachus in Poetry, 
Antimachus  and as the custom was openly they celebrated the praise & commendation of Lysander in verses. Now Lysander having hard them both, did much esteem the verses of Antimachus better than the other, although in deed by the sentence of those which had judgement in Poetry, Niceratus had deserved more commendation & preferment. Which sinister sentence of wise Lysander, so grieved him at the very heart, that he was determined to forsake & leave the study of good literature. But Plato by grave counsel turned his mind, and made him of a dissolute, a diligent student in Poetry.   

¶ Of love. Chap. 14.  
THe greatest, and most burning affection is Love. 
Love,  Which may easily be proved both by the authority of Plato, & other men of great countenance. Plato amongst the four kinds of divine furors accounteth Love: 
Furors.  the first he calleth Prophetical, 
Prophetical, mystical. Poetical, Amatoriall,  whose precedent is Apollo: the second is Mystical, whom Bacchus: the third is Poetical, whom the Muses: the last is Amatoriall (if so I may say) whom Venus governeth, by which he would show no other thing, but that loves force is divine & supernatural. Certain of the later Academiks affirm that Love is a divine mystery, given unto man for his conservation and comfort. And they prove the same by the examples of Ariadne's, and Medea. 
Theseus, & Ariadne's. jason, and Medea.  For had not Theseus of Ariadne's, and jason of Medea bene much esteemed, their names at this day had not been remembered, neither had they by victories gotten such renown. Chrysippus is of their opinion, and he saith, that Love is the bond of friendship, neither doth he think it should be dispraised, sith beauty & fairness, are, as it were, the flower of virtue. 
stoics.  The stoics will permit (although other affections they can not abide to see in a wise man) the stoics I say, will permit even a wise man to love, and especially those young men, which with the beauty of the face, have a dexterity of wit: and yet should not so esteem the fairness of the face, as the show of virtue, signified thereby. Which when Cicero considered, he said, 
Cicero.  he did not a little marvel, why at no time men have loved either an old man, that was beautiful, or a young man deformed: but at length, as enforced to descend into their opinion, he said, well, let it be so (as you stoics say) that a wise man may love, I do not gainsay, as long as he may love without care, and sighing. The Peripatetions, when they define friendship, to be an equity of reciprocal, or mutual good will, make three kinds of the same friendship, one they call neyghborhoode, the other hospitality, and the last love.  
The Mistress of this Love is delight, 
The cause of love.  which by the aspect and sight of beauty is taken. For whosoever in viewing and beholding taketh no pleasure, can at no time love in deed.  

How Love cometh to friendship.  When this love is confirmed either by gifts or by study of virtue, then goeth it from a passion, to a perfect habit, and so leaveth the name of Love, and is called Friendship, which neither time nor distance can violate, of which hereafter. Zeno, although he were the Prince and chief of the stoics, which so much praise this affection, and said it was meet and necessary, that young men should be Lovers: yet he sayeth, that love is an unsatiable desire, intruding itself into man by some wonderful beauty. And he saith that this affection never poisoneth wise men, because it is an extreme enemy to virtue, neither will it suffer the affected otherwise to be occupied, then in contemplating of a thing most vain. Whose opinion seemeth to be true: and if we consider of the same rightly, we shall no otherwise but with Zeno confess, that it is a passion unmeet for a wise man, an enemy to good wits. 
The effects of love.  The effectsses of Love are strange, and the very remembraunes and reading of them aught to make love to be odious, and more to be shunned then any other Perturbation, which men are subject unto. For it suffereth the passioned never to be in quiet, but continually tormented. Hark I pray you how a young man, which Plautus bringeth forth in one of his comedies, lamenteth his miserable estate, in bitter sort: I actor, crucior, agitor, stimulor, versor, in amoris rota miser exanimor, feror, distrahor, diripior, ubi non sum, ibi sum, ibi est animus: What more could be said? I am tossed, I am vexed, I am plucked, I am pricke●, I am turned, on loves wheel, ah wretch, I am killed, I am torn, I am stolen, where I am not, there I am▪ there is my heart. Who doth not lament his case? hearken what another saith: 
Ah ego ne possum tales sentire labores?  
Quàm mallem in gelidis montibus esse lapis?   
As though he should say: 
Ah silly soul can I sustain,  
And still these labours bear?  
Nay I for stone on top of hill,  
Would God were placed there.   
Another saith likewise.  
Durius in terris nihil est, quod vivat▪ amante  
Nec modò si sapias, quod minus esse velis,  
Which thus may be interpreted.  
If thou art wise, than nothing less,  
Then love thou wilt desire:  
A harder thing is not then is,  
Of Love the burning fire.  
This Love as it vexeth the mind, so it casteth the body into sickness, we see the same daily confirmed, with infinite examples. But I will recite but one or two. On a time Demetrius, son to Antigonus, 
Demetrius. Antigonus.  being sore sick of this disease, his Father came to visit him, and as he was entering into his chamber, met an harlot of rare beauty, with whose love Demetrius was tormented: then Antigonus being entered, and willed him to be of good cheer, he took him by the arm to feel his pulses. But Demetrius told him that he was somewhat better, for even now the Fever left him. Then the King smile, said, you say true my son, for I met her even now at the chamber door.  
Selencus likewise, King of Syria, 
Selencus.  had a Son, which was cast into a dangerous disease, by a strange Love. For it is reported, that the beauty of his mother in law so inflamed him, as had not his Father pitied him, he had finished his days. For his Father understanding the weakness of his son, the cause of his sickness, and way to restore him to his former health, because he tendered his welfare, joined his wife to his son in marriage, and was content that his Queen, & wife should be a daughter in law unto him. A strange Love, & a rare pity. This Love is the cause of deadly hatred, and can abide no partner in the same.  
It is reported that the cause of the civil dissension between Themistocles, 
Stesilia, Themistocles, Aristides.  & Aristides, was the love of Stesilia that harlot: whose beauty being vanished, (their hatred was such) as never could they be reconciled, and made friends, but exercised capital malice, betw●ene themselves, even to the death. And it is thought that the privy hatred of Cato against Caesar, 
Seruilia, Caesar and Cato.  began about the harlot Seruilia, whom both loved entirely, and continued between them as long as they lived.  
Now what shame Love brings, let us behold. Semiramis, which by her nobleness and virtue, 
Semiramis.  surpassed not only Queens, but all Kings which had been before her time, by this blind affection was so overcome, as her Fame is turned into a perpetual reproach. For being in Love with her own son, and alluring him to commit incest with her, was deservedly spoiled of this life: & for hope of a little vain, & foolish pleasure, lost that which is sweeter than all pleasure. L. Vitellius, likewise being (except for this one fault) a right honest man, 
L. Vitellius.  and of great estimation, by reason of a fond Love which he bore to a maid, so defamed himself, as he was a laughing stock unto his neighbours and acquaintance For he could not be content with enjoying her at his pleasure, but must also openly every day play with her and anoint her brows, and veins most vainly. So that more shame by his fondness, than honour by his innocency he got unto himself.  
The Kings of Assyria, 
Kings of Assiria.  are they not worthily for the love of women condemned of wantonness? for, delighting in the company of women, themselves never answer any Ambassador sent unto them, but by messengers they answer all, they sitting, playing, and dallying with Concubines at their pleasure. So that this blind Cupid not only doth bring unquietness to the mind, and sickness to the body: but also createth hatred among men, and bringeth shame to those which are unmeasurably troubled with the same. And is this all? No forsooth. Ex ducibus tauros saepè Cupido facit: It makes valiant Captains, most vile captives: and those which are subduers of the stoutest, to be in subjection to the most effeminate abjects. It was no small reproach to Hannibal in Salapia, 
Hannibal.  to yield himself into the hands of an harlot, which he loved as his life: that deed of his hath obscured much of his glory, and is a good common place for some to dispraise him. 
Alexander.  Alexander also to his great shame, for the love of the faamous harlot Thais, 
Thais. Persepolis▪  caused that most populous and rich City Persepolis to be burned, and was not only a commander, but also a committer of that shameful fact▪ for he was seen to run about with burning faggots, ready to consume that which was not yet set on fire. A strange thing, that a man of a woman: an honest man of an harlot: a most noble Prince, of so notable a strumpet, whose only care was not to profit, but to plague: not good, but ungraciousness and mischief, should be so overcome, as at her request, without any offence to consume, and set on fire so glorious a City, which at all times might have been a great succour unto him, & profit to all the world Yet Love conquered him, and caused him in his heat, to do that which afterward he did not a little repent. Strange be the effects of Love, which I have already recited, but more strange are which they follow. Strange it is, that it should 'cause such a desire of any, but more strange of harlots: wicked it is, that men in such sort should wish the company of any, but more wicked of their kindred: Horrible it is to commit incest, but more horrible in such sort to fancy Beasts, and senseless things: Divillish it is to destroy a city, but more than devilish, to evert cities, to betray countries, to 'cause servants to kill their masters, parents their children, children their parents, wives their husbands, and to turn all things topsy turuy, and yet it doth so, as shallbe declared. Wicked it is, unlawfully to wish or covet the company of any, but more wicked to commit incest. Therefore, who, can too much dispraise that Semiramis, of whom I made mention even now, who by Love enforced, 
Semiramis.  requested, the copulation of her own son? or that same Clodius, 
Clodius.  which took the Virginity from his own sisters? or that Pesiphae, 
Pasiphae.  who lay with her own son?  
Now with what words shall I inveigh against those which have been inflamed not with women, but with men? As was Anacreon with Batyllus, whom he compared with jupiter himself: 
Anacreon.  And Pindarus with another, in whom he was so delighted, 
Pindarus.  as dallying him in his arms, he gave up the ghost: And Xenophon with Clinias who being departed out of this life, 
Xenophon, Clinias.  Xenophon craved at the hands of jupiter, that if it were his pleasure, that he but once should have the sight of Clinias, and afterward be blind, or not see him, and ever have the use of seeing, he would rather have the sight of Clinias, and ever be blind, than not behold him, and never be blind. Horrible is this kind of Love, but more, to fancy in such unmeasurable sort, 
Semiramis. Pesiphae. Cyparissus. Aristomachus. Pub. Pilatus.  unreasonable Beasts. As did Semiramis an Horse: and beastly Pesiphae a Bull: and Cyparissus an heart: and Aristomachus Bees.  
But most horrible was the Love of Publius Pilatus, which miserably did delight in the Love of the image of Helen, 
Image of Helen. Image of Atalanta. Image, Bonae Fortunae.  & Atalanta: and of two young men of Athens, which were in Love with the picture of good Fortune notably set forth.  
By this affection was Troy, and many other excellent Cities utterly destroyed. By this Love did Scylla betray both her Father and her country. 
Troy. Scylla.   
This Love caused the Tarentines to come in servitude with the romans: This Love caused L. Pedanius Secundus 
Tarentines. ●. Pedanius ●●cundus.  to be killed of his own servants, because he took pleasure in that party which was his delight.  
This Love caused Semiramis (which I have so often named) to murder her own familiar friends, 
Semiramis.  because they should not blaze abroad their copulation with her.  
It caused Catiline, for the love of Orestilla, to kill his own son, begotten of another woman, 
Catilme. Orestilla.  because she would not join marriage with him, as long as his son lived. It caused Laodice, wife unto Ariartes' King of Cappadocia, her husband being dead, 
Laodice. Ariartes.  for the Love of a knave, which in her husband's time she kept, to murder five of her own sons, lest if they should live, the adulterer whom she loved, should be put from his kingdom. But contrary to her thinking, one was living which took revengement.  
It caused the same Laodice, not only in such sort, to murder her natural children, but also with poison to destroy the King her husband. Therefore this being spoken touching this affection Love, it is meet that great heed be had for the suppressing of it, lest it grow to a monster, and bring forth devilish fruit, as is declared. 
Remedies of love.  Many remedies are prescribed to ease the same▪ The Poets say, that in Leucadia, there is a very high and steep rock called Leucates, 
Leucates mons.  which is a notable remedy to assuage Love. From this rock lepped first of all Shafalus, 
Shafalus. Degonetes.  for the love of Degonetes, which he loved without measure. The same Sappho is reported to have done, because she could not purchase the sight of her beautiful Phaon. 
Sappho.  A strange passion which can not be eased, 
Phaon.  but by death, or the enjoying of that which is coveted. To this agreeth that sentence of Crates the Philosopher of Thebes. for he saith, that Love is remedied either by fasting, 
Crates.  by time, or with an halter. For good cheer nourisheth, and increaseth Love: Time either doth take away, or at the lest assuage the same: But if neither fasting, nor time will do good, than the next remedy and most ready, is to take an halter & hung himself: his words in Greek go roundly, 
Cicero lib. 4 Tusc. quest.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
But Cicero's counsel to assuage Love is good, and to be followed. His words be these: To a man tormented with Love, this salve should be ministered. First he should be told how light a thing, how vain, and to be contemned Love is. Then should his mind be brought to some other studies, cares, cogitations, and business. Finally, by changing of the place, even as sick men are used, it should be cured. Likewise, men would that by some new Love, the old infixed, as one nail by another, should be driven away. But the chiefest way to altar the mind of a Lover, is to admonish him what a fury it is: for of all Perturbations of the mind, there is none more vehement, and outrageous, then is Love, by which, whoredom, deflowering, adultery, and incest are committed, either of them much to be reprehenhed. Hitherto Cicero.  
Notable is the example of Spurina, a young man of rare and superexcellent fairness, 
Spurina.  which because he perceived many women to be much delighted with him, and many Parents did suspect their children, and many husbands had their wives in jealousy, both to avoid all such suspicion, and because none should be in love with him, by reason of his fairness and rare beauty, he did in most pitiful sort, mangle and cut his nose and nostrils, so that he seemed not only deformed, but also odious to all men.  
His meaning was very good, and worthy to be noted of all: and he may strike a shame unto all such as by ill and wicked means, seek to allure and entrap well disposed persons, and those which without such enticements, would be the servants of God. But of this Perturbation sufficient.   

¶ Of Desire, and Longing. Chap. 15.  
THe last part of Lust, is Longing. which is an immoderate desire of a thing wished for. 
Longing what.  And hereof it is said, that even hastening is a lingering, to him which longeth. Cicero, defines it after this manner, and saith it is a Lust to see that which is not present, and before us. This affection amongst others is most light, and invadeth none of the graver sort, but either women, weak, or effeminate persons.  
Then every thing is most esteemed, when either it beginneth to want, or we altogether lack it. Wine seemeth then to be most delectable, when the cups are empty: and the latter fruit is sweeter than the former. Women persuade themselves, if their husbands being absent, they can not hear from them, that without all peradventure, they are either dead, or in great misery. Hereof is Penelope brought for an example, 
Penelope.  which with pitiful outcries, and lamentations, bewaileth the absence of her Ulysseses, and because she would deceive time, she took web and distaff in hand, so to mitigate somewhat, her increasing sorrows. This Longing likewise caused Sappho, when she could not quietly bear the absence of her beloved Phaon, 
Sappho.  desperately to cast herself from a most high rock, and so eased her grief by killing herself, wherefore it appeareth that then we know what a thing is, and of what estimation, when we have it not: whereof proceedeth this Longing. Homer, when he lived was of none account, 
Homer.  every man contemned him, and none would vouchsafe to account him their countryman▪ but Homer being dead, was both lacked and longed for. Insomuch that seven famous and notable cities, 
Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Salamis, Ius, Argos, Athens.  namely, Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Salamis, Ius, Argos, and Athens, made war for his bones, and then every one could challenge him for theirs, and be desirous, that his fame should bring renown to them. The unfinished picture of Tyndarides to Nichomachus, 
Nichomachus. Timomachus. Apelles.  and of Medea to Timomachus: and of Venus to Apelles, did strike a greater desire, then if they had been perfectly consummate. But of this affection we will speak no more, but only this, that it is unmeet for a wise man (whose part is to bear patiently, which must needs be borne) to be subject to this Perturbation.   

¶ Of Fear and Sorrow, two Perturbations, which trouble our minds, through an opinion of evil towards us. Chap. 16.  
IN our beginning, we divided Perturbations into two sorts, either in respect or judgement of Good, or of Evil. In respect of Good, were Lust and Pleasure, in opinion of Evil, Fear, & Sorrow. Of the former we have already spoken sufficiently: now let us in like sort illustrate, and make plain those which follow. And first we will speak of Fear, and of his parts. 
Fear what.  Which Cicero, according to the opinion of the stoics, defineth to be an opinion of some Evil coming towards us, which seemeth to be intolerable. Varro thinketh this fear to have his derivation from the moving of the mind, and Metus he saith, is quasi motus animi, 
Metus quasi motus animi.  A moving of the mind. For it seemeth that the mind is fled, and the body much terrified, when some Evil happeneth▪ or is towards us.  
Fear hath many parts, but especially Slothfulness, Bashfulness, Terror, Dread, Trembling, Astonishment, Conturbation, & Fearfulness: As unmeet for every man. The stoics with whom the ancient academics agreed, do say, that there be three good affections, agreeing to virtue, to wit Gladness, Will, and Heed. 
Gladness. Will. Heed.  Gladness they say is a certain reasonable quiet & sweet pleasure, contrary to Sorrow: Will is a desire, agreeing to reason, contrary to Lust: Heed is a wise declining from Evil, contrary to Fear. By which they seem to infer, that a wise and valiant man, should always be heedful, but never fearful. For as Tully saith, there is more evil in fearing, then in that which is feared. To this agreeth that of Socrates, for he supposed Fortitude to be a science, 
Fortitude what. Hannibal.  and skill, teaching to take heed. Which made Hannibal more than other Captains to be diligent in preventing a mischief, and therefore by a sudden fear strooken, he never lost opportunity. Contrary to that, 
Nicias.  Nicias the Athenian, which through Fear and cowardness, lost many opportunities. Therefore that which is done fearfully, or cowardly, bringeth no small reproach to the doers. Which made Tiberius Caesar, 
Tib. Caesar.  much to be spoken against, for that for the lest wind and tempest, he would hide himself, and durst not show his face. It is the greatest token of victory, when a Captain is courageous, and it bringeth a stomach to soldiers, when they behold their guides not to be dastards, but manfully to stand unto it.  
Alexander was wont to overcome the fortune of his foes by audacity, 
Alexander.  and their power by policy: which made him oftentimes to say, that any thing might be done by courageousness, but nothing by fear and dastardness. And he was so far from fear, that virtuously he would do all things: as may appear. For being on a time in great danger, neither could he overcome without great slaughter of his men, was counseled by Parmenio, by craft in the night to encounter, 
Parmenio.  and so subtlety should serve, when strength could not. But Alexander like a noble Captain made answer, and said, that which thou counsaylest me Parmenio, is rather the part and property of thieves, 
Dolus non decet fortem.  whose endeavour is by snares to entrap. And therefore so far am I from imitating such kind of men, that in open field I will encounter: It is not my purpose, that by subtlety and wiliness my fame should be obscured. And therefore I had rather to repent me of my ill fortune, then to be ashamed of the victory. Now of the parts of Fear, amongst the which Slothfulness, is first.   

¶ Of Slothfulness. Chap. 17.  

slothfulness what. Demosthenes.  Slothfulness according to Cicero, is a fear of labour, to ensue. And therefore the same Cicero writeth, that if Demosthenes had seen any citizen up before him, and at work, it would much have grieved him, for he was no sluggard, neither did he favour any so bend: which made him prove so rare an example of a perfect Orator. This diligence as it helpeth and prospereth all enterprises, so contrariwise, slothfulness marreth every thing. And therefore, although every man aught for to shun the same, 
Slothfulness unfitting for a Prince.  yet especially Princes. Which is the counsel of Pallas, 
Pallas.  whom Homer bringeth forth, saying: It is not for a man of authority to sleep a whole night. He must be watchful. 
Demetrius.  Demetrius' King of the Macedones, was stained with the blot of slothfulness, for that the lamentations of his oppressed subjects, was not esteemed of him. Especially it appeared by the example of a poor old woman, which being injured by some, craved justice at his hands. But he answered, that he had no time to answer, when indeed he was idle, and had no business. But she nothing abashed, said: Then is it not meet you should rule, if you disdain to hear the complaints of your subjects. Which boldness of the woman, so moved him, that afterwards his ears were open to the complaints of all. 
The caus● of slothfulness, prosperity. The 〈◊〉  Slothfulness riseth oftentimes of too much abundance of any thing. As for example, we see the Sabies, because they have in great abundance all kind of riches, and merchants bring them gold and silver for their wares, by which means they prove very rich, without all care and labour, slothfully they spend their tyme.  

Nabatheis.  But contrariwise the Nabatheis, their neighbours having nothing, but the which by their virtue & labour they attain, are very good husbands, and can abide no slothfulness, but idleness they punish grievously, and diligence they worthily reward. Homer, when he would mock and deride idleness, brings forth the Pheacons, which account the greatest felicity in doing nothing. 
Pheacons.  And those abound in all kind of worldly wealth, which increaseth without any pains taking. If any business they have, they refer the same unto women, because themselves will not be troubled with the matter.  
Herodotus maketh mention of a certain idle people, 
Lotophagie  which he calleth Lotophagie. They live by doing nothing, and they feed themselves, and make their apparel of the bark of certain trees, named Lotus. Of which, if any eat, 
Lotus.  they are so delighted therewith, that all other they do contemn. It is reported, that as many as have fellowship with these Lotophagies, become of their qualities, and are careless in all their doings, as happened unto certain companions of Ulysses, so Homer saith. 
Effects of idleness.  Which is feigned of the Poets, to no other purpose, but to signify that idleness makes of men, women: of women, beasts: of beasts, monsters. Wherefore it aught to be detested, because it is an enemy to virtue, and makes us fearful in doing any thing, be it of never so light importance. Contrary to this, is diligence, and industry, by which that Demosthenes (of whom even now in this Chapter I made mention) being of nature very dull and blockish, 
The diligence of Demosthenes.  passed all those which of nature, were of sharp and ripe capacity. For it cometh to pass, and that oftentimes, that industrious, and diligent men, by their pains excel even those to whom nature hath been most beneficial.  
And certain it is, that most commonly where abundance is, there is most negligence: and where nature hath been friendly, there is a certain vain opinion, which causeth slothfulness.   

¶ Of Bashfulness. Chap. 18.  
THe next companion of Slothfulness is Bashfulness. 
Bashfulness what.  The which is defined of the stoics to be a fear, of ignominy: or as A. Gellius sayeth, it is a fear of just reprehension: or as another learned man defineth, it is a vehement motion of the mind, ●lying shame, desiring commendation. Cicero calleth it the best ruler of the Lusts, when it is raised by the care and study of honesty. I● becometh young men very well and is a token of a good wit, and disposition. Cato the elder was greatly delighted with such, 
Cato signior.  as at the lest fault would blush. And so was Diogenes the Cynic. 
Diogenes.  For when he talking with a young man, he perceived his face to be read with blushing, said unto him: be of good cheer my son, for this colour, is the colour of of virtue itself. But that I may come unto grave Cato again, his delight was in those young men, which in well doing would blush, but he cared not for those which waxed pale. For the one was a sign of a good nature, but the other of impudency, a very evil quality. Some which writ more properly, call this affection Shamefastness, 
Shamefastness.  and that the ambiguity of the word may be shunned, they say that Bashfulness is raised sometime by ill deeds▪ but shamefastness is always through consideration of goodness. So this verb impersonal Pudet, 
Pudet.  is referred both to a reverence of honesty, and likewise to a shame of unhonest things, and differeth from Piget. 
Pig  For the other Pudet to praise, and this Piget to dispraise▪ and grief doth belong.   

¶ Of Terror. Chap. 19  
THe third part of Fear, is called Terror. 
Terror what.  Which the stoics writ to be a certain fear, springing from the imagination of an unaccustomed thing. Cicero saith, it is a Fear much troubling, by which it cometh to pass, that from Bashfulness, redness of colour, but from this Terror paleness, and cracking of the teeth, doth arise. We may fetch the beginning of this word from the greeks, if we altar but a few letters. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to fear, with shaking of the body, and with paleness of the face. This affection becometh not a constant, and valiant man, who should always be ready to suffer all things patiently, without sign of a troubled mind. 
Who valiant in deed.  Aristotle affirmed him properly to be called a valiant man, to whom the fear of an honest death, struck no terror▪ and which was ready to suffer all things, which could bring his death, patiently. They which in such wise have passed this life, have been always numbered among the best, and most renowned. Which made Solon to enact that those children, 
Solon.  whose parents in battle had manfully been slain, should for the prows of their parents, be kept at the charges, of the common treasure. Wherefore it is the part of a virtuous, and valiant man, to hate this life, and contemn death. And reason teacheth us the same. Notable is that example of Q. Mutius Scevola, 
Q Mutius ●ceuola.  which neither for the armed crew of lusty soldiers, nor for the austere looks of cruel Sylla, which by his countenance, seemed to threaten extreme punishment to all the romans, could once be terrified, but boldly, and sloutlye, even to the face of Sylla (which requested of the Senate, that Marius should be proclaimed an enemy to the state) answered, I will not permit Sylla, through desire of prolonging my days, that Marius, which hath saved not only this city, 
Marius.  but all Italy shallbe judged an enemy to his country. Of that mind was Marius (which reason and virtue had brought him into) that ●e thought nothing better, then to be without the stain of an uncorrupt life, which if he once were, nothing should terrify him from hazarding both land and life, for the keeping of the same. And therefore he which is innocent, and without blame, aught not for to be strooken with the terror of any thing, sith it is the thing much dispraised of all wise men, and practised of none which are stout of stomach.   

¶ Of Dread. Chap. 20.  
THe stoics say, that Dread is a fear of some evil imminent, 
Dread what.  and at hand. And because it goeth before an effect, they call it a Foregriefe: because that, that same Fear troubleth the mind before any evil do happen. To have this Dread is a token of an abject mind, & servile disposition. For it causeth a man not to use those benefits which God hath abundantly bestowed upon him: & it maketh us not to enjoy our riches for fear we should lack, nor other commodities of this life, through a fear of death. This infirmity of weakness of the mind causeth us, that when we have long wished for, and laboured earnestly to the attaining of some thing, when we have gotten the same, not for to enjoy it, for fear of losing, and lacking of it. This Perturbation can not, neither aught for to be in a wise man, whose property is with a quiet mind to suffer all things, and whom prosperity cannot inflame with disdain, nor adversity overthrow, but according to the rule of reason, those things which he possesseth, he enjoyeth, & those which he hath not, he doth not greatly covet. Yet belongeth it unto every man, to have a forecast. 
Forecast.  For although from this Dread & Fear of losing, we should be free: yet aught every man to prepare himself, as he may patiently suffer what shall happen: and with Theseus (whom Euripides maketh mention of, 
Theseus.  and Cicero doth commend) say, I have considered with myself what miseries may fall, whether it be flight by banishment, or cruel death, or any thing else, because if any strange calamity should chance, I would not be unprovided to bear the same quietly. 
Panetius de officijs.  And Panetius giveth the same counsel, for he would have a prudent man to prepare himself quietly to take all kind of fortune, be it pleasant & prosperous, or bitter, & contumelious: And that we should do so, God hath so disposed things, that he will not suffer man to have the knowledge of things to come. For if he had a prescience, & foreknowledge of his prosperity, he would be careless: 

The knowledge of 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉, ●hy 〈◊〉 to God, not given to man.  
●ope what.   and understanding of his adversity, he would be senseless, and by a certain fear in anguish of mind, consume himself. Again, if that divine property of knowing things to come, were engrafted in the mind of man, who is he that would have Hope (which is an opinion of goodness to come) a rare and most excellent virtue, and praised not only of divines exceedingly, but worthily commended even of Heathen Philosophers? 
Simonides.  Simonides the Poet, said, that Hope was the governor of men: and other Philosophers have written, that Hope of all passions was the sweetest, and most pleasant. And hereof it is said, that Spes alit miseros, Hope comforteth captives. Wherefore we will conclude this Perturbation, with an answer of Alexander the great, 
Alexander Magnus.  who liberally bestowing many things upon his friends, upon a time Perdiccas spoke unto him, on this manner: 
Perdiccas.  If you thus largely still bestow your goods, O bountiful Prince, I marvel at the length, what you will keep for yourself? Then answered Alexander, for myself I reserve Hope. Supposing that a good & virtuous man should only hope well, and dread nothing.   

¶ Of Trembling. Chap. 21.  
Now followeth Trembling, 
Trembling what.  whose companion is Astonishment, which is a very sudden motion of the mind, joined with an amazedness of the same, a stammering of the tongue, and a ceasing from labour and pains. It is called in Latin Pavor, which is derived from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth Cessare fac●o: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to ease, and suddenly to stand still, which appeareth in the nature of Trembling. It may also be fetched from an old Latin word Pavire, which signifieth to hide, and hereof cometh our English word Pavement. As we see in boys, women, & weaker persons, when they are strooken with any Fear, or Trembling, to hide their faces, either with a handkerchief, or some thing else. But this is done at no time without great grief of mind. Timanthes that notable painter, 
Timanthes▪ Iphigenia▪  when he had finished the picture of Iphigenia, in colours set forth Calchas to be sorrowful for the same, 
Calchas.  
Ulysses.  but Ulysses appeared to be more sad a great deal, but for to make her father Menelaus to appear most sad and sorrowful, 
Menelaus.  he painted him with covered face. Thereby to show his great skill: which was more wonderful than the rest. Q. Curtius was wont to say, 
Q Curtius.  that they do best bear injuries, which most diligently do cover & hide them. 
Caecilius.  Caecilius prince of the writer of Latin comedies, said, that he was a wretch, which could not keep his griefs in secret. M. Crassus having behaved himself in wicked sort toward the Parthians, 
M. Crassus.  when he saw both his sons heads fastened to a spear, to be carried about, and his army cruelly on every side to be slain, withdrew himself secreetely into an obscure place, and there lamenting his covetousness, rashness, & ambition, hid himself a great while, & so repented him of his folly and wickedness. Brutus also being past all hope of overcoming his capital & deadly Antony. 
Brutus.  went himself alone into a cave, and there unfolded and unburdened his grief: and afterwards going into a more close and secret place, and having given himself a deadly wound, broke into these words: Wicked men seek the destruction of those which mean best: and so desperately died. But of this affection sufficient, because which I have already spoken, and shall speak concerning fear, hath a great affinity, & doth illustrate the same. Now concerning Conturbation somewhat.   

¶ Of Conturbation. Chap. 22.  
COnturbation is defined of Cicero to be a fear much troubling us, 
Conturbation what▪  for it makes our cogitations, we being in a great perplexity, doubtful, and draws the mind into divers cogitations. The stoics say that Conturbation is a fear making the mind effeminate, and causing all our actions to be done with great difficulty and hardness. All wise men especially, should be free from this Conturbation. For it is an affection, contrary unto Fortitude, without which nothing can be accomplished worthily, and with commendation.  
I will bring forth the example of one, by which all other, which have any charge, and are in authority, may judge what inconveniences do happen, by having troubled minds. It is thought that the whole glory of a battle consisteth in the policy of a captain. For if true it be which Ephicrates wryt, An army is as it were a living creature, 
Ephicrates. A● 〈◊〉 like a living body.  whose head is the captain, whose breast are the well placed soldiers, his hands are footmen, and his legs horsemen, then must it needs follow, that as in a body, the head being troubled, the members can not fulfil their duties: so a captain being in mind troubled, it must needs follow, that the whole army be in great danger. 
The office of a Cap●●●ne.  Therefore it is most necessary that a captain be void of a troubled mind, neither must he omit any thing which belongeth unto his office, as to comfort the fearful, to cheerishe the faithful, to talk familiarly with his inferiors, to his foes to seem terrible, but amiable to his friends, to 〈◊〉 conventicles, and to do all things openly without suspicion of double dealing, to give attention unto messengers, & to entertain ambassadors courteously, be their news never so unpleasant. Tygranes, 
Rex 〈◊〉 Tygranes.  though ambitiously he would be called king of kings, yet was he of so troubled a mind, as any strange news would strait cool his haughtiness. ●s it appeared. For on a time when as the Romans by ambassadors, had sent him their minds plainly, it so troubled him that he could not abide the sight of the messengers, but caused them against all right, and law of arms, cruelly to be put to death: which made him not only to be more assaulted of his enemies, but also to be despised of his own subjects, and caused him to come into servitude and subjection. As Tygranes for his unquietness and cruelty, is brought for an example to be shunned: so Darius' constancy, is worthy to be followed. 
Dari●●  It is reported of him, that whatsoever happened, he took it quietly, and was never in mind troubled for the same. And in deed it is no small consolation to a man when any evil is coming quickly, and with speed to have intelligence thereof, especially to a wise man, which can with a patiented mind, bear all misfortunes.   

¶ Of Fearfulness. Chap. 23.  

Fearfulness  THe last part of Fear, is Fearfulness, which according to the interpretation of M. Varro, is when the mind being moved, doth as it were forsake the body, and is sent abroad. Some say it hath his appellation from that heat which cometh into our faces by the sense, and perceiving of fearful things. Cicero writeth that this fearfulness is a continual fear. And hereof it cometh that he is called fearful, which standeth in fear of every small thing, and as we say in our tongue, which feareth his own shadow, which never sleepeth securely, never resteth quietly, which is inconstant, and seemeth now to be cruel, and a threater, now gentle, and quiet, now bold, and courageous, by and by, weak and effeminate. The most fearful of all men (as Herodotus writeth) are the Garamantines for they are afraid of every thing, 
Garamantines.  and can abide the sight of none: though they have weapons, yet do they not use them, for they are afraid for to hurt, and when they are hurt, they will not for very cowardness resist.  
Two sorts of men are above all others, subject unto Fearfulness: 
Of fearful men, two sorts.  both which are malefactors and wicked persons, as those whom their consciences will not suffer to be at quiet, but continually object unto their senses most horrible sights of strange things which will at no time suffer them to be at rest, but continually assault them, and seem to take vengeance for their transgressing: And the other be sick and impotent persons, which by the weakness of their brain, in sleep are much troubled with visions. Examples of the first we have many: as Orestes, 
Orestes.  which because of his matricide, was cruelly tormented with his mother's furies. 
Nero.  And Nero likewise for the like offence, could never be quiet, but the ghost of his mother, whom most wickedly be had murdered, seemed every foot for to terrify him, and with scourge & whip, severely to punish him for his so heinous offence. 
Magna vis conscientiae. Caesar Caligula.  Likewise Caesar Caligula, another tyrant, ●o was terrified, with strange sights and ugly shows, & at no time he slept one night quietly and in rest. But as before I said, This kind of Fear, neither troubleth, or very seldom one virtuously bend, and of good conversation. By which opinion Theodorus Byzantius being led, 
Thedorus Byzantius.  affirmed that no wise men were molested with such apparitions in the night, but only boys, women, weak, or wicked folks, whose minds being sore occupied by some strange, & strong imagination suppose to see, that which indeed they do not, but are merely deluded by their own conceit. Examples of the latter may be Vitellius Caesar. 
Vitellius.  Who by excess in banqueting, falling into sickness, and being a sleep, there appeared before him, a tall and goodly young man, to be lifted in his presence into heaven, by which he conjectured, that after his death he should live in penury. But true was that vision of the picture of Fortune of Tusculane, 
Visions, Galba.  which appeared unto Galba, lamenting that he had offered and consecrated the money (which she had given him a little before) unto Venus, and therefore with bitter words she threatened to take it from him again: for within short space afterward by the soldiers of Otho he was murdered. Likewise unto Tiberius Caesar, there appeared in a vision in the night, 
Tib. Caesar.  the image of Apollo, which said unto him, that notwithstanding he had purposed to set up, and erect his image in a Temple, which he had new builded at Syracusas, yet he would not have it so, and therefore he came to admonish him, for the avoiding of a greater inconvenience, not to place the same according unto his former determination. It often falleth out that dreams, 
Dreams▪ when true.  and apparitions in the night prove true, when they appear unto men of confirmed wits, and whose delight is in contemplation, and study of celestial matters. And thereof cometh divinations, and forewarnings of things good or evil. Likewise Kings and Princes, those which are in highest authority, seem to have a certain familiarity with God, which by dreams and visions in the night, signifieth unto them ways how to profit themselves, and their subjects, and to avoid dangers imminent, and at hand. As we see Agamemnon, 
Agamemnon.  whom Homer maketh mention of, to declare at large the whole order of their war, which was told him in his sleep. 
Nestor.  To which Nestor gave credit, and said, That touching things pertaining to the profit of a common weal▪ a Kings words were to be followed, if in his sleep he were told them. Ptolemy the brother of Alexander the great, 
Ptolemy.  having by a poisoned shaft received his deadly wound, and being dead, it is written that Alexander his brother sat upon his carcase, and so fell in a sound sleep: Then being at rest, there seemed to come before his presence a Dragon, which his mother Olympias had nourished, and brought in his mouth a certain root, which was of such virtue, as it would restore Ptolemy from death to life again, and he told likewise the place where it grew. Now when Alexander did awake, he told the same unto his friends, & companions, which counseled him forthwith to send some to seek the same root: which being found did not only bring life unto Ptolemy, but also healed many, which were sore wounded. This happened when Alexander gave credit unto the vision, but when Alexander believed not those things which were declared unto him by dreams, great hurt came towards him, as by this example which followeth shall appear. Being sometime in a sound sleep, there came before him an image, which willed him not to receive the cup of poison, which the young man whose face he beheld should bring unto him. Shortly after Cassander came unto him (which was that young man which the image gave warning to avoid) & being before him, Alexander demanded whose son he was, who answered that he was the son of Antipater: Alexander hearing that, forgot his dream, as he which had not power so much as to suspect, 
Cassander.  that Cassander the son of his friend and familiar Antipater, would under the colour of friendship seek his destruction. But the friendship of Alexanders was a furtherance to Cassander's treason, for at the length puffed up with pride & ambition, by poison he deprived of life that noble Alexander in his flourishing age. 
Cic lib. 2. de Divinatione ad finem. Hannibal.  Cicero telleth that Hannibal by dream, was foretold of all his wars. For on a time being in a sleep, it seemed unto him that he was called into counsel with the Gods: and being come, he was willed by jupiter, to gather an army, & invade Italy, and he should have a prudent and politic captain, whose counsel in all his affairs he might follow. The captain being joined with Hannibal, commanded him in any case not to look back. But Hannibal with ambition inflamed, would not obey his counsel, but still looked back. Then appeared a great and savage beast, accompanied with many serpents, whethersoever it w●nt, overthrowing and destroying all things utterly. Hannibal wondering at the same, asked of God what that monster signified, it was answered, that it foreshowed the destruction of Italy, and he was warned again not for to look back, but according to his commission, to go forward in his enterprise. Which examples recited, if they be true, then may some credit he given to dreams. But to my purpose. 
The cause of fearfulness.  The cause of Fearfulness, we have said, to be either an imbecility or weakness of nature, in respect of years, in childhood, or doting old age, or by sickness, or it riseth from a conscience convict & guilty of some offence. Other shows an apparitions in sleep, are so far from terrefiing and causing Fearfulness, that they comfort and delight the minds of them to whom they appear, by signifying dangers imminent, or the profits which shallbe reaped. And thus much concerning Fear, and his parts.   

¶ Of Sorrow, the last of all Perturbations. Chap. 24.  
WE are now come to the last of the four springs or fountains of Perturbations, which is Sorrow: 
Properties of the affection.  whose property is to cause in the mind of man, a biting grief, and vexation: even as Fear causeth a ●light and departing of the mind: and as Pleasure raiseth an over prodigal merriness: and Lust an unbridled appetite. And as we have the others both defined, and divided into their parts and properties: so will we likewise declare what Sorrow is, 
Sorrow what.  and how many branches spring out of her. It is defined of Cicero to be a fresh conceit, of a present Evil. In Latin it is called Aegritudo, which hath another nature then Aegrotat●o. For as writeth Cicero, 
Aegritudo.  the one Aegritudo, is a vexation of mind, and the other Aegrotatio, is a sickness of the body. 
Aegrotatio.  This Sorrow, the stoics call grief, and dolour, & they say it is an unmeasurable contraction of the mind, a Perturbation altogether contrary to Pleasure, Lust, or Fear. Out of her springs, 
Parts of Sorrow.  Pity, Envy, Emulation, Backbiting, fretting, Sadness, Sorrowfulness, Bewailing, troublesomeness, Lamentation, Carefulness, Molestation, Afflictation, and Despair. Of every one of these likewise, as of the rest we will speak some what, and explicate their natures.   

¶ Of Pity, or Compassion. Chap. 25.  

Pity what.  Pity according to the opinion of Cicero and the stoics, is a Sorrow conceived by the miseries of another man. The Greeks name the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and they suppose the same to be a manifest token of great good will. Reason willeth us in the prosperity of our friends to rejoice, 
The duty of a friend.  and to be grieved at their adversity, which is the part & duty of a true & faithful friend. This Pity the Athenians accounted not only as a most excellent virtue, 
Pity worshipped for a Goddess of the Athenians.  but also worshipped for some divine thing, and therefore they consecrated and builded altars, and temples unto her. There is another kind of Pity, which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but it is more wretched and miserable, and hath his derivation from the softness of oil, and therefore less appertaineth to a wise man. The Latins call the first Misericordiam, from whence Misereri (which aught to be in all men) and the later they say is Miseratio, 
Misericordia, misereri. Miseratio, miserari.  and thereof comes Miserari, and none have that but weak and effeminate persons. There is a third kind of Pity, which springeth from the recordation of a grief and trouble pass. For the secure consideration, either of our miseries, which we have been afflicted withal ourselves, delighteth us as very well Maro, Fòrsan et hoc òlim meminisse iwabit, Perhaps to remember this hereafter will do good: and Euripides to the like sense, Dulce est meminisse malorum, The memory of miseries is a pleasant thing: 
Cicero ad Lucilium.  either of the calamities of others passed do comfort us, as Cicero saith notably, which of us doth not the remembrance of Epaminundas much delight, which being about to give up the ghost, 
Epaminundas.  willed the poisoned shaft to be plucked from his deadly wound, when it was given him to understand that his shield was sound f●lse, & his enemies put to flight, & then cheerfully was content to departed out of this world? 
Whether pity mate rest in a wise man or no.  Much contention is amongst the philosophers, whether this affection aught to be in a wise man or not, of either part great patrons. The stoics deny that a man of judgement should have this affection, for they suppose that he hath enough to do, to keep himself from sin and offending: and therefore they think it is not meet that a wise man should be grieved at another's damage, or pity another's misery, when as at his own he should not be troubled, but content himself & bear all patiently whatsoever, as long as he is without sin, and endued with all kind of virtues. And moreover they add and say, that every thing is Good or Evil, or neither Good nor Evil. 
Good things.  Those things which are Good, they say are the virtues, Wisdom, justice, Fortitude, and Temperance: 
Evil things.  Evil things they call Foolishness, Injustice, Cowardness, & Intemperance, which are always hurtful and unprofitable. Things indifferent, 
Things indifferent.  or neither Good nor Evil, they say are things which being used according unto the rules of Virtue, are good and commendable, but being had to serve as ministers, and encreasers of impiety and wickedness, are most hurtful and damnable, as wealth, riches, beauty, strength, nobleness, and such like. 
The opinion of the stoics.  By which they will infer that a wise man having virtue, though no other thing else he enjoy, yet can he not be miserable, and having no virtue, though he have all things, yet is he most wretched. And therefore their conclusion is, that a wise man having virtue, lacking other commodities of this world, aught not to be pitied, neither aught he to pity others lacking those, having virtue. 
The opinion of the peripatetions.  The Peripatetions are in another mind, and come nigher unto the truth. For they judge the end of man to be virtue, and that to the getting thereof he should refer all his actions and doings. But their opinion is, that a full and perfect felicity consisteth of the threefold Good, to wit, of the goods of the mind, of the body, and of Fortune, 
Who happy.  and without those, that is, except he have the external, and corporal Goods, together with the gifts of the mind, he can not be in happy and perfect estate, that is, a wretch he is, if either sickness torments him, or poverty punisheth him, or other evils overcome him. So that virtue is not sufficient to perfect felicity, and yet naughtiness alone causeth misery. Their conclusion is, that a man, yea a wise man, aught not only to have pity, but also many other Perturbations, referring them to the increase of virtue. To whose opinion the old Academikes draw nigh, 
The academics.  and they follow Plato the prince and protector of philosophy, whose judgements is that not only a wise man, but every man aught to take remorse at the miseries of others, 
The part of every man to be pitiful.  and that that they should take upon them the defence of those which are injustly troubled, they should see to the poor and fatherless, succour the needy, and impotent, visit the imprisoned, relieve the necessity and want of all, finally, do unto every man as they would be done unto, considering that as the poor, and miserable are, so have they been, or may be. Whose opinion as it is wholesome, so is it to be embraced of all men. For this pity and compassion many have been commended oftentimes. Arcagatus a notable Chirurgeon was highly esteemed among the Romans as long as he had pity upon the patientes, 
Arcagatus.  whose cure he had promised: but when he began to be unmerciful, & to have no remorse of them, he was not only despised of grave men, but every boy in derision to his reproach, called him Vulnerarius. 
Vulnerarius.   
Cicero greatly commends Caesar for his great pity and mercifulness, in these words: 
Cicero in Oration pro rege Deiota●o.  I aught not C. Caesar (as in the like troubles men are wont) to endeavour myself by words, to move you unto pity, it were a vain labour, for of your own accord, without any persuasion thereunto, you are wont to secure the afflicted and miserable. Xenocrates was so pitiful as he would aid and defend even brute beasts, 
Xenocrates.  much more a man distressed. For on a time he sitting in the sun, there flew a sparrow into his bosom, and there as it were besought his aid against the persecution of an Hawk, which he did not deny, but there kept her, until she was rid of all fear, and then opened his bosom, and let her fly, saying: That he would not betray unto their enemies, any which flew unto him for secure. A notable example of mercifulness, and pit is that it should slip out of remembrance by oblivion. For the only remembrance thereof is able to provoke any in whom the sparks of virtue do any whit burn, to have pity and compassion of the afflicted, and to secure and defend the innocent. Philip the king of Macedonia, 
Philippus ●acedonia.  oftentimes was wont to say, that a King aught to remember always, that he was a mortal man, and subject to many thousand calamities, but by mercy and pity, was made like the immortal God. A worthy saying, and deserveth to be written in letters of gold, in the chambers of every man, especially of those which any way are better than other men: whereby they may think that only Pity, and mercifulness brings them credit, both with God and man. From this good King Philip, did not his son Alexander degenerate for having by conquest overcome Darius, 
Alexander magnus  he had in his subjection all which did belong unto Darius, and so might use them at his pleasure. But his pity was such as he abstained from all such as his very enemy made most account of, as his wife, and other her handmaids: and did not only not offer any violence unto her, or any of them, but also on pain of death commanded, that none in any case after any sort should injury them. Which thing when his enemy Darius understood, so moved him, 
The fruit of pity.  as he was enforced through consideration of Alexander's rare pity, to break into these words: O God's first grant me a kingdom well defensed, afterwards if it be your pleasures, that I shall by death leave this world, I beseech you that none may be king of Asia, but this my so friendly foe, and so merciful conqueror. How can this Pity be too much commended, or who can sufficiently be delighted in the same, sith it makes of deadly foes, faithful friends: and of mortal men, immortal Gods. Wonderful was the care that Titus, 
Titus, Vespasianus.  son of the Emperor Vespasian, had to be accounted merciful. And it appeared in nothing more, than not only in pardoning two traitors, which was a token of an excellent good nature, but also in sending word to one of their mothers, that her sons offence was forgiven, which was a sign of a great care to be accounted merciful. 
Deliciae human● generis, Titus imperator.  Neither was his endeavour in vain. For by his great pity toward his subjects, he so won their hearts, that he was called, The delight of mankind.  
Likewise, Antonius an Emperor, (which for his justice, got the name of a good man, and was called above all others, Antonius Pius, 
Antonius Pius.  for his pity and mercifulness) was reported espetally (as never any of the Emperors before him did) to have reigned & ruled without effusion of blood. And surely the nature of mercy and compassion is such, 
Mercy most requisite in a Prince.  as it bringeth an especial prerogative with it. And though many virtues have caused Princes to be commended of their subjects, yet none hath at any time, either brought such admiration unto the practisers, or brought Princes more into love with their subjects, then hath Mercy. Wherefore every man for his part, and every Prince for his praise, aught above all to endeavour to seem, and to be merciful, without which we appear odious to our friends, to our foes monstrous: brutish before men, and before God devilish.  
And thus much concerning the first part of Sorrow, called Pity, in as few words concerning the necessity thereof, as might be. The next is called Envy, whose nature and property shall now be declared.   

¶ Of Envy. Chap. 26.  
THe second part of Sorrow is Envy, which is defined of Zeno to be a Sorrow taken at the welfare, 
Envy what.  or prosperity of another man, which nothing at all hurts him which envieth. This Envy is compared unto the Canker. 
Cankered Envy.  For as the Canker eateth and destroyeth iron, so doth envy eat and consume the hearts of the envious. The Poets feign Envy to be one of the furies of Hell, and to be fed with nothing but adders & snakes: to show that envious persons, do swallow down poison, and likewise vomit up the same again. For another's prosperity is their poison, and another's adversity their comfort.  
Therefore did Politian writ very pleasantly unto an envious man, 
Policianus lib 1. Epistola 〈◊〉.  after this manner: Thou enviest all things to all men, except envy. And the same likewise thou dost envy in another man, which is more envious than thyself. So doth not he envy that in thee, which notwithstanding thou canst not abide in him. And this the nature of the envious. What you are I will not utter, lest I make you more miserable, than you are now. For if I should make you known, your very name also you would not abide. It is the part of this envy, like as fire, to covet the highest places, 
invidia comes virtutis.  and to bark at those which are wortheliest preferred. And therefore it is called the companion of Virtue. It doth not only seek the destruction of noble & virtuous men, but also of notable and famous cities. For by this Themistocles, which by sea had vanquished and overthrown the whole navy of Xerxes, 
Themistocles.  which in number was almost infinite, and set his country free from thraldom and servitude, this (I say) Themistocles which had brought so much honour & fame unto his country, by envy was compelled to forsake the same, & to live like a miserable captive in banishment, for the space of ten years. Though envy were the cause of his punishment, yet the Athenians to cloak their ingratitude, said, they did the same to suppress & keep under his stomach, lest the remembrance of his glory, and victories should make him so to excel the rest, as he should have no companion like unto him: and the better to bring him into hatred, they caused Timocreon a Rhodian Poet, 
Timocreon  by verses to report him to be a covetous person, wicked, a violater of his faith, and no keeper of hospitality.  

Aristides justus.  So likewise Aristides, which for his virtues, was called Just, was not without enemies, and envious persons. For in recompense of all pains and troubles sustained both by land and sea, to the increasing of his countries fame, yet through some envious folks he was (I say) notwithstanding all his virtues and benefits bestowed, as a most unprofitable member cut from the body of his country. And not only those two lights and examples of virtue, Themistocles, and Aristides were brought into misery, but also the whole state of Athens into perpetual slavery, 
Athens.  when as none could abide one to be in greater estimation than himself, or to excel in virtue: the same brought destruction unto the Romans, Thebans, 
Rome. Thebes.  and many other countries of great renown. This Envy is compared in some respect (of old & ancient divines) unto the Sun. For as the nature of the Sun is to obscure and darken things which are clear and manifest: and likewise lighten, and illustrate that which is obscure: so envy endeavoureth to obscure the glory of those which are famous, and in authority. So that none are subject unto the talk of the envious, but such as either by wealth, riches, renown, authority, or virtue are better than the rest, and none are in their books, but those which are cowards, dastards, wicked & obscure persons. 
Cic. oration prima in Catilinam,  Tully hath a notable sentence, worthy to be had in continual remembrance of all such as are well disposed, his words be these: I have always been of this mind, that I have thought envy gotten by virtue, to be no obscuring of my name, but an illustrating of the same. Among all envious persons (which have been for number infinite) none hath been so much reprehended for the same, as was, 
Timon of Athens.  Timon of Athens. For he could away with none, but only with Alcibiades: 
Alcibiades▪  and being asked of Apemantus, why envying all others, he so favoured him, answered, that therefore he did love and account of him, because he perceived the disposition of Alcibiades to be such as he should in time be a scourge to the Athenians, & a cause of many troubles which they should come into. And, as he was, so are all they which are envious, they can like of none but such as are causers, and helpers to bring those which are at rest, and as it were in felicity, into miseries. But I will not spend more words about this Perturbation Envy, for which I have spoken may sufficiently set forth her nature. I will therefore come to a very familiar companion of hers, which is Emulation.   

¶ Of Emulation. Chap. 27.  

Emmulation what.  EMulation, Cicero defineth to be a grief of the mind, because one doth enjoy that, which we are desirous to have. This Emulation hath a great affinity with Envy (whose nature we have expressed) and hereof it comes, that he which doth Emulate, labours with tooth and nail, to get all praise and glory which another hath already unto himself. Not better example of this Emulation, 
Alexander Magnus.  than Alexander the great, for look what any of his familiars did excel in, that did he by all means seek to attain. And therefore it is said, that he did Emulate in Lysimachus skilfulness of war, in Seleucus an invincible courage, 
Lysimachus seleucus. Antiagonus Attalus. Ptolemy▪ Sylla and Marius.  a rare ambition in Antigonus, in Attalus a divine majesty, in Ptolemy a happy success in all enterprises. Sulla's emulation of Marius' felicity, was the cause of civil dissension among the Romans. For when Bocchus king of Mauritania▪ had betrayed Ingurtha unto Marcius, 
Bocchus. Ingurtha.  that so he might purchase unto him the favour & good will of the Roman people: Sylla being sent ambassador into Mauritania, brought Ingurtha being sent unto Marius to Rome, and there, not as desired, delivered him unto Marius, but as his prisoner by policy overcome, kept him, and both openly every where, and among his friends privately, bragged of his good fortune. Which Emulation of his did so strike Marius at the heart, as never they could be reconciled again into friendship. And therefore Emulalation, except it be ruled & governed by the rains of reason, is the cause of much dissension, & troubles in a common weal. It bringeth likewise infamy unto those which are infected with the same, when they will contend and challenge their betters. As it did unto Marsyas, which would (him self being rude and unskilful in Music) contend with Apollo, 
Marsyas.  but being overcome, in recompense of his fond emulation, was well scourged: and as did Thamyras, for being kindled with an ambitious Emulation, 
Thamyras Batula.  would needs try masteries with the Muses themselves, in playing on the Harp, but being vanquished, and convict of unskylfulnes, was for his bold attempt, bereft of both his eyes, and so was made a blind fiddler, and was in derision named Barula. So that this Emulation which I have already spoken of, is a thing of all men to be detested, for it causeth not only inconveniences and troubles in common weals: but brings all such as are poisoned with the same, into contempt with all men.  
But there is an other Emulation, which is good and commendable. And it is a study, and endeavouring by imitation, to be like another man, and yet not moved thereunto by envy and simultation, but through the desire of virtue. Even as Theseus did Emulate the deeds of Hercules, 
Theseus.  not thereby to darken the glory of Hercules, but the more to illustrate his, and to raise an opinion of virtue unto himself. And this made Cicero, 
Cic. in orat. pro. M. Marcello.  speaking in praise of Marcellus before Caesar to say, that he was an imitator, and did emulate the manners of Caesar.  
Themistocles in his youth was gegeven to all kind of wickedness, 
Themistocles.  even with greediness, and was more vicious than any, in so much as his mother being past all hope of his amendment, for very grief conceived thereof, hung herself, and yet by emulating the virtues, and victories of Milciades, 
Milciades.  become a perfect image of a virtuous man: and being demanded of his fellows, what upon such a sudden altered his behaviour, answered, that the glory and triumphs of Milciades, had raised him out of sloth, and that for very shame he could be no longer vicious, but would earnestly emulate the rare virtues of glorious Milciades. This kind of emulation can not be too much commended, neither can we too vehemently incite thereunto. For it is the very next way to have any good quality practised of men. And therefore it is necessary not only to the attaining of all wholesome and good learning, and liberal sciences, but also most meet for all others, especially for Kings and captains. For even as Aristotle did emulate his master Plato, 
Aristotle, Plato.  and the academics in Philosophy: and Cicero Demosthenes in Rhetoric: and Virgil Homer in Poetry: 
Cicero, Demosthenes. Virgil, Homer. Euagoras. Agesilaus.  so should Kings in peace emulate and put before their eyes Euagoras, & Agasilaus, as notable examples of good government: and captains in war imitate the grave wisdom of Q. Fabius Maximus: the wonderful expedition of Scipio Africanus: 
Q. Fabius Maximus. ●cipio, Africanus. Paulus, Aemylius.  the notable policy of Paulus Aemylius, and the invincible courage of C. Marius, and so by emulation to have that altogether in themselves, which were particularly in every one of them. So that emulation is nought, and necessary: nought when it springs of an ambition's envy: and necessary when it riseth of a virtuous study, and therefore to be esteemed of all good wits, which might excel even those, which have been most excellent.   

¶ Of Obtrectation. Chap. 28.  
AFter Envy, and Emulation, is next placed Obtrectation, a strange affection, 
Obtrectation what.  and is defined of Zeno to be a sorrowfulness conceived, because another would enjoy that which we likewise, ourselves have. Cicero saith, it is a jealousy: and in defining thereof, he dissenteth not from the stoics, 
jealousy.  but saith it is a grief of mind, because others would have that, which ourselves enjoy. This is a wonderful Perturbation, it can abide that none should have any good thing but herself. Though Cicero call this affection jealousy, yet the Poets make a difference between it and jealousy. For they take jealousy only in matters of Love, but Obtrectation more generally, and it hath place in all wicked emulation, envying, and detraction. Neither truly can it be called jealousy, which in Greek is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a love of beauty, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth to love, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beauty, so that jealousy can not properly be called Obtrectation, yet do the Latins to fly the greeks word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 use Obtrectatio. But now to the purpose. Not wise man, or such as make any account of their good name, and honesty, neither may, nor can be subject to this Perturbation. For as every one aught to endeavour to the attaining of any good thing, so aught we not to be grieved, if many have those gifts which we are adorned withal: for man is called Ani●●al sociale, and should labour to illustrate his country by all means possible, which he can never do, which can not abide that to be in another, which is in himself: neither to speak the truth, is he a reasonable creature, which will not wish, that every good thing should be most used? for true is that saying of the Peripatetions, Bonum quo communius eo melius: A good thing the more common, the more commendable. And yet we see in this our age, not a few which having rare and excellent gifts, can not abide to communicate them with others, perhaps for fear jest others in their gifts, should excel them: and so put a candle under a bushel, from which none can receive light. And not only in our time, but afore long time ago, hath this Obtrectation been embraced. 
Hortensius. Cicero.  As between Hortensius & Cicero about eloquence: neither of them could abide other while they lived, because both being princes of eloquence, both grudged at the same, & grieved them at the hearts, for either's glory. And yet Hortensius being dead, Cicero did with many praises, mightily commend him: and when he did bewail his death, he said: Hortensius death now grieveth me, because, that not as many have supposed, I have lost an adversary, & an obscurer of my praises, but rather a companion & partner of my glorious labour. 
Saluste.  Between Cicero likewise & Saluste was an open, & manifest obtrectation: for each of them would have cut the others heart vain, if disdainful words of contempt, would have done the same. Also between Aeschines and Demosthenes, was this learned jealousy, 
Aschines. Demosthenes.  as appeareth by their orations made against each other, whereby bitterly they make invasions, and if they could (so vehement are their words) neither should have had any commendations ascribed unto them. Again as Cicero had besides Hortensius' Salluste: so had Demosthenes besides Aeschines, Demades, which envied his rare gifts, 
Demades.  and wonderful eloquence, & that was not a close or secret obtrectation, but open and well known to all men, by their continual biting each other with words of contempt, where ever they met.   

¶ Of Freating. Chap. 29.  

fretting.  THe fift part of Sorrow, is called fretting, which according to the mind of Cicero, and Zeno, is a Sorrow of the mind, mightily bringing down a man, and altering his constitution. Which agreeth very well to the derivation of the word. For in Latin it is called Angor, which is borrowed from the greeks, 
Angor.  for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek it is to hang or strangle, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a substantive thereof, is named a choking or strangling. Hereof it is apparent, that this fretting doth not only unquiet the mind, but also bring the body much out of temper. Nay, we read that by this Perturbation, many have lost their lives, and suddenly given up the ghost. As P. Rutilius, 
P. Rutilius.  which when he heard that his brother presuming to obtain the dignity of a consul in Rome, had taken the repulse for very anguish of mind, with fretting left this world, and died. Another which was a sophist, and professed the art of Logic, being one of great fame, 
Theophra●tus. Stilpo.  and in that faculty had no peer in those days, entering disputation with Stilpo, one of great fame for his profound knowledge, and being driven by the same Stilpo to a Dum blank, or Non plus, in an easy question, took the same so grievously at the heart, as presently that great and unreasonable fréeting, despoiled him not only of wit and reason, but of all sense and feeling. But these few words may so sufficiently declare this affection Freatinge, to be altogether unmeet for a reasonable creature.   

¶ Of Sadness. Chap. 30.  
ANother part of Sorrow, is called Sadness: 
Sadness.  whose nature according to the opinions of those which have been most diligent in the searching the very properties of every Perturbation shallbe declared. Cicero, whom in this matter especially I do follow, defineth Sadness to be a Sorrow continuing, and deeply rooted in the mind. And it hath place most chief in those whose minds are occupied about earthly affairs. Hereof according to some mens verdict, Tristitia is explicated to be a standing of the earth, 
Tristitia quasi, Terra●stitia, ut Solstitium.  & thereof is thought to be Terraestitia, even as Solstitium hath his beginning a Solis station, from the standing or quiet resting of the Sun. Melancholic persons are most subject to this Perturbation: and therefore Aristotle saith, that they are continually vexed, both in mind and body, they are very seldom well at ease, but stand in need of the Physician, because they digest their meat very ill: and he sayeth moreover, that they are strong in imaginations, and for sharpness of wit they excel. The Poets feign Prometheus, 
Prometheus. Caucasus.  to be tied on the top of the mountain Caucasus, & an Eagle to be gnawing of his heart. Whereby they signify no other thing, but the great sadness of Prometheus, gotten by the contemplating the Stars and Planets. For Prometheus was a learned man, and very skilful in Astronomy, and therefore because of his great diligence bestowed in searching the causes of the motions of the heavens, and the nature of things, he is thought with cares, study, and sadness, to be consumed. 
Cicero.  Which when Cicero did understand, in smiling sort he said: He could very well be content to be of a dull and blockish capacity, so he might be free from that kind of nature. 
Pythagori●i  And the Pythagorians were of his opinion, for their poesy was, that The heart should not be eaten: Their meaning was, that cares, and sadness, should not consume the heart by unquieting the mind: We see those which be given to sadness, to be prone to all wickedness, as envy, deceit, covetousness, lechery, and such like vices: and moreover, they are delighted in no good exercise, for the most part, but desire to be idle, and do nothing. Which the Astronomers considering, writ, that they are under the government of Saturn, an hurtful, slothful planet, 
Saturnus.  & most enemy to mankind of all other planets. C. Caesar, declared himself to hate & detest those which by nature were pale, 
C. Caesar.  and sad. And therefore on a time, as he was merely jesting, with many of his famyliars, but especially with one of a pleasant countenance, and of constitution of body very gross, another perceiving his great familiarity, came unto him, and willed him to talk not so friendly, but to take heed of him, for without doubt he said, if he used his company and familiarity, no good would come thereof. Then Caesar smile, said, that he, feared not those of merry countenance, but those lowering and sad persons, meaning Brutus, and Cassius, which in deed afterwards, 
Brutus. Cassius,  were not only the procurers, but the committers of his cruel murdering. Myson also, whom some account among the seven wise men of Gréece, 
Myson.  was given to such unreasonable sadness, that he was reported to persecute all mankind with hatred, and men gathered the same, because he was in no company merry, neither took he delight in any. And but once in all his life, he was seen to laugh, and that was at such a time, when as (a great sort being in company) all others were sad: and being demanded, why at that time he broke into laughter, none else being merry? answered, because I have no companion. By which answer of Myson, it is gathered, that sad persons care for no company, but take most delight when they are alone. But now to come to the cause hereof: 
Causes of sadness.  no marvel though deep and profound meditation bring the same, and cause men to be desirous to be alone. For nature hath given to every man two places, or receptacles of all his cogitations, one is the brain, the other the heart, both being furnished with cogitations, needs must a man be unquiet, and prone to sadness, for to the brain have recourse all the senses of man's body, which as they were messengers, bring news of all such exterior things, which are object unto them: and therefore running continually thereunto, suffereth the brain never quietly to rest, but always with imaginations trouble it. But the heart by reason that it is more close and secret, is less assaulted with the senses: And therefore the mind of man, when it hath some great, and grave cogitation, flieth unto the heart, as to a more quiet place, where he may the better judge truth from falsehood, and according to reason give sentence of every thing. And so we (by the example of the mind) when we are in any cogitation of weight, seek the most secret place free from all noise, that so we may neither see those things which will trouble our minds, nor hear that which may drive us from the same into some other matter. And in this respect, sadness may be well commended, and taken for a great gravity, 
Sadness commendable.  which ancient writers do much praise: and hereof it comes that Lucilius and Varro, have called Philosophers grave, sad, and severe, epithetons given in good part to their commendations. And Terence saith: There is a sad severity in his countenance, & faithfulness in words, whereby it appeareth that sadness sometime is taken for a good quality. And as there is an ungracious, so is there a virtuous, which is a token of no light person, but of one whose behaviour is such, as his desire is to be accounted grave, as were Philosophers, and are all wise and prudent men. Therefore aught every man so prepare himself, that not so much as a show of that hard, bitter, and sour sadness, which hath always been commended of none, but contemned of all wise men, should appear in him: but this grave and severe sadness, aught not only to be wished for, but laboured for, that so, he may be numbered among the grave, and wiser sort of men.   

¶ Of pensiveness. Chap. 31.  
NOt unlike to Sadness, is pensiveness, 
pensiveness. Moeror.  & therefore is it next adjoined unto the same, and is defined of Cicero to be a doleful, or weeping sorrowfulness, It is named in Latin Moeror: & that is, derived from the Latin verb Maresco, which signifieth to dry, or wither. Because that this pensiveness withereth the body of man. But if any be not content with that derivation, they may think the same to be fetched either from the Greek verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Adversity.  which is by interpretation, to receive a lot, and hereof it cometh that adversity is ascribed to fortune: or else from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is is by chance to get a thing. But which of these opinions are true, greatly it skilleth not, and yet there be which think this word to be derived of either of them. Now to my purpose. This woeful Sorrow is a Perturbation which aught not to be in a discreet and wise man. For it is a manifest sign and token of an effeminate & womanlike person. And not without good cause it is so judged: for it weakeneth the string or veins of virtue, and maketh them in all their doing negligent, & of no strength or power to accomplish any good enterprise: 
Lacedæmonians.  which consideration made the Lacedæmonians by a certain superstition at their altars, to whip and scourge their children, that so they might in time be without Pensiunesse, and be hardened to sustain all miseries, with a bold courage. And their custom was so narrowly observed, that almost none were found, not not among the weak sort, which either would groan, or give any sign of grief, when they were in pain: and if any did in his calamities shed but one tear, he was not only derided of his fellows, but also brought again to the altar, there to be grievously tormented for his not observing their custom. Hereof it proceeded that the Lacedæmonians of all people, in peace and war, proved the most valiant. The Spartans also were marvelously commended, 
Spartans.  because they were free from this pensive sorrowfulness. And though they did always declare their patience, yet at no time, or place more, than in their miserable servitude under king Antigonus: for when he had ransacked their city, bereft them of their treasure, and left nothing which good was, yet amongst them all, there was none found, not not so much as a woman, which was pensive at the matter, but every one rejoiced, the old men that their lusty inventus: the fathers that their children: the women that their husbands, and every one triumphed that, so many had gotten so glorious deaths, for the defence of they● country. Therefore who doth not commend these men for their noble stomachs which can without grief bear patiently so great losses? So that the lacking of this affection being's commendation, but the subjection to it, brings defamation. 
Cicero.  As it did unto Cicero (a man of great renown, and one which by eloquence, brought much honour unto his country) for being called by Clodius into judgement (because of his own authority, without permission of the Senate, 
Lentulus. Cethegus.  he had commanded Lentulus, and Cethegus to be punished) he was of such an abated courage, as having changed his garment, weeping, and miserably pensive, as he was going, fell at the feet of every one which he met▪ A strange thing that he which by eloquence, could turn the hardest heart into pity, should by his pensiveness, be a laughing stock unto all men. But as Cicero was, such was Demosthenes in eloquence, 
Demosthenes.  & persuading inferior to none (if by study, not Ex tempore, he should have spoken) for when he should have defended himself before the Athenians, he with pensiveness so forsook himself, as rather he had to go into perpetual banishment, then by talk openly to beseech favour, or forgiveness at the hands of the Athenians. So that this childish affection, pensiveness, hath as much darkened their fame, as their eloquence purchased their commendation. Wherefore by their examples, we with great heed should beware lest we be spotted with the same fault, and so bring ourselves into contempt and derision, when as other qualities, 'cause us to be wondered at.   

¶ Of Mourning. Chap. 32.  
MOurning Cicero calleth a Sorrow, conceived of the death of him, 
Mourning what.  which was dear unto us, By them Laws of Twelve tables at Rome, all crying, and funeral weeping, were sharply forbidden.  
And that not without good consideration, for reason hath given us this knowledge, that their deaths whose life, hath been good, and without any notorious crime, should always be a comfort unto us, by a continual remembrance, so far should we be from mourning for them. Again, patiently should that be borne, which no strength can overcome, 
Why mourning misliked of the wise.  nor counsel avoid. And therefore what availeth mourning, when nothing can altar? Rather should this persuasion comfort us, to think no strange thing is happened, but that which all mankind sometime shall have. But permit mourning to be a tolerable thing, & to be suffered: yet shall we get nothing but this thereby, that we afterward shall seem in behaviour light, and in habit unseemly. And who is he but doth deride such an unpleasant person? who is he, but doth contemn a man, which in adversity will mourn, and shed tears? we therefore (naming him a wise man, which can mortify immoderate affections) will have a man (because he shall not appear, altogether forgetful of his friends) to show some token of Sorrow, but that shallbe after a grave sort, such as shall become a man, not brutishly to howl, or cry out, but after a modest sort shall make the same to appear. And that the better it may be done, I will bring forth some, who are worthy to be imitated herein: who doth not greatly commend Anaxagoras, for his so patiented bearing the departure of his son? 
Anaxagoras  for when news was brought him, that his son was dead, he was so far from shedding tears, that like a wise man he answered, Is that such a strange thing thou tellest me? I knew I had begotten a mortal man. Or what man is he which hearing of the Leena, 
Leena.  is not ashamed of himself (if he be a mourner) or what woman should not follow her steps (if she be a mother) which hearing that her son in battle died valiantly, never cried, or bewailed the same with outcries, (as the use is now a days, almost among all women) but lifting up her hands to the heavens, thanked God heartily, that she had brought such a son into the world, which in respect of virtue, for the defence of his country gave his life. And so should every good woman for her child, and every welwyller for his friend, give God most hearty thanks, if he die virtuously. As did also Xenophon, which when according to the custom of the Athenians, 
Xenophon.  with a crown of his head, going to make sacrifice, he hard that his son Gryllus in a battle at Mantinoa had been slain, 
Gryllus.  at the sudden tidings, was somewhat astonished, but having farther intelligence that he died valiantly, and with commendation of all, went on with his business, and first thanked God, that it pleased him to take his son out of this world, in so notable a sort.  
I recite these examples to the shame (almost) of all Christians, which when they see or hear of the virtuous death of their children, will notwithstanding, not thank God therefore, but as if they had been the veriest thée●es that might be, piteously lament and morn for their leaving this world.  
Well, being in so good a matter, I will bring one example more, that so we may either be ashamed of our selves, or the better stirred to bear patiently the death of those which we esteem, and make account of.  
To Horatius Puluillus, a man of great authority, and for his virtue, 
Horatius Puluillus.  chiefest Priest in Rome, dedicating a Temple unto jupiter, word was brought that his Son had left this world. But he being for his wisdom as reverend, as for his dignity honourable, because he would not seem to prefer a private thing, before a public: or a profane matter, before his divine exercise, gave no sign of any grief, but persisted in his godly attempt. This example of Horatius, may strike a perpetual shame into the faces of them, which, though they be in counsel, concerning weighty matters, or in doing never so godly exercise, if news be brought them that their son, or their friend be dead, they will both forsake their weighty business, and cut of their godly prayers, and by tears make all to understand, that their son, or their friend is departed: whereby they seem to make more account of one, then of many: of a private person, then of the public state, of a son, before their salvation▪ For this matter, these shall suffice, and therefore this Perturbation, Mourning, with the sentence of Pliny, 
Plinius secundus.  shall be concluded, which very wisely telleth, which death should be mourned for, in these words: In mine opinion (sayeth he) their death comes not untimely, which endeavour to get them by virtue immortality. For those which are given to the belly: and to all kind of pleasures, as though they should enjoy this world but even a day, they cut of the causes of life: but those which think upon their posterity, and are studious to leave some notable thing in the world, thereby to have their memory continued, those he sayeth, can not die untimely, or out of season, because their fame brings them into continual remembrance. And we should think that those die not untimely, which die virtuously, and mourn for them, but such as die wickedly, and lament their death.   

¶ Of troublesomeness. Chap. 33.  
THis part of Sorrow, 
troublesomeness.  troublesomeness (if so I may interpret the Latin word Aerumnam, for want, of a more proper to express the same) is called of Cicero, a laboursome Sorrow. 
Cice. lib 1. de finibus bonorum et malorum.  Cicero saith, Our elders have named our labours not to be avoided, by a most sad word Aerumna. And therefore they have named those labours and pains, which necessarily must be taken, by the the name of troublesomeness, thereby to give to understand, that nothing aught be left undone, be it never so troublesome, of any man, if it appertain to the profit, and commodity of many. For no dolour nor danger aught we to shun and avoid, if thereby we may do good. And therefore Scipio reading the books of Xenophon, 
Scipio. Xenophon de iustitutione Cyri.  did greatly commend that place of Xenophon, where he said, that no pains or labours should seem grievous at any time to a captain or soldior, for the glory which their prows should purchase, might take away all remembrance of labour passed. Therefore it is the part of every man according to his calling, to refuse no labour, neither to commit that by slothfulness he be accounted too nice, and him that will take no pains to the benefiting of others. And yet is it meet, that in our business we do the same discretely, lest otherwise we appear either foolish or fanatical. Therefore this Perturbation is good, and to be embraced, as that which putteth us in mind, not to be careless in our callings, but careful to discharge ourselves, and painful in profiting others, considering that in so doing we do not only oftentimes enrich ourselves in this world, but also get a name everlasting.   

¶ Of Lamentation. Chap. 34.  
AMong Perturbations, as there be some good, 
Lamentation.  and to be desired: so are there others to be shunned & despised: among which is numbered this Lamentation, which we are now about to declare. For it is an affection altogether unmeet for a wise man: whose definition doth show no less: for Cicero describeth it to be a sorrowfulness, showed by a certain howling and crying out, for it is so far from a wise man, that it is not to be liked, not, not in little children. And although the Poets in their works do oftentimes bring notable & valiant men miserably crying & lamenting, by which they seem but smally to differ from fools and mad men (as Homer brings out Bellerophon bayling like a sheep without company, 
Bellerophon.  wandering in the Alien fields) yet aught not their examples to be followed, as those which wise men laugh at, and have in contempt.   

¶ Of Carefulness. Chap. 35.  
Carefulness according to Cicero's opinion, 
Carefulness.  is a Sorrowfulness of the mind, proceeding from some great and deep cogitation fixed at the heart. With this affection are troubled, as all those which are of noble capacity: so especially which have addicted themselves to the study of good letters, if so be they lose & slack the bridle of reason overmuch. The Egyptians say, 
Egyptians.  that their country can very well agree to the natures of men, for unto those which use the same well, it is very healthful, but unto others, 
Athenians.  as hurtful. The Athenians also reported, that they as long as they gave themselves to good things, were the most excellent of all, but following vice & wickedness, they proved in the end to be the very patrons of all ungraciousness. So that hereof we may infer, that this great study & carefulness in a naughty disposed person, causeth great hurt, aswell to himself by sickness, as to others by wickedness: but in a good & virtuous person, it converteth all his endeavours to good exercises, and so it both altereth aswell the name as the nature, & is called diligence, which aught to be in all men. For it is called the mistress of doctrine, 
Diligence the mistress of learning  without which nothing can either be spoken or done in this life with commendation, and praise of men, and without which it is altogether impossible to prove learned, much less excellent in any science.   

¶ Of Molestation and Afflictation. Chap. 36.  

Molestation  MOlestation is a grief of mind, not ceasing, but continuing. For when carefulness by continual cogitations hath troubled the mind, then cometh it at length, and is turned into this molestation, which if it persevere and continued, it afflicteth the body very much, and so afterwards is converted into another Perturbation, which is named Afflictation, & is defined of Cicero to be a grief of mind, 
Afflictation.  with the vexation of the body. Of the same have many died, as we read of Lepidus, which by a long grief conceived of the misbehaviour of of his wife, shortened his days. 
Lepidus.    

¶ Of Desperation. Chap. 37.  
THe last of all Perturbations, is Despair, 
Despair.  which of all other is most pernicious: whose definition declareth no less. For it is a sorrowfulness without all hope of better fortune. And therefore it entereth so far into the heart of man, that oftentimes it compelleth him to violate his nobility, and to cast violent hands upon himself: than which nothing can be more hurtful and dangerous for the soul. The very Heathen Philosophers and Poets, do greeatly enueigh against this despair, and therefore to make it the more to be shunned, they feign Philostrates being destitute of all his friends, 
Philostrates  by reason of the contagiousness of a wound, to lead a poor, and most miserable life, & like a beggar, to wander from place to place: thereby to signify, that though he were in such misery, as no man could be in more, yet had he rather so to consume his days, then desperately to kill, and cast himself away. A notable example. Yet notwithstanding, that wise men have enueighed against it, & reason doth condemn desperate persons, yet have the Romans, & many other nations allowed, 
Romans.  and thought well of the same, else would not so many, so desperately have bereft themselves of life: as did Brutus & Cassius after the death of Caesar: 
Brutus and Cassius. Antonius. Cleopatra.  as did Antony, when he heard that Cleopatra had killed herself: for hearing the same, he broke into these words: Die Antony, what lookest thou for? Fortune hath taken her from thee, by whom thou desired'st to prolong thy days, and therefore it shall never be said, that such a captain as I have been accounted, will be stained of a woman in stoutness of minds and therewithal gored himself upon a sword, and so most desperately forsook this world. 
Pachetes.  Likewise Pachetes an Athenian Orator, because he could not move his auditor's minds: and so did Empedocles, 
Empedocles.  because he could not learn the cause of the burning of Aetna: and profound Aristotle, 
Aristotle.  because he could not give a reason of the flowing of Nilus: 
Cato.  and wise Cato having read the books of Plato, touching the immortality of the soul▪ 
Ambrociotes.  and godly Ambrociotes in the like manner, for the same cause did cast himself headlong from an high hill: and so exceeding in brutishness, the very beasts, have desperately, and devilishly deprived themselves of that, which they should keep as a most precious jewel, until it pleased God to call for the same.  
And therefore as Lactantius hath written, if he be a wicked homicide, 
Lactantius de falsa sapientia. Cap. 18.  which is the slayer of a man, then is he the same which killeth himself, because he killeth a man. Nay, a most horrible & damnable offence is it to be judged, whose revengement belongeth only unto God: for as we came into this world, not of our own accord, but by the leave and permission of God, so aught we to leave this world, not at our pleasure, but when it shall please God to call us away. And therefore (as Plato said very well) as in this world, he which without licence of one in authority will break a prison, though he be not guilty, yet for his boldness procureth his own death, and that presently: so in the world to come, shall be perpetually be punished, which contrary to the will and time prescribed of God, will part the soul from the body, and set it at liberty. Thus briefly have I declared both how many, and what are the Perturbations.   
FINIS.   

❧ Of Moral virtues. Lib. 2.  

¶ Of the chiefest felicity. Chap. 1.  
WE have already declared how a man may easily subdue his coltishe affections, and make them to abide under the yoke of reason, so that he knoweth what to avoid as capital and deadly enemies to his good endeavours. It will not therefore be a miss now to prescribe what he should with tooth & nail, with all care and diligence seek to attain, and in them as in a sure haven rest himself, where he may be saulfe from the troublesome tempests, which this wretched world shall raise to his destruction. 
divers opinions touching the true felicity.  Many men according to their divers minds (for every man hath his opinion) have diversly thought hereof. Some men have supposed this haven to be the delight of the mind, as did the Epicures: 
Epicures. Aristippus.  others the beastly pleasure of the body, as did Aristippus: others a good constitution of the body, and perpetual health, without sickness, as did Metrodorus: 
Metrodorus  some have thought honesty linked with pleasure, as Calliphon and Dinomachus: 
Calliphon. Dinomachus. Diodorus. Hieronimus▪ Herillus. stoics. Zeno.  some to be free from sorrow and grief of mind, as Diodorus and Hieronimus: some learning, and profound knowledge, as Herillus: some to live honestly, and to follow virtue, as the stoics: some not to decline from the law of nature, as Zeno: some in the goods of nature, fortune, and the mind, 
Aristotle. Peripatetions.  as did Aristotle, and the Peripatetions. So that how many sects, so many sentences, and how many men, so many opinions. But in this diversity, we will chief allow the judgement of the Peripatetions, and so neither think with Aristippus and Metrodorus, that the body, and delight thereof is the chiefest thing, and most to be desired: neither with the stoics and Epicures, that good qualities of the mind only, but jointly in the external, corporal, and mental goods: and then is a man most happy in this life, when perfectly he enjoyeth all those.  
This felicity is defined of Aristotle to be either a virtuous prosperity: 
Aristoteles. lib. 1. Rhetor. ad Theodecten. Cap. 14  or a flourishing estate, joined with an honest conversation: or else a way sufficiently of itself, teaching how to live well: or a life endued with all kind of pleasure, quiet, and glorious: Finally he is thought and defined, in this world to be happy and blessed, which for his substance is rich, for the constitution of his body is healthful, and wanteth not those things which both may keep the same when he hath it, or recover the same, when he wanteth it.  
Out of those definitions, 
Parts of felicity.  may easily be gathered, the parts of which felicity consisteth, and they are either in respect of the body (as we said before) corporal, or natural: or of Fortune external: or because they are in a man, mental, and of the mind. So that they are thréeforde.  
He that is desirous to have a full understanding of every one of these, aught to make recourse to the great volumes of learned Philosophers, which have at large explicated them. Yet will we not altogether let them pass, but of every one speak somewhat orderly.   

¶ Of the goods of Fortune. Chap. 2.  
THe Philosophers, & other unfaithful heathens, considering the mutability of all things, and the small assurance that man hath of any thing, have supposed this world to be governed by some blind or beastly God. 
Fortune described.  And hereof came the fiction of Fortune, which is of ancient, both Poets and painters feigned to be blind, brutish and frantic, and so to stand upon a round stone, distributing worldly things. She is thought to be blind, because she bestoweth her gifts without consideration of Persons: Brutish, because she rewardeth most commonly, the most ungodly: without judgement, Mad, because she is wayward, cruel and unconstant: standing not upon a square stone, for that abideth, but upon a round one, for that slideth continually. And therefore she is counted as brittle as glass, and nothing or more unstable. And yet notwithstanding, at her pleasure she bestoweth all things: which Virgil confirmeth, for he ascribeth unto her this little Omnipotent: and Saluste sayeth, that in all things Fortune beareth sway. But let them as Heathens, and without the knowledge of the true God, imagine what they list, yet let us think, and believe none to be Omnipotent, and to dispose the world, and that which is in the same, but only our God, not Fortune: and that he doth all things, not rashly without reason, but providently to our preservation: and that he is not mad in his doings, but mighty and marvelous, and doth all things to the comfort of his elect. For if the virtuous be pinched with poverty, or plagued with any kind of adversity, they aught with Christ to say, Their kingdom is not of this world: if the vicious be puffed with plenty, or placed in all kind of prosperity, the good should persuade themselves, that though they flourish, yet a time will come, when a straight account shall be asked, and those wicked stewards shall be thrown headlong into that lake which burneth continually with fire and brimstone, where is weeping & gnashing of teeth. Yet will we somewhat follow the Philosophers (& yet so as our opinion shallbe that there is a God, & that nothing happeneth by chance, or fortune unto man, but by the especial providence of almighty God) and with the ruder sort we will consider what are the goods of Fortune: which are in number infinite. For they are all such earthly things, 
Goods of Fortune.  as are given of God to the use of man, or those things which are not in man, but are gotten by man, as Riches, Good will of men, Nobility, Fame, Authority, Honour, many, and virtuous children, and such like. Those which I have recited are much spoken of, & therefore I will speak somewhat of them. Under the name of riches are comprehended plate, 
Riches.  money, jewels, household stuf, lands, possessions, store of sheep, oxen, horses, & other beasts. I am not ignorant what hath been the judgement of wise & learned men, concerning riches, as that of Isocrates, 
Isocrates ad Demonicum.  where he saith, That riches do rather stir to vices, then prick to virtue▪ 
Plato.  or that of Plato, where he saith, that he is a mad man, which can judge a rich man, to be an happy man: or that of another, which accounteth that estate miserable, whereas rich men are honourable. I know likewise that Philosophers have contemned, 
Crates Thebanus  & cast them away, as did Crates of Thebes, which thought he could not, possess riches, and reason at once: as did Moninus, which scattered money in the streets, 
Monimus.  & nothing at all cared for this life: 
Aristippus. Democritus.  as did Aristippus Democritus & others. And yet I am not ignorant that Isocates counsel is, we should gather wealth, both to relieve our own want, and also to succour the necessity of others: That Terence saith, riches are according to their use, good, 
Terentius in Hea●t. Actus. primi scena secunda. Lactantius de salsa Sapientia. Cap. 23.  if they be well used: bad, if they be abused: I know also that Lactantius, called Democritus a foolish man, for leaving his patrimony, and substance at six and seven: and that he judged Crates (and such like) a mad man, for flinging his substance and treasure into the sea, with which he might have relieved manies want.  
Of this point, because my desire is to be short, I will speak no more, but will leave the sentence to the judgement of the wise, 
Callimachus.  only with Callimachus I say, that Riches without wisdom, to use them, can not honest a man, much less exalt him: and virtue or good qualities without Riches, are as it were a candle under a bushel, & obscure: & with learned Sappho, I say, Riches without virtue do little profit, 
Sappho.  but joined with good qualities, do beautify and set out a a man's virtue very much. Aristotle defines him to be a true friend, 

Aristot●les. lib. 1. Rhetor ad Theod. Cap. 16.  
A true friend.   whose care is to pleasure his friend in all honest things, moved thereunto, by a mere good will, which he beareth unto him. Now he which hath many such friends, is counted to be likewise in Fortune's books. But of true friendship, we shall have occasion to speak more, when we shall describe the nature of Justice. Thirdly, he is said to have good Fortune which is borne of a noble house, 
Nobility.  or by his own virtues raiseth to his posterity, great fame and glory. Aristotle doth distinguish nobleness of birth, & saith if is either universal or particular. Universal, as to be borne in a noble and famous country: particular to come of noble progenitors. Both truly illustrateth a man very much, as long as his virtues do answer to the fame, either of his country, or parents: otherwise more shame he getteth than glory. For notable is the answer of Themistocles to Tymodemus, 
Themistocles. Tymodemus.  which objected to him that were it not, that he were an Athenian, his name would be obscure. Thou sayest true, answered he, for if I were thy countryman, my virtues should never be rewarded, and if thou wert my countryman, thou shouldest never be so much as talken of, for thou hast no good qualities. Whereby he seemeth to infer that an obscure country bringeth no credit to a man, be he never so virtuous: and a noble country illustrateth no man, which is not of good behaviour. On the other part to come of noble parentage, and not to be endued with noble qualities, is rather a defamation, than a glory. And therefore true is that sentence of Cicero, 
Cicero, pro Sexto Roscio.  Noble men, except they be vigilant, honest, valiant, and merciful (notwithstanding their birth) must needs give place unto them, which are adorned with these goodly virtues. And to the like purpose, enueighing against Catiline, he saith, 
Cicero in Catilinam  Thy naughty life Catiline, hath so obscured the glory of thy predecessors, that although they have been famous, yet by thee they will come into oblivion, and never be spoken of, wherefore never cast me in the teeth, of my baseness of birth, for better is it by virtue and good deeds to get renown both to me and my posterity, than as thou dost, to depend upon the opinion of a noble house, and so by idleness, and wicked living, to shame both yourself, and to extinguish their fame. So Cicero. By which it appeareth how foolish, and fanatical they show themselves, which will boast of their gentiltie, and think others in respect of themselves, no better than slaves, or abjects of none account, when as in deed none are more abjects then themselves, because depending upon their petty gree, they neglect those things which are the tokens of a true gentleman. Nobility therefore of birth to a virtuous man, bringeth great glory: to a vicious, raiseth perpetual reproach: other Nobility in this life by virtue attained, is to be supposed no small token of an happy life. 
Fame.  Another part of good Fortune is to be well reported of, and to have a good name. The reddiest way to purchase a good name, is by our good deeds to show ourselves such, as our desire is to be accounted.  
It is written of Dionysius, 
Dionysius.  a most cruel tyrant, that as long as he perceived himself to be well reported of, he was a good man, but when the privy talk to his defamation came to his ears, he then began to leave his good nature, and to exercise all kind of cruelty toward his subjects, and become the most cruel Prince that ever was. 
Erasmus in Vidua sua.  The consideration of which made Erasmus to say, that it was no small treasure to have a good name: and yet is it more frail than any glass. For nothing is sooner lost, and nothing harder to be recovered. And most commonly, he which by good behaviour deserves to be best thought of, it falleth out, that he is most defamed.  
But true is that of Tully: 
Cicero pro, Q. Roscio.  Even as fire cast into the water, is quickly quenched, & put out: so a false and hot accusation against an honest life & conversation, doth not long continued, but is extinguished. And a rumour raised of nothing (saith Erasmus) son of his own accord vanisheth: 
Erasmus in vidua.  and the end of it is nothing else, but to make the innocency of him which is slandered to be more wondered at, and commended. Cicero likewise writeth very notably hereof, 
Cicero pro. P. Quinct. 10.  and saith: That if a man's good name be not polluted, though he have nothing else, yet that stands him in more steed, than the possession of great riches Wherefore we may very well say, that he hath good fortune, which is free from the slanderous tongue, and whose good name is not called into reprehension, by the wicked endeavours of malicious persons. A man is likewise said to be happy, when he is honoured of men. This honour is called the reward of virtue. M. Marcellus building a temple, which he called the temple of Honour, 
M. Marcellus. honour.  did so place & situate the same, as none could have entrance thereunto, except first he came through virtues temple. Signifying thereby, that the way to honour, is by virtue only, not by favour, money, nor other means. And hereof it is that in deed we honour only such as either have, or may do us some great benefit. And therefore the Athenians honoured Aristigeton, and Harmodius, 
Aristogeton. Harmodius  for killing a tyrant: and the Romans did erect images to all such as had gotten renown to their country: and generally all such are honoured of every man, which have or may do him good. Cicero saith, 
Cicero lib. 1. Epi. ad Q. Fratrem.  that those have excellent wits, which are pricked with the desire of glory. And we find it most true, that none have proved excellent in any thing, except first he were stirred thereunto by a burning desire of honour. 
Honour alit arts.  For (that I may ommit all liberal arts which would be of no price, except their were a preferment) who is he which in other things can prospero without an hope of attaining honour▪ and praise of men? Great and exceeding be the praises of Themistocles, and Fabius Maximus, 
Themistocles. Fabius Maximus.  but such commendation was given them, when the study of Honour had entered into their minds, not before. For they were afore of most wicked conversation, but when the shame of the world had troubled them, and they were pricked with desire of glory, they proved two such fellows, as in Athens was none like unto Themistocles, and Fabius by his virtues got unto him another name, 
Fabius Gurges.  and was called not Gurges (as before) but Maximus, both very honourable, and very well esteemed in their country. This Honour, as the reward of well doing, aught not only to be desired, but sought for, but yet not by all means, or ill means, but we must come to the same (as I said before) by virtue, she must be our guide, and bring us to the place of honour. It hath been sought for of many, and yet none purchase the same, and are truly honoured of the wise, but only the virtuous. For when as they hunt after the same immoderately, 
Ambition.  not according to the rules of wisdom, they are counted ambitious, and pricked thereunto because they would be in the eyes of men gracious, not for any good they mean to the common weal. Such are known by their fruits, and are honoured of flatterers, or other men, because they would reap some profit. To have the true Honour, and to be reverenced among men, for the sake of virtue, is an especial gift, and one of the chiefest goods of Fortune. Another of the goods of Fortune, 
Children.  is to be blessed with children, & those in number many, of nature honest. There was a law among the Spartans, 
Spartans.  that he which had begotten three men children, should neither watch nor ward: and if any had five sons, should be set free from paying any common fine, & never be troubled with bearing any public office, but live at his hearts ease, quietly. And the Romans had a company of men called Proletaries, 
Proletaries.  upon whom was never any task or fine set, but they did benefit, and pleasure their country with begetting children. And certainly, the getting of children is one of the chiefest benefits that can be in a common weal, without which mankind would soon perish and come to nought. And who is he that will not judge that man to be greatly in Fortune's favour, which is adorned with many goodly children? Or who will reprehend that noble Cornelia, 
Cornelia.  which counted her children to be her treasure and riches? God hath promised that he which serveth him shall have a wife, as fruitful as the vine, and that his children shall stand like Olive branches round about his table. Finally what a blessing it is to have children, let them judge which want. I have heard that the chiefest cause of debate, among many folks is most commonly barrenness: and some are so desirous of them, that many thousands they would give, to have but one. By which it appeareth what a great blessing it is to have many children, especially if they be virtuous: else were it better to have none. For, as we commonly say, Better unborn, then untaught. To have them well mannered, consisteth in the power of parents, for if they will, they may be endued with all virtues. Which made Solon to enact that those parents in their old age, 
Solon.  should not be relieved of their children, which cared not how they practised good manners, or profited in other human literature. And therefore Cicero doth sharply rebuke Timarchides, 
Cicero actione. 4. in Verrem. Timarchides.  for that being of wicked life, and conversation himself, yet he was not ashamed, to have his son of tender years to be a viewer, and a witness of his wicked living. And as vehemently he doth inveigh against Verres for the same fault, 
Cicero act. 6 in Verré.  because he cared not how his son spent his time, whether among harlots, or honest persons. Notable is the example of julia, daughter unto Augustus the Emperor, 
julia.  and may be a good example to all well disposed parents, how they bring up their children. For she being on a time counseled by a dear friend, to leave her light behaviour, and to imitate the virtues of her noble father, answered contemptuously, My father hath forgot that he is an Emperor, and I do not remember that he is my father. And surely the readiest way to make children forget themselves and their friendés, is not by instructing them in good manners when they are young. I will recite no foreign examples, for England can minister matter enough, and every jail can bear me witness, how little care parents have of their children's good behaviour. The cause of julias' wickedness, was her fathers too much pampering her, and the cause of all wickedness not only in this land, but else where, is the carelessness of parents. For if they, while they are young, either did punish them, or suffer them to be punished, they would not without great fear and trembling offend, yea in smallest matters. Now (I may very well reason from a contrary) If the having of no children be such a grief and misery, not only to married folks, but also to the common weal, than the having of them is a great comfort to parents, and commodity to a common weal: and again, if carelessness of bringing them up in the study of virtue, be not only to themselves a shame and vexation, but unto their neighbours & countrymen hurtful, and pernicious, then must it needs be confessed, that to have children well nurtered, bringeth no small praise to their parents, and profit to mankind. And thus much concerning the goods of Fortune, which do illustrate every man very much, and 'cause them to be accounted of all men blessed: But the virtuous they do place almost in the highest degree of Felicity.   

¶ Of the goods of Nature. Chap. 3.  
BEfore I recite which are the goods of Nature, I will first show, what is signified by this word Nature: else will my words rest in great ambiguity, and my meaning will hardly be perceived. The Philosophers take the same diversly. 
Nature of what sorts  And sometime under that they comprehend the essence of every thing, whether it be substance, or quality, sensible, or not to be perceived: and in this taking of it, it is nothing but that which we call Essentia in Latin, the essence of any thing: sometime it is taken for every substance, whether it have a body, or be incorporate without one, and so is it another name of the first predicament called Substance, and so may be called sometime the predicament of Nature, sometime of Substance: sometime by this word Nature we understand the virtue, force, and property of every thing, whether it be special, or particular: a substance, or an accident: of the mind, or pertaining to the body, as we say in common speech, it is the Nature of the Adamant to draw iron unto it: it is the Nature of the fire to beat: of a Lion to be merciful: of a Tiger to be cruel: of a Man to be desirous of novelty: of a Woman to be fall of words. But these acceptions make nothing to our purpose. 
Natura fini●a, et sufinita.  Sometime they distinguish the same, and say there is a Nature which is endless, infinite: and there is a finite, a nature which hath an end. The endless nature is that which of itself, 
Natura a tyrants.  makes and createth all thing, and very darkly they call it Naturam naturantem, a Nature naturating, that is, creating all things: which in deed is nothing else but God. Here do the Philosophers show great folly, and defile themselves with unspeakable blasphemy, 
Lactantius de salsa Sapientia. Cap. 28  when they will ascribe the name of Nature unto him, which is above Nature. For if Nature be derived of nascendo (as the learned do say) from springing or being borne, how can he be called Nature, which is without beginning, and was never borne? for in so doing, by name they confess him to have a beginning, & so consequently shall have an end, which in deed hath been from everlasting, and shall continued for ever, than which, what can be more wicked? The finite Nature is that which hath an end, and may be comprehended. 
Natura fin●ta.  Again, they say Nature is of two sorts Universal, and Particular. 
Natura universalis.  The universal they divide, and say it may be taken Logically, or Physically: Logically from an universal comprehension in the mind of particular things, as by this general word, Creature, I understand all men endued with reason, and boasts: and by this special word, Man, I understand all particular men, this man, or that man, by what name so ever he be called. Physically understood, the universal nature is again distinguished, and taken either for a celestial influence, equally coming into every thing, according to his nature, and is of such power, as it preserveth all things from destruction: of this celestial nature, springs all second causes, and singular effects: 
Causae secundae.  or else it is taken not for the influence which cometh from the heavens, but a secret working in all kinds, engrafted into them of God, for continuance. Of this it cometh that every kind is preserved by his kind, and mankind by man: the nature of horses, by horses: of corn by seed, and that necessarily. For if by chance any thing brings forth, which is not of his kind, 
Monstrum.  it is judged a monster: as for a woman to bring forth no man but a beast, is monstrous: and against Nature, horrible & out of course. This universal nature altogether consisteth in imagination, and is nothing without conceit of mind. And this concerning the diverse understandings of universal nature.  

.  The particular nature, is that virtue which is in any one thing, without consideration of a multitude, or many things under one general: as the nature of this hen is to have chickens: these apples to spring out of this tree: so that every particular thing, a particular nature: and without this there can be no universal or common nature, except only in the mind of immortal creatures. This being briefly spoken concerning the diverse acceptions of this word Nature, we may the better prosecute our purpose. For none of these natures which we have recited according to the minds of the Philosophers, is that which maketh to our matter: although the two latter come very nigh. For that infinite, and endless nature may seem the bestower of all goods and goodness, & so (in deed largely, & as we say all goodness to spring, & proceed from God) it is. For all things are the goods of this endless: everlasting, and incomprehensible nature: but commonly, & with the rude multitude to speak, Nature in this place, is understood a particular nature, 
Nature.  a natural thing, and yet not every thing, but endued with sense: & yet not beasts, but reasonable creatures. The goods of this nature, which this natural man is adorned with all, are many, as those which I have spoken of before, external: and those which I shall have occasion to manifest hereafter, all good qualities of the mind, but in this place the goods of Nature be understood, all such things as are in the body of man, not penetrating into the most internal part, and mind of him.  

 Aristotle divides all goodness into two sorts, and calls them either external, or internal: external he saith are those which we have spoken of alreaddy, the goods of Fortune: internal the goods of the mind and of the body, or nature. These last goods are these, 
〈…〉 Th● goods 〈◊〉 Nature.  Health, Strength, Beauty, & Bigness. Without either of these, one can not be accounted happy in this life. For first let a man be for his substance wealthy: for honour princely: nay, let him be for his rare & wondered virtues, glorious, and if you will peerless: yet if he be troubled with a quotidian fever, or tormented with some grievous disease, I pray you is not his case miserable? 
Health  What a blessedness it is to have health, I refer me to those, which either are, or have been afflicted with diseases. The cause of a thing, brings knowledge. None can better tell what it is to possess riches, than h● which is pinched with poverty: and none can better report the benefit of liberty than he, which is in thraldom. By sour things, we know what are sweet. And in adversity we wish again to be in prosperity. It is said, that a poor labouring man having health, is happier, than a King in sickness. The reasons are, because the one keepeth us as it were in prison, that we may not stir, the other giveth us liberty to go about our business: one troubleth the mind, and takes away understanding, the other confirmeth the wit, and makes us readdie to all good exercises: briefly the one bringeth all things backward, by the other all things prospero and come forward. 
Stoic.  Although it be said that sickness is necessary to bring a man to the mindfulness of himself, when as health hath brought forgetfulness: which hath been confirmed by many examples, as of Hieron a king of Sicilia, 
Hieron.  which then began to favour good literature, when he was pinched with sickness: of Ptolemy the second, which proved excellently well seen in all human learning, 
Ptolemy.  when he had been plagued with great sickness: of Straton, which never would practise any commendable thing, 
Straton  before he had been grievously afflicted with contagious diseases: and Plato is reported never to have favoured Philosophy, 
Plato.  before sickness made him to know himself: which though they are noted of a number, to have proved famous, by reason of sickness, yet for one of them a thousand, may be recited, which in their health have accomplished that, which sickness could never 'cause them to enterprise. For what doth more consume the lively blood in man? what doth more extinguish the natural heat which is the cause of life, and promptness to every good exercise, then doth melancholic passions, wherewith sick folks are assaulted? So that less able they are to goodness then, then at any time. Although sometime it falls out (as in those which I have recited) that they have come from ungraciousness to goodness: and from wickedness to virtue, by reason of the affliction of the body: yet better he may (if he be endued with reason and grace) bend himself to a good conversation in health, then troubled with sickness. And with Lactantius I say, that necessary it is for him that is insolent, 
Adversity profitable sometimes.  to be brought to the acknowledging of himself by sickness, or other misery: but for a wise man not so. Which, if it were not, to what end should so many, even of the wisest, seek so many means, and so learned counsel, either to prevent sickness, when they are prone thereunto, or be cured, when they are diseased. Whereunto should such great heed▪ either of misdiet, or distempering of the body serve? Why doth not every man either ingurgitate himself, that he break even his heart veins with swylling, and good cheer: or pass all modesty in all his exercises, if sickness be so commodious? But the learned counsel, and those which have been sick, do cry Principiis obsta, Prevent a disease, and when sickness is a growing, in time cut it of. So that if their counsel be to be regarded, who both know & feel the discommodities of an afflicted body, we aught to judge them in no small happiness, which are free from all disquietness of body & mind. Croton, that city was so commended for the healthfulness of the place where she is situated, that of her came this adage, more healthful than Croton. 
Crotone ●lub●iu●▪  This healthfulness of place caused the Athenians to excel the other Grecians in excellency of wit. 
Athenians.  The Egyptians were the most profound in all knowledge that ever were, 
Egyptians.  and no other reason is given, but because they dwelled in a most healthful country of all others. The first precept which those give that writ of building is to choose a good and healthful place free from corrupt, and noisome airs. Were it my mind to make any long & large discourse of this matter, I would prescribe rules concerning the keeping of health, when we have it, but I leave the same, those which are desirous of it, may bestow their labour very well in perusing of Plutarch, Marsilius, Ficinus and others (if they understand the Latin tongue) which have written at large, and learnedly thereof. Another of the goods of Nature, is the strength of body. 
Strength.  A thing very good in time and place. Vincentius, a studious and very learned man, 
Vincentius.  makes three kinds of stout and valiant men, stout in knowledge, stout in body, & stout in mind. Those he calleth stout in knowledge, which (notwithstanding they have not that courageousness of mind which valiant men should be endued withal, 
Three kinds of valiant men.  yet) through a certain shame of neglecting their duty, they take heart of grace, and compel their body to take that in hand, which appertaineth to the profit and commodity thereof.  
Stout in body, are such to whom nature hath given bones and strength, 
Stout in body of three sorts.  easily to overcome many labours, and they are of three sorts. For some of them can do many things, but will not: some can and will: others will do more than they can. The same Vincentius calleth all such which are stout in body, and yet are cowards in mind. no better than thieves, and dissemblers with God and man: with God, because they may do good, and will not: with man, because they seem to be, and are not stout. In mind some are stout, some stouter, and some stoutest. 
Stout in mind of three sorts.  He confirmeth it with examples, and saith, Thobie was stout, job stouter, stoutest Abraham. Thobie committed, 
Thobias. job Abraham▪  job lost, Abraham left. This money, the other substance, the last house, lands, and kindred. On● in hope, an●●ther in patience: the other willingly. The first by taking compassion of the poor: the second by suffering the persecutor: the third, by obeying the commander. 
Fortitude  Fortitude is proved two ways, by desire and carnality. None of these gave place to desire (which consisteth in three things, 
Desire in three things consisteth.  in desire to get, in carefulness to keep: & unwyllingnesse to forego) but expelled it all together, because every man should have his own. They gave not place unto carnality, or natural affection. For Tobias did not love his son more than he aught: job did not vex himself for the death of his sons▪ more than was needful: Abraham did not only banish Ishmael, but also would have offered Isaac willingly unto the Lord. hitherto Vincentius▪ Three rare examples of true Fortitude. Of the strength of the body might much be spoken: but I will be brief. Only with that sentence of Lactantius I will conclude and say, 
Lactantius de 〈…〉 lib▪ 1. 〈◊〉. 9  that he is not valianter which killeth a Lion, than he which mortifieth his wild concupiscences: that he is not stouter which bringeth under foot ravening fowls, than he which bridleth his raging affections: nor he which overcometh a mighty Amazon: then he which vanquisheth his outrageous lust fight against his good fame and honesty: nor that he is more courageous, which subdueth wild colts, than he which expelleth wild concupiscence, and vices out of his heart, which are more hurtful, because they are domestical, than those which may be shunned and eschewed.  
By which it appeareth, that be only is to be accounted valiant, which is temperate, moderate, and of good conversation, be he notwithstanding of no great strength. And this in comparison, (for in respect of this conqueror of his internal, and infernal foes, the other against foreign enemies) is not so much as to be accounted worthy of praise: For strength without a stomach, is nothing, and he which hath it, is judged but a babbler. Both going together, bringeth a good opinion.  
As to have health and strength of body, so to be of a good stature, is numbered among the gifts of Nature.  

Bigness.  This bigness or stature consisteth in breadth, and height: He is of good stature, that is not to long, nor to short: to gross, nor to slender. A mean in all things, so in this, is best. This comeliness of stature is no small thing, and maketh him well to be accounted of, especially when to the comeliness of person, commendable qualities of the mind do answer. Another of Nature's goods, is form and beauty of body. 
Beauty.  The praises of beauty are many, and wonderful. We see those which have the same to be fancied of all men, again, who can favour a deformed person? And it is a great deal the more commendable, because of all creatures none is beautiful, but only man. And as nothing is adorned therewith, but only man, so nothing is delighted therewith but only man. And as it is commended for a notable gift, and great blessing, so is it dispraised for a wicked thing, and cause of much wickedness. Hereof it is said that beauty, riches, pleasure, and prosperity, causeth forgetfulness of ourselves. But to speak the same simply without consideration, is a mad thing. 
Aristotle. Eloquence.  And as Aristotle said to them which inveighed against eloquence (because many abused the same) that can not be numbered among wicked things, which may he well used to the benefit of others: so do I say to them which account beauty, riches, and prosperity among evil things, that those things aught not to be deemed nought, which may be well used. And who is he so devoid of reason, that will not confess that all these may be well bestowed? But if we should confess the truth, we should say the beauty of the face of all apparent things is most excellent, and a most evident sign of a good nature. It is caused of a good and pure blood, which appearing in the face, brings a delightful colour. The beautiful complexion is the sanguine: and the sanguines are of the best nature, 
Sanguine  and given (by their constitution) to all commendable exercises. The most deformed is the Melancholic, 
Melancholy.  a swart and ill favoured: and who are more wickedly bent, who are the causes of mischief every where, then (most commonly) are such? If I should recite the judgement of those which writ of complexitions, and commend the beautiful, I should not end this matter in much paper, it shall suffice therefore that by the way, I have touched the same.  
Sturmius describeth a man very notably, 
Sturmius de Imitatione oratoria lib. 2. Ca 12 A description of man.  and saith, That he may rightly be named a man, in which are these five things. Whereof the first is, a clear complexion, not pale, swart, or of dusky colour▪ The second, a good stature, and to be well set▪ not little, for that is contemptible: The third, a body well proportioned in every respect: The fourth, Agility of joints, and nimbleness to go about any thing: The fift, and last, virtuous qualities.  
Of all these, except the last, we have spoken, and therefore because without them, all other things are nothing: all other Goods are Evils, we will immediately make manifest the Goods and gifts of the mind.   

¶ Of the Goods of the mind. Chap. 4  
Now are we come to the goods of the mind, which in deed are only good, and sufficiently good of themselves. The other to wit, the Goods of Nature & Fortune, are so far good, as when they serve to good purpose: and are handemaides waiting upon virtue, not ministers to vices: and therefore they are not simply & sufficiently of themselves good, but by reason of their good usage.  
Cicero tells how there appeared unto Hercules two maidens diversly appareled, of divers nature: 
Cicero li. 1. Officio. Hercules. Virtue.  the one plain & simple: the other gorgeously decked and very fine. Each of them promised according to their ability rewards unto him▪ if he choosed according to their minds: The plain and simple said: if he would entertain her, he should in this world be wretched, and of small account, but afterward his felicity should be great, & his same everlasting. The other brave Dame said, 
Pleasure.  if he would think well of her, and make her his own, he should not lack, as long as he lived, any thing, which could be to his delectation, his riches should be infinite, his pleasures unspeakable, according to his desires every thing should happen, so that in this world, as long as he lived, he should be glorious: pains he should take none, but live at ease: but afterward she was not to promise' any thing. Hercules perceiving her to be vain pleasure, forsook her, and embraced the other, simple and rude virtue. Whereby he showed himself more to esteem virtue, bore, and void of all ornaments, miserable: then delightful pleasure accompanied with all the goods of Nature and Fortune. Democritus was of his mind, 
Democritus  and therefore, because the pleasure of this world should not carry him from contemplation, he plucked out his own eyes. Spurina likewise, a rare example of a virtuous young man, 
Spurina.  rather would mangle, and deform his beautiful face, then be an occasion that others should by his fairness offend. And certainly there was never any desirous of a good name, which did not prefer celestial before earthly things, eternal before transitory, virtue before vanity. So that the true felicity is attained by the good qualities of the mind. Cicero confirmeth the same, and saith, 
Cicero act. 2. in Ve●rem.  that Sweeter and more comfortable are the pleasures of the mind, than the delights of the flesh. To declare the excellency of this Virtue, the ancient Romans called their jupiter, Optimus, Maximus: 
jupiter why called Optimus, Maximus.  the best, and the greatest: and we call our God so, to signify that for virtue and power he is peerless. And first he is called Optimus, afterward Maximus, to show that his divinity is before his Omnipotency. 
Plutarchy in vita Aristidis.  And again plutarch said, that for three things God is judged most glorious, for his immortality, for his Omnipotency, & for his Virtue: & yet saith he, of all these his virtue is most to be wondered at. And so we may say that man is adorned with three things, with the Goods of Nature, Fortune, and the Mind, and yet of all these the Goods of the mind are most excellent. And he which is Optimus, the best man, shall excel him which is Maximus of greatest power, riches, and authority. So that he which cometh nighest unto God in virtue, is the most happiest of all others: and the farthest from virtue, the farthest from felicity. 
Mankind two fold.  Here I have to distinguish mankind into two sorts especially, the one are such which forsaking this world and the glory thereof, altogether addict themselves to the contemplation of celestial things (supposing all the cares and cogitations of man, should only be referred to the study of him which hath created all things of nothing most miraculously: and that in token of thankfulness, he should only serve him in true holiness) and for the better discharging their duties, be altogether careless of worldly matters. The other be such, which considering they are aswell compounded of body as of soul, think it good, that a care should be had aswell of body, as of the soul: & yet so, as the care of the soul should be greater, then of the body. These are called Civil, the other Contemplators, or as we say divines. These Contemplators, although they serve not altogether to our purpose, yet shall be mentioned, because that well we can not express the one without speaking of the other.   

¶ Of Contemplation. Chap. 5  
OF the two felicities which the Philosophers defend, 
Contemplation.  one doth as it were imitate the divine & celestial nature, the other consisteth in civil actions: One by so much the more perfect then the other, by how much their object is more excellent. The better felicity is called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Latin Contemplativa, a contemplative: the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Activa, a civil and active felicity. 
Contemplators, of three sor●s  The contemplative hath three degrees. The first is of such men, which bending themselves to the seeking of celestial, and supernatural things, do choose unto themselves before earthly things, heavenly: and do labour with all study to segregate, and purge their minds from the filthy desire of worldly things, that so all worldly cares set a part, they may spend their time in devout meditations. This degree do all such attain, which judge and suppose wisdom only to consist in the acknowledging of that which is supernal: and those only to be wise, which bend themselves to the searching out of all celestial matters, and in their life and conversation, study to express that which is only belonging unto the divine nature. In this felicity are all the four principle virtues perceived to be. Prudence in choosing celestial, refusing that which is earthly. 
Prudence  As did Anaxagoras, which being demanded (after he had bestowed all his goods upon his friends) why he did no more esteem his country? 
Anaxagoras.  answered, that the greatest care which he had, was of his country, and pointed his finger towards the heavens: thinking himself but a stranger in this world. Temperance in seeking for things necessary, 
Temperance.  eschewing superfluity. As did Diogenes, which said, that he studied not for dignity, and served vainglory (as did other barbarians) but that he obeyed nature only, 
Diogenes.  contemning all other worldly pomp. Fortitude, Fortitude, 
Fortitude  in being of an invincible courage, which is declared by not submitting themselves like slaves to fleshly desires: as did many Philosophers which mortified themselves, that so they might the better profit in the study of wisdom. justice in worshipping one God, author of all justice, protector of all such as put their trust in him. 
justice  As do all such as worship one God in heart, and word. The second, is not to flee the world, and vanities thereof, as hindrances, and stays to good endeavours, as though he knew them, but as it were in deed to perticipate the divine nature here in this earth, and to think of nothing but God and godliness. So that the first degree seemeth to be but an election, and choosing good before evil: the latter is as it were an habit, and enjoying thereof in deed. In those which have this felicity, is also perceived the virtues, Temperance in not thinking, 
Temperance.  or forgetting all motions which spring out of the flesh: Fortitude in that they are so far from overcoming the desires, 
Fortitude.  that they are altogether ignorant, that they are subject to any assaults of the Perturbations: justice in that they are so mindful of their duty towards God, as they seem by their conversation, not to be clad with an earthly body, but to have the substance of God himself, pure and free from all swelling motions, which rise from the flesh. But have we any such contemplators? Or was that Ephesian Heraclitus such a one, which made this proud answer unto King Darius, 
Heraclitus.  (which by letters desired him to leave his solitary & savage life, and to spend his time in his court) that all mortal men were dissemblers, none cared for truth and justice, and therefore he would enter no familiarity with any man? The last step or degree of contemplation, is called in Latin Exemplaris: which consisteth altogether in the mind of man●, 
Exemplaris contemplatio.  from which the express, and true example of all virtues do flow, as out of a spring. For in the mind all good qualities be imprinted, which impression the Platonistes call Ideas, which are nothing but certain inward conceptions of things. 
 These kinds of contemplations, have all the virtues surely rooted in their minds. So that every degree hath his divers, and sundry taking. The first rooteth all Perturbations out of the mind of man: the second doth altogether forget them: the last knoweth them, but either to exercise or name wickedness, it judgeth sacrilege. The commendations of this felicity are infinite. Theophrastus extols the same to the skies, whose praises, if it were my purpose at large to discourse hereof, I would recite. But having another end of my talk, I come to the active felicity.   

¶ Of Civil or active felicity. Cham 6.  
PLato, seeing Archytas Tarentinus bend altogether to contemplation, 
Plato. Archytas, Tarentinus.  and comparing that with civil virtues, did dehort him from the same, His reason which he used was, because no man was borne to himself, but a piece of his birth, his country, a part his parents, & a part his friends, and neighbours callenged, so that if he considered his estate thoroughly, and discharged his duty as he aught, very little time he should find, which he might say was reserved to himself alone. 
Aristotle.  Aristotle likewise to the same purpose sayeth, that a man should not live to himself, but should have a care of his parents, of his children, wife, neighbours, and countrymen. And therefore is a man called Animal sociale, a fellow creature, because of all other things he is or should be delighted with company. Which made Cicero to say, that nothing was more acceptable before God, 
Cicero.  then are the companies of men, and assemblied linked by a law, which being so gathered together, all are called a city. Those which fly the company of men, are called by an odious name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haters of men. Those contemplators have been, as I said before, not only odious, but also ridiculous unto many. As was one of the seven wise men of Greece, Thales. Which being earnestly given to the beholding of the stars, 
Thales Milesias ..  not seeing that which was before his feet, fell into a great hole. Which when an old woman saw, she broke into a great laughter, and said, you in deed are a wise man Thales, which will give yourself to contemplation, and neglect things before your eyes: who will not exclaim against Epimenides, 
Epimenid●●  which being in hard contemplation, was not so much as moved, when his country, and city where he dwelled, and also his own house was consumed with fire? 
Meton.  Or that Meton the Astronomer, which did not only feign himself to be frantic, but also burnt, house, books, and all his substance, because he would not break his study, in defence of his country, to go a warfare? A man in my judgement, unworthy to reap any commodity of his country, which was so unwilling to bestow his pains in keeping it from servitude. And therefore writ they very well, which say, that he is a right good man which serveth God devoutly, and dealeth uprightly with all men. Such a man is called rightly▪ a civil man, 
A civil man.  and he is adorned with all virtues. And this is he which obeyeth not the affections of the mind, otherwise then honestly he may, but embraceth virtue with all his heart: and so it cometh to pass, that because of his good disposition and honest behaviour, he is said by virtue to be brought into an happy estate and haven, or heaven of joys. Here it is necessary that I declare what this virtue is, and of how many parts it consisteth.   

¶ The definitions of Virtue, and her parts. Chap. 7.  
PYthagoras defineth virtue to be a natural harmony to which all honest things do answer. 
Virtue what.  Many of the stoics according to the opinion of Socrates do define virtue to be a knowledge of those things which are agreeable to nature: which opinion caused Herillus to suppose knowledge to be the chiefest good. 
Herillus.  Of his mind was Possidonius, which said, that to live honestly was nothing but a perfect understanding of those things which accompany nature. Horace by a contrary defines the same, and saith that Virtue is nothing but an avoiding of wickedness. Cicero defines it in two sorts: for sometime it is a perfection of reason: sometime an habit of the mind agreeable to reason. Cleanthes said, it was an election of the mind, obeying to nature, which of itself was able to bring an happy estate. Aristotle said, It is a choosing habit of the mind, consisting in a mean, between two extremes, of which one exceedeth, the other wanteth much: as Fortitude when it exceedeth, falleth into rashness, when it fainteth, into childish fearfulness: and Liberality, when it lavisheth out of reason, is called prodigality, when it is not extended any whit, purchaseth the name of covetousness. And thereof came this proverb: That in good things nothing is either wanting or superfluous. The consideration of which made the Pythagorians to say, 
Pythagorici.  that wickedness could not be comprehended, but godliness might. And therefore much easier is it to become wicked then virtuous. For the ways to wickedness are many, plain, and common: but to goodness are not many, but one, & that same is hard to find, because it is but little trodden. Now seeing we know what is virtue let us learn of how many kinds it is. 
Virtue of how many sorts.  Aristotle divides them into two sorts, and calls them either moral, or intellectual: he calleth all such intellectual which by nature are engrafted in us, 
Intellectual virtues. Moral virtues.  as Heed, Wariness, Wisdom: Moral, are such which by custom, and civil conversation we attain: These flow from the manners of men, and use makes them perfect: the other out of the mind: for many men may be found which are (although not in like manner) wise, and have discretion to know good from evil, although not perfectly and fully, for wisdom perfect, is gotten by long exercise, and many years. Some call those, as did Panetius, either contemplative, or active. Again, some into three kinds divide them, and call them either natural, rational, or moral.  

Parts of ver●ue four.  But Plato best of all sayeth plainly, that virtue is divided into four parts, the first is Prudence, the second Temperance, the third Fortitude, and the last justice, and he calleth them the four principal virtues, because that out of them do spring all the other virtues. Now seeing we know which are they, let us also tell what they are.   

¶ Of Prudence, and her parts. Cham 8.  
PRudence or wisdom, according to the minds of divers Philosophers, 
Prudence what.  is diversly defined, and yet in sense they all agreed. The stoics say it is a knowledgd of good things, bad things, and things indifferent. Cicero is of their mind, and giveth the very same definition: and sometime he calleth it the mistress of this life, sometime the art teaching how to live well. Aristotle saith, it is an habit of the mind, whose office it is to show what things are hurtful, or profitable unto man. Socrates was of that opinion, 
Socrates.  that he thought all virtues should be called by the name of Prudence. But Aristotle (as being out of the way) reprehended him, and said, that his opinion had been good, if he had thought no virtue could have been without Prudence, but he could not say rightly, that every one was Prudence. Many and great have been the praises of this virtue. Apollophanes a Stoic stood in such admiration thereof, 
Apollophanes.  that he judged all other virtues in respect of wisdom nothing worth, that she was to the rest as a prince to her handmaids. Another Philosopher whose name was Bion, thought aswell of her, and said, that she did as far excel the rest of the virtues, 
Bion.  as the sight is better in dignity then other senses. Another Philosopher, whose name was Epicurus, (which though concerning the chiefest happiness he erred, 
Epicurus.  yet in this thing) said very well, that the very cause of all goodness was only wisdom. For by that we know, what to eschew as hurtful to ourselves, and again what to choose as profitable. Hipparchus, and other Astronomers do affirm, 
Hipparchus  that wisdom can prevent future mischiefs: and nothing is so hurtful, and pernicious, but by wisdom it may be avoided. For (that I may laeve other examples, until I declare the parts of wisdom in order) it is reported of Socrates, 
Socrates.  that being (according to the judgement of the Physiognomers) given to all wickedness, by wisdom he reformed himself, and become a good example of a godly man.  
The Poets, 
The birth of wisdom.  to declare the excellency of this virtue, feign wisdom to be a woman, and to be borne not of any mortal wight, but even of jupiter himself: and not of the vilest part of him (as Venus was of Neptune) but of the best: 
Venus.  and to springe out of jupiter's brain, thereby to show, that wisdom is no base, but a divine thing. And certainly (to leave all fictions of Poets) if we consider the place, from whence our wisdom comes, we shall confess that it is a most excellent thing. The place from whence it floweth, is not the beastly part concupiscence, but the best, the mind which is immortal. As the Philosophers & Poets say their mind, to the extolling of wisdom, so do the painters describe what they think of her. They for wisdom painted Minerva, & they did so set her forth, that wheresoever one stood, either before her, or behind, she had a full sight of him. Thereby to show that the Nature of wisdom is such as it beholdeth, 
The office of wisdom.  and noteth every place, and person, neither doth she commit, and do any thing for which she may afterward say, Non putaram. Now all these praises of all these men, may easily be perceived in the office of wisdom. For it is the part of a wise man to measure all things by the rule of reason, to do nothing but that which is honest and good: to bend all his thoughts to the increase of godliness. 
Parts of wisdom.  All this may easily be perceived to be true, if we consider the parts of which Prudence dependeth, which are in momber eleven: namely, Reason, judgement, Circumspection, Providence, docility, Heed, (all which Plotinus a Platoniste, affirmeth to be the parts of Prudence:) but Aristootle doth not only confess those to he her parts, but also adjoineth, wariness, wiliness, Craftiness, Subtlety, and righteousness. What each of these are, according to our skill, and ability, shall be manifested.   

¶ Of Reason. Chap. 9  
THe first and most principal part of wisdom is reason, 
Reason what.  which (according to the sentence of Cicero) is an order to do all things, by the consideration of things to come. 
Cicero lib. 2 de Finibus.  And he prefers the same above all other gifts which man is endued with all, and that worthily: Especially in his books de Finibus he hath a notable place in the praise of Reason, his words are these: Men, although by many other things, yet chief by this one, do most differ from beasts, for that they have Reason of nature, and a mind given them which is sharp, lively, and noting many things at once most readily, which doth behold, both the causes, and event of things, it compareth one thing with another, and joineth that which is separate, and tieth that which is to come with things present, and doth consider the state of our life, which we have to live: the same reason makes a man to love men, and to live with them charitably, not in word or deed to disagree, that so from a domisticall friendship they may step to a civil, to a general good will towards all men: and as Plato writ unto Archytas, the same Reason makes a man to remember that he is not borne to himself only, but also for his parents, friends, country, and for other men's causes, so that little time he hath to bestow for his private profit, but all his labours, and study, should be conferred to the profiting of others. Much more Tully bringeth forth in praise of Reason, which for brevity sake I pass over, and the rather because his words are not so fit & proper for this part, for here we understand not reason so largely as it shall be that thing, whereby a man differeth from a beast, but rather more strictly for a reasoning of the mind, as it were pro and con, 
Ratiocinatio.  whether this be good or to be embraced or bad, and to be avoided. And so doth Aristotle take the same in that place of his Ethics, where he talks of Prudence. And so is it of Cicero so be a diligent & heedeful considering of things to be done or no. Whose definition is good. For if wisdom be perceived by choosing things good or evil (which all men do grant) then is it the part of a prudent man, well to consult before he begin, and that must be had in all which he goes about. Which consultation is the reasoning of the mind. which reasoning doth spring from reason. And when we have well pondered any thing in our minds, reason must be judge, and give sentence whether it aught to be done or no. Hereof is that of Salluste, Prinsquam incipias consulto, & ubi consulueri● maturè facto opus est: Before a man begin any thing, consultation should be had, but having deliberated, speedy execution.   

¶ Of Understanding. Chap. 10.  
Understanding, which otherwise may be called judgement, or discretion consisteth in two things, in discerning truth from falsehood, & in taking heed jest the mind he overmuch delighted, & so deceived by vain pleasures of the body. Nothing weakeneth this understanding, 
Enemies to understanding.  so much as idleness, slothfulness, evil affections, corrupt manners, for they are as it were sworn enemies, not only to our wits, but also to our good endeavours. Of Idleness it is said, that by doing nothing, 
Idleness.  men learn to live naughtily. And if we consider truly thereof, we shall find, the causes of all mischiefs in every common weal, to spring of idle persons, they are the firebrands of sedition, the causers of all civil dissension. And therefore notable was that custom among the old Indians, 
Indians.  for there manner was every night before supper to examine every man, how he had bestowed that day: now, if any could not prove that he had been about some good exercises, their use was to expel him out of their company. Which they did by the example of the Bee, 
The nature of Bees.  which can abide no Drones among them, but as soon as any begins to be idle they fall upon them, and kill them. But the Egyptians came nigher unto their nature, 
Egyptians.  for they had a law, by which they would compel any man to give an account of the spending of his time: and if any were found to live idly, having no trade or occupation, by the law he was condemned to die.  
Ovid sayeth, 
ovid. lib. 1 de Remedio amoris.  that the way to extinguish the burning passion of love, is to beware of idleness, as the very thing which ministereth matter to the increasing of that hot affection. And Cicero sayeth, that idleness is the nurse of all wickedness. Well, as idleness, and slothfulness do make the brain unfit for the meditation of that which is good, 
Evil affections.  so also when a man will subject himself to his carnal desires, and wicked affections of the mind, he doth as much debilitate▪ and cut the strings of his understanding. It is very well said of jovianus Pontanus, that he which ruleth others, 
jovianus Pontanus.  aught to be free from all affections: for Anger suffereth not a man to see that which is expedient: Hatred hasteneth to unjustice: Love weakeneth the judgement: Lust offereth wrong: Grief stirreth to revengement: 
Properties of the affections.  Envy overthroweth a man. And as he thought a prince, and one in authority should be clear from the contagiousness of the immoderate and beastly Perturbations, so do we think it the part of every man to quench them, when they inflame him too much, and provoke him to that which is unhonest. What are these wicked affections, and when to be bridled, we have declared sufficienlly in our former book. Now of manners.  
Evil manners come by evil company. 
Evil manners.  The nature of every man is perceived by those whose familiarity he delighteth in: so that if he frequent the company of the good, he is counted virtuous, if of the wicked, he may very well take his denomination from them. Likewyll to like.  
Isocrates counseleth Demonicus, whose felicity he wished as his own, 
Isocrates ad Demoni●●●▪  that he should to all men show a good countenance, but he should enter familiarity with none, but such as were of good conversation. For the company of the wicked will contaminate a man, & make him bold in naughtiness. True is that saying, He which toucheth pitch will be defiled therewith. Now how much evil company weakes our understanding, it is no hard thing to perceive. For how can the wit be sharpened by them, whose only time is spent in banishing out of mind all shamefastness? How can they judge of virtue and godliness, which choose to live in all ungraciousness, and refuse, & that wilfully all counsel of the mind, and willingly confirm themselves in naughtiness. Therefore to have a good understanding, it is necessary that we avoid, and that carefully all impediments to the same, idleness, evil affections, and wicked company: and so shall we find that Minerva, which is reported to springe out of jupiter's brain. 
Minerva.  The which Minerva is feigned of Poets to appear sometime armed in all parts, sometime without armour. Which fiction declareth the events of our understanding. Those weapons of Minerva hurteth two ways, either in counselling wickedly or rashly. Of wicked counsel it is said, that it is most hurtful to the giver. Rash counsel (although sometime it may have good event: yet that is rather by chance then otherwise) hath evil success, and is the cause of infinite hurts both private and public. And therefore it is said, that sudden counsel, brings speedy repentance. wise men of deep understanding, and judgement, because they counseled well, and to the profit of the common weal of the Romans, were called Consuls, of which there were a certain number: 
Consuls.  to whom was committed the government of Rome. But it seemeth that Nature hath showed herself a stepdame unto us, rather than a mother. For every man hath a better judgement in other men's affairs then his own. We have a clear sight in other's business, but in our own matters, we are either stark blind, or at the lest poor blind, and can not so well foresee inconveniences coming towards ourselves, as we can counsel our friend to prevent a mischief. And herein we are like Physicians which being sick, do seek ease at another's hand.   

¶ Of Circumspection. Cham 11.  
CIrcumspection followeth, which is defined to be an especial care of the mind, 
Circumspection.  to bring those things which we have in hand to a good pass. This circumspection at all times, and for all persons is necessary: as that which in war is the cause of escaping many dangers, in peace doth all things to the increase of unity among men, that so they may spend their time joyfully, secure from all fear of foreign assaults. And as a skilful mariner, beholdeth all the parts of heaven continually, that so at all times he may accordingly guide his ship: so a wise Prince continually prepareth himself against all troublesome tempests, and in war and also in peace, he by Circumspection preventeth all inconveniences, which without this virtue would bring him into misery. As did Q. Cepio, 
Q Cepio.  which neglecting the good counsel of his fellow in office Cn. Metellus, 
Cn. Metellus.  cast away of the Romans in one battle .80. thousand. But for his labour he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment. C. Flaminius, 
C. Flaminius.  also by the request of the people created Consul, was so puffed and swollen with pride, that all his study was to seek occasions of war: and having attained his desire, and was elected chief captain of the Roman soldiers, become so careless and void of circumspection, that by the snares of Hannibal he was entrapped, and all his men either taken▪ or put to slight. But as rash captains void of circumspection, have brought shame to themselves, and defamation to their country: so wise and circumspect have brought as much honour to themselves and country. As we read of Fabius Verruscosus (which for his virtues was called Maximus) which by circumspection, 
Fabius Maximus.  did so abate the haughty courage of that victorious Hannibal, as among his friends and companions he would say, that he never knew what war meant, before he had occasion to encounter with Fabius. afterward was by the Roman Senate sent unto Fab. Maximus, Marcellus which likewise was a terror unto Hannibal. 
Marcellus. Fabius Clypeus, Marcellus enfis, Romani imperij.  And therefore as he acknowledged Fabius to be his master, and to teach him to guide an army, so did he confess himself to stand in fear of Marcellus. Whose wisdom and circumspection was of the Romans so well noted as one of them, Fabius was called the buckler, the other Marcellus the sword (to cut of the enemies) of the people of Rome. So that as Cepio and Flaminius, for their temerity, have been odious: so Fabius, and Marcellus for their circumspection have been glorious in the eyes of all men. And as to them, so hath it, or may happen unto others.  
The causes bringing circumspection are four: to wit Fear: Care, 
Causes of Circumspection.  Necessity, and Affection. Fear afflicteth, Care compelleth, Necessity bindeth, Affection woundeth, Fear afflicteth, because the grief of coming into troubles causeth a great circumspection in a man. He which hath a care of his business, will by all means labour to have his desire: and therefore it is said, that care compelleth a man to be circumspect in his doings. When there is no way to avoid a mischief, then is he bound by the law of reason to seek those ways which best may be to his profit. And when a man hath a desire to a thing, and that the same is continually in his mind, that affection so woundeth him at the heart, that he will be careful to get it, and circumspect in the getting.   

¶ Of Providence. Chap. 12.  
AN especial part of Prudence, is Providence, 
Providence.  which is defined to be a certain virtue and force of the mind, by which we foresee a thing before it comes to pass. Chilo a Lacedaemon said that the foresight of things to come, 
Chilo.  was proper to a prudent man, by that same virtue of which he is denominated. And therefore some think that this virtue of which Prudence is a part, 
Prudentia quasi providentia.  should not be called Prudence, but Providence, because that her office consisteth especially in foreseeing things, or in preventing a mischief before it come. And therein do we differ from brute, 
Providence in beasts.  and unreasonable creatures, which have no forecast, but serve the time present. And yet we read that there is a certain Providence in some beasts, as in Mice, and Ants. 
Myce.  It is reported that by nature this providence is given to Mice, that before any man, 
Ants.  they will foresee the destruction of an old house, and therefore before the ruin and fall thereof, will leave the same, and seek a new habitation. And certain it is that Ants have knowledge, or foresight of imminent miseries which are not come, and therefore before any famine they labour, and that diligently for provision: and in summer they store themselves, that in winter they may not want. But let us leave the examples of beasts▪ and come to men again, whom, this Providence makes to seem in respeect of others, Gods, 
Minos. Rhadamanthus. Lycurgus. Numa Pompilius.  and to have a divine nature, as were Minos, Rhadamanthus, Lycurgus, Numa Pompilius and others, which by a singular foresight, brought the rude multitude unto a civil kind of living. For perceiving that of themselves they were but men, and that man's authority among the ignorant was little worth, feigned each of them to have had familiarity with some God: and therefore Minos affirmed that he had consulted with jupiter: 
jupiter, Minos, Rhadam. Apollo, Lycurgi. Egeria Numae. Vesta, Amolpis. Mercurius, Minyae.  Rhadamanthus with the same jupiter: Lycurgus with Apollo: Numa Pompilius, with Egeria Nymph: Amolpis with Vesta: Minyas with Mercury, and by their counsel had given laws to their profit, if they obeyed them. Which providence of theirs prevailed, and made the people to come under laws, when otherwise they would not. Great and many have been the praises of this Providence, and certainly too much in commendation thereof can not be spoken Epicurus standing in admiration of this virtue▪ thought the same worthy of honour and veneration, as the mistress, and commander of the well ordering of this world. 
Providence chief  The Poets do say that the chiefest of jupiter's daughters was Providence. 
daughter of jupiter.  And for the excellency hereof, Kings aforetime, have as it were professed the art of Providence: supposing that it was a princely thing to have the knowledge of future things. Among the Romans was a college of wise men called Augurs, 
Augurs.  by whose authority the state of Rome was governed oftentimes. In France there were a kind of men called▪ Druidae, 
Druidae.  which foretold that should happen. Among the Persians those kind of men were called Magicians: 
Magicians.  whose authority was such as none of the Kings of Persia, at any time was created king, except he was known to be profound in art Magic. But providence and divinations, gotten by such wicked means, is not only odious to honest persons, but also pernicious to the practisers.  
Epaminundas, 
Epaminundas.  a notable captain of Thebes was of the mind, that he thought all divinations & Oracles to be nothing else but the occasins of cowardness, that so often as any man were loath to encounter, he might say, that there appeared a vision unto him in his sleep, which willed him not to fight: or that by the oracle he was appointed for some other purpose: or by some other sign either of b●ast or bird, was terrified from battle. Accius also gave his verdict of these diviners and soothsayers, 
Accius.  his words are these: I give no credit unto these wise men, which cell words for money, and fill men's ears with vain talk, so to enrich themselves, and no whit pleasure those which come unto them.  
But certainly to have a providence, to tell things to come, by a secret gift of nature, is a goodly thing, and such men above others aught to be admitted into the consultation of great matters: Mary these blind soothsayers, 
Soothsayers.  as we commonly call them, wise men, are of all men most to be abhorred, as those which either have entered league with the author of lies the devil, and so perticipating his nature, can tell no truth: or else depend upon things uncertain, and so for one truth, tell a hundred falsehoods.   

¶ Of docility. Cham 29.  
docility or a good capacity is a certain virtue of the mind, 
docility.  by which we quickly conceive, and easily understand those things which are taught us of another. A good wit may diversly be known according to three degrees which it hath. The first is of hope: 
Tokens of a good wit.  the second o● practising: the last of perfection. That of hope is in children▪ and infants, which in their cradles give a sign of their wit● that of practising appeareth in young men in learning, which is perceived three ways, either when they have a desire to learn, and are studious: or when they quickly conceive which are uttered: or when they faithfully commit th●m to mind. These be apparent, and ●●●●ly tokens of a good wit▪ the other which ●e in young ones are mute, and give a dumb show, so that certainly we cannot say they have good wits, but only in hope, and by conjecture: That of perfection is in the elder sort, when they 〈◊〉 not only quickly conceive, and faithfully remember, but also fruitfully put in practise those things which diligently they have learned. In all persons, an excellent thing. The praises of Alcibiades were many, 
Alcibiades.  and yet especially he was commended for that wheresoever he were, and in what country soever he sojourned, he could easily frame himself to their manners. If he were in Lacedemonia, he could be a right Lacedaemonian, and could seem as grave, as painful, & as valiant as the best: In Thracia he would be a Thracian: In jonia, he would be as nice, delicate, and wanton▪ as who was wantonest.  

M. Antonius.  Such another was M. Antonius. For at Rome, he would live like a Roman▪ and would seem a right senator: In Egypt, who was more licentiously bent? or could play his part in wickedness more kindly than he? But this kind of capacity can not be commended. For we count not that a go●d wit which will easily attain to the perfection of wickedness (for that should be very hard to learn) but virtue and godliness. Vice, and ungraciousness is quickly learned, and should not be learned: as that whereunto the dullest is readdiest to engrafte: Virtue and godliness is hardly learned, and should be learned: and that the sharpest of wit, is very dull to conceive. Wherefore as Themistocles answered one which promised a thing to confirm his memory: 
Themistocles.  Nay said he, my memory is good enough: & something I had rather learn to forget, than always remember: so should we say, that to some thing we are by nature too prove, & can soon conceive, so that we should rather seek to forget, then study to remember them, as are all kind of ungraciousness & impiety. Some have this docility of nature: some get the same by diligence. They which have it by nature, are not always of the best memory. On the other side, Docility gotten by industry, though it be hard in conceiving, yet is it not hasty in forgetting. It is an easy matter to imprint a thing in wax, & it is more easy to put it out. It is a hard thing, and requireth time to engrave any thing in marble, and it is more hard to take away the same. Examples we▪ have of either part many: and the best learned have not conceived a thing soonest. 
Demades.  Then Demades who had a better gift quickly to conceive? Nature was beneficial. And yet in writing who was more foolish? he lacked diligence. Then Demosthenes in conceiving, 
Demosthenes,  who was more hard▪ Nature neglected him. And yet in writing, who was more excellent? His pains was wonderful. And so it falleth out most commonly, to whom nature hath given sharpness of wit, they are most careless, and least commended in their exercises: again, whom nature hath done lest for, and have the worst capacities, they prove by ●eason of their pains, most profound. Then Demosthenes, 
Demosthenes.  none was more famous among the Graecian orators, and yet extempore he was jest ingenious. Then Cicero none was more notable among the Roman orators, and yet to speak upon a sudden▪ none was more unwilling, more unfit. It is reported of him, that among all the orations which he made, but one of them was made ex tempore without premeditation. Which he did either because he could not, or would not. Certainly he would not, because he could not: and his unwillingness arose of his unfitness. How unfit he was it appeareth by most of his orations, where he telleth with what fear he came to speak before a multitude. But that is the part of an orator to use a modest excusinge of him sel●e, (some will say) and that we may not think such a patron of eloquence, so bore of invention, & matter, as that he is not able at all times to make, yea ex tempore, an oration. Certes he was such a one. And though by study he was peerless in his art, yet otherwise he could persuade very little, and abject orators passed him as far, as Demades passed Demosthenes. He should once have spoken upon small warning, but by an occasion, it was differred until another day: which news his servant Erotes brought unto him: 
Erotes.  and it so rejoiced him at the heart, that for those news he made Erotes of a bond man, free, and of a slave a ci●●i●en of Rome. Whereby it is evident, that upon a sudden to speak he was no man: and that those his words, in many of his orations proceeded of an imbecility, which he knew was in himself. So that it appeareth of two wits (whereof one is natural, the other gotten by study) the better in a simple consideration of either of them) is that which by diligence we attain. Marry when to that gift of Nature we join diligence, and make that fully perfect, which otherwise is not, then certes without comparison, it is by many degrees the better. 
Cicero pro P. Quinctio  Cicero hath a notable place, in which he showeth that noble persons have the best capacities, his words be these: Noble men, whether they give themselves to goodness, 
Noble men of best capacity.  or ungraciousness, in either of them do so excel, as none of our calling (meaning the base sort) come any thing nigh them. He spoke by experience. God grant that all noble, and gentlemen may repel from their hearts all vain cogitations, and embrace virtue, for certainly (by an especial gift of God) their wits are more quick to conceive any thing then are the ruder, & base kind of men. For if they follow the counsel of the learned, and entertain godly motions into their minds, they are notable examples of blessed men: contrariwise, when they departed from reason, and neglect good letters: they do not only excel inferior men in wickedness, but even the very beasts in all beastliness, & prove devils incarnate. For they have not only a will, but also a power to bring all that to pass, which they are desirous: now both joined together, doth either profit much, or overmuch plague a common weal. Wherefore God grant that they may tame and bridle all unruly affections, and earnestly tread that path which bringeth to felicity. I may not stand long upon any part, neither is it my mind fully & at large to discourse every thing, wherefore having given a light to the viewing of this part of Prudence, and have as it were by pointing, showed what is docility, and who are most Docile, learn, and conceive a thing soonest, I come to the next part of Prudence.   

¶ Of Heed●. Chap. 14.  
Now are we come to another thing without which none may be either named or judged a wise and prudent man. 
Heed.  
Cic. lib. 4. Tusculan. quest.  It is named in Latin Cautio, in our tongue we call it Heed. Whose nature is (according to Cicero) with judgement to decline from things hurtful. Wherefore this is a most necessary thing, as for all men, so especially for him whose profession is by fortitude of mind to defend his country▪ I mean a captain. Examples we have many, and that of most triumphant and victorious fellows, which have embraced this as an espetial thing, most meet for him, in whose prudence remaineth either the saving or destroying, not only of many a thousand valiant soldiers, but also famous and noble towns, castles and countries.  
And therefore we read that Caesar was always so heedful, 
Caesar.  and fearful of afterclaps, that he always would have two legions of soldiers well armed in all points, lying before his tents, which should upon a sudden set upon his enemies, if suddenly, or in the night they would seek his overthrow. Such another was Sertorius, & therefore he took up his fellow Pompey very much, 
Sertorius.  for that he was so rash, and heady not heedful in his doings, and therefore he said that ere long was, he would know (for then he was but a young warrior) that it was the office of a captain, to have as great a care of things which might happen, as that which he knew had come to pass. C. also Marius in all his doings was most heedful, 
C. Marius.  and by no snares of the enemy, would be brought from a thing once determined. Oftentimes he was provoked of his enemies in such sort to join battle, as had he not been of a confirmed judgement, he would have satisfied their minds. On a time he was sent by the Senate, to fight against one Biorex, a King of the Cimbrians, 
Biorex.  and perceiving himself to weak, so prepared himself, as he was out of his enemy's danger. The King perceiving he could not encounter, sent unto Marius, and willed him to bring his army into the open field, that so they might finish their contention. Marius answered, that it was not the manner of the Romans to encounter at the pleasure and time appointed by the enemy, but rather to stay until a fit opportunity were offered. But said he, signify unto your King, that by this time to morrow, I will meet him. And so by great heed overcame the huge army of the Cimbrians. Again at another time he went against Popilius Siloe, (which for his great prows was so termed of his enemies) and having placed his army upon the top of an hill, 
Popilius Siloe.  and lyngring because of his weakness, Siloe cried unto him and said, If thou beast a man of thine hands Marius, and hast any heart, come down, and fight with me. But that calling nothing prevailed with Marius, for he answered: If thou art such a fellow as thou art accounted to be, compel me perforce to come down, otherwise I promise' thee, it is not my mind until I see time and place▪ as I desire to fight and encounter. Which heed of his made Siloe and all his crew, to come under the subjection of the Romans. Not like those mad brains, which think their credit is cracked, and that among men they are deemed but cowards, if when they are challenged, they go not into the field. And therefore contrary unto Heed is Temerity, 
Temerity.  a foolishness which runneth all upon the head, and neither obeyeth reason, nor the persuasion of friends, nor the wholesome counsel of any man. As the other raiseth a good opinion of him which is heedful, and causeth all men to reverence and regard him for his wisdom: so this makes a man to be counted but a light brain, and no man esteemeth him for his temerity and foolishness. And therefore to those which I have already spoken of C. Caesar, Sertorius, and Marius, are opposed Otho an Emperor, C. Curio & others no less defamed for their temerity, 
Otho. C. Curio.  than they were mightily extolled for their Heed and wisdom. Otho by his great rashness so foiled himself, & defaced the glory of the Romans, that it was almost extinguished. And therefore being ashamed of himself, desperately dispatched himself▪ & had rather die in such sort, then live in shame. Curio by his hastiness, did not only himself to be slain, but his whole army also to be utterly destroyed. For fight against Utica, which was defended by Accius Varus, 
Utica Accius Varus▪  an ambassador of Pompey, word was brought him that king juba was coming against him with an huge army, 
juba.  by reason of which news, he broke up his siege, and removed his tents: by and by came certain rhages, and runaways (by great policy sent from his enemies) which told him that he needed not fear the coming of juba, for he was returned back into his country, and meant nothing less than to come against him. To which he strait gave credit. But in the end it proved nothing so, for juba hastening suddenly, set upon him, killed him, & overcame his army. If Curio had looked about him carefully, and not rashly given credit unto the vain words of subtle fellows, happily he might have gotten Utica, and atcheiued great renown unto himself, beside the▪ salfegard of so many valiant Romans. Wherefore great care aught to be had both how to attempt any thing, and whom we believe. Fair tongues, oftentimes work mischief. In all times & chances, too much heed can not be had, lest by the example of those recited men, we fall into reprehension. And not only warned by others perils and calamities, but by the example of brutish creatures, we should learn to be heedful, which by nature have thi● given them, as an especial gift, that they do beware of mischief, and defend themselves, and their young ones from the invasions of enemies. Now to the rest.   

¶ Of Warynesse. Chap. 15.  
THe Perip●tecions, and also the ancient Academikes to those above recited parts of Prudence, ad five more, to wit, wariness, craftiness, Subtlety, and Equity, so that it consisteth in eleven parts, which orderly shallbe manifested. And first of wariness, which in Latin is called Sagacitas. 
wariness.  This is the schoolmaster of upright understandings And therefore the Philosophers do say, that as it is the part of a wise man, wisely to consult & give counsel: so is it the duty of a wary m●n well to conceive, & uprightly to judge. For Sagire (from whence ●omes Sagacitas) which is called Sagenes, 
●agire.  o● wariness) signifieth to be of quick judgement of sense: whereof cometh this phrase Sagae anus: and Sagaces canes, because they can smell out a thing, & that quickly. Also, he that telleth of a thing before it happen is said to presage. 
To presage.  And therefore by divine inspiration, to many is given this part of Prudence, so that they are said to presage, and for the same are highly accounted of among men. Cicero saith, that the nature of this virtue is by the senses of the body to smell out a thing, even as dogs do▪ whereof they are called Sagaces canes, as I said before. So that a wise man is then counted sage, and wary, when he rightly doth judge of things which are to be done hereafter. For Sagacity pertaineth to those things which we are about to do, by smelling them out. Those which have this gift of smelling out things imminent, are much to be reverenced. 
Minutius.  And therefore notable is that saying of Minutius a Roman captain unto his soldiers. oftentime, I have heard, soldiers, that he is the best and most excellent man, which is endued with that discretion, that in all extremities, he can give himself that counsel which is profitable▪ The next is he which willingly receiveth good counsel▪ But he which can neither give, nor take counsel, he is to be judged most unhappy. We therefore because we have not that wisdom, that we are able to counsel wisely, will embrace the mean: and though we have not dexterity of wit wis●●y to judge: yet did we not lack will, gladly to obey good counsel. A saying worthy to be followed of all those which have neither wit in showing dangers at hand, nor will to embrace that is profitably spoken of their friends.   

¶ Of Wylynesse, craftiness, and Subtlety. Chap. 16.  
Having declared the nature of wariness, we are now come to the rest. Of which because they have great affinity, and seem to have but one, and the same signification, we will but m●ke one chapter. The difference between craftiness, and wiliness, is, because the one is in dexterity of wit, 
wiliness.  natur●ll● the other is gotten by experience. though first is called Versutia, 
Versutia▪ Craftiness Cal●i●itas.  and those Versuti, which can easily conceive, by revolving things in their mind: the latter is called Calliditas, and those Callidi, whose mind by practice is so hardened, even as the hand of a workman by great labour, and hath gotten as it were another skin by continual occupying. And so saith Cicero▪ But more properly to speak wiliness in dark speech: 
Cicero. lib. 3 de Natura Deor.  and craftiness in counselling, and in our affairs is perceived. Example of the first we have many, as are all doubtful speech of men, and all the oracles of Apollo, which diversly might be understood. As was that of Apollo, 
Apollo. Croesus▪  to Croesus which consulting whether he might pass the river Halys or no, this answer was made him that he passing Halys, should make shipwreck of much wealth: (which being doubtful, and might be understood either of the loss of his own or enemy's wealth) persuaded himself that he might safely adventure, and that his going should be the cause of the loss of his enemies goods: but he was deceived, and through a vain confidence sustained the damage of all his wealth, his enemies being saulfe. Of the latter, may Rhascus, and Rhascopolis two brethren, 
Rhascus and Rhascopolis.  be examples. For when the Roman army (whereof part was conducted by Cassius, the other by Antonius) would come through their dominions, 
Cassius. Antonius.  doubting the worst for faufegard of themselves, they consulted how they might with the favour of the Romans, have the rule of their countries: their consultation took this effect, that they should feign themselves deadly foes, and sworn enemies each to other, yea, and gather each of them an army: and one of them to take part with Cassius, the other with Antonius, that so he that was vanquished should be saved by his brother.  
There is another which hath a great affinity with these former. 
Subtlety.  and last mentioned part of Prudence, which is called Subtlety, in Latin Astutia. It is called Astutia, 
Astutia  from a city which was called Astu: whereof it cometh that Astutia, 
Astu.  which we call in our tongue Subtlety, shall be a certain civil craftiness. And therefore it is defined to be a certain crafty wisdom, gotten by daily practice in civil matters. 
Hannibal▪  Hannibal may be an example hereof. On a time being overcome by julius a consul of Rome▪ scent word secreetely to the senate of Carthage to know their minds, whether it were best to set upon the Romans or not, word was returned, that they thought it best, with all speed to gather his men together, and again ●o wage battle. Hannibal by long practise & great experience, knew (notwithstanding his coloring) what was ●est to be done, and therefore he thought good to stay for a time and not suddenly give the onset. The Senators pondering his words, did not so much, as in countenance contrary him, but willingly went into his opinion. This civil wisdom death not only beautify a man's honesty, and makes him in all things which he takes in hand heedful and circumspect, but also increaseth our eloquence, and maketh us to speak with great attention of these which hear us: and then it leaveth the name of Subtlety, and is called Civility, because that by a civil accompanying of our neighbours, we attain by custom, a certain kind of pleasant talk. But to come nigher to our purpose. It may seem strange, that we ascribe unto Prudence, the most principal of the virtues, wiliness, Craftiness, and Subtlety, which are counted vices, unfitting for a wise man▪ For who doth not execrate and abhor him, whose dealings are not plain, and simple, but crafty and subtle? 
Objection.  Or compare all the behaviours of every man, and tell how many virtuous and godly do delight in those names, or would seem wily, crafty, and subtle? Again what wicked man is there which cloaketh not his knavery under some shift or other? So that it seemeth odious to a good man to have this name of subtlety. etc. And therefore how can these parts be comprehended under Prudence, when as none taketh any pleasure in them, but only persons ungracious? But certainly as they are to be abhorred when they are used to wicked purposes: 
Solution.  so are they to be embraced as evident signs of an excellent wit, when they be referred to honest ends. For who doth not commend that subtle policy of Apelles, 
Apelles. Antigonus.  which painting the image of Antigonus (which had but one eye) because the deformity of his blindness should not be perceived, he made him to stand of the one side, and & so by art seemed to be a worthy person, to want no gift of nature? Or who doth not like of those crafty devices which Physicians oftentimes do use, 
Physicians  & under the show of honey, will give their patient's gall, and so under such shifts for their health sake defend them: whereas if they went plainly to work, the sick would never take that which were wholesome, if vn●othsome? Or that of Zeno who to deliver his fellow citizens from thraldom, 
Zeno.  devised a notable policy? for being after his conspiracy taken, was by tormentors most cruelly afflicted, that so by pains he might confess all such as were of his counsel: whereby first he accused the tyrants most dear friends, and caused them presently before his face to be executed like traitors: afterward telling the tormentors that he had some weighty thing to inform the king of, desired that he might speak a word or two in▪ the kings ear, who coming unto him, and listening what he would say, by the biting of Zeno lost his ear, which Zeno spit in his face. Which devise of his made a gap to Zenos contreimen, to set themselves free from servitude and slavery. And so they did, for seeing the tyrant to have done to death his dée●e friends set upon him, and with stones in the market place killed him. Again who doth not abhor those persons which beat their brains to the increase of wickedness, & by subtle sleight bring many into misery? And therefore they are much to be praised, which would never seek the ruin of any town, army or country, but only by mere fortitude, not by snares, shifts, and subtlety. And as greatly is Alexander's praise, 
Alexander.  which being counseled by Parmenio his servant, by snares and subtlety to seek the subversion of his enemies, 
Parmenio.  said na●e Parmenio, My estate will not suffer me so to do, but if I were Parmenio, I might do so. Anotable answer.   

¶ Of Equity and Righteousness. Chap. 17.  
THe last part of Prudence is called Equity. 
Equity.  Which is a right judgement of that which is good and honest: Or else it is a more gentle sentence given to malefactors, then commonly the laws do give. For this Equity judgeth with lenity: the laws with extremity. But some will say hear is no place to talk of punishing or pardoning, of justice, or Equity, for that belongeth to justice, whereof no mention hath been made. Certes it may seem so. 
Naturalis justitia, Legalis.  But herein I follow the judgement of the best learned, which distinguish justice, and say there is a justice natural, and there is a justice legal. The legal justice is that written law according to which common judges give sentence: the natural justice is that discretion, which every prudent and wise man, is endued withal, whereby he driven thereunto through consideration of circumstances, doth oftentimes make things bitter, sweet, great and dangerous, easy: heinous and horrible, either not so at all, or not so horrible as they are supposed to be. This natural justice (as I said) is in the mind of every wise man: and therefore the Peripatetions' number it among those things, without which none may he called a Prudent man. To this equity some ioygne equanimity, 
equanimity.  which is called of the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a certain tranquillity of the mind, by which in adversity, we do not through grief and thought hurt ourselves: nor in prosperity exult and rejoice over much. For this virtue have many heard well, especially Socrates, 
Socrates. Antonius. Xantippe.  and Antonius an Emperor, that I may leave others. Xantippe, the wife of Socrates, said that her husband always kept one countenance, she could never see him by his countenance at any time over sad, or exceeding merry. The like is reported of Antonius Caesar. 
Sceptici. 1. Consideratores cuius sectae erane Pyrrho, et Aristo.  There was a sect of Philosophers named Sceptici, which in the quietness of mind put the greatest felicity, & thought him to be most happy, which in a constant soberness, excelled other men. But I leave to speak any more hereof, because I have touched it in my discourse of Perturbations, where I spoke of Pleasure, & shall talk more of this hereafter among the virtues, when I shall explicate the nature of true Fortitude. And thus much briefly of Prudence, judged of the Philosophers the most excellent virtue, and therefore first placed, the next is Temperance, whose nature shall now he described.   

¶ Of Temperance, and her parts. Chap. 18.  
Now are we to describe, 
Temperance.  what is Temperance, as we have already shown what is Prudence. Therefore generally first we will speak thereof, particularly afterward every part of Temperance shall be declared. 

Cicero in partionibus Ora●orijs.  
Virtues of what sorts   Cicero divideth all virtues in two sorts, and calleth them either virtues of knowledge, or of conversation. Those of knowledge he calleth Prudence, & Wisdom: wisdom he sayeth only consisteth in contemplation: Prudence in the knowledge of common matters. And that he calleth in diverse considerations Domestical, and civil. Domestical when every private man doth prudently consider of his own affairs: and Civil when we bend ourselves to the profiting of the weal public. To our conversation he saith, doth belong Temperance, only under which he comprehendeth justice, and Fortitude, as branches of the same Temperance, and under those he containeth all those virtues of which hereafter we shall speak. But me thinks he doth not properly talk of Temperance, as one of the four principal virtues, but rather as they do consist in a mean, between two mischiefs. But Temperance is otherwise to be understood. For the learned have divided virtue into four parts principally, to wit, Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, and justice, which they would never have done, had not Temperance some espetial consideration as the other have. And this is gathered by the definitions, and duties of Temperance. It is defined to be a virtuous habit of the mind, 
Temperance what.  whereby we abstain from all vain and pestilent pleasures, both of mind and body. And this doth agree with that definition of Cicero, in his offices, where he saith, Temperance is the ruler of all troublesomeness of mind, and a strong subduer of all vain pleasures. Whereby it appeareth, that as it is the part of Prudence justly to discern good from evil: 
The office of Temperance.  so is it of Temperance to abstain, and that always from hurtful things. Aristotle saith, It is the property of Temperance, to consist in those things which belong to the keeping of life in man's body, and using the pleasures thereof moderately. And therefore he saith it is a certain mean about things belonging to the pleasures of the body, as tasting, feeling, hearing, smelling, & seeing. And therefore said Plotinus very well, that it was the office of Temperance, to covet nothing whereof it should afterward repent her, and in no case to go beyond the bounds of wisdom prescribed. If I should recite the praises which are ascribed unto this virtue, I should make a volume thereof, but having another thing in hand, I will plainly without any Rhetorical discourse talk thereof▪ leaving her commendations unto them which have the leisure of a Philosopher, and the wit of an orator: but this I say, to much to her praise cannot be spoken: as the which is enemy to all pestiferous pleasures, and a friend to all virtuous exercises. Which is gathered from the etymology of this word Temperance. For it is called Temperance, because it keepeth a mean in all those things which belong to the delighting of the body. And he is called a Temperate man, 
Who Temperate.  which desireth nothing but that he aught, when he aught, and as he aught: and in all his doings setteth honesty before his eyes, as a mark to level the bow of his cogitations, and shoot the darts of his desires unto. Therefore Temperance is contrary to pleasure, if it be not honest: and Temperate men are contrary to those, who set their whole delight in the vain pleasures of the beastly body. This Temperance by the mouth of Prudent Solon crieth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Solon.  Ne quid nimis, Nothing to much, nor to often. We have a pretty saying in our English tongue, too much of one thing, is good for nothing. Observe a mean, and then shall you be that Temperate man, of which we do here talk, a notable member in a common weal, for by Temperance he embraceth Modesty, Shamefastness, 
Parts of Temperance.  Abstinency, Continency, Pudicitia, Honesty, Moderation, sparingness, and Sobriety: without which Temperance can not be. And that he may the better entertain them. I will declare the properties of them all.   

¶ Of Modesty. Chap. 19  
Modesty is a virtue, teaching a man how to rule his affections, and in all his actions to keep a mean. 
Modesty.  And therefore is it called Modesty, because it keepeth a mean, and doth neither want, nor exceed in any thing. It is perceived by the looks and countenance of a man, for by the same we way gather oftentimes the disposition of any. Again as in our countenance, so in all our conversations, Modesty should be seen. For this virtue have many in all ages been greatly commended, and because their examples may continually remain in mind, I will recite of infinite certain, and a few of a great number, aswell princes as private men, which by their virtue have got immortal and everlasting fame. Such a one was Philip the father of Alexander the great: 
Philippus Macedoniae.  For by this virtue he took in good part those bitter words of dogged Diogenes, 
Diogenes.  which said unto king Philip, that he came therefore into his camp, because he would mark the behaviour of him, and note his unsatiable covetousness. For had he not been of great modesty, he would have torn in pieces Diogenes, for his bold, and presumptuous talk: but comparing the sayings of Diogenes, with his own cogitations, supposed he spoke of good will, and did bear with his boldness.  
Of no less modesty was the son of the same Philip, Alexander the great, for having lovingly desired the same Diogenes, 
Alexander.  to leave his kind of life, and to come to his court at Macedonia: 
Diogenes.  Diogenes wrote back after this manner: Diogenes to Alexander, the King of the Macedonians, wisheth good luck: you did very well to write yourself King of the Macedonians, for you knew very well that Diogenes ought you none obedience: you wright that I should come unto you. But wherefore? If because you would see me, surely you can take no pleasure in beholding me, for I am no such man of person: But if you do because you would profit in good manners, you may very well bestow your pains in coming to me. For know Alexander, that it is no farther from Macedonia to Athens, then from Athens to Macedonia. Far well.  
What wise man would thus answer a noble Prince, desirous to profit in the study of virtue? Or what man of power would patiently bear such contemptuous words, of so vile an abject? And yet such was the rare modesty of good Alexander, that he bore with his rudeness, and said nothing.  
Greater than Alexander's, was that of Antigonus: for after that he was by Q. Scipio, deprived of his kingdom, and placed over a very little Nation, 
Antigonus.  was so far from troubling himself, with remembrance of his former dignity, that he said that the Romans did then seek his profit, when they committed a small people to his government. For said he, the greatest kings, have the greatest cares: and the remembrance of their people's complaints, will not suffer them quietly to rest. Again, the less charge, the less care: and therefore he could not sufficiently thank the Romans, for giving him the government of so few people, and if they had altogether spoiled him of all authority, he would have given them greater thanks. A notable example. And was not that Modesty of Tiberius the Emperor worthy imitation? which being counseled of his friends, 
Tiberius' Caesar.  to set great tasks, and to demand many subsidies of his subjects, Nay said this good Emperor, It is the part of a good shepherd, to shear his sheep, not to slay them, and so to slay them. He was of that modest nature that he would not, not not at the suit of his friends violate the office of a prince. Being in so good a matter I will proceed in reciting a few more examples of those which by this virtue have purchased goodwill of men by report of good wrighters. Who doth not wonder at (but who will imitate) that exceeding modesty of C. Marius, 
C. Marius.  which by the people of Rome (in reward of his virtues) being appointed twice to triumph would not so do alone, but divided the glory between him and Catulus fellow officer with him? 
Catulus.  Contrary to all the ambitious, 
Hannibal.  Hannibal for his goodness of nature was much commended especially because he used gentle speech and showed friendly countenance unto all men: and also because in his fare he did not exceed. Dio likewise the Syracusane, 
Dio Syracusanus.  by modesty hath got immortalit●y. It is reported of him that he was of so good a nature, that after he was placed in the throne of a king, and ruled the Syracusans: he would never change, his accustomed fare and apparel which he was wont to were being a student in the university. To keep him in the same virtuous mind, his master Plato wrote unto him, That it was his part and office to think himself so long to be glorious in the sight of all men, as long as he was gracious unto Philosophers, which only addicted themselves to the knowledge and contemplation of good things, 
Philosophers.  which would counsel him to nothing but that were profitable to him and his: and commend him for nothing but for his virtues: they would not flatter him for preferment, nor favour him in wickedness: sworn enemies to common courtiers. Such was the modesty of Cato (which for the deadly hatred he bore to wickedness was called Severe) that coming to a common play (where many immodest examples to the corrupting of well disposed persons, 
Cato Severus.  are showed) a harlot, being before his comminng naked in the sight of all the standers by, suddenly covered her bore and woul● not gesture it any more: and being demanded why she was so ashamed, said, Cato is in presence. By which it appeareth that the true modesty of an honest man, striketh more shame, than the sight of many wicked & immodest persons can stir to filthynsse. To conclude this part of Temperance (because I have more to speak of, and may not stand much upon one thing) the Persians to imprint a deep consideration of modesty in their children's minds, 
Persians.  made a law that once every day the boys should show themselves before the seniors, and rulers of their country, that by their grave looks, they might be terrified from light behaviour, & should the better learn to be modest in all their doings. And thus much of Modesty.   

¶ Of Shamefastness. Chap. 20.  
THe next part of Temperance is Shamefastness, which is a ceraine natural Blushing, 
Shamefastness.  by which we are afraid, and ashamed to commit any thing which is not honest. Between Blushing and Shamefastness there is a certain difference, 
Blushing.  although they may seem to have one & the same nature. For Blushing commonly is judged to be a fear coming of a guilty conscience: but Shamefastness of honest things: and therefore by this we fly the company of our betters, not because (as it is commonly said, Qui malè agit odit lucem) they are not of our disposition, but through a certain reverence: Again▪ by it we can not abide to see that which is unseemly, or to hear any dishonesty: not because our conscieence do persuade us that we are guilty of those vices, which we hear and see, but because it striketh a terror unto chaste ears to behold that which is odious, or to hear that which will corrupt good manners. Such a one was Socrates, which could abide no filthy talk, 
Socrates·s  or any rybaldrye: but as often as he heard the same, he would stop his ears. And therefore it may very well be called the maker of good manners. Again, it is the thing which causeth us to be vigilant in all our affairs. For by it we had rather do any thing, than he surpassed in any virtuous exercise. And oftentimes it cometh to pass, that such as neither by the counsel of their friends lovingly adhorting: nor by the persuasion of prudent men, diligently provoking: nor by the admonitions of Magistrates, sharply rebuking: nor by the threatening of laws, most severely foreshowing cruel punishment for looseness of behaviour, it cometh to pass I say, that with whom none of these can prevail, and bring into good minds, by fear of perpetual dispraise of the world, which we think to be Shamefacenesse, are called from vice to virtue: and from a dissolute behaviour, to discrete conversation.  
We read of Theseus, 
Theseus.  that through this virtue, he bent all his cogitations to the imitation of Hercules, and for fear of shame of the world, become first industrious, afterward glorious. The like is reported of Themistocles, whom nothing could put in mind of his lose 
Themistocles.  behaviour, not not the counsel of well willers: nothing could bring from pernicious company, not not the loving words of her which brought him into this world, not not the death of his mother procured by conceit of his wicked behaviour: and yet when none of these could prevail, shame of himself made him forsake impiety, and embrace virtue, & so become the most excellent in all good qualities, that was among the Athenians. What made among the Grecians, Demosthenes. 
Demosthenes. Cicero.  Cicero among the Roman orators so excellent, but only this virtue? for knowing well enough what they might attain unto, if they would be studious, and again considering that to neglect those gifts wherewith they were endued withal, was altogether impious, having this in mind, I say, even with conscience moved, and shame of themselves, did with tooth and nail, endeavour to amend those faults which were in them, and likewise to adorn those virtues wherewith they were endued withal: and so proved by pains, perfect patrons of pure eloquence.  
Tarqvinius Priscus prince of the Romans, 
Tarqvinius Priscus.  began such a piece of work, as the like for magnifical building, was not extant in all the world, nor hardly could he conceived in the mind of man. This work was so long before it could be finished, and so dangerous in doing, as many werryed with turmoils, desperately cast● violent hands upon themselves, and so had rather to end their lives, then with such a endless, and infinite labour consume themselves.  
When Tarqvinius heard thereof, he caused the dead carcases of those desperate men to be set upon gibbets, to the view of all comers buy, in the market place. Which policy of his, turned the minds of his workmen, and through thinking lest their bodies after their death should be made spectacles to their brethren, and a pray for birds, altered thyr minds, and refused no pains afterward to the hastening of his building forward. But of this no more, because of the same, in my former book of Perturbations were I spoke of Blushing, I made mention.   

¶ Of Abstinency, and Continency. Cham 21.  
OF the two next virtues (Abstinency, and continency) we will make but one Chapter, because they seem to have small difference in sense, though in sound they have, and yet both in sound, and sense they differ somewhat. 
Abstinency.  For Abstinency is a kind of Temperance, whereby we subject under the power of reason our appetite, when it is alured unto unlawful delectation, by the enticement of those things which are in our possession.  
Continency is a keeping of ourselves from those things which are not to be coveted. 
Continency.  The difference between them is. The one Abstinency consisteth in the having our appetite: the other Continency, in tempering our lusts of the flesh. Examples we have of either, many: especially of Abstinency, Paulus Aemylius, and L. Mummius: 
P. Aemylius. L. Mummius. Amabaeas.  of Continency Amabaeas a Musicon, Bellerophon, Xenocrates, and Scipio. The abstinency of P. Aemylius, was perceived when he had subdued cities. For notwithstanding, he had in his hands the possession of many famous cities, and might do with the substance in them what he would, yet did he convert none of those goods to his private commodity, but gave commandment unto his men, to convey them to the common treasure house of Rome, and there should remain readdie, to supply the want of his native country, if necessity required.  
L. Mummius for the same quality, 
L. Mummius.  is likewise commended. And that this was truly reported of him, it is manifest, because that in Delos, being a banished man▪ he died most poorly: which he would have seen unto, had he not been right abstinent, and contemned all worldly muck, in respect of his honesty. Again of the other side, as these are notable patrons of Abstinency, so those before recited are as famous for their Continency, in containing from the sinful desires, of the rebellious flesh. Wonderful and strange (I will not say to be imitated) was that Continency of Amabaeas, 
Amabaeas.  which having a wife of rare and surpassing beauty, would never have copulation with her. But more worthy to be followed (although less worthy to be wondered at) was the Continency of Bellerophon, which being not a little by strange means alured by Antea, 
●ellerophō. Antea. Pretus.  the wife of King Pretus to lie with her, did altogether refuse the same, and contained himself from violating the bed of his Lord, at whose hands he had found much courtesy. The like is reported in the holy scripture of joseph. But fear of death caused that Continency. 
joseph.  I think not, but rather care of a pure, and unpolluted conscience, 
Conscieence.  which never will he purged without a strange and unfeigned repentance, from the filthiness of the fact, which would continually have been object to their eyes, so that they should a thousand times have wished that it had never been committed. For the pleasure passeth, the pain pincheth continually. But if the fear of punishment were the cause, it cannot be misliked: but they are to be commended therefore, and may strike a shame to those, which without all fear (I do not say of God, for that is lest in our minds, and should never be forgotten) of punishment in this world, care not whom they pollute, be they for authority never so high, for consanguinity or friendship never so nigh unto them.  
But let us proceed, (for of this matter we spoke before when we talked of Lust, in our former book) If so rare examples, not only of true and faithful friendship, but of pure bodies, and unpolluted minds were joseph and Bellerophon, for not corrupting their Queens, and wives to their friends, then how much are Xenocrates & Scipio to be extoled, 
Xenocrates.  which contained themselves from committing fornication with their inferiors, when they might have used them at their pleasures? 
Xenocrates.  For Xenocrates being placed in bed by a fair woman (but of surpassing beauty) and she with many toys (incident to harlots) enticing him to enter league with her, was so far from satisfying her mind, that the more earnest she was in desiring, the more vigilant he was in containing: and the more lust she declared to Venery, the more loath he was to commit such Villainy, but lay beside her as hot as a marble, in the coldest time of winter. Yea, but he was a Philosopher, and therefore less marvel, though he were continent. Truth it is, and therefore a shame to all wise, and learned men which are incontinent. And I say, he was an infidel, and yet by philosophy and reason, he persuaded himself that fornication was hurtful to the body, and damnable to the soul, and therefore at the day of judgement shall rise to their confusion, which are Christians, and yet neither by divinity, nor religion, will be in that mind, to thin●e that either fornication, or adultery, is either hateful to God, or shall be hurtful to themselves in the time of vengeance.  
Well, Scipio was no Philosopher, by profession, but a warrior, 
Scipio.  (a strange thing, that one of that sort, should be so pure from unchaste cogitations) and yet being of the age of three and twenty years, and having brought under the subjection of the Romans, a city in Spain, a certain damosel without comparison among all the captives, most beautiful, was brought unto him, for delectation, after all his troubles. But Scipio, before he would receive any recreation at her hands, demanded what she was: which, when he understood her to be espoused unto a young man called Luceius, 
Luceius.  he thought it a shame for him to use her company, beyond honesty: and so with many precious gifts and jewels, sent her safely conducted to her husband, that should be.  
This continency of Scipio, passeth all the rest. For who would think that a warrior, from a woman: a lusty young man, from a beautiful maiden: a conqueror, from a captive having time, place, and permission (so that without controlment of any man, he might have used her) would contain himself, all things falling so in the nick? And yet this noble warrior, lusty youth, and victorious conqueror, entered not familiarity with this woman, this beautiful maiden, and captive, because she had given her troth to another. O unspeakable virtue, and most wonderful continency of this noble Scipio, which so preferred honesty before lechery: chastity before incontinency: and a faithful promise, before sinful pleasure. I may not in Rhetorical manner enlarge this matter (and yet too much can not be spoken to his praise) and therefore I leave it.  
By this than it appeareth, that between Continency, and Abstinency▪ there is great similitude, 
Incontinency.  and that they have so, it is evident by their contrary. For Incontinency is indifferently referred unto either of them. We call him incontinent which either keeps no measure in the coveting of worldly things, or can not contain himself from the effects of fleshly desires. Now because I have illustrated the former part with examples, I will also make this part confirmed by the like. And therefore opposite to th●se men above recited, are these women (for most commonly women are worst bend, and we find of all the best historiographers, lest spoken to their praise) most incontinent which follow, namely Messalina, wife unto the Emperor Claudius, and Popilia daughter of Marcus. Messalina was so incontinent, that she could not content herself (I will not say, with her husband, 
Messalina.  whom she cared least for) with her youthful gentlemen of her chamber, about the court, but she would go to common houses, where most whoredom was committed, and there contend with most shameless harlots, in their abominable exercise.  
If I should recite what I have read of this notorious and notable strumpet, I should not observe the precepts of those two virtues Modesty and Shamefastness, immediately in the former chapters declared. But Temperance wyls me to stay my hand, and tells me it is a sin to wright that which with out shame she did commit. The incontinency of Popilia also was such, 
Popilia.  as being told of her unsatiable lechery, and that it might strike a perpetual terror into her mind, for one of her calling, which should give good example to inferior persons of honest conversation, yet without respect of time, place, or persons would prostrate herself before those, of which, if for no other cause, yet because of her birth, and their baseness she might be ashamed: Being thus lovingly by a faithful friend admonished did answer, that she did but according to her kind, and that nature had given that power unto man (not so unto other creatures) that they might at all times come together at their pleasure: and therefore considering it was natures will she accounted herself, and would be judged a beast, if she did not as oft as she could satisfy her lust. But we will omit particular persons.  
The Corinthians for this Incontinency, have been evil spoken of. 
Corinthians.  For they cast all honesty so behind their backs, that they would take their own daughters, and make them harlots to merchants and strangers in their country, that so they might enrich themselves, and their country. Hereof came this proverb, It was not for every man to go to Corinthe: for they paid well for their pleasure.  
The Babylonians also were greatly spotted with this vice of Incontinency: 
Babylonians  for once in a year they licensed their wives, daughters and maidens, to go unto the temple of Venus, which stood by the sea coast, and there should refuse none which offered themselves, and would use them.  
The Tyrrhenians are more incontinent than any. 
Tyrrhenians.  For they will not only have to do with their wives openly, and lie in the common streets, but as though they were unmarried like brute and savage beasts without all reason turned one to another. The like is reported of the Messagetans. 
Messagetans.   
But what stand I upon this point? Or what good nature can abide to hear them recited without blushing? and therefore I contain myself from speaking any more of Incontinency.   

¶ Of Chastity. Chap. 22.  
IN this chapter we mean to talk of Chastity, and that which is called in Latin Pudicitia together, because in signification they are almost one, and therefore not seldom they are confounded. Such affinity they have that how to express this word Pudicitia in English otherwise I know not, then by the name of Chastity. Hereby is perceived the barrenness of our tongue which oftentimes gives to many things one appellation. Well, in sense there is a difference. For by Chastity is understood a general chastisement of all the troublesome perturbations. 
Chastity.   
And therefore doth Varro take a chaste man, both for him that is religious, and godly man: and also for him which is an abstinent man, and him which is of good conversation.  
Again, we take him or that to be chaste which is pure and uncorrupt. And therefore we say him to have chaste ears, which cannot abide to hear that which is dishonest. And he is said to to talk chastened which talketh properly of any thing, whose words are pure without affectation, or usual in common speech, or approved of the best. Now, Pudicitia is more strict, 
Pudicitia.  and doth not stretch, so far because it is referred only to the unpollutinge of the boddye, as the thing which in no case will suffer the boddye to be defiled. So that it seemeth to be a kind of Chastity. For Chastity is the rule or patron how a man may lead an honest and virtuous conversation. But Pudicitia is only about venerial matters. Both of these virtues have brought great renown to men, as women: but especially they adorn women, and in time past to be endued with Chastity, (for that shall comprehend the other) hath been thought no small commendation.  
Which appeareth by the great care, which in times past women have had of keeping their good name, supposing themselves, having that to be well enough, though they had nothing, and again without that, though they had all thing, yet was it counted of them as nothing.  
This made Lucretia not for to care for this world, 
Lucretia.  after that her body was once defiled. We read of certain Spartan Virgins, in number fifty, 
Spartanae virgins.  being sent for their health sake, to the Messanians, among whom after they had sojourned a while, they were marvelously provoked unto whoredom, but they calling into mind the preciousness of Maidenhoode, rather choase to be slain, then once would, condescend to their desires: so that of those fifty, not one was found which would yield herself to the lust of the Messanians. We read also of a Theban maid, which being much alured unto copulation by Nicanor, 
Nicanor.  in whose power she was, for he had brought Thebes and all the inhabitants thereof into servitude, rather than she would grant unto his wicked request, took a sword and slew herself.  
Methridates a king of Pontus, being overcome of the Romans, 
Methridates.  kept himself close from the sight of all men, and because his daughter named Diripentina, was troubled with sickness, 
Dirapentina.  and therefore could not departed with him, he committed her unto the custody of one Menophilo an Eunuch, 
Menophilo.  which kept a castle named Gynorium. It happened that by the carefulness and diligence of Menophilo, she recovered herself. Now the Romans persecuting Methridates, came and besieged his castle, governed by the Eunuch: which perceiving that his power was not long to keep the castle from his enemies, and again calling to mind the unmercifulness of his adversaries, which without all pity would misuse all such as came in their claws, especially those of whom Methridates did make most acoumpte: and above all tendringe the honesty of Diripentina, was in mind, that of them the Romans should never have their will. And therefore took a sword, and killed her whose Chastity was his care, and afterward bereft himself of life.  

Tentorian women.  The chastity of the wives of the Tentorians was wonderful, for after that C. Marius had subdued and slain their husbands, and they by their suit could not obtain to be ascribed among the Vestal virgins, shortly after, each of them took anhaulter, and so (doubting lest they should not keep themselves free from the assaults of carnal men) hung themselves.  
Pythagoras had a daughter excellent well learned, 
Pythagoras' daughter.  which did not only profess chastity in common schools, but also all her life time most chastely behaved herself, and never knew man. Great was the modesty of Armenia, wife unto Tygranes. 
Armenia. Tigranes.  For being once at a banquet with her husband, at the house of King Cyrus, 
Cyrus.  where every body much commended Cyrus for his comeliness of person, her husband after they were returned home, asked her what she thought of Cyrus' majesty in countenance. Truly answered she, I am able to say nothing, for I never cast mine eyes from you all the banquet while. But that example which followeth is more strange. Hiero a Syracusane king, reprehended of one of his acquaintance, 
Hiero Syracusanus.  because of his stinking breath: answered that before that time, he never knew so much: being returned home, be fell a chiding with his wife, because she never would seek remedy therefore, or at the lest give him to understand of the same. His wife answered him in this manner. Have patience my husband, for truly, I always did persuade myself, that all men had the same disease, else be assured you should have had intelligence, and also be cured thereof.  

Effects of Chastity. Amylia.  The effects of chastity have been very strange. Aemylia a virgin was judged of the Romans to be scarce honest, which when it came to her ears, she prayed unto Vesta after this manner: Vesta, thou preserver of this noble city Rome, if I for this thirty years, which time I have given mine attendance about thy rites, and ceremonies, If I say, I have been faithful unto thee, as becometh a virgin, give some token of the same, that all the Romans may witness what I am. When she had thus prayed, she cast one of her garments, bound up together upon the altar, which without any fire was inflamed and burnt, so that afterwards they never brought new fire, but they found some continually upon the altar. Claudia likewise, another of the virgins of Vesta, 
Claudia.  being supposed to be incontinent, and by any means could not bring the rude multitude from judging sinisterly of her, by the like miracle purged herself, and proved that she was for conversation honest. For on a time a ship loaden with holly things, pertaining to the goddess Idea, so was grounded in Tiber, that by no strength it could be set a float. Claudia hearing of the same, with speed came to the river, and there, with bended knees and humbleness of heart, beseeched Vesta, that as she knew her clear from all fellowship of man, so it might be known to all men, that she was a pure and unspotted virgin. Her prayer took effect. And that ship which by the force of many could not be removed followed her, and she drew the same with great facility out of the river. So that her accusers were ashamed of themselves, and she was obeyed as a princess, & reverenced as a goddess all her life time. Such hath been the force of this virtue. We will recite one example more, as much talked of as the other. Tuscia, one of the same order of Vesta, 
Tuscia.  heard very much to her defamation: and therefore should be expelled the college of virgins (for none might sacrifice unto Vesta, but such as were known to be of good conversation) which did not a little trouble her. And because her conscience bore her witness, that the rumour raised was false (as the other above recited Aemylia and Claudia) she beseeched Vesta in pitiful sort, that her innocency might by some way or other, be made known unto all the world: especially, that if to her profession, she had behaved herself, she prayed that without spylling one drop, she might carry a five full of water from Tiber unto Vesta's chapel: which thing she obtained, and not shéeding so much as one drop in a thing full of holes she carried water. So that these women, these chaste women may answer unto those continent men brought forth in the former chapter. Yet will I add unto those virgins the example of one or two men, which have been no less wondered at then the former. 
Scipio.  Scipio for his chastity was so praised, that even the most wicked, and farthest from all consideration of honesty, namely pirates, came a long, and a perilous voyage to honour him, which all the world did so commend. Such as he was, such was his friends. And therefore that made his dear friend and familiar Laelius so to be praised. 
Laelius.  It is reported of him that in all his life he never knew but one woman, and that was his wife. A strange thing in those days (I will not say in our time.) The chastity of Ptolomeus Tryphon was such, 
Ptolomeus Tryphon.  that he would not so much as talk with a woman, lest by her beauty he should be alured unto Venery. And therefore on a time perceiving a beautiful dame to come towards him, for communication sake: He said unto her, that his sister warned him from speaking unto any fair woman, and therefore desired her to hold him excused. He might be judged, by his words of some not to be very wise: but whatsoever his words seem to be, his meaning was good, and would as much as in him say, shun all occasions of future grief. And thus much for this part of Temperance.   

¶ Of Honesty. Cham 23.  
HOnesty, or that which is Honest is diversly defined of divers men. 
Honesty.  For Aristotle supposeth that for to be honest of which our good name depends, by which we purchase credit among men. And that agreeth to the saying of those, which say, that that is honest which by popular, or common speech is praise worthy. Plato and those of his opinion call that honest, which of itself without any other external thing what soever, is commendable. Cicero is of their minds, 
Cice. lib. 2. de Finibus.  and gives the same definition. By which it is evident, that honesty is either virtue itself or a thing done by virtue altogether. And therefore we define Honesty in this wise, and say, that it is a free election of the mind to do those things which are agreeing to the rule of virtue. Contrary to this Honesty, is filthiness or dishonesty. Cicero sayeth, 
Cice. lib. 4. de Finibus.  that nothing can make men so miserable, as wickedness and impiety. And therefore applying the same his words unto himself, in another place he saith, 
Cice. lib. 2. Epist. ad Atticum.  That he doth nothing but war against dishonest and wicked persons. Whereby he seemeth to prefer Temperance before Prudence, spiritual matters before corporal, and the consolation of the soul, before the commodities of the body. And therein he doth not swerver from that which God in his holy scripture commandeth, and Saint Paul earnestly doth exhort unto. Quintilian also in this point showeth himself to be the faithful servant of God: for he saith, 
Quin. lib. 1 cap. 20. the institutione oratoria.  that the divine providence hath given this gift unto man, that by honesty he may best profit. Now if any be delighted with honesty, let him give ear as to these now mentioned, so to heathen (I had almost said heavenly, and I may say very well heavenly) Isocrates. (For I have exhortations out of God's book: For it were a labour infinite to recite them, & pertaining to a professed divine, not to me in this matter, which depend only upon those things wherewith man by nature is adorned, and therefore the exhortations, and examples of wise Philosophers, endued only with natural reason I mean to recite) who writeth in this wise: 
Isocrates ad Demonicum.  To honesty you shall be marvelously bend, if you do but remember the pleasures coming from the same to be continual, not transitory: and again, if you consider the pleasures springing from dishonest things to be mingled with grief and vexation. The pleasure passeth, but the pain abideth. This honesty of the ancient Grecians was had in such price, that they did fly all occasion of evil, and that by public authority. And therefore they banished out of their cities all Poets and Players, because that in their Interludes they did both speak that which was not seemly, 
Poets. Players.  and by gesture showed that which was dishonest. The like we read was done of the Romans. Contrary to those are the devilish and detestable Corinthians which so bend themselves to all impurity of life, 
Corinthians.  that they worship, and give honour unto the precedent of all impiety, named Cotys, 
Cotys.  her they worship, to her they do sacrifice, even as though all those sparks of virtue which Aristotle sayeth are naturally in all men, were altogether quenched in them. But let us abhor them as odious to good men: and accursed before God, and give ear unto those worthy sayings of Cicero, Quintilian, and Isocrates, and with the ancient Grecians fly all occasions of dishonesty. There was sometime a pretty dialogue between Socrates a Philosopher, and Callistes an harlot. Callistes would prove that she excelled Socrates. 
Callistes.  Her argument which she used, was because that she, when she was disposed could draw from him all his auditors, but so could not Socrates from her. To whom thus answered Socrates: 
Socrates.  And no marvel Callistes', for thou allurest unto wickedness, to which the way is readdie: but I adhort to virtue, whose way is hard to find.  

Lactantius de divino praemio. Cap. 5.  This point we will not prolong but with the saying of Lactantius conclude the same. His words be these: He whose desire is to live well (in the world to come) for ever, shall for a time live wretchedly, and be troubled with many molestations, as long as he shall be in this earth a pilgrim, that so he may receive a divine, and everlasting comfort. And he which chooseth to live well for a time shall for ever live unquietly: for he shallbe damned by the judgement of God. His words are plain, and shows that honesty is joined with misery, wickedness with all kind of felicity: but misery which for honesty we suffer, shallbe turned to everlasting comfort, and that felicity gotten by dishonesty, into perpetual   

¶ Of Moderation. Cap. 24.  
A Companion of Honesty is Moderation, 
Moderation.  which doth so measure all our actions, that it will not suffer us to pass the bounds prescribed by Honesty, or come short of them, for as in running to go beyond the mark is great rashness: so almost not to pass the standing, is as much faintness. Antomedon, 
Antomedon.  Achilles' wagoner, is therefore much commended, because he drove the same not over hastily, nor yet over slowly, but with a moderate swiftness, all was even from the best to get the praise. But nigher to our purpose Pomponius Atticus above all men is praised, 
Pomponius Atticus.  for his singular moderation in all his matters. Especially because in all the civil dissension between Caesar and Pompey, he alone as ignorant, or at the lest was not troubled. He took no part and therefore was well liked of the Conqueror. Whose rare moderation if others in his time had set before their eyes, their perils had not been so great, nor the common weal of Rome so overthrown. This virtue bringeth with it another virtue which is called Suffering, 
Suffering.  a notable virtue meet for a prudent man, for by moderatnig ourselves, we learn to forbear when we are injured: according to that of P. Syrus, 
P. Syrus.  a man should bear and not blame, which cannot be avoided: and that of Epictetus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bear and forbear. 
Epictetus'  For this Virtue were praised two noble wights Hannibal and M. Bibulus, 
Hannibal M. Bibulus  one of Room, the other of Carthage. Hannibal by Moderating himself got such an habit, that notwithstanding his army was compounded of men of many Countries, yet did he so guide and govern them, that to see them chide among themselves was a great wonder, and (as we say) might be chronicled: the like for moderation and well guiding his army, we shall not read of any as we do of him. Again M. Bibulus was of that moderation that he would never be moved: his nature was then most of all made manifest unto the world when he without rash revenging, took the death of his two Sons against all equity murdered. For when Cleopatra had sent the murderers of his sons unto him, willing him to use them as he would, refused it, and sent them back, saying, that his private cause he aught not for to revenge, neither did it pertain unto him, and therefore disired that they might be sent unto the Senate of Room, which might according to law pronounce judgement. One example I will bring forth more, because of the worthiness thereof. It is reported of King Philip governor of the Macedonians, 
Philip.  that he was of a most gentle nature, and that is evident by this fact of his: besieging a City of Melibea called Mathona, a Citizen of the same sent a Dart at Philip, 
Mathona  and therewith deprived him of his eye, and yet the loss thereof made him neither the more fierce in his affairs, nor more frantic towards his foes. And though with his great pain it was plucked out, yet did it not incense him any whit the more against his enemies, but unto reasonable requests of theirs did condescend, which moderating of himself, and gentle handling of them made them of deadly foes his faithful friends.   

Of sparingness or Hardness. Cap. 25.  
NExt unto moderation is sparingness, 
Sparing or hardness  which more properly we call Hardness. By which we may understand not that wicked vice Covetousness, although it may seem that we do, wherefore we aught to have great care jest affections blind us, and so take one thing for an other. It is the common use of most men, under the show of one thing to engraft in our minds an other. And thereof Prodigality is called by the name of Liberality: cruelty of Equity: foolish boldness, 
Cicero in partitionibus Orat.  of Fortitude: & to come to our purpose, covetousness, of sparingness. And therefore as Tully saith, we aught to be very careful jest those vices deceive us, which seem to accompany the virtues, and so take one thing for another. Wherefore we will show the great odds, which are between these two things sparingness and Covetousness, their difference in their names and signification may be espied: 
Auere. avarus. avaritia. Covetousness.  for Auere (from whence avarus and avaritia, as Coniungata, & each signifieth beyond all reason to covet a thing. And therefore a covetousman is he, which out of reason coveteth. Now Parcere to spare (is derived from Parcitas sparingnes) is like a good husband thriftily to keep, 
Parcere. Parcitas. sparingness.  not unfruitfully to spend, whereby it is plain that one (covetousness) is a vice and well may be numbered among such things as a man should withal endeavour fly, as hurtful to the common weal and dangerous to his soul. And th'other (sparingness) is a virtue, teaching how to play the good husband, and so profit his Country and pleasure his posterity. By this we flee Prodigality, and yet we spare not when we may profit, and therefore it was an old saying that a maid than had a good savour, ●hen she savoured nothing at all: and a man was then right wise, when he neither smelled of the stink of Covetousness, nor yet was descried by the filth of Prodigality. The elder Cato was wont to say that by two things he increased his wealth, 
Cato seni or.  that is to say by tilling his ground, and good husbandry. One of which brought abundance of all fruit: the other taught how to use it. Which Cato, though he had many virtues, which made him to be well thought of, among the romans, yet by none he got so much commendation, as by good husbandry, and sparing from idle and vain expenses. Again, for this virtue was the lesser Scipio much commended, 
Scipio minor. Pomponius Atticus.  and he that reads the life of Pomponius Atticus, shall find most of his praises to spring of his sparingness, which never would have been ascribed unto him and the rest, were it a vice and to be eschewed, 
Laus praemium virtutis.  for we never commend any for his vice, but virtues: and praises are annexed unto well doing.  
But as these for their sparing have been well reported of, so for immoderate spending have others especially, Lucullus, 
Lucullus.  and Marius among the Romans been discommended. Lucullus did so lavish in sumptuous expenses, and so desired in all his buildings to seem magnifical, that he came into contempt among the common people, and was called a Roman Xerxes, because he would appear more magnifical than become a private person. Pompey hearing of his goodly buildings, was desirous to see if it were as the common report was, and being come where Lucullus dwelled, and seeing the same to exceed the common voice, said unto Lucullus in contempt: These your houses for Summer be pleasant, they have so many stories, and so goodly windows, and so open air, but in Winter they are not to be inhabited. Then answered Lucullus what Pompey think you that Cranes shall excel me? can they according to change of time altar their dwellings, and think you Lucullus will not have his places of pleasure, and according to the alteration of time, remove from one house to an other? It was a strange thing among the Romans to have one so to flourish above other his fellow Citizens. 
Marius.  Marius was even such an other. Many things he had begun which were very magnifical, and more sumptuous than would beseem his person, his buildings were great and many (so that he was thought to have studied to bring all the glory of Room to his house) which in his old age he went about: and seeing death would cut him short, so that he should not see the finishing of that which he had in hand, he began to rail upon Fortune, and to accuse her of great partiality, because he might not see the effect of that which in mind he purposed. But that over lavishing expenses of his made him (after his great glory) when he had been seven times Consul, to be a laughing stock even to the abject multitude, and contemned of his fellow Senators. Well, these fellows I have recited to make lavishing prodigality the more odious, & to illustrate this Sparing virtue, or virtuous Sparing which we have in hand: which is opposite both to insatiable covetousness and unreasonable spending, 
The office of Liberality.  and differeth somewhat from liberality whose office consisteth in giving with judgement: but this in saving like a prudent man, and much disagréeth from nigardness and unmerciful pinching.  
The Office of this sparing fellow is to observe a measure in his doings, 
The duty of sparingness.  not wastefully to spend, but warily to spare: not wickedly to get, but virtuously to enrich himself. It is reported that Aesculapius being the Son of Apollo (which one would think would not suffer his son to be handled in such sort) was for his insatiable desire of riches, 
Aesculapius.  by fire from jupiter sent, consumed and killed with thunderboults, and after wards cast headlong into the bottomless Barathrum where the Devils have their habitation. For being a notable Physician, he was sought unto of all men, and he did spare neither tongue nor labour to pleasure afflicted persons, but rather for love of money then for any good will to men, which being known to jupiter (from whom nothing is hid) he was in such strange manner tormented. So that if Avarice be shunned of this temperate man, no doubt he sparethe to his profit, and the pleasuring of his posterity, which no doubt will well keep that so wisely gotten. On the other side, goods evil gotten by covetousness, are as madly consumed, and (as we commonly say) the third heir never far the better.   

¶ Of Sobriety. Cap. 26.  
THE last, though not the lest of all the parts of Temperance is called Soberness: 
Soberness.  which is as necessary as any of the above mentioned, and more a great deal then some of them. It appeareth by the contrary unto it called drunkenness, which is in the sight of all men so odious and loath some, 
Drunkenness.  as we count them which are subject unto it, little better than brute and beastly creatures. And therefore (according to the opinion of Nonius Marcellus) we call him a sober man, whose mind is not overcome, but hath the use of wit and senses, & contrariwise we call him drunken whose head, hands nor feet cannot discharge their duty. This virtue is called in Latin Sobrietas quasi sine ebri●tate, 
Sobrietas.  a thing opposite unto drunkenness. By drunkenness I understand immoderate swilling or drinking more than doth a man good, by Sobriety a measurable taking of drink. What a worthy and excellent gift is this Sobriety, it may appear no way better than by the examples of them which have lest esteemed thereof. 
Alexan. Magnus.  Alexander Magnus thought he could not better celebrated the memory of Calanus (whom he loved entirely) then by appointing games for drinking. 
Calanus.  In which was iij. degrees, for he which drank most, had a Talon of silver for his pains: the next had thirty pounds: the third ten pounds. In this contention one Promachus bore away the Bell, 
Promachus.  but his unmeasurable drinking cost him his life: for within three days after he died miserably. What honour Alexander got by his new device, I leave it unto others to report: what he might have got by putting that his money to the relief of his poor Subjects it is evident. The like use we read of, at the feasts of Bacchus, 
Bacchus.  where it was lawful for every man to toss the pots merrily, and he which drunk most had a Crown of pure Gold given him, which Xenocrates did once obtain. 
Xenocrates. Micerinus   
To these I will add one Micerinus an Egyptian, which being certified by the Oracle that his days were but few which he had to consume in this world, thought to disappoint the determinate purpose of the almighty Gods, and therefore being before a great drinker, afterward took more pleasure in the same, but the end of this wretch was miserable.  
Cicero the Son of that famous Orator took such delight in drunkenness, 
Cive. filius M.T. Ci.  as he was ashamed if any passed him therein, and because he was not of power to revenge himself for the death of his father upon M. Antonius, he thought by emulating Antony's drunkenness, 
M. Antonius.  and excelling him therein, he had brought him into contempt among the people, as Pliny writeth of him. Besides these have bèen celebrated of historiographers for their drunkenness, Dionysius which by overmuch drink lost his eyes, 
Dionysius  & therefore become a laughing stock unto all men.: and Novellius, which because of that quality, 
Novellius Tricongius,  was called Tricongius, and by Teberius Caesar preferred to a Praetorship, for no other thing but because of his excellency in drunkenness.  
Now seeing we have showed some which for their excessive drinking have been famous, let us also show some discommodyties thereof to make it the more odious. It is writ●en that this vice drove all consideration of justice out of the mind of Philip King of the Macedonians, 
Philip.  whereby he often times pronounced sentence against the innocent, and condemned the unguilty. One woman having sustained injury by wrong sentence given of him in his drunkenness, with opprobrius words railed upon him & said, she would not stand to his judgement but appealed farther. Then some asked to whom she would appeal (for in greater authority than Philip none was) she answered, I appeal from Philip being drunk, to Philip being sober. Which when it came to Philip's ear, he called back his judgement against her, and afterwards in drunkenness he commanded that he should not he brought to the seat of justice, but with great care pronounced sentence. Again by drunkenness Spargapises, 
Spargapises. Thomir. Babylon.  son unto Thomiris the Queen of Scythia, fell into the hands of his capital foes and lost many goodly Soldiers. And Babylon which otherwise was invincible, by this horrible vice fell into the hands of her enemies. Now seeing the examples and knowing the discommodities which have happened by drunkenness, let us hearken unto the counsel of wise men and obey the laws made against this vice by prudent Magistrates.  
Anacharsis was wont to say that nothing could make this vice more to be abhorred, 
Anacharsis.  then to behold those which were overcome with drink. 
Lacedaemon  The Lacedæmonians were of this mind, and therefore to make their children altogether to detest the same they would carry them to banquets, where if any of servile condition or others were overcome with drink, they should see them derided of all men, that so by their example they might be ware how they fell into the fault. 
Romain●  The Romans liked the same order very well, & therefore to bring Musicians in contempt, 
Musicians,  they devised no better way than at common feastis to make them drunk, & so to carry them in carts into the Market place, where all the town might laugh at them, and terrify others from immoderate drinking, jest in their drunkenness they were so used, the laws which have been made against this vice are many & wunderful strange. Pittacus one of the seven wise men of Gréece, 
Pittacus  decreed that all offences should be punished, but drunkenness with a double punishment. 
Messalonians.  The Messalonians did so mislike this vi●e, that they would not suffer a woman to drink Wine. If they would not permit a woman so much as to drink wine, what punishment think you would they have set upon her, if she had been overcome therewith? Truly I suppose that which by the law of Romulus was decreed, 
Lex. Romuli.  that if a Woman were found or seen drunk, she should lose her life therefore. For he supposed drunkenness to be the beginning of dishonesty and whoredom, and therefore did appoint so cruel a punishment, that by the avoiding of that, whoredom might not be exercised among his people. Faunus a Roman was an executor of this law, 
Faunus.  for seeing his wife to have broken the law, with his own hands killed her. 
Romans  By another law of the Romans it was enacted, that none borne of a noble house from his childhood until he came to manis age and was thirty years old, should not so much as drink (much less be drunken with) Wine. And I think if any which were forbidden to drink, had been drunk with Wine, 
Solon.  the Law of Solon would have been executed upon him, he should have been put to death, or at lest banished. But do I say that only young noble men of Room were forbidden to drink Wine? Nay it was not lawful neither for bond nor free, for slave nor sovereign, to use the same until they were thirty years of age. Nay I will add five more for so affirmeth Aelianus. 
Aelianus li. 2. de varia hist.  But of their mind we are not, but would have men to use the same sometime, & that moderately. For as Anacharsis was wont to say, the Vine hath three Grapes, 
Anacharsis.  one of pleasure, th'other of drunkenness, the third of sorrow: we would have him taste the first, but the other two he should not so much as handle, jest he fall into drunkenness, and so to repentance. For as Wine if it be taken to often or to abundantly bringeth many dangerous diseases, besides the loathsome vice of drunkenness: so taken seldom and moderately it reviveth the Spirits and expelleth cares, which otherwise would consume many of us. For this virtue Sobriety many have been commended especially Caesar & Vespasian. 
Caesar. Vespasian.  Of Caesar, Cato said, that of all those which sought the overthrow of Room, never any sober man went about the same but only Caesar. And Vespasian the Emperor was of such sobriety, that he would drink nor eat but once in a day, & that with great modesty. This soberness of diet brings commodities, 
Commodities of Soberness.  for it doth not only keep our bodies free from gross humours, which spring of ill dieting, but also prolongs our days very much, and makes us live a healthful old age. To prove the same we have many examples, as of Socrates which by his great sobriety, 
Socrates.  lived all his life time without any sickness. 
M. Valerius corvinus.  M. Valerius corvinus (so called. I suppose because he lived the years of a Crow, which is reported by those which writ the nature of Birds, to live an hundred years) also lived free from sickness an hundred years, the cause of his great felicity is thought to be his good diet which he kept, and great soberness which he used wheresoever he came. But he which passed all men (that ever I read of) for his virtue was Masinissa King of the Numidians. 
Masinissa  His manner was never to sit at his meat, neither would he sauce his meat at any time, he was content with common fare and household Bread which he allowed unto his Soldiers. His great soberness & good dieting of himself brought a lusty old age and so healthful, as after 86. years of his age he had a Son (the like I think hath seldom been hard) of his own be getting, and being of 92. years, he went against the Athenians, because they violated their faith given to him, and over came them valiantly. In which war it is reported that he behaved himself as courageously as the best, & differed not from a common and hired Soldier. Now to Fortitude.   

¶ Of Fortitude and her parts. Cap. 27.  
NOw are we to speak of Fortitude whose praises are no fewer than those ascribed unto Prudence and Temperance. And that deservedly, 
Fortitude.  for (as Tully Prince of Eloquence doth say) there is no virtue, but either Sword, strength, or threats will weaken the same, but to vanquish affections, to resist anger, is only the part of a most valiant man, which things who soever doth: he may not only be compared with the most excellent and famous men, but aught to be made of as a God. And therefore no marvel though the Romans flourishing by this only virtue, ascribed the name of virtue unto fortitude, sith with out the same are all other as it were lame and imperfect, without their limbs.  
And therefore more commendations, glory, and triumphing hath been ascribed unto those endued with this virtue, than any of the others. But why do I make comparison? who for Temperance? who for chaste modest abstinence, 
Temperance  honest and sober life was ever out of the common treasure house of any common weal rewarded? justice and innocent, virtuous, 
justice.  godly, loving & faithful hearted men where be they preferred or greatly made of? 
Prudence.  Prudente and wise, circumspect, héedful, wily and crafty men are made of, who can deny? But in such sort, as for Fortitude, 
Fortitude.  bold, patiented, constant, stout hearted, and valiant defenders of their country, who will affirm? Of one or two or a few, which for other virtues have been well thought of and preferred, mention may be made: but none can tell me of an universal rejoicing of an whole country for any of th'others at any time: but for this valiant man every man rejoiceth, his sight is grateful to every man, and all men delight in him. Hereof it came that tokens of Nobility were given to those kind of men in times past: as may witness their bracelets, chains, 
Praemia fortitudinis.  Pictures, arms and triumphs, appointed them in token of honour, and now the goodly orders and laws which general Captains have, to prefer to the order of Knighthood any stout and noble hearted man. In old time, to every courageous fellow, was given a piece of a vine in to●● of his prows, also noble wariers for their valiancy had bows given them in token of honour. The ancient Grecians to preserve the memory of those which had by valiantness profited their Country, did erect certain great Pillars, in which was graven the names of such as had showed themselves noble hearted and faithful defenders of their country. As were those Pillars erected at Thermopylas in the honour of Leonidas, 
Thermopylas. Leonidas.  which with a few Lacedæmonians, and a small crew of the Locresians, did withstand a number almost infinite of the Persians; so long as he and all his Soldiers were bereft of life, whose names together with Leomidas, were graven in marble pillars to be seen of all posterities. It were a long and a very great labour to recite the triumphs in number many, in sight strange, for cost sumptuous, appointed to valiant and victorious Captains. Nay some have stood in such admiration of them, that they have thought them worthy not only such honour as we have recited, but also immortality. And therefore the Athenians, 
Castor. Pollux. Hercules. Bacchus.  Castor and Pollux, Thebans, Hercules, Indians, Bacchus, only for their noble hartis and stout courage are numbered among the Gods, and so called them: and also did appoint altars, and sacrificed unto them even as if they had been borne of immortal séed because they showed themselves vigilant in seeing to themselves, 
What▪ Fortitudes.  valiant in defence of their countries, victorious in subduing their foes and virtuous in all their doings. But we having somewhat offended in praising a thing before we expressed by definition what it was: I will now define what is Fortitude. Many are the definitions. Socrates said it was a knewledge instructing a man how with commendation, to adventure dangerous, troublesome, and fearful things, and in the taking of them in hand to be nothing terrified. Chrysippus gave two definitions thereof, and said that Fortitude was either a science teaching how to suffer things: or it was a virtue of the mind, obeying unto reason without all fear, either in patiented bearing, or adventuring any thing. The Platonists define it in this manner, and say that Fortitude is a keeping of a stable judgement in repelling those things which seem fearful and terrible in men's eyes. 
Arist. li. 1. Retor. ad Theodecten. ca 22.  Aristotle in a certain place, calleth it a mean between fear and holdenes, and therefore he sayeth it may seem to be a knowledge of dreadful things, which may terrify a man without this knowledge. In another place he calls it a virtue by which many and marvelous things are done, not rashly without discretion, but according to laws, & as far forth as they will permit. 
Cice. lib. 1.2.3.4. & 5 Tuscula▪ quest.  Cicero defines Fortitude to be an affection of the mind in labours, troubles, and torments, free from fear at all times.  
All which definitions will nothing else, but that Fortitude shallbe a virtue of the mind, adventuring nothing rashly with out consideration, neither fearing any thing in a good cause whether it be death or any thing else, seem it never so terrible. By which it appeareth that Fortitude consists between two extremities, fear, and folishboldenes, which do either make a man to do that which he should not, or not to do that which he should. For fear will not let a man do what he should, 
Fear.  a good occasion being offered: and by boldness he passeth the bounds of the law, 
Boldness.  and in a head, for no occasion or very little, will slay God almighty. Well, this Fortitude, this virtue boldness free from foolish and childish fear, hath many parts (and without any of them none can truly be named a valiant man) which are in number eight, & are these Magnanimity, 
The parts of fortitude  Trust, Security, Magnificence, Constancy, Suffering, Stability & Patience, whose properties shallbe declared.   

¶ Of Magnanimity. Cap. 28.  
Magnanimity is a certain excellency of the mind, 
Magnanimity.  placing before her eyes at all time's virtue and honour, and to the attaining of them bends all her cogitations and studies: which exposition showeth that none can truly be Magnanimus, but he which is an honest & good man, and only by virtue desireth to come to honour and estimation. Which M. Marcellus (of whom before I made mention) declared by the erecting of the temple of honour, 
M. Marc.  unto which none could have entrance, except first he came through virtues Temple. Now the better to know this fellow, it is good to consider the parts of which Magnanimity dependꝭ, and what be the properties of this Magnanimus. First his nature is in a good cause, and for the love of virtue only without hope or desire of recompense, 
Properties of the noble fellow.  to do every thing. He is delighted in a good conscience, and therefore if he be in adversity he mourneth not, in prospe, ritie he insulteth not: and in troubles he pineth not away. Besides the excellency of the mind, he stands in admiration of nothing, neither doth he think any thing to hard to be brought to pass, thorough that stomach which virtue hath brought unto him, he is constant but in a good cause, neither will he go about any thing, but that which is honest and will bring him credit. He is no hypocrite nor flatterer, he cannot abide to curry any man's favour, and he will tell the troth at all times boldly without fear. And to be found with a false tale, it grieves him at the heart. Such a one was Romain Atticus, 
Atticus.  for he would neither tell a lie, nor could abide to hear a lie at any man's mouth. He cannot abide to dissemble with any man, but is open unto all, that every man may testify what he is. And therefore if he hate a man he shall know it, if he love one he cannot keep it secret. He will not speak one thing and think another. 
Alcibiad●s ●●bulae.  He cannot be likened unto those pictures of Alcibiades, fair without, and filthy within. He will not be compared to the mermaidꝭ▪ which sing sweetly, but for a pray. 
Mermaids  He is righteous in his doings. If any offend wilfully and of set purpose, he will not favour but punish severely, if any by compulsion, through fear violate the laws, 
Caesar.  he sets th'example of Caesar before his eyes, and is to nothing more ready then to mercifulness. All his care is to be good unto all men, and he thinks it a shame for him, if any excel him in liberality. And therefore he neverlets out of his mind that sentence of King Anaxilaus, 
Anaxilaus.  which being on a time asked what was the best property in a King, answered. to let none excel him in Liberality. He is always more willing to give then to receive a benefit, for he is ashamed by a benefit to be bound unto any man, as he whose care is to pass all men in well doing, for he thinks him to be a conqueror which bestoweth a good turn, & him which receiveth he numbereth among them which are vanquished. 
Benefits.  If he receive any thing, he is never well until he have requited the same with greater measure.  
He is easily entreated either to run or ride to pleasure his friend. If any man sue unto him he is not strange, or will not he with in, but spéedyly satisfy their demands. He thinks he should not be desired unto any thing, neither doth he love to request a thing at any body's hand. He knows well enough that to beg a thing at a frendꝭ hand, is to buy it, neither doth he forget the sentence of Euripides, that it is no small grief to a good nature to try his friend.  
And therefore he is more prepared to bestow, than his friend is to beg, considering with the rest this of Seneca, that how much the longer we are in pleasuring, so much we lose of good wil In exacting a duty he is never hasty, for it is a pleasure unto him to have men in his debt. He loveth to emulate the best, as for others he will not so much as put them before his eyes. If he be surpassed in any good thing, he is ashamed. He is of the best nature, and therefore as nigh as he can, he will be the best man. He will for get an injury offered no man sooner, persuading himself that more honesty he shall get by forbearing, then by revenging. And therefore he doth apply the counsel of Cicero unto Lentulus to himself, where he saith, that injuries of men will illustrate his innocency, and all good sayings of prudent men given to the like purpose, he carefully committeth to his remembrance. Again if he be fallen out with any man, he is not well until he be reconciled again, and therefore if he have molested any man willingly or otherwise, with speed he will submit himself and crave pardon, if any man trouble or misuse him, he is ready to forgive. He will hurt no man wilfully, either by word or deed, for he judgeth it the part of a servile mind and beastly, not of a man, to offer an injury or disquiet any man with out a cause. He will not backbite, 
Backbiting  ne he will not rail at any person, nay he is so far from railing at any man, that he cannot abide such kind of men: but even as Memnon a general Captain (instituted by King Darius to fight against Alexander) hearing an hired soldier bitterly to backbite Alexander, 
Memnon.  could not abide his talk, but struck him therefore, and with sharp words rebuked him saying. I do not nourish thee to backbite, but for to fight against Alexander (he could not abide to hear his deadly soil spoken of) so he, as he will speak well of all men himself, so cannot he suffer any to speak railingly, not not of his deadly enemy. He is no boster of himself and of his doings. 
Boasting.  But if he have done any thing worthy commendation, he had rather any should report the same then he, for he thinks that by repeating what he hath done, he should but raise an opinion of foolishness, among the wise to himself. And to avoid that fault the better, he calleth in to mind continually (when he is moved to speak of his own matters, the examples of others which he knoweth have been (as that glorious Soldier whom Terence maketh mention of) and are odious for the same. He cannot abide to meddle with other men's matters, but all his care is to live well in his own calling, and therefore the manners of other men he doth not greatly note except it be their good behaviour, thereby to increase good motions within himself. and therefore as Plato answered Dionysius, 
Dionysius  so doth he all men which demand of him the same. Dionysius having evil entreated Plato (which came for mere good will unto him) and letting him depart, 
Plato.  said O Plato how wilt thou among thy fellows, wheresoever thou comest report of me to my defamation? how wilt thou blaze thy misusage at my hands▪ Nay answered Plato, God forbidden that I should have so much time from study that I should speak evil of any man: and so doth this valiant man say. God forbidden, that he should have any leisure at all to speak ill of any man. This virtue although it should be sought for studiously of every man, yet especially is it most seemly in a Prince, for without the same it is impossible that any should reign gloriously, for many things come daily before them which being without care let pass, may trouble the body of his Realm: without this virtue which bringeth unto him an invincible courage. 
Magnus Alexander dictus a magnanimitate.   
Of this virtue was Alexander called Magnus, and we call him Alexander the great. And he is said to have virtue, and to reign in deed, which in his countenance bears a majesty, and in all his doings doth so behave himself, as none without great reverence dare demand any thing at his hands, and will admit none into his familiarity, but such as are of great wisdom and perfect good behaviour. The want of this virtue worketh much mischief, when a Prince hath not this majesty and magnanimity, 
Counsel.  but will (through an imbecility of mind) admit, he cares not whom into his counsel. Examples hereof we have many, as are all evil governed Countries and common weles. 
Ve●●es.  Verres could say, that he had never come into such misery, had he not been ruled by dissolute fellows which be used familiarly, 
Galba Impecator.  the cause of Galba the Emperor's destruction was because he lacked this Magnanimity and suffered himself to be governed according to the minds of three wicked men in whose company he did much delight which brought shame to him, & confusion to his people. Therefore is it the praise of every Prince studiously to labour to get this excellent virtue Magnanimity, contrary to this virtue is weakness of mind, which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whose nature is clean opposite unto that which we have now spoken of, which again to report were vain and superfluous, and therefore we leave it. Now to the next.   

¶ Of Trust or Hope. Cap. 29.  
TRust or Confidence is a certain presaging or persuasion, 
Trust or Confidence  rather of a prosperity to come, then at hand. The cause thereof is Hope, springing from a good consideration, and casting all doubts which we have pondered out of our mindis. Again the causes of this confidence may be two, either former good luck (when we call into mind how happily all things went with us) there springis a comfortable courage, and in hope of the like good luck we are animated to take any thing in hand seem it never so dangerous: or the authority of some person. Both of these we mean to illustrate with examples. Of the former we have many, as Nero an Emperor borne to all cruelty, 
Nero.  which got such a confidence by a continual good success of every thing which he took in hand, that when by Shipwreck he had lost many rich and precious jewels, he said boldly that he did not doubt, but that the very fishes would be taken, and so his jewels, 
Gyges'.  (as was the Ring of Gyges) should be brought unto him again. Also a certain Centurion of C. Caesar being sent of him to Room to understand how all things went with him, 
A Centurion of Caesar's.  went to the Senate house, and there by common voice hearing that his Captain's time of dictatorship was expired, and that his government was no longer prorogued, striking the pommel of his sword, with great confidence boldly said. If so it be, than this sword shall prolong the same. The confidence of C. Castrinus another Captain of Caesars was wonderful, 
C. Castrinus.  for when the Pharsalian fight was at hand, and the time appointed that Caesar and his enemies should encounter, he came unto Castrinus, and demanded of him what he thought of that battle, whether he hoped they should vanquish or no. Then Castrinus giving forth his hand unto Caesar said. Take heart unto thee Caesar for thou shalt foil thy foes, & shalt commend me for my valiantness, either alive or dead, which fell out as Castrinus did say. For both Caesar did get the battle, and in a solemn oration did greatly commend Castrinus for his valiant death. Notable was the stomach and the confidence of Androclidas, 
Androclidas.  for being derided of one because that being lame he would be a Soldier, answered merrily like a worthy fellow, I come not to fly but to fight, and hope to have the end of my coming and see the confusion of my foes. As notable was the answer of Leonidas to his boasting adversary, 
Leonidas  which cried to the Spartaines that their labour was lost, and that the next morrow he & his fellows would strike them down every one, and that for the multitude of darts, they should not behold the Sun. Well, said Leonidas, if it will be as you say, we shall fight the better under the shade. This confidence hath been said of Pindarus & the Stoics, to be the beginning of victory to come, and to presage the same. 
Presagins  Here we will a little digress, and speak somewhat of presaging (of which we spoke afore in this book, declaring what was Prudence) The learned writing of the same have thought wise men, and those which are most free from earthly cogitations, to have that gift that they can tell aforehand what will happen: and that by certain familyars (for they have thought every man to have two) which in latin they call Genios', one good which is called Bonus Genius, and th'other evil called Malus Genius: 
Genius bonus malus.  by which they say that a man may either live well and virtuously, or evil and wickedly: virtuously by listening to the good angel (for so also have they been called) wickedly by obeying the suggestians of the naughty familiar. 
Familiars.  Of which mind hath Plato been: for in his Symposio he saith that every man hath his familiar given him of God to reveal the will of God unto him. 
Socrates.  Socrates was said by this to have presaged the death of that most cruel of all other Tyrant's Critias. 
Critias.  For when Critias had sent unto him a Cup filled with Poison (which he was, being condemned by the law, enforced to drink) he took the same, and drank unto Critias which very shortly after the same sort, died miserably. Now to return. Homer doth oftentimes make mention of this familiar animating and imboldning Soldiers to fight courageously, and foretells them secretly what shall happen, by which ariseth this Confidence which is in many valiant youths.  
But noble youths aught to take great heed jest by to much Confidence they fall into perils, and hurt themselves, which confidence is then called by the name of Ouerboldenes, & is an extreme enemy to Fortitude, aswell as fearfulness on the other side. 
Alexan. der.  If that Alexander the great had not had this over boldness, his days had been prolonged. For being counseled by the Chaldeans not for to take his journey to Babylon, for if he did they said his days should be shortened, because of contemning their words: And again being come nigh unto Babylon, & seeing the Crows & Ravens in the air fight before his face, of which some fell at his feet prognosticating his end, and putting him in mind of that which was told him by the Chaldeans, yet did not the fight and sight of them any whit terfie him, but boldly in contempt of words and wonders entered the city, where after few days he perished by poison, given unto him by those whom he took for his dear and frusty friends. By whose example we have to learn not to much to hope for continual prosperity always but to listen and obey the good counsel of grave men. 
Caesar.  Caesar likewise being over bold and contemning the words of those which wished him well came to a most miserable end. For oftentimes he was warned and foretold of the conspiracies of his foes to bring him to death He was counseled to see to himself, & to guard his body, jest at any time his enemies upon the sudden should set upon him, many promising their service willingly. But he contemned all their words and would none of their service, saying that he was a miserable Prince that would have a Guard about him. But his contempt hastened his end, for as it was told him afore, his death was sought & he murdered of his senate in their house of consultation, with penknives. If he had not so trusted to his good luck, and had such a confidence that he could have withstood all the assaults of his foes, and hearkened to the wholesome admonitions of his faithful friends, his days might have been prolonged, and in time he might have turned the hearts of those which then were his capital and deadly enemies. Of the latter also we have many examples of which we mean to recite some. In Athens on a time one of the tragedies of Euripides was played, which much delighted the multitude, 
Euripides.  but one sentence did not please them well, and therefore they requested Euripides that it might be taken out and that they might hear it no more. But he stomaching their woordis came before them on the stage, told them that he made plays to instruct the people, and not to be controlled of them: which hold speech of his so astonished them, that never after they would so much as murmur against him. 
Scipio.  Scipio likewise (for his virtuous and good nature called Scipio the good) in the time of a great dearth which was at Rome, hearing the people much to complain of the want and penury which they were in, cried unto them and said: Masters be content and hold your peace, for I know what is for the commodity of the common weal better than you all (his experience brought him such a confidence.) The people were strait quieted, and altogether, without secret complaininges, depended upon his wisdom, doubting not but that he both knew how to ease them, and also would speedily get a remedy. And as the people of Athens took the words of Euyripides, and the people of Rome the sa●eing of Scipio quietly without conceit of grief: so did julius Caesar the behau●or, 
Accius po●ta.  the strange behaviour of the Poet Ae●ius towards him. For when Caesar came into the College of poets, and every onrose out of their places in token of obedy●ence to his person, only Accius sat still and would not rise: but Caesar not a whit stomached him therefore. For he knew very well that he did it not in contempt of his majesty, but only through a conceit of excellency. For he thought himself chiefest among the Poets and in that place as good as Caesar.  
That confidence gotten by an opinion of excellency, 
Apelles▪  made Apelles to take up king Alexander as short. For Alexander coming oftentimes into his woorkhouse, would find much fault with one thing or other, which Apelles marked very well and was not a little moved so to be reprehended of an ignorant man, one which could not judge of colours, and therefore on a time he said unto him. I marvel Alexander how you will continually be finding fault, when you see my boys laugh you to scorn for your undiscrete words. Which Alexander took patiently and considered that Apelles spoke not without a cause. But this confidence except it be guided by modesty, and proceed from judgement, it runs into a foul vice and is then called Arrogancy.  

Arrogancy.  For this Arrogancy have many come into the hatred of men. As Chrysippus which to raise an opinion of knowledge unto himself, 
Chrysippus.  would set forth Books in his own name which were the doings of other men, in so much as he was openly cried out upon. And therefore Apollodorus an Athenian said, that if other men's words were taken out of the woorkis of Chrysippus, there would nothing in his Books be seen but bore and white paper This vice made Hippocrates undiscreetly to answer the king of Persia (which earnestly desired him to come and profess physic in Persia) after this manner▪ 
Hippocrates.  I am not so mad as among barbarous men, foes to the Grecians, to practise my science and pleasure them any whit.  
The like arrogancy was in that notable Painter Zeuxes, 
Zeuxes▪  which through an opinion of excellency, said most foolishly, that he had in mind such a piece of work, & so would set forth Helen in her lively colours as neither Homer by eloquence, nor any man by imagination should conceive the like. But for to root● this vice out of the mindis of men, the Poets feigned a notable example of Thamyras, which they say, 
Thamyras.  because he would take upon him more than he could discharge, and would seem to contend with them, with whom he was not in any respect to be compared, and challenged the Muses themselves (he being a country fiddler) into the contention of Music, was deprived of his sight, and become a laughing stock to all men.   

¶ Of Security. Cap. 30.  
Security is an other part of Fortitude, 
Security.  by which (after we have cast in our minds all inconveniences & know the worst that can happen) we are quiet and without care. A notable virtue, and and enemy unto all those things which may strike a terror into the mind of man. No coward or faint heart can possess the same, and have the quietness of mind, which it brings, because that with the lest blast of any sharp wind of adversity, he is so out of heart, as he hath not power to go about any thing. Strangely have the Philosophers written of this virtue. Cicero saith that those which are secure indeed, are in that same case which they were in before their birth. They are so far from being troubled at any thing, that they are not which they seem to be, that is, though in body they are on the earth, yet their minds are in heaven. In this Security of the mind have many Philosophers thought an happy life to consist. Democritus was the author of this opinion: 
Democritus.  which indeed is nothing else but that contemplative felicity of which we made mention in the beginning of this Book. Homer to express the excellency of this virtue, feigneth those Elysian fields where the souls of the righteous abide, 
Elysiicam pi. ●usulae fortunatae. Sertorius.  and he saith they are in the islands of Atlas, which we call the Fortunate or happy islands. Sertorius the Emperor hearing the fame of those islands, was altogether minded to leave his Empire, and consume his days in them: in which mind if he had remained, 
Perpenna  he had not so traitorously been murdered of Perpenna being invited to a banquet. 
Sylla.  Sylla did prefer security of mind before princely authority, and therefore to lead a life free from trouble, of his own accord gave over his Dictatorship and become a private person. If Pompey the great had not been more bend to the troubles of the world, them the tranquillity of mind, 
Pompeius Magnus.  neither so much Roman blood had been shed nor had he died so miserably. Alexander one a time asked of an Athenian Orator what he could wish him to take in hand, 
Alexander.  or what was most meet for his person to do: the Orator (which I think was Phocian) answered that he could wish him to dimisse his men, break up his army, and lead his life in security not to break his brains about the taking of Castles, and bringing nations into servitude. But Alexander would not hear that▪ yet if he had obeyed that counsel, his days had been prolonged, and his death had not so tratourously been sought of his familiar friend Antipater.  
Therefore is it the part of every man to seek this virtue and part of Fortitude, if we desire to have the good will of men, and be glorified after this life.   

¶ Of Magnificence. Cap. 31.  
ANother notable part of this Fortitude is Magnificence, 
Magnificence.  a virtue proper only unto Princes, private persons of this Magnificence cannot be called magnifical: because their substance is not such, as perfectly they cannot fulfil the function of liberality. The difference between these two virtues is this. The one is about private things (and he is called a liberal man which according to his revenues giveth freely, 
Liberality.  when, where, and to whom he should) th'other is about great and public matters (and he is magnifical which bestoweth his goods not regarding any cost or charges at all, but how worthy a thing it is where upon he bestoweth the same) so that ● private man if he should so spend his goods he would quickly be consumed▪ Isocrates adhorteth Nicocles unto the embracing of this verrtue. 
Isocra. ad Nicocles.  In apparel he would have him to be most glorious, but he would have him to show forth and declare his magnificence, in bestowing his goods and riches upon those things which bring a perpetual commodity, but his munificence in purchasing and procuring faithful friends. And these two things magnificence and munificence are supposed to be the two special virtues of a Prince. And to th'attaining of either of them, and both of them have many laboured. julius Caesar to be counted magnifical, 
julius Caes  made many and sumptuous Libraries, 
Libraries.  and gave M. Varro in commission to go throughout the dominions of Room to provide the works of the best learned to fornish them. But that famous and right magnifical piece of work afterward was by fire consumed. Then afterward the Emperor Domitian caused to be redyfied and new builded. 
Domitian.  The Caves and conductꝭ finished by M. Agrippa, began by Tarqvinius Priscus▪ 
Tarquin. Priscus.  were so for cost magnifical, for labour endless, as many being wearied with intolerable pains, ended their lives with halters (whereof also we made mention in the second part of Temperance called Shamefastness.) He also erected a Temple unto jupiter and many things else did he of great magnificence. But those Caves which he made, 
Caves. Cloacae. Sylla.  passed all other things. Sylla to declare his princely mind made a Stage in Rome of great sumptuousness, & was one of the most magnifical things in Room. Many roman Consuls also made many goodly things for the commodity of all the inhabitantꝭ of Rome, and called them by their proper names. And heérof came the market place of Livius, 
Forum Livij, julij, Pompilij, Cornelii, Sempronii,  of julius, of Pompilius, of Cornelius, of Sempronius, and other woorkis right wonderful for cost and workmanship. But in all the world there was seven things which for stately building passed all others, and therefore were called the seven. wonders of the world. 
Wonders of the world.  The first was Thebes a City in Egypt, for bigness and building so magnifical, 
Thebes. 1  as not undeservedly it is counted the first and chiefest of the wonders: it is reported to have an hundred gates, set out very stately. 
Walls of the world. 2  The second was the walls of Babylon, made by the Queen Semiramis, they were in compass three hundred, four score and five fullongꝭ, and every furlong was 125. yards. 
Sepulchr. Mausoli Artemesia. 3  The third was the sepulchre or tumb of Mausolus, which his wife Artemesia did erect for the great love she bore unto him. The excellency of this monument did Satyrus & Pythius ancient and cunning builders, 
Satyrus Pythius.  most learnedly celebrate in many evolumes. The fourth were the Pyramids in Egypt, 
Pyramids. 4.  which were Towers of such height as to report it, it would seem almost incredible. The fift was Colossus (I think the picture or Image of Apollo as some say, 
Colossus.  or as others of jupiter.) The sixth was the Capitol of Rome whose statlynes passeth my skill to set forth. 
Capitolium Romae. 6 Sepulchrun Adriani. 7,  The last was the Sepulchre or tumb of Adrianus builded in Cyzicus, a work so magnifical, as, except those before mentioned it was a gazing stock to all other buildings in the world. It were an infinite thing and a vain labour to recite the sumptuous and magnifical buildings, which are celebrated by the eloquence of learned men. It shall suffice therefore that I have some what declared what Princes and others in fore time have had to be counted magnifical, & such ways to get a perpetual name among all posterities. But no way to be spoken of among men is better, then to be in favour with learned men, whose writings can raise a more credit than any raising of building or magnifical piece of work.  
And therefore shall a Prince be more famous by getting trusty friends, then building goodly houses, and by Munificence then by magnificence. 
Munificence  For the one is for a time, the other continual: The one makes a few in a Country, the other causeth all the world, not a while but for ever to report of him. And that hath made so many Princes, so to esteem of learned men as Alexander of Aristotle, 
Alexander. Aristotle. Dionysius. Plato.  Dionysius of Plato, and other gracious Princes of other good men. It is reported that the greatest care which Alexander had was to get him the goodwill of many, if he could of all. He had once fallen out with one Protheas' a jester, but by entreaty of friends, was content to banish all malice out of mind, and be reconciled. 
Protheas'.  Now when Protheas' understood the same, he came unto Alexander and merrily demanded what token he should have, 
Alexander.  whereby he might know & surely persuade himself that he was not angry with him. Then Alexander willed u Talents of silver to be given him, and said, behold a sign of my good will, and hereafter use thyself well towards me. Again the same Alexander, to make his very friends report well of him, gave unto a young man (son unto Mazeus which was in favour with Darius) after the death of his father (besides that which already he enjoyed) a Praetorship, which made the young gentleman to say, My Prince Darius was never but one man, but thou by thy munificence and great liberality makest many Alexanders. Meaning that so many Alexanders there were, as he had fréendꝭ● and friends he purchased by gifts continually. Scipio Africanus (whose virtues we have somewhat spoken of before) did not a little endeavour to have this virtue, 
Scipio.  nay he bent all his cares so to the attaining thereof, as he would be sure, as often as he went abroad to the market place, to make some one or other his friend of his foe, by gifts and liberality. And the Emperor Titus, 
Titus.  son to Vespasianus, was of such magnificence, as, if, being at supper or otherwhere else, he had remembered himself to have given nothing that day, he would say in pitiful sort, My friends, this day have I lost and done no good at all. All which did very well remember the only in Magnificence they did excel the multitude, and could at all times either profit or displeasure even whom they would and as they would themselves. Anaxagoras instructing Pericles, 
Anaxagoras.  said, that the only way to be gracious with the rude multitude was by this virtue Magnificence: by which he should not only with benefits bind men unto him, but also liberally reward every one which any way had pleasured him. And then is he a grateful person: contrariwise in neglecting those to whom he was (in some respect either for their diligence or benefits) bound, he runneth into ingratitude, than which vice nothing is more hurtful to a good estate and common weal. 
Vngratefulnes.  And therefore the Persians punished ungrateful persons most severely. And the Athenians did erect the temple of the Graces in the midst of their City, 
Athenians.  to show that nothing should more often come into our memory, than benefits bestowed upon us. 
Cicero ꝓ 〈◊〉. Plaucio.  And therefore Cicero did say, that though he were desirous to be endued with all virtues:  
Yet none of them did he more hunt after then to seem, 
Thankfulness.  and be accounted thankful. For that saith he is not only the greatest, but also the mother of all virtues. Chilo one of the seven. wise men of Gréece was wont to say. 
Chilo.  That no man living could accuse him of ungraetfulnes: for their was none that ever did him a good turn, but he did requited the same.  
Also for this virtue did King Pyrrhus pass all the other of his time (as those which writ of him do say) for all his diligence was chiefly employed in rewarding them to whom he was any thing bound. 
Pyrrhus.  hereof it was that hearing the death of Aesop, 
Aesop.  he wept bitterly (not because he was dead, for he knew the nature of all men to be such, as always they should not live) because he was so negligent in rewarding his pains taken for his profit. And being of one of his fréendis demanded the cause of his grief, he gave that reason before mentioned, and added that it was not one thing to own goods and good wil For he which oweth goods unto any man, though he die to whom it is due, yet will it be as welcome unto his heirs, as if it had been sooner repaid: but he which oweth goodwill if it be not requited before his death, it can no ways be repaid. Well this Magnifical, cannot commit that he be found either negligent in requiting, or forgetful of receiving a good turn. But hereof hereafter.   

¶ Of Constancy. Cap. 32.  
NOw that we know what is good and to be desired, and also what is it and to be despised, 
Constancy  it is meet that in that good purpose taken, we persever and continued. The virtue which teacheth us how to do so is called Constancy. There he which confounded this virtue with Continency. 
Continency  But Aristotle doth distinguish them properly, and saith it is the duty of Constancy to resist dolours of mind, and of Continency to repel all foolish pleasure. So that the one maketh a man chaste in body, the other continuing in a thing well deliberated. Cicero saith that Constancy is the health of the mind, so that by the same he understands the whole force and efficacy of wisdom, and that appeareth very well by her contrary. For Foolishness is nothing but a lightness and inconstancy of mind. 
Foolishness  Wherefore this constant man cannot be to much praised seeing that either whole wisdom, or the very force of wisdom is in nothing more apparent then in Constancy. The which will the better appear by the examples of true Constancy. Who will not highly commend and heartily desire that he were that Pomponius Atticus, 
Pomponius Atticus.  so praised for his great constancy. For he under the conduct of Lucullus fight against Mithridates, & being sorely wounded was taken and brought before the King: 
Mithridates.  which seeing Pomponius said unto him in this wise: Tell me Pomponius, if I so provide that thou be healed of thy wounds and brought to perfect health again, wilt thou not love me therefore, & afterward be true and trusty unto me? I cannot choose but love, answered he, if you for your part will reconcile yourself to the Romans: if otherwise you will, I neither can nor will come into friendship with you. Whose Constancy when Mithridates perceived, he did not only provide for his health, but esteemed him as one of his Princes about him. Or that Fabricius who will not desire to be? which, 
Fabricius.  being sent of the Romans Ambassador to king Pyrrhus, to will him to leave afflicting them with war, would neither be corrupted with bribes, nor terified with the horrible cry of a huge Elephant, from doing his message faithfully. But we will bring forth examples of more strange & wonderful Constancy. 
Zeno.  Zeno the Stoic being cruelly tormented of a King of Cypress to utter those things which the king was desirous to know, at length because he would not satisfy his mind, bit of his own tongue, and spit the same in the tormentor's face. 
Anaxarchus. Nicocreon.  But the constancy of Anaxarchus was more strange, for being taken of Nicocreon, a most cruel of all other Tyrants, and afterward hearing that by the commandment of the Tyrant he should in a mortar he bruised and broken into pieces, said most constantly unto him in this manner: Bruse and break this body of mine at thy pleasure O Tyrant, yet shalt thou never diminish any whit of Anaxarchus. Then the Tyrant because he could not abide his bold speech, commanded that his tongue should be cut out of his mouth. But Anaxarchus laughing at his madness, thought he should never have his mind, and therefore he bitten out his own tongue▪ and spit the same by mammocks upon the tyrant's face. How wonderful was the Constancy of C. Marius, which to recover his health did not only give himself to be sawed a sunder, 
C. Marius  but stood so quietly while it was a doing, as if not he but an other man had felt the pain. What should I here make mention of Leena that Harlot, 
Leena.  which was so commended of the Athenians, that for her constancy she was honoured, & to keep her in remembrance, a brazen Lioness was erected and the without a tongue: because that she being moste cruelly tormented, and by all devilish devices tempted to utter those which with her did conspire against the tyrant, would for all their torments speak never a word, but remained dumb? Or to recite the manner of Epicharius' constancy were a long thing: 
Epicharius.  which being apprehended for conspiring the death of Nero, and on the rack drawn, and every way hailed and pulled to confess, who with her went about the murdering of him, would not speak one word, but took all punishmentꝭ patiently: and thereby showed herself to have a more manly courage than many grave men, which through pain did accuse their fellow conspirators. 
2. Mach●. 7  Here I must leave out the example of that mother which seeing her Sons tormented before her face, was so far from lamenting their death, or counseling them to save their lives, the she willed them boldly to go into the hands of the tyrant, & having so animated them, herself after that manner was with fire and faggot consumed. This virtue was so highly commended of Cicero, 
Cicero de felicitate et miseria.  that he was persuaded that a man might achieve immortality thereby, as did M. Regulus, which he said was not so commended because he had been twice Consul & once had gloriously triumphed, 
M. Regulus.  as for keeping his faith given to the Carthagenians, & suffering his eye lids to be cut of, and so to stand against the Sun until he died. But of this no more only for the better knowing of this virtue, with Lactantius we will say that Constancy except it be in truth, 
Lactantius de vero cultu. cap. 14.  and in a good cause is impudency. Now to that which followeth.   

¶ Of Suffering. Cap. 33.  
OF Suffering we spoke before when we spoke of the part of Temperance, which is called Moderation, & therefore in the explicating thereof, now we will be the more brief. 
Sufferng.  Suffering is a notable virtue & teacheth us to go forward in an honest matter without grief and grudging. For this virtue are all good Captains commended, for without the same, every labour will be loathsome, & every thing will strike a terror. And therefore their names which especially have excelled herein are wonderfully celebrated of all Historiographers. 
C. Marius  C. Marius is reported very quietly without any sign of a troubled mind to bear the labours which belong to a Captain. In all things saving authority he would be like a common Soldier: he would far no better than they did, his bed was no easier than the rest of his men: in all pains that should be taken he would be foremost. By which his familarnes, humbleness, and quiet bearing of things, he so did win the hearts of the common people, as it was commonly said in every man's mouth, that the Romans should never end their war begun, except C. Marius were made general Captain: which being blazed at Room, from a base condition he was created Consul. The like virtue had Sertorius, for he could so well away with the warriors life, 
Sertorius altar Hannibal.  that the Celtibrians noble fighters, and courageous fellows did prefer him before all the Captains that then were living, and commonly called him another Hannibal. As these have been famous, for this virtue, so (others which to recite were long, 
Fabius Maximus  and for brevity sake I omit) especially Fabius' Maximus could suffer best. He was wont to say that it was his part which governed others, not with words and whips to wax cruel against male factors, but with suffering and gentleness to draw them to his mind. For he said it was an absurd thing to do that unto men which he would not do to beasts. 
gentleness.  And again he said it was not to be hoped for, that a man endued with reason, will be called to the embracing of honesty, rather by severe punishment, then by gentleness, when as we see wild beasts by cruelty cannot be tamed, but by gentle handling. Moreover he said it was not the part of justice to show more favour to Beasts then to men: or not to do unto men, which we are commonly and continually wont to do unto beasts: to give bread unto beasts and blows unto men, to cherish unreasonable creatures, and correct most cruelly a reasonable man. By these reasons he armed himself both to adventure all things with his soldiers fellowly and patiently, and also to use no severity towards them which did sometime violate his laws. But of this latter part we shall have occasion to speak hereafter when we come to justice.   

Of Patience. Cap. 34.  
PAtience is defined of Cicero to be a voluntary adventuring of hard things for the desire of virtue. 
Patience.  The excellency hereof is known and perceived no way better than by her contrary which is Impatience, what a foul vice Impatience is, 
Impatienc.  they can tell which have the administration of things & here the sword in common weles. Socrates being on a time kicked at, 
Socrates.  by a dissolute fellow was asked of the standers b●, how he could suffer himself so to be misused: he asked them, what they would have him to do? Mary said they take the advantage of the law. Then said he, you have made a good reason I pray you if an Ass should kick me, would you counsel me to call him before the judges. Socrates thought no difference between such an undiscrete fellow, and an Ass: and again he thought he should run into great reprehension, if he should suffer a Beast and not suffer a man  
Xenocrates also for his patience was 
Xenocrates.  much commended: for though he were of his master Plato unjustly accused of ungratefulness, yet was he nothing moved therewithal. And being asked why he did not answer Plato's defaming of him, made this answer, That which I do is good, and profitable for me. Rare was that patience of Eretricus a young man towards his father. 
Eretricus.  For coming from Zenoes' school (where he had of long time been taught) home to his father's house, his father asked him what he had learned. The young man said he would tell him by and by. But his father being cholerik, was very angry, and gave him a blow or two. His son hearing those patiently said, This have I learned of master Zeno, to bear quietly the words and blows of my father at all times. The patience also of Lycurgus is much spoken of: 
Lycurgus  for after that he had lost his eye by the misuse of Alcander, and that the Citizens had brought Alcander unto him desiring him to appoint what punishment he would upon him: 
Alcander  would not do as they requested him, but let his enemy go quietly without molesting him, which patience was profitable. For he afterward proved a good and honest Citizen. The like is reported of Eusebius. For when a wicked woman infected with the heresies of Arrius, 
Eusebius.  had wilfully thrown a stone at him, and there withal had wounded him to death, he was so far from taking revenge, that he swore his freendis upon his death bed, not to punish her therefore. Notwithstanding these examples of so godly men, and the manifold exhortations of the best to patience, yet have their been some of that opinion as they have thought it meeter (I will not say honester) to revenge, then to forgive: and that it is a part of justice with injuries to requited injuries. 
Arist. li. 1. ca 23. rhetor. ad the odecten.  Of which opinion Aristotle is. And Cicero in his offices defines him to be an honest man, which will profit as many as he can, and will hurt none except he be injured him self. Whose words Lactantius doth very notablely refute in this wise. 
Lactantius de vero cultu. cap. 18.  O what a simple and true sentence hath Cicero corrupted with adding but of two words: for what need was there to add, except he be injured? but only to engraft wickedness in the mind of an honest man, and to make him be without patience, which is the greatest of all virtues? He saith a good man may hurt, if he be injured. But when he doth hurt it must needs follow that he loose the name of a good man. For it is no less evil to requited than it is to offer an injury. For from whence do frays, fight and contentions arise, but only because that wicked men laying aside all Patience, seek occasion to move troubles and tumults? Now if against their madness, a man will set patience (than which virtue nothing doth better become a man) all troubles will easily be extinguished, and quencheth the same even as water putteth out fire. But if Impatience be set a against misuse, it is so far from being quenched, that it ministereth matter of continual debate, and even as it were Oil poured into fire it raiseth such a flame, as not a river, but the effusion of much blood can extinguish the same. And therefore very necessary is patience, which prudent Cicero would take from a virtuous man. This only virtue is the cause that no evils be done: and if every man had this gift, no wickedness nor deceit would be in the world. And therefore what can be more contrary to the nature of an honest man, then to submit himself to Anger that can despoil him not only of the name of a good man, but also will not suffer him to be called a man. For as Tully himself saith, and truly, to hurt another, 
Anger.  is not according to man's nature. For both beasts if you move them either with heel or horn will set against you: and Serpents and savage Beasts will not trouble you, except they perceive you persecute them to slay them, and (that we may return to the examples of men) ignorant and foolish men, when they are hurt and injured, are led with a blind and unreasonable fury to hurt and requited injuries done unto them. And therefore in what shall a wise and good differ from a foolish and wicked man, but only that he hath a singular patience which fools want: but only that he can assuage his anger, which those which have not grace and goodness cannot bridle? But forsooth this thing deceived him, because when he speak of virtue in what quarrel soever he overcame, he supposed that same to be virtue, and could not perceive that a man submitting himself to Anger, and favouring those affections which he should withstand, and so rushing in to what part so ever wickedness did provouke him, did violate the office of virtue.  
For he which bendeth himself to revenge doth prepare himself to imitate his doings of whom he is molested. So he which imitateth an evil man cannot be a good man in any sort. And therefore by these two woordis he takeꝭ from a good man two of the chiefest virtues, and will not have a wise man to have Innocency and Patience. hitherto Lactantius, whose words together with those afore mentioned examples, may sufficiently set forth both the very nature of this virtue, and confute all those which will not allow of Patience.   

Of Stability. Cap. 35.  
THe last of the parts of Fortitude, is Stability, a virtue most meet for him which would be a valiant man. 
Stability. Perseverance.  It hath a great affinity with those three immediately mentioned parts of Fortitude. It is a continuing in that which is well begun. And therefore it is called sometime Perseverance, because it doth persever and continued in a good thing▪ & sometime pertinacy. 
pertinacy  And hereof proceeded that saying of Hannibal to his Soldiers, Pertinax and stable virtue overcometh all things. And that pertinacy is sometime taken for Stability it may apapéere by the common voice of the people of Rome, for they called Severus the good Emperor because of his stable wit and judgement Severus Pertinax, which never they would have done had not the same been a good word. 
Severus Pertinax●  And yet those Latinists which writ of the true nature of words, take the same in the worst part for an obstinate continuing in a naughty matter, or for a depending of one's brain in an error against the mind of many.  
So that pertinacy shallbe one of the extremes of Stability, and the other is Levity. Whereof one teacheth how to be to firm in a naughty cause, 
Levity.  the other to fickle in a good: both unmeet for a man, and for both have many been disprased. 
A. Vitellius.  As A. Vitellius a most victorious Emperor of all others. He would say and unsay with one breath, as wavering in all his doings as a weathercock.  
Also Sextus Pompeius, for this vice was much defamed. 
Sextus Pompeius.  It is written of him that he was lucky in overcoming his foes. But as often as he perceived his enemies to be put to flight, than was he careless and would not persever in that which he had well begun, and therefore sometimes he was plagued: for his conquered enemies gathering themselves together would unwares set upon him, and so take revenge of their former foil. Pyrrhus for many virtues was extolled with divine commendations, 
Pyrrhus.  yet one thing he lacked which obscured the rest of his glory. For he was excellent in getting, but in keeping he was the worst of a thousand. And therefore as often as he brought under his subjection any City, in hope still to subdue, lost the former. Which made King Antigonus to compare him to a dice pla●er, 
Antigonus  which in hope to gain, doth oftentimes lose not only that which before he won, but also his own proper goods. And such was the 〈◊〉 of Pyrrhus, all his care was to 〈◊〉 and never to keep that which already he had gotten: so that hope of victory and good Fortune clean overthrew his judgement which should have told him that it was no less virtue to keep things gotten then to be desirous of new. Here will we leave speaking of Fortitude and her parts, & descend into justice whose nature, parts, and excellency shallbe dec●a●ed.   

Of Justice. Cap. 36.  
WE are now come to the last enemy of wickedness, which is justice. 
justice.  A virtue so necessary, as without the same all other are lame and imperfect.  
For as the Poets by the name of one of the Muses understand all: so attain one of the virtues perfectly, and you know all: 
Vertutum imperio.  for what is Fortitude without wisdom, but rashness: or wisdom without justice, but craftiness: or justice without Temperance, but cruelty. or Temperance without Fortitude but savageness? So that none can have one, except he be adorned withal. And amongst them, this last for worthiness is not the lest. 
Plato de legibus,  Nay (if Plato may in in this thing be credited) of all the giftis of God justice is principal. And therefore in many places he calleth God the author, cause, and beginning of Justice. This justice was feigned of the Poets to be a virgin, and to reign among men, to whose precepts as long as they listened, they possessed all things quietly, and a golden world. 
justitia virgo.  But when they began to be rebellious, to follow wickedness and to contemn her Laws▪ then 
Deseruit properé terras iustissima virgo  
Et iovis in regno caelique in part resedit:   
This righteous maiden forsook this world and returned to the kingdom of jupiter: so that since her departure we in this world have had in stead of love, hatred: for peace, troubles: and for an happy life, a miserable estate. By which sentence of the Poets, no other thing is meant, but that justice is a divine and celestial virtue, which if men would embrace, they might live quietly from troubles and happily to their heart's desire.  
Tully confirms that of Plato and the Poets, 
Cicero de legibus.  and saith, that of all things contained in the Books and volumes of Philosophy nothing is more to be commended, then that which giveth us to understand we are borne to Justice. But the excellency of this virtue will be the better perceived, if we call into remembrance of how many kinds justice doth consist. The Philosophers make four sorts of justice, 
justice of iiij. kinds  and say that all justice is either Celestial, Natural, Civil, or judicial. The celestial justice is that, 
Celestial justice.  whereby we are driven to the confessing there is a God creator of all things, known of none perfectly, and as he is, but by his works, and yet knowing all things: which is not only the Creator but the keeper of all things in their kind from destruction without whose care nothing is, hath been, or can continued: which though he have a care of all things created by him, yet most especial of man and therefore hath not only endued him with reason and speeches, whereby he may both conceive aswell that which hath been, is, or may be, and also utter and express that which is conceived unto others, but also hath made him a beholder of the Heavens, and not only hath endued him with reason, and with that gift of beholding the firmament (which no other creatures do) but also hath brought all other things aswell senseless as having life: as Fowls, fishes, and four footed beasts, under his power either to kill or keep them, and at his pleasure to use them. So that this divine and celestial justice is a perfect consideration, and a dutiful acknowledging of Godis omnipotency, which justice had many Philosophers even by the instinct of nature. 
Natural justice.  Natural justice is that which all people have in themselves by nature, and is always and in all places one and the same. Which is not only proper and peculiar unto man (as was the former celestial justice) but also many brute Beasts do participate the same. The properties of this justice are many as to have a care of ourselves, not wilfully to run into perils and dangers: Next to have an affection towards them which move of us, as our children, and not to suffer them to be molested of any▪ Thirdly, to relieve our Parents, kinsmen and neighbours, if there be any in poverty, and to help them when they be in troubles. Lastly to hear good will to all, and willingly to offend none. And there is almost no beast, and certainly there can be no man, which hath not these cares sometime in his mind, and doth not think that he should first love himself, than his wife and children, next his parents, kinsmen and acquaintance, and lastly bear a general good will unto all men, and do unto every man, as he would be done unto. And therefore it is called Natural justice, because naturally in man there be some sparkꝭ of virtue, and no man is so destitute of grace, but sometime or other (though he never herd of God and his threatenings to wicked livers) doth repent him of his wickedness.  
Now the Stoics did not only think justice to be natural, but they thought virtue in general to be naught else but an obsolute and perfect nature. And they judged (as in the beginning of this Book we told) the chiefest happiness not to serve from the laws of nature. And the ancient Academics to this purpose defined justice to be nothing else but a perfect knowledge of good and evil agreeing to natural reason. By the which two kinds of justice, we see that justice is often times referred aswell to ourselves, as unto others. So that they are much deceived which say, that justice of all virtues is another's good, and doth those things all together which are not profitable to him which doth them, but unto others to whom they are done: and that it is no justice to help ourselves. But that opinion is against the authority of Aristotle, and reason, which any will grant if he 〈◊〉 enter into his own conscience but a little. Now to Civil justice: 
Civil justice.  Pomponius Laetus saith, 
Pomponius laetus de legibus  that Civil justice is the which is made either by the laws of nature, the statutes of the people, the consultations of Senators, the devices of princes or authority of grave & wise men. So that civil justice is only among civil men, in common weles. Cicero defines the same to be an habit of the mind, giving unto every man according to his d●●serts. And Aristotle saith it is a ver●●● of the mind, rewarding all men acti●●●ding to their worthiness. 
Quales principes tales subditi.  This justice 〈◊〉 all moral virtues accompany, by whose counsel justice doth behold what is good or otherwise, who is worthy of preferment, or no. Of all others, Princes and such as are in authority, 
Such princes, such people.  aught to have this virtue. For what soever such men do allow, it is embraced of the vulgar sort. And therefore saith Plato, that the alteration of a Prince, brings the alteration of a common weal. For as a good Prince more by the example of godliness, than by godliness itself doth persist: so a wicked Prince more by the example of ungodliness, than by the thing itself doth corrupt the manners of his Subjects: for the common sort of men persuade themselves all that to be well done which is done by example. Again those artꝭ and occupation which a Prince doth esteem of, 
Isocrates ad Dimonicum.  flourish & are practised of all men, and those which he contemneth, are obscure and of no price. Which made Isocrates to counsel his King to cherish those which were studious of good letters, & to make much of profitable occupations, but unprofitable and servile (as unmeet for a common we'll) he should reject, and nothing regard, 
Egyptians.  will you know what made the Egyptians to be so notable Mathematitions? Ptolemy their King spent most of his time in that study. 
Ptolom.  What made the Persians so to be delighted in beastly pleasure, 
Persians. Xerxes.  but only because that Xerxes their King was so delighted therewith? Or what made the Roman gentlemen in the time of Nero, to be so lasciviously bend, 
Roman.  but because their prince Nero did by his example prove that to be lawful which in deed was most hurtful to common weal? 
Nero.  It is therefore the part of every Prince and Magistrate, that he with all care beware jest by evil example, he bring a wicked custom into his dominion. It was very wisely by law decreed among the Persians, 
Custom.  that if any of their country did imitate the behaviour of strangers, 
Persians.  and so trouble common orders, he should therefore lose his life. Lycurgus was want before the chief of the Lacedæmonians to say, 
Lycurgus'  that magistrates should be more vigilant in seeing the no corrupt & wicked manners were brought into their city, then to avoid a bodily piague & infections of the bodies of the Lacedæmonians. The consideration whereof made the Cretensians as often as they would curse their enemies to wish no other plague to come among them, 
Cretensians  then that their people might be delighted in wickedness. 
Xerxes.  And Xerxes being on a time greatly offended with the Babylonians, thought to revenge himself upon them: 
Babylonians.  & he had no better way to wreak his anger, than so to provid as they should not be exercised is warlike affairs or profitable things, but live altogether at ease, in pleasure. And therefore he brought among them minstrels, allowed stews, suffered them to be free from punishment for any offence. Which custom came at the length to such an habit, as they proved the most wicked people under the Sun: and in all the world was there not a more abominable place than Babylon. It is therefore expedient that a prince do exercise and esteem of civil justice, 
.  which will not suffer any wicked custom among men, nor permit evil manners to go uncorrected. 
.  Which virtue made Galba the Emperor to be well reported of in all the world. For because he would not have the good custom which sometime was among the Romans, to be broken, and for gotten, which was that every morning and evening the sons and servants of the Roman people should come before him and show themselves dutiful and obedient towards him: therefore because he would not break the seemly custom, he would be sure the every morning they should bid God save him, & evening wish him good rest. And thus much concerning civil Justice. The last is judicial which depends upon laws made for the commodity of a common weal, 
judicial▪ justice.  & that justice which is exercised according to the laws is called judicial. The virtues of the law are four, to bear sway, to forbidden, 
Virtues of the law.  to punish, to suffer: to bear sway over all, to forbidden injuries, to punish malefactors, to suffer and tolerate the virtuous. The precepts of the law may be comprehended under these three things, 
Precepts of the law.  to live honestly to hurt no man wilfully, to tender every man his due carefully. 
Description of justice.  This justice is painted blind with a covering before her face, not because she is blind, but thereby to signify that justice though she do behold that which is right and honest, yet will she respect no persons. Others paint this virtue after this sort, they fain her to be a Virgin, of countenance grave and shamefast, having a very sharp sight, and yet of a wonderful modesty, without austerity or childishness. By which was meant that a judge should be a grave man, severe, and of good behaviour, one to whom men without great fear should not have access. At Thebes were certain Images of judges without hands and without eyes, to show that judges should neither be corrupted with bribes, nor by any person drawn from that which is right and law. 
justice with out hands.  Here I might enter in that question whether a magistrate, or a King should rule according to the laws written or according to reason. 
Aristotle in his politics.  But I leave the same as somewhat unfit for this place, where I do but explycate the nature of every virtue. Yet this will I say, that according to the laws written, he should govern, and yet not altogether, 
Whether it be more expedient to be governed by a good king, then by a good law.  for than he should execute every thing to the uttermost (which is the greatest injury) but should consider circumstances thoroughly, and accordingly pronounce judgement, so that especially he obey that law which is within every prudent man, not written in Books. And that Prince which according to reason, doth govern is called a King. 
A King.  So that the difference between him and a Tyrant, is because a King ruleth as he aught, a Tyrant as he list: 
A Tyrant.  a King to the profiting of all, a Tyrant only to pleasure a few, and that not for the love of virtue, but to the increase of wickedness. And thus much briefly of the four kinds of Justice. Now (as we have done in the other afore mentioned virtues) let us manifest the parts of which true justice doth consist. Which are in number eight, and are these, 
Parts of justice.  innocency, Friendship, Concord, Godliness, Humanity, Gratefulness and Faithfulness.   

¶ Of innocency. Cap. 37.  
innocency (according to the Peripatetions) is an habit of the mind, 
innocency.  so well framed that it will hurt no man either by word or deed. An innocent man in respect of a good conscience contemneth all woorldly things, and will not so much as in heart covet another man's right, he will come to nothing by wicked and unlawful means, neither will he injury any man though he might got much thereby. Cicero therefore calls the same an affection of the mind, which will not molest, injury, nor hurt any man. This innocent man is he which feareth no man, no law, no witness, accuser, judge, or any but is a free man, and by reason of his good conscience is out of the limits of the law. He will be sure to give unto every man his due right, and will obey the authority of no man which will command him to do any thing that is not good, honest and virtuous. Now the ungodly perceiving the same, conceive by & by secret hatred against them. And hereof it comes that innocent and just men of all others are moste contemned, hated and persecuted: and they which live most uprightly and in the fear of God, are counted idiots and fools, and are judged unworthy to be in a common weal as Lactantius confirmeth. 
Lactan. de justicia ca 9 &. 32  And as he saith, such is the wild nature of the rude and common people, as they make smallest account of them which are best disposed: and those they extol to the Skies, 
Cicero ꝓ M. Fonteio.  which can by worse means come either to riches or promotion. Cicero confirms the same in a certain oration of his most eloquently: his place though it be somewhat long, yet will I recite because of the worthiness thereof: his words are these. M. Aemylius Scaurus a most worthy man of our city was accused of M. Brutus, 
M. Aemylius Scau.  whose orations are extant, by which it is apparent that many things were spoke against M. Scaurus but falsely as all men know. How much did Aquilius hear in his judgement? How much L. Cotta? finally P. Rutilius? which although he were condemned, 
M. Aquilius. L. Cotta. P. Rutilius.  yet in mine opinion he is to be numbered among the best & most innocent men. That holy and temperate man heard many things in his troubles which tended to his defamation, and made him to be suspected of lust and incontinency. There is an oration of C. Gracchus a man in my judgement of all others most ingenious and eloquent, in which oration are many things uttered against L. Piso, 
L. Piso Frug●.  but against what kind of man? Forsooth of such integrity of life, as in those days (when it was wonder to see a wicked man, nay none could be found for conversation dishonest) yet he of all others alone was called by the name of a good husband. Which when Gracchus willed to be called before the assembly, and he which should have gone, asked what Piso he should fetch (because there were many of that name)? Thou compelest me now said Gracchus to say, mine enemy that good husband, So that he whom his utter and capital enemy could not otherwise describe without he had praised him before, 
C. Gracchus.  which by that name given unto him for his virtues was both knoween who he was: and also what kind of man, yet notwithstanding was falsely slandered and made to answer unto many wicked accusations, and to clear himself before the whole court, of many evil reports. M. Fonteius in two actions hath been marvelously accused, 
M. Fonteius·  and yet nothing is proved, whereby he may be thought either incontinent, a brabbler, unmerciful, or a molester of any man.  
His accusers are so far from declaring any notorious vice of his, that for their lives they cannot find fault with, or blame any thing which he hath at any time spoken. Now if his enemies either had as much boldness to lie, or ingeniousnes to fain, as they have will to oppress, and liberty to invent, certainly Fonteius at this time should not have better fortune in hearing their opprobrious talk, than those of whom before I made mention. hitherto Cicero. By which it appeareth that the virtuous and well disposed, are odious to the wicked, 
Cicero ꝓ L. Muraena.  & have been, yea in those days, when as godliness was most exercised. But what may we think to be the cause of this deadly and cruel hatred? shall we think that verity and truth brings hatred? Or that the wicked be ashamed of themselves (through giltienes of conscience) and would in no case that there might be any to reprehend them for their detestable behaviour, and therefore conceive inward malice against them? Or rather judge that both truth and integrity causeth this contempt and cruelty of the wicked against the innocent? But let the righteous rejoice in their integrity of life and unpolluted conscience. For (as Tully saith) all of us are willing and will make haste to repel dangers (which are imminent against the innocent) and though we be in heart or secretly enemies yet in such troubles, when it stands upon the credit or life of a man, we will show the part of most loving and faithful friends. 
Cicero ꝓ posio.  For (as the same Cicero in an other place affirmeth) as fire cast into waters is by and by put out & waxeth cold: so a false accusation though it burn and be never so hot, against a chaste and uncorrupt conversation, is quickly consumed and vanisheth ere one beware without hurting any whit. 
Consolations for the slandered.  And a rumour raised of nothing, vanisheth of his own accord, and that vanity of speech profiteth nothing, but in making the innocency of him which is defamed to be more wundred at. And this aught again to comfort, that not withstanding they are oppugned, yet a time will come when the truth shallbe known, and the false accusations of their enemies shall be made open to all men. 
Cicero ꝓ Clurentio  For (as the same Cicero saith in an other place very notably) the truth by the maliciousness of many oppugned, and (as it were) drowned often times, when it is supposed never to be seen again, doth swim aloft, and is apparent to the eyes of all men, and this defence of innocency being stopped of the malignant, taketh breath and heart again to the overthrow of her enemies. Now let us confirm this which hath been spoken by stories and examples. 
Perseus. Gorgon. Seraphians.  The Poets fain that when Perseus did show Gorgon's head unto the Seraphians, they were strait way turned into stones, which Perseus was reported to have done to revenge the death of his innocent mother, 
Pelydectes  which Pelydectes their king had wickedly murdered. 
Archias.  One Archias a Poet, because himself in poetry would bear the bell, murdered an innocent man, one which never had offended him, whose name was Archilochus (his better by many degrees in that faculties) which murder being done secretly none being present or nigh at hand, 
Archilochus.  Archias was farthest from being suspected of such a 〈◊〉. Yet notwithstanding at length he was detected after this manner. As the people of that country according to their custom were about to sacrifice unto their God Apollo, a voice was heard which commanded Archias (being among the multitude) to go away jest he by the blood of Archilochus polluted the temple of Apollo. So that the innocency of Archilochus was illustred, and Archias for his horrible fact punished: For the people stoned him to death. In like sort Hasdruball for kill without a cause, an honest Spaniard: 
Hasdruball.  was killed of the servant of the same Spaniard. Which being apprehended of the guard of Hasdruball, and afterwards condemned, among most cruel torments did marvelously rejoice that he had revenged the death of his good and so innocent master. But what should I recite strange and foreign examples, when daily we see the innocency hath many patrons, and for the defence of such as are injured are magistrates (as it were masters of the people) appointed to see that such as are malefactors be severely corrected, and such as are quiet and virtuously bend, be favoured and preferred.  
Cicero saith, that if in complaining of the misuse of the Romans, 
Cice. act. 6 in verrem.  he should by speaking so strain himself, as his strength should fail him and yield up the Ghost●, that death of all others would seem unto him most pleasant and honourable. So that innocency neither can lack praises, patrons, nor revengers. It may for a time be oppressed, but it will rise again: it may be obscured, but it will shine again: 
Quin. li. 1 cap. 20. the institution● orato●ia.  it may be overwhelmed, but it can never be drowned. Quintilian saith very well that Providence, meaning God, hath given especially this unto man, that by honesty he should receive most comfort. And Tully saith that the remembrance of a good conscience, 
Cice. li. 6. epistolarum familiarum  is a comfort in adversity. And therefore this virtue, if it were aswell practised in work and conversation, as it is praised in word and orations, less impiety towards God, less enmity among men, less injuring one another, there would be. For every man should consider that he is borne to help and not to hurt: to profit and not displeasure his fellow neighbours: if not for fear of punishment in this world and everlasting pain in the world to come, yet because he is Animal sociale, a creature whose nature is not to be without company and neighbourhood, which hurtful persons in that which in them lieth, would not have as appeareth by their kill, undoing, or molesting their fellow Citizens. But I may not stand long upon any particular thing, and therefore I will cut of the commending of this Innocent man, only with Plato I say, 
Plato.  that this is he that well may by trusted of every man: to whom without fear of reveling or disclosing of them, any may unfold his secrets: 
Theognis  and with the Poet Theognis I say, that of all treasures in a common weal, this Innocent man is most to be esteemed and accounted of, nay nothing can be compared unto him, neither gold, nor silver, nor any treasure. Now to that which followeth.   

¶ Of Friendship. Cap. 38.  
PYt●●goras defines Friendship to be an equal agreeing together. Cicero saith, 
Freenship  it is a wishing of good things unto a man for his own sake, whom he loveth.  
Of these two with a little addition we will make a full definition of friendship in this wise. Friendship is a natural goodwill of well disposed persons, caused through likeness of manners and motions of the mind, fancying each other for nothing else but only for the increase of virtue, not for any pleasure or profit.  
This definition shallbe verified in that which followeth. 
Three kinds of friendship.  And that we may do it the better we will divide the same into her kinds (& therein we follow Plato) which are three, to wit, a Natural friendship, a Civil, and a Hospital. The natures of these in order shallbe declared. And first of that which is first placed.   

Of Natural friendship. Cap. 39  
THe natural Friendship shallbe declared by the division of the same. 
Natural friendship of what sorts.  It is divided into Piety, Kockring & kindred. The first again is divided either into the love towards God, towards our parents, or towards our country. Of our love or duty towards God we will not in this place talk of, because hereafter we shall have a fit and proper place for the same. To the duty towards our parents, 
love of parents.  Isocrates adhorteth us in this wise: So behave yourself towards your parents, as you would have your Children love you. And nature willeth us so to do. For what is more according to nature, then to love them of whom we are borne? Besides the exhortation of Isocrates, and the commandment of nature, many examples of godly children may invite us to imitation. wonderful was the love of Simon the Athenian towards his father. 
Simon Atheniensi●  For being for debt cast into prison, where he died miserably, & by reason of the severe laws, could not be brought out of prison & buried, except first the money were paid: and having not wherewithal to discharge the debt, Simon went to the Prison, and caused those irons which were upon his father, to be laid upon himself, and so delivered him, and remained in prison surety for the money. 
Astapus Amphonius.  Astapus and Amphonius two young men bore such love towards their parents, that their City being burned they took them upon their shoulders and carried them through the midst of the fire. 
A maid of Athens.  Also a maid of Athens, her father being cast into prison, where he should have starved for want of nourishment, craved so much leave of the keeper, that every day she might have access unto her father. Whom with her milk she preserved from death a long time. By this virtue Metellus got a name, 
Metellus Pius,  & was called Metellus Pius, as we would say godly Metellus. For his father being banished his Country (this Metellus being but a child) he went to the Senate, and humbly beseeched them in most pitiful sort, that his father might be sent for home and called from banishment. 
Love of our ●rince and country.   
The love of our Country and Prince should be great. For (as Plato and Cicero do say) no man is borne for himself, but a part of our birth our Country, a part our Parents, a part our friends challenge as due unto them. For as laws are given for the commodity of all▪ not that a few may be enriched and the rest beggared, even so should every true subject prefer a common profit before a private, and an universal before a peculiar. Of this matter we shall hereafter in the end of this Book speak, and therefore now will we be the more brief. Only we will say that a betrayer of his country is little more to be reprehended them he which caring not for the common profit, only bends all his endeavour to the enriching of himself not caring how many he brings to beggary. By which it appeareth that he of all others is much to be commended, which in defence and benefiting of his country, will neither care for limb, lands, nor life, but prefers the prosperity of his Country before all other things. 
Cicero li. 3 de finibus  And this according to Cicero's mind. Which consideration have many in foretime engrafted in their minds. And therefore the Emperor Otho when he saw that either he must leave his Empire, 
Otho Imperator.  or keep the same with slaughter of many subjects, determined for the safeguard of his people to forsake this world. His friends and subjects desired him to altar his mind, but no persuasion could move him, but answered them, that rather than by his life there should be civil dissension and continual discord among them, if he had a thousand lives, he would leave them to bring them quietness. King Codrus also understanding by the Oracle that except he were slain: 
Codrus.  his people the Athenians should never subdue their enemies, put upon him the armour of a common soldior, & went into the fore front of the battle, where he was slain, and so brought quietness unto his people and subjects. That great care of delivering his country Athens from servitude, 
Aglaurus  made Aglaurus to cast himself headlong from the walls of Athens. For it was told him that except some body would kill himself for his countries sake, Athens should be conquered, which thing when Aglaurus did hear, strait way in that manner as I have told, he rid himself of this world, and his country from thraldom. 
Iphigenia  Iphigenia likewise a woman, because that by her blood her enemy's unsatiableness might be quenched she committed herself to be sacrificed.  
There was a temple at Athens called Leocorium, 
Leocorium.  which is by interpretation, the temple of the people's daughters. It was erected in honour of the death of three women called Theopa, Eubula and Praxithea, 
Theopa. Eubula. Praxithea  which for the preservation of Athens were offered unto Minerva. For the Oracle had said that the town could not flourish except they were killed. By the praise of which it appeareth, how great their shame is which have no care at all whether their country flourish or come to decay. Now it appeareth how unworthy of all men they are to receive any benefit of a country, which for a little profit or preferment, will seek to bring the same into servitude.  
Of which some (were it not that I had reserved their names, because they are famous, unto a more fit place in the end of this Book where I shall talk of Faithfulness) I would recite, but I must be brief. Here might be moved a question, whether the love of our parents, or of our King and country be greater. Many reasons might be brought to the confirmation of either part, as of th'one we receive life, by the other we keep life: 
Whether the love of parents or Prince be greater.  of the one food, by th'other fame: of th'one we are cherished, by th'other many thousands are preserved from defamations, from invasions, from servitude and misery. Now which is greater let others judge▪ I will now come to the next part of Natural friendship which is indulgence or cockering of Children, 
Indulgence or cockring  a great and unspeakable goodwill which parents do show towards their Children. Herein aught great heed to be had jest to much good will be not showed towards our wives and children, for thereby we may fall into as great blame as by overmuch severity: and in both have many offended as in rough and sharp dealing, Oppianicus, Domitius, Medea. Nero, Periander, Herod, the father of Atalanta, and others.  

Oppianicus.  Oppianicus, contrary to the common nature of parents (which commonly are wont to be more covetous of riches for their children's sake, than otherwise they would) he, 
Cicero ꝓ A. Cluentio. Domitius  I say, was content for money to forsake his children, as Tully doth report. Domitius detested his son Nero (a man as it proved, worthy to be detested) for no other cause, but because be had begotten him upon Agrippina. Medea, 
Medea. Nero.  being forsaken of jason, murdered her own sons. Nero killed his own wife, some say, with spurning her. 
Periander Herod.  The like is reported of Periander. Herod was so destitute of all fatherly affection, that he commanded his own and only child to be murdered among that general kill of Innocents in jury. 
Augustus  Which when Augustus the Emperor did hear, he said that he had rather be Herod's hog then his child. For to kill an Hog among the jews was sacrilege but he thought it no sin to 〈◊〉 his Son and heir. 
Atalanta.  Atalantas' father was so unnatural, that as soon as she was borne he commanded her to be cast among wild beasts, saying that he needed no women. As this overmuch cruelty of parents towards their children, and husbands towards their wives, is to be detested: so again to much cockering and kindness doth as much harm, and many for the same have been infamous: as Ptolemy of Egypt, Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia, Seleucus of Syria, Claudius and Augustus Emperors, and others. 
Ptolemy Ariobarzanes. Seleucus.  Ptolemy, Ariobarzanes, and Selucus, put themselves out of Princely authority, to prefer their sons. But such over kindness is not to be liked of, for it is the cause of much mischief, and oftentimes hasteneth their deaths. Historiographers writ that Prusias the king of Bithynia, 
Prusias.  was murdered of his own son when he had committed the rule of his kingdom unto him, Darius also lay in wait to kill his father Arataxerxes, 
Darius. Artaxerxes. Eucratides.  who had displaced himself to make him King. Also Eucratides King of the Bactrians, after he had vanquished and put to flight Demetrius King of the Jews, was slain by his own sons, whom he had left to guide and govern his people in his absence. Prince's therefore aught to have great care how they depose themselves out of princely throne, & leave the tuition of their people, unto others, when as many of their own children have been so well rewarded. 
Claudius.  Claudius' the Emperor did so bear with his wife in her naughtiness, that at length she took the boldness of an harlot: and his overtendernes caused her to do that openly which before she did secretly and with fear. Well in this kind of love a new must be observed. Here again may be moved another question. Whether the love of parents towards their children be greater, 
Whether the love of parents towards their children be greater than contrary.  than the love of children towards their parents. Many reasons may be brought to prove, & many examples to confirm either part, some we have already in this chapter recited. But certain it is that the love of parents towards their children is greater and that is proved by two reasons. The first is this: By how much more any man knows the thing which he loveth, than the thing knoweth him: by so much he loveth it better. But a father doth better know the son, than the son doth know the father: and therefore the father doth love him better. Again an Artificer doth love his workmanship, and the thing wrought by the workman. But the father is like a workman, and the son as the workmanship, and therefore he doth better love his son, than his Son can fancy him. 
Whether a father doth love his children better than the mother.  And therefore is it said that this natural and fatherly affection doth always descend, but it never ascends: Again it may be moved whether a father doth fancy better his children then the mother. It is thought that the mother doth. And the philosophers prove it by this reason. They which take the greater pains in getting any thing, love that which is gotten more entirely, than they which take less pains. But the mother doth with greater pains attain to them then the father: and therefore her love must needs be greater.  
Now to the last part of this natural friendship. Reason willeth that as first we should above all things love God, 
Kindred.  our parents, country, wives, and children: so next we are bound in conscience to make much of those which are of our kin and acquaintance. And therefore who is he that doth not quake for fear, when he heareth but the mentioning of Tiberius Caesar, Nero, Artaxerxes, Ptolemy & other most unnatural wretches? 
Tiberius' Caesar.  It is written of Tiberius, that he murdered his sons, killed his kinsmen, slew his dear friends, and afterward thought himself an happy man, because like Priamus he remained after the death of his kin. 
Priamus Nero. Ataxerxes. Ptolemy Lysimachus. Philip. Cleopatra  Nero slew his mother and his master. Artaxerxes his sister. Ptolemy also his sister, & his sister's sons called Lysimachus and Philip. Another Ptolemy also moste unnaturally murdered his own Son, begotten of his sister Cleopatra. Therefore how necessary and above all this natural friendship is to be sought for, it is apparent. Without which we can neither serve God, neither our Parents & kinsfolk, to whme especially we are bound, with a more strait chain and surer link than to any others.   

¶ Of Civil friendship. Cap. 40.  
Civil Friendship is of three sorts. The first is a common or general good will, 
Civil friendship of three sorts.  whereby we wish well unto all men, and are provoked thereunto by the rites, laws and customs of our Country, or otherwise by any common thing to all men. And therefore it is a great cause of love and amity among men to be under the same Princes, to be in subjection to the same laws, to be of one society, of one country, City, 
Common friendship.  to be of one religion. etc. There be also many things which men have in common, and belong aswell to the one as to the other, as Churches, market places, stages, guildhalles, places appointed to the use of all men, and do conjoin men in gadwil marvelously. And this common amity is so requisite, as without the same there is no difference between brute beastis and men: we should without the same live in solitariness, never without snares to entrap us, & mischeefꝭ to bereave him of all joys. Which made Cicero to say, 
Cicero ꝓ S. Roscio.  that he which would cut of this common friendship, did even as it were go about to take the Sun from the world. And in a certain Oration of his he hath a pretty place to the praising of this Friendship, where he saith, that those citizens which will not willingly help one another, do in that which in them lieth, go about to overthrow the common estate of a common weal, and to disturb the fellowship of this life. For saith he, nature hath not so made us, that of ourselves we can do all things without the aid of others, and one is more apt to one thing then an other. And therefore goodwill is gotten, that so by helping one another according to their calling the common profit may be sought for. 
Epicures.  The Epicures whose indevorꝭ are t'increase pleasure, do altogether commend this kind of Friendship above any other, as that without which no pleasure could be in this life. But their friendship is naught else, but that which we call Good fellowship, 
Good fellowship.  which in deed continueth but a time as long as pleasure lasteth, but no pleasure: no Friendship. The nature of this friendship shallbe better declared hereafter both when we shall speak of Concord, & also of th'other parts of this Civil friendship. The second kind of this Civil Friendship, is that which is gotten not without pleasure or profit, but only by virtue and likeness of manners This friendship bringeth to pass, 
Perfect Friendship  that among men there be a great agreement both in will and in working. For as Sallust saeith: this is perfect and unfeigned friendship, to think one & the same thing. And as Tully saith, 
Cicero ꝓ Cu. Plancio.  there is none more certain token of true friendship, then is consent and communicating of our cogitations one with another. This friendship is only between honest and well disposed persons. 
The end of true friendship.  For the consent which is between wicked men, is not friendship, (whose end is the increase of godliness) but a faction to ill purpose and disquieting of the common weal. Isocrates writeth very well of this matter & saith, that the gréement of the wicked is easily upon a a small occasion broken, but the friendship of the virtuous continueth for ever. And will you know in deed who is a true & perfect friend? Then hearken unto a learned man. 
A  Be not drawn away with fair woordis, nor seduced with wickedness, nor overcome with injuries, love with all your heart unfeignedly, 
Notes of unfeigned friendship.  and then shall you be a perfect friend. This friendship hath many noteꝭ to be known by. For it is a friendship for herself, it is the greatest the most perfect, ●he best, the most surest & therefore it is the rarest friendship. It is called a friendship Per se, because the spring of the same is that which is only good of itself, and that is virtue. It is the greatest, because it is for the sake of that which is greatest, which is only virtue. It is the most perfects, for what is more perfect than virtue? It is the best, because both the cause and end thereof is virtue. It is the surest and continueth longest: for no adversity can break the same, no sickness can weaken it, no time can altar it, no death can dissolve it: and therefore it is rare and among few. And what marvel? For what is less esteemed than virtue? or who careth almost for her? And therefore the cause being rare, and little esteemed, the effect must needs be rare, and therefore no marvel though this Friendship be little embraced. 
Amicorun paria.  In all Grecia being so populous a country, there was scarce three copel that were faithful friends. It was a rare thing in those days, when so few were celebrated for their unfeigned friendship, but much more wonderful is it in these days. For who will be content to loose his life for his Damon, 
Damon. Pytheas.  as did Pytheas? Or who will say he is Orestes, when he is Pylades, for the safeguard of his friend? Nay, 
Orestes. Pylades.  that is a great thing: who will in these days almost for go his goods (do I say all his goods?) nay, who will forego but part of his goods, to ●a●ue his friend from misery? Such fréendis are as rare as were those Graecian fréendis. Well this friendship is not popular, it is peculiar unto few: for many cannot be in perfect friendship together: goodwill there may be, but unfeigned Friendship cannot be. For as a kingdom cannot have many governors, nor one wife many husbands & love them, and be loved of them entirely: so one cannot love many, and be loved again heartily without hypocrisey. For as mighty floods, 
Faithful friendship among few  by how much they are brought into small rivers, by so much they lose of their strength: so love cannot be borne to many without abating the force thereof. The more it favoureth, of the less force: but the fewer, the more faithful. 
Vis unita fortior.  That is a true saying in Philosophy Vis unita fortior, at parts in plures secta peribit, Strength is then weakened when it is divided. Cicero writing to his friend Atticus, 
Cicero ad Atticum. li. 1 epistolarum  declareth the want of a true friend, the place though it be long, yet because of the worthiness thereof I will recite. Know you my friend that at this time there is nothing that I stand more in need of, than that man to whom I may unfold the secrets of my heart & freely communicate (as if I were alone) those things which any way trouble me, whose wisdom is great, with whom I may talk boldly and familiarly with out feigning, without dissembling, without biding any thing from him. My brother and most plain. simple & faithful Metellus is absent, no man but a shore▪ and air, and mere solitariness. 
Metellus. Atticus.  And you (my Atticus) which oftentimes with loving talk and grave counsel have lightened my heart of many sorrows, which hast been in public offices a partner, and privy to all my private affairs, and a partaker of all my thoughts & consultations, where art thou? Alas (seeing the want of thee and Metellus) I am now so destitute that all the joy & pleasure I have, is which my wife, my daughter & my honey sweet Cicero, offer unto me. For the ambitious feigned and fickle friendship (in our court) hath a certain outward show, but at home, and my heart it doth not delight. And therefore when my house in the morning is well filled, and when we go to the cou●te compassed about with flocks of friends, 
The ex●l●●cie of a godly friend  among them all I cannot meet with one with whom I may either jest merrily, or talk familiarly. And therefore your coming is much wished, and your sight of me is heartily desired. etc. By which appeareth the excellency of this friendship. For he doth not only prefer the same before the common friendship which is among men, but also before the love which is between parents and their children.  
And certainly to a faithful friend nothing can be compared. For he, when all is gone will continued. And if you respect either pleasure or profit: he is most to be wished. For what pleasure is greater than to have one with whom we may talk merrily: & without fear utter even the very secretis of our hartis? Again what profit is like a friend to whom in necessity we may fly for succour, in adversity is a bulwoork against invasions, and a refuge of whom we may be bold, which is one man continually? And come wealth, come woe, come prosperity, come adversity, is no changeling? Now to that which followeth.  
The last kind of friendship is called social or Fellowly friendship. The cause of which friendship is only perfect, 
Felowly friendship.  and therefore it differeth from these above recited kinds of Amity. For as the one hath pleasure for her end, and the other virtue: so this hath profit. Such is the friendship of craft's men and merchants: but this doth continued but for a time as the first. And therefore when pleasure is gone, love is none: and farewell goodwill (say they) when goods are consumed. Of this friendship Cicero wrote notably, to this purpose. This word love from whence friendship is derived, 
Cicero. li. 1 de natura Deorum: et li. 2. de finibus.  is chary and dear: which friendship if we embrace only for our own sakes and profit, not for his whom we love and bear good will unto, then is it not to be called Amity, but a certain chopping and changing of good will for gains, and friendly words, for profit and commodity. After which sort we should love our fields and pasture ground, and our beasts & cattle, because we hope to receive profit of them, but the friendship among men should be free without hope of reaping earthly commodity. But if we only bear goodwill in hope to receive gain, if there be no kindness which is cause of friendship, and makes the same of her own nature, or for none other cause to be desired, there is no doubt, but that we may prefer groves and lands before friends. For they bring most profit to their owners. And therefore it is meet that he which would be counted my true and faithful friend, should love me for mine own sake, not for my goods & riches. And again Cicero in his second book De Finibus, declareth the nature of this friendship in these words: what place hath friendship, or who can be a friend unto any man which doth not love his friend only for his friends sake? And to love (from whence friendship is derived) what other thing is it, 
Definition of love.  but to wish unto him whom we love, all kind of goodness, glory and prosperity, although no commodity do return to us at all? etc. But some will say (saith he) I follow gain and profit. And then shall your friendship continued as long as you reap commodity.  
And therefore true is that saying of a learned man, It is hard in prosperity to know whether our friends do love us for our own sakes, or for our goods: 
Adversity tries a friend.  but adversity proves a friend. For neither doth prosperity manifest a friend, nor adversity bide a flatterer. And thus much briefly of Civil friendship. Of all these kinds of civil amity, but one can truly be commmended (for praise belongeth only to virtue) the other be necessary (for without them no estate can flourish) but they are not of continuance. Now to the last kind of friendship.   

¶ Of Hospitality. Cap. 41.  
AS the Natural and Civil friendships had their parts, 
Hospitality of what sorts.  so hath this Hospitality hers. For the learned divide this friendship this hospitality into four parts. Whereof one they call a glorious entertainment of men, only to be well thought of: another is a covetous kind of Hospitality, only for the penny: the third is a courteous receiving either of our fréendis▪ or strangers: the last is a religious entertainment of all such as truly without hypocrisy serve God. 
Glorious hospitality  The first is a glorious (altogether a vicious) Hospitality of the which Tully maketh mention in this sort: 
Cicero in Officiis.  Hospitality is well commended of Theophrastus. For it is a glorious thing to have the houses of noble men open, for noble gests to enter. If he had said it had been a glorious thing that noble men's houses should be a receptacle and place of relief unto poor men oppressed with miseries, he had spoken very well, but saying they should be open to noble men, such as themselves are, he seemeth to break the preceptis of Justice. For hospitality should be only for the relief of such as are pinched with poverty, which noble men are not troubled with: for in any place they may have to their desire all things. Again a just man will do nothing but that which is a benefit: but it is no benefit, which is done in hope to be well rewarded afterwards. As they do entertain men because themselves at their pleasure may have the like at their hands, whom they have so well entertained. So that this kind of hospitality is neither good because it is not towards them which indeed should be relieved, neither is it a benefit, 
A benefit.  because they which are entertained are bound to requited the same with the like: 
Lactantius de vero cultu cap. 12.  & therefore it is much to be dispraised as Lactantius also affirmeth. The second is a covetous, a kind of Hospitality only for lucre, not for any love at all. And such are Taverners, Inholders, and such like, which receive men only for profit.  
This kind of Hospitality in some respect is good & necessary. For notwithstanding their unsatiable desire of worldly goods, which they have that keep them, yet cannot travailers and strangers be without them: but do rejoice that for money they may have meat and rest to relieve themselves. The third is a courteous Hospitality, 
Courteous hospitality  and is divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as the Greeks do say) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a kind of Hospitality, when men do receive strangers only for courtesy and good will, not for any hope of praise or desire of profit. Of this doth Massurius Sabinus make mention where he saith, 
Massurius Sabinus.  that the manner was among the ancient, that the first place was given always to the Magistrate, the second to a stranger, the third to clients, the fourth to kinsmen, the fift to neighbours, and thereby it appeareth that strangers were much made of, & lovingly in treated. Caesar in his Commentaries doth much commend the Germans for their courtesy towards Aliens and strangers, 
Germans.  & he saith it was not only a most horrible thing esteemed of them to molest a stranger, but also showed themselves defenders of them, from all such as did persecute and would plague them. And moreover he reporteth that not only in such manner they did show themselves towards them, but also would cherish them with meat, drink, clothing, and lodging. This kind of Hospitality to Kings and princes hath brought much glory & mightily confirmed Friendship. The courtesy of the greater Scipio towards Massinissa King of the Numidians, 
Scipio. Massinissa.  brought such profit to the Romans, as he of some writers is called a third preserver of the city of Rome from destruction, and therefore is joined companion with elder and yunger Scipio. Which he did because of the great friendship that he found at their handis, being a stranger at Rome. But yet many being loovingly entertained in strange countries have required those of whom they were welcomed, in most villainous manner. 
T. Sempronius, Gracchus  T. Sempronius Grachus, withal his army were betrayed in to the hands of their enemies the Carthagians, which put them to death, by the means of on Flavius, whom Sempronius had so much made of. 
Flavius.  And therefore great care aught to be had, whom we entertain and show courtesy unto. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is an Hospitality which private persons, & neighbours have 〈◊〉 themselves, when 〈…〉 make merry with another. A thing very commendable and increaseth much love among them. 
Religious hospitality  The last is Religious, by which Christians receive such as profess true religion, or else are persecuted for the same. In this Hospitality are to be considered four things, the causes, the parts, the rewards, and the punishment of such as esteem not the same hospitality. The causes are four, first the commandment of God, 
Causes of Christian hospitality  as in S. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrues it is commanded by the spirit of God, that we should not be forgetful of Hospitality. The second is charity, 
Heb. 13.  by which all men, especially Christians are linked and bound in conscience to relieve each other's necessity. The third is the fickle estate of mankind. No man hath a continual assurance of any thing, and therefore because we may be as they are, we should help them being from their friends in a strange country.  
The last is, because we must of necessity. For he that receiveth them, receiveth Christ: and he which careth not for them whom he doth see, how can he love him whom he doth not see? 
Parts of Christian hospitality  The parts are three: loovingly to invite, courteously to entreat, and quietly to suffer them to depart. Which may be gathered out of Genesis, 
Gen 2. 〈◊〉 18. ●● 19  where Abraham doth desire those strangers which were come unto him, that if he had found favour in their sight, they would not leave him but go with him to his house and rest them selves: and so did Lot. The rewards of such hospitality are marvelous great. 
Rewards of Christi●● hospitality▪ Math. 10. Psal. 41.  Christ saith, that whosoever receives a just man in the name of a just man, shall receive the reward of a just man. And in the lxi. psalm it is thus written. Blessed is he that hath compassion upon the poor and needy for in the dreadful day the Lord shall deliver him. And truly this hospitality in the sight of God is so precious a thing, that he which doth give but a cup of cold water in his name, shall not go unrewarded. We see that Abraham thinking he had received a man, received God himself. 
Abraham  And Lot received Angels in the shape of men. And who can tell (saith Ambrose) whether he welcome Christ or no, when he maketh much of strangers? Now see what benefit comes of this hospitality besides that which we have already spoken of. Lot for his hospitalitiescaped the fire of Sodom and Gomorra. 
Lot.  Rahab for her hospitality was preserved with all hers from death & destruction. 
Rahab.  Elias restored from death to life the son of her which had lodged him. 
Elias.  But what should I spend many words? This christian Hospitality is twice rewarded, in this world and in the world- to come. 
A punishment for neglecting Christian hospitality Math. 10. jacob. 2.  The punishment for contempt hereof is eternal pain in the lake which burneth for ever with fire & brimstone.  
Christ saith, he that receiveth not you receiveth not me. And S. james writeth that he shall have judgement without mercy, which is voided of mercy. And therefore let us take heed jest if we be negligent or careless in receiving such strangers, that after this life the kingdom of God (a receptacle for all such as fear god) be barred from us. And let us so behave ourselves, that in the day of judgement when all flesh shall rise again to receive according to their deserts, we do hear that terrible saying of Christ, I was comfortless and you cared not for me.  
Wherefore for these causes recited, or for hope of reward, or else for fear of punishment, let us do good unto all, especially such as are of the household of faith, the servants of God. Now let us prosecute our purpose, and speak of that which followeth.   

¶ Of Concord Cap. 42.  
WIth Friendship hath Concord great affinity. 
Concord  For even as Friendship and Amity joineth a few together in good will: so Concord linketh many and a whole multitide. This concord as M. Varro saith is derived from consenting of many hearts together. Discord is clean contrary. For by it the people can agree in no thing. The praises of Concord are many and singular. For some call it a tower of strength, invincible against all invasions. Others affirm that no other thing is meant by those towers of Adamant (which the Poets talk of) but the love of citizens, 
Turres adamantinae  who by no force, strength, or policy can be over come, as long as they in heart hold together, and by discord shrink not away from their brethren. 
Animal sempiternum concordia  Some compare it unto a creature whose life would continued for ever, if it killed not himself. Seleucus considering how goodly a thing it is for brethren to hold together in unity, 
Seleucus.  called his fifty sons together and after this manner adhorted them to concord. He took a bundle of darts fast bound together, and willed them to break it: but they seeing it was impossible, answered they could not. Then unlosing the bundle, he gave unto each of them a dart and willed them to break them, which they did easily. Then he desired them to commit that which was done to perpetual remembrance, and counseled them to hold together, jest being at discord, their enemies bring them to slavery, when by their concord they could not. And notable was the oration of Menenius Agrippa unto the dissentious people of Rome, 
Menenius Agrippa.  bending themselves against the senators. In which he brought many strong and good reasons to the turning of their minds from discord: but his chiefest was fetched from a fable of the members of man's body. Which he brought forth (as Fenestella and others do testify) in this manner. 
Fenestella  In those days when every part of man had not only reason, but speech, it is said, that they being much offended that all they should employ their labour for the belly, and the belly do nothing but consume that which was provided, conspired among themselves how they might bridle and bring under the belly, at length it was decreed that the handꝭ should not minister to the mouth, if the handis did, the mouth should not receive it, nor the teeth grind it: and whilst they were thus at discord, all were brought low. And therefore he desired by that example to beware of civil dissension, l●st utter destruction come upon them. To this concord nature many ways inviteth us. For we see that all beastis in their kind be at peace one with another. 
Reasons to the embracing of Concord.  For one Dragon bends not himself against another, nor one Lion fighteth with another, and the concord which is between ravening wolves all writers do celebrated. 
Erasmus de quaerimo ma pacis.  Again by the consideration of ourselves we are driven to the praising and practising of concord. For what is more contrary than the soul & the body? and yet nature hath so framed them, that take the soul from the body, & the body is but a dead carcase. And therefore if we would live, an unity must be between them. For separation of either bringꝭ destruction to one. Again the health of our body what other thing is it, than a consent of diu●●s qualities: of which if one should rule more than another then 〈◊〉 needs follow that many and dangerous diseases do arise? Of the same discord, con●s those mortal diseases which we are so plagued withal oftentimes. And therefore if we would have our bodily health, we need must seek for a temperature of those elements of which all things are compounded. Finally if we compare our estate with brute beasts, we shall find that without Concord we are most miserable. For unto the other creatures God hath given one thing or other for defence against their enemies, but man is naked, both without strength, & agility in comparison of them, and no other way can help or defend himself without succour of other. By all which it is apparent that without concord man is most miserable. He which is desirous to read more of this matter, may do well to peruse the oration of Erasmus de Querimonia pacis. Now as the natural body of man (as we have proved both by that of Agrippa) and other arguments without concord cannot long continued: so neither the civil body, when the members be not in quiet and at concord. Examples to confirm the same are infinite, of which I will recite one or two. We read that Syracuse by the contention of two young men about an harlot, 
Syracuse.  was almost brought to desolation. For some taking one part and some another, they grew to such a multitude as open war was between them. Through which broil it came to pass, that the nobility and magistrates, were either slain or brought to slavery, and the rude and rascal people invaded and spoiled their city at their pleasure. We see the fruit of discord. 
Grecians.  The Grecians as long as they were at peace among themselves, were conquerors of all men: but after that civil dissension was among them, they were so far from being victors of the rest, that they become villains, & a laughing stock unto all the world. The like happened to the jews. 
jews, Romans Caesar. Sylla. Cynna. Marius.  And the Romans which afore by concord become the Lords of the earth, after (through Caesar's ambition, Sulla's rabblement, Cynnaes' slaughter, & the cruel murdering of the people of Rome by Marius' rebellion) they become, which had been glorious, most odious unto the world. Wherefore at this time I will recite no more examples, only with that of Cicero I conclude in this manner: Wherefore even for God's sake, 
Cicero ꝓlege Agraria ad populum.  come to your selves you Tribunes and rulers of the people, avoid their company and forsake them of whom if in time you do not take heed, you will be forsaken and left in the briars, come to us, and be at unity with honest men, defend the common weal with common aid, cleave not unto parts.  
The common weal hath many wounds, much conspiracy there is, many wicked & pernicious counsels are taken, no foreign invasions, no King, no people, or nation is to be feared (against such we are good enough) it is an hidden secret and domisticall mischief, which troubles us and brings a terror. To the avoiding of which, every man should put to his hand, and remedy the same carefully.   

¶ Of Godliness. Cap. 43  

Godliness  Godliness hath many definitions. For Cicero saith, it is a justice of men towards God. The Peri●atecions say, It is a religious worshipping of God. Hermes Tresmegistus, calls it a knowing of God. Somewhat we touched this before speaking of natural friendship, & talked thereof when we declared what was celestial justice. 
No 〈…〉.  Now will we talk more at large of the same. This Piety, Godliness, or knowledge of God: or as Aristotle saith, religious worshipping of God, or justice of men towards God, as affirmeth Cicero, is only proper & peculiar unto man no other creature doth communicate the same. For all other things which man is adorned withal, some other beastis hath, though not in perfection & in such sor●e as man, yet after a sort. As to reason & utter our secret cogitations by mouth is proper to man, & yet brute things have a kind of rasoning. For one doth know another's voice, as an horse knows another by his neighing, & one dog another by barking. Nay they can give signs & shows of rejoicing when they are merry, & they make the weker with a strange noise to quake & tremble for fear. And every affection by sun certain voice or other they can express so that what their meaning is may be known. But we because we understand then not, persuade ourselves they have no such thing, & they perhaps saith Lactantius, wonder as much at us as we do at them. 
Lactantius.  Again it is proper unto man to show forth some external sign of inward rejoicing & yet we see certain tokens of gladness in other creatures, as in the Dog which will give most manifest signs either of grief or gladness, sometime by grinning, sometime by sorrowing, by licking of us & leaping upon when they are delighted, and by arring, harking, & hiding of themselves, when they are pensive, & with howling will show forth their grief oftentimes. So that of those things which are most particular unto man, we see even brute beasts to be partners. Again it seemeth that reason and forecast were an especial gift only belonging to man: And yet we know many creatures to have the same as well as man, 
Providence or forecast.  though not in such excellency. As we know the Foxes to have their diversity of holes, that look what snares so ever be laid to entrap them, they may have some ready way or other to escape all danger. 
Bees.  Again how wonderful do Bees behave themselves? do they not labour aforehand, that afterward they may live at ease? what pains do they take? how dutifully do they serve their King? how justly do they punish Drones, such as will take no pains? how artificially do they build their celles and resting places? 
Lactantius de falsa sapientia cap. 10  which when Lactantius put before his eyes, he said, that he was in doubt whether the studiousnes of Bees, were perfect prudence or no. Again how do the Ants, or Emmets labour in summer, that in the winter they may live without penury.  
It were a long and an endless thing to recite the nature of all creatures. By this which I have mentioned, it may appear that those things wherein man doth most glory, as most peculiar unto him, brute creatures do communicate. So that either he must have sun other thing more peculiar, or else he cannot say this am I endued withal above all things else. And that is the knowledge of God. Not creature hath any intelligence at all of God or goodness. And that is it which Tully saith: Of so many creatures there is none besides man, which hath any understanding of God: 
Cic. Tus. quaest. li. 1  and among men there is no people so uncivil and void of humanity, which doth not know there is a God, although what manner of God he be, they are ignorant. So that Religion it is only which discerneth a man properly from other creatures. 
Porphyrius. lib 3. de sacrificiis.  Porphyrius doth affirm, that every thing endued with sense and memory is a reasonable creature, and hath not only speech, but wisdom in their doings, and can both conceal & reveal their meaning. And he saith, if all be not understood it is no marvel: for we understand not the language of many nations, except we have spent some time in learning of them. And moreover he affirmeth, that in time past men had the perfect understanding of the sounds and voices of beasts. Which Virgil witnesseth, speaking of Helias the prophet. And such men were Calchas and Mopsus, 
Calchas. Mopsus. Tiresias. Thales. Apollonius.  and Tiresias, and Thales, and Apollonius. But to come to our purpose, certain it is that no creature except man, did ever know there was a God, and no people are so barbarous but will confess the same. And therefore the Poets to provoke men to the fear of God, feigned after this life good men to enjoy all kind of prosperity, to want nothing but according to their heart's delight to consume their time: again the wicked to be plagued with all kind of misery, at no time to take rest, but continually to be tormented with perpetual pains.  

Elysi● campi.  Also they feigned the Elysian feeld● places of all joy and happiness for such as had observed the laws of reason, engrafted in the minds of all men. hereof came that of the ancient poet Musaeus, 
Musaeus poeta.  which said that for godly and valiant men was prepared a drink for taste most comfortable, for continuance everlasting, which they should use after this life. And for the wicked ones, whose delight is in wickedness and impiety, said Deiphilus a comical Poet, was prepared places of vn●●st and such as should grievously torment them in the world to come. All which fictions of the poets, was to nother end but for the increase of godliness. Of which virtue had the Cretensians such a care, 
Cretensians.  that one of the especiallest things which was taught their children, was the Psalms made in praise of their Gods. For three things they by law commanded the Schoolmasters▪ to commit to the minds of their children. The first was the laws of their country. The second, the psalms in praise of their Godis. And the last was the names of such men as had given their lives in defence of their country.  
Aeneas having licence▪ to take of his substance (Troy being destroyed) what he had most mind unto▪ forsook all, 
Aeneas.  to have his Deos penat●●, Gods of wood, or silver, which wore in his house.  
The first precept that Isocrates gave unto Prince Demonicus was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Fear God. 
Isocrates.  The first law that should be given at any time to men, 
Plato▪  saith Plato should be to the increase of Godliness.  

The office of the Athenians.  The chiefest oath which the Athenians took was this: Pugnabo pro sacris, et cum aliis, et solus: In defending Religion, both with others and alone will I fight against my foes. By which it is evident what a great care heathen men, ignorant of true worshipping of God, have had of Religion. Poets by fictions have commended, Orators have exhorted unto it, Philosophers have thought it most requisite in a common weal, Common people have sworn to defend it, Noble men above all have preferred it, Kings have professed it. 
Athenians.  Among the Athenians no king was created before he had taken orders, and was a Priest. And they judged the best man for authority and wisdom, to be the fittest man to offer sacrifice to their Gods. To the shame of Christians now a days, which think the worst man good enough for that room: and the most abject, to serve the turn well enough. 
Romans.  The ancient Romans through the instinct of nature only, did so reverently think of Religion, that they sent their Children, yea the most noble men of Rome sent their sons into Hetruria, to learn the manner of serving God. Now an abject gentleman (what should I say a noble man?) thinks his child to good to learn and profess true religion. But because I will not digress, I will bring forth one example more. Massinissa having received of his lieutenant goodly and great teeth of ivory in token of goodwill (which his Captain had stolen out of a religious place) and understanding how he came by them, 
Massinissa.  commanded certain of his nobility to carry them back, and say, that their king though he liked them greatly, both for their bigness and artificial setting out, yet understanding that they did belong to such a place, with speed caused them to be carried back. Which answer of his to be seen of all comers, was written in that Religious house with golden letters. This being spoken of the excellency, and favourers of religion, we will now show what plagues and severe punishment hath chanced unto the contemners thereof. It is written of Brenus king of the frenchmen, 
Brenus.  that after he had overcome the Macedonians, he came to the Temple of Apollo, but there derided not only him, and all religion shamefully: and was minded to spoil the Churches there about of all their goods and treasure, but going about the same, there came suddenly such an earthquake, that many of his men were consumed thereof, all sorely hurt, and himself brought into such a disquietness of mind, that being weary of this world: he desperately killed himself. Also one Conomachus went about the like attempt, 
Conomachus.  but his reward was no better than the soldiers of King Brenus.  
It is reported likewise that one Pherecydes an Assyrian, 
Pherecydes.  for contemning God and godliness, was so consumed with worms, that ●e fled for shame all society of men. If it were my purpose to make any long discourse hereof, many and terrible plagues might be recited which have chanced upon the despisers of religion, which neither care for God nor man, and think all is one, whether they live honestly or wickedly, but I leave them. Any reasonable man, any thing inflamed with spiritual motions, those above recited examples will 'cause both to forsake impiety and embrace religion. But as Tully saith, 
Cicero de deumatione lib. 1.  Rare and few are those men, which call themselves from the world, and are taken with an earnest desire of heavenly things. To conclude this Chapter and to show what is true godliness and religion. It is requisite that we have the understanding of this will of God by his word, 
No religion without the work of God.  for without the same our sight is but blindness: our understanding, ignorance: our wisdom, foolishness: and our devotion, divilishnes.   

¶ Of Humanity. Cap. 44.  
HVmanitie is a virtue which aught to be observed of all such as will be called human or courteous. 
Humanity  For nothing is either so agreeable to man's nature, as to hurt none▪ or so contrary as to offer injury to any. Of this virtue was Herles called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 
Hercules.  because he would injury no man. And hereof (some think) the name of Alexander is derived. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifieth to defend. And all such as deliver men out of troubles, 
Alexander's.  may be called Alexander's. And certainly man c●n have no better thing gi● him of nature, then to be willing: and if power answer to that will▪ no greater thing can there be, then to profit and pleasure many.  
The Athenians counted this virtue of humanity and affection one to another, 
Athenians  for a Goddess, and therefore did sacrifice unto her. 
Lycurgus  Lycurgus to bring his people to the embracing of this virtue, did accustom them to have no proper thing belonging unto them, but made them altogether to bend themselves to the benefiting of their common weal. He did the same that one might think of another as members of one body, children of one mother, and commons of one common weal.  
As by public authority among the Lacedæmonians and Athenians it was commended, so privately of many virtuous and godly Princes it hath been sought for. And therefore Scipio (of whom we have made so honourable mention oftentimes) was commonly wont to say, 
Scipio.  he had rather salve one citizen, than slay a thousand enemies. Contrary to the devilish custom which was among the cruel Scythians, which was to put men to death for every small offence. 
Scythians  For this clemency and humanity is Alexander the great much commended. It was apparent by his well entertaining the wife of Darius and other noble women his captives. 
Alexander.  The which courtesy of his made king Darius to sand of his nobility to thank Alexander, for the same. Far from this virtue was Phalaris, 
Phalaris.  and all other outrageous & cruel tyrants, which were so far from sparing their captives, that they exercised all kind of cruelty even against their own subjects. 
Pantaleon.  Pantaleon king of the Aliens, was most voided of this virtue. For those Legates or Ambassadors which came unto him, and brought those news which liked him not, he would enforce to eat their own stones. 
Tryzus.  But one Tryzus passed all other that ever I read of in cruelty. For standing in continual fear of losing his life (his cruelty was such) he made a law, to be rid from fear, that none of his subjects, should talk together of any private affairs. A strange kind of cruelty not to suffer men to talk together. But if that had been all, in some respect it had been tolerable. But perceiving that by signs and tokens they did manifest each other's grief, and thereby his former commandment to his mind was not obeyed, he charged them that for their lives they should neither speak one to an other, nor so much as give a sign whereby one might know another's intent. This pssed all that other cruelty, and may se●me incredible, 
Aelianus de varia Historia. lib. 14.  that either any man would give such a commandment or any men abide the same, Aelianus reporteth it. As Tyrants are far from humanity: so all those which do glory in the effusion of blood. 
Hannibal.  And therefore Hannibal (when he beheld the field overflown with blood) for saying, O noble fight, is numbered rather among savage beasts, then civil creatures. And Volesius being Proconsul under the Emperor Augustus, 
Volesius.  for saying O princely act, when he had commanded three hundred in one day to be executed with death, is judged void of this virtue, and is adjoined to those tyrants, and Hannibal, an example not imitable but detestable.  
Humaniti●e teacheth us to abandon cruelty▪ to love & cherish one another, even because we are men of one nature reasonable and by that reason gentle with out cruelty▪ not f●●r●e without mercy as are beasts savage & unreasonable. This virtue the Greeks ●all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by a most significant word, which is as it were, love of mankind. It hath many branches and properties pertaining to it (all to r●●ite were a long labour) some I must needs for illustrations sake, for it is pitiful and taketh compassion on the afflicted. 
pity.  Phocian had this virtue, for his manner was to defend such as were in misery, & oftentimes the wicked, 
Phocian.  his nature was so good. For which he was reprehended of his friends (for they would not have him to maintain malefactors in their naughtiness) to whom he answered that he did the same because they stood in need thereof, but good men could lack no patrons. Also he would visit such as were imprisoned, though they were breakers of the law, & relieved them with good counsel, as he did Aristogiton, 
Aristogiton.  whom he could not better comfort than in prison. By this virtue are they poor seen unto wheresoever they be either in our houses, 
poverty.  or in the common weal. And for the same while the world shall continued Cimon (not Timon) the Athenian, will be commended. 
Cimon Athemensis  He would relieve the poor, comfort the imprisoned, and do good unto all which were oppressed, especially such as did belong unto him, or had dwelled with him any long time.  
Not like that elder Cato, 
Cato signior. Vngratfulnes.  whose manner was to sell his old servants which had served him a long time, as we do beastis, he would not keep them, a foul blot for so famous a man. The lack of this virtue also brought infamy unto Pericles. 
Pericles.  For being called to authority he would not esteem of his old acquaintance, not not of his master Anaxagoras, 
Anaxagoras.  which had filled him with so many good precepts, and instructions of Philosophy, nay he did so neglect him as he was through extreme poverty about to have rid himself out of the world, had not Pericles in time relieved him. Heerfore is Caligula much commended: 
Caligula.  for he would always have some poor folk in his house, and oftentimes with meat from his own table relieve them. And the old Romans of the wealthier sort, 
Romans.  had such consideration of the poor, that after themselves had been served, the poor were seen unto and had continually at their hands. And that the beggars and such like should the better know, when the Princes and rich men were at their meat, in many places trumpetꝭ and such instrumets were sounded, Of this matter somewhat in the latter end almost of the 31. Chapter of this Book was recited, and therefore we will cease at this time. By which it appeareth what a goodly thing it is to have humanity, and to deal withal men as we would be served ourselves. And again how odious they are which neglect the same, as those which we have recited, cruel tyrantꝭ & tyrannical captains, and those Myson & Timon Athenians, called because they hated mankind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Myson. Timon.  Here for the better conceiving of this virtue, I will add the counsel of Lactantius, 
Lactantius de vero cultu. cap, 12.  and so end this chapter: his words are these. He which hath not abundantly to bestow upon the poor, let him give according to his ability, and according as he doth excel in riches, let him exceed in Liberality. 
Liberality.  Neither think thereby that thou shalt consume thy stock and substance. For thou mayst give liberally, and yet live wealthily, and in this manner: spend not idly, but such vain expenses which you were wont to be at, turn to better use: with that which before time you were wont to buy cattle, now redéem captives: with that which you did feed beasts, now nurish men: with that which you maintain soldiers, bury the poor. What doth it avail you to make your horsekéepers rich men? and nourish up naughtiness? Turn that which otherwise will be spent wickedly to good use, that so for earthly giftis, you may receive an eternal reward in the kingdom of God. Hither to Lactantius. And thus much of humanity.   

Of Gratefulness. Cap. 45.  
Gratefulness, according to the judgement of Cicero, is a virtue not only the greatest, 
Gratefulness.  but also the mother and spring of all other virtues. It is called in latin Gratia, which is diversely taken, for sometime we understand thereby the affection which is borne to a man: 
Gratia.  and hereof comes our English phrase, he is gracious in such a man's eyes, meaning thereby that he is beloved. Sometime it is taken for the effect or declaration of that goodwill: and therefore a benefit so bestowed we say is given gratis, freely of grace and mere goodwill. Lastly it is taken for a keeping of such a benefit in memory. And of that we mean at this time to make a few words.  
To the stirring of men to Gratefulness the better, of the Poets were famed certain virgins which were called Graces, 
Grace's Vng●●es. Agl●ia. T●●●eia Euphrosyne.  which were in number three, their names were Aglaia, Thaleia, & Euphrosyne all naked & linked together. There number signifieth three distinct things to be considered in benefitis: to give, to receive, to recompense. By their names are understood the endꝭ and effectis of such as give and receive good turns. 
Benefits.  The first is called Aglaia, in latin Splendour, as we say glitteringnes, by which is meant, 
Aglaia.  that he which hath received a good turn, should not be ashamed to confess the same & report it abroad. And hereof it is said that thankfulness doth consist in two things: in truth and Justice. Truth doth acknowledge what is received boldly, 
Thankfulness.  without keeping close the same. Those which have not this quality, are counted of all men most ungrateful: for there is no more manifest sign of an ungrateful mind, then to dissemble a debt, when you are not able to discharge it. 
Seneca.  And Seneca to this purpose saith, that he is an ungrateful person with whom the excellency of a benefit perisheth, but he is more ungrateful which will forget the same. It is a token that he hath corrupt eyes which is afeard to behold the light, but he is altogether blind which can behold the sun. It is impiety not to love our parents, but not to acknowledge them is more than madness. hitherto Seneca. justice doth tender goodwill for goodwill & one good turn for another.  

Thaleia.  The second Grace is called Thaleia, which signifieth liveliness or to flourish. By which no other thing is meant but that we should always keep a benefit in remembrance. The last is called Euphrosyne, 
Euphrosyne.  because she is always cheerful and of a merry countenance. Whereby is meant, that he which will bestow a benefit, must give it cheerfully and willingly. For the nature of man is such, as it thinks not that well given, which is not willingly given. Hereof is it said, that that is a double benefit which is quickly bestowed. And how much it is lingered before it is bestowed, so much it loseth of his grace when it is bestowed. We had rather lose all, then long for a thing. The Poets therefore to declare the duty both of him which will be a benefactor, and him which hath received a benefit, have given these names to the Graces. The two first tell how he should behave himself that is adorned with a good turn. He must truly acknowledge a good turn, without hypocrisy: and justly requited the same without partiality: and also never commit that a benefit friendly bestowed, 
The duty of a benefactor.  be unkindly forgot.  
A giver must speedily without lingering, and cheerfully with a good will do a good turn, otherwise it loseth his grace: and he which would be pleasured, had rather buy it full freely, than beg it importunely.  
The bareness of the Graces is also a signification of his duty which will be a benefactor. For he must not only do the same willingly and speedily, but also simply and to a good purpose. For he which conferreth a benefit, for any other intent then for mere goodwill is no benefactor, but a malefactor. And therefore saith Ajax, mentioned of Euripides, 
Ajax.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The giftis of an enemy are no gifts, & better untaken then received. For as good it were to eat meat from a Serpent's mouth, as to take a benefit of our enemy, in both danger, in both death. A benefactor must therefore give cheerfully, speedily and simply. They are linked together and yet but two at once not altogether: whereby is signified again th'office of him which hath received a good turn. For if Euphrosyne come to any body, she will be sure to sand back her two companions. And that is, he which hath received a benefit, should not only remember it, but requited the same liberally and fruitfully according to the nature of the Earth, which rendereth more fruit than it received seeds. So that by the names, number, nakedness and going of the Graces are fully described the properties both of a benefactor, and also of him which is plesured. Now will we recite some, which of a number have been notable for this virtue, that those precepts and these examples may stir us the more carefully to study to have grate full minds. 
T Pomponius Atticus.  T. Pomponus Atticus (as Cornelius Nepos writeth of him) would never forget a good turn: & those benefits which he had done, he would so long remember, as he to whom it was done: was thankful.  

Homer.  Homer also (as Herodotus writing of his life said) did never forget a benefit received: and though his ability was such a● he could not requited, yet his nature as such, as he did always remember his fréeds and benefactors. And therefore he doth often times tender many thanks unto Mentor, 
M●ntor. P●enius. Tychus. Mentas. Chilo.  Phenius, Tychius, Mentas and others which in his miseries had relieved him.  
Such another was Chilo a Lacedaemonian, for he was wont to say that he never was ungrateful in all his life to any man. The Grecians to Hypocrates showed themselves grateful, 
Grecians. Hypocrates.  for having foretold a plague to come, & cured many dangerous diseases, in token of gratefulness, they appointed those honours & feasts to him which they celebrated in honour of Hercules▪ 
Egyptians.  The Egyptians likewise most abhorred ungratefulness of all vices. And therefore after their manner do sacrifice unto their Gods, & show themselves thankful for all benefits, especially because it had pleased the divine majesty to give them wholesome water. Among these is Croesus numbered. 
Croesus'.  For being relieved before he came to his kingdom by one Pamphaes, 
Pamphaes'.  afterward in token that he had not forgotten his benefits, sent unto him a Chariot laden with silver. 
Venus. Phaon·  Venus was not ungrateful unto Phaon for his plesuring her, not knowing who she was for she gave him a box of such a precious ointment that being anointed therewith all, he should to the sight of men appear most beautiful. But what do I recite so many men, when as unreasonable and most cruel beasts are not forgetful of a good turn. It is reported that in Patra a city of Achia there was a young dragon nourished & brought up, 
Patra.  with which the son of him that aught the Dragon, would continually be playing. At length the Dragon being come to huge bigness was carried and left in the wilderness. Afterwards it came to pass that the boy being grown to man's estate, went with his companions into a country not far of to see some shows and pastime: and returning homeward in the wilderness near unto the city, thieves beset them: whereupon they sent forth a loud and pitiful cry which pierced the ears of the Dragon: which by and by succoured them, killed the thieves, and saved the young man his benefactor with his fellows▪ 
Aelianus de va●●a Historia. l●b. 13. Ingratitude. Cicero ad A●●●cum epist. li. ●.  This doth Aelianus make mention of. Contrary to this virtue is Ingratitude, a vice of all other most to be abhorred. And therefore saith Cicero, I never knew a more ungrateful thing in which vice all wickedness is contained. And in Latin there is a pretty saying, Omnia dixeris, si ingratum dixeris, you can not call him worser than call him ungrateful. Wherefore to put men in mind of Gratfulnes, 
Etheocles  Etheocles erected a temple unto the forenamed Graces, and gave great revenues to the maintenance thereof. 
Athenians.  And the Athenians that men should continually call into their minds, good turns bestowed upon them, did place the temple of Graces in the midst of their city. To conclude this chapter, and also at one word to show the excellency of this virtue, I will recite a notable place of Cicero, which is this: 
Cicero ꝓ Cn. Plancio.  Although I desire to have all virtues within me, yet is there nothing that I would rather, then that may seem and be grateful. For this virtue is not only of all others the most excellent, but also the mother of the rest.  
What is Piety, but only a grateful goodwill towards our parents? Who are good citizens? who in war, who in peace deserve well of their country, but those which bear in remembrance the benefits of their country? who are holy? who are religious, but those which with mind fullness, ascribe those honours unto the immortal Gods which belong unto them? What comfort can there be in this life without fréedship? Again, what friendship can there be among ungrateful persons? Who is among us all liberally brought up, in whose mind doth not continually remain his parents, his masters, & instructors? yea & that very place where sometime he was taught & brought up? who at any time either had, or doth possess, such riches that may be kept with out the help of many? which verily, remembrance and thankfulness being removed, cannot be at all. Truly I am persuaded that nothing doth so properly belong unto a man, as not only by a benefit, but also insignification of benevolence not to be bound unto any. And more over I think nothing so unseemly, so wild & beast like, as to commit that, whereby you may seem not only unworthy of a benefit, but also vanquished and overcome. hitherto Cicero with whose wordis I conclude.   

Of Gentleness. Cap. 46.  
Facility or Gentleness is a virtue meet for all men. 
Facility.  It hath a great affinity with humanity, and therefore in the discourse thereof we may be the more brief. Which virtue as it becometh every man, so especially a Prince. For greatly are inferiors bend to perfect obedience when they perceive their Prince gentle and easy to be spoken with all, not scornful, or full of disdain. And therefore saith Terence I have found that nothing is better for a man then facility. And another said very well, that a Prince should be for countenance so amiable, and for behaviour so gentle towards his subjects, as none at any time should go from his presence pensive or troubled in mind. Which made Isocrates to counsel prince Demonicus to show himself mild and gentle towards his familiars, not lofty or disdainful: for a disdainful person no man can abide.  
Not let us place before our eyes examples of Gentleness, 
julius Caesar.  and by them behold the worthiness thereof. julius Caesar was wont to say, that of all miseries, the greatest was in old age▪ to remember his practised cruelties, and therefore to avoid that remembrance he would never exercise the same. 
Alexander magnus.  Alexander Magnus did as much abhor cruelty as any man, it appeared in the denying the request of his own mother, when she desired him to execute an innocent. 
Sabacus.  Sabacus a certain King of the Egyptians, did so embrace this virtue, as he would not put to death (I will not say the innocent) those which were justly by the laws condemned: but would put them to some or other servile Office in his Rea●●e, that so they might get their sustenance and live.  

M. Antonius Pius.  M. Antonius for his virtue called Pius, was of so good nature, that he would admit into his familiarity and that oftentimes, those which for condition were very base, but yet the wisest men: and would of them secretly demand what the vulgar sort of men commonly did think of him: if they had told him of his vices, he would amend them: if of his virtues, he would increase them. Ptolemy a king of Egypt was of the same nature: for he would refuse no man's company that was for judgement wise, 
Ptolemy  and for behaviour virtuous, especially he used one Galetes (a young man for years, but for wisdom ancient) very familiarly, 
Galetes.  by reason whereof much good was done in the country. On a time as they were a hunting together, it fortuned that in their sight did appear certain malefactors (which were condemned) going to execution, those did Galetes first espy, and thereupon showed them unto the king, and said thus unto him: O King sith it hath so happened that we have met with these miserable men, if it be your pleasure, let us set spurs to our horse and set them free. The King much delighting in his good nature, obeyed his wholesome counsel and saved their lives which were past all hope of salvation. By which appeareth what good or evil those which are about Princes may do if they william.  
Darius (to end reciting of examples) did much labour to be counted a merciful Prince: 
Darius.  & therefore oftentimes he would call before him his under officers, and demand of them what fines & tasks they received of his people: which if he perceived to be very much, he would cut of more than the third part: if they said it were but reasonable, he would of that forgive his people the one half. Was ever such a Prince heard of?  
Well, I will conclude with Cicero, 
Cicero li. 1 epist. ad Q. Fratrem.  and say, that to be abstinent, to bridle our affections, to punish evil doers, to keep and observe the laws justly, to be easy in learning out matters, in hearing and admitting men, is more noble than painful. For to do those things doth consist rather in a willingness of mind, then in the labour of the body.   

¶ Of Faithfulness. Cap. 47.  
WE will conclude these virtues with Faithfulness. 
Faithfulness.  A virtue without which not only the parts of justice, but also all other virtues are lame and imperfect. It is thus defined: Faith is a constancy and performance of that which is promised.  
This virtue (as is said before) is not only the foundation of justice according to Cicero's mind, but also of all other virtues. For without this, what is Prudence, but deceitfulness? what Temperance, but Luxuriousness? what Fortitude, but Cowardness? And justice herself what is she but cruelness?  
The ancient, in times past, he athens and Philosophers, 
The manner of taking oaths in old tie.  when soever they gave their faith, they would call their Gods to witness. And therefore we shall find often times in comical Poets these words. Dij vostram fidem, taking them to witness, as knowers of their meaning. 
Cicero episto. 12. libro 7. epistol●rū famil▪  Cicero maketh mention of a strange kind of swearing, writing to Trebatius, used among certain. For their manner was to take jupiter's stone in their hands and speak these words: Even as I cast this stone away, so let jupiter cast me out of the society of all good men, if willingly I break promise. 
Sychians  The Scythians had their kind of swearing after a strange manner. For when for any thing of great importance they should take an oath, 
Perjured persons.  they would swear by the King's throne. If any were perjured, he was by the law adjudged to die. The Romans when they made a covenant, 
Romans.  would take an Hog, & having put it in a mortar, would break it to pieces, wishing that as that Hog was broken, so their bones might be broken in pieces which did break their faith. 
Medians. Arabians  The Medians and Arabians likewise had their kind of swearing. For as often as they plighted their faith to any, they would prick one of their fingers, and each of them should lick it, signifying thereby that their blood should be shed, which kept not covenants. The Arabians in doing thereof, would call up on Bacchus and Urania's, 
Bacchus. Urania's.  and take them to witness. By Bacchus they supposed all holy orders and rites to be present. For Bacchus is as it were the precedent of all sacrifices and always was true of promise. By Urania's they understood all the celestial powers, the Gods. For Urania's signifieth an harmony of consent of all the Heavens. This being spoken of the manner of some in taking oaths, let us bring forth examples of such as have been found faithful, and are celebrated for the same of good writers.  

Lycurgus.  Such a man was Lycurgus. For notwithstanding he were desired by the people of Sparta (his brother Polydectes being dead) to take the government of Sparta upon him, 
Polydectes.  yet would he not, because the son of his brother and heir of the crown, 
Charilaus  named Charilaus was alive, but so long ruled as the young prince came to lawful age, and then resigned his kingdom and acknowledged his nephew to be his Lord and King.  
Such another was Alexander (not seldom times, 
Alexander. Parmenio  because of his wonderful virtues recited) for being by Parmenio (a fit man to counsel such a prince) willed on a time to break his faith and promise, answered, If I were Parmenio, I would do as thou haste counseled me, but it is not lawful for Alexander in any case to do so. He knew very well that nothing brought such reproach and shame to a Prince, as to be faithless.  
But of all men and all nations under the Sun, was none comparable to the Romans, 
Romans.  for this virtue of keeping promise. And that shall we find to be most true, if we do either consider them generally and their whole nation, or particularly, and some especial men of that country. That generally above other nations, it may be gathered of many examples.  
The Romans being in war with the Carthagenians, 
Duellius Cornelius Asina. Hamilcar  made one Duellius Cornelius Asina, chief captain, which upon certain conditions, made truce with Hamilcar, and thereupon resorted each to other loovingly: but the Carthagenians (as they were and have been counted Faedifragis, 
Carthagenians. faedifragis  breakers of their faith) meant nothing but treachery, and therefore one a time having invited him to come and communicate of matters, cast violent hands upon him, and dealt with him and his men rigorously.  
It happened after that the Carthagenians being sorely foiled in battle, were enforced to sand Legates to Rome to entreat for peace. Hamilcar was chosen Ambassador, but he calling unto mind their ill entreating of Cornelius Asina, refused to go. Then they chose Hanno, 
Hanno.  which went boldly to Rome to the Senate house, where one of the Tribunes began openly to accuse him of unfaithfulness: but the Consuls hearing thereof, commanded him to hold his peace, and said unto Hanno: Fear not, for the faithfulness of the Romans, doth rid thee from all fear of revenge: and though we have thee now in our claws, and may do with thee what we list, yet shall it not be said that tretcherously we will deal with any. But a more manifest example is that which followeth.  
Ptolemy a King of Egypt (not knowing by say, 
Ptolemy  but having tried by experience the great fidelity of the Romans) in his death bed committed his heir being then but a child, to the keeping of the Romans. Which elected one Aemylius Lepidus to govern him and his Realm, 
Aemylius Lepidus.  which did not only carefully see unto the young Prince, but mightily augmented his kingdom, and being come to age willingly resigned up the same. Examples of particular men have been such as the like we shall not read of any.  

S. Pompeius Antonius Octavius.  S. Pompeius entering league with Antonius and Octavius, invited them on a time to a banquet. Being at the same Menodorus chief Admiral of Pompeius' Navy, 
Menodonrus.  sent a messenger to put him in mind of his father's traitorous death: and he promised if it were his pleasure, he would so work as neither Octavius nor Antony should escape: But Pompeie answered almost as Alexander did Parmenio, that he did judge it extreme wickedness to deal in such manner with any, but thou Menodorus which carest for nothing and delightest in perjury, mayst if thou wilt without my consent. The faithfulness of M. Attilius Regulus got him more glory than all his triumphs. 
M. Attilius Regulus  As these are celebrated and with praises lifted up to the Heavens for their faithfulness, so have their been as many defamed for their unfaithfulness and under that are comprehended liars, 
Lying.  
Parthians  especially perjured persons and traitors. For lying and dissimulation have the Parthians come odious to all the world. It was in their creed (as they commonly say) that men aught by all means they could, 
Cicero ꝓ L. Flacco.  so deceive their enemies. Such were the Grecians, whom Cicero in a certain Oration after this manner describeth: 
Grecians.  I ascribe to the Grecians knowledge of many sciences, I will not take from them eloquence of speech, invention, sharpness of wit, plenty of matter, but yet this I must néedꝭ say, that holy and religious bearing of witness, and care of keeping promise, 
Perjury. Egyptians.  was never of them regarded.  
The Egyptians could in no case abide perjury, and therefore if any were found in the fault, he lost his life without redemption. The Potes also fain certain by the Gods appointed, with grievous torments to punish forsworn persons: 
Palalicidij. Gaudentiꝰ Merula de Memorabilibus, lib. 3. cap. 3 Aleos. Olochas.  such executioners were called Pallicidij.  
Gaudentius Merula doth report, that in Bythinia there is a river called of some Aleos, of others Olochas, of which if a forsworn man do taste, his entrails by and by are set en fire, and so dieth miserably. If this were in every city throughout the world, less impiety, less perjury would be practised of men. I read moreover of other rewards of perjury, whereof I will recite one or two.  
One Tremelius by this become not only odious to all men, 
Tremclius.  but also did so slain his posterity, as that blot could not be washed away, not not by the virtues of his Children in many years: I say by Perjury he got unto him an odious name and was called Tremilius Scropha, 
Scropha.  because having stolen a Sow of his neighbours, he forswore that ever he had the same.  
It is to be wished that all forsworn persons, either might drink of that water before mentioned, or might by some name become odious or have that plague continually (for oftentimes no doubt they have) which Polymachus was tormented with all. 
Polymachus.  He is written because of perjury to have an intolerable vexation of mind, and every night was so bitten with Mice and Rates as at no time he could take rest.  
Here it will not be amiss to recite that excellent place of Tully, 
Cicero ꝓ Q. Roscio  showing the difference between a liar, and a forswearer of himself: his words be these. But what difference is there between a liar and a forswerer? He which useth to lie, hath accustomed to forswear. Whom soever I can get to lie, I can easily intrete to forswear himself. For who soever hath once gone from the truth will not make a greater conscience to be led to perjury, than he was to lying. 
The difference between a liar and a forswerer.  For who in prayer to the Gods, is not moved with a trust of his own conscience?  
And therefore what punishment of the immortal Gods to perjury, the same should be appointed for lying. For the Gods are wont to be angry with men, not so much for the framing of words (in which an oath is comprehended) as for the malice by which baits & snares be laid.  
The last enemy to Faithfulness is Treason, 
Treason.  a thing of all others before God most odious, among men least prosperous, as by the events thereof may appear. I will for order sake of an infinite number, recite a few to confirm this matter.  
The betrayers of Pompeie unto Caesar of all other men, were most odious unto him, and therefore caused them to be slain. 
Cassius. Brutus. A. Trebonius. Dolabella. C. Octavius. Lentulus Spinther. Augustus Cicero. Antonius  Those traitors which conspired Caesar's death, never prospered. Cassius and Brutus which were the chief hasteners of his death, killed themselves when they had thought to have lived at most quietness. A. Trebonius another which conspired his death was murdered of Dolabella, C. Octavius, and Lentulus, Spinther of Augustus, Cicero of Antonius, and almost none of an infinite of those conspirators, but of one or other suffered a most shameful and odious death.  
Scylla did betray her own father unto Minos through hope he would be her husband, but came it so to pass? 
Scylla. Minous.  Nay he cast her headlong into the bottom of the Sea and drowned her therefore. Who would be a Traitor?  
Tarpeia for love of gold did betray the Capitol of Room unto King Tatius King of the Sabines. 
Tarpeia. Tatius.  And had she that which was promised? yea. And enjoyed the same to her desire? Nay, but with receipt of them received her deadly wound. Who would be a Traitor? One did betray his Prince Attalius to Theodorus in hope of promotion. 
Aattalius. Theodrus.  And came he to it? Nay, but was promoted to the gallows. A good reward, and yet worthy enough for a Traitor. Then who would be a traitor? Nay, read over books, peruse Chronicles, study Historiographers, and you shall not find one of many thousands, which hath prospered. For as Tully saith very notably. Not wise man at any time will trust a traitor. 
Cicer. act. 2. in Vcrem.  And he is worthily hated of all men, which bears not a faithful heart unto his countrymen:  
And who is it having received a been fit of a traitor, 
Caesar.  but will say of him as Caesar said of one Rumitaleus which had betrayed certain towns unto him, 
Rumitaleus.  that he liked the things betrayed, but the traitor he did abhor and utterly detest?  
And who will not with Antigonus make much of a traitor going about to pleasure him: 
Antigonus  but having his purpose, who will not hate him to the death? Then if this be the reward of traitors and treasons, more than devils incarnate are they, which to pleasure their enemies will displeasure their friends. And to profit their foes, will bring confusion not only upon their favorors' and countrymen, but also upon themselves. Then who would be a traitor, to be trusted of no man, to be hated and abhorred of all?  
Thus have I both spoken of the Pe●turbacions, & also of the virtues, though not in such sort as I would, yet as well as for the time which I have bestowed in writing thereof, as well as for my poor and small ability I could. The which if God grant me leisure according to my mind: may both in better words be set out to delight, and in better order to profit, in the mean time I have to request your worship to take this in good worth, and to think that an extemporal thing cannot be compared with that which is laboured, neither a first copy, with a second or third.  
The giver of all goodness, God almighty, 
Conclusion  increase these gifts with which you are especially before many adorned, & so assist you and all other good gentlemen & Christians, with his holy spirit, that affections may so remain within you as they do not reign and stir to wickedness, but that (they being either banished, or abated and bridled by the spirit of God) you may embrace virtue, which God hath promised in this world to reward, and in the world to come not to see unrequited.   
Finis, et Laus Deo.   

 

  

  

   


A  
ABstinence 116. b.  
Active felicity. 84.  
Adversity. 31. b. 54. b. 75, b. 180.  
Aegritudo, 39 b.  
Aegrotatio, 39 b.  
Affections. 91.94.  
Afflictation, 60. b. 91.  
Amatoriall fury, 17, b.  
Ambition, 10. b 13. b. 38.69, b  
Amicorum, paria, 177. b.  
Anger, 2, b. 13. b. 14.15, 16.159.  
Angor, 50, b.  
Ants. 95.  
An army like a living creature, 34, b.  
Arrogancy, 147. b.  
Astutia, 105. b  
avaritia. 130. b.  
Augurs, 96.   

B  
Bacbiting. 142.  
Bashfulness. 29. b. 30.  
Bees. 90. b. 187. b.  
A benefactos duty, 195. b.  
Benefit, 141.195.  
Beauty, 18. b. 41.78. b.  
Bigness. 78. b.  
Blustering, 114. b.  
Boasting, 8. b. 142.  
Boldness. 139. b.  
Bonorum divisio. 64.   

C  
Calliditas, 104. b  
A Captains duty. 34 b  
Carefulness, 60.  
Caves, 150.  
Causae secundae 73.  
Chastity. 121. b. 124 b  
Children 70.  
Circumspection, 93.94.  
Civil justice. 163.  
A civil man, 85.  
Cloacae, 150. b.  
Concord. 184 185.  
Confidence, 143. b.  
Conscience, 36.117. b. 166. b 170  
Consolation for the slandered. 168. b  
Constancy, 153. b.  
Consuls. 92. b  
Contemplatio, 82.83.  
Continency, 116. b. 153 b.  
Conturbation, 34..  
Covetousness 2. b. 12 12. b. 13.130. b. 173. b  
Counsellors, 104 143.  
Craftiness, 104 b  
Custom, 164   

D  
Delectation, 5.  
Desire. 24. b. 77. b.  
Despair. 16. b 61.  
Diligence, 29 60. b 98.  
Discord 15. b  
docility. 97.  
Dolus non decet forten. 27  
Dread. 31. b.  
Dreams. 37  
drunkenness, 13●.   

E  
Eleos, 40.  
Eloquence, 79.  
Emulation 11. b. 46. b.  
Envy, 44. b 45.  
equanimity 108. b  
Equity, 106. b  
evil affections 91.  
Evil manners 91. b  
Evil things, 41.  
Extemporal, stuff, 55. b   

F  
Facility, 198. b  
Faithfulness, 200.  
Fame, 8. b. 68  
Familiars, 145.  
Whether a father loves his children better than the mother. 175.  
Fear, 26.26. b 39.94 139. b.  
Fearful men of two sorts, 36,  
Fearfulness. 35 b. 36.38. b.  
Felicity, 63, 64.84.  
Felicities parts, 64.  
Felowly friendship, 179, b.  
Foolishness, 153 b.  
Forecast, 32.187. b.  
A forswearer differeth not from a liar, 204.  
Fortitude, 36, b. 77, b. 83 137.138.138, b.  
Fortune, 64. b  
fretting, 50, b.  
Friendship. 18.40.66, b. 170, b. 176, 177  
Furies of four sorts, 17, b.   

G  
Genius, 145.  
Gentleness, 156, b. 198, b.  
Gladness 26. b  
Godliness. 43. b. 186, b.  
Goods of fortune, 41. b. 65, b.  
Goods of nature. 41. b. 72.74 b.  
Goods of the mind, 41. b  
Good things, 41.  
Graces. 194. b  
Gratefulness, 194. b,  
Gratia, 194. b.   

H  
Happiness, 41, b. 163.  
Hardness, 130.  
Hatred. 15.20.  
Heed, 26. b. 100, b.  
Health, 74 b.  
Honesty, 126, b.  
Honor. 68 b. 69.  
Hope, 32. b. 143. b,  
Hospitality, 180, b. 181.182  
Humanity. 191.   

I  
Idleness. 13 b. 28, b. 29.90. b  
jealousy 49.  
Ilwil, 4. b.  
Impatience, 157.  
Intest, 10.20, b 22,  
Incontinency. 119. b.  
Indifferent things. 41.  
Indulgency, 173. b.  
Ingratitude, 197. b.  
innocency, 159. b  
Insulatation, 7. b  
Intellestuall virtues. 86. b  
invidia comes virtutis, 44.  
Iracundia, 16. b  
justice. 83.108 137. b. 161.161. b. 165.   

KING  
A King who, 166.  
Whether it were better to be governed by a good king than a good law. 165. b  
Kindred, 175, b  
Knowledge of things to come, why peculiar to God. 32. b.  
Kockrig▪ 173▪ b   

L  
Lamentation. 59 b  
Laus praemium virtutis, 131. b  
Precepts of the law. 165.  
Virtues of the law. 165.  
A liar a forswerer. 204.  
Liberality, 132. b. 149. b. 194.  
libraries, 150.  
Lying. 203.  
Longing, 24. b  
Love, 17.18.19 20.21.22.23.24.180.  
Love of parents, 171.174, b. 175.  
Love of price 171. b.  
Whether we aught to love our parents or Prince more. 173.  
Lust, 2. b. 11. b. 26. b. 39  
Lururiousnes, 10.   

M  
Magnanimity. 140.  
Magnificence 149, b  
Man described, 79. b.  
Manners, 164.164. b  
Mermaid's, 140 b  
Melancholicie, 79.  
Men are of two sorts, 81.  
Mercy meet for a Prince, 44.  
Metuus quasi motus animi, 26▪  
Miserari, 40.  
Miseratio. 40  
Mesereri. 40.  
Misericordia, 40.  
Moderation, 129.  
Modesty, 111.  
Maeror, 54.  
Molestation, 60, b,  
Monstrun. 75. b.  
Moral virtues: 86. b  
Mourning, 56  
Munificence, 150.151. b  
Musicians, 135.  
Mice, 95.   

N  
Natural friendship, 172.  
Nature. 29 72 74.98.  
Néedines, 12.  
Nobility, 41.66. b. 99 b  
Noblemen of best capacity, 99 b   

O  
Oblectation, 6. b  
Obtrectation, 49.  
Orators, 9  
Oaths. 200. b  
Over boldness, 145 b.   

P  
Paleness, 14 b  
Parcere, 130. b  
Parcitas, 130. b  
Patience, 32.141. b. 157.  
Pavor, 33.  
pensiveness, 54.  
Perjury 201.203. b  
Perseverance, 159. b  
pertinacy, 159. b  
Perturbations. 1.3.18.  
Philosophers. 113, b  
Physicians, 107  
Piettie, 43. b  
Piget, 30.  
P●●tie, 39, b 40, b. 42 43.193,  
Players, 127. b  
Plenty, 13.  
Pleasure, 3. b 13. b. 39.80, 164. b  
Poets 9 129. b  
Poverty. 13.193.  
To presage, 103, b.  
Presaging, 145.  
Prodigality, 9 b. 12.  
Pro; ●●aries, 70  
●●●●oecitie, 〈…〉  
Providence, 94. b. 95.96.187. b  
Prudence, 82. b. 87·94 b 137, b. 187, b  
Pudet. 30.  
Pudicitia 121, b   

R  
Ratiocinatio, 89 b.  
Reason, 89  
Not Religion without the word of God. 191.  
Riches, 13.13, b. 41.65, b   

S  
Sadness. 51, b 53,  
Sagacity, 104  
Sagire, 103, b.  
Sanguines, 79.  
Security, 148  
Shame fastness, 114.  
Sickness, 75.  
Slothfulness, 27, b. 59, b  
Soberness, 133.136, b  
Sobriety, 133  
Sobrietas. 133. b.  
Solstitium, 51, b.  
soothsayers, 96, b  
Sorrow, 26, b 39  
sparingness, 130.132, b  
Stability, 159▪ b  
Stout of body, 77.  
Stout of mind, 77.  
Strength, 141.76, b  
Subtlety, 105, b  
Swearing, 200, b  
Suffering, 129.155, b   

T  
temerity, 102.  
Temperance 82, b. 83.109.137, b  
Terrestitia, 51, b  
Terror, 30.  
Thankfulness, 152, b. 195.  
Things indifferent, 41.  
Tower of mischief 12.  
Treason, 204. b  
Trembling, 33.  
Tristitia, 51, b  
Troublesomeness, 59  
Trust, 143. b.  
A Tyrant, 166.   

V  
Valiant who, 30, b  
Valiant men of three sorts, 77.  
Versutia, 104. b  
Virtue, 1, b. 41.41, b. 68, b 80 85, b. 86, b 109.161.  
Visions, 36, b.  
Vis unita fortior, 178,  
Understanding, 90  
Vngratefulnes, 152, b. 193.  
Voluptas. 4.  
Voluntas, 4.   

W  
Wariness, 103.  
Will, 26, b,  
Wisdom, 88  
Tokens of a good Wit, 97.  
Word of god 191.  
Wrath, 13, b.  
Wylynss, 104, b.   

Z.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49, b.    

❧ A view of examples before mentioned.  

A.  
ABraham. 77.183.  
Accius▪ 96. b. 102, b. 147.  
Achilles▪ 7.. b.  
Adriani sempulchrun. 151.  
Aegeria. 95. b  
Egyptians. 60 76. b 90 b. 164.203. b  
Aelianus. 136.192, b. 167. b  
Aemylia. 124. b.  
Aemylius. 48 b. 117.167.202. b.  
Aeneas. 189.  
Aeschines. 50  
Aeschylus. 16 b.  
Aesculapius. 132. b.  
Aesop. 153.  
Agamemnon. 37. b.  
Agesilaus▪. 48. b.  
Aglaia. 194. b. 195.  
Aglaurus. 172 b,  
Agrippa. 184 b.  
Ajax. 196.  
Alcander. 157. b.  
Alcibiades. 46.97. b. 140. b.  
Allecto. 16.  
Aleos. 203. b.  
Alexander. 8.16.21.27.32, b. 37, b. 43.46. b. 111, b. 133. b. 143.145, b. 149.151. b. 191.199.201. b.  
Ambrociotes 62.  
Amaebeas, 117.  
Amolpis. 95. b.  
Amphonius. .171. b.  
Anacharsis. 135.136.  
Anacreon. 22.  
Anaxagoras. 57.82. b. 152. b 193. b.  
Anaxarchus. 154. b.  
Anaxilaus. 141  
Androclidas. 144. b.  
Antea. 117, b.  
Antigonus▪ 19 b. 47.106. b. 112 b. 160. b. 205. b  
Antimachus. 17.  
Antipater. 38 149.  
Antomedon. 129.  
Antonius Pius. 43. b  
Antonius. 61. b. 97. b. 105.108. b. 134.199. b. 202. b 204. b.  
Apelles. 25. b. 106. b. 147.  
Apicius. 10. b.  
Apollo. 17. b. 95. b. 105.  
Apollonius. 188. b  
Apollophanes 87. b  
Aquilius. 167  
Arabians. 201  
Arcagatus Vulnerarius 42  
Archiaes'. 169  
Archilochus. 169  
Architas. 84  
Argos. 25. b  
Ariadne's. 17 b  
Ariartes. 23  
Ariobarzanes 174  
Aristides. 11.20.45. b  
Aristippus. 63 b. 66  
Aristogiton, 69 193  
Aristomachus, 22 b  
Aristophanes. 9 b  
Aristotle. 15.48. b. 62.63 b 84. b. 151. b 158  
Armenia. 124  
Artaxerxes. 174. b, 175. b  
Artemesia. 150. b  
Asian kings. 7  
Assyrian kings 21.  
Astapus. 171. b  
Astu. 105. b  
Atalanta. 9.194  
Athens. 25. b. 45. b  
Athenans. 40.60, b, 76. b. 152. b. 189, b 191. b. 197 b  
Attalus. 47.  
Atticus. 129.140. b. 154.178. b  
Attilius. 203.  
Augurs. 96  
Augustus. 174 204. b  
Aulus Gellius 4  
Aulus Trebonius. 204. b  
Aulus Vitellius 24. b. 36. b 160   

B.  
Babylon. 135  
Babylonians. 121.164. b  
Babylon's walls, 158 b  
Bacchus, 17. b 134.138. b. 201  
Barula, 47. b  
Battyllus, 22  
Bellerophon, 60.117. b  
M. Bioulus, 129. b  
Bion, 87, b  
Biorex, 101  
Bocchus, 47  
Brenus, 190  
Brutus, 33. b 52. b. 61. b. 204, b  
Byzentius, 36. b.   

C.  
Caesar, 11.24 b 42.52. b. 100 b, 136, b. 140, b. 146, 186.205. b.  
Calanus. 133, b  
Calchas, 16, b 33, b. 188, b  
Caligula, 36.193. b  
Callimachus, 66, b  
Calliphon, 63 b  
Callistes, 128  
Capitolium Romae, 151  
Carthagenians, 202.  
Cassander, 38.  
Cassius, 52. b 61, b. 105.204 b.  
Castor, 138. b  
Castrinus, 144  
Catiline, 23  
Cato, 5.12. b. 20, b 29, b. 62 113. b, 131.193.  
Catulus, 113.  
Caucasus, 52  
A Centurion of Caesar's, 144  
Shafalus, 23 b  
Q. Cepio, 193.  
Cestos, 10.  
Cethegus, 55 b  
Charilaus, 201, b.  
Chilo, 94, b. 152, b. 196, b  
Chrysippus, 17, b. 147, b  
Cicero. 9.14.15 b. 18, 38, 42 46.48, 48 b. 50.52.55. b. 59, 67, 68, 69, 70, b. 71.81, 84, 89, 98, b. 115, b. 127, 130, b. 134, 152, b. 168, 178.179. b. 186, 188, 198, 200, 203, 204, 204, b. 205.  
Cimon, 193.  
Claudia, 124, b  
Claudi 9, 174 b  
Cleopatra, 61 b. 175, b  
Clinias, 14.22, b  
Clito, 16.  
Cloacae, 150, b  
Clodius, 22.  
Codrus, 172, b  
Coecilius, 33, b  
Colaphon, 25, b  
Coloslus, 151  
Conomachus 190, b.  
Consuls, 92, b  
Corinthians, 121, 128.  
Cornelia, 70  
Cornelii forun 150, b  
Cornelius Asina, 202.  
corvinus, 136 b.  
Cotta, 167  
Cotys, 128  
M. Crassus, 33. b.  
Cratus 23, b, 66  
Cretensians, 164, b. 189.  
Critias, 145  
Croesus, 105.197  
Crotone salubrius, 76.  
C. Curio, 102  
Q. Curtius, 33. b.  
Cynna, 186.  
Cyparissus, 22, b.  
Cyrus, 124.   

D.  
Damon, 177 b  
Darius, 35.174 b. 200  
Degonetes, 23 b.  
Deiphilus, 188, b  
Demades. 50 b. 98, b.  
Demetrius, 19 b. 28  
Democritus, 66▪ 80, b. 148, b  
Demosthenes 27, b. 29.48 b. 50▪ 55, b. 98 b. 115. b.  
Denomachus 63, b  
Dio, 113  
Diodorus 63 b  
Diogenes, 4. b. 29, b. 82, b. 111 b  
Dionysius, 16 b. 68 ●34. 142 b. 151, b  
Diripentina, 123  
Dolabella, 204, b  
Domitian, 150  
Domitius, 173, b.  
Druidae, 96.  
Duellius, 202  
Dypsas, 13.   

E.  
Elias, 183.  
Elpinor, 10.  
Elysijs campi, 148, b. 188, b  
Empedocles, 62.  
Epaminundas, 40, b. 96  
Ephicrates, 34 b.  
Eperarius, 155  
Epictetus, 139  
Epicures, 63, b 37. b, 176, b  
Epimenides, 85  
Erasmus, 68 185.  
Ere●●icus 157 b  
Erotes, 99  
Etheocles, 197. b  
Euagoras, 48. b  
Eubula. 173  
Eucratides, 174, b  
Euphrosyne, 194, b. 195. b  
Euripides, 32.146. b  
Eusebius, 158.   

F.  
Fabius. 10, b 48, b. 69.93, b 94.156.  
Fabricius. 154  
Faunus, 135, b  
Fenestella, 184. b  
Flaminius, 93, b.  
Flavius, 182  
Fonteius 167, b  
Fortunatae in sulae, 148, b  
Fortune, 64. b  
Fortune's Image, 22, b. 36. b  
Frugipiso 167   

G.  
Galba. 36, b. 143.164, b  
Galetes, 199, b  
Garamantines, 35, b  
Gaudentius, Merula. 203 b  
Genius, 145.  
Germans. 181. b  
Gorgon. 168 b  
Gracchus, 167 182.  
Graces 194, b  
Grecians. 186 197.203.  
Gryllus, 57 b  
Gurges. 10, b 69. b.  
Gyges, 144.   

H.  
Hamilcar, 202  
Hannibal. 8.21.26, b. 38.105 b. 113.129, b. 192, b.  
Hanno. 202.  
Harmodius. 69.  
Hasdrubal. 169.  
Hector, 7. b  
Helensimage 22, b.  
Heraclitus, 4, b. 83, b.  
Hercules, 48.80.138, b. 191.  
Herillus, 63. b 85, b.  
Herod, 173, b  
Hiero, 75.124  
Hieronimus, 63. b.  
Hipparchus, 87, b.  
Hypocrates. 147, b. 197.  
Homer, 25.48, b. 196, b  
Horatius Puluillus, 58  
Hortensius, 50   

I  
jason. 17, b  
Idaea. 83, b  
Jews, 186.  
Indians. 90, b  
Insulae fortunatae, 148, b  
job, 77  
joseph, 117, b  
Iou●anus Pontanus, 91  
Ipingenia, 33.172. b  
Isocrates, 65. b 91, b. 127, b. 149, b. 163, b, 189.  
juba. 102, b.  
jugurtha, 47.  
julia, 71.  
julij forum, 150, b.  
julius Caesar, 8.150.199  
jupiter, 10.81.95, b.  
Ius, 25, b.   

L.  
Lacedæmonians, 54, b. 135.  
Lactantius, 1, b. 14.62.66 72, b. 77, b. 128, b. 155, b. 158.166, b. 181.187 b. 194  
Laodice, 23  
Leaena, 57, 154, b  
Lelius, 126.  
Lentulus, 55, b 204, b  
Leocrium. 172, b  
Leonidas, 138 144. b.  
Lepidus, 61.202, b  
Leucates, 23, b  
Levij forum, 150, b.  
Lot, 183  
Lotophagie, 28, b.  
Lotus, 28, b  
Luceius, 119  
Lucretia, 122, b  
Lucullus, 131 b 164.191 b. 201 b  
Lycurgus, 95.95, b. 157, b.  
Lysander, 17.  
Lysimachus, 47.175, b   

M  
Magicians, 69.  
Marcellus, 68, b. 94.140  
Marius, 11.31.47.101.103.132.154, b, 156 186  
Mermaids, 140, b.  
Marsias, 47, b  
Massinissa, 137 182.190  
Massurius 181 b  
Mathona, 130  
Mausoli sepulchrum 150 b  
Medea, 17, b. 25, b. 173, b.  
Medians, 201.  
Memnon, 142  
Menelaus. 33 b  
Menenius, 184, b  
Menedorus, 203.  
Menophilo, 123.  
Mentas, 196 b  
Mentor, 196 b  
Mercuri 9, 95 b  
Merula, 203, b  
Messagetans, 121. b  
Messalonians 135, b.  
Messalina, 120  
Metellus, 93, b 171, b▪ 178, b  
Methridates, 123.154.  
Meton, 85.  
Metrodorus, 63, b  
Milciades, 48  
Miles gloriosus, 8, b.  
Minerva, 88.92.  
Minos, 95, b.  
Minous, 205  
Minutius, 104  
Minyas, 95. b  
Moninus, 66  
Mopsus, 17.188, b  
L. Mummius 117  
Mutius Scevola, 30, b.  
Musaeus, 188, b.  
Muses, 17, b  
Mycerinus, 130.  
Myson, 52, b 194.   

N.  
Nabatheis. 28, b  
Nero. 36.144.164.173, b. 175. b  
Nestor. 37, b  
Nicanor, 123.  
Niceratus. 17  
Nichomachus 25, b.  
Nicias. 26, b.  
Nightingale. 5. b.  
Novellius. 134, b.  
Numa Pompilius. 95.95 b   

O.  
Octavius. 202, b. 204, b.  
Olochas. 203 b  
Oppianicus 173. b  
Orestes. 36.178.  
Orestilla. 23.  
Otho. 102.172  
ovid. 91.   

P.  
Pachetes. 62.  
Pallas. 27, b.  
Pallicidij. 203, b.  
Pamphaens. 197.  
Panaetius, 32.  
Pantaleon. 192.  
Parmenio. 27.201, b.  
Parthians. 203  
Pasiphaen. 22.2, b.  
Patra. 197.  
Paulus Aemylius. 48. b  
L. Pedanius. 22, b.  
Penelope. 25.  
Perdiccas. 32 b  
Perianderi. 16, b. 173, b  
Pericles. 193, b  
Peripatetions. 1.63, b.  
Perpenna 149  
Persepolis. 21, b.  
Persia's 168, b  
Persians. 114.164.  
Phalaris. 192.  
Phaon. 23, b 197.  
Pheacons. 28 b  
Pheneus. 196, b  
Pherecydes. 190, b  
Philip. 42, b. 111, b. 130.134, b. 175, b.  
Philostrates. 61, b.  
Photion. 4, b 149.193.  
Pub. Pilatus. 22, b.  
Pindarus. 22.  
L. Piso. 167.  
Pittacus. 135 b  
Plato. 17.48 b 65, b▪ 75.84.142, b. 151, b. 170, 189.  
Plautus. 19  
Plinius. 58, b.  
Plutarch. 81  
Politianus. 44, b.  
Pollux. 138, b  
Polydectes. 169.201, b.  
Polymachus. 204.  
Pompeie. 9.11▪ 149.160.202, b.  
Pompilij sorum. 150, b.  
Pompilius. 95.95, b.  
Pomponius. 129.131.154.163.196, b.  
Popilia. 120, b  
Popilius Siloe. 101, b.  
Porphyrius. 188.  
Praxithea 173  
Pretus. 117. b  
Priamus. 175 b  
Proletaries 70  
Promachus. 133▪ b  
Prometheus. 52.  
Protheas'. 151 b  
Prusias. 174  
Ptolomeie. 37, b. 47.75.126.164.174. b. 175.199, 202, b  
Puluillus. 58  
Pylades. 178  
Pyramids. 151.  
Pyrrhus. 153.160, b.  
Pythagoras' daughter. 123. b.  
Pythagorici. 52.86.  
Pytheas. 177 b  
Pythius. 151   

Q.  
Quintilian. 127.169▪ b   

R.  
Regulus. 155, b 203  
Rhaab. 183.  
Rhadamanthus. 95.95 b  
Rhascopolis. 105.  
Rhascus. 105.  
Rhodes. 25, b  
Rhumitaleus. 205, b  
Romans. 16, b 135.135. b. 164 186.189, b. 193, b. 20.201, b.  
Rome. 45. b  
Romuli lex 135, b.  
Rutilius. 51.167.   

S.  
Sabacus. 199  
Sabies. 28.  
Salamis. 25, b  
Salluste. 16.50  
Sappho. 23, b. 25.66, b.  
Sardanapalus 6, b  
Saturnus. 52, b  
Satyrus. 152  
Scaurus. 48. b 117.167.203. b  
Sceptici. 108, b  
Scevola. 30, b  
Scipio. 48, b. 59.119.125, b 131.146, b. 152 182.191, b.  
Scropha. 204.  
Scylla, 22, b. ●05.  
Scythians, 6, b 191, b. 200, b  
Seleucus. 20.47.174.184.  
Semiramis, 20, b. 22.22, b 23.  
Sempronij forum. 150, b  
Sempronius, 182.  
Seneca, 195.  
Seraphians, 168. b.  
Sertorius, 101.148, b. 156.  
Seruilia, 20, b.  
Severus Pertinax, 160.  
Siloe. 101, b  
Simon, 171.  
Simonides, 32, b.  
Smyrna, 25, b.  
Socrates. 87.88.108, b. 114, b. 128.136, b. 145.157  
Solon. 30, b. 70▪ b. 110, b. 136.  
Solstitium. 51, b  
soothsayers, 96, b.  
Sophocles, 16, b.  
Sostratus,  
Spargapises, 135.  
Spartans. 55.70.122, b.  
Spinther, 204, b.  
Spurina, 24.80, b.  
Stesichorus, 6  
Stesilia, 20.  
Stilpo, 51.  
stoics, 1.18.63, b.  
Straton. 75  
Sturmius, 79 b  
Sylla, 7, b. 11.30, b. 47.149 150, b. 186.  
Syracuse, 185 b  
P. Syrus, 129, b   

T.  
Tarentines, 22▪ b.  
Tarpeia, 205  
Tarqvinius, 116.150.  
Tatius, 205.  
Tentorian women, 123, b.  
Terence, 66  
Thais, 21, b.  
Thalcia, 194 b 195▪ b.  
Thales, 84, b. 188, b.  
Thamyras, 47, b. 148.  
Thebes, 45, b. 150, b.  
Themistocles 11.20.48.67.69.98.115.  
Theodorus, 205.  
Theodosius, 14.  
Theognis, 170  
Theopa, 173  
Theophrastus, 11, b. 51  
Thermopylas, 138.  
Theseus, 17, b 32.48.115.  
Thobias, 77.  
Thomiris, 135.  
Tiberius, 27.37. 112, b. 175, b.  
Tigranes, 35.124.  
Timanthes, 33  
Timarchides, 70, b  
Timocreon, 45, b.  
Timomachus 25, b.  
Timon, 4, b, 46, 194.  
Titus, 43, b. 152  
Trebonius, 204, b  
Tremelius, 203  
Troy, 22, b  
Tryphon, 126  
Tryzus, 192  
Turres adamantinae, 184  
Tuscia, 125  
Tychius, 196 b  
Tyndarides, 25, b.  
Tiresias, 189 b  
Thyrhemans 121.   

V  
Valerius, corvinus. 136. b  
Varro, 26.  
Varus, 102. b  
Venus, 4.17 b 25, b. 88.197.  
Verres, 143  
Vespasianus, 43. b. 136, b  
Vesta, 95, b  
Vincentius, 76, b  
Virgil, 48, b  
Vitellius, 20 b 36. b. 160.  
Ulysses, 33, b  
Volesius, 192.  
Volupe, 4  
Volupia, 4  
Urania's, 201  
Utica, 102. b   

W.  
Walls of Babylon, 50, b  
Wonders of the world, 150, b.   

X.  
Xantippe, 108, b.  
Xenophon, 22, b. 42, b. 57, b. 59  
Xenocrates, 118, 134.157.  
Xerxes, 164, b 164, b.   

Z.  
Zeno. 18, b. 63, b. 107.148.154.  
Zeuxes, 9   
FINIS.   

¶ These and such like fault as not willingly commit. we pray thee (good Reader) friendly to correct.  
Leaf. Line. Escape. amend. a, b. 23. sharply simply  25. reign remain 3. 20. contritions commotions 5, b. 16. are as it as it 6, b. 20. it so so 7. 25. for if they come to a custom they for if it come to a custom it 7, b. 20. Scylla Sylla  21. dicsomendes him? discommends him? 10. 13. banes bones 11. 28. except he except ye 11, b. 28. it reigns, it it reigns. 31, b. 16. of weakness or weakness 47. 12. Marcius Marius 51. 7. presuming suing 73. 11. from an for an 73, b. 4. and mankind as mankind  23. every particular every particular   thing a particular thing is aparticular 77, b. 12. should have his own his own 78, b. 25. a babbler a lubber 78. 5. A mean in all A mean as in all 84, b. 10. a fellow a felowlie  16. semblied semblies 88 22. Aristootle Aristotle 107. 4. defend them deceive them 108, b. 18. erane erant 111. 3. Continency, Pudicita, Continency, Chastity, Pudicitia, 129, 14. all was always  20. as ignorant was ignorant. 130. 20. as Coniungata, & each as Coniugata are fefcht. 137. b. 1. to vanquish to vanquish 139. b. 17. this virtue boldness this virtuous boldness 143. b. 19 then at hand or at hand. 150. 18. Then afterward Them afterward 150, b. 22. m. Walls of the world Walls of Babylon.  25. five fullongs fue furlongs 151. 3. eu●lin●es volumes 159. 21. speak spoke 161. 10. m. Vertutum imperio Virtutum connexio.  26. and a golden and had a golden 162, b. 7. which move us which are nigh unto us  11. if there be any in if they be in 163, b. 19 doth persist doth profit 168. m. 28. Cicero pro posio Cicero pro Q Roscio. 174, b. 21. a new must a mean must 175. 10. doth love his doth better love  11. and the things wrought by the workman then the thing wrought by the workman, doth him. 183. 10. in the lxi in the xli 189. 21. Deus pinates Deos penates 189, b. 1. m. The office The oath