Imprimatur. Prid. Id. Jul. M.DC.XL.  
Tho. Broun.   

A TREATISE OF THE INTEREST OF THE PRINCES AND STATES OF CHRISTENDOM.  
Written in French by the most noble and illustrious Prince, the Duke of Rohan.  
Translated into English By H. H.  
Printed at Paris.  
M. DC.XXXX.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, JOHN LORD FINCHE, BARON OF FORDWICH, Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England, and one of his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, etc.  
MY LORD,  
THis little Book being written by so excellent a person as the Duke of Rohan, and treating of so weighty a Subject as the Interest of the Princes and States of Christendom, being received also with good esteem by some judicious men, I thought it not amiss to communicate the same, employing the advantage of so many spare minutes (during my abode in France) as to make it speak English. Then being invited to expose it to the light, to the public view, the public voice taught it to implore your Lordship's protection, whether be considered the quality of the Author, the gravity of the Matter, or Knowledge in the Original wherein it was penned. For as the Author was noble, and eminent in his place; in like manner is your Honour, shining in your orb as a star of the first Magnitude, lending a most benign and gracious influence to the just causes of the oppressed, distressed, fatherless, and widow. The Matter is of politic maxims, and divers remarkable occurrences in sundry republics: and to whom now can this be more aptly addressed then to a principal Minister of State, in whom Prudence, Science, and Integrity (in a sweet harmony) do all concur to make a perfect conduct of affairs, for the glory of God, the honour of the King, and the good of this Church and Commonwealth? Lastly, the Original from whence it was derived, being French: your admired knowledge, and unparallelled expressions in the same language, may speak you as well a pattern in the original, as a Patron in this translation. For my own part (if it may be permitted to say any thing of myself) I speak confidently (My Lord) with your permission, that albeit I had not so much vanity as to persuade myself that any thing could proceed from me, worthy your reception, or advantageous to your Honour, (since that my act herein showed more of duty than merit, and its insufficiency demanded rather pardon then remuneration;) yet had I some kind of assurance, that a favourable acceptation would entertain what I most humbly present, seeing the most heroic mind disdains not the meanest services, but like the Sun (that nobler Planet) spreads his indifferent rays upon all, as well on abject, as glorious objects. These and such like considerations made me adventure (but with all reverence and humility) to prefix here your most Honourable Name, that thereby this Book might live; and withal incessantly beseeching him whose name is I AM, to preserve and continue Yours in perpetual being, in all honour and prosperity, and to write your name in a larger volume, the Book of life. For which end the Lord be still your Keeper, and Seal you with that great Seal, the holy Spirit of promise, to the day of redemption. So prayeth  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most humbly devoted HENR. HUNT.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE INTEREST OF THE Princes and States of Christendom.  

THe preface pag. 1.  
Of the interest of Spain pag. 4.  
Of the interest of France p. 13.  
Of the interest of the Princes of Italy. pag. 18.  
Of the interest of the sea of Rome. p. 22.  
Of the interest of the Duke of Savoy. pag. 24.  
Of the interest of Germany p. 26.  
Of the interest of the Swisses and of the united Provinces of the Low-Countries p. 31.  
Of the interest of England. p. 34.   

THE SECOND PART OF The interest of the Princes and States of Christendom, the Preface. p. 38.  
THe first discourse upon the affair of the League. p. 40.  
The Second discourse upon the war of Savoy. p. 58.  
The Third discourse upon the difference that happened between Pope Paul V and the Republic of Venice, the year 1605. p. 64.  
The Fourth discourse concerning the Truce of the Low-Countries with the King of Spain pag. 81.  
The Fifth discourse upon the affair about the succession of Cleves and juliers. p. 93.  
The sixth discourse upon the Election of the Count Palatine to the Kingdom of Bohemia. pag. 103.  
The Seventh discourse upon the commotions that happened in Italy, for the succession of the Dutchies of Mantua and Montferrat. p. 117.   
FINIS.   

OF THE INTEREST, OF THE PRINCES AND STATES OF CHRISTENDOM.  
THE PRINCE'S command the People, and the Interest commands The Princes. The knowledge of this Interest is as much more raised above that of Prince's actions, as they themselves are above the People. The Prince may deceive himself, his Counsel may be corrupted, but the interest alone can never fail. According as it is well or ill understood, it maketh States to live or die. And as it always aimeth at the augmentation, or at leastwise the conservation of a State, so likewise to get thither, it ought to  according to the times. So that to consider well the interest of the Princes of this time, we need not remount very high, but only take the standing of the present affairs. For this purpose one ought to lay for a ground, that there be two Powers in Christendom, which are as the two Poles, from whence descend the influences of peace and war upon the other states, to wit, the houses of France and Spain. This of Spain finding itself augmented all at once, hath not been able to conceal the design she had to make herself Mistress, and cause the Sun of a new Monarchy to rise in the West. That of France is forthwith carried to make a counterpoise. The other Princes are annexed to the one, or the other, according to their interest. But forsomuch as this interest (as it hath been well or ill followed) hath caused the ruin of some, or the greatness of others, I have purposed to publish in this present Treatise. First what was the true interest of these two mighty Powers, and then of the other which seem in some manner to depend on their protection. Next of all I shall show how much has been the digression from this true interest, either because the Prince hath not well understood it, or else for that he was disguised by the corruption of his Ministers.  

OF THE INTEREST, OF SPAIN.  
SPAIN is at the head of Europe, where the Ocean serves her for bounds, upon the entrance of the Mediterranean sea, which separates the same from Africa, having the Pyrenean mountains for barriers against France. On this great Country so well situated, do depend many States spread in divers parts of the world. Philip King of Spain who attempted to extend this vast power to the top of all greatness (finding himself less sit for war then civil businesses) judged that Monarchies got as it were in post, by the valour of warlike Princes, are not of like continuance as those which they get by establishingh a good Counsel, and which are founded upon good maxims.  
Because that these great Conquerrours, (who think only of vanquishing, and extending their dominions, and not of founding Laws for their subsistence) being not ordinarily succeeded by such as equal their courage, and the vanquished people having not yet lost the memory of their liberty, or of their ancient Lords, are easily carried to any change, seeing themselves delivered from the fear of him that had subjected them, Which made this wise Prince resolve to follow his own disposition, and choose a course most agreeable to his impenetrable humour, that is, to prosecute his designs under a profound dissimulation.  
To this end, he fixed the seat of his dominion in Spain, that he might from thence convey warmth to the members loosened from this body, and might with more ease (conserving peace by his presence) trouble all the rest of Europe by his subtleties. But the time failing him to accomplish so lofty a design, he left it nevertheless so fare advanced, that it has been easy for his successors to prosecute the same. See now the Maxims observed hitherto as Oracles, which are properly the true Interest of Spain.  
The first is grounded upon Religion, as that which for conscience sake does make people undertake any thing. There aught to be testified by the Spaniard, a great zeal to the Catholic Religion, that he might serve himself of it in his designs. And he ought to make the Pope conceive, that to favour the greatness of Spain in ruining the Protestants, is the support of his own authority, and puissance. It behoves him to persuade the other Princes of Italy, that on the protection of Spain depends the upholding of the Church against any other power. And that the entrance of Strangers into Italy be barred, to conserve the Religion, which could not but be soiled by such a commerce.  
In France, where there be Protestants, and where the Catholics are the Masters, He should incite the King to banish those, and solicit the Pope to urge the same, yet giving underhand courage and assistance to the said Protestants to stir up there a Civil war, which might so much the more weaken the Kingdom. If the King pereiving the subtlety of this counsel, will not give ear to it, He ought then to stir up the Catholics themselves against him, as against a favourour of Heretics: to assist them also powerfully, and therein likewise to engage the Pope, if he can. For in what manner soever, he should procure that this Realm be destroyed of itself, as that which euerie where sets itself against the design of the Spanish Monarchy.  
In England where the Protestants are Masters, where they bear the sway, he ought to make peace in any wise with this Realm, to the end that through the power it hath at Sea, it do not incommodate the Indies, where his chief treasures are. And that under this apparent amity he may the more easily render himself Protector of the Catholics of England. Wherefore he ought to advantage himself by the Colleges founded of purpose in Flanders and in Spain, to instruct the English youth in the Catholic Religion, inciting them to come thither by the liberality there used, and to follow their studies there, without paying any thing. Where the Divinity they learn, is to acquire Martyrdom, and merit heaven, in serving the greatness of Spain, at the cost of their King and Country.  
In Germany, where (though the Emperor be a Catholic) the Protestants share so well the authority, that he needs to maintain the Empire in the house of Austria, (being the same with Spain) as the sole bulwark against the Protestants, and he should augment it from their spoils, under pretence of Religion, and a desire thereby to defend Christendom against the Turk.  
In Switzerland, where the power is shared between two Religions, he ought to animate one side against the other, giving hope to the Catholics of the spoil of the Protestants, and holding them in breath, to make them break as occasion shall serve.  
In the Low-countries, where the Catholics have not any power, and where so long and bloody wars have not been able to reduce this people under the yoke of Spain, the endeavour should be, to make them lay down their arms through a long truce, and in this repose, to foment a Schism there, which may divide them betwixt themselves.  
To manage well these affairs, one must come to the second point, that consists in the manner to maintain such intelligences as shall be necessary in all other States, which he must do by the means of Ambassadors as persons towards whom respect is borne. Likewise by Monks and Preachers that have great power in their pulpits and also in particular families, by Money, whereby men acquire Confidents, such on whose trust one may rely, and herein he must not be sparing. Above all, he must essay to gain the principal Ministers of Princes, to divert the dangerous designs which they might have against Spain; Or else to render them odious who are found too faithful, and ruin them in any wise howsoever.  
The third point toucheth negociations and treaties, wherein he must employ persons secret and patiented, He must all way show a desire of peace, thereby to cast others asleep, and in the mean time prepare himself to war, for to surprise them unprovided.  
If there happen any difference between two petty Princes, he ought to interpose himself for their agreement, either as judge of arbitrator, and to have in deposito, in trust (if he can) that which is in debate betwixt them, incensing them (if he can) in stead of appeasing them, consentig with the one to divide the spoils of the other, and upon the division dispossess both two. He ought, not to lose any occasion of intermeddling in the affairs of his neighbours, but yet exclude others from meddling with his. Especially the French from the affairs of Italy, hindering them from having any entrance there, because they are the only men that may frustrate the designs of Spain in that Country.  
The fourth point consists in being always powerfully armed, which is an assured means to keep his Subjects in obedience, and his Neighbours in respect, to prevent the designs of his enemies, to surprise them if they sleep, and to take his own advantage from unexpected occasions.  
The fifth point is reputation, and although that it dependeth on the four first, never the less being simply considered, it establisheth a fifth maxim, whereby Spain gaineth as much, as by any of the rest. Considering that the opinion conceived of her great zeal for the maintenance of the Catholic Religion, covers with the cloak of piety, all her other designs, and holds the people in a wonderful awe. The fear of her profound intelligences throughout, causeth other Princes to have a care that they engage not themselves lightly against her. This assurance confirmed in men's understandings, by so much experience of her prudent dexterity, (knowing how to advantage herself in Treaties) invites her inferiors to enter more forwardly in league with her, and to set themselves under her shade. The estate of her arms always on foot, consumes those that are suspicious of her, and assures others that depend on her protection.  
From all these things results the reputation of Spain. Her interest is, to manage well this piety. And though all Princes hold for a general maxim, that they should carefully conserve their reputation, Spain ought to be so much the more jealous thereof, as her designs are greater than those of other States.  
This huge frame composed of so many parts, and as it were encumbered with its own weight, moves by its secret springs, which lose their force even as they are discovered.   

OF THE INTEREST OF FRANCE.  
FRANCE being seated between the Alps and the Pyrenean mountains, and flanked by two seas, seems to be invited by nature to oppose itself against the proceeding of this puissant Neighbourhood. For she appears like a bank against this torrent, and the opportunity of her situation is such, that she may hinder the distribution of the head to the members of the Monarchy which does oppugn her. But this being not sufficient to cross the proceed of Spain, the interest of France is, to take all the counter-course (to impeach all she may her designs) by maxims, which we come now deliver unto you.  
Henry the fourth, (upon whom the activity of all these subtleties has been exercised even to the utmost point) having better understood them then any other before him, (for that he proved them more) he first confirmed the true interest of France, which is to thwart or counterpoint Spain in all these points.  
In such wise that if the first maxim of the interest of Spain be, to persecute the Protestants, for to grow by their spoils: the first of the interest of France is, to make the Catholics perceive the venom hidden undes the same. Especially to let the Court of Rome understand that the hopes which Spain gives her to augment her treasures by the ruin of Protestants, is not but to further her design towards the Monarchy, where she can no sooner arrive, but the Pope must become her Servant, whereas his authority never has more lustre, then when the power of Christian Princes and States is balanced. Moreover France should make show to the Protestant Princes and States that although she be of a divers Religion to theirs, yet she would rather their conversion, than their destruction, assuring them that this shall not at all hinder her that she contribute not of her own to conserve them, and to aid them freely against all those that would trouble or change any thing in their States and liberties.  
Likewise as the second maxim of the interest of Spain is to advantage her design through intelligences. The second of the interest of France is, not to sleep at all in hers. Nor to spare money in spies and pensioners, to the end to know what passeth amongst her neighbours, and that as occasion serves, she strengthen the weak, assure the fearful, stop the engagement of those that are moved to decline, retire those that are already engaged, and that she cross in all places and by all means the intelligences of Spain.  
To the third maxim, which concerns negociation. It ought not to be suffered, that Spain meddle in any Treaty, but that France also step between on her part. Especially in Italy, where she would be sole judge and umpire. That which she will be, if France were not assured of one port to enter there, which she ought to keep, even so long as she will oppose the others greatness, and be considered as the bulwark of the Christian liberty. Moreover phlegmatic persons ought to be made choice of (for to treat with Spain,) and such as have not any impatient humour, whereof the French nation is accused, to the end, to take away their hope of profiting by delays, wherewith Spain has been accustomed to weary all the world.  
To the fourth Maxim. There aught to be opposed force to force. For neither persuasions, nor the justice of arms will awe him that's armed. So as that France ought to cut off all unnecessary expenses, and be always powerfully armed, having sufficiently to do the same, without borrowing elsewhere soldiers, munition, and money.  
If so be that the above named maxims be well observed, the reputation of Spain, (whereby she doth so advantageously prevail) will be abated: that of France elevated: and the other Christian Princes and States seeing such a counterpoise to affairs, will again take courage, and without apprehension of future danger will voluntarily embrace the cause of their conservation.   

OF THE INTEREST, OF THE PRINCE'S OF ITALY.  
ITALY, which is environed with the Alps, and the Mediterranean sea, (after the deluge of those barbarous nations that so long time afflicted it) seemed as if she ought to think of nothing more than to benefit herself by the opportunity of her situation, to keep herself close and secret, being as well separated by the interest of Provinces, as divided by her situation. And truly it was then the maxim which she ought to hold. For these little Princes might live preaceably under the shadow of the greater, when having amongst themselves their just counterpoise, they cannot attempt any thing upon their inferiors. And the principal Powers sharing amongst themselves the dominion of such a Country, had reason to exclude their neighbours from the Knowledge of their affairs.  
But since that the King of Spain hath set footing in Italy, and that finding himself Master of both ends thereof, he has made the balance incline on his own side, the true interest in general of the Italian Princes has been to keep ever one gate (at least) open, to guard themselves from the oppression which such a formidable Power might make them fear.  
And although that for this effect they ought to hold intelligences with other Princes, it behoves them notwithstanding, to do it chiefly with the King of France, for three reasons. First, for the nearness, and opportunity of being able to secure them, either by sea or land. Secondly, for the great forces that this great Realm can set on foot. And lastly, by this bridle to restrain the Spainard, who otherwise would carry himself towards them with less moderation.  
The other maxim which Italy ought to observe is, to conserve herself in peace, First, because there can be no war, but the Kings of France and Spain will there take part, either as favouring one of the parties, or else as Arbitrators. Besides it ought to be considered, that war cannot be enkindled in this Country, without great danger of stirring up divers humours, which do now lie still.  
These are the two points wherein lieth the interest of Italy in general. And although that every Prince ought to have the same aim, there are notwithstanding certain particular interests in each State. The Commonwealth of Venice in regard of the extent of her dominion both by sea and land, likewise of the firmness of her establishment for twlue ages entire, and of the prudent conduct of so wise a government, is without doubt the chief Power of Italy next that of the King of Spain, And she also has been the first Commonwealth that has settled the rules of her conservation, and that has most punctually observed them, in taking for her particular interest, that of Italy in general. Moreover for particular respects she makes it a maxim, to hold a straight intelligence with the Turk, and for the same she spares not any cost. She believes also that her interest is, to maintain war abroad and foment the same with money. That which the other Princes of Italy ought also to do, if they had strength and courage to undertake it.  
She loses no time for to hinder the King of Spain and the Pope from waxing great. The State of Venice seems extraordinarily jealous of these two Potentates, though it be a maxim common to all Princes to hinder the growth of their Neighbours. As for the other Princes of Italy, she upholds them according to her own benefit.   

OF THE INTEREST, OF THE SEA OF ROME.  
THE interest of the Sea of Rome is, first to procure by all manner of means the diminution of the greatness of Spain, because the Church lands lie so fit for her, that if once the King of Spain come to quit the specious pretext that he has taken to protect the holy Sea, certainly he will easily appropriate all this goodly demaine, for to join together the two ends, which already belong unto him.  
The puissance of the Venetians and of the great Duke does much enfeeble that of the Sea of Rome, which without these obstacles would command the two Gulfs. So she ought to desire that these two Princes remain at least as they be.  
But all these are but general maxims. There be yet three particular of the Sea of Rome. The first is, to maintain her credit throughout, by the means of eeclesiastical persons, as the sinews of her greatness, whom she ought to protect against the secular Powers.  
The second is, to make Princes dread the thunderbolt of excommunications, But not to use it too oft, for fear they come to contemn it.  
The third is, to restrain the Popes as much as may be, hindering them from making great their houses at the Church's cost, or committing any extravagance by their passions, prejudicial to the common good of the Ecclesiastical State.  
It would be to no purpose to touch the interest of the other Princes of Italy, for that they are either so little considerable as they can do nothing of themselves: or else so subjected as they dare not make show of any other interest, then that of those on whom they depend.   

OF THE INTEREST OF THE DUKE OF SAVOY.  
IT remains only for conclusion, to speak of the Duke of Savoy. The Estate of this Prince is in such manner situated, that to which side soever he turns, he is of great importance to the party he embraceth. CHARLES EMANVEL (who was first willing to make known that a Duke of Savoy could make peace and war in Italy believed, that the interest of his Estate was, to side one while with France, another while with Spain, according to the occurrences and good of his affairs, which was the sole but of his designs, without thinking of Treaties made either with the one or the other. But this Prince, full of vast thoughts (and who could not bound his ambition by the barriers that Nature had set to his Estate) was glad that the situation of his Country might serve for a pretext to his disquiet.  
For indeed the true interest of the Duke of Savoy is, to have always a good correspondence with France, because she can assist him with the whole mass of her forces, against one member of the power of Spain, who hath more jealousy of her Estates in Italy, than (to say in a manner) of all the rest together, having also a vehement desire to join Piedmont to the Duchy of Milan. So as, the Duke of Savoy should believe, that what amity soever he has with Spain, it is most dangerous to him. He ought nevertheless to entertain it, in so much as it is needful to guard him from France.   

OF THE INTEREST OF GERMANY.  
THIS huge mass of Provinces joining together, environed with three Seas, and divided by so many mighty rivers, has been heretofore the terror of the Roman Empire, which at length she hath transported to herself. And as before, she had no other interest but her liberty: so since, she has no other design but to conserve the same. For truly if the name of Empire has brought splendour and reputation to Germany, it hath given her in recompense much jealousy and distrus. She presently discovered her Emperors, and essayed to limit their power for fear that from Chiefs of this Country, they come to be Masters thereof. Dominion being such a dainty morsel that the most temperate cannot forbear it. This notwithstanding, by the continuance of certain successions, the Empire being established in the house of Austria (that of Spain, which is the principal branch thereof) knew to manage this beginning of establishment with such dexterity, that now it seems as hereditary in that house. The maxim of Germany was to hinder the progress of this usurpation. And now her interest is, to reduce things to their former estate, by distributing this honour interchangeably to the principal houses, and restraining the power of the Emperors, whose counsel ought to be the general Diets, to consult altogether of the means to conserve the common liberty, and to resist the Turk, who is the only force that Germany should be afraid of.  
The diversity of Religion ought not to cause any diversity of opinion in things that concern the common good. The interest of all the Princes in general and of every one of them in particular is, mutually to defend and jointly to hinder that the Emperor make not an attempt upon the liberty of any, under what pretext soever it be. They should likewise take heed that the stronger amongst them oppress not the weaker, whereto the Emperor will always lend a hand, for to gain by the ruin both of the one and the other.  
The Catholic Princes ought from henceforth to disabuse themselves, and to hold for certain, that under the colour of Religion, they serve the design of the house of Austria, and forge by little and little the irons of their own bondage, being not able to hope for any other advantage then to be the last ruined.  
The Protestants (since they alone cannot withstand so great forces) should make it a maxim, to be first well united at home, and afterwards to hold necessary intelligences abroad, for to counterpoise the Catholic league. Their chiefest aim should be, to abide straight conjoind together, and to believe, that their assured ruin lieth in their disunion.  
All the advantages proposed unto them for to disunite them one from another, aught to be the bands of their concord and good intelligence.  
This is the true interest of the Princes of Germany and of the Imperial towns, which they never ought to relinquish, For without this support, they will become the prey of the first Usurper, and their great magazines and stately Arsenals will serve for a lure to entice those that are Masters of the field.  
There are four Kingdoms which depend in a manner upon Germany and are obliged to follow the fortune of this Country.  
Poland and Hungary for divers interests remain tied to the house of Austria.  
Denmark and Swedeland embrace the party that maintains the liberty of Germany, fearing their own may be in danger, after this comes to be oppressed.  
It is requisite that Germany remain strictly united with both these Realms, But the latter she can never forsake, without an eternal blot of ingratitude, having received from thence even that which was beyond her hopes, seeing herself already swallowed in the very gulf of so hard a bondage, when this King (showed only to the world through so many dark clouds) made the Sun of her deliverance appear to this desolate Country.   

OF THE INTEREST OF THE SWISSESES AND OF THE UNITED PROVINCES of the Low-Countries.  
ON the two sides of Germany, at the entry of this large Country, there are form two Common-weathes dreadful amongst the other powers of Christendom, both for the valour of their people, and for the form of their situation. So that very rightly one may call them the two arms of Germany.  
The right arm is Switzerland, the left is the United State of the Low Countries. The one is amongst the rocks and precipices; the other amongst the Seas and marshes. The one domineers in the Alps: and the other in the Ocean. The natural disposition of both these people is so agreeable to the nature of the Countries which they inhabit, as that the Swisseses seem made for the Mountains, and the Mountains for the Swisseses. The Sea for the Hollanders: and the Hollanders for the Sea. In Switzer-land every Canton, in the Low-Countries every Province is a Commonwealth. The Swisses sell the liberty of their bodies to others, and do guard the liberty of their country: the Hollanders ga●d their own liberty entire. Long peace hath enriched those: but these flourish by the continuation of war. The interest of the Swisseses is Peace: but the Hollanders should hold for an assured maxim, to be always in Arms.  
These two republics cannot make better alliance for their subsistence then with France, who (to oppose Spain) does enrich the Swisses with her money, and supports the Hollanders with her Counsel and Arms.  
These two Powers should never be divided betwixt themselves, either through jealousy, or Religion, since these are the sole maladies that may extinguish them.   

OF THE INTEREST, OF ENGLAND.  
ENgland which is as a little world apart, had not any thing to do with other Princes, but only so far as the necessity of commerce did oblige her, which was then her true interest. For thereby she gained great riches, which together with her situation, have made her of very great account. But since that under the shadow of that mysterious marriage between PHILIP and MARIE, the practices of Spain are insensibly slipped in, England (which before had maxims conformable to her own self) is by little and little accommodated sometimes to the interest of France and sometimes to the interest of Spain.  
Queen ELIZABETH (who by her prudent government has equalled the greatest Kings of Christendom) she knowing well the disposition of her State, believed that the true interest thereof consisted, First in holding a firm union in itself, atcheiuing to smother the relics of precedent factions, deeming (as it is most true) that England is a mighty Animal, which can never die except it kill itself.  
She grounded this fundamental maxim, to banish thence the exercise of the Roman Religion, as the only means to break all the plots of the Spaniards, who under this pretext, did there foment Rebellion. And although she professed herself very much obliged to Philip, towards whom she bore ever a special regard, nevertheless she had so careful a consideration of the interest of her State, that she believed it was never fit to conclude a peace with him, for three very evident reasons. The first was, for to weaken the power that she suspected in the Indies: The second, for to enrich her Realm by depredations: The third, thereby to make her Subjects warlike, and keep them in perpetual exercise for Sea-fight, which is the defence of the Kingdom.  
She believed that the interest of her Estate was, to aid France, and relieve it, lest that by the fall thereof she suffer those to wax great, from whom she had cause to defend herself.  
By the same maxim, She supported the springing liberty of the Vnited-provinces, whose protection against the puissance of Spain, is one of the principal points of England's interest, as well because she thereby weakens a too powerful Neighbour: as for that Protection serves sometimes for a step to reach some higher matter.  
She held most straight intelligences with the Protestants of France, for reasons altogether peculiar to England.  
She did the same (though for other respects) with the Protestants of Germany.  
By all these maxims this wise Princess has very well made known to her Successors, that besides the Interest which the King of England has common with all Princes, he has yet one particular, which is, that He ought throughly to acquire the advamcement of the Protestant Religion, even with as much zeal as the King of Spain appears Protector of the Catholic.  
For this effect, England should have intelligences throughout, where soever it is fitting, and take part in all the Treaties that are made with Protestant Princes. She should likewise be always armed, to become thereby considerable.  
Here is the true interest of England, which being well followed will establish a third Puissance in Christendom.    


THE SECOND PART OF THE INTEREST OF THE PRINCES AND STATES of Christendom.  
AFTER the stablishing of the true interest of each Prince and State, it ought to be made appear by the recital of the principal affairs agitated in Christendom for the space of fifth years past, how the ill successes that have therein happened, proceeded not from any other cause then the neglecting of the said interest. For to teach us that in matter of State one ought not to suffer himself to be led by inordinate desires, which carry us oftentimes to undertake things beyond our strength: nor by violent passions which do diversely trouble us, according as we are possessed therewith: nor by superstitious opinions, whereby ill-conceived scruples are ministered unto us, but rather by our proper interest guided by reason alone, which ought to be the rule of our actions, to the end that by such examples, we seeing (as in a mirror) the faults of others, may thereby benefit ourselves.   

THE FIRST DISCOURSE UPON THE AFFAIR of the League.  
UNDER the Reigns of Francis the second and Charles the ninth, France was exceedingly molested with civil wars, the youth of these two Princes was the principal cause thereof. Each would have the managing of affairs. A contestation was betwixt Queen Catherine their mother, and the Princes of the blood, and under them, the houses which had most power, were those of Guise and Montmorancy, which had quietly ruled Henry the second their Father. Francis of Lorraine Duke of Guise bore the party of Catherine. Anna's Duke of Montmorancy took part with the Princes of the blood. Likewise there was amongst them difference of Religion. The wars about Religion were great and bloody, and lasted even to the death of Charles the ninth, and his brother Henry the third succeeded him. He was of age capable to govern, he had goodly qualities, and gave hopes of a happy Reign.  
At his coming to the Crown Henry testified a desire to lead a peaceable life, but it was rather for to plunge himself in idleness and pleasures, then to reign well.  
Henry Duke of Guise (son of Francis) a Prince endowed with great qualities, and full of lofty thoughts, seeing the King and his Brother without children, and the first Princes of the blood to make profession of the Protestant Religion, is bold to aspire unto the Royalty, and to get thither, makes himself Protecteur of the Catholics, and the Persecutor of the Protestants, against whom he stirred up divers wars.  
Henry of Bourbon, King of Navarre, first Prince of the blood, Chief of the Protestant party and a Prince adorned with an heroïque virtue, successfully waged divers wars in favour of the Protestants.  
Here be three Henry's, Chiefs of three several parties in France, who have every one their interest. The King to maintain his lawful authority. The Duke of Guise to possess the King's place, and the King of Navarre to hinder the King of France his ruin, which was indeed his own, and of his party which made him subsist in reputation. The first of these through weakness lets himself be induced to make war upon the King of Navarre. The second makes himself Head of the Catholic party. The third becomes Protector of the Protestants. So that as he who ought to have commanded others, is very happy to have place only in the party of the Duke of Guise, who therein came so fare with him, that when he was killed in the year 1588. he was upon the point to make him be declared to the States of the Realm, incapable to reign, and the Princes of the blood to succeed him.  
Philipp King of Spain, who had always an eye open to his great design, foments this business, favours the Duke of Guise at Rome, helps him with money in France, let's him not want for any thing, and even after his death continues his assistance to his Brother Charles Duke of maine.  
The King seeing himself abandonned of all the great Towns of his Realm, and of the most part of his Nobility, casts himself into the arms of the King of Navarre, who by his assistance retireth him almost from the hands of his enemies, which held him besieged within Tours, he brings him as triumphant, before his Capital City of Paris, where by the stab of a knife he died and left the Kingdom to the King of Navarre, in the year 1589.  
This Prince seeing himself elevated to so high a dignity, was invited by the change of his condition to make change of his interest, and quitting that which he had held even till then, he embraced that of France. He had great oppositions caused by Philip, as well by his practices at Rome, as by his assistance to the League of France, always under pretext of his great zeal for the Catholic Religion. During the time that Henry is a Protestant, Philip maintains that he cannot reign, causeth him to be excommunicated, his Subjects to be dispensed from the oath of allegiance, setteth his kingdom in prey, that by this means he might get it as easily as Ferdinand got the Kingdom of Navarre from his Predecessor. When he gives hope to turn Catholic, Philip declareth that he is an Hypocrite, and that having been relapsed, he can never lawfully reign, he aideth his enemies with money and arms sufficient to weaken both parties, but not to ruin the one in such sort, as that the other might subsist without him, willing to weary them whom he maintained, to the end that they should be constrained to give themselves up to him.  
Henry on his part shows unto Queen ELIZABETH, and the United Provinces, with the Protestants of Germany and the Swisseses, what interest they had all in the cause, He received great assistance from them all, and even secretly from Ferdinand great Duke of Tuscanie, a Prince of great understanding, and who judged that the acquisition of France to the King of Spain, was to subject all the other Princes. But the Republic of Venice only amongst all the Catholic States, did without delay acknowledge him King of France, after the death of his Predecessor. So wellas with all these aides, and his own valour, he resisted in the very beginning, and afterwards having obtained divers victories, and his affairs beginning to prosper, he was considered as a great Prince.  
From thence forward the People weary of their miseries, began to disabuse themselves, and to give no more such credence as they had done, to their Preachers: the Nobility to think upon the side that prospered: the Governors of Towns to assure their affairs with the strongest: and the Principals of the party to conserve what dignity soever they had been raised unto. All these commotions caused the Leaguers to assemble the States.  
Philip takes occasion from such an extremity, for to persuade them, that the only remedy to restablish their affairs was to choose a King, and offers his daughter to him whom they chose. This was the apple of discord. The Duke of maine, principal Commander, could not pretend to have her, he being already married, nor would suffer that another should, lest himself from being Master, should become a Servant. His Nephew the Duke of Guise was enticed with this dainty bit. The Duke of Nemours his Uncle had as good an appetite as he. The Duke of Mercueur pretended the Duchy of Brittany to belong to him by his Wife. The eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine, as head of the family, was also mentioned. So that Philip thought by this discord to draw them to make choice of him. While these things were a doing, Henry turns Catholic. This change made some of the principal Towns and Governors to declare themselves on his part, and the other began to treat in the Court of Rome. Philip neglects nothing (no more than the chiefest Leaguers) for to impeach that Henry be not acknowledged a good Catholic, and a long time hindered his Ambassador from having Audience.  
At the length Clement VIII. (then Pope) seeing well that he was establishing himself without him, resolved to grant that which he could not hinder, and to acknowledge him for King, it being à maxim of Rome, to govern according to events, to the end that she lose not that reverence and respect, which She endeavours throughly to preserve, and without which her authority would be but a small matter.  
Philip fallen from such an hope, continues his assistance nevertheless to the residue of the Leaguers, Besides he inciteth Emanuel Duke of Savoy (at that time his son-in-law) to set upon Provence, thereby to divert him from the pursuit of his claim to the Duchy of Milan in right of his wife's dowry. Henry seeing this obstinacy, declares himself openly, and denounceth war against Philip. The success thereof was various, and yet after the recovery of Amiens by Henry, Philip seeing himself very near his grave, his Son young, and Henry in the vigour of his age, he resolved on a peace, which was concluded at Veruins, the year 1597. wherein he restoreth all that he held of France, and then died.  
It behooveth now to consider the interest of the Princes inveloped in this affair, what faults they therein committed, and what were the events thereof.  
Henry the third, whose interest consisted, in not suffering divers factions in his Kingdom, in preserving the Princes of the blood since he had no children of his own and in keeping under those which lifted up themselves to the prejudice of his Royal authority, yet he did quite contrary. For he fomented the said factions in stead of extinguishing them, and even joined with the one to destroy the other. He made continual war upon the Princes of the blood, at the persuasion of those who desired to see their ruin for to raise themselves in their places, and he authorized in the command of his armies those that aspired to the usurpation of his Kingdom. He did yet worse, for when he began to perceive their plot, he would prevent it by a remedy which wrought his own destruction, to wit, by casting himself into an affected and unusual devotion, not stirring from the Cloisters of Monks, thinking by this means to take from the Duke of Guise the credit that he had gotten amongst the Catholics, who held him for their Chief. But there arrived the contrary, for he became contemptible to his people, who chased him from his capital city of Paris, and all the great Towns of his Kingdom revolted from him, they also reduced him to such a pitiful case, that in the end a Monk had the boldness to kill him, which was the fruit of his negligence and ill conduct.  
Henry Duke of Guise succeeding a Father and and Uncle, both great personages, and who had had in the precedent Reigns great part in the command of Armies, in the conduct of affairs, and he thinking himself no whit inferior to them neither in courage nor in virtue, conceives the most haughty design that a man (borne the Subject of a Prince) could undertake, that is, to usurp the place of his Soweraigne. The occasion seems most favourable to him. He has already this advantage of gaining by the labour of his Father, it being a thing most difficult, that the life of one man alone should be able to work such a change. He incountereth a King without children, and of the humour of those, under whom such projects might be attempted. He findeth a Kingdom rend by factions, and assaulted with the most dangerous of all Civil wars, which was for the difference of Religion. He sees the first Princes of the blood in the weakest faction, the King of Spain ready to assist all those that trouble France, and the Popes interessed every way to persecute the Protestants. The matter standing thus, he (full of hopes) neglecteth nothing to accomplish his design. He was a goodly man, graceful, courteous, liberal, and valiant. He employs all these gifts of nature to insinuate himself amongst the Nobility, Gentry and Commonalty. He shows himself very zealous of the Catholic Religion, not by haunting the Cloisters, and walking through the streets in Procession: but by persecuting the Protestants, and declaring himself their mortal Enemy. He maintains his intelligences at Rome and in Spain always under the pretence of Religion. He works the Preachers to set him in veneration amongst the People, and to make the King be declared a favorour of Heretics, hypocritical, vicious, and idle. So as by such means he had elevated his design even to the last step, when upon the very point of execution, he was grossly wanting, both to his interest, and to his own self, which was in this, that after having chased his King from his chief City, levied arms against him, made public declarations thereof, and then made peace with him as with his equal, yet even then he entrusted his life to him, when he would have made him be deposed▪ his business being not of that sort, as it might be permitted to fail twice.  
Henry the fourth had two parts to act. For whilst he was only King of Navarre, first Prince of the blood, and Protector of the Protestants of France, his interest was, to employ all his industry and credit, both within and without the Kingdom, to defend the said Protestants, to the end that they might defend him. For which purpose, he did what he could to hinder the Duke of Guise from seizing the Crown, whereunto he had interest as presumptive heir thereof, and to make himself known to Henry the third, not only in quality of Chief of the Protestants, but also as first Prince of the blood, to whom the interest of preserving the Kings personne and Estate, was as dear to him as himself, to the end that at his need he should make no scruple to have recourse unto him. Which succeeded so well with him, that after the Duke of Guise his death and the revolt of his Kingdom, he had not a more assured refuge then to put himself into his hands.  
When he was King of France, there behoved a great dexterity to demean himself discreetly both towards the Catholics, and the Protestants, incensed one against the other by so long and bloody Civil wars. These gloried in having a King of their Religion: but those could not endure the same, and threatened to abandon him, if he did not turn to theirs. His business now was, to preserve his old friends, and not to lose the new. He promises the one not to refuse instruction: and continues with the other, in the exercise of his Religion. In the mean while, he serves his own turn of both together, to fight against his enemies. In the tediousness of these wars, every man was wearied, Many of the Leaguers like not a Spanish King, but yet they would not have a Protestant King. The Catholics that served Henry, growing impatient to see him continue in this Religion, press him to embrace theirs, and come so fare as to make a third part against him.  
These considerations made him resolve at length to turn his Religion. And by this means he kept the Catholics that followed him, thereby also he gained new ones from the party of the Leaguers, and he lost not the Protestants, who he well knew could never be taken in the number of his enemies, without destroying the pretext of Religion which alone maintained them. So as that this Prince complying with the time, knew how to take his advantages so fitly, that he had good success in his affairs.  
Philipp who had a design to the Christian Monarchy, and imagining that the main obstacle which he should therein meet with, was the puissance of France, he embraces the occasion offered unto him for to ruin the same. He aptly serves his purpose by the ill government of the King, and by the ambition of the Duke of Guise. He inciteth the first to expel the Protestants out of his Kingdom by which way so ever, giveth him his own example, offereth him his assistance, publisheth his great zeal at Rome, exhorts the Pope to join with him in such a pursuit: On the other side, he underhand exciteth the second to continue courageously his design, assists him with money and Counsel. And by such devices he makes himself esteemed in France, as the chiefest prop of their Religion. He makes a division betwixt the King and the Protestants of Europe, he authoriseth the Duke of Guise amongst the Catholics of France, he incenceth the people against the Princes of the blood, and removeth (so much as he can) the the children of the Family from the government of the Realm, for to introduce Strangers there. No other consideration diverteth him from his profound design, he holds that always covered under the veil of Piety, and of his great zeal to the Catholic Religion. He travels there step by step without being impatient through the length of the way, or precipitated through any accident. After the Duke of Guise his death, in stead of leaving off the work, he became more resolute. He assists his Brother and the whole party so much the more vigorously, as he believed there was more need, and even thought assuredly, that it would be more easy for him now to make an advantageous gain thereby, then in the life time of the said Duke. Because that the whole faction having more need of him, he could more easily reduce them to his own will. In so much as he advanced the business so forward, that the Kingdom of France escaped not his hands, but by miracle. And if he had been content only to dissipate it, in stead of getting it entirely, he had therein obtained his ends. And this is the only fault that he committed against his interest in this Affair. For had he considered the affection this Nation bears towards her Kings, the detestation she has of the Spanish dominion, besides her natural sickleness, as also the reputation of the clemency of Henry FOUR he would not have been so obstinate as to go about to surmount things impossible, and would have contented himself to part the Realm among several persons. And aftewards upon the differences that are wont to happen between usurpers, it would have been fare more easy for him to get by piecemeal, what he would have carried all at once. Howsoever it would have been a gain great enough to him, to divide this mighty Kingdom, the which being United, does every where impeach the amplification of Spain.   

THE SECOND DISCOURSE UPON THE WAR OF SAVOY.  
IT seemed that the Peace of Veruins had restabished a solid tranquillity to Christendom, and that these two mighty Powers of France and Spain wearied of troubling each other, had been glad to taste of rest. But as it is ordinary, that in all accords which are made between Princes and Sovereign States, there men leave undecided the Claims about Which they cannot agree: So likewise in this Peace, the restitution of the Marquisate of Saluces was remitted to another season, in such wise as Henry, afther having employed some years to settle again the affairs of his Realm in good order, he resolved to question the Duke of Savoy, for the invasion of the said Marquisate, insomuch as he made him plainly vnderstand that he would have it restored. This piece (although little) is of very great importance. It is the Port of Italy whereby the French might pass, either to assault, or secure it. Those that feared their power, had reason to withstand the design of Henry, but those that feared any other, favoured him. So the interests of Italy were divided. Emanuel Duke of Savoy (as the most interessed of all in the business) uses all means to divert this Tempest. He soliciteth the King of Spain, not to forsake him, and gaineth the Pope's Nephew, Cardinal Aldobrandin, to procure the Pope's favour. But being exceedingly confident of his dexterity and address, he resolved to go into France, to the end that under the pretence of treating this affair, he might gain some of the principal Ministers of Henry, and raise a broil within the Kingdom, herein he was at great cost, and used such sleights, that he failed but very little of his purpose. Nevertheless being too confident of a thing uncertain, and having too much neglected the means of his true assurance, he became so surprised, that within three Months he was despoiled of all Bresse and Savoy. This rude beginning awaked him. He continues his practices in France, he hasteth the succour of Spain, and seeks the intercession of the Pope, who to this effect sendeth the Cardinal Aldobrandin towards Henry for to treat the same. In the mean while every one armeth, some to assault Piedmont, others to defend it. but the mediation of the Peace was the strongest. For it was concluded in the year 1600. wherein Savoy was rendered to the Duke, and Bresse remained to Henry for exchange of the Marquisdome of Saluces.  
That which made Henry commit this error against his interest, was the desire he had to taste of repose, it being a thing certain that a man ordinarily flatters himself in that whereunto his fancy carries him. This Prince naturally loved his pleasures, and the necessity of his affairs always engaged him to labour; So as now seeing himself at peace in his realm, and believing he had done enough for his honour, he chose rather to take a recompense for the said Marquisate, then to embark himself in a long war.  
This Peace touched Ferdinand great Duke of Tuscanie so much to the heart, (for the prejudice that it brought to the liberty of the Princes of the Italy) that he offered to break it, by the means of 200000. crowns, wherewith He and the States of Venice should furnish the Cardinal Aldobrandin. But Henry would not hearken to it.  
In this affair, and the sequel thereof, there are two things remarkable. Viz. The loss which France hath sustained by leaving the Marquisate of Saluces: and the advantage that one gets by gaining the Nephews of the Pope. By the first, the Frenchman has lost all credit in the affairs of Italy, and the Spaniard remains Master there, having no more to contradict him. And by the second, as it is a thing well known that the approbation of the Pope (on the Catholic party) is of great consequence: So likewise is it certain, that to acquire the same, one must gain his Nephews, who cannot be won but by ready and real benefits. For the establishment of their house being founded upon the life of their Uncle, who is commonly old, they will not waste the time in vain. So as he that does most readily gratify them, carries them on his side.  
Whence I conclude, that the true interest of the Spaniard is, to hinder the entrance of the French into Italy, to the end that he have not there any opposition.  
The true interest of the Frenchman is to have there one Port open, thereby to maintain his reputation, and to share in the affairs, with the Spaniard.  
And the true interest of the Italians is, throughly to expel all Strangers out of Italy, but not being able to do the same, their interest is, to conserve their liberty by the counterpoise of these two Powers, of France and Spain.   

THE THIRD DISCOURSE UPON THE DIFFERENCE that happened between Pope Paul V and the Republic of Venice, the year 1605.  
SINCE the Sea of Rome seems elevated to that high point of Majesty, wherein we behold it at this present, it is certain that it had designs proportioned to its greatness, which have appeared sometimes more, sometimes less, according to the Nature of those who enjoyed the Popedom. For those Popes that were endued with sufficient wisdom to sustain the weight of such a greatness, have always much endeavoured to make some progression for to approach this mark. But nevertheless they have so cunninghy dissembled their enterprise, that from thence there is not arrived any scandal unto Christendom, nor any dishonour to the Church: Some others thrust on by an inconsiderate zeal, or inflamed with a desire to get themselves a name to posterity, or else hurried by the violence of their passions, are come so fare therein as to discover this mystery of the Roman Hierarchy, which by all reason of prudence and wise government should not have been revealed, till after it were accomplished.  
Of the number of these last was Pope Paul V. who even from the beginning of his Papacy, blaming the moderation of his Predecessors, resolved himself to take a contrary course, and to do that (during his life, and out of season) which could not be brought to an end in many ages, nor by a long succession of favourable occasions.  
But for as much as our intentions remain liveless, when they have an object whereunto they cannot attain. Paul considering that he should not have to deal with Kings so easily as with commonwealths, (which being governed as by private persons, seem to have less power, because they have less lustre,) he determined for this effect to begin by them. He quarrelled first of all those of Luca and Genoa, and made them obey, either by triumphing upon their weakness, or by interessing himself in the differences of particular persons, who had received, or hoped to receive some advancement by the Court of Rome. But not being content with this, he would set upon the Republic of Venice, concerning whom the Sea of Rome makes show, not to have had (for certain time) the satisfaction from thence, which she did expect, for two principal reasons. The first because she excluded all Ecclesiastical persons from the participation of her government. The second because she gave not any pension to the Court of Rome.  
The Pope was diligent to find a plausible ground to make this Common wealth feel the effects of his indignation, when in the year 1605. There was presented such an occasion as he desired.  
An Abbot, and a Canon (after many scandals committed) were accused of heinous crimes, and brought to Venice, where they were imprisonned.  
Much about the same time there, the Republic renewed two ancient Laws, for to make the same observed in all places of her dominion. The one forbidding that any e●cular goods should be alienated to Ecclesiastical persons: The other, whereby it was prohibited to build any Church without the permission of the Senate.  
Paul became offended thereat, and said: he might not endure that Ecclesiastical men should be judged by secular Authority, for any crime whatsoever, and that it belonged to him alone to condemn, or absolve them, according as it should seem good unto him. As for the two Laws, he said: they could not subsist, being contrary to the Counsels and Imperial Constitutions.  
The Venetians after mature deliberation upon the matter (having weighed on the one side the indignation of the Pope, and on the other side the Common liberty) answered; That they might not deliver the Churchmen justly imprisoned: nor abolish the Laws justly established, without prejudice to the liberty which God had given them, and which they had maintained for so many ages, by the blood of their Predecessors That their State having prospered by such Laws, they thought they could not change them without incurring an everlasting brand of infamy to all postcritie.  
The Pope grows more and more obstinate, and takes a firm resolution to make them obey. The Venetians endeavour by all manner of means to order the matter handsomely. They allege their reasons with more than ordinary submissions, they send an extraordinary Ambassador to Rome, that by this demonstration of a reverend regard, they might take from the Pope the opinion (which he had conceived) that he was neglected, and also thereby give him a fair pretext to retire himself from the precipice where he lay. They receive the Pope's Briefs (which were so many thunder-stroakes against them) with all honour and respect. They humbly show the desire they had to content the Pope if it were possible without doing wrong to the common interest of all Princes, and to the fundamental laws of their government, which binds them to take notice of the buildings that are erected within their Towns, to the end that from thence arrive nothing damageable to the public good. As for the alienation of church-good, they cannot permit the same without wholly ruining the forces of their State.  
As for the impunity of Ecclesiastical persons, they say: That in permitting the same, they should not only derogate from their Sovereignty, and the power they hold immediately from GOD, but also introduce in the State examples of dangerous consequence.  
The Pope answers: That he regards not their Laws whether old or new: and that it appertained to him, to change them at his pleasure. That he would not allow any treating of the business, but an absolute obedience.  
In the mean while, he goes about to nullify the election of the Duke of Venice, because it had been made since the beginning of this difference, And whilst that he proceeds in this sort, the Duke of Venice gives him part of his Election, with the accustomed reverence.  
The Venetians (to make known the justice of their cause) do consult this affair by personnes well versed in such matters, and therein they demand the advice of the most famous Doctors of Europe: They punctually relate the Controversy to all the Kings and Princes their allies; And to the end that their right might appear even to posterity, they deliver their answer to the Pope, because that if the difference were reconciled, all the world might know that they were justified. The same is to be noted, that they never called home their Ambassador, before the Pope had retired his Nuntio. For although the Extraordinary went bacl to testify some ressentment after the receiving of so many distastes: the Ordinary nevertheless continued there, to show that they had always an ear open to agreement. Lastly when they could no longer hold from breaking off, they take a resolution to defend their liberty, with such an unanimous consent, that in the whole Senate there was not one voice contrary. Thereby frustrating the hopes which the Pope had of disuniting them, according as the jesuites had promised him.  
The Pope took a clean contrary bias, for (men believed) he cared not a jot whether he went upon good, or ill grounds. He imparted not this business to other Princes till very late, neither did he demand the advice even of the Cardinals, but for fashion's sake.  
Here is that which passed before the breach betwixt the Pope and the Venetians, wherein the Venetians exactly followed that which belonged to their interest. For their State being founded rather by Peace, then by War, and being more considerable for Counsel then for Arms, they ought ever dexterously to avoid any rapture whatsoever.  
During the time of the breach, the Venetians surmounted even their own selves, having given in this affair a perpetual example of perfect conduct. showing as much constancy and courage in their ressentment of the injury which they pretended was done them: as before they had showed submission to prevent the same. They ever answered those who spoke to them of agreement: That the remedy ought to be applied to the part whence the disease proceeded: That the Pope had received a voluntary displeasure, the remedy whereof was a voluntary repentance. This notwithstanding, they rejected not any proposition, but much insisted upon this point: That they had done only what they ought: That the Pope in withdrawing his Nuntio had barred the way to agreement: That it belonged to him to make good again, what he himself had spoilt: and That when he shall have taken off his pretended censures, they will not seem estranged from Peace. But that which had been most remarkable here was, that they were not a whit moved for all this tempest, providing with so much prudence, (both within and without their State) all that was necessary to sustain such a shock, that no alteration at all was perceived. The people remained in obedience: the Towns of their Dominion offered their means and forces: the Religious obeyed without constraint: there was not shed one drop of blood.  
The Pope, in stead of showing constancy in his resolution, began to relent so soon as had wrought his indignation by the interdict, leaving to be understood underhand, that he would lend an ear to agreement, provided that he might save his credit. But when he saw the inflexible steadfastness of the Venetians, he resolved to have recourse to force, and to interest the Catholic Princes in the same.  
France had no other scope in this affair then to arbitrate the difference, and to have the honour of deciding so important a question between two Princes so considerable in Christendom. For this effect she shown not any partiality, although it be true that Villeroy (through his ambition to rise to a Cardinalship) inclined at first to the Pope's side, serving his turn therein by the ministration of his son, than Ambassador at Rome. But seeing himself disappointed of his hope, he returned to the temper which a just Mediator ought to have. So it is, that oftentimes a private interest does prejudice the public. Happy are the States, wherein those that sit at the helm of government, have so noble a spirit as not to aim at any other greatness then that which is inseparably conioint with the glory of the Prince whom they serve.  
The Spaniards conceived it best to foment the discord between the two parties, thinking that is was in their power to hinder the war, if their profit so required: or else to make it serve their own advantage. They therefore let the business run its course without prescribing any thing to their Ambassador which was at Rome. who handsomely entertained the Pope in his opinion, with intent to obtain a Cardinalship for his Brother by this means.  
The Emperor was a Mediator; the King of Poland favoured the Republic: the Princes of Germany meddled not all in the matter.  
The King of England was glad to see this business daily wax hot. He promised all assistance to the Republic of Venice, as by all reason he was obliged to deal in this manner. For he believed that this would rouse up the other Catholic Princes which were interessed to maintain their Laws. And that it would be an occasion to deliberate of a Council which may determine so many Controversies.  
The States of the united-provinces offered to the Venetians succour of arms and munition.  
The Princes of Italy, since they saw the Pope remain confused and wavering in himself, as if he had manifestly repent, they appear all newters in this affair, follwing that which belonged to their true interest.  
Only the Duke of Savoy let himself be transported by his passion. For the Republic having written to his children with the title of Excellence, as she had accustomed to do, He in despite kept Chapel without admitting there the Ambassador of Venice, and this at the instance of the Nuntio residing near unto him. It is not in this affair alone, that this Prince has carried himself rather capriciously, then after the true Maxim of his interest.  
France continued to solicit the Accord, without showing any passion for the one party, or the other, following herein her true interest. For because one shall hardly see an open war betwixt two so pacifique Princes, She could not reap any other profit by this Difference, than the honour only to have reconciled the same.  
The Spaniards perceiving this, began to recoil, and desire to have a hand in making peace, since they could not have it in war, They judged well that the Pope was disposed to cast himself into their arms, and to go which way they would, because he had a mind to agreement. But they saw also the Venetians so firm in their resolution, as they had no hope to bend them. Wherefore they essayed to trouble them with the Turk, to the end they might be constrained to have recourse unto them, and that by this means it should be in their power, to bring the Senate to accept such conditions as the Pope pleased to allow them. But they failed so much in that which they endeavoured to do by the means of the Turk, as (on the contrary) it became advantageous to the Republic. For though the marquis de Saint-Croy having ransacked Duras, believed that the Turks (to take revenge) would turn against the Republic, as being nearest, or at least enter within the Gulf. Yet it happened that the Turk perceiving the Spanish wiles, commanded the Admiral of his Fleet to aid the Venetians against the Pope and the Spainards'. But the Republic judging it not fit to make use of such a help, (for fear the remedy should be worse than the disease itself,) she put it off so handsomely that the Grand Signior received not any distaste thereby. Nevertheless making the Pope understand, that in case of necessity, she well knew whither to have recourse.  
The Spaniards, out of season offered a whole entire Army to the Pope, Some believed that it was for to reclaim the Venetians by this way, but it was nothing less. For all whatsoever the Spaniards did then for the Pope, proceeded only because the Duke of Lerma was tickled with vainglory, for that the Pope in his Briefs had given him the title of Excellence.  
Lastly they perceived in Spain that this business would be ended by treaty, and that France, was to have all the honour thereof. This made them about to send extraordinaire Ambassadors from one side to the other, but it was too late, the negociation being so fare advanced by the French, that 'twas impossible to get it out of their hands. Insomuch as whatsoever the Spaniards could do to cross the Treaty, the honour thereof remained full and wholly to Henry, who ended the business by the dexterity and prudence of the Cardinal de joyeuse, and of Frenes-Canaye, ordinary Ambassador at Venice. The Prisonners were delivered into the hands of the Ambassador: The Laws of the Republic continued without alteration: and the Pope was forced to take off the Interdict without any token of submission from the said Republic.  
This has been a war of Negociation, wherein the Venetians full and wholly carried the victory. Likewise one must acknowledge, they were engaged to deal in that part wherein they were most able.  
They followed therein all the maxims of their true interest: The Pope did quite contrary: Spain was amusing after Chimeras: and France had the scope which she ought to have, wherefore she likewise had the glory.   

THE FOURTH DISCOURSE CONCERNING the Truce of the Low Countries with the King of Spain.  
THE Truce of the Low-Countries with the King of Spain, is an infallible proof of the excellence of the Spaniards in matter of Negociation.  
The King of Spain seeing that in forty year's Space, the war had augmented and enriched this State, in stead of overthrowing it, and that it would greatly diminish his reputation to treat of Peace with those, whom (even till then) he had treated as Rebels, he therefore resolved to do his utmost to enter into their Country, and to make them feel (even within their entrails) the discommodity of War. For which purpose, he employed the two last Summers under the command of marquis Spinola, one of the renownedst Captains of the time, Who with powerful Armies endeavoured to enter, the first year into Friesland, and the second into Holland. Nevertheless Maurice Prince of Orange (a Captain to whom we own the restauration of the ancient military discipline) all though he was much inferior to the forces of Spinola, yet he made so good use of the situation of his Country, that he frustrated all his endeavours. This having deprived the King of Spain of all hope to conquer by force, he resolved at last to make trial of a Treaty, at the cost even of his reputation. But his end herein was, 1. to secure the traffic of the Indies: where he was endamaged by them, 2. to divide them in the time of peace: and lastly to bear arms more advantageously against people less trained in war, and more easy to subdue being confident that any good success in some affair would make him recover that reputation which he then hazarded, and whereof he has been ever jealous. A Monk did first lay open the matter to a Holland Merchant. The hope given to the States that in this Accord, the King of Spain would acknowledge them for free States, made them give ear, whereupon followed a suspension of Arms for to treat more at large.  
This intermission awaked the interessed and neighbour Princes. Henry's mind was troubled with the true intererest of his Estate, which he best of all knew, and also by his particular affections. The States (by reason of their interest) had succoured him in his necessity: He (for the same reason) powerfully assisted them in his prosperity. He willingly would have them continue The war, provided that he augmented not his assistance: They offered to continue the same, on condition that he would double the money which he gave them yearly. The desire of doing thriftily, made him seem to incline, and not altogether abandon his true interest, thinking it should be a great advantage for him to remove from his frontiers such good Arms which a Peace or long Truce might dissipate, and that it should be a great honour for him to cause the Low Countries to be declared a free State, Insomuch as He bent his thoughts to become arbitrator of this negociation, and to make it succeed advantageously for the Low-Countries.  
JAMES the first, King of England, whose strong inclination to peace did not also permit him to follow the true interest of his Realm, which was to nourish War in the Low-Countries, for to consume the forces of Spain, and hinder their enterprise upon him, he contents himself to have part in the Treaty by his Ambassadors.  
divers Protestant Princes of Germany (imagining well that the Arms of Spain being no more employed there, might fall upon them) do likewise send their Ambassadors, of purpose to divert this Accord, os else to procure the protection of those that intermeddled in the business.  
Maurice whose particular interest was joined with the true interest of the States, wholly withstood the Accord. Bernaveld who had most ability in the State-affairs of the Country, seeing that his own credit grew in Peace rather than in War, he would have the interests of the State to serve his own ends. Here is the true portrait of those that dealed in this affair.  
But for the better understanding of the true interest of the States, we must remount higher, and come to the original. William of Nassau Prince of Orange, who alone in this Age had the honour to found a State, (although neither his disgraces received, nor the endeavours of Philip, the most puissant and able Prince of his Time, could have hindered him,) was constrained to assemble the pieces for to compose a body thereof, with such conditions as each Town and Province required. For, having met with people that have ever affected their liberty more than their very lives, he could not alter the conditions whereupon they first joined themselves unto him. This same hath caused in this State so many republics as there be Towns, amongst whom (in a general decree) plurality of voices has no place, because that if any one Town approve it not, she is not bound to observe it. So as he devised rather to flatter them in their liberty, that he might wholly take off their desire to comply with Philip, then to propound unto them good Laws, for to maintain them in the time of Peace.  
His son Maurice, brought up from his infancy in Arms, thought principally of the establishing of military discipline, as the thing then most necessary to uphold the State, wherein he surpassed all the Captains of his time. Insomuch as this State being exceeding well grounded for to subsist by war, and as ill to maintain itself in Peace, it is evident, that the true interest thereof is to continue the War.  
According to the interest of each Prince, their Ambassadors being assembled at the Hague, did work about. The Spaniards make a great difficulty to ratify the declaration of the Archdukes, (who acknowledged the States free, and sovereign) to the intent to make them better relish the same, and that in yielding they might obtain of them, conditions that would work their ruin. As, the grant of liberty of conscience to Catholics, thereby to make divisions among them: The privation of traffic in the Indies, and so to make a mutiny by the Marchands, the most considerable corporation amongst them: Besides the exchange of certain places most advantageous to the King of Spain, and most prejudicial to the said States.  
Maurice earnestly opposed such conditions: Bernaveld durst not countenance them. France and England (perceiving the venom hidden under the same) could not digest them. In such wise as all Treaty of peace being broken, they renew that of a Truce for many years: Maurice doth his best to hinder it, but Bernaveld backed by France and England, is the cause they did hearken to it. The work begins anew, and the Spaniards seeing they could not obtain the conditions which they desired, imagining also their repose to be very necessary, at length they gave over, saving that the Article, which declared the States free, and that of traffic in the Indies were couched so obscurely, as they might save their reputation, and interpret them to their own advantage, as occasion should serve.  
On the other side, the French for to induce the States to conclude, make a league with them, wherein they oblige themselves to give them pay for ten thousand Soldiers. Specially for to make them keep the Truce, in case it should be broken on the Spaniards side, whereupon the Spaniards complaining, they were answered, that whatsoever was done, was for their good, and that without doing the same, nothing could be obtained. Maurice for his part yields unto that which he could not hinder, conditionally that the Army might be maintained for the security of the State, Henry approveth this condition, and contributeth to the maintenance of 4000 Foot, and 200. Horse. So as, the Truce was concluded for twelve years: the States acknowledged free and Sovereign: and their Ambassadors received in this quality by Princes. Thus ended this negociation which lasted two years, where each one endeavours to deceive the other, and also flatters himself with the persuasion of having gotten that which he had desired.  
In effect, Henry had the most honour in this affair, and the States (by his means) the most profit. But he being dead, and Lovys upon the Throne at nine years of age, there was an universal alteration in France. For, Marie had obtained the Regency, and willing to strengthen her authority against the Princes of the blood, and great ones of the Realm, she procured a disunion amongst them, and cast herself into the arms of Rome and Spain, believing that she had then need of the former Power, and always of the later, insomuch as during the time of her government, the true interest of France being abandonned, there was taken the contrary course.  
The Spaniards lost not so good an occasion, especially upon the Low-Countries, in the business of the Arminians, the which Bernaveld (seeing himself upheld by France, through the practices of Spain) undertook to maintain against the Prince of Orange, in such wise as that from a dispute of Religion, there was made an affair of State, so pernicious, that it was like to ruin this Commonweath. Here it was where the Spaniard displayed all his cunning, for to make Marie work in this Country according to his interests. He persuaded her that her disunion was advantageous to her to maintain her authority. To the end that she might not assist the Princes of the blood disontented with her, nor the Protestants of France which might join with the said Princes. He makes her to act a superstitious zeal, which is an evil counsellor to those that entertain it. So as the Ambassadors of France) under the pretence of zeal to Religion) become solicitors of the affairs of Spain in Holland. They favour the cause of Bernaveld: they foment the division within the State: they bring it upon the very brink of its downfall, and had it not been for the patience, and constant courage of Maurice, assisted by the soldiers, this Republic had run the hazard to seem as son extinct, as borne.  
By that which is aforesaid, and by the sequel of affairs, one may judge that the true interests of the State of the united Provinces are to maintain war against Spain, otherwise it would be ruined of itself. The interests of France and England are to assist the said State, for to give Spain this bone to pick. The interests of the German Princes are to foment the same, to the end that by the fall of this burden, they likewise be not overthrown. And the interests of Spain are to keep all the other in broils amongst themselves, or else set them one against another, lest they should all accord against her. Therefore so soon as any of them have abandonned these maxims, their affairs fall to the ground.   

THE FIFTH DISCOURSE UPON THE affair about the succession of Cleves and juliers.  
SINCE the time of Charles the Fifth, Germany lived very happy, so long as she kept her true interest, and whilst that the Emperor did contain himself within the bounds of the laws of the Empire, which balancing the power thereof with that of the Princes and republics of Germany, suffered them not to usurp one upon another.  
The first that forsook this interest were the Prince's Electors, in having continued the Imperial dignity without interruption to many of one and the same family, who in tract of time have raised the same to the prejudice of the Imperial Laws, the which hath chief happened to the house of Austria, specially since this house and that of Spain have been both the self same thing. For, seeing herself established in so high a dignity, and supported by such a Power, she was willing to be there perpetuated, and because she would not be violently encountered hereafter, she has essayed to put down those who had lawful right to interrupt that course, endeavouring likewise to lift up herself by abolishing the laws of the Empire, and by usurping the principal States, and Towns thereof.  
The first evident occasion that has manifested in our time this design, was upon the succession of Cleves and juliers, which happened in the beginning of March, the year 1609. occasioned by the death of john William, who having no children of his own, left this goodly heritage to his four sisters married, to the Elector of Brandebourg: to the Duke of Neubourg: to the Duke of Deu ponts: and to the marquis of Turgaw. The first of these laid claim to the succession entire, as indivisible, having married the eldest. The second makes the same claim, because the eldest sister died before the brother, and his wife was the eldest of the sisters living. The two other say that it ought to be equally parted betwixt them all four. Moreover the elector of Saxony revived an old title, and also the Duke of Nevers another. Brandebourg and Neubourg enter in possession, the Emperor becomes offended thereat, pretending that the whole heritage ought to be sequestered into his hands, and each of them to undergo his ordinance. He sends thither Leopold a Prince of high own House, who seizeth on juliers the principal fortress of the Country.  
The Princes that were in possession, seeing such an obstacle, judged well that this sequestration tended to an usurpation, and not thinking themselves able enough to resist, in regard of the neighbourhood of Flanders, and of the best forces of Spain, (who in an occasion so advantageous for the House of Austria would not fail to help her kinsman) they have recourse to those, who were principally interessed to impeach the amplification of the said House. They rally to their defence, France, England, and the Low-countries, with the most part of the Protestant Princes of Germany, who made such a mighty warlike provision to recover juliers seized by the said Leopold, that notwithstanding the unexpected death of Henry, which happened before the execution, yet the design was happily accomplished, Spain not daring to oppose it.  
One may see in this affair, every one's true interest. That of the Emperor was, to make use of the occasion to catch hold of such an Estate in Germany: That of the King of Spain, to assist him therein, as well for the principal end, which is, the advancement of the whole House, as for the neighbourhood of the said State to Flanders: That of the lawful successors, was to maintain their own right: That of the German Princes, not to suffer that Power whereof they were jealous, to be strengthened by their own weakening: And the interests of France, England and Holland were, not to permit the amplifying of all the House of Austria. Hitherto every one played his game aright; but Marry, for to support the interests of Spain that promised her to maintain hers even to the end, abandonneth those of France, and again secondeth the trouble about this succession.  
The occasion was offered by the imprudence of the Princes that held the possession, which caused the King of Spain to reattempt the business. The sons of Brandebourg and Newbourg did jointly govern this fair Estate, The forteresses were guarded by equal garrisons: they dwelled in the same Palace, and managed their affairs with one common hand. But this lasted not long, it being no easy matter to govern a State long time after this manner without dissension, especially between two Princes of divers houses, where there is also diversity of Religion. They began to enter into jealousy one of another. Those that were friends to them both, and interessed in their subsistence, perceiving the same and fearing lest their misintelligence should increase, persuaded them to make an alliance together. Newbourg agrees thereto, goes to the elector Brandebourg, and requires of him his daughter in marriage. But as the best meats being corrupted turn into the strongest poison: so in the most wholesome counsel given to these Princes to confirm their amity, there was found occasion of a most implacable hatred, which caused the ruin of them both in the said succession. For, whilst they were in the deboshes of their feasts, the elector upon some discourse that did not please him, offended Newbourg so fare (even in his own house, and at the table) as to give him a box on the ear, for which he would not afterward make him any teasonable satisfaction, In such wise, that in stead of a wife, he carries bacl an offence so engraven in his heart, as he admitteth no other counsel but that of revenge. This spirit thus exasperated, being upon return to Cleve-land, it was easy for the Spaniards to gain him to them. They made means to marry him with the sister of the Duke of Bavaria, persuaded him to turn Catholic, for to make all the Catholic league of Germany to be on his side; they take him into protection, and give him a pension,  
The united States seeing how prejudicial this change would be to them, they supported Brandebourg. These Princes from suspicions do come to attempts, Newbourg seizeth on Dusseldorp: Brandebourg on juliers, from whence the King of Spain takes a pretext to stir, and armeth powerfully to recover the same. The States on the other side, prepare to defend it. They furnish it with men and munition fit to sustain a great siege. The true interests of France being forsaken, they had nothing from thence but words, and Embassages, England seeing France had given off, was contented to do the like, in sending her Ambassadors. The Princes of Germany seeing themselves forsaken of these two Crowns, and divided amongst themselves both by Religion, and by the different affections that they bore to those two Princes, they therefore stir not at all. Spain finding now no other opposition, but only from the united States, prosecuteth her intentions, and whilst she amuseth the Ambassadors of these two Kings, she sends Spinola into the country with a puissant Army, who in stead of setting upon juliers, (which was then but a rude enterprise,) he goes to invade the States, he passeth the Rhine, assaults and takes wezel within four days.  
Maurice seeing this exploit, he delays no longer, leaves the Ambassadors in their negociation, takes Rez and Emerik, and at length (a thing never before seen) these two Armies seize upon this heritage without impeachment one of another: without breaking the Truce: and also without making any skirmish at all. For, when one of these Captains had possessed a place, the other still retired, not pretending any thing there. So as he that was most diligent, made the most progression. The reason of this gentle dealing was, because Spinola knew well the Army of Maurice to be better than his own, Maurice likewise well understood that the safeguard of the States consisted in the subsistence of his Army. So as he believed he should come off with honour enough, to divide this spoil with the King of Spain without exposing any thing to danger.  
Is is now easy to judge that the ruin of the Princes which were in the possession, proceeded from hence, viz. Because that Newbourg forsaking his true interest to follow his passion, cast himself into the arms of Spain: Because the Protestant Princes of Germany not considering their true interest, did not stir at all: likewise because France embracing not the interest of Maurice forsook her own, and for that England did the like with France. On the other side, the advantage that Spain and the Low-Countries have gotten in this conquest proceeded hence, for that both the one and the other were entirely fixed upon their true interest.   

THE sixth DISCOURSE UPON THE Election of the Count Palatine to the Kingdom of Bohemia.  
IF the quantity of set battles, or the number of the persons slain: or the revolution of sundry States: or the quality of the Princes interessed: or the length of the time might make a War memorable, then that which Germany now suffers, is in the highest degree, since that there are given already more than fifteen battles: three hundred thousand men have lost their lives in the same: almost all the States of Germany have thereby changed their condition and their Masters: all the Princes of Europe have taken an interest therein: and it is now fourteen years since the war begun, without being yet ended.  
The occasion thereof happened through the rejection of Ferdinand of Austria from the Kingdom of Bohemia, and the Election of the said Kingdom conferred on the personne of Frederic Count Palatine of Rhine.  
The first would establish himself in a dignity, which he believed was unjustly taken from him: The second would maintain himself in the Kingdom, as being justly chosen thereunto. The first would make it a business of Religion, thereby to interest all the Catholic Princes of Europe in the same: The second would show that it was nothing else but a State-warre, that he might interest in the same all those by whom the greatness of Spain was suspected.  
But for to judge well of this great commotion, one ought to remount a little higher. It is certain that since the war which happened about the succession of Cleves and juliers, Germany was as it were divided in two factions, and (in imitation of the Catholics) the Protestants also had made a League, whereof the Prince Elector Palatine was chosen Chief, as the Duke of Bavaria had been of the other. The pretence which every one took for the defence of his Religion, did agrravate the matter amongst them. And the secure peace which this nation had enjoyed a long time, did not permir her (following the revolution of this world) to abide thus any longer. There wanted only an occasion to make her bandy against herself.  
The Bohemians present this occasion, whether it were by reason of their natural fickleness, or for being ill treated in the liberty of their consciences, or else through some discontentment of the principal men amongst them, or for all these reasons together, they reject Ferdinand their King, and choose Frederick in his place. And (for to render themselves so much the more irreconcilable with him) in the full assembly of the States, they cast those of his party out of the windows.  
This action arrived in the year 1619. after which every one took arms. The Protestants were the forwardest, for they were already prepared to it, and attended only the bruit of this Election to begin the game. Amongst those who took part with Frederick, he that brought the most powerful assistance, was Betheleem Gabor, who from an ordinary Gentleman being made Prince of Transiluania, and fearing the house of Austria, which had always endeavoured to appropriate this State, he put himself into the protection of the Turk for to secure the same, and finding so fair an opportunity to depress this House, his interest suffered him not to lose it. The united Provinces (not to be wanting to their interest) do here contribute on their part. The King of Denmark for the same reason, and also for his honour and reputation, assisteth his Nephew. King james more interessed than he, forgetteth his interest concerning his Son in law. The King of France likewise draws bacl, and stands neuter. At this beginning Ferdinand is ill handled, and reduced to great extremities.  
Here Spain seeing that she must venture her share to, or else lose both her hopes and reputation, she spares nothing, but useth all manner of means. In Germany she urgeth the Elector of Saxony against the Palatine in point of honour, she remonstrates unto him that he holds his Electorship of the house of Austria, and that he cannot maintain it without her. At Rome she persuades the Pope that her loss is the ruin of the Catholic Religion, and the means to make all Christendom a prey to the Turk, insomuch as the Pope abandoning his true interest takes part with her, fournisheth both men and money, and laboureth to declare the other Catholic Princes for her defence. In England she easily entertains King james in his peaceable inclination. In France (by the Nuntios help) she gaineth the Duke de Luine, who having usurped near Loüys the authority that Marie had there possessed, he took also the same maxims, supporting himself by Spain, which never faileth in such occasions to maintain those who distrusting their own worth, seek their security out of the Realm. So as the interest of a Favourite being preferred before that of the State, they assist Spain. But to the end that it might be with more profit and less noise, they undertake an agreement: they send Ambassadors to both parties: they amuse the Protestants with fair hopes: they make them lose the opportunity of a victory which they had in hand, and they induce them to disarm. In the mean while the Catholics having this time for respite, strengthen themselves on all sides: take their advantage: prosecute their former designs, and by gaining the battle of Prague, wholly ruin their enemies.  
In this revolution of affairs, Spain makes good use of the victory, continues her intelligences amongst her Neighbours, that she might not be diverted in her conquests, and joins her forces of Flanders to those of Italy, for to become absolute Mistress of the Empire. Fear and corruption interpose amongst the Princes of Germany and the Imperial Towns, Every one hasteth to submit himself to the yoke, distrusting lest he should not be time enough received there. The Counselors of Princes, and Magistrates of commonwealths are corrupted by money, and all contribute to forge the irons of their own bondage.  
This kind of proceeding makes the King of Denmark fear lest the firing of Germany consume him, he takes the defence thereof, and goes into the field, but is vanquished, looseth part of his dominions, and for to recover it again, is constrained to make a dishonourable peace. The Transiluanian seeing this disorder, maketh his peace likewise, but so much the better by reason of the Turk's protection.  
Here was the issue of the second revolution of the affairs of Germany, which proceeded chiefly from this, that France prostituted her interest to the greatness of Spain.  
We should come now to the third revolution. It is oftentimes more difficult to govern ourselves well in great prosperity, then in adversity, because that the one engenders neglect, and lulles us in idleness: but the necessity of the other keeps us waking, and makes us search the means of our restauration. Such was the case of the House of Austria, who seeing herself from such a heavy blow authorised beyond her hopes, absolute Mistress of Germany, of innumerable armies entertained at the cost of her enemies, France not stirring against her proceed, and besides imbroiled in Civil wars. England yet forgetting her interest. Holland having enough to do to conserve her own, and Italy without appearance of being able to defend itself, She therefore feareth nothing, but despiseth all, in such wise as without hiding any more her design under the pretence of Religion, (wherewith she had so well served her purpose even to the present) she openly invades the Territories of the Duke of Mantua, being a great Catholic, vaunting she could not suffer a Prince that was French borne to possess any State in Italy, which is the first remarkable error that she committed against her own interest. For, this usurpation gave all the Princes of Italy to understand, that the tempest would come whirling upon them, insomuch as the Duke of Mantua was assisted by the most resolute amongst them.  
Lovys cannot digest this affront, and being assisted with a Counsel whose prudence and resolution was necessary in such a perilous conjunction of affairs, he fortunately employed his Arms in his defence, Which was the first occasion of importance, wherein he recovered the usage of his true interest. But seeing that diversions in Germany were needful for him, and not finding the same amongst the Germans being oppressed with the burden of so grievous a subjection, he goes to seek them in the cold Northern parts. The renown of Gustavus King of Swedeland had been carried even unto him. This Prince his desire of glory made him easily surmount any difficulties he could imagine, likewise his vast and great designs he surpassed as it were by such a courage in execution, as made him not dishearken to any enterprise. The conquests of Walstein (General of the Emperor's army) upon the Baltic sea, and the provisions which he made to render himself Master there, made the King of Swedeland know, that he might well be in suspicion of the House of Austria, and that his interest was to oppose the same. He therefore allieth himself with France, and prepares to enter into Germany, for to deliver it from the thraldom whereunto it was reduced.  
Here is the second fault that Spain committed against her true interest, to wit, the contemning of this Prince. For whilst that on the one side he enters into Germany, the Emperor (at the solicitation of the King of Spain) sendeth his best troops into Italy against the Duke of Mantua, which welmost all perished there without any great effect. And the success of Gustavus in Germany was such, as that those of the Emperor's side and the Spaniards, were feign to conclude a peace in Italy with the French (at the expense of what they had gotten, and of that reputation whereof they make so great esteem) for to draw back the remainder of their scattered troops to the succour of Germany, leaving in the hand of the French, Cazal for a place of arms in Italy, and Pignerol as a port to enter therein. So as the desire to conquer Italy before they were well assured of the conquest of Germany, made them lose both the one and the other.  
This happy exploit of Loüies, made him acknowledge his former errors, and wholly embrace his true interest. He delivers the Grizons from their servitude; diverteth the united States from accepting a Truce, maintaineth the Swedish party notwithstanding the death of Gustavus, defendeth the elector of Tr●●●s against the persecutions of the Spaniards, and chastiseth the Duke of Lorraine for adhering to the Emperor. In a word, he does bravely recover his place, which his ill Counselors had made him forgo.  
Pope Vrb●n seeing himself delivered from the apprehension of the Spaniards and Germans, having likewise understood by the invasion made upon the Duke of Mantua, that they would deal no otherwise with the Catholic States, then with the Protestants, he thereupon opposeth them. The Republic of Venice that considers better than any other State what belongs to her true interest, and which never fails but in too much circumspection, (as ordinarily those Common wealths do, which are not founded by Arms.) she continueth nevertheless her assistance to the Duke of Mantua. Amedis Duke of Savoye receiving instruction by the danger that he and his Father were in to lose their Estates through neglecting their true interest, does now rejoin himself to France. The other Princes of Italy seeing the aid of France could be no impeachment to them, let go the apprehension which they had of the Spaniards. The German Princes and Imperial Towns seeing themselves supported by the arms of France and Swedeland, assisted by the diversion of their other allies, and reassured by the prosperous success of their affairs, they take courage again. England alone, as if she were in another world, remains without meddling at all.  
On the other side, Spain fails not to animate her cause, takes up again the pretence of the Catholic Religion, which she had as it were left off, and perceiving the error she committed thereby, crieth more than ever against the Protestants, exceedingly urgeth the Pope to have of him his money, and his fulminations, maketh much of the Venetians, courteth the English, intertaineth dissension in the house Royal of France, mightily endeuoureth to draw the united Provinces to a Truce, laboureth to disengage the Duke of Saxony from the Swedish party, neither is she cast off by any repulse. And yet notwithstanding she spares neither men nor money for to raise new armies to oppose her enemies. In brief, necessity has reduced every one to follow his true interest, which is the reason that in this last revolution, the contestation about these affairs is of longer continuance.   

THE SEVENTH DISCOURSE UPON THE commotions that happened in Italy for the succession of the Dutchies of Mantua and Montferrat.  
ITALY enjoyed a profound peace, and found itself wholly exempt from suspicions, which are want to disturb the repose of States, when on a sudden happened the death of Francis Duke of Mantua, which (one may say) produced the seeds of all those troubles that have at several times since disrested this Country. For, Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoye, quarrelling (in right of his grand child Marie) for t●e Duchy of Montferrat with Ferdinand, so enkindled the fire of war in Italy as since it was never so well extinct, but that from time to time the cinders thereof have caused new flames.  
Ferdinand supported rather by the justice of his cause then by his own forces, implored the aid of all the Prince, which by common interest were obliged not to suffer such an outrage.  
Marry in whose hands at that time lay the government of France, thinking of nothing more (during the minority of the King her son) then to maintain herself in peace, she believed she had enough to do to smother the factions of the Kingdom, and to appease by all means those that were capable to resist her authority. So she regarded the commotions of Italy no further then to endeavour to assuage them, and she employed her credit to induce the Pope to interpose between the two parties for their accord.  
The King of Spain considered the beginning of this discord after another manner. For perceiving the advantage that might from thence accrue unto him, he intermeddled so fare in all the whole course of this affair, as he failed but very little to draw from thence advantages proportional to his designs.  
The Princes of Italy, whilst the game was playing, looked on without meddling therewith. The grand Duke undertook the defence of the Duke of Mantua, believing he was obliged by his proper interest to assist the weaker against the stronger, besides the particular reasons that incited him thereunto.  
The Duke of Savoye seeing the small advancement that he could hope for from his enterprise, harkened to an accord which was proposed to him, and letting the business be put to a treaty; he contented himself with the glory that he durst undertake to usurp upon his neighbour, and so all this goodly design vanished it to smoke even as it had been plotted against all reason, it being not the interest of a Duke of Savoye, now of any other Prince of Italy to imbroile himself with his neighbours, since all the advantage that can 〈◊〉 aid from their 〈◊〉 is to see the difference reconciled by the power of one of these two Kings, which cannot be without manifest danger.  
This business so ended, the King of Spain who had an eye ever upon Piedmont as a piece that lay fit for him, saught a plausible pretext to quarrel the Duke of Savoye. For, considering France out of case to meddle with the affairs of Italy, the Duke of Savoye by the late war, exhausted both of men and money, and the other Princes of Italy disunited betwixt themselves, He thought fit to take this time to enter in to Piedmont, hoping, as he had had the glory to be arbitrator of the first controversy, without gaining so favourable an occasion for his particular profit, he would make amends for his default by reinflaming a second war. He invaded then the Territories of the Duke of Savoye, where finding more resistance than he expected, he was in the end fain to make peace. It is true that France bestirred herself in this second occasion, but the principal commendation therein is due to the Marshal de Lesdigui●et, who in all this war (albeit that he followed his particular ends) engaged France to embrace her true interest, as she ought to have done in the former commotion.  
This second trouble being appeased, the most understanding men judged well that Italy was not to continue long time in peace. Because they saw Ferdinand Duke of Mantua childless, and his brother Vincent leading so disordered a life, as they believed he could not live long, and the event was answerable to their opinion. For, after Ferdinand's death, Vincent (continuing the disorders whereunto he had formerly accustomed his body) died, leaving his cousin Charles de Gonzague, Duke of Nevers heir of his Estates, who alone by all right could pretend there.  
The death of Vincent, although it was well enough foreseen, yet it astonished all the Princes of Italy in such a manner as every one began seriously to consider his affairs.  
The Venetians foreseeing that the Spaniards could not endure the inheritance should be conferred on the Duke of Nevers, and that therefore they would divert the Emperor from giving him the investiture, they resolved to do their best for to frustrate their designs, supposing it would be a cast too pre●udiciall to them, to see a Prince depending on the House of Austria established in an Estate set in the midst of their own. That which most troubled the Republic, was the siege of Rochel, where the King of France was so engaged, that he had not any hope to be free a long time. The Pope was agitated with the same motives as the Republic of Venice, but he could not so openly show unto the King the desire which he had to disengage him from thence, lest he should thereby witness that his particular interest was more prevalent than that of the Catholic Church, for the honour whereof they pleaded in depressing the Huguenots.  
The other Princes of Italy kept close, not daring to show which way their inclination was bend.  
The Duke of Savoye only imagined that he might profit by th●s war, and upon the good opinion that he had of himself, was persuaded that he might share the conquest of Montferrat with the house of Austria.  
The King of Spain taking his advantage by the siege of Rochel, and by the presumption of the Duke of Savoye thought fit to take his opportunity to seize upon Cazal. We must confess that his design was well conceived, and with great likelylood of a fortunate success. Hitherto the Spaniards had in every thing so well taken their time, that it seemed a thing impossible to cross their designs, nevertheless the wheel of their good fortunes began here to stop, and from hence forward we have seen a continual company of ill accidents befall them, whi●h last even to this day. For Loüies by an incredible diligence and resolution takes Rochel in despite of the English, forceth the Straight of Suze, relieveth Cazal, and so endangers the Duchy of Milan, that had it not been for the troubles in Languedork which he desired to make an end of, he might have carried it away from the King of Spain at the first blow.  
The Spaniards secure themselves, and recovering the paths of their ordinary prudence, seize upon the Grisons, cause most mighty Armies to pass that way, send marquis Spinola to the government of Milan, raise an army in Italy, and besiege Cazal anew.  
Lewis sendeth strong forces into Piedmont. The Duke of Savoye would amuse him with hopes of a peace: but he met with his match, with such an undaunted courage that both in sight of him and Spinola, he forced from him Pignerol, which will be an everlasting memorial to posterity of the Reign of Lewis.  
The siege of Cazal continues. The pestilence rageth in both the two armies. The Venetians receive an overthrow towards the Mantuan. The city of Mantua is surprised. Notwithstanding all these accidents Lewis assembles new forces, and provides to relieve Cazal, In the mean time he falls sick at Lions. The Spaniard sows dissension in his Counsel, which interrupteth the course of so many heroïke actions, and after so many storms past, one seems upon the point to suffer shipwreck in the haven. There appeared his virtue against whom all these devices were contrived, for at length he got out of this Labyrinth by the clue of honour. The King recovers his health: Cazal is bravely relieved: and the Duke of Mantua not only reestablished in his Dominions, but (which will seem incredible to after ages) he is invested therein by the Emperor. The Grizons are set at liberty: Italy is freed from the armies of Strangers: the port lies open to her assistance, and for divers defections of the Duke of Lorraine they make sure of his Estates by which means the communication of Italy with Flanders in barred  
See here the true and lively table of these differences, where note first of all the Duke of Savoye his fault in having imagined that he should share Moniferrat with the House of Austria in despite of France, it being a case most evident, that he could not fail to be despoiled by the one or the other, or by both two together, if extraordinary indulgence had not been used towards him.  
It is also a thing wholly manifest that the Duke of Lorraine hath forsaken the maxim of his true interest in taking by a fi●t of jollity the party of the Emperor against that of France, in a season when the House of Austria was so unable to defend herself, and that of France so free to enterprise.  
As for the Emperor, he cannot excuse himself for having invaded Italy before he was sure of Germany, and for having quitted the pretence of Religion (which hath so much served him) in oppressing the Duke of Mantua being a great Catholic.  
The resolution of France will be for ever memorable, which notwithstanding the siege of Roehelle assisted by the English: and the war in Languedoc which the Spaniard made show to foment, has not albeit ever abandonned her true maxims, in assisting powerfully her Neighbour's, and every where dashing the projects of Spain. Whence I conclude, that the glory of the King, the greatness of his State, and the eminent reputation that he now enjoyeth, will continue as long as he shall remain constant in this resolution.   
FINIS.