THE Works of Caius Crispus Salustius  
Containing the Conspiracy of Catiline The War of jugurth. V Books of Historical fragments.  
TWO Orations to Caesar for the Institution of a Common wealth And one against Cicero▪  
Cicero. Catiline.  
Cedant arma togae.  
Are to be sold at the Eagle and Chi●d in Britain's Burse by Tho. Walkley  
Vis expers consilij expers.  
R Vaughan fecit 1629.    

TO THE right Honourable the Lord Marquis of Hamilton, William Cross wisheth all temporal, and spiritual happiness.  
RIght Honourable, the contemplation of your Worth reflected from the circumstance of report and action, together with that respect, which I own unto that Illustrious Family, with â Branch whereof you have contracted alliance, have invited me to tender this Translation of Sallust to your Noble hand, unto which no vulgar thing ought to be presented. If this Roman Masterpiece be clothed in an English habit, without loss of his primitive elegancy, the Renderer may boldly claim this praise, that olet lucernam, his work smells of the Lamp. Thus desiring the God of all power to bless You, and your most Honourable Lady, with a numerous and hopeful Issue, with a long and prosperous life, and after that, with eternal happiness, I ●nd, and remain,  
Your Honour's most devoted servant, William Cross.   

TO HIS FRIEND Mr. CROSS, upon his translation of SALLUST.  

Cross, thou hast taught Sallust our English tongue,  
Nay to write to us in a polished style;  
A Masterpiece became a pen so strong▪  
For few but thou these two could reconcile:  
'Twas Native love d●rst such a Geniu●●aise▪  
To tell Rome's virtue in our sluggish ●ayes.   

In this thy Map the weakest eye may see▪  
The trust of Friends, the force of gold and fate,  
The curious webs of humane policy,  
How they supply, but not support a State;  
Glorious foundations cemented with blood,  
Though n●r so deeply laid, prove seldom good.   

See here the horrid plots of faithless Kings,  
Whose jealous fears ne'er wanted Instrument,  
That durst attempt, protect such impious things:  
See Rome, Heaven's scourge, and yet not innocent,  
Called to revenge by justice, and by fate  
Herself to raise, all else to ruinated.   

If this well rendered please; then thank his brains,  
Who hath enriched thee with his studious pains.   
Francis Wortley Knight Baronet.   

When I behold thy Muse in Roman tire,  
Or in the Belgian complete armature:  
I cannot choose but wonder at that fire,  
Which doth inform a pen, a style so pure,  
The monuments whereof time, chance, and fate,  
Shall disenabled be to ruinated.  
F. D. Knight.   

What in thy labour may I most approve,  
And show as well my judgement as my love?  
Shall I commend thy wise election  
Of such a subject? which in right is one  
Of Rome's best Histories and rendered here  
May please the best, the wisest, shar▪ est ear.  
Or shall I praise thy faith in rendering,  
Thine elegance in clothing every thing,  
Or join them all in one, since ●ere I see,  
They all in this translation do agree?  
A noble subject fit to be begun,  
Is faithfully, and elegantly done.  
Thomas May Esquire.   

IF rendering of grave Salusts knotty phrase,  
Into smooth English without any loss  
Of Latin sa●t, deserve Phaebaean bays,  
Then thou mayst justly claim the laurel Cross,  
To wreathe thy learned temples, for thy merit  
This guerdon from the Muses shall inherit,  
When after ages shall profess and say,  
Such are the works, which li●e another day.  
james Saul Barrister of Gray Inn.   

To the Reader.  
GEntle Reader, when thou seest this long Errata, think not rashly of the work, nor printing▪ since errors in both can hardly be avoided by the most careful. Thus I end, and remain,  
Thine if thou be thy own in censure, WILLIAM CROSS.   

ERRATA.  
FOr stir read style, p. 5. for plant read plough, p. 17. For disease read disuse, p. 49. For thereupon read thereunto, p. 50. For serving read suing, p. 51. For Camertaine read Camertine, p. 81. For designed read design, p 85. For chap. 4. and 13. read 9 and 10. For be fortified read fortified, p. 103. For branches read bundles, p. 104. For Deputy Lieutenant read Lieutenant, p. 122. For Cathegus in all places read Cethegus. For which, read on which, p. 129. For tyranny read the tyranny, p. 193. For let read set, p. 220. For doth an end read doth put an end, p. 232. For his Province read the Province, p. 242. After Ancestors read merits, p. 246. For Libsians read Libyans, p. 266. For raised and assured, read raiseth and assureth, p. 284. For these Italians, read the Italians, p. 293. For substites read substitures, p. 299.  
For some read fame, p. 304. For submit up read submit, p. 362. For Met●llus read Rutilius p. 383. for and chase read and chase them, p. 405. Betwixt passage and Metellus read having lost many, he retired himself into places of strength, p. 406. For Lieutenant of a Legion read Lieutenant, p. 407. For descent read desert, p. 448. For fathered read farthered, p. 456. For Jugurths' read Bocchus, p. 469. For of higher read higher, p. 491. For rouneth read roundeth, p. 540. For Barbarian read Balearian p. 5●9. For suptitious read suspicious, p. 562. For Ariobarzuris read A●iobarzanes, p. 630. For wasted read is wasted, p. 652. For rozud read roused, p. 666. For raving read roving, p. 677. For venals read venal, p. 686. For continueth read contemneth, p. ●88. For judicatures in all places read judgements.   

The life of Sallust, collected out of Petrus Crinitus & other approved Authors.  
CAius Crispus Salustius; (according to the report of the Roman Annals) was borne at Amiternum, in the Sabine territory, the same year that Atheis was taken and spoiled by Sulla's Soldiers. He was descended of the noble Salustian Family, which for a long continuance of time retained the splendour of her ancient dignity. It is held for certain; that he had his first education in the City of Rome, and that from his tender years, the bent of his endeavours was wholly sixth upon the studies of ingenious Arts. But happening to live in those unfortunate times, wherein the corrupted manners of the State bended towards faction and popular siding, and both virtue and learning wanting their due rewards: his disposition being depraved in a City so much uncivilized (as Sallust himself confesseth) was easily vanquished by voluptuous allurements. So that being called to the affairs of the State, as soon as his age was capable of employment, he suffered many sad misfortunes, through the iniquity of the times and factious people: for as then the Commonwealth was much turmoiled, being overset with Sulla's party.  
It is manifest that Sallust had a ready wit, and that he was well versed in all kind of literature, but his special way was in writing of History. He had for his Tutor, amongst others famous for learning, one Atteius Praetextalus, surnamed Philologus, by whom he was instructed (as Suetonius Tranquillus reports) in the rules of writing well and methodically. He was much taken with M. Cato's style, out of whose Commentaries, he culled forth many selected Sentences, which he kept as a Breviate for his proper use. Concerning his works, Catiline's conspiracy, and his jugurthine war, are the two masterpieces of those that are exstant. Besides these, he wrote the History of Marius and Sylla, unto which he annexed the achievements of Pompeie in the Mithridaticke war; this work he finished & divided into sundry Tomes, the relics whereof as yet remain to posterity, and like the parcels of a broken picture, express the Authors gravity and diligence. He applied himself so studiously unto the writing of the Punic History, that for that purpose alone, he travailed into the African Regions, to find out the truth with more assurance; which industrious diligence of his is much commended by Autenus Rufus. Gellius a Roman borne (who for his Criticism was held the Aristarchus of ancient learning) delivers thus much of Salusts' stite. His elegancy, (saith he) eloquence of speech, and affectation of novelty were accompanied with much envy. In so much that diverse able wits, who were his Contemporaries, did reprehend and detract his writings. But this aspersion proceeded either from ignorance or a prejudicate malice, Gellius judgement being clear in this point, that he was a strict observer of the propriety of the Latin Language.  
Titus Livius was so unjust to Sallust, by the testimony of Annaeus Seneca, that he accused him for entrenching upon Theucidides, and for usurping many parcels of his History, which he translated out of the Greek, and applied for himself, with a borrowed elegancy. Neither doth Asinius Pollio spare the brand of his censure, but lays diverse imputations upon Salusts works; especially because with too forced an affectation he traced the steps of the ancient writers. Quintilian a man of a most solid judgement affirms, that in the censure of learned and unprepossessed Readers, nothing can be added to Salusts' speech and brief delivery. Neither was he scrupulous to parallel Sallust with Thucydides, the Father and Prince of the Grecian Historiographers, as he did Titus Livius with Herodotus.  
In respect of our Authors unusual Dialect, it came to pass, that many imitated, but few attained to his perfection: for his phrase is pithy, chaste, and innocent; so that not without cause, it is termed by some, A divine Brevity. In regard whereof, A●untius, who wrote the History of the Carthaginian war, honoured him with his strictest imitation, as being a Pattern that had nothing defective, nothing superfluous.  
He had these friends renowned for their wit, and learning: Cor: Nepos, Messala, and Nigidius Figulus, the last of whom died in exile. He honoured julius Caesar with much respect, by whose means he was invested with the dignity of a Provincial Lord Deputy. This incited Lenaeus the Grammarian Pompey's freedman, to compose certain invective Satyrs against Sallust, in which bitter and virulent Poem, he calls him a glutton, lecher, varlet, and debauched person, a monster of contrarieties, both in his life and writings, and an illiterate thief of Cato's fragments. The mortal hatred and unreconciled opposition betwixt him and Mar. Cicero, is a subject so well known to the world, that it needs no farther cōmemoration●, their invective Orations bearing witness against both of them, that they more than seemed to neglect their own, whilst they detracted from each others credit. But most certain it is, that Salusts manners were so corrupt, & his youthful inclination so prone to Riot, that he sold his Patrimony in his father's life-time, at a low and underualued rate: a fault which amongst others, was objected against him by his adversaries. He had often been honoured with public employments, and amongst the rest, he had been Treasurour and Tribune, but he was so wedded to his desires, that these dignities procured him more envy than glory.  
He was a great Favourite of Ca Caesar, who preferred him to a Pretourship in the inland Countries of afric; by which Office he was so enriched, that returning to Rome, he purchased the village of Tiburte, together with those richand delightful Gardens, which lie in the same territory, near to the Pomegranate-tree. He married Terentia, Cicero's wife, after her divorcement from her former husband, who remarried afterwards (Sallust being dead) with Messala Coruinus, a man much revowned for eloquence: he lived until he was three score years old, and deceased not long after Cesaers' death, that Country giving him his sepulture, which gave him his nativity. This panegyrical Distich was published of him at Rome after his death.  
Hic-erit, ut perhibent doctorum corda virorum,  
Crispus Romanâ primus in historiâ.  
Here by consent of learned men's decree,  
Shall Crispus chief, 'mongst Rome's Historians be.  

CHAP. 1.  
Catiline's Conspiracy.  
The Proem or Introduction to Catiline's conspiracy.  
ALL men, who desire to excel other living creatures, aught to strive with their chiefest indeiour, that they pass nor over this life in obscurity: like beasts, whom nature hath framed prone, and slaves to their bellies. But all our sufficiency resides both in the soul and body▪ we use the sway of the soul, the service more o● the body: the one of them makes us to communicate with the gods, that other with beasts. From whence it seems to me the directest course to pursue glory, rather with the abilities of wit, than those of strength, and since the life itself, which we enjoy, is short, to extend our memories to the greatest length. For the renown of riches and beauty is fleeting and frail; virtue is accounted illustrious and eternal.  
Yet hath it been for a long time, a great controversy amongst mortals whether Military Affairs were more managed by the strength of the body, than the virtue of the mind. For first of all, counsel before you begin, and after consultation had, mature execution is most needful. Thus both of them being incomplete by themselves, they stand in need of each others help.  
Therefore the Kings of the first times, (for that title of command was the first on earth) differing in their ways, some of them exercised the mind, others the body: Yea, than the life of man was not troubled with covetous desires: every man's own pleased sufficiently.  
But after that Cyrus in Asia, the Lacedæmonians, and Athenians in Greece surprised Cities, & conquered Nations, than the desire of rule became the ground of war, the largest Empire being reputed the greatest glory: then at length it was found by danger & experiments, that wisdom in war was of most prevalemce.  
But if the virtue of mind in Kings and Emperors, were as powerful in peace, as it is in war; humane affairs would be more jevell & constant: neither should you see this transferred thither, nor all things changed and confounded together. For rule is easily preserved by those Arts, by which it was gotten at first. But whereas for industry, sloth, for moderation and equity, lust and pride have entered themselves: Fortune together with manners suffers alteration. Thus dominion is generally translated from him that is least good, to him who excels in goodness. Whether men plant, sail, or build, all success depends upon virtue.  
Yet many mortals given over to sloth and gluttony, being unlearned and uncultived, have passed over this life like Pilgrims, to whom, even against nature, the soul was a burden. Their life & death I esteem alike, because both of them are silenced.  
But truly, he at length to me seems to live, and to enjoy his soul, who being bend upon some employment, seeks the reputation of any great exploit, or ingenuous science. But in the great variety of things, nature to diverse shows different ways. It is glorious to do well for the Republic, neither is it improper to speak well for it; you may be renowned either by peace or war; and of those who have done, and of those who have wrote other men's doings many are praised. And in my judgement, although a proportionable glory doth not attend the doer and writer of things; yet it is very difficult to relate actions forepast: first, because the deeds ought to carry proportion with the words: Secondly, because most men, what faults, you reprehend, think you speak out of malevolence and envy. When you discourse of the large virtue and glory of good men, what any man thinks easy to be achieved by himself, he receives with good approbation: if it be above that, he esteems their reports feigned for counterfeits.  
But I being a young man at first, was (as many men are) thrust from my study into public affairs, and there I suffered many calamities, for in steed of honesty, abstinence, and virtue, boldness, bribery, and avarice flourished, which vices, although my soul detested, being a stranger to evil courses, yet amongst such a confluence of them, my tender age being corrupted, was enthralled by ambition: and me, although I kept distance from other crimes, the same desire of glory, like others troubled, together with infamy and envy.  
Thereupon, as soon as my mind, after many miseries and dangers, took some repose, and that I had resolved to spend the remainder of my time fare from the Commonwealth: it was not my determination to waste this commodious vacancy in sloth and idleness, neither to wear out my years, being bend upon tillage, hunting, and servile employments: but from what purpose and study wicked ambition had detained me, thither returning, I decreed to write the exploits of the Roman people, succinctly, and as they seemed worthy of remembrance: the sooner, for that my mind was free from hope, fear, and State-factions.  
Therefore of Catiline's conspiracy, as truly as I can, in few words, I mean to treat; for that action I esteem most memorable, for the novelty of the crime and danger. Of which man's conditions, some particulars are first to be unfolded, before I begin the Discourse itself.   

CHAP. 2.  
Catiline's life, lineage, and condition.  
LVcius Catiline was descended of a Noble family, his abilities both of body and mind were great, but his disposition was evil and corrupt, from the age of a stripling, intestine broils, murders, rapines, and civil discords were his pleasures, & in these he exercised his riper youth: his body was patiented of hunger, cold, and watching, beyond the reach of humane belief. His mind was daring, subtle and various▪ He could pline was strictly observed, both in the City and Campe. There was an uniform concord without the least blemish of covetousness equity and goodness were maintained amongst them, more by the instinct of nature, then by the written Tables.  
Their strifes, discords, angers, and enmities, they wraked upon their enemies: Citizens contended with Citizens in the emulation of virtue: they were magnificent in divine ceremonies, frugal in domestic expenses, faithful to their friends. By these two courses of courage in warfare, and equity after peace, was concluded, they provided for their own and the public safety. Of these particulars, I have this especial proof; because in the time of war, more severity was for the most part exercised against those, who engaged sight without command, or retired too slowly, the retreat being sounded, then upon such as forsook their Ensigns, or fled, being beaten from their appointed stations. But in the time of peace, they swayed the Government more by bounty then terror, being willing to forgive, rather than revenge injuries. Thus as soon as industry, and justice had enlarged the State, mighty Kings were conquered by their Arms fierce Nations, and multitudes of people were subdued by their Forces; yea, Carthage, emulous of the Roman Empire, was razed without hope of recovery; all Seas and Lands gave way to their Armies.  
Then fortune began to frown, and to blend all things with confusion. Those men who had suffered without disturbance labours, dangers, hard and harsh fortunes, to them ease and wealth, things to be wished for of others, became a burden and calamity. Then first the desire of money, and after that, of Sovereignty began to increase: these proved the materials of all mischiefs: for avarice subverted faith, honesty, and other good practices: instead of them it taught pride, cruelty, irreligion, and bribery, with all ambition made many men hollowhearted, they reserved one thing in their breasts, expressed another with promptness of language. They valued amity and enmity not by desert, but by profit, and more affected a good show then substauce. These abuses at first, crept forward by degrees, being sometimes subject to punishment: after, when the contagion spread itself like a pestilence, the face of the City was changed, and the form of Government which was most just and excellent, grew to be tyrannous and unsufferable.  
But first of all, ambition (which vice is virtues next counterfeit) exercised men's affections, more than covetousness, for glory, honour, and dominion, are desired indifferently by the good and evil: but the first of these takes the direct way, the other, because he wants fit means, pursues their inquest with deceit and falsehood.  
Covetousness hath with it an immoderate desire of riches, which never any wise man did affect: she as if infected with virulent humours, effeminates both men's bodies and minds, she is always unlimited, and unsatiable, not lessened with plenty, nor penury.  
Now, after that Locius Sylla had recovered by Arms, the sway of the Republic, from good beginnings, ill events attended him, for all men gave themselves to rapine and pillage: this man longed for a house, that other for a field: the victors knew neither mean nor modesty: barbarous and bloody executions were inflicted upon their fellow Citizens. This mischief was furthered by another, because that Sylla, to the intent he might oblige the Army to his service, which he commanded in Asia, had contrary to the discipline of his Ancestors, entertained them with too much luxury and freedom. Places of pleasure, and voluptuous allurements, had easily mollified in this time of vacancy, the fierce courage of his Soldiers. There first the Roman Army learned to whore, to carouse, and to fancy scutcheons, pictures, and inchased utensils: these they purloined privately and publicly; withal they pillaged the Temples, and polluted all divine and profane ordinances: so that these were the Soldiers, who after they had gotten the victory, left nothing to be possessed by the vanquished. Prosperity for certain, cloys the minds of wise men, much less could those men, whose conditions were dissolute, moderate themselves after the victory.  
From thence forward riches were accounted honourable, and these were courted by Domination, glory and and power. Then the edge of virtue was abated, poverty was thought a disgrace, and innocency was esteemed a sin. Therefore by the causal means of riches, riot, avarice, and pride, corrupted the youth, who made large spoils and expenses, being careless of their own estates, yet covetous after other men's. They confounded promiscuously, shame and modesty together, with the Laws of God & man: they were neither moderate, nor provident in their actions.  
It is a subject worth the observation, when you shall behold houses and private dwellings, enlarged with buildings in the manner of Cities, to survey therewithal the Temples of the Gods, which our most religious Predecessors erected. But these they beautified with piety, as they did their own houses with glory. Neither did they take any thing from the conquered, but the liberty of doing wrong. But these debauched persons took most injuriously from their associates, these proprieties, which those valiant Conquerors spared to their enemies; as though the doing of injury were a true argument of command. But why should I recount those abuses, which are not credible to any that have not seen them, as the levelling of mountains, and the damning up of seas at private men's charges; who made wealth the scorn of their folly, because they were lewd, and lavish of that, the honest fruition whereof had been lawful?  
Besides, their lusts, riots, and other lewd practices, were not inferior to their former crimes: men enured themselves to feminine sufferances, and women publicly prostituted their honours. To please their palates, both lands and seas were searched from fare: they went to sleep before natural desire urged it. They could not brook hunger, thirst, cold, nor weariness, but did anticipate all of them with luxury. These motives incited the youth to dangerous attempts, as soon as their properstore was exhausted. A mind infected with this variety of vices, could hardly restrain the invasion of lusts. By means whereof the ways of getting and spending were affected with more profusion.   

CHAP. 4.  
Catiline's ways, by which he draws in Associates, the causes which forwarded the Conspiracy; and gave the strongest means of resolution.  
IN this so great, and so depraved a State, Catiline entertained (a matter which was easily compassed) a rabble of most wicked and dangerous persons, as if they had been guardians of his body: for whatsoever Ruffian, Lecher, or Glutton, had wasted his Patrimony, with gaming, banqueting, or whoring; whosoever was deeply engaged in debt, for redeeming some punishable offence: besides all parricides, Church-robbers, convicted persons, and such as did fear conviction: moreover, all such whose hands and tongues got them maintenance by their perjuries, and civil blood-sheddings, and lastly all those, whom wickedness, want, or a guilty conscience did exasperate, became Catiline's bosome-friends and familiars. But if any man innocent of these crimes fell casually into his near acquaintance, by daily use and allurements, he became suitable and like to them. He desired most of all the familiarity of young men, because their effeminate spirits, and tender years, were soon caught with his wiles. And as every man's disposition did incline according to his age, he procured whores for some, bought dogs and horses for others. Neither did he spare cost nor modesty in seeking to assure their service and fidelity.  
I know, there were some who were of this opinion, that the youth which frequented Catiline's house, abandoned themselves to unmanly lusts. But this report was confirmed rather by the circumstance of other presumptions, then by the certainty of any man's knowledge. Now for Catiline himself, he had in his youth committed many notorious whoredoms; as with a Noble virgin, and with a Vestal Nun, & had aggravated this with other crimes as heinous, contrary to all law and equity.  
At length being taken with the love of Aurelia Orestilla, (a woman in whom no good man commended any thing but beauty) because she seemed scrupulous to marry, as being fearful of his son, who was grown to full years, it is held for certain, that by ●●●ioidiall murder he left his house empty, for her wicked nuptials, which accident (as it seems to me) was the chiefest cause that forwarded the Conspiracy. For his polluted mind being hateful to God and man, could take no rest sleeping nor waking, but was always perplexed with a guilty conscience: Thereupon his complexion grew pale, his eyes hollow, and his pace variable, sometimes swift, and sometimes slow; distraction being wholly seated in his face and countenance. Then he instructed the youth whom he had brought to his lure (as hath been formerly declared) in crimes various and heinous, by rules of different prescriptions. Out of these he furnished his friends with false witnesses and sureties, of whose credit, fortunes, and dangers he made the lowest estimation that could be. Afterwards having bankerupted their honour & honesty, he enjoined them actions worse than the former. And that was, if occasion did not minister a present means of ill doing, to circumvent & murder the innocent, as well as the nocent: being resolved to be mischievous and cruel for bare thankes only, rather than disease should make their hands and spirits unactive.   

CHAP. 5.  
Catiline's resolution confirmed by diverse inducements, what kind of men he did choose for his associates.  
CAtiline being confident in these friends and Confederates conspired to usurp upon the Commonwealth: being urged thereupon through the greatness of men's debts, which were general in all Provinces and because Sulla's Soldiers having spent lavishly their own perquisites, and being mindful of their former rapines and victories, did wish for nothing more than a Civil war. There was as then no Army resident in Italy. Pompeie the great was engaged fare off in foreign service: his hopes were not mean in serving for the Consulship. The Senate was not sufficiently careful, all things were established in tranquillity and safety, which occurrences served opportunely for Catiline.  
Therefore about the Calends of june L. Caesar, & Caius ●igulus being Consuls, he first sp●ke withal the Conspirators apart; persuaded some, and sounded others; then he remonstrates their own strength, the weak provisions of the State, and the great rewards depending on the action. Thus having sifted all things to his hearts desire, he convents all those together, whose necessities were most pressing, and courages most daring. There met in this assembly of the Senatorian order, P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius; L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, Pub. & Ser. Sylle, the sons of Servius, L. Vargunteius. Q. Annius, M. Porcius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Quintus Curius. Besides there came these Knights M. Fuluius, the Nobler, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito, C. Cornelius. And with these, there joined themselves diverse others out of the Colonies and enfranchised Cities, being men much honoured both at home and abroad: yea there were many more partakers of this counsel in secret, whom ambitious hopes did rather invite, then want or any other necessity. Moreover, the greatest part of the youth, and those specially that were Noble, did favour Catiline's designs, I mean such, who being accustomed to live idly in pomp and pleasure, preferred casualties, before certainties, and war before peace.  
There were some also, living in those times, who did believe that M. Licinus Crassus was not ignorant of this counsel: because his adversary ●neius Pompeius did command a great Army, whose power he was willing that any growing opposite should overtop and withal he was confident, that if the conspiracy did succeed, that he should easily invest himself with the principal command. But before this there were others, who conspired, in which list Catiline was one. Of which subject I mean to treat, as punctually as I can.   

CHAP. 6.  
Catiline is prohibited from suing for the Consulship, Piso is sent Treasurer into Spain, he is slain by his own Soldiers.  
LV. Tullus, and Mar. Lepidus being Consuls, Pu. Antronius and Pu. Sylla Consuls elect, being indicted upon the Laws of canvasing for Offices, suffered punishment. Not long after, Catiline being attainted for extortion of monies, in his province, was prohibited to sue for the Consulship, because he could not clear himself within a prefixed time. There lived then at Rome one Cu. Piso, a young man nobly descended, of a most daring spirit, poor, and factious: want and an evil disposition, did incite him to disturb the Commonwealth.  
Catiline and Antronius, having communicated their counsels with this Piso about the Nones of December, they resolved to murder the two Consuls, L. Torquatus, and L. Cotta in the Capitol, on the Kalends of january. And then having seized on the Consular Ensigns, they two were to dispatch Piso with an Army to take possession of both the Spain's. But this plot being discovered, they deferred the execution of the murder until the Nones of Febr●ary. Then they intended not only to kill the Consuls, but diverse others of the Senators. So that if Catiline had not too soon given the signal at Court to his Confederates, never since the building of Rome, such an outrage had been committed; for because the conspirators did not meet armed in full numbers, that anticipation dissolved the plot.  
After this, Piso was sent Treasurer into the hither Spain, for the Praetour Crassus labouring in the suit, because he known him to be a mortal enemy to C. Pompeius. Neither did the Senate unwillingly obtrude him to this place, being desirous to remove this dangerous person fare from the near employments of State. The sooner, because many good men made him their Protector, and even then Pompey's greatness became fearful. But this Piso was slain, as he marched into the Province, by the Spanish Horsemen over whom he commanded. There were some which reported, that these Barbarians could not endure his vn●ust, proud, and tyrannous government. Others again did affirm, that these Horsemen having been Pompey's ancient and faithful servitors, attempted this upon Piso with his consent: the Spaniards being otherwise unaccustomed to commit offences of that nature, yet they had been formerly subject to many as rigorous Commanders. But we will leave this matter doubtful, as we found it.   

CHAP. 7.  
Catiline's Oration to his Confederates. They demand the conditions of the war, in which point he gives them satisfaction.  
CAtiline perceiving his Complices to be assembled (of whom we have made mention heretofore) although he had treated with them severally about sundry matters, yet supposing that it did much conduce to his ends, to encourage them altogether, he retires into the secretest room of his house, and there all those who were not of the complot being removed, he began this, or the like Oration.  
Unless your valour and fidelity were sufficiently known unto me, the opportunity would be of no importance, and this great hope of commanding all, would even rust in our hands. Neither should I through want of employment, or any other various conceit, entertain casual adventures for certainties. But since I have known you valiant, and faithful to me me, in many and great occurrences, I am thereby encouraged to undertake this most high and honourable enterprise: the sooner also, because I understand your resolutions are conformable to mine in the election of good & evil, for to concur jointly, in willing or not willing, that is the firmest friendship that can be, what I have formerly conceived in my mind, all of you have heard before this in private conferences. But now my courage is every day more & more inflamed, when I consider the conditions that shall attend our lives, except we ourselves vindicate our liberties; for sithence the Commonwealth is fallen into the power and preeminence of some few great men; Kings and Tetraches have been their tributaries, Peoples & Nations have paid them pensions; but as for the rest of us, how valiant or good, how noble or ignoble, we have been ranked amongst the vulgar, living without respect, without authority; obnoxious unto those, to whom, if the Weal public taken place, we should be the subjects of terror. Hence it is, that all favour, power, honour and riches, are become theirs, or at lest theirs, on whom they please to confer them. But to us, they have left repulses, dangers, judgements; and poverty: which grievances, how long will ye suffer, O you my most valiant friends? Is it not more honourable to dye virtuously, then to protract a miserable and despised life with infamy, after it hath been made the scorn of other men's pride?  
But assuredly, by that faith which I own to God and man, the victory is seated in our hands: we have youth for our advantage, and hearts full of courage; contrariwise through age and abundance of wealth, all abilities are decayed in them. It remains only for us to begin; as for the rest, time will accomplish. Can any man living, whose disposition is manly, endure to see these men abound with riches, which they lavish out in damning up the seas, and levelling of mountains, and that we should want means for our present necessities? That they should possess two or three houses, and that we should want a roof for our heads, so that whereas they buy pictures, skutcheous and embossed furniture; whereas they neglect the old, demolish the new, raise up other edifices in their places, and last of all, by all means get and consume money; yet cannot they by their lavishness bring their fortunes to an ebb. But we have poverty at home, debts abroad, our estates are low, our hopes are more desperate. Finally, what have we left, but the miseries of a perplexed mind? Therefore rouse up yourselves, behold that, that liberty (I say) which you have so long wished for, together with riches, renown and glory, are now represented unto you, fortune hath proposed all these rewards for the conquerors. The subject, time, dangers, wants, and magnificent spoils of the war, have more reason to encourage you, than my speech; for myself, use me as your General, or Fellow-soldier: neither my body nor mind shall fail you. These things (as I conceive) I shall be able to perform by your coassistance in the time of my Consulship; except my judgement deceives me, and that you had rather serve then command.  
After the Conspirators had heard this discourse; those whose wants were most abundant, but whose fortunes and hopes were quite forlorn (although the disturbance of the publcke peace, seemed to them a sufficient reward,) yet did they for the most part require, that Catiline would propose the conditions of the war, as also what rewards they should have for their service, what aids and hopes they were to expect.  
Upon this motion Catiline promiseth them new Laws, proscriptions of the Rich, Magistracies, Priesthoods, spoils, and all other privileges, which war and the Conquerors insolency, are wont to inflict. Moreover he tells them, that Piso was in the hither Spain, and that Pub. Sitius Nucerinus was in Mauritania with an Army, both of them being partakers of his Counsel. That Ca Antonius also did sue for the Consulship, whom he did desire to have for his Colleague, as being a man of his familiar acquaintance, and one likewise pressed with all kind of necessities: with him being Consul, he meant to open the beginning of this enterprise. Besides, he inveyes with scandalous speeches against the good Patriots, & praiseth every man by name of his own Confederates; he doth admonish one of his wants, another of his desires, some of the danger and disgrace, diverse others of Silla's victory, who by the advantage thereof, had got much pillage. After this when he had observed a general alacrity in their spirits, he exhortes them to be careful of his request, and so dismisseth the assembly.   

CHAP. 8.  
Catiline ministereth an oath to his Confederates, Curius betrays the Conspiracy, to his Concubine Fulura.  
THere lived some in those times, who reported, that Catiline having finished his speech, when he rendered th● oath to the partakers of his Conspiracy, that he ministered to them round, bowls of wine brewed with humane blood. And when all of them had carrowsed of it with execrations, according to the custom of solemn Sacrifices, he revealed the depth of his Counsels: and to this end, they say, he did it, that being conscious alike of one another's engagements, in so great a crime, they might be more faithful amongst themselves, yet many men thought these and sundry others reports, to be purposely feigned by them, who thought to extenuate the envy, which was afterwards raised against Cicero, by aggravating the heinousness of their offence, who had formerly suffered for it. But in regard of the difficulty, we know no certainty of this matter.  
There was one Qu. Curius of this Conspiracy, a man of no obscure parentage; but otherwise debauched with all kind of lewdness and villainy, whom the Censours, in regard of the scandal, had removed out of the Senate. This man had no less vanity than boldness, he could not be silent of what he heard, nor conceal his own delinquencies. Neither was he regardful of what he said or did. There had been an ancient League of whoredom betwixt him and Fulvia, a noble Dame, unto whom when he was less welcome than before, (because his poverty disenabled his bounty,) he presently vaunting of himself, began to promise her seas and mountains. Then he menaced her with his drawn sword, to make her yield unto his pleasure: and finally used her with more insolency, than he was formerly wont to do. But Fulvia having drawn the knowledge of the cause, from the insolent demeanour of Curius, would not conceal from the State, such a dangerous secret: but the Author being unmentioned, she disclosed to diverse, what particulars she had heard, and after what manner concerning the Conspiracy of Catiline.  
This occasion, first wrought the minds of men to confer the Consular dignity on Mar. Tul. Cicero. For before the greatest part of the Nobility did swell with envy against him, and thought that the honour of the Consulship would be blemished, if a new upstart (although well deserving) should be invested in the dignity. But danger making his approach, injustice, & pride became disrespected. Whereupon the assembly, for the election being met, Mar. Tullius, and Ca Antonius were declared Consuls, which Act did unjoint the Confederates designs: yet was not Catiline's fury any thing remitted: but every day he meditated new mischiefs: he disposed arms throughout Italy in convenient places, he conveyed money taken up upon his own, or his friend's credit, to one Manlius at Fesulae, who afterwards proved a principal party in the rebellion. He is said to have wrought about this season, men of all conditions to his faction: yea and some women also, who in the prime of their youth, having made large profit, by prostituting their bodies; afterwards when their age had put a period to their lucre, but not to their luxury, were deeply engaged in other men's debts. By these she-Agents, Cat●line was confident to procure the Roman slaves to fire the City, to draw● their husbands into the Conspiracy, or otherwise to murder them.  
In this list, there was one Sempronia, who had often committed many masculine exploits: this woman was fortunate in her birth, beauty, husband, and children: she was learned in the Greek and Latin languages: she could sing and dance more elegantly, than was fitting for a modest matron; she had sundry other qualities, which served as instruments for her luxury. But unto her all things were dearer, than the repute of Honour, and honesty. It were difficult for you to define, whether she were more lavish of her coin or credit: so itchingly, lustful, that she would oftener court men, then stay their courting: before this she had dealt perfidiously, had abjured her debts, had been conscious of murder, and precipitated herself into Riot, and want, yet was not her wit despicable: she could compose verses, break jests, discourse of any subject, whether modest, lose, or abusive; she was altogether made of mirth and jollity.   

CHAP. 4.  
Catiline resolves the death of Cicero, but is prevented by Fuluiaes' intelligence. Manlius raiseth a rebellion in Hetruria.  
THese provisions being made, Catiline resolves notwithstanding all opposition, to sue for the Consulship the next year, hoping if he were elected, that he should be able to deal with Antonius according to his pleasure. Neither was he quiet in the mean time, but sought to entrap Cicero by all possible means, who wanted neither fraud nor subtlety, to assure himself against his plots, for from the beginning of his Consulship, he had dealt with Fulvia, by promising her largely, that Qu. Curius (of whom we have spoken before) should bewray to him the depth of Catiline's Counsels. His Colleague Antonius he had likewise obliged by the exchange of his Province, that he should not entertain any thoughts of innovation against the Commonwealth. Besides he had Guards of his friends and Clients attending in secret upon his person.  
The day of election being now come, and Catiline's suit and plot against the Consul, wanting both success, he resolves to make open war, and to hazard all extremities; because those attempts which he made in Covert, proved vain and without success. Upon this he dispatcheth C. Menlius to Fesulae, and to the adjacent parts of Hetruria. He sends Septimius a certain Camertaine into the Picenian territory, as he did C. julius into Apulia, and others into other places, where he thought they could best opportune his purpose. In the mean time he projects many things at Rome, he lies in wait for the Consul; prepares Incendiaries, surpriseth places of advantage with his armed followers; he himself standing upon his guard in arms. Again, he commands some, and persuades others to be provident and ready to be forward and vigilant at all seasons, being neither tired with watching not labour. At length, when as nothing succeeded in his several undertake, he summons again late in the night the principals of the Conspiracy, by his Agent M. Portius Lecca, and there having complained much of their slackness, he showeth, that he for his part, had already sent Manlius to those troops, which he had formerly provided for this war; that others were dispersed into other convenient places, to lay the foundation of the war: that his chief desire was to visit the Army; conditionally that Cicero were first slain; he being the greatest obstacle of all his proceed.  
Upon this the residue being terrified & wavering, Cornelius a Roman Knight, and with him L. Vargunteius ● Senator, having promised their best assistance, determined forthwith to visit Cicero the same night, under the colour of salutation, & to kill him suddenly in his own house, being unprovided for defence. Curius no sooner understood the greatness of the danger impendant over the Consul, but opportunely by Fului●, he discloseth the intended plot to Cicero; upon which intelligence they being restrained at the gate, this attempt of theirs was then frustrated.  
In this intercourse of time, Manlius solicited the Commons in Hetruria, being of themselves desirous of innovation through their poverty, and former greevances of wrong, for that during Sulla's tyrannical government, they had lost all their lands and movables. Besides these, he drew to his party, Thiefs of all sorts, with diverse malcontents of the Syllan Colonies, to whom lust and and luxury had left no remainder of their former rapines. When these occurrences were related to Cicero, he was much troubled with the doubtfulness of the danger, because that neither by his counsel could he free the City from further treachery; neither could he be sufficiently informed, of what numbers Manlius Army consisted, nor what was the scope of his designed. Therefore he refers the matter to the Senate, being now rumoured every where by the vulgar report.  
They again, (as it is usual in times of most danger) did forthwith decree, that the Consuls should endeavour themselves to the utmost, that the Republic suffered no detriment. That power is granted by the Senate, unto the chiefest Magistrate after the Roman custom: by which he is enabled to wage war, to levy at his discretion, both allies and Citizens: withal, to command in chief, both at home and abroad. Otherwise, without the people's authorising, none of these privileges are permitted to the Consuls. Some few days after, Lu. Servius, a Senator, recited certain letters, which he said, were brought unto him from Fesulae, by Quin. Fabius. In these thus it was written: That C. Manlius had taken Arms with great numbers, before the sixth day of the Kalends of November. Upon this (as it is usual in such events) some spoke of portentous signs and prodigies. Others discoursed or unlawful assemblies, of transportation of Arms, and of a servile commotion in Capua, and Apulta.  
Whereupon by the Decree of the Senate, Quin. Martius Rex, was sent into Fesulae, and Quin. Metellus Creticus into Apulia and the neighbouring Regions. Both these having been Generals of the field, were hindered from triumphing, by the calumniation of some few, unto whom all suits, whether good or bad, were wont to be venal. But as for the Praetours, Qu. Pompeius Rufus was commissioned to go to Capua, and Quintus Metellus Celer, for the Picenian territory, and these had power by permission to raise an Army, as the occasion and case required. Moreover, if any man could reveal any thing concerning this Conspiracy (intended against the safety of the State) it was decreed he should have a large reward; a servant his freedom, and a hundred Sesterces: ● freeman impunity of the fact, and two hundred Sesterces. They decreed beside, that the families of the Sword-players, should be billetted in Capua, and other enfranchised Towns, according to the ability of the inhabitants; that watch and ward should be kept at Rome, and that the inferior Magistrates should have the command thereof. With these novelties the City was amazed, and the face of it was changed; in stead of mirth and frollicknesse, which diuturnal ease had produced, forthwith there followed a general sadness. This man speeds to prevent, that man trembles, neither place nor person could assure their di●●idence. Neither had they open war, nor certain peace: every man esteemed the dangers according to, his own fearful apprehension. Besides this, the weaker sex, to whom (in regard of the majesty of the State) the terror of war was unusual, did bewail their hard fortunes, they lifted up their suppliant hands to heaven, commiserated their little children, prayed frequently, and feared the worst in all things, so that their pride and pleasures being neglected, they began to distrust themselves, and their Country's safety.  
Amidst these disturbances, Catiline's fierce mind still prosecuted the same courses, yea, although guards were provided, and that he was examined by Lu. Paulus, upon the breach of the Plautian Law. At last for palliations sake, and under the pretence of purging himself, as though he had been provoked thither by injurious dealing, he makes his appearance in the Senate, upon this the Consul M. Tullius, whether fearing his presence, or incensed with anger, made a pithy and profitable Oration for the good of the Commonwealth, which afterwards he published in writing. But as soon as he was set down, Catiline being one that could readily counterfeit all shapes, began to petition the Fathers with a dejected countenance, and supplaint voice, that they would not without just cause, give credit to any thing that might be suspected against him. That he being extracted from such noble a family, had so demeaned his conversation from his youth upward; that only, that which was good, had been harboured in his hopes: neither should they conceive thus of him, that he being a Patrician borne, (who together with his Ancestors, had merited well of the Roman people) could not subsist without the ruin of the Commonwealth: when as, forsooth, M. Tullius a petty Inmate in the City of Rome, must be thought to preserve the same.  
When he superadded other scandals to these, all the house hushed at his speech, calling him Traitor & parricide publicly. Then all enraged he replies, because being circumvented I am overborne by mine enemies, nothing but ruin shall determine my revenge. Thereupon, from the Court he posteth to his own dwelling house: there pondering many things seriously with himself, as that his plots against the Consul did not succeed, and that his Intelligencers assured him, that the City by reason of the Guards, was secured from firing: he thinking it the best expedient, to reinforce his Army, before more Legions were enrolled, and to anticipate all advantages, which might be useful for him in the war, he takes his journey late in the night towards Manlius Camp, with some few persons in his retinue. But before this he had charged Cethegus, Lentulus and others, whose courage he known to be most active, that by all means possible they should assure the strength of the faction, that they should hasten their treacheries designed against the Consul, and dispose beforehand slaughter, firings, and other mischiefs incident to war: as for himself, he would march speedily to the City with an Army of sufficient force.  
Whilst these things were acted at Rome, C. Manlius sends certain Agents of his own retinue unto Q. Martius ex, with this message following:  
We call both gods and men to witness (most noble General) that we have not taken Arms against our Country, nor that we might heap danger upon other men: but only to secure our bodies from violence, who being wretched and wanting through the oppression and cruelty of usurious creditors, have for the most part lost our Country, as all of us have our Fame and fortunes. Neither is it permitted to any of us to take the benefit of the Law (according to the custom of our Ancestors) nor to keep our bodies free, our Patrimonies being forfeited. So great hath been the rigour of the Usurers and Praetour. Our Predecessors oftentimes taking compassion of the Plebe● an Romans, by public Decrees relieved their poverty; and of late, even in our memories, in regard of them excessive debts, it was agreed upon by the consent of all good men, that they should be paid out of the common stock.  
Oftentimes hath the very Commonalty disiunited themselves from the Fathers; either induced by the desire of superiority, or otherwise armed through the pride of the Magistrates. But we affect neither rule nor Riches, by whose causing all wars and quarrels arise amongst mortals: we only desire liberty, which no free nature can endure to lose, except it be with the loss of life. We importune both thee and the Senate, that you would relieve us, your miserable fellow Citizens, and restore unto us the benefit of the Law, from which the injustice of the Praetour seeks, to debar us; not imposing upon us the last of all extremities, that we should seek the means, by which we should die, having first fully revenged our deaths.  
To these demands Q. Martius replied, that they would request any favour from the Senate, they should surcease from Arms, and go to Rome in the nature of suppliants; that there both the Senate and people were of such clemency and compassion, that never any man required their help in vain.  
But Catilene being upon his journey, wrote to diverse of the Confular order, and to sundry other persons of quality. His letters imported, that he was wronged by false aspersions, that because he could not resist the powerfulness of his enemies, he gave way to his hard fortune, that he would go to Marselles to live in exile: not because he was conscious to himself of so heinous a crime, but that the State might remain undisturbed, and that no sedition might proceed from his quarrel, fare contrary to the tenure of these. Q. Cat●lus did read others letters in the Senate, which he avouched to be delivered unto him in Catiline's name: The Copy of them is here underwritten.  
Lu. Catiline to Qu. Catulus, wisheth health.  
Thy remarkable constancy, confirmed by experience, which hath come acceptably to me in my greatest dangers, warrants confidence to these my commendations. For what cause I did not resolve to undertake my own defence in that new Counsel, I mean to give thee satisfaction, yet not out of the guiltiness of any crime. This (so God help me) you may receive for a truth: being provoked with injuries and disgraces, withal deprived of the fruit of my labour and industry, because I failed in obtaining the Consular dignity, I have undertaken, according to my custom, the protection of distressed men. Not because I was unsufficient to satisfy my debts upon my own credit, and out of my own Revenues: since upon other men's credit, the mere liberality of Aurelia Orestilla was able to discharge them all, out of her own and her daughter's store. But for that I saw unworthy persons dignified with honour, and myself rejected upon false suspicions: for this cause I have prosecuted these hopes of preserving the remainder of my reputation, they being honest enough for my present fortune. Being willing to write more, it is related to me, that provisions are made to force me. Now I commend Orestilla to thee, and deliver her to thy trust. Defend her from wrong, being conjured by the love of thy children. Farewell.   

CHAP. 11.  
Catiline arrives in Manlius Campe. Orders are given out for his pursuit.  
But Catiline himself, having stayed some few days with C. Flaminius in the Reatine territory, whilst he be fortified that City with Arms, being before solicited to his party, he speeds from thence to Manlius' Camp, with the branches of rods, and other Ensigns of the Consular command. These things were no sooner known at Rome, but the Senate proclaims Catiline and Manlius. Traitors; to all besides them, a prefixed day is limited, before which time it might be lawful for them to lay down their Arms, without any faudulent reservation, excepting such, who were condemned of capital offences. Moreover it was decreed, that the Consuls should make a new Levy, that Antonius should pursue Catiline with an Army volant, and that Cicero should guard the City.  
At that time the face of the Roman Empire seemed most miserable unto me; for although all places were subjected by their Arms, from the rising of the Sun to the setting thereof, and that they wallowed at home in ease and wealth, (things which man's nature doth most affect) yet did the City nourish some ill members, who were obstinately bend to 〈◊〉 themselves, and the Republic: For after two Decrees of the Senate published, there was not one man of to great a multitude, so fare moved with the promised reward, that he would discover any thing concerning the conspiracy, neither was there any fugitive known to fly from Catiline's Camp, so great was the violence of this malady, which like a pestilent contagion had dispersed itself almost through the generality. Neither were their minds alienated alone, who were knowing of this complot, but even the whole body of the Commonalty, being desirous of innovation, did approve Catiline's undertake, and this seems to be done according to custom; for always in a Commonwealth, those men whose fortunes are low, envy the good, magnify the bad, mislike antiquities, wish for novelties, and in disdain of their proper estates, they desire a general alteration, feeding themselves securely with troubles and tumults; because their poverty could hardly be damnified.  
But as for the Plebeians of the City, they precipitated themselves into this action through sundry motives. First of all, those who most exceeded in lewdness and petulancy; then, those who had shamefully wasted their Patrimonies: and lastly, all snch, whom some notorious offence or outrage, had expelled from their own dwellings, the confluence of these repaired to Rome, as if it had been a sink of receit. Besides, many others being mindful of Sulla's victory, because they had seen some common Soldiers made Senators, and others so enriched, that in diet and apparel, they lived after a Royal manner, hoped to reap such fruits by the victory, if that were purchased by their Arms. Moreover, the Peazant youth, who by the hire of their hands had got their liuings in the fields; being alured with the hope of private and public largesses, had preferred the City's ease, before the thriftless Country labour. These and all others of this kind; did feed on the public calamity. It being a matter not much to be wondered at, that penurious persons, of evil conditions, and aspiring minds, should equally neglect themselves and the Commonwealth. Moreover, such as had their parents proscribed, their goods confiscated, and the privilege of their liberties entrenched upon by the rigour of Sulla's victory, did attend the event of this war, with a resolution answerable to the former. Again, whosoever were of any faction, except of the Senatorian, did rather desire the trouble then the tranquillity of the State. This mischief, after many forepast years, made his reverse again into the City.  
For after the tribunitial power was restored, Cn. Pompeius, and M. Crassus' being Consuls; certain young men having gotten the sovereign authority (whose years and spirits were disposed to violence) they began by traducing the Senate to exasperate the common people, and then to engage them further by their large gifts and promises: by which popular courses they themselves became renowned and powerful. Against these Innovatours, the greatest part of the Nobility opposed themselves, with the strongest means that they could, under the pretence of maintaining the Senate, but indeed for the support of their own greatness. For (that I may briefly deliver the truth) whosoever in these times disturbed the public peace, counterfeiting the care of the Commonwealth, under the favour of honest names; as to be protectors of the people's privileges, or advancers of the Senate's authority, all of them striven to enlarge their own power. Neither was there any mean nor modesty in their contentious courses, and being victorious, they were ever unmerciful.  
But after that Cn. Pompeius was sent unto the maritime and Mithrida●icke wars, the Plebeian faction declined, all greatness being engrossed by some few. These intrested themselves with Magistracies, Provinces, and all other dignities. Then they spent their time in security, flourishing without any man's disturbance.  
As for the rest, they terrified them with their severity, the means by which they thought to rule the people best, in this their usurped Magistracy. But as soon as the first hope of innovation presented itself, the former quarrel inflamed their courages: so that if Catiline had been superior in the first Battle, or had fallen off upon equal terms, for certain a miserable slaughter and calamity had oppressed the Roman State: for those who had vanquished, should not long have enjoyed the benefit of the victory; but a stronger party would have extorted from them, being weary and wounded, their acquired Empire and liberty.  
There were many men besides not listed in the Conspiracy, who with the first went forth to Catiline. Amongst these, there was one A. Fuluius the son of a Senator, who being fetched back, as he was upon his journey, was slain by his father's command.   

CHAP. 12.  
Lentulus strengtheneth his party at Rome. Vmbrenus acquaints the Ambassadors of the Allobroges with the plot. Sanga gets a draught of it.  
During the time of these occurences, Lentulus solicited at Rome, either by himself or his Agents, (according as Catiline had given order) all those, whom for their conditions, or fortune, he thought fit instruments for his purpose. Neither did he deal with the Citizens alone, but with all sorts of men that were serviceable for the wars. To this end he gives instructions to P. Vmbrenus, that he should found the Ambassadors of the Allobroges, and draw them, if he could, into the society of this action: thinking that they would easily be persuaded to join, as being in private and public much indebted: and beside, the nation of the Gauls is by nature in clined to Arms.  
Vmbrenus, by reason he had negotiated in Gaul, did know, and was known unto most of their principal Citizens. Therefore as soon as he saw the Ambassadors in the Common-hall, having made some few demands, concerning the State of their City, and seeming to deplore her wrerched case, he began to inquire, what end they did expect of these their great greevances. When he perceived, that they complained by way of reply, of the covetousness of the Magistrates, and blamed the Senate, because they could have no redress from them, and that they expected no remedy for their miseries, but by death only. Why then (saith he) if you will show yourselves men, I will put you into a course, by which you may shun all these inconveniences. As soon as he had delivered these words, the Allobroges being possessed with great hopes, importune Vmbrenus to take compassion on them: for there was nothing so dreadful nor difficult, but they would undertake to do it willingly, so that the performance of it would free their City from her debts. Thence he brings them into the house of D. Brutus, as being near to the Common-hall, and by means of Sempronia no stranger unto the plot. And Brutus was as then absent from Rome.  
Besides, that his speech might carry the more authority, he sends for Galinius. He being present, Vmbrenus discloseth the conspiracy at large. He names the confederates, and with them many men of sundry degrees, being altogether innocent; and this he did, to give further encouragement to the Ambassadors. Then he dismisseth them home, after they had promised their best assistance. But as for the Allobroges, they stuck long upon doubtful resolutions. On the one side stood their debts, their inclination to war, and the large rewards expected from the victory. On the other side they beheld a stronger party, safe courses, and certain rewards, for uncertain hopes. They pondering these things in their minds, the fortune of the Republic at length prevailed. And so they delivered unto Q. Fabius Sanga, (a man whose patronage their City much used) a full draught of the Conspiracy, according as they had heard it related. Cicero, informed of this secret by Sanga, commands the Ambassadors, that they should deeply counterfeit their affections to the design, that they should visit the rest of the Conspirators, should promise largely, and endeavour to the utmost, to detect all the Complices.   

CHAP. 13.  
Metellus and Murena apprehend diverse of the Conspirators. Lentulus and Cethegus dispose themselves for action.  
near about this season, there were sundry tumults stirring in the hither and further Gaul, as also in the Picemian, Brutian, and 〈◊〉 territories. For those whom Catiline had before sent out, uncounsellably like mad men, shuffled all their businesses together: with their night counsels, with their carriage of Arms and weapons, with their posting to and fro, and disquieting of all places, they had caused more fear than danger. Of this number, the Praetour Q. Metellus Celer had committed diverse to prison, they being found guilty upon the examination of their Confederates. The like did C. Muraena in the hither Gaul, he being Deputy Lieutenant of that Province. But at Rome Lentulus had determined with other principal Conspirators, (great Forces being provided for that purpose) that when Catiline should advance with his Army into the Fesulan Tract, Lu. Bestia, Tribune of the people, should reprehend Cicero's actions in a public Oration, and should impose the envy of this dangerous war upon the well-deserving Consul. And that this serving for a signal, all the rest of the Conspirators were to execute their several charges the next night following. The division whereof was said to be in this manner. Statilius and Gabinius being strongly accompanied, were to fire at once twelve convenient places of the City; in the tumult whereof they might facilitate their means of passage to the Consul & the rest, against whom their plots were intended Cathegus was to beset Cicero's gate, and to assail him forcibly: others were to do the like to others. Besides, the sons of sundry families (most of whom were of the Nobility) had orders given to massacre their own parents, and in the general terror of fire and slaughter to make their escape to Catiline.  
In the passage of these preparations & designs, Cathegus still blames the cowardice of his companions; telling them, that by their doubts & dilatory courses, they neglected fair opportunities: that in a danger of that nature it was more behooveful to do, then deliberate. That himself, if some few would assist, would not fail to set upon the Court, although the rest fainted in courage. This man was by nature violent, and prompt of hand: he esteemed celerity for the spirit of action.   

CHAP. 14.  
The Allobroges follow Cicero's instructions. His project succeedeth, Lentulus is arraigned.  
NOw the Allobroges (according to Cicero's directions) meet by Gabinius procurement with the other Conspirators: they demand an oath of Lentulus, Cathegus, Statilius, and Cassius, the tenure whereof being subsigned, they might present to their Citizens: for otherwise they would hardly be drawn into a business of that consequence. All the rest without suspicion did condescend: only Cassius promiseth to repair thither speedily, and removes from the City somewhat before the Ambassadors. Lentulus sends one Titus Vulturtius of Crotona, to accompany them: to the intent, that the Allobroges before they returned home, might confirm this League with Catiline, by faith given and taken interchangeably. He delivers letters to Vulturtius for Catiline: the copy whereof is as followeth.  
Who I am, you may understand by this Messenger, which I have sent unto you: see that you think upon the great extremity you are in, and remember to play the men, consider what your affairs require, and implore aid of all, yea, even of the meanest.  
Besides, he gives instructions to him by word of mouth, that since he was adjudged a Traitor by the Lords of the Senate, he should be well advised in rejecting the service of the slaves in the City; all his commands were upon the point of execution, that he should not fail to approach nearer with expedition.  
These affairs standing thus, on the night appointed which they were to departed, Cicero being instructed by the Ambassadors, he gives order to the Praetours L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Pomptinus, to apprehend (by way of ambushment) all the retinue of the Allobroges on the Miluian bridge. Then he opens the whole circumstance of the business, for which they were employed: as for the rest, he wished them to proceed as occasion should require. These military men following their instructions, and having disposed the Guards without tumult, did covertly beset the Miluian bridge. After the Ambassadors, together with Vulturtius were come to that place, a confused noise was raised on both sides: the Gauls knowing the plot beforehand, forthwith rendered themselves to the Praetours. Vulturtius having first encouraged the residue, defends himself with his sword against the multitude; at length seeing himself forsaken of the Ambassadors, having first required many things of Pomptinus concerning his safety, (for that the other was a man well known unto him) he yields at last, growing fearful and diffident of life, unto the discretion of the Praetours, as if it had been to his professed enemies.  
This business being thus effected, all the passages thereof were speedily signified to the Consul. But him a mighty care and joyfulness possesseth together. He rejoiceth, for that the City was freed from dangers: beside he was careful, such Citizens being detected of so heinous a crime, what might be most requisite for him to do. Their punishment would be a burden to him, their impunity, the republics ruin. At length having confirmed his mind, he commandeth Lentulus, Cathegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius of Terracina, to be summoned before him. The last of whom was ready to take his journey into Apulia, for raising of a servile commotion there. All the rest appear without delay: only Ceparius, being gone abroad, and the disconery being known unto him, was already fled from the City. The Consul leading Lentulus by the hand, in regard he was Praetour, brought him into the Senate house: the rest he commands to come with their Keepers into the Temple of Concord. Thither he summons the Senators, and in a frequent assembly of that Order, he brings in Vulturtius with the Ambassadors. He bids ●laccus the Praetour, to produce the Box with the packet of letters, which he had formerly taken from them. Vulturtius being examined upon Interrogatories, concerning his journey, his letters, and last of all about his Intentions, what they were, and for what end; at first, he feigneth all excuses that could be, he dissembleth his knowledge of the Conspiracy; afterwards being commanded to confess upon the assurance of the public faith, he tells them, that he knew nothing more than did the Ambassadors: only he had heard frequently from Gabinius, that P. Antronius, Servius Sylla, and L. Varguntius were of the Conspiracy: the Gauls confessed the same. The Lords taxed Lentulus dissembling deeply, besides the letters, with speeches which he was wont to utter out of the Sibilline books; as that the Empire of Rome was portended to three Cornelijs; Cinna, and Sylla, were gone before, himself was the third, who was destined to rule the City. Moreover this was the twentieth year from the burning of the Capitol, of which the soothsayers out of the prodigies had often foretold, that it should prove bloody by Civil war.  
Upon this, the letters being read, when all of them acknowledged their own seals, the Senate decreed that Lentulus resigning his Magistracy, should with the rest be kept under free custody. Therefore Lentulus was committed to P. Lentulus Sphinther, (who was then Aedile) Cathegus to Q. Cornificius, Statilius, to C. Cesar, Gabinius, to M. Crassus, Ceparius, (for he was a little before retracted from his flight) to Cn. Terencius a Senator.   

CHAP. 15.  
The Commons measuring all things by the event, detest the Conspiracy.  
IN the mean time, the Commons, the Conspiracy being detected, (who at the first, longing after innovation too much favoured the war) retracting their opinions detested Catiline's counsels; they extolled Cicero even to the skies, and like men freed from bondage, gave themselves to joy and frollicknesse: for that they esteemed other outrages of war to be bend more upon pillage then ruin, but the execution of fire was held cruel, extreme, and most hurtful to them, all whose wealth served but for quotidian use, and their body's sustenance.  
After this, one Lucius Tarquinus was brought before the Lords of the Senate, being fetched back (as they said) as he was upon his journey towards Catiline. When this man promised to discover the Conspiracy, if the public faith were assured unto him: being commanded by the Consul to deliver what he knew, he confesseth almost the same in effect unto the Lords of the Senate, that Vulturtius did: about the preparation of fire, the slaughter of the good, and the Rebel's expedition. Moreover, that he was sent by M. Crassus to tell Catiline, that he should not be terrified with the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus and other Conspirators; but should the rather make speed in his journey, towards the City, to the intent he might revive the courage of the residue, and that their delivery from danger might be the sooner accomplished.  
But as soon as Tarqvinius had appeached Crassus, a man of noble descent, great wealth, and much power, some thought it a matter incredible, others, although they esteemed it for a truth, yet because the powerfulness of such a man, seemed fit to be reconciled, then exasperated at such a season, (most of them also being engaged to Crassus for private respects) they cried out all together that the accuser lied, and required, that there might be a reference of this matter. Whereupon by the advice of Cicero, a frequent Senate decreed, that Tarqvinius accusation seemed false, that he should be kept in bonds, neither should he have any further power granted to himself, except he would reveal him, by whose suggestion he had forged this notorious scandal. There were some in those times, who thought this accusation, to be first devised by P. An●ronius, of purpose, that Crassus being appeached, his power might portect the rest through the Community of the danger: others reported, that Tarquinus was suborned by Cicero; lest Crassus, according to his custom, should disturb the Commonwealth, by undertaking the protection of wicked persons. I heard Crassus himself afterwards publish, that this great disgrace was imposed upon him by Cicero. yet at the same time Q. Catulus, and Cn. Piso could not persuade Cicero, either with request or reward, that by the Allobroges, or any other accuser, C. Cesar should be wrongfully questioned: for both these were at mortal enmity with him: Piso for that he was overthrown in judgement, for the extortion of money in his Province, upon the unjust punishment of a certain Transpadan: Catulus was offended about his suit for the Pontificacy, because in his old age, having borne many honourable Offices, he received the repulse from Cesar, being but a young man. Besides, the occasion seemed opportune, for that he by his great liberality in private, and by his excessive largesses in public, did owe great sums of money. But when as they could not draw the conful to such a crime, they themselves by soliciting severally, and by feigning such things as they were to say, they had heard from Vulturtius, and the Allobroges, had procured him much envy: in somuch, that some Roman Knights, who with their Arms had the Guard about the Temple of Concord, either moved with the greatness of the danger, or the forwardness of their minds, so to make their zeal to the Commonwealth to appear more clearly, threatened Cesar with their swords, as he went forth of the Senate.   

CHAP. 16.  
The Traitors are condemned. Caesar's Oration.  
Whilst these things passed thus in the Senate, and that rewards were decreed for the Ambassadors of the Allobroges, and T. Vulturtius, their information being generally allowed. the freedmen and some few of Lentulus' dependants, taking their journeys severally, solicited the day-labourers and slaves in the villages, for his rescue. Others suborned the Ringleaders of the multitude, who for bribes were wont to disturb the Commonwealth. As for Cathegus, he requires by messengers his domestics and freedmen, (choice fellows and exercised in boldness) that trouping together they would make them with impunity. Likewise in all the Punic wars, when the Carthaginians in the times of Peace and Truce, did often commit many grievous outrages, they did never for this occasion requite them with the like: they rather pursued that, which was worthy of themselves, then that, which with justice might have been inflicted upon them. This also ye ought to provide for (C. F.) that the Treason of B. Lentulus and the rest, do not prevail more with you, than your own dignity; neither ought you to be more careful of revenge then reputation: for if an equal punishment can be found out for their offences, I, allow this new counsel: but if the heinousness of the crime exceeds all imagination, I think it expedient to take those courses, which are prescribed by the Laws.  
Most of them, who before me have delivered their minds, have lamented the state of the Commonwealth, in eloquent and high language: they have related, what the cruelty of the war might be, what miseries might be fall the vanquished: as virgins, and boys to be ravished, children to be pulled from their parents embracements, mothers of families to be defiled at the victor's pleasure, Temples and houses to be spoiled, murder and fire to range freely; and lastly all places to be filled with Arms, Carkeises, blood shed and mourning. But by the immortal gods, to what end tended their speech? was it to make you offended with the Conspiracy? as though, forsooth, he could be provoked with words, whom so high & heinous a crime could not move: The supposition is untrue: for no mortal man lessens the estimation of his own wrongs, yea many men interpret it too rigorously.  
But in diverse men the licence of this is different (ye conscript Fathers) for those who live low in an obscure calling, if through anger they have committed any error, few men take notice of it, their fame and fortune being both alike. As for those, who being invested with great commands, spend their time in high employments, their actions are manifested to all men's knowledge. So that in the greatest fortune, the privilege of offending is least: neither doth it beseem those who have it, to be partial in favour or hatred, much less to be angry: for that which is termed anger in others, in men of command is called pride, and cruelty.  
I think verily (ye C. F.) that their offence exceeds all punishment: but most men remember the next occurrences, so that in wicked men's censures forgetting the crime, they dispute of the punishment, if that seem never so little too rigorous. I know for certain, that whatsoever D. Sillanus a valiant and resolute man hath said, that it proceeded from his zeal to the Commonwealth: neither hath he in so important a matter exercised his private amity or hatred: I have known the conditions and modesty of the man to be such: as for his Sentence it seems nor cruel) to me (for what cruelty can be inflicted upon such male factours?) but unusual it is in our form of government: for questionless, fear or wrong have enforced thee (O Sillanus) being Consul Elect, to decree this new kind of punishment. It were superfluous to discourse of fear, since by the present diligence of our most worthy Consul so many strong Aids are now in Arms. Of the punishment I can truly say that, which the case requireth. That death to men in anguish and misery, is no torment, but the period of calamities: It dissolves all the terrors of mortality, beyond that, there is no place for grief or gladness.  
But by the immortal gods, why did you not add to the Sentence, that first of all they should be scourged with rods? was it because the Portia● Law forbids it? but other Laws also impose exile, not death upon condemned Citizens: or was it because scourging is more grievous than beheading? If it be so, what censure can be too bitter, and cruel, against persons convicted of so heinous a fact? But if because the punishment is gentler than that, how then should it be convenient to observe the Law in small matters, when you neglect it in the greater? But should any man reprehend that, which is decreed against Traitors to the Commonwealth? Time, occasion, and fortune will determine, whose sway moderates all Nations, that whatsoever may befall them, shall befall deservedly.  
Besides, I would have you to consider (ye Conscript Fathers) what you may decree against others All evil examples proceeded from good beginnings: but when the Government is divolued to men not knowing, or not good enough, this new example is transferred from worthy and capable persons, to those that are unworthy and uncapable. The Lacedæmonians, the Athenians being vanquished, appointed thirty men to govern that State. These at first began to put to death every man that was most wicked and generally, hated, although he were uncondemned. The people applauded this course, and said it was urged from their deserts. after, when this liberty by degrees increased, they murdered at their pleasure both the good and bad, and terrified the rest with fear. Thus the City being oppressed with servitude, suffered grievously for her inconsiderate joy.  
When as in our memory Sylla the Conqueror commanded Damasippus and others of the like condition to be slain, that were grown great by the public calamity, who did not commend this act of his? They reported, that these wicked and factious men●, who had troubled the State with their seditions, where justly put to death. But this was the beginning of a great massacre: for when any man affected the house, farm, utensill, or apparel of another, he endeavoured to list him in the number of the proscribed. So that those, who formerly rejoiced at Da masippus' death, were dragged not long after to the same block: neither was there first an end of slaughtering, before that Sylla had enriched all his partakers. I fear not this in M. Tullius, nor in these times: yet in this great City, there are many and various humours. At another time, another man being Consul, who hath also an Army to command, a falsehood may be misinterpreted for a truth. When from this precedent, by the Decree of the Senate, the Consul shall unsheathe his sword, who shall then prescribe an end, or moderate the execution of it?  
Our Predecessors (ye Conscript Fathers) never wanted counsel, nor courage; neither did pride hinder them from imitating foreign institutions, if they were honest. They borrowed their Arms and military weapons from the Samnites, their Ensigns of Magistracy from the Tuscans. Lastly, whatsoever seemed convenient, were it in use with their Allies or enemies, they practised it at home with exceeding industry. They were more willing to imitate then envy the good. But in that time, following the custom of Greece, they punished Citizens with stripes, upon the condemned they executed capital punishment. After this, when the Commonwealth grew strong, and factions were of force through the multitude of Citizens, the innocent were circumvented, and other like abuses began to be committed. Then the Portian Law, and other Laws were enacted, by the benefit whereof, banishment was permitted to the condemned. I think this to be a sufficient cause (ye Conscript Fathers) for which we should not embrace any new resolution: for certain there was more virtue and wisdom in them, who from such mean foundations have established so glorious an Empire, then in us, who do hardly retain their lawful acquisitions.  
Is it therefore my pleasure to have them dismissed, and Catiline's Army to be thus reinforced? nothing less: but this is my censure: That their goods should be confiscated, themselues be kept in bonds in the enfranchised (Towns of best ability, and that no man shall make any reference for them to the Senate, nor mediate with the people: he that shall do otherwise, the Senate should adjudge him to undertake against the Commonwealth, and the public safety.  
After Caesar had finished his speech, some assented to it by Voting, others otherwise amongst themselves. M. Portius Cato being required to deliver his mind, he uttered this or the like Oration:  
My mind fare differs in itself (ye Conscript Fathers) when I consider our occasions and dangers, and when I balance with myself some men's opinions: they to me seem to have argued about their punishment, who have sought to bring war upon their Conntry, Parents, Temples, and Families. But the occasion doth admonish us, rather to be cautelous of them, then to consult, what is to be decreed against them. For other crimes you may then punish, when they are committed: except you provide that this doth not hap, being happened you implore justice in vain. The City being taken, no power remains to the conquered.  
But by the immortal gods I appeal to you, who have always esteemed your Houses, Farms, Skutcheons, and Pictures, more than the Commonwealth, if you will retain those things, which you so much embrace, of what condition so ever they be; if you will give full scope to your pleasures; rouse up yourselves at length, and undertake for the Republic. Our tributes are not questioned, nor the wrongs of our Confederates, our liberties and lives are become doubtful. Often have I spoken at large (ye Conscript Fathers) in this Assembly, and have frequently complained of the luxury and avarice of our Citizens; for which cause I have many enemies: I that could never favour any offence in myself, or my own soul, did hardly remit faults to the lust of others. But although you meanly regarded my words, yet the State stood firm; prosperity bore out our negligence. But now it is not questioned, whether we live in a good condition or bad; neither how great and glorious is the Empire of the Roman people; but whether these, whatsoever they be, shall be entirely ours, or ours together with our enemies. Here will any man name to me lenity and mercy? we have for certain lost already the proper appellations of things: for the donation of other men's goods is termed liberality: a mischievous daring fortitude. To such extremities is the State now reduced. Well, let them be (since such are the customs) liberal out of their friends fortunes; let them be merciful to the Robbers of the public Treasure, yet let not them lavishly give our blood; and whilst they spare some few wicked, seek to ruin all good Patriots.  
Well, and learnedly hath C. Caesar discoursed not long since in this Assembly concerning life, and death; as I conceive, thinking those things to be false, which are reported of the infernal places, that the evil in a Region remote from the good, have loathsome, rude, filthy, and fearful habitations. Therefore hath he censured, that their goods should be confiscated, that themselves should be kept prisoners in the enfranchised Towns: forsooth, lest being at Rome they might be forcibly freed, either by their fellow Conspirators, or by the suborned multitude: as though wicked & lewd men were only in the City, and not throughout all Italy, or that boldness could not there do most, where the means to defend are weakest. Vain therefore is this counsel, if he doubt any danger from them: but if he alone fears, not in a general fear, by so much the more it concerns me to be fearful both for myself and you. Wherefore when you shall determine of Lentulus, and the rest: hold it for a certainty, that you have decreed of all the Conspirators. By how much the more you shall be careful in this, by so much their spirits will be the more dejected: but if they shall see you to faint never so little, all of them will forthwith insult with more fierceness.  
Do not think that our Ancestors, made from a small one this Republic great by Arms: if it were so, we should enjoy it more flourishing by fare; in that we abound more than they in Allies, Citizens, Armour and horses. No, there were other advantages, which made them great, and are wanting to us: industry at home, justice abroad, a judgement free in Counsel; neither obnoxious to error or passion. In lieu of these we have entertained luxury and avarice, with sordidness in the public, and abundance in our private expenses. We commend Riches, follow sloth: there is no distinction made between good and evil men: ambition usurpeth all the rewards of virtue. Neither is it strange, since all of you for yourselves, hold your Counsels a part, since at home you are slaves to your pleasures, here to money or favour; so that wrong is enforced upon the neglected Commonwealth. But these things I omit.  
Citizen's most nobly descended, have conspired to ruin their Country, they invite the Gauls (a Nation most adverse to the Roman name) unto the war: the Captain of the Rebels with his Army hovers over your heads: you protract time, and even now you doubt what to do with these Traitors, being apprehended within the walls. I think you pity them: being young men, forsooth, they have offended through ambition, and therefore you may dismiss them armed. But assuredly this meekness and mercy, if they shall once take Arms, will turn to your calamity.  
For certain the case is dangerous, yet you fear it not: yes verily, nothing more. But through sloth and softness of spirit, expecting one another, you make delays; relying belike on the immortal gods, who have preserved this Commonwealth in many and most great dangers. Not by vows, nor womanish prayers the succour of the gods is procured, through vigilancy, action, and good counsel, all designs succeed well. Whereas you abandon yourselves to sloth and idleness, you implore the gods in vain: they by this are offended and angered.  
Amongst our Predecessors A. Manlius Torquatus in the Gallicke war, commanded his son to be slain, because against command he had fought with an enemy; and thus this brave young man suffered mortal punishment for his immoderate valour. Do you delay, what you shall decree of these most cruel parricides? Perchance their former life mitigates this offence. But spare Lentulus' dignity, if ever he spared his modesty, reputation, the gods or men: pardon the youthfulness of Cethegus, if this be not the second time, that he hath made war against his Country. For of Gabinius, Statilius, and Ceparius, what shall I speak? unto whom if any thing had ever been respective, they would never have entertained such counsels against the State.  
Last of all (ye Conscript Fathers) if indeed there could be any sufferance of this mischief, I could well endure, that you should be corrected by the event itself: but every where we are circumvented: Catiline with his Army braves us to our teeth: other Traitors are within the walls, and in the bosom of the City. Nothing can be prepared nor counselled with secrecy: for which cause, the more expedition is to be made▪ wherefore thus I censure: That since by the mischievous counsel of some wicked Citizens, the Commonwealth hath been brought into the greatest dangers, and these men are convicted by the deposition of Ti. Vulturtius, and the Ambassadors of the Allobroges; and have confessed, that they intended slaughter, fire, and other outrages, horrid and heinous against their Citizens and Country; that upon them confessing, as men apparently guilty, punishment should be inflicted according to the custom of our Ancestors.  
After Cato was set down, all those who had been Consuls, and a great part of the Senate beside, commended his Sentence, and even to the Heavens extol his virtue: some of them blaming others, call them dastards: Cato is reputed great and excellent.   

CHAP. 17.  
A digression of the Author, occasioned from the premises, with a true description and comparison of M. Cato, and C. Caesar.  
But unto me reading and hearing many things, which the Roman people in peace and war; on the land and sea, have achieved bravely; it seemed good to consider, what means had supported such great enterprises. I knew that with small Forces, they have oftentimes encountered great Armies of their enemies: I knew that with contemptible numbers, they have warred against mighty Kings, beside they have frequently suffered the violence of fortune. The Greeks' in eloquence, the Gauls in military renown excelled the Romans. Yet unto me pondering many things it appeareth plainly, that the remarkable virtue of a few Citizens brought all these things to pass; and so it befell, that poverty overcame riches, the few the multitude.  
But after, when the City was corrupted with Riot and sloth, the Commonwealth again through her proper greatness sustained the vices of her Generals and Magistrates; & as though she had lately brought forth all her Patriots, there was not any man found at Rome for a long season of eminent virtue.  
But in my memory, there lived two men of much virtue, yet of different conditions, M. Cato, and C. Caesar, whom, because the occasion presents itself, I do not resolve to pass over in silence, but will deliver their lives and manners, as fare as my wit will enable me.  
Therefore the parentage, years and eloquence of these men were almost equal, their greatness of mind and glory were alike, but other things they pursued otherwise: Caesar for his benefits and munificence, was reputed great, Cato for the integrity of his life: the one was renowned for his meekness and mercy; to this man, severity added dignity. Caesar by giving, relieving and pardoning, Cato by parsimony got renown. The one of them was a Sanctuary to the oppressed, the other, the ruin of malefactors. This man's facility, that man's constancy was commended. Last of all, Caesar was resolved in mind to labour, watch, to be intentive on his friends affairs, with neglect of his own: to deny nothing that was worth the giving; he desired excessively a great command, Army, and new wars, where his virtue might express itself. But Cato's study was modesty seemliness, and above all, severity. He did not strive with the rich man in riches, nor with the factious man in faction, but with the valiant in valour, with the modest in modesty, and with the innocent in abstinence. He had rather be, then seem good: so that, by how much the less he pursued glory, by so much the more he purchased it.   

CHAP. 18.  
The Senate resolving to follow Cato's counsel, commands execution to be done upon the Traitors.  
AFter the Senate (as I have said) condescended to Cato's opinion, the Consul thinking it the best expedient, to anticipate the next night; lest any thing might be innovated in the mean time, he commands the Triumuirs to prepare provisions needful for the execution: he himself, the Guards being disposed, conducts Lentulus unto the prison, the like is done to the rest by the Praetours. There is a place in the prison called Tullianum, as soon as you are ascended a little towards the left hand, it stands about twelve foot deep in the ground, the walls fortify it round about, and above, a vault bound together with stone Arches: but the aspect of it is filthy & fearful through darkness, stench and neglect of cleansing. Lentulus' being brought thither, the Executioners for capital crimes, to whom this was enjoined, strangled him with a halter. Thus this man being a Patrician, of the most Noble Cornelian Family, having born Consular command in Rome, found out a death worthy of his conditions and actions: the like punishment was taken upon Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius.   

CHAP. 19  
Catiline joineth his Forces with Manlius. He divides his Army into two Legions. Being pursued by Antonius, he takes the Mountains.  
Whilst these things pass at Rome Catiline out of all the Forces, which himself brought, and Manlius had, ordains two Legions, he makes his Cohorts complete for the number of Soldiers, and as any of the Volunteers, or of the Confederates came into the Camp, he distributed them equally, and in a short space, had filled up his Legions to the just numbers; whereas at the first, he had no more than two thousand. But of all this multitude; there was about a fourth part furnished with military arms, the rest as chance armed each one, carried javelines, Lances, or sharpe-pointed staffs.  
But after Antonius approached with his Army, Catiline marched through the monntaines, he removed his Tents, sometimes towards the City, sometimes towards Gaul, he presented no occasion of fight to the enemies. He did hope that forthwith he should have great Forces, if his associates at Rome could effect their designs. In the mean time he cassiereth the slaves, (of whom at first great numbers repaired unto him) relying on the Aids of the Confederacy. Besides, it seemed unexpedient for his ends, to communicate the cause of Citizens with fugitive slaves. But when a Messenger came to the Camp, with tidings, that the Conspiracy was detected at Rome, that upon Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest, (whom we have before remembered) punishment was inflicted: the most part of those, whom hope of pillage, or the desire of innovation had alured to the war, stole away secretly: the residue Catiline leads through the rough mountains, with large marches, into the Pistorian territory, of purpose that by Devious ways he might unperceived fly into Gaul. But Q. Metellus Celer commanded with three Legions in the Picenian tract, who thought that Catiline through the difficulty of his affairs, did meditate that means of escape, which we have formerly rehearsed.  
Therefore as soon as he was informed of his journey by the fugitives, he removes his Camp in haste, and sits down under the very foot of the mountains, whereas the others descent was flying into Gaul. Neither yet was Antonius fare off; as following with a great Army, through more even ways, those that were wholly disposed for flight. But Catiline after he saw himself enclosed with the mountains, and Forces of his enemies: that in the City things were adverse: that there was neither hope of flight, nor aid: thinking it the best course in this case, to hazard the fortune of war, he resolves to fight with Antonius upon the first occasion: therefore an assembly being called, he makes this Oration.   

CHAP. 20.  
Catiline's Oration to the Rebels. A description of the battle.  
I Have found by experience, fellow Soldiers, that words infuse not valour into men, nor that an Army becomes strenuous from dastardly, nor valiant from fearful, by the Oration of a General. How much courage is seated in each man's soul, either by nature or custom, so much manifests itself in war. whom neither glory nor danger excite, him you may persuade in vain: the fear of the mind hinders attention. But I have called you together, with intent, to admonish some few things, and withal that I might unfold the reasons of my counsel. You know full well (my Soldiers) what mischief the solution and cowardice of Lentulus brought to himself and us, and by what means, (whilst I expected Aids from the City,) I was hindered from going into Gaul. But now you perceive all, as well as myself, in what extremity our affairs are: two Armies of our enemies debar us; one from the City, the other from Gaul: to stay longer here, if our resolution could bear it, the want of corn and other necessaries prohibites; wheresoever we mean to go, the way must be opened by the sword.  
Therefore be of a valiant and prepared mind, and when you shall begin the battle, remember that you carry in your right hands riches, renown, and glory, with your liberty and Country beside. If we overcome, all things will be secured to us; abundant provisions, the privileged Towns and Colonies will discover: but if we shrink for fear, these will all prove our enemies. Neither will any place or friend shelter him, whom his arms shall not protect. Besides, (my Soldiers) the same necessity is not impendent over us and them: we contend for Country, liberty, and life: they are at leisure to fight for tyranny of some few. For which cause fall on more courageously, being mindful of your ancient virtue.  
It had been lawful for us, to have protracted our lives in exile with the most disgrace that could be: some of you at Rome, having lost your own, might have expected other men's riches. Because these courses seemed base and unsufferable for men, you resolved to pursue these other. If you will relinquish these, there is need of courage. No man, except the Conqueror, hath changed war for peace. For to seek safety by flight, when you shall divert your arms from your enemies, by which the body is defended, that is madness indeed. Always in a battle, their danger is greatest, who fear most: courage is accounted for a wall.  
When I consider you (my Soldiers) and when I esteem your brave acts, a great hope of victory doth possess me: your resolution, age, and virtue, persuade me, besides the necessity, which also makes the coward's valiant. For that the multitude of our enemies may not enclose us, the fastness of the place forbids: but if fortune shall envy your valour, beware that you lose not your lives unrevenged, nor that being taken, you be slain like beasts, rather than fight like men, to leave a bloody & mournful victory unto the enemies.  
As soon as he had spoken thus, pausing a little, he commands the warlike instruments to sound, and draws out his Troops in order unto a convenient place: then all the horses being removed, to the intent, that the danger being made equal, courage might be amplified in his Soldiers, he himself on foot arangeth his Army, as the place, and his numbers required. For whereas the plain was seated between mountains on the left hand, and on the right hand it was rough with rocks: he placeth eight Cohorts in front; his other Troops he imbattailes for succour in a more close order. Out of these he draws all the Centurions, and the selected men that had served out their years, besides every one of the common Soldiers, that was best armed, into the Van of the Vanguard. He commands C. Manlius to take charge in the right wing, and a certain Fesilan in the left; he himself with the freedmen and those of the Colonies took up his station before the Standard of the Eagle, which Marius was said to have in his Army in the Cimbrian war.  
But on the other side, C. Antonius, because being lame of his feet, he could not be present at the battle, commits the whole charge of his Army to M. Petreius his Lieutenant. He imbatailes the old Cohortes which were enrolled because of this tumult, in the Frount, after them he disposeth the rest of his Forces for aids of reserve. He himself riding round about on horseback, naming every Commander severally, conjures, persuades, and entreats, that they would remember, how that they were to fight against unarmed Thiefs, for their Country, children, Temples, and Families. This Martial man, because for more than thirty years, he had been with great glory, either Tribune, Provost Martial, Lieutenant, or praetor in the Army, knew most of the Soldiers, and their valiant exploits: by rehearsing these, he inflamed their courages.  
But as soon as Petreius, all things being thus ordered, had given the signal by sound of Trumpet, he commands the Cohorts to advance a little, the enemies. Army doth the like. After they came to that distance, from whence the light armed skirmishers might begin the battle, they encounter one another with a mighty noise, and hateful signs: they leave their Piles, and try the matter at swords point. The Veteranes mindful of their ancient virtue, press them hardly at hand fight, the others resist without fear, on both sides they fought with much fierceness.  
In the mean time, Catiline with the readiest Soldiers is engaged in the point of the Vangarde: he succours the distressed, sends in fresh supplies for the wounded, provides for all events: he himself fights bravely, and chargeth the enemy often: he performs together all the Offices of a valiant Soldier, and worthy General.  
Petreius, as soon as he saw Catiline, contrary to his expectation, to make a forcible impression, he brings on the Praetorian Cohort upon the midst of his enemies, and kills them being disordered, resisting here and there: then he assails the rest on both sides, in flank, Manlius & the Fesulan fall with the first.  
After that Catiline saw his Troops broken, and himself with some few remaining; being mind. full of his parentage and former dignity, he runs amongst the thickest of his enemies, and fight there is slain. But the battle being ended, then might you discern, how much courage; & strength of spirit had been in Catiline's Army. For almost the same place, which each man maintained fight, the same his soul being departed; he covered with his body. But some few, through the midst of whom the Proetorian Cohort broke, made a stand differently in diverse places; yet all of them fell by fair wounds. As for Catiline, he was found amongst the carkeises of his foes, far from his own men, breathing as yet his last; and that fierceness of mind, which he possessed living, he retained then in his countenance.  
Lastly of all that number, neither in the fight nor flight was any free Citizen taken prisoner. Thus all of them alike spared their own, and their enemy's lives. Neither yet did the Army of the Roman people obtain a joyful and unbloody victory. For every man that was most valiant, was either slain, or went from the field grievously wounded. But many who issued out of the Camp for view or pillage, turning up the enemy's carkeises, found some a friend, others a guest or a near kinsman, yea there were those who knew their very foes. Thus variously gladness and grief, mirth & mourning, were moved throughout all the Army.   
The end of Catiline's Conspiracy.   

THE WAR OF JUGURTH: Rendered into English by William Cross, Master of Arts, of Saint Mary-hall, in Oxford.  
LONDON, Printed for Tho. Walkley, and are to be sold at the Eagle and Child, in Britain's. Burse. 1629.   

To the right Honourable the Lord Harbert of Castle Island, William Cross wisheth the fullness of temporal and eternal happiness.  
RIght Honourable, your gracious, though undeserved favours, encourage me to present this piece of the jugurthine war, to your most Noble hand, and able judgement. The Royal pen of Queen Elizabeth, hath been formerly Versed in this Translation, but this being like to herself, and too good for the world, was never published. The subject is high, copious, and full of variety: such are the sallies of the Authors wit, such his expressions of language: both which are so well suited together, that without any Hyperbole or excess of speech, I may boldly say, if there be any difference: Materiam superabat opus, the Workmanship exceeds the matter. If this Work may pass to public view, through the favour of your Patronage, the Labourer thinks his endeavours recompensed with a fair Harvest, and will for ever remain  
Your Honour's devoted Servant, William Cross.   


The Proem or Introduction.  
FAlsely mankind complains of his nature, that being feeble, and of short continuance, it is ruled more by fortune then virtue. For by a contrary estimation, you can find nothing more great nor excellent; and rather to nature, humane industry is wanting, than time or ability. But the guide and ruler of man's life is the mind: which when it pursues glory by the way of virtue, it becomes abundantly able, powerful and illustrious. Neither stands it in need of fortune: for because honesty, industry, and other good Arts, she can neither give nor take from any man. But if seduced with evil desires, it inclines lewdly to sloth, and bodily pleasures, using pernicious lust for a season; when through idleness, strong the time and wit are decayed, in vain is nature's infirmity accused. All Authors impute their faults to the occasions.  
But if men had as much regard of goodness, as with earnestness they pursue things impertinent, profitless, yea exceeding dangerous, neither should they be more governed, then govern chances: and should proceed to that pitch of greatness, whereas for mortals they should be eternised with glory.  
For as mankind is composed of body and soul, so all our actions and endeavours follow some the disposition of the body, some of the soul. Therefore a fair face, great riches, corporal strength, and all other things of this kind, fade away in a short time, but the glorious monuments of wit, like as the soul, are immortal: Finally, for the endowments of the body, and fortune, as there is a beginning, so there is an end: and all of them being borne, die, and increased, wax old. The mind is uncorrupted, eternal, the governor of mankind, it doth and possesseth all things, neither is itself possessed.  
By how much the more their wickedness is to be wondered at, who being addicted to carnal delights, waste their time in sloth and riot; but the wit, than which there is nothing better, nor greater in humane nature, they suffer to rust, through idleness and want of manuring; when especially there are so many and so different Arts of the mind, by which the chiefest renown is procured.  
But amongst these, Magistracies, commands, and all care of public employments seem not fit to be desired of me at this present: for that neither honour is given to virtue, nor they, who by falsehood have got any power, were thereby the more secured or honested: For by violence to rule your Country, and parents, although you can, and may reform abuses; yet is it unseasonable: when especially all alterations do forboade murder, flight, and other hostilities. But to labour in vain, and to purchase nothing else but hatred for our pains, is a part of extreme folly; unless perchance in such a man, whom a dishonest and hurtful desire doth enforce to prostitute his honour and freedom unto the power of some few.  
Now, amongst other employments exercised by the wit, the memory of things done, serves for most special use; of whose worth, because many men have treated, I resolve to pass it over; withal, lest any man might think me to commend my own study. And I do believe there will be some, who, for that I have decreed, to spend my remaining years far from the Commonwealth, will impose the name of idleness on this my so great and profitable work: such verily, to whom it seems a chief point of industry to salute the common people, and by feasting to procure favour: who if they did but throughly consider, in what times I obtained the Magistracy, and what men could not attain it then: and after, what persons came to be Senators; truly they would conjecture, that rather deservedly then out of sloth, I had altered my determination: and that more profit would redound to the Commonwealth wealth out of my retirements, than other men's employments.  
For I have often heard Qu. Maximus, P. Scipio, with many other famous men of this City, usually say, when they beheld the statues of their Ancestors, that their minds were most vehemently inflamed to virtue. Certainly, not that wax nor figure had such efficacy in it: but through the memory of things formerly done, this flame was kindled in these brave men's breasts, neither could it be first allayed before their own worthiness had equallized the others renown & glory.  
But contrariwise who amongst you all is of this condition, but would rather contend with his Ancestors in wealth and expense, then in goodness, or industry? yea, upstarts, who by virtue were wont to usher home nobility, by stealth, nay, plain robbery rather, advance themselves to commands and honours: as though, the Praetourship, Consulship, and other like dignities were in themselves worthy and magnificent; and were not esteemed according to their virtue which manage them. But I have ranged too freely and too fare, whilst the manners of the City grieve and irk me. Now I return to the matter in hand.   

CHAP. 1.  
Micipsa sends his nephew Massinissa to Numantia: he behaves himself worthily in that service. He is accepted and made coheir with his sons. Micipsa dieth.  
I Am writing the war, which with jugurth King of the Numidians, the Roman people waged: first, because it was great and cruel, and doubtful for the victory. Secondly, because then the pride of the Nobility was first opposed: which contention confounded all divine and humane respects: and proceeded to that height of madness, that to these civil broils, war, and the wasting of Italy must set a period. But before I begin to treat of this subject, let me repeat some few things more ancient, that so to your knowledge, all the sequel may appear more plain and manifest.  
In the second Punic war, in which Hannibal the Carthaginian Captain, had after the greatness of the Roman name, much wasted the wealth of Italy; Massinissa King of the Numidians, being received into friendship by P. Scipio, (whose surname from his virtue, was afterwards the African,) achieved many glorious exploits of war: in regard whereof, the Carthaginians being vanquished, and Syphax taken, (whose Empire was great in Africa, and of large extent) the people of Rome gave for a donative to the King, whatsoever Cities, and territories they had got in this conquest: for which cause Massinissaes' friendship remained firm and faithful unto us. But his life and Empire ended together.  
After him his son Micipsa obtained the Kingdom alone, Mastanabal, and Gulussa his brethren being dead of sickness. He begot Adherbal and Hiempsal, and brought up jugurth the son of his brother Mastanabal, (whom because borne of a Concubine, Massinissa had left private) with the same education that he did his own children. who as soon as he came to ripe years, excelling with strength, and comeliness of countenance, but most of all with an able wit, he gave not himself over to the corruptions of luxury and sloth; but (as the custom of that Nation is) to riding, darting, and in race matches to contend with his equals; and though he outwent all men in glory, yet was he dear to them all: Besides he spent most of his time in hunting: he would assail the Lion, and other wild beasts, first, or with the first: he did the most, and spoke least of himself.  
For which causes, although Micipsa rejoiced at the beginning, as deeming that jugurths' virtue would be an honour to his Kingdom: yet when he considered, that this young man, (he himself being old, and his children little,) improved himself more and more; being much moved with the occasion, he pondered many things in his mind. The nature of men being covetous of command, and prone to fulfil their own desires; beside, the opportunity of his own and his children's age, (which also for hope of gain, altars the course of temperate men) afforded him matter of terror; as likewise did the Numidians affections wholly bend upon jugurth; from whom he was doubtful, that some sedition or war would proceed, if he should treacherously kill so worthy a person.  
Being environed with these difficulties, when he saw that neither by force nor fraud, he could oppress a man so popularly beloved, he resolves, for that jugurth was valiant of hand, and desirous of military glory, to expose him to dangers, and that way to try his fortunes. Thereupon in the Numantine war, when as Micipsa was to send Aids of Horse and Foot unto the people of Rome: hoping that either by the ostentation of his valour, or the enemy's fury he would be soon slain, he gives him the chief command over those Numidians, which he sent into Spain. But the event of this was fare otherwise then he expected: For jugurth, as he was of an active and sharp conceit, when he found out the disposition of Pu. Scipio, General as then for the Romans, and withal, the enemy's behaviour: by much labour and much care, beside by obeying modestly, and encountering dangers willingly, he came to that renown in a short time, that to our men he was very dear, to the Numantines very dreadful: and for certain (which is a thing most difficult) he was valiant in battle, and wise in counsel; one of which commonly out of providence begets fear, the other out of boldness begets temerity.  
Therefore the General performed for the most part all difficult affairs by jugurth, he ranked him amongst his friends, and honoured him every day more than other; as one whose counsel and undertaking never failed. To these were adjoined munificence of mind, and dexterity of wit, by which qualities he advantaged himself with the familiar friendship of many Romans.  
At that time sundry upstarts, and Noblemen served in our Army, who preferred riches, before that which was good and decent: being factious and powerful at home, more popular amongst their companions, then honest in themselves: who by promises had kindled great hopes in jugurth, that when King Micipsa once died, he alone should enjoy the Kingdom of Numidia: in him there was a large portion of virtue: at Rome all things were to be sold.  
But after that, when Numantia being destroyed, P. Scipio resolved to dismiss his Aids, and to return home himself, he brought jugurth (with intent to reward and honour him) before the assembly, into the Praetorian Tent: And there in secret gave him these admonitions: that he should rather publicly then privately observe the friendship of the Roman people, that he should not accustom himself to particular largesses: those favours would be bought dangerously from some few, in which many were interessed: if he would be constant to his own courses, renown and the Kingdom would come to him freely: but if he should proceed with too much haste, he and his money would be ruined together.  
Having spoken thus, he dismissed him with letters, which he was to deliver unto Micispa. The contents of them were these.  
The valour of thy jugurth in the Numantine war, hath been most remarkable: which for certain I know rejoiceth thee: he is for his merits dear to us; that he may be so to the Senate and people of Rome, we shall endeavour with all our power: I am sincerely thankful to thee for our friendship. Behold, you have a man worthy of yourself, and his grandfather Massinissa.  
Therefore the King, as soon as he saw those things confirmed by the General's letters, which he had formerly heard by a common fame, moved with the worth and respect of the man, resolves to win jugurth with his bounty: thereupon he adopted him, & by his testament ordained him coheir with his sons: But he himself after some few years, being spent with sickness and old age, when he perceived his end of life to approach, was said to have had these words with jugurth, his friends, and kinsmen, and his sons being present.  
I entertained thee into my Kingdom (O jugurth) being a child left without hope, without fortunes; conceiving that I should be as much endeared to thee for my benefits, as if I had been thy natural father: neither hath this opinion deceived me. For to omit others of thy great and glorious exploits, returning lately from Numantia, thou hast honoured both me and my Kingdom with glory; and by thy virtue hast made the Romans of Confederates, most intimate friends. The name of our family is renewed in Spain: finally, which is a thing most difficult amongst mortals, with glory thou hast vanquished envy.  
Now because nature doth an end to my life, I do warn and conjure thee by this right hand, and the Kingdom's allegiance, that thou wilt regard lovingly these my children, who are thy kinsmen by birth, thy brethren by the benefit of my adoption; nor that thou wouldst rather adjoin strangers unto thee, then retain them conjoined in blood. Not Armies, nor treasure are the safeguards of a Kingdom, but friends: whom thou canst neither force by Arms, nor get with gold: by good offices & fidelity they are procured. But who can be more a friend then a brother to a brother? or what stranger shall you find faithful, when you shall be an enemy to your own flesh and blood? Surely I leave you a Kingdom strong, if you be good; weak, if you be wicked: for by concord small things increase, bydiscord the greatest are dissolved.  
Besides it becomes thee, (O jugurth) since thou art their elder in years, and wisdom, to foresee, that nothing fall out otherwise then well. For in every controversy, he that is most powerful, although he receives the wrong, yet because he is most able, he is thought to do it. But as for you Adherbal, and Hiempsal, love and observe this so worthy a man imitate his virtue, and endeavour to the utmost, that I may not seem to have adopted better children, than I have begotten.  
To this jugurth, although he knew the King dissembled in his speech, and his own thoughts were fare otherwise, answered respectively for the present: within some few days Micipsa dies.   

CHAP. 2.  
The three Kings assemble about the partition of the Kingdom. jugurth is disgraced. by Hiempsal: his revenge and victory.  
AFter they, according to the manner of Kings, had performed his obsequies magnificently, the Princes met all together, that they might consult amongst themselves of their affairs. But Hiempsal, who was the youngest of them all, being proud by nature, and formerly despising jugurths' ignobility, because on the mother's side, his descent was mean, sat down on the right hand of Adherbal, left jugurth should be the middlemost of the three, which is accounted the place of honour amongst the Numidians. Yet at length being importuned by his brother to yield it to the elder, he was hardly removed from thence to the other side.  
There when many things were discussed for the administration of the Kingdom, jugurth amongst other assertions maintains, that all their consultations and decrees for five years last past aught to be nullified: for during all that time, Micipsa being-spent with age, was scarce sound in mind. Then Hiempsal answered, that this pleased him: for that he himself within these last three years came by adoption to be coheir of the Kingdom: which speech sunk deeper into jugurths' breast, than any man thought. Therefore from that time being perplexed with anger and fear, he labours, prepares, and only plots the means, by which Hiempsal might be treacherously surprised. The proceed whereof being slow, and his fierce mind unappeased, he resolves howsoever to execute his purpose.  
In the first assembly before mentioned, it was agreed upon by the Kings, in regard of their dissension, that the treasures should be divided, and that the bounds of each one's Dominion should be limited. Thereupon a time for both ●hese is prefixed, but the money was to be soon distributed: The Kings in the mean time removed severally into places adjoining near to the treasures. But Hiempsal by chance took up his lodging in one's house in the town of Thermida, who being chiefest Sergeant at Arms to jugurth, was much beloved and esteemed of him: whom being offered for an instrument by fortune, he loads with promises, and persuades: that under the colour of visiting his house, he should forge false keys for the gates, for the true ones were delivered to Hiempsal: Moreover, when occasion should serve, he himself would come with sufficient Forces.  
The Numidian speedily executeth his commands: and as he was instructed, brings in jugurths' Soldiers by night: they dispersing themselves, seek the King: they kill some sleeping, others encountering them: they search the secretest places, break up the barred doors, and confound all things with noise and tumult: when in the mean time Hiempsal is found out, being hid in the cottage of a woman servant, whither at the first being frighted, and ignorant of the place, he was fled. The Numidians, as they were commanded, brought his head to jugurth.  
Now the fame of so great an outrage is quickly divulged throughout all Afrique: a sudden fear surpriseth Adherbal and all those, who had been under Micipsaes' government. The Numidians are divided into two parts: the most follow Adherbal, but that other the best men of war. whereupon jugurth levyeth the greatest Forces that he could▪ the Cities, partly by force, and partly by voluntary surrender he adjoines to his own Dominions: and makes preparations to subject all Numidian  
B●t Adherbal, although he had sent Ambassadors to Rome, which were to inform the Senate of his brother's murders, and his own estate, yet trusting in the multitude of his Soldiers, he provides a trial by Arms: when the matter came to debatement, being overcome he flies out of the battle into his Province, and from thence he posteth to Rome. Then jugurth his designs being compassed, after he got the Sovereignty of all Numidia, considering at leisure the fact by him committed, he much feared the people of Rome; nor against their indignation could he assure any hope, except it were from the avarice of the Nobility, and his own money. Therefore some few days after, he sends his Ambassadors to Rome with much gold and silver, to whom he gave in charge; that first with gifts they should satisfy his old friends: then they should procure new: finally, that they should not delay to corrupt with bribes, whomsoever they could.  
But as soon as the Ambassadors were arrived at Rome, and according to their King's command had sent rich presents unto their Patrons and others, whose authority as then was most powerful in Senate: such an alteration forthwith ensued, that jugurth from their highest displeasure, was received into the grace and favour of the Nobility: Part of whom being induced with hopes, part with rewards, laboured by suing to the Senators severally, that no rigorous Decree might pass against him. Thereupon as soon as the Ambassadors were fully confirmed, an Audience in Senate, upon an appointed day is granted to both parties: Then Adherbal (as we have heard) spoke after this manner.   

CHAP. 3.  
Adherbals Oration to the Senate. The reply of jugurths' Ambassadors.  
YE Father's Conscript, Micipsa my father enjoined me, that I should think the deputed Government of the Kingdom of Numidia to be only mine; that the right and Sovereignty was entirely yours: withal that I should strive to the utmost both in peace and ●●arre, to be most seruicea●● unto you: That I 〈◊〉 esteem you in the place of kinsmen and Allies. If I did thus, I should possess by your friendship Armies, riches, and the fortresses of my Kingdom▪ Which precepts of my fa●then, whilst observed, jugurth a man of all; whom the earth bears, the most wicked, hath thrust out me Massenissaes' nephew, and your Confederate and friend, as it were by inheritance, out of my Kingdom, and all my fortunes.  
And since (ye Fathers Conscript) I was to arrive at this point of misery, I would that rather for my own, than my Ancestors, I could claim●●●●●sistance from you; But especially, that good offices might be due to me from the Roman people, of which I stood not any ways necessitated; next to this I would, if they were to be wished for, that I might use them as debts of duty. But because goodness is hardly safe in itself, neither was I assured, what jugurths' demeanour would be, I fled to you for refuge (ye Fathers Conscript) unto whom, which is the greatest misery to me, I am compelled to be a burden, before I could be useful.  
Other Kings either subdued by war, have been by you admitted into friendship, or else in their doubtful, affairs, have required your alliance. Our Family contracted friendship with the people of Rome in the Carthaginian war, at what time their faith was more to be valued, than their fortune, whose offspring, me and Massinissaes' nephew do not suffer (ye Fathers Conscript) to implore your Aid in vain. If I had no other cause to require it besides my wretched fortune: in that, being not long since a King powerful in lineage, renown and forces; now deformed with troubles, and poor, I do expect other men's helps: yet had it concerned the Majesty of the Roman people to repel this injury, and not to suffer any man's Kingdom to be enlarged by villainy.  
But I am expelled out of those territories which the Roman people gave to my Ancestors; from whence my father and grandfather, jointly with you, chased Siphat and the Carthaginians: Your benefits are wrested from me (ye Fathers Conscript) you in my wrong are despised. Ay me wretched man. To this issue, (Micipsa my father) are thy benefits come; that whom thou hast made equal with thy children, and partaker of the Kingdom, he should be the chief suppresser of thy progeny? never therefore shall our Family rest? shall we always converse with blood, arms, and flights?  
Whilst the Carthaginians flourished in safety, all grievances▪ we justly suffered. The enemy on each side: you our friends were fare off, all hope lay in our arms. But after that plague was rid out of Africa, we exercised peace securely; as unto whom there was no foe, except perchance such a one, whom you would enjoin. But behold jugurth advancing himself with unsufferable boldness, pride, and villainy (my brother and the same his kinsman being slain) first, made his Kingdom the reward of his wickedness: after, when he could not circumvent me with the same wiles, expecting nothing less than war or violence; in your Empire, as you see, he hath made me live in exile from my house and Country, being poor, and overwhelmed with miseries; so that any where my abode may be safer, then within my own Kingdom.  
I thought so (ye Conscript Fathers) as I had heard my father relate; that they who should observe your friendship strictly, undertook a laborious task, but that of all men they were the safest. What lay in our family's power, it performed, to assist you in all your wars; it lies in your hands (ye Conscript Fathers) to safeguard us at your leisure. Our father left: us two brethren, this third jugurth he thought by his benefits to ally unto us: one of the two is slain, the other hath hardly escaped his impious hands.  
What shall I do? or whither, wretch that I am, shall I address myself? all supports of alliance are lost: my Father by the decree of nature is deceased: a kinsman, whom it least beseemed, hath villainously murdered my brother: the rest of my Confederates, friends, and kinsmen, this or that mischief hath severally oppressed. Those whom jugurth hath attached, some have been crucified, others have been exposed to wild beasts: a few whose souls are only left, being shut up in darkness with anguish and grief, lead a life more grievous than death.  
If all those proprieties, which I have either lost, or from being useful, are become hurtful, remained entire: yet if any unexpected calamity happened, I should implore you (ye Fathers Conscript) to whom for the Majesty of your Empire, all right and wrong aught to be regardful. But now being banished from my house and Country, or ●orne, and wanting an honest accommodations, whither shall I go? or to whom shall I appeal? unto the Nations and Kings, all of whom hate our family in regard of your friendship? what, can I go to any place where there are not many hostile monuments of my Ancestors? will any commiserate us, who was ever an enemy to you? finally, Massinissa taught us thus (ye Fathers Conscript) that we should observe none but the people of Rome, that we should contract no new Confederacies and Leagues, that in your friendship we should have sufficient assurance. If the fortune of your state suffered alteration, we must perish with you.  
By your own virtue, and the favour of the gods you are mighty & powerful; all things are prosperous and obedient unto you: so that you may with more ease relieve the wrongs of your Confederates. Only this I fear, that jugurths' private insinuation (as yet not well discovered) may pervert some men's judgements, who, as I hear, do with all their power labour, sue, and solicit you severally, that you would not decree any thing of him being absent, and his cause unheard, pretending that I disguise my speech, and counterfeit flight, who if I list, might remain in my Kingdom. But would to God I might see him, by whose unnatural treason, I am thrown into these miseries, dissembling after the same manner: and that this care of humane affairs might be taken by you, or by the immortal gods, that he, who is now grown proud, and honoured for his villainies, being tortured with all kind of mischiefs, might for his impiety towards my father, for the murmur of my brother, and for my calamities, ●ender sufficient punishment.  
Already (brother most dear to my soul) although thy life hath been taken from thee untimely, and by ill beseeming means, yet I think this, thy fortune to be rather rejoiced at then lamented: for not a Kingdom, but flight, exile, want, and all other miseries, which vex me, thou hast lost together with thy life. But I unhappy man, precipitated into such misfortunes, and beaten out of my father's Kingdom, do represent a spectacle of man's estate: unresolued what to do, whether I shall persecute thy wrongs, being myself destitute of help, or provide for my Kingdom's good, the power of whose life and death lies at the mercy of others. Would to God to dye, were an end proper for my fortunes; that I might not seem to live despised, if tired with troubles, I yielded to injury.  
Now, because I have no pleasure to live, nor power to dye without disgrace (ye Fathers Conscript) conjured by yourselves, by your children, your parents and the Majesty of the Roman people, relieve me a man distressed, prevent my wrong, and suffer not the Kingdom of Numidia, which is yours, to be polluted with Treason and the blood of our family.  
After the King had finished his speech, jugurths' Ambassadors more confident in their gifts, than goodness of cause, answer briefly: that Hiempsal for his cruelty was slain by the Numidians: that Adherbal of his own accord making war, being overcome complained, because he was disenabled to do wrong; that jugurth requested the Senate, that they would take him for no other, than he was known at Numantia: nor that they would value his enemy's words before his deeds.  
Upon this, both of them departed the Court, forthwith the Senate takes counsel: the Patroness of the Ambassadors, besides a great party corrupted with favour, vilified Adherbal in their speeches: with praises they magnify jugurths' virtue 〈◊〉 with countenance, words, and all other means, they striven to defend another man's treason and wickedness, as if it had concerned their own honour.  
But oppositely some few, to whom goodness and equity, were dearer than riches, gave sentence, that Adherbal was to be succoured, and Hiempsals death was severely to be punished. But of them all, most earnest was Aemilius Scaurus, a Noble man, of an active spirit, factious, covetous of rule, and honour; yet one that could cunningly palliate his vices. He having observed the King's notorious and impudent bribery, fearing (as it falls out in like cases) that with too much liberty of language, he might procure envy, he restrained his mind from that wont humour. Notwithstanding in Senate that part prevailed, which before right preferred reward or favour. A Decree is made, that ten Delegates should divide the Kingdom which Micipsa held, between jugurth and Adherbal. The chief of this Embassy, was Lu. Opimius, a man much esteemed, and powerful in Senate, because being Consul, when as C. Graccus, and Mar. Fuluius were slain, he did rigorously prosecute the revenge of the Nobility against the Commons. Him jugurth, although he had formerly been his friend at Rome, entertained with great respect: by giving and promising much he wrought so, that before reputation, loyalty, nay all his own fortunes, he preferred the King's profit. The rest of the Delegates he attempted with the like practice: to some few, faith was more respected than money.  
In the division, that part of Numidia, which bordereth Mauritania, being more opulent in soil and people, is assigned unto jugurth: that other, (more commended for show then profit, as having more Harbours, and fairer houses,) fell to Adherbals lot.   

CHAP. 4.  
Africa described as was then known to the Romans. Her first Inhabitants.  
THe occasion seems to require, that I should briefly deliver the situation of Africa, and touch the conditions of those Nations, with whom we have had war or peace. But what places and people have been scarce frequented, through the skortching heat, mountains, and deserts, of them I will relate nothing for● certain: the residue● I will in few words unsold.  
In the division of the terrestrial Globe, most men allow Africa for a third part: some few would have only Asia & Europe: but Africa in Europe. Her borders on the West are the Ocean, and Mediterranean seas; on the East a spacious breadth of declining land, which place the Inhabitants call Carabathmon. The sea is rough without havens: the soil is fertile of grain, fit for Cattles, scant of trees. In the Air and earth, there is scarcity of water. The people are healthful of body, swift of foot, patiented of labour Old age dissolves most of them, except perchance, such who perish by the sword or wild beasts. For seldom sickness kills any. Besides there are many creatures of venomous kinds.  
But what people inhabited Africa at first, and who afterward arrived, and how they were intermingled one with another, although it differs from the common report; yet as it hath been interpreted unto us out of the Punic books, which were said to be King Hiempsals, and as the natives of that Country think to be, I will discourse in brief. But the credit of it shall be required of the Authors.  
In the beginning, the Getulians' and Libyans inhabited Africa, a rough and barbarous people: whose food was the flesh of wild beasts, and such fruits of the earth, as Cattles eat. These men were governed neither by customs, Laws, nor Magistrates: wand'ring dispersed, they lodged there where night enforced. But after that Hercules died in Spain (as the Africans do conjecture,) his Army being composed of sundry Nations (having lost their Captain, and many of the Leaders affecting the chief command) disbanded shortly after. Of this number the Medes, Persains, and Armenians transported into Africa by shipping, seized upon the Regions confining on the Mediterranean sea; the Persians were inmost from the Ocean; and they dwelled in the Hulles of their ships turned upside down, in lieu of Cottages: for neither the soil afforded materials for building, neither had they means to buy or barter any from the Spaniards. The great Sea, and an unknown language prohibited all commerce.  
These by degrees, marrying with the Getulians', intermingled themselves with them; and because trying the goodness of the pasture, they wandered from one place to another, they called themselves Numidae. Now even to this day, the houses of the Peazart Numidians, which they term Mapalia, being very large, and covered with crooked tiles, do resemble the bottoms of ships.  
Unto the Medes and Armenians, the Lybians adjoined themselves, for they lived next the African Sea; the Getulians' more near the Sun, not fare from the skortching heat, and these soon inhabited Towns: For being divided from Spain by a narrow sea, they resolved to traffic one with another. The Lybians not long after corrupted their names, calling them in their barbarous language, Mauri, for Medi.  
But the estate of the Persians soon flourished; and after that the Nomo-Numidians, because of multitude forsaking their parents, possessed that territory, which lying next to Carthage is named Numidia. Then relying on each others support, they enforced their neighbours, either by Arms, or the terror of them, unto subjection: they got a name and renown: those especially which were seated nearest to the Mediterranean sea. Because the Lybians were less warlike than the Getulians': besides, for that all neither Africa is possessed by the Numidians; all the vanquished were incorporated into the name and Nation of the Conquerors.  
Afterwards the Phaenicians, some for lessening the multitude at home, some through the desire of rule having solicited the Commons, and others longing after novelties, built Hippon, Adrumetum, Leptis, and other Cities on the sea-coast; and these in short time being much augmented, became partly a safe guard, partly an honour unto their first progenitors.  
For to be silent of Carthage, I hold it more pertinent, then to speak of sparingly, since time warns me to speed to another discourse.  
near therefore unto Catabathmon, which is the frountier dividing Egypt from Africa, in the lower sea, first of all appeareth Cirene a Colony of the Thereans; then the two Syrteses, and between them Leptis: last of all the Altar's of the Philenian brethren, which place towards Egypt the Carthaginians had for a border of their Empire: beyond are some Punic Cities: the rest of those Regions the Numidians possess, as fare as Mauritania. The Moors are next to Spain. Above Numidia we have heard the Ge●ulians are living partly in Cottages, others of them wand'ring more wildly. Behind them are the Aethiopians, than the Countries skortched with the Solar heat.   

CHAP. 5.  
The estate of the African affairs, when these Wars began. jugurth engageth Adherbal to fight, and defeateth his Army.  
THerefore in the jugurthine war, the Roman people governed most part of the Punic Towns, and the territories of the Carthaginians last conquered, by their Magistrates. A great part of the Gerulians, and the Numidians as fare as the river Mulucha, were under jugurths' rule: All the Moors King Bocchus commanded, but by report, being wholly ignorant of the Roman people, and never before known to us by any occasion of war or peace. Of afric, and her Inhabitants enough is spoken for the present use.  
After that the Kingdom being divided, the Delegates were departed from Africa; and jugurth contrary to his own fear, saw that he had obtained the rewards of his villainy; besides deeming as he had heard, from his friends at Numantia, that all things at Rome were venal: and withal being inflamed with their promises, whom before he had loaded with gifts, he bends his thoughts wholly upon Adherbals Kingdom. He himself was fierce and warlike, but that other whom he invaded, was peaceable, no Soldier, of a soft disposition, a fit subject for wrong, more fearing, then to be feared.  
Whereupon, jugurth on the sudden doth invade his Frountiers with a strong Army: he takes many men prisoners, with Cattles and other booty; he burns houses, & in hostile manner surpriseth many places with his Cavalry. Then he retires with all his Troops into his own Kingdom; conjecturing that Adherbal provoked with indignation, would forcibly revenge these wrongs, and that would be a sufficient pretence for war.  
But he, for that he esteemed himself no match for the other in Arms, and because he relied more on the friendship of the Roman people, then on the Numidians; he sends Ambassadors to jugurth, to complain of these injuries who although they returned a reproachful answer, yet first to suffer all things was he resolved, then to undertake the war, because being formerly tried, it had sorted to his loss. Neither for that was jugurths' ambition any whit lessened, as one who in his conceit had swallowed the others whole Kingdom: wherefore not as before with a predatory Troop, but with a mighty Army levied, he began to make war, and openly claimed the whole Kingdom of Numidia.  
Then wheresoever he marched, he wasted the Cities & fields: he driveth preys; in his own men he amplifieth courage, in his enemy's terror.  
Adherbal, when he perceived his affairs brought to this issue, that he must either relinquish his Kingdom, or retain it by Arms, out of mere necessity he raiseth Forces, and advanceth to meet jugurth: upon this not far from the sea, near to the town of Cirtha, both Armies encamped: and because the day was then closing, they did not begin the battle. But as soon as more than midnight was past, the light being then obs●nre, the Iugurth●e Soldiers, a signal being given, assailed the enemy's Camp: some half sleeping, others taking arms they chase and defeat: Adherbal with some few Horsemen escapes to Cirtha: and except great numbers of Citizens had from the walls, stayed the pursuing Numidians, in one day the war between these two Kings had been begun and ended.  
Thereupon jugurth beleaguers the Town: with vine works, Towers and all other warlike engines he endeavours to take it: making all possible speed to anticipate the return of the Ambassadors, who before the battle fought, he heard were sent to Rome by Adberbal. But after the Senate was informed of this war, three young men are dispatched for Africa, who should go to both the Kings, and deliver this message by word of mouth, That the Senate and people of Rome, did will and require them to lay down their Arms: thus to do, was an act worthy of themselves, and them their friends.   

CHAP. 6.  
Three young men dispatched from Rome unto the two Kings, arrive in Africa. jugurths' deep dissimulation. After their departure he reinuesteth Cirtha.  
THe Ambassadors came with more speed into Africa, because at Rome, whilst they were preparing to go, they heard of the battle fought, and the besieging of Cirtha. But that rumour was favourable.  
jugurth having understood the tenor of their message, answered: That to himself not any thing was more esteemed, nor dearer than the authority of the Senate: that from his youth upward he had so endeavoured himself, that he might get the approbation of all good men: that for his virtue, not his ill deeds, he was gracious to P. Scipio, that man of men: for the same respects, he was adopted by Micipsa into the Kingdom, not for any want of Issue. Besides, by how much the more he had done things well and bravely, by so much the less could his spirit digest wrongs. That Adherbal had treacherously laid wait for his life, which as soon as he discovered, he had but prevented his villainy: that the people of Rome should not deal according to ●ustice nor honesty, if ●hey should debar him from the Law of Nations. Finally, that for the set●ing of all his affairs, he would speedily send Ambassadors to Rome: Thus both of them sever themselves. Licence of speaking with Adherbal was not granted.  
jugurth, as soon as he thought they were departed from Africa, for that in regard of its natural situation, he could not force Cirtha by Arms: he enuirones the walls with a Ditch and Rampire: he raised Towers, and assured them with strong guards; more over, day and night he● makes trial of his fortune either by force or fraud he presents to those who defended the walls, some times rewards, some time's terror: by encouraging his own men he doth raise their valour he is wholly bend upon all needful preparations.  
When Adherbal understood that all his fortunes were reduced unto a desperate extremity, that the enemy was implacable, that there was no hope of Aid, that for want of necessary means the wars could not be prolonged: of them, which with him fled to Cirtha, he selected two of a most active disposition; them by large promises, and commiseration of his estate, he induceth, that through the enemy's works they should make an escape to the nearest sea, and from thence to Rome. The Numidians in some few days perform his commands: The letters of Adherbal were recited in the Senate: whose tenor was this:  
Not through my own default (ye Fathers Conscript) do I send so often to petition you: the violence of jugurth, doth enforce it: whom so strong a desire of murdering me hath possessed, that he hath neither you, nor the immortal gods in his mind; he doth more thirst for my blood, then for all things else. Wherefore now this fifth month, I being a Confederate and friend of the Roman people, am besieged by force of Arms: neither the benefits of my father Micip●a, nor your Decrees are available: whether with sword or famine he doth most press me, I am uncertain. To write more of this jugurth, my fortune doth dissuade me: I have already tried, that small credit is given to miserable men. But yet I do sufficiently conceive, that he aimeth at some thing above that which I am, neither doth he hope at once for your friendship and my Kingdom: whether he pro●ects any thing more heinous, there is no man but knows.  
For at first, he murdered Hiempsal my brother: then he driven me out of my father's Kingdom. What injuries were solely ours, did nothing pertain to you. But now he usurpeth my Kingdom by Arms: me whom you have appointed to rule over the Numidians, he keeps shut up, and besieged. How much he valued your Ambassador's speeches, my dangers declare. What remedy is left, but your power, by which he may be removed? for verily I could wish, that those things, which I now write, and those of which I have formerly complained in Senate, were all false, rather than my misery should give credit to my words.  
But because I was borne for this purpose, that I should be the scoff of jugurths' villainies, I do not now deprecate death and miseries, but only my enemy's tyranny, and bodily torments. For the Kingdom of Numidia which is yours, provide as you please: deliver me out of his impious hands, by the Majesty of your Empire, by the faith of your friendship, if any remembrance abides with you of my grandfather Massinissa.   

CHAP. 7.  
Ambassadors of greater quality are commissioned to go for Africa. They are slack in their charge. Cirtha yields upon composition. Adherbal is slain.  
THese letters being read, some were of opinion, that an Army was to be sent into afric, and Adherbal was to be forthwith succoured: that they should advice themselves concerning jugurth, because he had disobeyed the Ambassadors. But the very same favourers of the King laboured with all their power, that no such Decree should pass. Thus the public good (as it oftentimes falls out) was overcome by private favour. Yet were there sent into Afticke other Noble men, elder than the first, who had undergone most honourable charges: amongst whom was M. Scaurus, (of whom we have formerly spoken) one who had been Consul, and was as then Precedent of the Senate. These, because the foulness of the fact was subject to much hatred, and withal being importuned by the Numidians, embarked themselves the third day following; then landing not long after at Utica, they dispatched letters to jugurth importing, that with all, possible speed, he should come to them into the Province.  
He as soon as he understood, that men of honour, whose authority he heard was powerful at Rome, came purposely to cross his proceed; being at first much perplexed, he was diversely distracted with fear and desire. He feared the displeasure of the Senate, if he shown himself disobedient to the Ambassadors: again his mind being blinded with ambition, did violently transport him towards the intended treason: yet evil counsel prevailed over his headstrong disposition.  
Thereupon his Army having surrounded Cirtha, he endeavours to force it to the utmost of his power, being very hopeful, that the enemy's Troops being thus divided, he should by assault, or stratagem, find out some way of victory for himself: which falling out otherwise, and being unable to effect, what he intended, about the surprising of Adherbal, before he visited the Ambassadors; lest by further delays he might offend Scaurus, whom he much feared, with a few Horsemen he comes into the Province. And although to the orders of the Senate heavy comminations were added, in case he should not desist from the siege, yet after much talk in vain, they departed without any further effect.  
After these things were related at Cirtha, these Italians (by whose valour the walls were defended) being confident, that upon a surrender made, they should in regard of the Majesty of the Roman name, be dismissed without any further hurt, do persuade Adherbal, that he should yield himself and the town to jugurth: only he should condition with him for his life, that as for the rest, the Senate would be careful. But he, although he deemed all things safer than jugurths' faith, yet because they had power in themselves to force him, if he should be refractory, he makes a surrender. Thereupon jugurth having first tortured Adherbal, puts him to death; then he murders all the Numidian youth, and merchants promiscuously, as any man encountered his armed Soldiers.  
After which massacre was published at Rome, and the matter began to be debated in Senate, the very same ministers of the King, by interposing themselves, and protracting time, now by favour, than again by their cavils, did mitigate the foulness of the fact: so that except C. Memius Tribune of the people elect, (being a man of courage, and much offended with the power of the Nobility) had fully informed the people of Rome, that a plot was laid, for procuring jugurths' pardon, by some few of his faction, without question all the hatred of this his offence, had vanished into nothing, through their dilatory consultations. So powerfully wrought the King's favour and money.  
But as soon as the Senate, through the conscience of their own error, grew fearful of the people: by the Sempronian Law, Numidia and Italy were decreed for Provinces to the future Cousuls. P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius, were declared Consuls: to Calpurnius Numidia, to Scipio Italy fell by lot. forthwith an Army is enrolled to be transported into Africa: pay and all other provisions requisite for the war are appointed.  
But jugurth, contrary to his expectation, being informed of this by a messenger; for because he was fully persuaded that all things were venal at Rome: he sends his son, and with him two of his familiar friends Ambassadors to the Senate, and gives them in charge, as he had done to those, whom he had sent after Hiempsal was slain, that they should corrupt whomsoever they could with money. who when they were come to Rome, the Senate's advice was demanded of Bestia whether it were their pleasures, that jugurths' Ambassadors should be received into the City: and then the Lords decreed, that except they came to surrender the Kingdom, and jugurth himself, they should departed out of Italy within ten days next following. The Consul out of the Decree of the Senate, commands this to be reported to the Numidians: Thus they return home without any success in their suit.   

CHAP. 8.  
Calpurnius is sent with an Army into Africa. He is corrupted by jugurth.  
IN the mean time Calpurnius, an Army being levied, substitutes under himself some Noble men, given to faction, by whose authority he hopes to fortify his own faults: amongst whom was Scaurus, of whose nature and condition we have formerly spoken. For in this our Consul, there were many good endowments of body and mind, all which Avarice choked. He was patiented of labour, of a sharp wit, provident enough, no ill Soldier, most firm against dangers and deceits.  
But the Legions passing through Italy to Rhegium, and from thence into Sicily, were finally transported from Sicily into Africa. Thereupon Calpurnius, having first made provision of victuals, invaded Numidia fiercely: many men, and some Cities he took there by plain force. But as soon as jugurth by his Ambassadors, began to tempt him with bribes, and to remonstrate the difficulty of the war, which he now waged, his weak mind was soon corrupted through Avarice.  
Besides Scaurus is entertained for a Partner, and administrator of all his counsels: who although from the very beginning he had eagerly opposed the King, when most of the faction were wrought to his hand; yet by a mighty mass of money he was withdrawn from being good and honest, to be as bad as the worst. But jugurth only at first purchased a cessation from arms thinking that in the intercourse thereof, he should compass something at Rome either by bribes or favour: after when he heard that Scaurus was made a party in his cause, he having great hopes of procuring peace, resolved to mediate with them personally for a final agreement. But in this mean time Sextus the Treasurer was sent by the Consul for an hostage into Vacca, a town of jugurths': the colour of this mission was the receit of corn that Calpurnius had publicly imposed on the Ambassadors; because through the delay of their surrender the truce was prolonged.  
Thereupon the King according to appointment, comes into the Camp: and having delivered some few words, the Counsel being present, concerning the hatred of his fact, and withal, that he might be received to mercy: the rest he communicates with Bestia and Scaurus in secret, than the rest of their opinions being demanded by a promiscuous voting, he is received upon terms of composition. But as it was ordered before the Counsel, thirty Elephants, much Cattles and Horses, with no small sums of money are delivered to the Treasurer. Calpurnius goes to Rome for the election of Magistrates: in Numidia, and our Army peace was observed.  
When some had diuulged the passage and the manner of these African affairs: at Rome in all places, and all assemblies, the Consul's demeanour was much spoken of: the Commons were deeply incensed: the Fathers were much troubled: whether they should approve a crime of such a high condition, or nullify the Consul's Decree. And chief the power of Scaurus, because he was reported to be author of this to Bestia and his confederate, hindered them from courses of equity and conveniency.  
But Caius Memnius, (of the freedom of whose nature, and hatred of the Nobilities greatness, we have formerly spoken) between the doubts and delays of the Senate, exhorteth the people in his Orations to revenge: he doth admonish them, that they should not forsake the Commonwealth, nor their own liberty: he represents many insolent and cruel outrages of the Nobility: being wholly bend to exasperate the minds of the Commons. But because Memnius eloquence in those times was much spoken of, and renowned at Rome, I thought it expedient, to render in writing one of his Orations amongst so many: and especially, I will relate that, which he uttered in the assembly after Bestiaes' return, in these or the like words.   

CHAP. 9  
The Eloquent Oration of C. Memmius to the people of Rome.  
YE men of Rome, many reasons dissuade me from you, if the care of the Republic did not surmount them all: as the strength of the Faction, your patience, & want of justice; but specially that Innocence hath more danger, than Honour: for it grieves me verily to relate, how these fifteen years, you have been the scoff of some few men's pride, how poorly and unrevenged your protectors perished: so that through sloth and cowardice your spirits are tainted: who not even now, rouse up yourselves against these obnoxious enemies; but withal ye fear those, whose terror ye ought to be: yet howsoever these things stand, my mind is perforce resolved to oppose the power of the Faction. Surely I will make an experience of that liberty, which descended to me from my father; but whether I shall do this in vain or to the purpose, it lie in your hands, O ye Romans!  
Neither do I persuade you, which our Ancestors have often done that you should encounter injuries with Arms there is no need of force, nor of disunion: requisite it is, that they should run headlong in their own courses. Tiberius' Graccus being slain, (whom they reported to aim at the Kingdom) grievous informations were preferred against the Commonalty of Rome. Besides after the murder of C. Graccus, and M. Fuluius, many men of your rank were slain in prison. Of both these massacres, not law, but their lust limited the period.  
But verily it shall be making way to the Kingdom, to restore the Commons to their own: whatsoever revenge cannot be exercised without civil blood, let it be thought rightfully done.  
In these former years you were secretly offended, that the Treasury should be pillaged, that Kings and Free-states should be tributaries to some few Noble men: that with them should remain the highest honour, and greatest weath: yet to have committed these so great outrages without impunity, they have made it a matter of small account. Therefore at length the Laws, your Majesty, all divine, and humane privileges are betrayed unto your enemies: neither are they, who have done thus, either ashamed or grieved: but they brave it in pomp even to your teeth: some vaunting their Priesthoods, and Consulships, othersome their Triumphs: as though forsooth they had these for marks of honour, not of rapine.  
Slaves bought with money do not well digest the unjust commands of their Masters: do you (O ye Romans) borne to command, with patience suffer servitude? But who are those, who have usurped upon the Commonwealth? The worst of men, whose hands are bloody, whose Avarice is infinite, being most nocent, and withal most insolent: by whom faith, honour, and religion, finally all things honest & dishonest are accounted lawful sales. One part of them for killing the Tribunes of the people: others for wrongful examinations, the most part for murderous plots against you, challenge protections for themselves. Thus, by how much every man hath done worst, by so much the more is he safe. The terror of this they have transferred from their own wickedness to your cowardice. All of whom it hath combined in one to desire, hate, and fear alike. But this amongst good men is friendship, amongst evil faction.  
But if you had so great a care of liberty, as they are ambitious to rule, without doubt the Commonwealth should not, as it is now; be wasted; and your benefits should be bestowed upon the best, not the boldest. Your Ancestors for procuring their right, and establishing their greatness, twice disuniting themselves, in warlike manner possessed mount Aventine: will not you for the liberty, which ye have received from them, strive with your best endeavours? and by so much the more eagerly, by how much it is a greater dishonour, to lose acquisitions, then to acquire nothing at all.  
Some man will say, What therefore is to be done? do you give sentence to take revenge upon them, who have betrayed the Commonwealth to the enemy? not by the hand, nor by violence, which is more unworthy for you to do, then for them to suffer? but by the examination and confession of jugurth himself, who if he surrenders himself, no doubt but he will obey your commands: but if he contemns them, then shall you make a true conjecture, what manner of peace, or surrender that may be; by which to jugurth impunity of his villainies, to some few great men the greatest riches, to the Commonwealth damage and dishonour doth redound.  
Except perchance as yet the same pleasure of their tyranny doth possess you: and those former times delight you more than these, in which Kingdoms, Provinces, laws, rights, judgements, wars, and peace; finally all divine and human rights were in the power of some few. But ye, that is, the Roman people, being unvanquished by your enemies, and the rulers of all Nations, thought it enough for yourselves to live: for servitude which of you durst to refuse?  
And though I think it most loathsome to a man, to suffer wrong without revenge, yet could I endure with patience, that you should pardon these notorious malefactors, because they are Citizens'; if this mercy would not turn to your ruin. For with them it works small effects, (how much importunity soever they have,) that they have offended without punishment, except a farther liberty of ill doing be taken from them: and with you an everlasting vexation shall remain, when you consider that you must either serve, or maintain your liberty by Arms.  
For of faith and concord, what hopes are there? They would Lord it, you would be free: they would do wrong, you would restrain it: last of all your Allies they use like enemies, and your enemies like Allies. Can peace and friendship dwell together in such different affections?  
For which cause I do admonish and persuade you, that ye do not without impunity sleight so great an offence. This is no robbery of the Common treasure: neither perforce are monies extorted from our Confederates: which crimes, although they are grievous, yet through custom, now they are esteemed nothing. To a most merciless enemy, the authority of the Senate is betrayed, your Sovereignty is betrayed. In peace and war the Commonwealth hath been set to sale. Which abuses except they be questioned, except punishment be inflicted upon the offenders; what will remain further, but that we must live slaves to them who have done these things. For with impunity to do what you list, that is to be a King.  
Neither do I (ye Romans) persuade you, that at this time ye should rather wish your Citizens to do amiss, then well; but that by pardoning the wicked, you do not seek to ruin the good. Besides, in a Commonwealth, it is better policy by fare, to be unmindful of a benefit, then of an offence. A good man only grows more slow, when you neglect him: a wicked man fare worse: Moreover if injuries cease, you shall have no need of help.  
By the frequent delivery of these, and such like speeches, C. Memmius persuaded the people of Rome, that L. Cassius who was then Praetour, should be sent to jugurth: and upon the assurance of the public faith, should conduct him to Rome, that more plainly by the King's confession, the delinquencies of Scaurus, and of the rest, whom bribes had suborned, might appear to all men.   

CHAP. 10.  
Cassius the Praetour is sent into Africa. He brings jugurth to Rome. Bomilcar by the Kings command murders his nephew Massiva. Upon this jugurth returns into Africa; & renews the war.  
Whilst these affairs pass thus at Rome, those who being deputed by Bestia, commanded the Army in Numidia, following their General's custom, committed many, and most insolent outrages. There were some, who being corrupted with gold, redelivered the Elephants to jugurth: others sold fugitives: others made predatory excursions upon those, who had formerly made their peace.  
But Cassius the Praetour, (C. Memmius his demand being reported, and all the Nobility being much terrified) passeth over to jugurth: and persuades him being fearful, and distrusting his own estate out of the guilt of conscience, that whereas he had yielded himself to the people of Rome, he would not make trial of their force, rather than of their clemency.  
Privately beside, he interposeth his own faith, which the other esteemed no less than the public: such at that time was Cassius reputation.  
Thereupon jugurth, contrary to his royal dignity, comes to Rome in a most wretched habit. And although in him there was great confidence of spirit, (being encouraged by all those, by whose power or villainy, he had managed all his former enterprises) he suborns with a mighty reward C. Baebius Tribune of the people, by whose impudence he might fortify himself against all right, and wrongful proceed.  
But C. Memmius, an assembly being called; (although the Commons were much offended with the King, and some of them commanded him to be cast into bonds, others, that except he appeached his Confederates, punishment should be taken of him as of an enemy, according to the custom of their Ancestors:) regarding dignity more than anger, pacified the tumult, and appeased their minds: finally he gave his assurance, that the public faith should in itself remain inviolable. Afterwards, when they began to be silent, jugurth being produced, Memmius speaks. He relates his attempts at Rome and Numidia: he declares his villainies against his father and brethren: by whose coassistance and ministry he did these things, although the Roman people knew full well, yet from him they would have them manifested more plainly. If he revealed the truth, great hope was reposed for him, in the faith and clemency of the people of Rome: but if he should conceal it, he should not for all that save his complices, but would ruin himself and his own hopes.  
Upon this, when Memmius had made an end of speaking, and jugurth was commanded to make his answer: C. Bebius Tribune of the people, (whom we have formerly said to have been corrupted with money) bids the King to be silent: and although the multitude which was present in the assembly, being much incensed, terrified him with their clamour, countenance, frequent vehemency, and all other expressions, in the doing whereof anger delights: yet impudence overcame. Thus the people being made a mockingstocke, departed out of the assembly. To jugurth, Bestiae, and the rest, whom that examination trouble, their minds became more insolent.  
There was at that time a certain Numidian at Rome, Massiva by name, the son of Gulussa, the nephew of Massinissa: who because in the dissension of the Kings, he had been opposite to jugurth; Cirtha being surrendered, and Adherbal slain, escaping by flight, he forsook Africa. This man Spurius Albinus persuades, (who the next year after Bestia, was Consul together with Q. Minutius Rufus) because he was a descendent from Massinissa, that he should prosecute jugurth with hatred and terror: that the Kingdom of Numidia he should crave of the Senate. The Consul was desirous to manage the war, he had rather all things should be disturbed, then confirmed. To him Numidia, to Minutius Macedonia befell for Provinces.  
In which business when Massiva began to stir, and jugurth was not sufficiently protected by his friends: because some of them a guilty conscience, others infamy, and fear of mind did hinder: he commands Bomilcar, one who was nearest, and faithfullest unto him, that for reward, (the means by which he had accomplished many things) he should procure some insidiously to murder Massiva; and to do it with great secrecy; but if this plot did not succeed, he should howsover kill this Numidian.  
Bomilcar speedily executes his master's commands: and by men, exercised in such feats, he discovers his journeys, and out-goings; finally all the circumstance of times, and places. Then as soon as occasion required, he lays his snares for him. Upon this, one of them who were prepared for the murder, something unadvisedly assaults Massiva, and kills him: but being taken in the very act, many men exhorting him, but chief the Consul Albinus, he makes a free confession▪ Bomilcar is found guilty rather by the prescription of honesty and equity, then by the Law of Nations: as being one of his retinue, who came to Rome under the assurance of the public faith.  
But jugurth being detected of so heinous a crime, did not first omit to strive against the truth, before he perceived, that the hatred of the fact did exceed both his favour and money. Therefore although in the former treaty he had given fifty of his friends for hostages: yet regarding more his Kingdom, then them, he dismisseth privily Bomilcar into Numidia, doubting, that the rest of his Confederates would be fearful to obey him, if upon this man punishment should have been inflicted. He himself also within some few days takes his journey thither, being commanded by the Senate to departed from Italy. But after he was gone forth of Rome, often silently looking back unto it, at length he said: That the City was to be sold, and would quickly be lost, if it could but find a Chapman.  
In the mean time Albinus, the war being renewed hasteth to transport into Afrique victuals, pay, and all other provisions, which might be useful for the Soldiers: and forthwith he himself follows; of purpose, that before the Assembly, for the election of new Magistrates, (which time was not fare off) he might by Arms, surrender, or some other means finish the war. But jugurth contrariwise draws out all his proceed in length, he pretends now these, than those causes of delay: he promiseth to yield, and then feigneth fearfulness: to him pursuing he gives way, and forthwith, lest his own men should grow diffident, he pursues: thus sometimes by protracting the time of war, sometimes that of peace, he deludeth the Consul: so that there were some, who thought as then, that Albinus was not altogether ignorant of the King's Counsel: neither could they well conceive, how from so much haste at first, the war should now be prolonged, more through negligence, then cunning.   

CHAP. 11.  
Albinus goes to Rome, leaving his brother Aulus to command the Army. He is beaten by jugurth, and makes a dishonourable peace with him.  
But when as time passing away, the days appointed for the election of Magistrates did approach, Albinus leaving his brother Aulus Propraetour in the Camp, departed to Rome. At that time the Commonwealth was grievously troubled with the tribunitial tumults of the City; P. Lucullus, and L. Annius Tribunes of the people, their Colleagues opposing them, laboured to continued in their Office: which dissension hindered the comitial meetings for all that year.  
Through this delay Aulus growing full of hope, (whom we have said to have been left Propraetour in the Camp) either to finish the war, or to procure money by the terror of his Army, calls forth his Soldiers in the month of january out of their Winter Garrisons: and with great marches, the season being cold, he arrives at the Town of Suthul, where the King's treasures were. Which Piece, although through the unseasonableness of the time, and the advantage of situation, it could neither be surprised nor besieged (for round about the wall seated in the steep extremity of a mountain, a slimy plain with winter waters had caused a marish) yet either that by his feigned pretence, he might terrify the King, or being blinded with the desire of gaining the town for the treasures sake, he raiseth Vine-workes, casteth up a Trench, and hasteneth all provisions, which might be useful for this enterprise.  
But jugurth having perceived the vanity and unskilfulness of the Propraetour, out of cunning he confirmeth his folly: he sends Ambassadors in suppliant manner: he himself, as though he shunned him, through forests and byways leads his Army: Finally, he engaged Aulus, through the hope of agreement, that Suthul being disassieged, he pursued him, as one that fled into unknown Regions: thus his errors were the more concealed. In the mean time by crafty emissaries, day and nigbt he assays the Army, some of the Centurions and Captains of Horse-troups he suborns, to fly over unto him; others, that upon a signal given, they should quit their stations.  
Which things being ordered according to his mind, late in the night at unawares, he environeth Aulus Camp, with a multitude of Numidians. The Roman Soldiers being terrified with the unusual tumult, some of them took Arms: some of them hid themselves: others confirmed the fearfully others feared: the Air was obscured with night and clouds: the danger was doubtful: finally, whether to fly, or stay, it were more safe, it was uncertain.  
But of that number, (which we have mentioned a little before, to have been corrupted) one Cohort of Ligurians, with two Troops of Thracian Horsemen, and some few common Soldiers revolted unto the King: and the eldest Centurion of the Piles of the third Legion, through that work, which he had undertook to defend, gave means of entrance unto the enemy: through which all the Numidians made an irruption. Our men with a dishonourable flight, most of them having cast away their Arms, seized on the next hillock. Night, and the spoil of the Camp, arrested the Enemies from making, further use of the victory.  
Then jugurth the next day upon an emparlance delivered these words to Aulus: That although he held him together with his Army, enclosed with sword and famine, yet that being mindful of humane chances; if he would make a League with him, he would dismiss them all in safety, passing under the yoke: withal that within ten days he should departed out of Numidia.  
Which conditions although they were grievous, and full of dishonour; yet for that they wavered through the fear of death, peace was concluded according to the King's pleasure. But as soon as these ●idings were known at Rome, fear and grief invaded the City: some grieved for the glory of the Empire: others unacquainted with warlike events, feared their liberty: with Aulus all men were offended: especially those, who had been often honoured in war; because that being armed, he procured his safety, rather by disgrace, then by fight manfully.  
For these considerations, the conful Albinus, mistrusting hatred and danger, in regard of his brother's fault, demands, counsel of the Senate concerning the League: and yet in the mean while he inrolles Supplies for the Army: he sends for A●des from the Confederates and Latin Nation: briefly he forwards his affairs by all means possible.  
The Senate decreed thus, as it was fit they should, that without their and the people's order, no League could be established. The Consul being hindered by the Tribunes of the people, from transporting the forces, which he had raised; within some few days passeth into Africa. For all the Army, as it was agreed upon, being drawn out of Numidia, wintered in the Province.   

CHAP. 12.  
The Consul is disenabled to prosecute the war. Mamilius, one of the Tribunes, prefers a Request against them, whom jugurth had corrupted. The factions of the C●ttie described.  
AFter he arrived there; although he was resoluted in mind to persecute jugurth, and to salve the hatred conceived against his brother: yet taking a survey of his Soldiers, whom besides their flight, for want of discipline, liberty and looseness had corrupted; he conceived from the necessity of his affairs, that he could enterprise nothing.  
In the mean while at Rome C. Mamilius Limetanus Tribune of the people, makes this Request to the Commons: that a complaint should be preferred against those, by whose counsel jugurth had slighted the Decrees of the Senate: as also against them, who in their Ambassages, or military charges, had received money from him; who had redelivered the Elephants, and fugitives; withal, that in war or peace, had made any Contracts with the enemies. To cross this Request, some conscious to themselves others out of the enmity of the factions, fearing danger (because openly they could not deny, but must confess that these & such like proceed did please them) prepared impediments, covertly by their friends, but specially by their ministers of the Latin Nation, and Italian Allies.  
Yet how earnest the Commous were, incredible it is to be related, as also with what violence they commanded, decreed & desired the preferring of this Request, more for the hatred of the Nobility, against whom these mischiefs were contrived, then for the care of the Republic such eagerness was amongst the factions. Whereupon others being strucken with fear, M. Scaurus (whom we have formerly reported to have been: Bestiaes'. Deputy) amidst this insultation of the Commons; and the flight of his own party; (the City even as then trembling) had brought to pass, that whereas by the Mamdian▪ Request, three Commissioners for inquiry were demanded, he himself might be chosen for one of that number! But the examination being prosecuted with rigour and violence, by means of the clamour and earnestness of the people; as formely the Nobility had done: so now the Commonalty grew insolent from their prosperous affairs.  
Moreover the custom of popular fidings, and factions of the Senate, as well as of all evil Arts beside, sprung up at Rome some few years since, out of idleness; & the abundance of those things, which mortal men esteem chiefest. For before Carthage was razed, the people and Senate of Rome, peaceably and modesty swayed the Commonwealth. Neither was there any controversy of glory and Sovereignty amongst the Citizens: hostile fear retained the City in good courses.  
But as soon as that terror was removed from their minds; those pleasures which prosperity ●ayes together with wantonness and pride, forthwith entered. Thus after they had attained that ease, which they wished for in adversity, it became more grievous and hurtful. For the Noblemen began to convert their dignity, the Common people their liberty unto licentiousness. They sway: they force: they take by violence. Thus all were divided into two parties: the Commonwealth, which was the mean, was rend in sunder. But the Nobility was most strong in faction: the power of the Commons being lose and dispersed amongst the multitude, was of unequal force.  
By the arbitration of some few, all affairs were managed, both Civil, and Military: in their power were the Treasury, Provinces, Magistracies, honours, and Triumphs, the people were oppressed with warfare and poverty: the Generals with a few others, shared the spoils violently. In the mean time the parents or little children of the Soldiers, as any of them were neighbours to one more mighty, were thrust out of their habitations. Thus avarice joined with power, invaded, polluted, and wasted all things, without mean or modesty; holding nothing in regard, nor reverence, until it had thrown itself headlong into ruin. For as soon as there were some found out amongst the Nobility, who preferred true glory before ●ust authority: the City was in tumult, and Civil dissension, as if the world had been in uproar, began to arise.  
For after that Tiberius, and C. Graccus, (whose Ancestors in the Punic and other wars, had added much to the Republic,) vindicated the Plebeian liberty, and the abuses of some few, began to be manifest: the Nobility being guilty, & therefore fearful, sometimes by the Confederates, and Latin Nation, sometimes by the Roman Gentry, whom the hope of the faction had removed from the Commons, sought to cross the actions of the Grac●hi: and first of all they put to the sword Tiberius, then after some few years Ca●●s, taking the same courses, (the one a Tribune of the people; the other a Triumuir, for drawing out of Colonies) together with 〈…〉 Flaccus▪ And verily the minds of the Gracchis, through the desire of victory, were not moderate enough: But for a good men better it is to be overcome; then by indirect means to overcome an injury.  
Thereupon the Nobility, making use of the victory according to their pleasure, ruined many men by the sword, or banishment: & from thence forward they enlarged more their own fear, than their authority: which cause hath subverted mighty Commonwealths: whilst some covet by what means soever to vanquish others, & over rigorously to exercise revenge upon the vanquished. B●t I should undertake to discourse particularly, and according to their greatness▪ of the endeavours of the factions, and of all the customs of the City, time would fail me sooner than matter wherefore I return to my first purpose   

CHAP. 13.  
Metellus the new Consul is sent into Africa. He reforms the discipline of the Army.  
AFter the League made by Aulus, and the shameful flight of our Army, Metellus and Silanus Consuls elect, parted Provinces amongst themselves: to Metellus Numidia befell, who being an austere man, and withal opposite to the faction of the people, yet was he of a level and unblemished credit. He, as soon as he had taken the investiture of his Office, establishing all other affairs jointly with his Colleague, bended his mind wholly upon the war, which he was to manage. Therewithal being diffident of the old Army, he inrolleth Soldiers, and sendeth for Aids from all places: he prepareth arms, weapons, horses, and other military instruments: withal, abundance of victuals, and all provisions beside, which in a doubtful and penurious war are wont to be useful. Finally, for the accomplishment of this, the Senate with authority, the Confederates, the Latin Nation, and Kings, with sending succours undemanded, the City with its uttermost furtherance endeavoured.  
Therefore all provisions being made and settled according to his desire, he goes into Numidia, with much hope conceived of him by the Roman Citizens; as well for his own brave abilities, as also for that he carried a mind invincible against riches: and through the avarice of Magistrates, our Forces had been formerly defeated in Numidia, and those of the enemies had been augmented.  
But as soon, as he came into afric, the Army was delivered over unto him by S. Albinus the Proconsul, being slothful, unwarlick, impatient of danger, and labour, more ready of tongue than hand, driving preys from their Alyes, and itself being the enemy's prey, wanting discipline, and modest behaviour. Thus to this new General, more trouble did arise from their evil conditions, than aid or comfort from such a number of Soldiers. For all this Metellus resolved, (although the prorogation of the comitial meetings had wasted the Summer season, and that he conjectured the Citizen's minds to be wholly bend upon the expectation of the event) not first to make an assay of war, before he had enforced according to the ancient discipline, his men of war to exercise themselves.  
For Albinus being terrified with the defeat of his brother Aulus, and the Army, after he had taken a resolution not to go forth of the Province; for so much of the Summer, as belonged to his command, he quartered his Soldiers for the most part in standing Camps; except when nastiness or want of forage compelled him to change places.  
But watches were not set according to the military custom: every man as listed, absented himself from his Colours, the drudges of the Army intermingled with the Soldiers daily, & nightly made excursions: and wand'ring disorderly, wasted the fields, forced the villages, and contending one with another, made boot of slaves and Cattles, which they bartered with the merchants for wine by them brought, and other such like commodities: beside, they sold their ammunition corn, and bought bread daily: finally, whatsoever blemishes proceeding from sloth and luxury can be spoken of, or imagined, were all in that Army, and more beside then these.  
But in this difficulty I find Metellus to have showed himself an able & wise man, no less than he did in actions of hostility; with such temperance he carried himself betwixt ambition and cruelty. For by his first Edict, he banished all the helps of sloth, so that no man was to sell in the Camp bread, or any other meat ready dressed: the drudges were not to follow the Army: the common Soldier being encamped or marching, was to have no slave nor beast of carriage: to other abuses by Art he prescribed a remedy.  
Besides, with cross marches he removed his Camp every day: no otherwise, then if the enemies had been present, he fortified it with Ditch and Rampire: he disposed the watches often, and he himself rounded them with the Lieutenants. Moreover, upon a march, he was sometimes in person present with the Vanguard, sometimes with them of the Rear, and often with those of the middle ward; of purpose, that no Soldier should stir out of his Order: but that they should advance in one body together with their ensigns, and carry their own victuals and Arms. Thus more by taking away the liberty of offending, then by punishing offences, he in a short space confirmed the Army.  
In the mean time, jugurth, as soon as he understood by his Intelligencers of Metellus proceed; and withal being certified from Rome of his integrity, grew distrustful of his own estate, and then at length laboured to make a real surrender. Thereupon he sends Ambassadors to the Consul by way of petition, who should request only life for himself and his children, all other things they should submit up to the Roman people.  
But by former experiments, it was well known to Metellus, that the Numidian Nation was faithless, inconstant, and desirous of innovation. Therefore he visiteth the Ambassadors severally, one by one: and sounding them by degrees, after he knew they were fit for his turn, he persuadeth them by many promises to deliver above all things jugurth alive, or at leastwise slain, into his hands: but in public, those things which he thought fitting he commandeth them to report to the King.   

CHAP. 14.  
Metellus marcheth into Numidia. He surpriseth Vacca. He sendeth Ambassadors to treat of peace.  
Upon this, he himself within some few days after, marched into Numidia with a well appointed and spleenful Army: where contrary to the appearance of war, the Cottages were full of Inhabitants: Cattles and Husbandmen were frequent in the fields: out of the towns, and Country houses, the King's Officers came forth to meet him: being ready to purvey Corn, to bring victuals, and finally, to do whatsoever they were commanded. Nevertheless, Metellus, no otherwise then if the enemy had been present, advanceth with his Army strongly guarded, he discovereth all places fare and nigh, he believeth those shows of surrender to be ostentative, and devised to betray him.  
Therefore he himself with the lightarmed Cohorts, and a selected company of Slingers, and Archers, marched in the head of the Vanguard: in the Rear C. Martus his Lieutenant had the charge with the Cavalry: upon both flanks he distributed the auxiliary Horsemen, to the Tribunes of Legions, and the Captains of Cohorts: purposely, that the skirmishers being mixed with these, wheresoever they advanced, they might repulse the Enemy's Horsemen: for in jugurth there was so much cunning, and such exact knowledge of places and soldiery, that whether he were more dangerous absent, or present, whether managing war or peace, it was held a thing doubtful.  
Seated there was not far from the way, where Metellus journeyed, a town of the Numidians, named Vacca: the most famous Mart of all the Kingdom for commodities, which were to be sold, whereas many of the Italian Nation were wont both to inhabit & trade. Here the Consul as well for trial's sake, as also for that the accommodations of the place would well bear it, imposed a Garrison: beside, he gave orders for the importing of grain, and other provisions useful in war: supposing that which the occasion did premonish, that the confluence of merchants and victuals would be a means to relieve his Army, and that now being provided of things necessary, it would serve for a place of defence.  
During these occurrences, jugurth in a more serious manner sendeth his suppliant Ambassadors, to entreat for peace: besides his own and his children's life, he submitteth all things else to Metellus: whom tempted alike, as the former, to disloyalty, the Consul dismissed: the peace, which the King requested, he neither denied nor granted; and between these delays he expected the issue of the Ambassador's promises.  
jugurth, as soon as he balanced Metellus words and deeds together, and saw himself assailed with his own sleights; as unto whom a peace was verbal, and promised, but indeed a most cruel war was meant: a great City being alienated; the Country discovered by the enemies, and the affections of his Confederates sounded: he resolved to try his fortune by Arms, being enforced thereunto, through the necessity of his affairs.  
Thereupon the enemy's passage being discovered, he growing hopeful from the opportunity of the place, raiseth as great Forces, as he could, of all sorts, and through unknown byways overmarched Metellus Army.   

CHAP. 15.  
jugurth incampeth in a place of advantage. His Army is discovered by Metellus. A battle is fought betwixt them, wherein jugurth is defeated.  
THere was in that part of Numidia, which jugurth possessed upon the division, a river arising from the South, named Muthul: from which there was distant a mountain almost twenty thousand paces, of equal tract, lying waist by nature, and for want of human tillage. But as it were from the midst of this a hillock did arise, of a spacious extent, being covered with Olive, Myrtles, and other kinds of Trees, which grow in dry and sandy ground. But the plain seated in the midst was barren, except the places bordering on the River. These being beset with Groves of Trees, were frequented with Husbandmen and Cattles.  
Therefore on that hillock, which we have said to be thwart-wise extended, jugurth sat down, the Forefront of his Army being extinuated; the command over the Elephants and some part of the footmen, he gave to Bomilear, and instructeth him, what he should do: he himself nearer to the mountain, marshalleth his own Troops, with all the Cavalry and selected Footmen. Then rounding severally all the squadrons and Maniples, he doth admonish and conjure them, that being mindful of their former valour and victory, they would defend himself, and his Kingdom from the avarice of the Romans: that they should fight with those, whom they had formerly dismissed under the yoke: that their Chieftain, not their courage was changed: all things, which might be required of a General, were ●ore●●lled to their advantage: they had the higher ground, that being expert, they might fight with the unskilful; not the fewer with the more, nor untrained with the better Soldiers. Wherefore they should be prepared and resolute, upon a signal given, to invade the Romans. That either that day should confirm all their labours, & victories, or be the beginning of their greatest calamities.  
Besides, man by man, as he had advanced any for some military exploit in means or honour, he puts them in mind of his bounty, and in a bravery shows them to others: finally, according to every man's disposition, by promising, menacing, and protesting, he doth encourage them severally after a several manner: when in the mean time Metellus, ignorant of the enemies, as he descended from the mountain, viewed them with his Army. At first he was doubtful, what this uncouth show did mean: (for amongst the underwoods', the Numidians and their horses had seated themselves; neither fully hid through the lowness of the trees, and yet uncertain what they might be: since out of cunning, and the situation of the place, themselves and their military Ensigns were shadowed:) then the Stratagem being forthwith discovered, the Army in marching made a stand for a while.  
There the orders being altered, in the right flank which was nearest the enemy, he arangeth the Army with three Aids of reserve▪ between the Maniples he distributeth the Slingers, and Archers: all the Horsemen he placeth in the wings: and having encouraged his Soldiers briefly for the season, he draws down his Army, as he had imbattailed it, into the plain, the frount of the middle-ward being crossewise changed.  
But when he perceived the Numidians not to stir, nor to descend from the mountain; fearing from the season of the year, & scarcity of water, that his Army would be consumed with thirst, he sent before unto the river Rutilius one of his Lieutenants, with the lightarmed Cohorts, and a part of the Cavalry, to anticipate a place for encamping: thinking that the enemies, with frequent charging, and crossefights would retard his passage: and because they reposed no trust in their Arms, would take advantage of the Soldier's thirst and weariness. Then he himself, as the occasion and place required, in that order as he descended from the mountain, marcheth forwards by little and little: Marius was behind the middle-ward: the Consul himself was with the Horsemen of the left wing, who upon the march made the main battle.  
But jugurth, as soon as he saw, that those who had the Van of his Vanguard, had overreached the bringers up of Metellus Rear, with a Guard of about 2000 Footmen, he possesseth the mountain where Metellus made his descent: lest perchance the enemies falling back, it might serve them for a retreat, and after for a defence. Then suddenly, upon a signal given, he chargeth the enemies. Some of the Numidians kill the hinder-most: others assail the right and left flank: in furious manner they present themselves, and press forward in all places: they disordered the Ranks of the Romans. Of whom those who with most resolution had encountered the enemies, being deluded by this doubtful kind of fight, were themselues sometimes wounded from a far: neither had they means to strike again, nor to join in handfight.  
Before this the Horsemen being instructed by jugurth, wheresoever a Troop of Romans began to chase, retired not closely nor in one gross, but in as much distance as they could one from another. Thus being superior in number, if they could not deter the enemies from pursuing, they encompassed them, being dispersed either from behind, or from the flanks. But if the hillock were more opportune for flight then the fields, thither the horses of the Numidians used unto it, easily passed through the underwoods. Our men the roughness and the ignorance of the place detained.  
But the face of all this conflict was various, uncertain, foul and lamentable: some being scattered from their fellows retire: others pursue: neither ranks, nor ensigns they observe: wheresoever the danger attached any man, there he resisteth and putteth it off: arms, weapons, horses, men, enemies, and Citizens, were blended together; nothing was done by counsel, nor command: fortune swayed all. Therefore most of the day was spent, when then, yea even then the event was doubtful.  
At length all men fainting with toil and heat, Metellus, when he saw the Numidians come on more coldly, he rallieth by degrees his Soldiers into one body: he restoreth the Ranks, and opposeth four legionary Cohorts unto the enemy's Footebands. O them, a great part being weary, rested themselves on the higher grounds. He intreateth, and exhorteth his Soldiers together, that they would not faint, nor suffer these flying enemies to overcome: that they had neither Camp, nor any fortification, whither retiring they might betake themselves: all the hopes they had lay in their Arms.  
But neither was jugurth in the mean time out of action: he circu●teth, confirmeth, reneweth the battle, and himself with some chosen men tryeth all things to the uttermost: he succoureth his own side, chargeth the wavering enemies, by fight a fare off he engageth their stay, whom he knew to stand firm. After this manner two Generals, men most excellent, contended one with another: themselves being equal, but their helps unequal. For Metellus was advantaged by his Soldier's valour, the place was disaduantageous: to jugurth all other things, but Soldiers, served opportunely. Finally, the Romans, when they understood, that they had no place of refuge, and that the enemy disengaged himself from fight; and that now the evening was come, fell off, as they were commanded, from the opposite hillock. The place of battle being lost, the Numidians were routed and chased: some few were slain: the most part swiftness, and a Country undiscovered of their enemies, preserved from danger.  
In the intercourse of this, Bomilcar, (whom we have heretofore said to have been by jugurth appointed Commander over the Elephants, and part of the Foot-bands,) as soon as Metellus had overreached him, he draws out his men by little and little into a piece of even ground; and whilst the Lieutenant hastening, marcheth to the river, whither he was fore-sent, without tumult, as the occasion required, he imbattaileth his Army: neither is he slack to discover, what the enemies should attempt any where.  
After he was advertised, that Rutilius was sat down, and that now he was secure in mind; withal, that the noise increased from jugurths' fight; fearing lest the Lieutenant, the cause being known, should aid his distressed friends, he extendeth his Army with a larger Frount, which, distrusting the valour of his Soldiers, he had skilfully disposed, for the impeaching of the enemy's passage; and in this order he advanceth towards Rutilius Camp. The Romans on the sudden observe a great rising of dust: For the field being beset with Coppises, did forbid all prospect, and at first they conjectured that the sand was stirred with the wind: after, when they saw that it continued alike & as the Army moved, approached nearer: the occasion being discovered, in haste they take Arms, and as they were commanded, stand fast before the Campe. Then as soon as they came within convenient distance, with hideous noise they encountered one another.  
The Numidians stayed so long whilst they expected aid from their Elephants: after they saw them entangled with the boughs of the trees, and being thus disordered to fetch a compass about, they betake themselves to flight: and casting away their Arms, for the most part got-off in safety, through the favour of the hillock, and the night, which was now at hand. Four Elephants were taken, all the rest, in number forty, were slain.  
But the Romans, although they were faint and weary, through their journey, the pitching of their Tents, and the battle, yet for that Metellus stayed longer than opinion, being well ordered, and resolved, they march forwards to meet him. For the wiliness of the Numidians suffered no delay, nor slackness. And first the night being dark, after they were come within near distance, with the noise, as if it had been of enemies coming on, they raised both fear and tumult amongst themselves: and through ignorance a lamentable fact was like to have been committed, except the Vantcurrours sent out from both sides, had discovered the matter. Thereupon in stead of fear, gladness arose: the Soldiers rejoicing call one another to witness: they relate, and hear their exploits: every man extolleth his own valiant acts, even to the skies. Truly this is the condition of humane affairs: it is lawful for cowards to boast in a victory: moreover losses detract from the valiant.  
Metellus staying four days in the same Camp, he causeth the wounded to be carefully dressed; he rewardeth them, who had well deserved in the battle, according to the military custom: he praiseth, and thanketh them all in a public assembly: he exhorteth them, that as for the rest, which would be feasable with ease, they should carry the same resolution, for the victory they had already fought enough, their other labours should be for pillage.   

CHAP. 16.  
Metellus sendeth out espials to discover jugurths' doings. The Numidians fall upon some Roman stragglers, and beat them. The alarm being taken, they retire to the higher grounds.  
FOr all this, the Consul in the mean while sent fugitives, and others fit for the purpose, to espy, where jugurth was, and what he did, whether he had few about him, or a full Army, and how he behaved himself being vanquished. But he was retired into places full of woods, and fortified by nature; where he raised an Army, e●ceeding th● first in number of men, but unactive and weak, better acquainted with the affairs of husbandry, than war. That happened through this privilege: for that no Numidian at all follows the King in his flight, except the Horsemen Royal. Wither every man's mind leadeth, thither he departeth: neither is that accounted a Soldier's fault: such there customs are.  
Wherefore Metellus, when he saw the King as yet to have an undaunted mind: that the war was renewed, which could not be prosecuted, but at the others pleasure; beside, that he was disaduantaged in fight by the enemies: they being vanquished with less damage, than his men did vanquish; he determineth with himself, that the war was not to be managed by set battles, nor an aranged Army, but by a different course. Thereupon he goeth unto the most opulent Countries of Numidia: he wasteth the fields: he taketh, and burneth many Towns and Castles, being meanly fortified, or without Garrisons: he commandeth those of military age to be slain; all other things were to be the Soldiers pray.  
Through the terror of this, many hostages were given to the Romans; Corne and other useful provisions were supplied in abundance: wheresoever occasion required, a Garrison was imposed: which occurrences much more terrified the King, than the battle unluckily fought by his Soldiers. For because he, all whose hope consisted in flight, was compelled to pursue: and he, that was unable to defend his own, was fain to make war in another's territories. yet from his present distress he taketh that counsel, which seemed best: he commandeth the greatest part of his Army, to expect him in the same Quarters: he himself with some choice Horsemen followeth Metellus: thus being undiscovered in his nocturnal & by-way journeys, he assaileth on the sudden the Roman stragglers. Most of them are slain unarmed: many are taken prisoners: not one of them all escapeth without hurt: and the Numidians, before they could be relieved from the Camp, departed to the next hillocks, according as they had orders.  
In the mean time much joy was conceived at Rome upon the knowledge of Metellus proceed: as for that he governed himself and his Army according to the discipline of their Ancestors: that in a place of disadvantage he had vanquished by mere valour; that he possessed the enemy's Country: that jugurth bearing himself proudly upon Aulus negligence, he had constrained him to repose the hope of his safety in flight, or in the deserts. Thereupon the Senate, for these things happily done, decreed supplications to the immortal gods. The City trembling before, as being doubtful of the event of the war, now solaced herself with joy. Of Metellus an honourable report was spread.  
Thereupon by so much the more eagerly he striveth for victory, making all possible speed in the pursuit thereof: yet being cautelous from giving any opportunity to the enemy; he well knew that envy attended on glory: thus by how much the more he was renowned, by so much was he the more careful: neither after this stratagem of jugurths', did he pillage any more with his Army disbanded. When it was needful to provide corn or forage, the Cohorts with the Cavalry made a standing-guard. He himself commanded one part of the Army, Marius the other. But more with fire, then driving of preys was the Country wasted. In two several places not fare remote, they did incamp themselves: when it was requisite to use force, they joined all their forces: but for the further dispersing of fear and flight, they took up their Quarters apart from one another.  
As than jugurth followed aloof over the hillocks, seeking a convenient time, or place for fight: where he heard, that the enemy approached, he spoileth the forage and Fountains, of both which there was much scarcity: sometimes he showeth himself to Metellus, sometimes to Marius: he assaileth those who had the Rear in marching, and forthwith retireth to the mountains: again he menaceth them one after another; he neither engageth fight, nor suffereth them to rest: he only attacheth the Enemy in his course of proceeding.  
The Roman General, when he saw himself wearied with these wiles, and that the enemies debarred him from the opportunity of fight, he resolveth to beleaguer Zama▪ a great City, and in that part, where it was seated, one of the bulwarks of the Kingdom: thinking that jugurth, as the occasion required, would come to relieve his people, being in distress, and so a battle would be fought. But he being informed of this by Fugitives, with great journeys over marcheth Metellus, he exhorteth the Citizens to defend the walls, the fugitives being added for aids; which kind of men amongst all the King's Forces stood most firm unto him; because they had not credit enough to deceive. Moreover he promiseth, that he himself would come to their succours in time convenient.  
Things being thus ordered, he departeth into places most covert, and within a while after getteth intelligence, that Marius was sent out of the usual road unto Sicca, to purvey corn with some few Cohorrs. Which town first of all, after the battle lost, revolted from the King. Thither with some selected Horsemen he marcheth by night; and the Romans being upon the point of issuing, he chargeth them in the very gate: withal he exhorteth those of Sicca aloud, to encompass the Cohorts behind: that fortune gave them the opportunity of a brave exploit: if they should perform it, that hereafter he should during life be secured in his Kingdom, they in their liberty. And except Marius had with haste made the Ensigns to march, and to pass out of the Town, surely all, or the greatest part of the Inhabitants had turned revolters. With such inconstancy the Numidians demean themselves.  
But the jugurthine Soldiers being somewhat comforted by the King; after when their enemies pressed them more forcibly. Some few being lost, the rest saved themselves by flight.   

CHAP. 16.  
Marius' coming to Zama, Metellus investeth it round about with both their Forces, but is in fine repulsed after two assaults.  
Marius' arriveth at Zama. That Town is seated in a Champion field, it was more fortified by art then nature, wanting no provisions requisite, being well furnished with Arms and Soldiers. Upon this, Metellus, all preparations being made, befitting the time and place, invested the walls round with his Army; he commandeth the Lieutenants where each man should take charge. Then upon a signal given, at once from all parts ariseth a hideous noise. Neither doth this terrify the Numidians: without tumult they remain angry and ready: the fight is begun. The Romans (every one according to his inclination) fight some with Leaden plummets and stones missively cast: some give back, others fall on; and now they sap the wall, than again they make an attempt by Scalado, being desirous to come to handfight. To encounter this, the Townsmen tumble down great stones upon the nearest, they throw Spears, Darts, and withal burning Torches, with Pitch, and Brimstone.  
But not those whose stations were furthest off, the cowardice of mind defended sufficiently: for most of them were wounded with javelins discharged from Engines or the hand. And in like danger, but unlike renown, both the valiant and cowards were.  
Whilst they fight thus at Zama, jugurth suddenly assaileth with great numbers the Camp of his enemies; they being slack in their duties, who had the guard, and expecting nothing less than fight, he violently forceth one of the Ports. But our men being terrified with the sudden fright, all of them provide for themselves, according to their several dispositions: some fly, others arm: a great number are wounded or slain: So that of all that multitude, not above forty mindful of the Roman name, trouping together surprised a piece of ground, somewhat higher than the other: neither could they be removed thence with their greatest forces, but the weapons missively sent, they send back again; few against many, less missing their aims. But if the Numidians approached nearer, there truly they shown their valour, and with mighty strength they beat, rout, and chase.  
In the mean time Metellus, whilst eagerly he prosecuteth the assault, heard from behind a cry, and tumult of enemies: then turning about his horse, he observed that the flight made towards him; which shown, that it was of his own people. Thereupon he sendeth speedily all the Cavalry unto the Camp, and forthwith after C. Marius with the Cohorts of the Confederates: and weeping, he coniureth him by his friendship, and by the Common wealth, that he would suffer no disgrace to be fastened upon his victorious Army, nor the enemies to departed unrevenged. He brie●ly executefh his orders. But jugurth was hindered with the fortifications of the Camp, when as some threw themselves headlong over the Rampire, others making haste arrested one another in the narrow passage. Metellus, the business being uneffected, when night was come, returned into the Camp with his Army.  
Therefore the next day, before he issued out to the assault; he commandeth all the Cavalry, to attend before the Camp, on that part, where the King's advenue was: the Ports and the places next adjoining, he distributeth to the Tribunes: then he himself marcheth to the town, and as on the former day, assaulteth the wall. In the mean while jugurth out of covert suddenly invadeth our men. Those who were aranged in the fore-frount, being somewhat terrified are disordered: the residue quickly come to their succours. Neither could the Numidians have longer resisted, but that their footmen intermingled with their horsemen had made a great slaughter upon the first encounter: on whom they relying, did not, as it is usual in a battle of horsemen, fall on, and then wheel about, but they charged with their horses, meeting breast to breast, they entered, and broke the frount of our Army: so making use of their ready footmen, they held the enemies for almost vanquished.  
In the intercourse of this, they fought at Zama with great violence; where any Lieutenant of a Legion, or Tribune had charge, there they striven with most courage: neither had any man more hope in another's help, then in himself. The like the Townsmen did: they fought or were ready for it in all places: more eagerly they wounded one another, then guarded themselves. The noise was confounded with encouraging, gladness and groaning: besides the clashing of Arms pierceth the heavens: Missive weapons fly from both sides. But those who defended the walls, when the enemies slackened the fight, intentively beheld the horse-battell. Then, as any of jugurths' actions proceed, you might observe them to be sometimes merry, sometimes fearful: and as they could be heard, or seen of their fellows, some of them admonish: others encourage, or signify with their hands, or bend with their bodies. Hither and thither they move, as they were flying, or discharging weapons.  
Which as soon as Marius knew (for he commanded in that part) he proceedeth more slackly, than it was decreed; & counterfeiteth a distrust of the business: he suffreth the Numidians without tumult to view the King's battle: thus they being fixed upon the care of their own side, on the sudden he assaulteth the wall most forcibly: and now the Soldiers quitting their scaling ladders, had almost surprised the battlements, when as the Townsmen troop together: they pour down stones, fire, and other missive weapons beside. Our men at first make resistance: after when one, and then others of their ladders were broken: and those who stood upon them were thrown down: the rest in the best manner they could, few being unhurt, the greatest part wounded, make their escape. At length night parted the fight on both sides.  
Metellus, when he saw that the enterprise wts frustrated: that neither the Town was taken, nor that jugurth engaged fight, except it were out of ambush, or places by him chosen; and that now the Summer was spent, he departeth from Zama, and in those Cities, which had revolted from him, and were sufficiently fortified with walls or situation, he placeth Garrisons. The remainder of his Army, he disposeth in the Province next to Numidia, in regard of wintring there. Neither doth he afford that time, as others were wont, to rest and riot, but because the war had but mean proceeding by Arms, he layeth snares for the King by his friends, and resolveth to use their perfidiousness for Arms.  
Therefore with many promises he assayeth Bomilcar who had been at Rome, and secretly bail being given, had escaped judgement for killing Massiva; because that he by means of his nearest friendship had the best means of deceiving: and first he wrought, that he should come to him in secret under the colour of conference: then by giving his faith, that if he delivered jugurth alive or slain, he should be assured, the Senate would grant him impunity, and whatsoever was his own, he easily persuadeth the Numidian, being as well of a faithless disposition, as also fearful, that if peace were made with the Romans, he upon the conditions should be delivered over to punishment. He, as soon as the first opportunity served, visiteth jugurth, being perplexed, and bewailing his fortunes: he doth admonish, and with tears conjure him, that at length he would provide for himself, his children, and the Numidian people, which had best deserved: in all conflicts they had been foiled, the Country was wasted, many men were taken and slain, the strength of the Kingdom was exhausted: enough oftentimes had they tried already fortune, and the Soldier's valour: he should beware, lest himself protracting time, the Numidians secured themselves. With these, and other such like speeches, he moved the King to resolve upon yielding.   

CHAP. 17.  
jugurth sendeth Ambassadors to Metellus. He yields himself and his Kingdom to the Roman people Afterwards he reretracteth. A description of Marius.  
Ambassadors are sent to the General, who should declare that jugurth would perform his commands, and without any composition would surrender himself and his Kingdom unto his trust. Metellus speedily commandeth all those of the Senatorian degree▪ to be sent for, out of their wintring places: of them, and others, whom he thought fit, he assembleth a Council. Thus according to the custom of their Ancestors, by the Decree of the Council, he demandeth from jugurth by his Ambassadors, two hundred thousand pounds of silver, all his Elephants, and a proportion of Horses and Arms. Which being accomplished without delay, he appointed them to bring all their fugitives bound; a great part of them were brought according to appointment: some few, as soon as the surrender was made, escaped unto King Bocchus into Mauritania. Thereupon jugurth being despoiled of Arms, men, and money, when as he himself was summoned to lay his command upon Tisidium, he again began to change his resolution, and from a guilty conscience to fear deserved punishment: finally many days being spent in doubts, when as now through the irksomeness of his adversity all things seemed better than war: then again when he pondered with himself, how grievous a downfall it would be from a Kingdom into servitude; many and great aids being lost, to no purpose, he reneweth the war again: and at Rome the Senate, sitting in council about the Provinces, decreed Numidia to Metellus.  
At the same time C. Marius casually at Utica sacrificing to the gods with slain beasts, the Diviner told him, that great and wonderful things were portended: wherefore trusting on the gods, he should execute his designs: that he should have a frequent trial of fortune: that all things would fall out prosperously.  
But him formerly a mighty desire of getting the Consulship had possessed: for the procuring whereof, setting aside the antiquity of his house, all other helps served abundantly, as industry, honesty, much knowledge in Souldery, a mind greedy of war, frugal at home, victorious over lust and wealth, only covetous of glory. But he being borne and fostered during his childhood at Arpinum, as soon as he was of military age, he exercised himself in employment for a Soldiers pay, not in Grecian eloquence, nor neatness of the City. Thus amidst these good Arts his mind being uncorrupted, grew to maturity, in a short time.  
Therefore when first he requested a Tribuneship of the people, he being to most men unknown by face, otherwise well known, was proclaimed throughout all the Tribes. Then from that Magistracy, he acquired others by degrees; and always in authority he carried himself after that manner that he shown himself worthy of a more ample one, then that which he exercised. Yet he being such a man in that eminency of place (for afterwards he was precipitated by ambition) durst not sue for the Consulship. Even than the Commonalty gave other Magistracies; the Nobility disposed the Consulship successively amongst themselves. No new man was so illustrious nor commendable for his deeds, but he was held unworthy of that honour, and was as it were dishonested.  
Thereupon, when Marius perceived, that the Diviners speeches tended thither, where his ambitious mind did invite him, he demandeth a licence to departed from Metellus in regard of his suit: who although he had an abundant stock of virtue, glory, and other things to be wished for of good men, yet there harboured within him, a contemptuous mind, and haughtiness of spirit, a fault common amongst the Nobility. Wherefore he at first being moved with the strangeness of the matter, wondered at his purpose, and as by way of friendship, doth admonish, that he would not undertake such uncouncellable courses, nor carry a mind higher than his fortune: that all things were not to be desired of all men: his present estate ought to content him sufficiently: finally he should beware to request that of the people of Rome, which might in right be denied him.  
After he had delivered these and such like words, and Marius resolution was not altered, he gives this answer, that as soon as the public employments would give him leave, he would do that which he requested. And unto him being oftentimes importunate in the same suit, it is reported he should say, that soon enough he with his son might sue for the Consulship. He as then was a Soldier there in his father's retinue, being about twenty years of age. Which occasion inflamed Marius; both for the honour which he affected, as also against Metellus himself. Thus he raged through greediness and anger, two of the worst counsellors, neither abstained he from any speech or action, which might savour of ambition: the Soldiers, whom he commanded in the wintring Garrisons, he used with a more gentle command, then before he had done: to the Merchants, of whom there was a great multitude at Utica, he spoke reproachfully, and boastingly of the war: that should the moiety of the Army be granted to him, in a few days he would have jugurth bound in chains: that the General protracted of purpose, for that being a vain man, and of a kingly pride, he delighted too much in command: all which imputations seemed to them the more firm, because through the continuance of the war they had wasted their private fortunes; and to a mind full of desire nothing proceedeth with speed enough.  
Moreover there was in our Army a certain Numidian, Gauda by name, the son of Mastanabal, the nephew of Masinissa, whom Micipsa by testament had made his second heir, a man spent with diseases, and by that means somewhat crazed in mind. To whom petitioning, that after the manner of Kings, he might place his chair equally with him, and then, that for his Guard he might have a Troop of Roman Gentlemen, Metellus had denied both: the honour, because it was proper to them, whom the people of Rome entitled Kings: the Guard, for that it would be dishonourable to them, if Roman Gentlemen should be attendants on a Numidian. Him being disquieted Marius visiteth, and persuadeth, that he would seek to revenge these disgraces upon the General by his assistance. The man being scarce sound in mind by reason of his diseases, he extolleth him with this favourable speech: that he was a King, a great man, that he was to enjoy forthwith the Kingdom of Numidia: this would so much the sooner come to pass, if he himself might be sent Consul to this war.  
Therefore both him, and the Roman Gentlemen, both Soldiers and Merchants, some he himself, others the hope of peace procured, that they wrote to their friends at Rome unworthily of Metellus concerning the war, that Marius they required for General. Thus for him the Consulship was sued for by many men, with a most honest suffragation. Besides the Commonalty at that time, the Nobility being overthrown by the Mamilian Law, advanced new men. Thus with Marius all things prospered.   

CHAP. 18.  
jugurth soliciteth those of Vacca to rebellion Upon his persuasion they treacherously kill the Roman Garrison. The Town is recovered by Metellus, and the rebels are justly punished.  
IN the mean time jugurth, when omitting the surrender, he renewed the war with great care, he maketh preparations, he hasteneth, and raiseth an Army: the Cities, which revolted from him, he soliciteth by fear, or ostentation of rewards: he fortifieth his own Dominions: arms, weapons, and other necessaries, which he had neglected in hope of peace, he repaireth, or buyeth all of them outright: he allure in the Roman slaves; and tempteth even those with money, who were billeted in the Garrisons: nothing at all he suffereth unassaied, nor undisturbed: he attempteth all things.  
Therefore in Vacca, (where Metellus at first, jugurth making his peace, had imposed a Garrison) some principal Citizens being solicited by the King's request, neither before alienated in affection, conspired amongst themselves: (for the common people, as it is most-where frequent, especially the Numidians being of a light disposition, seditious, and disagreeing, desire innovation, and are displeased with rest & quietness:) then amongst themselves their affairs being settled, upon the third day following they appoint the execution, because it being holy, & celebrated throughout all Africa, it promised sport and jollity, rather than fear.  
But as soon, as the time came, the Centurions, military Tribunes, and the Governor himself of the Town, T. Turpilius Silanus, were severally by several men invited to their houses: all of them but Turpilius, they kill amidst their banquets: afterwards they assail the straggling Soldiers, being unarmed, because it was on such a day, and wanting orders to the contrary. The Commonalty doth the like execution, a part of them being instructed by the Nobility, others being incited with the desire of such things; to whom being ignorant of the public Acts, and Counsel, the tumult itself and innovation pleased sufficiently.  
The Roman Soldiers, upon the sudden fright, uncertain and unknowing what was best to be done, run trembling unto the Castle of the Town, where their shields & Ensigns were: a Guard of the enemies prohibiteth their flight unto the gate before shut up: besides the women, & boys from the tops of the houses threw down violently stones, and other materials, which the place afforded. Thus the doubtful danger could not be prevented, neither by the most valiant could resistance be made against the most feeble: the good and bad, the valiant, and cowardly are slain together.  
In this great difficulty, the Numidians showing no mercy, and the Town being every where beset, Turpilius the Governor only amongst all the Italians escaped unhurt: whether this happened by the compassion of his host, whether by agreement, or casualty, we know no certainty: but because to him in this great disaster a dishonourable life was preferred before an unblemished reputation, he is reputed vile and detestable.  
Metellus, when he understood what had happened at Vacca, being grieved, for a while he retired out of sight. Upon this, when anger and grief had wrought together, with great care he hasteneth to revenge the injury, he draweth forth expeditely with the setting of the Sun, the Legion, with which he wintered, & as many Numidian Horsemen as he could: & the next day about the third hour he arriveth at a eertaine plain, environed with grounds something higher. There he informeth his Soldiers har●●ged with the tediousness of the journey, and now refusing all commands; that the Town of Vacca was not distant above one thousand paces thence: that it behoved them to endure with patience the remaining labour, until they took revenge for their fellow Citizens, men valiant, though most unfortunate. Moreover he giveth free leave of pillage. Thus their minds being encouraged, he commandeth the Horsemen to march on the right flank, the Footmen in their closest order; and withal to conceal their ensigns.  
As soon as the Vaccensians observed that an Army marched towards them, at first (as it was indeed) they conjecturing that it was Metellus, did shut their gates: then when they saw that the fields were not wasted, & that those who had the point of the Vanguarde were Numidian Horsemen, they thinking again that it was juurth, with great joy issued forth to meet him. The Horse and Foot having a signal suddenly given, some of them kill the people dispersed through the Town, some hasten to the gates: others surprise the Towers: anger, and the hope of spoil prevailed over weariness. Thus the Vaccensians rejoiced only two days in their perfidiousness: all that great and opulent City became the subject of pillage or revenge.  
Turpilius the Governor of the Town, whom we have formerly said to have been the only man amongst all that escaped in safety, being commanded by Metellus to speak for himself: after he had made a weak purgation, is condemned, and being scourged, suffered capital punishment, for he was a Citizen out of Latium.   

CHAP. 19  
Bomilcar seeketh to betray jugurth. He dealeth for this purpose with Nabdalsa. He is discovered and put to death.  
AT that time Bomilcar, through whose persuasion jugurth made the surrender, which for fear he forsook, being suspected of the King, and suspecting him, desireth innovation, he laboureth to ruin him by treachery: day and night he vexeth himself: finally, having tried all courses, he adjoineth unto himself Nabdalsa for an associate, a Nobleman famous for his great wealth, and much beloved of his vassals. Who for the most part commanded an Army apart from the King, and was wont to execute all affairs, which were left undone by jugurth, being tired out, or employed in greater. By which means he purchased renown and riches.  
Thereupon by both their advices a day is appointed for it: other preparations, as the occasion required, were made by them in the mean time. Nabdalsa goeth unto the Army, which he had quartered upon command amongst the wintring Garrisons of the Romans, tha● the Country by that means might be secured from the enemy's excursions. He being distracted with the greatness of the attempt, when as he came not at the time appointed, and that fear hindered him from progression; Bomilcar pensive through the desire of executing his design, and withal, because his Confederate was fearful, lest the first resolution being neglected, he should entertain another, he sendeth letters unto him by trusty messengers, in which he blameth the softness and cowardice of the man; he calleth the Gods to witness, by whom he had sworn; he admonisheth, that he would not convert Metellus rewards into his destruction: that jugurths' ruin was at hand: but whether he should perish by his, or Metellus virtue, that was now to be discussed: therefore he should weigh with himself, whether he had rather accept of reward or punishment.  
But when these letters were delivered, Nabdalsa by chance, wearied with the exercising of his body, reposed himself on his bed. When he had conceived Bomilcars' speeches, first care, then as it is usual with a troubled mind, sleep attached him: there did belon● to him a certain Numidian, a faithful Agent of his affairs, and much esteemed of him, who was partaker of all his counsels, except of this last, who when he heard, that letters were brought, thinking that according to custom, there might be some need of his advice or industry, he entereth into the Pavilion: the other being asleep, he taketh up the Epistle, being laid unadvisedly on his pillow, and readeth the contents of it: then the treason being discovered, he posteth forthwith to the King.  
Nabdalsa awaking not long after, when as he miss the Epistle and understood by some fugitives all the circumstance of the matter; at first he endeavoureth to apprehend his accuser: but that being lost labour, he goeth to jugurth, to mediate his reconcilement, telling him, that, that which he resolved, was prevented by the treachery of his servant, weeping he doth conjure him by his friendship, & by his former faithful services, that he would not hold him suspected of so heinous a crime: to this the King, otherwise than he thought, made this gracious answer: that Bomilcar and sundry others, whom he knew to be complices of the conspiracy being slain, he had oppressed his anger, lest otherwise some seditiou might grow from that occasion. Neither after this had jugurth any rest day or night: he was confident of no place, time, nor person, he feared alike his subjects and enemies: he was circumspect of all dangers, and affrighted with every noise: nightly he took up several lodgings, unfit many times for his dignity Royal: now and then awaking out of sleep, he caused tumult, by betaking himself to his arms: thus with fear as with a frenzy, he was still vexed.   

CHAP. 20.  
Metellus maketh new preparations for the war. He dismisseth Marius. He fighteth with jugurth, and defeateth his Army. He taketh Thala.  
THereupon Metellus, as soon as he was advertised by fugitives of Bomilcars' misfortune, and the detecting of the conspiracy; again, as if it had been for an entire war, he maketh and forwardeth all needful preparations. Marius' soliciting for his departure, & withal being grown hateful and offensive unto him, he dismisseth home, thinking him to be unfit for his employment. And at Rome, the Commons, the letters being made known, which were sent concerning Metellus and Marius, heard what they desired of both. To the General, his Nobility, which before was an ornament, became the occasion of envy; to the other, the lowness of his descent added favour: but in both these, the bending of the factions carried more sway than their own virtues or vices.  
Besides, the seditious Magistrates stirred the Common people, in all the assemblies they accuse Metellus of treason: They commend Marius beyond descent. Finally, the Plebeians were so fare moved, that all the Artificers and Country Peasant's, whose fortunes and credit lay in their hands, leaving their labour, resorted to Marius, and esteemed their own necessary trades less than his honour. Thus the Nobility being overthrown, after the revolution of much time the Consulship was given to a new man: and afterwards the people being demanded by Manlius Mantinus one of their Tribunes, whom they would have to manage the war against jugurth, frequently they enjoined Marius to undertake that charge. Yet the Senate not long before had decreed Numidia to Metellus. That Decree became void.  
In this mean time jugurth having lost his friends, most of whom he himself had killed, the residue taking their flight, some to the Romans, others to King Bocchus: when as he considered that war could not be waged without coassistants, and that it would be dangerous to try the fidelity of new friends amidst so much perfidiousness of the old, he was tossed with a doubtful and uncertain opinion: no design, counsel, nor person could please him sufficiently: his journeys and commanders he changed daily: sometimes he marched towards the enemies, now again towards the deserts: oftentimes he reposed his hope in flight, and forthwith in his Arms: he doubted, which he should least rely on, his subject's valour or loyalty. Thus whatsoever he intended, fell out unluckily.  
But in the midst of these delays, Metellus suddenly showeth himself with his army. The Numidians, as the time would give leave, were ordered and aranged by jugurth. Then forthwith the battle is begun. In that part where the King was present in person, they fought for a while: all the rest of his Soldiers were broken and chased upon the first encounter: the Romans took some Ensigns, Arms, & prisoners. For in all battles, for the most part the Numidians are more beholding to their heels then hands. In this flight jugurth now more seriously distrusting his estate, with the fugitives and some part of his Cavalry, he arriveth first in the deserts, and then at Thala, a great & wealthy Town, where lay the most part of his treasures, and where his sons had much of their education during their childhood.  
Which things when Metellus knew, although betwixt Thala and the next river in the space of fifty miles, all places were dry and waste yet hoping to finish the war, if he could gain that Town, he undertaketh to surmount all difficulties, and to overcome nature itself. Therefore he commandeth the beasts of burden to be unladed of all the baggage, except of Corn for ten days only: in stead whereof, bottles and other vessels fit for the containing of water, were appointed for their carriage. Besides he getteth out of the fields as much tame Catrell, as he could of the greater size, and ●ladeth on them vessels of all sorts, but most part wood denones, taken out of the Numidian cottages. Again, he commandeth the borderers, who after the King's flight had submitted themselves to Metellus, that every one of them should carry what water he could: he prefixeth a day and place, where they should be ready to attend: he himself from the river (which we have heretofore said to be the next water to the town) ladeth his beasts of burden. Thus furnished he goeth to Thala. Then being come to the Rendez-vous which he had enjoined to the Numidians, and after the Camp was pi●●hed and fortified, suddenly so much rain poured down from the sky, that it was over and above enough for the Army. Besides they had victuals more than they expected: for that the Numidians, as most men do upon a new surrender, stretched their diligence unto the utmost. But the Soldiers out of a kind of religion made most use of the rain: and that added much to their courages: for they thinking themselues to be the care of the immortal gods: the next day following, contrary to jugurths' opinion, they arrive at Thala.  
The Townsmen, who thought themselues fortified with the impregnableness of the place, being amazed with this great and strange accident, nevertheless provide for the war: our men do the like. But the King now deeming nothing to be impossible unto Metellus, as one who had subdued by his industry all arms, weapons, places, times, nay nature itself, commanding other things: by night he flieth out of the Town with his children, and a great part of his treasure: and staying not longer in any one place then a day or night, he gave out colourably, that his business caused him to make this haste: but indeed he feared, Treason▪ which he thought to shun by celerity: for such designs are fathered by idleness and opportunity.  
But Metellus, when he saw the townsmen resolved to fight, and that it was a strong Peer, in regard of the Works, and situation, he surroundeth the walls with a Circumuallation. Then he commandeth them from that place, which was most fitting for the purpose, to bring their vine Engines forwards, and above them to raise a Rampire; and Towers being raised upon the Rampire, thus to secure the work & the labourers. To prevent this, the Townsmen use all possible diligence and preparations: nothing was left undone by either side. Finally, the Romans tired out with much labour & fight, after 40. days that they came thither, only got the Town: all the prey was spoiled by the fugitives. They, when they saw the walls battered with the Rams, and their estate grown desperate, carried the gold, silver, and other things of most account into the King's Palace: there, being laden with wine, and viands, they burn both that, the house and themselves withal: thus that punishment, which they feared from their enemies, they willingly inflicted on selves.   

CHAP. 21.  
Ambassadors are sent from Lep●is to Metellus. A discourse of the Philenian brethren.  
But together with the taking of Thala, Ambassadors from the Town of Leptis came to Metellus; requesting that he would send thither a Garrison & Governor: that one Himilear a Noble man of a factious spirit did affect innovation: against whom neither the commands of the Magistrates, nor the Laws were available: if he did not speedily do it, their own safety, the Allies of them would be much endangered. For the Leptitanes long since, from the beginning of the jugurthine war, had sent to Bestia the Consul, and afterwards to Rome, to require friendship and Alliance. Then having gotten a grant of this, they always remained true & faithful, and did perform with diligence all the commands of Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus: therefore easily they obtained of the General, whatsoever they requested.  
There were sent thither four Cohorts of Ligurians, and C. Annius for Governor. That town was builded by the Sidonians, whom we have heard to come hither in ships, flying from home because of Civil discords. Moreover it is seated betwixt the two Syrteses, who have their name imposed from their nature. For there are two Gulfs almost in the farthest part of Africa of unlike bigness, of like condition: the parts of which, that are nearest to the shore, are of an exceeding depth: the others are casually deep, and at another season shoaly: for as soon as the sea groweth high, and rageth with the winds, the waves draw in slime, sand, and mighty stones: by this means the condition of these places is altered with the winds; they are called Sir●es from their extent.  
The language of this City is somewhat corrupted by marrying with the Numidians; but their Laws and habit are for the most part Sidonian which they retained with the more facility, because they lived fare from the King's Dominion. For between them, and the populous places of Numidia, there lay uncultived and waste grounds. But because we are arrived in these Regions by mean of the Leptitan affairs, i● seemeth worth the relation, to remember the brave and memorable exploit of two Carthaginians. The place intimated this unto us.  
At what time the Carthaginians ruled over most of Africa, the Cyrenians also were rich and powerful: the Frontier betwixt them was sandy and uniform; there was neither mountain, nor river to distinguish their borders: which cause kept them in a great▪ and undiscontinued war. After their Armies and Fleets had been often beaten and chased on both sides, and that they had much impaired one another's strength; they fearing that a third party would invade both the Conquerors & conquered; taking truce, they make an agreement, that upon a day appointed, their Ambassadors should departed from their several homes; at what place they met one another, that should be the common border of both Nations. Upon this, two brethren being sent from Carthage, whose names were the Phileni, made haste in their journey: the Cyrenians went more slowly. Whether this happened by negligence or casualty, I know nothing at all.  
Besides, in those places a tempest no otherwise then in the sea restraineth passage. For when as the wind arising on plain grounds, and bare of trees, hath raised up the sand from the earth, that being carried with great violence filleth both the mouth and eyes: thus prospect being hindered, the journey is stayed.  
After the Cyrenians saw that they were somewhat the hindermost, and because of their neglect, feared punishment at home; they taxed the Carthaginians, that departing before their time from their place of habitation, they had disturbed the Treaty; finally they would rather do any thing then departed vanquished. But when the Carthaginians required any other condition, so it were equal, the Grecians put the Carthaginians to their choice, that either they should be buried there quick, whereas they desired borders for their people, or that themselves upon the same conditions might proceed whither they would. The Philenians allowing the condition, gave up themselves and their lives to the Commonwealth thus were they interred alive. In that place the Carthaginians consecrated Altars to the Philenian brethren, and other honours were instituted for them in their Country. Now I return to my purpose.   

CHAP. 22.  
jugurth draweth the Getulians' to his party. He soliciteth King Bocchus. He is advertised of Marius coming.  
IVgurth, when after Thala lost, he thought nothing strong enough to resist Metellus, travailing with some few through vast deserts, he cometh to the Getulians', a fierce and savage kind of people, and as then ignorant of the Roman name: he raiseth a multitude of them into one body, and by degrees doth accustom them to keep their ranks, to follow their Ensigns, to obey command, and to perform other military duties. Besides, he allureth those who were nearest unto King Bocchus, by great gifts and greater promises, to favour his cause: with which Assistants, going to the King, he doth persuade him, that he should undertake war against the Romans. This by that advantage became more facile and feasable, for that Bocchus in the beginning of this war, had sent Ambassadors to Rome to desire a League and friendship: which thing being most opportune for the enterprise of the war, some few hindered, blinded with covetousness, by whom all suits, whether honest or dishonest, were usually set to sale.  
Besides, the daughter of Bocchus was formerly married to jugurth: but that bond is meanly regarded by the Moors and Numidians: because that each of them according to their wealth, have every man sundry wives, some 10. others more: but Kings more than so. Thus the mind is distracted with the multitude: none of them is ranked in the place of an equal: they are altogether held despicable.  
Thereupon, in a place chosen by both parties, the Army meets: then faith being given and received interchangeably, jugurth inflameth Bocchus with this speech: That the Romans were unjust, of unsatiable avarice, the common enemies of all mankind: that they had the same cause of war with Bocchus, as with himself and all other Nations, even the desire of rule; unto whom all Kings were opposites: then he himself, a little before the Carthaginians, with King Perses, after as every man seemed most powerful, so he became enemy to the Romans. These, and such like speeches passing, they direct their journey to the town of Cirtha: for that Q. Metellus had lodged there the prey, prisoners, and baggage. Thus jugurth thought that either the City being taken, it would be a work worth his labour: or if the Roman General came to their succours, they should come to the trial of a main battle: for in cunming, he made haste only to disinable jugurths' peace, lest by exercising delays, he should desire some other course, rather than war.  
The General, when he had heard of the Confederacy of the Kings, he doth not rashly, neither as he was often accustomed to do, (jugurth being vanquished) present in all places free means to fight: but not fare from Cirtha his Camp being fortified, he expecteth the Kings: thinking it best, after he had made some trial of the Moors, (because they came as fresh enemies,) to fight at his best advantage. In the mean time he is certified from Rome by letters, that the Province of Numidia was given to Marius: for he had heard before, that he was made Consul: with which tidings being troubled beyond all decency, he neither could refrain tears, nor moderate his tongue; the man otherwise being of a most excellent temper, too tenderly took this grievance: which some construed to be pride in him: others, a good disposition provoked with disgrace: many men thought it was, because the victory already gotten, was wrested out of his hands: to us it is well enough known, that he was more vexed with Marius' honour, then with his proper injury: neither would he have suffered it with so much anxiety, if the Province taken away, had been assigned to any but Marius.  
Therefore being diverted with this grief, and because it seemed a foolish part to take care of another's charge with his own danger, he sends Ambassadors to King Bocchus, to require him, that without cause he would not become an enemy to the people of Rome: that he had a fair opportunity of contracting a League and friendship, which would be better than war. Although he was confident in his own strength, yet he ought not to change uncertainties for certainties: all war was undertaken with ease, but concluded with difficulty: not in the same man's power lay the beginning & ending of it: it was lawful for every man, yea for a coward to begin: it was to be laid aside, when the Conquerors would: therefore he should provide for himself, and his Kingdom; neither should he commix his flourishing and jugurths' desperate fortunes together.  
To this the King answered calmly enough: that himself desired peace: but that he took compassion of jugurths' estate: if the same liberty were granted to him▪ all things would be soon agreed on. Again the General, to encounter Bocchus demands, sendeth other Messengers: he alloweth his propositions in part, others he rejecteth. In this manner by sending and resending Messengers from both sides, time passed away, and according to Metellus will, the war was protracted without action.  
But Marius (as is aforesaid) being made Consul through the earnestness of the Commons, after the people had decreed Numidia for his Province, he being heretofore incensed against the Nobility, did as then frequently and fiercely press them: sometimes he offended particulars, sometimes the generality: he spoke publicly, that he got the Consulship as spoils from them, being vanquished; with other words besides glorious for himself, grevous for them. In the mean time, his first care is to provide things useful for the war: he requireth a supply for the Legions: he sendeth for aids from the Nations, Kings, and Confederates: moreover, he inviteth all the flower of Latium, most of them known to him in the wars, few by report; and by his solicitation he draweth those, who had out-serued their military years, to go this journey with him: neither did the Senate, although it were adverse, dare to deny him concerning any business: but even with gladness granted him a supply, because it was thought the war was not pleasing to the Commonalty, and Marius should either lose his employment in it, or ●he love of the vulgar. But that hope proved vain: so much desire had possessed most men to go with Marius. Every man was persuaded, that he should be enriched with the prey; that he should return home victorious, and harboured ather thoughts of the same nature: and Marius ha●h not a little encouraged them with his speech. For after all things being decreed, which he required, he had an intent to enrol Soldiers, as well for exhortations sake, as also for exasperating the Nobility: according to his custom, he summoneth an Assembly of the people: then spoke he after this manner.   

CHAP. 23.  
The Oration of Marius the Consul, to the people of Rome.  
I Know, O ye Romans, that most men do not by the same Arts sue for Command from you, and after they have procured it, minister the same: at first they are industrious, suppliant and moderate: afterwards in sloth and pride they consume their time. But otherwise it seems good to me: for by how much the more the Commonwealth is to be regarded before a Praetourship, or Consulship, by so much the sooner aught that to be governed, than these sued for. Neither am I deceived, what a weighty business through your especial favour I sustain. To provide for war, and withal to spare the Treasury: to draw them to be Soldiers, whom you are loath to offend: to care for all things both at home and abroad: and to accomplish these things amongst envious, thwarting and factious opposites, is a work (O ye Romans) more difficult than opinion.  
Besides, if other men prove delinquents, their ancient Nobility, the valiant exploits of their Ancestors, the greatness of their kinsmen and allies, their multitude of Clients serve for a means to protect them. All my hopes rely on myself, which it is necessary to defend with virtue and innocence: for all other supports are weak.  
And this I understand (O ye Romans) that all men's eyes are cast upon me: the just and good men favour: because that my well doings advance the Commonwealth: the Nobility seek an occasion to invade me. By so much the more earnestly I must endeavour, that they may be frustrated, & you not deceived.  
Thus to this age have I conversed from my childhood, that to all labours and dangers I have been accustomed. What I did freely before your benefits bestowed, it is not my counsel (O ye Romans) to neglect, having received a reward for it.  
It is a hard matter for such to be temperate in authority, who for ambitious ends have feigned themselves honest: to me, who have passed over all my life in the best professions, to do well from custom it is grown natural. You have commanded me to wage war with jugurth; a thing which the nobility hath brooked impatiently. I beseech you weigh with yourselves, whether it might prove better to change this your purpose, if you should find out of that circle of the Nobility, some man or other of ancient descent, of many statues and no service: that forsooth in so great an action, he might tremble, overhasten, and take some Plebeian person for an Adviser of his Office. Thus many times hath it come to pass, that he whom you have ordained to command in chief, was fain to seek another General for himself.  
But I know (O ye Romans) those, who after they were made Consuls, did begin to read the acts of their Ancestors, & the military precepts of the Grecians; preposterous men as they are. For to gourne, then to be made a governor, is a thing later in time; first in nature and use.  
Compare now (O ye Romans) with their pride me, that am a new man, what things they are accustomed to hear; and read, I myself have partly seen, partly acted, what they have learned in books, I have in military service. Now do you make a conjecture whether deeds or words are of most account. They despise my novelty, I their pride. Fortune to me, reproaches to them are objected. Although I think that there is one nature & common to all, but every man that is most valiant to be most noble. And if now it could be demanded of the fathers of Albinus and Bestia, whether they had rather, that I or those were begotten of them, what think you, they would answer, but that they would desire the best of men for their children?  
But if justly they despise me, let them do the like to their Ancestors: to whom, even as to me, from virtue Nobility began. They envy my honour: therefore let them envy my labour, innocence, and dangers: because by those I got that. But these men corrupted with pride, live so, as if they contemned your honours: they sue for them in that manner, as if they had lived honestly. No truly, they are deceived▪ who together expect things most repugnant, the pleasure of sloth, and the rewards of virtue.  
Besides, when they speak amongst you, or in the Senate, they magnify their Ancestors in most of their speeches: by relating their valiant acts, they think themselves the more renowned: which is quite contrary: for by how much their life is the more glorious, by so much the more is these men's sloth the more infamous. And truly thus stands the case: The glory of Ancestors is a light to posterity, which suffreth neither their good, nor evil deeds to lie concealed. Of this I am wanting (O ye Romans.) But that which is by fare more illustrious, I can lawfully speak of my own exploits.  
Now behold how unjust they are: what they arrogate to themselves from others virtue, that they grant not to me for my own: forsooth, because I have not statues, and because my Nobility is new; which questionless it is better to have gotten then to deface being once received. Verily I am not ignorant, that if they would forthwith answer me, their speech would be very eloquent, and composed. But in this your greatest benefit, when as in all places they rend with their calumnies, both me and you▪ it is not my pleasure to be silent: lest any man should intreprete my modesty to be guilt of conscience▪ For me, in my opinion, no speech can offend▪ because if true, it must needs speak well, if false, my life and manners confute it. But because your Counsels are accused, who have imposed on me the highest honour and chiefest employment, again, consider with yourselves, whether you may repent your choice.  
I cannot for procuring credit show statues nor triumphs, nor the Consulships of my progenitors: but if that occasion required, I could show a Standard, Spears, ornaments of desert, and other military rewards, besides s●●rres in the forepart of my body. These are my statues, this is my Nobility; not left by inheritance, as theirs to them, but which I have acquired with my manifold labours, and dangers.  
My words are not composed: I do meanly regard that▪ Virtue sufficiently declares itself. Art is requisite for them, that so with speech they may palliate their dishonest actions. Neither have I learned the Grecian language: I had small pleasure to learn that, because it hath nothing availed the teachers thereof in the pursuit of virtue: But those other things I have been taught, most beneficial for the Commonwealth; as to charge the enemy, to stand upon my guard, to fear nothing but infamy: to endure alike▪ Winter and Summer, to take my repose on the ground, at the same time to suffer want & labour. With these precepts I will encourage my Soldiers: neither will I entertain them with Art, myself with plenty, nor make their labour my glory. This is a profitable, this is a civil way of commanding. For when thou thyself shalt live daintily, to enforce thy Army with punishment, that is to be a Lord, not a General.  
By doing these and such like things, your Ancestors honoured themselves and the Republic▪ On whose worth, the Nobility relying, being of different conditions in themselves, vilify us emulous of them; and challenge all honours from you, not by merit, but as if they were due. Nevertheless these most insolent men are much deceived. Their Predecessors left all that they could unto them, riches, statues▪ and a glorious memory of themselves: they left not virtue: That alone, is neither given, nor taken by way of donation.  
They say that I am sordid, and rude of conditions, because I do not curiously enough set forth a banquet, nor have ever a Stage-player of my own, nor a Cook higher prized, than my Bailiff. Which is a pleasure for me to confess (O ye Romans.) For I have learned from my father; and other devout persons, that neatness for women, labour for men is most convenient: and that it behoveth all good men to possess more glory than wealth; that arms, not utensils are an ornament.  
But therefore what delights them, what they esteem dear, let them for ever do: let them whore, & drink: where they have wasted their youth, there let them spend their old age, in banquets; given over to the belly, and the obscenest part of the body: sweat, dust, and such like things, let them leave to us, unto whom these are more delightful than banquets.  
But the case is otherwise: For where as these vile men have dishonoured themselves with scandalous crimes, they seek to take by violence the rewards of the virtuous. Thus most unjustly riot, & sloth, the worst of all vices, hinder not those, who have embraced them; to the guiltless Commonwealth they prove mischievous.  
Now, because I have answered them, as much, as my custom, not their faults required, I will speak a few words concerning the Commonwealth. First of all (O ye Romans) hope well of Numidia: what helps have hitherto supported jugurth, you have removed them all, avarice, unskilfulness and pride. Besides, the Army there, is knowing of the Country, but truly more valiant, then fortunate: for a great part of it hath been consumed by the covetousness or roshn●sse of the commanders.  
Wherefore you, who are of military age, endeavour together with me, & undertake for the Commonwealth. Neither let any man be terrified with the calamity of others, or with the pride of Generals: I may self in marching and battle, will be a Counsellor and sharer of the danger with you: I will govern both myself and you in all things alike: & certainly▪ the gods assisting the victory, pillage, and praise are all provided for us: which if they were doubtful, and fare removed, yet it becometh all good men to assist the Commonwealth. For no man by sloth was made immortal: neither did any father ever wish for his children, that they might be eternal, rather than good, and honest in their lives. More could I speak (O ye Romans) if words added courage to cowards; unto the valiant I think enough hath been spoken.  
Some such speeches being delivered, when as Marius saw the minds of the Common people erected, he speedily fraugh●eth the ships with victuals, pay, Arms, and other necessaries. With these he commandeth A. Manlius his Lieutenant to pass over. He himself in the mean time inrolleth Soldiers, not after the ancient custom, nor out of the classical numbers, but for the most part Volunteers mustered by the pole. Some reported, that this was done for want of able men; others through the Consul's ambition: because he had been honoured and advanced by such people: And to a man that pursueth greatness, he that is most wanting, is most opportune, unto whom his own is no care, because it is nothing worth, & with a price all things are accounted honest.  
Thereupon Marius with his numbers something fuller than was decreed, going into Africa, in a few days was transported to Utica. The Army is delivered to him by P. Rutilius the Lieutenant: for Metellus shunned Marius' sight, lest he should behold that, which being hard, his mind abhorred.  
But the Consul, the Legions and Auxiliary Cohorts being reinforced, marched into a fertile Country and full of pillage: all booties taken there, he giveth to the Soldiers: then he assaileth the Towns and Castles, which were of small strength in regard of their situation or Garrison, he maketh sundry light skirmishes in sundry places. In the mean time the new levied Soldiers, without fear pre●ented themselves to fight: they saw those that fled, to be taken o● slain: every man that was most valiant, to be most safe: that by their Arms, their liberty, Country, Parents, and all things else were defended: glory and riches were purchased. Thus in a short space the new and old Soldiers complied together; and the valour of all became equal.   

CHAP. 23.  
The Kings retire into the deserts. Metellus goeth to Rome. Marius' besieged Capsa, and after some difficulties taketh it by force.  
But the Kings▪ as soon as they understood of Marius coming, depart diversely into places of difficnlt access. Thus it seemed good to jugurth, hoping ere long he should surprise his enemies straggling, and that the Romans, as most men do, fear being removed, would carry themselves more loosely and licentiously.  
Metellus in the mean time going to Rome, i● contrary to his expecta●tion received with much joy, being esteemed alike of the Fathers and people▪ after their hatred was once allayed.  
But Marius readily and wisely attended his own, and the enemy's affairs; he knew what was expe●dient or not for both: he discovered the journeys of the Kings: he prevented their counsels and Stratagems: he suffered no slackness with himself, nor safety with them. Therefore both the Getulians', and jugurth driving preys from our Confederates, he often assailing defeated them in their journeys, and disarmed the King himself, not fare from the Town of Cirtha: which exploits when he perceived to be only glorious, not conducing to the finishing of the war, he resolveth to besiege the City's one after another, which in respect of the place or people, were most advamtageous for the enemy against himself. Thus either jugurth would be despoiled of his aids, if he suffered this, or else must come to the trial of a battle.  
For Bocchus had many times sent Messengers to the Consul, showing that he desired the friendship of the Roman people, that he● should fear no act of ho●stility from him. Whether he conterfeited this to the intent, that being unlooked for, he might invade with more annoyance, or that through the levity of his disposition, he was wont to change the resolutions of peace and war, it remains undiscovered. But the Consul, as he had resolved, marcheth to the Towns, and fortified Castles: some by force, others by terror, or by promising rewards, he withdraweth from the enemies. And first his undertake were mean, thinking that jugurth for defending his own, would come within danger. But when he heard that he was absent a fare off, and employed upon other affairs, it seemed high time for him to undertake things more great and difficult.  
There lay amongst the vast deserts, a fair Town and strong, (called Capsa) whose founder Hercules the Lybian was said to be. The Citizens were privileged by jugurth, living under a gentle command, and for these respects, were held most faithful: They were fortified against enemies not only with walls, arms and Soldiers, but that which is much more, with the roughness of the Region: for besides the places next to the Town, all the rest were waste for want of manuring, scant of water, & infested with Serpents▪ whose violence, as of all other wild beasts, grows more outrageous, by the scarcity of meat. Besides, the nature of Serpents pernicious in itself, is more inflamed with thirst, than any thing else.  
Of gaining this piece an earnest desire possessed Marius, as well for the use of the war, as also for that it seemed a difficult matter; and Metellus had with great glory taken the Town of Thala, seated and fortified not much unlike: but that at Thala there were some fountains not far from the walls. The Capsians had only one spring of water, and that within the Town, as for the rest, they used rain. That inconvenience both there, and in all Afrique, which being far from the sea, lay uncultived, is suffered with less grievance, because the Numidians for the most part fed on milk, and the flesh of wild beasts, and neither sought for salt nor other provocations of gluttony: food served them against hunger and thirst, not for lust nor luxury.  
Therefore the Consul, all things being discovered, relying as I think on the gods (for against so great difficulties he could not sufficiently provide by counsel: because also he was assailed with want of Corn: for that the Numidians are more addicted to grazing of Cattles than tillage, and whatsoever crop was grown, they had bestowed by the King's command in places of strength: but the fields at that time were dry, and bare of grain, for it was the last of Summer) doth notwithstanding as he could, make preparation with providence enough: he giveth out all the Cattles, which he had formerly gotten by predation, to be driven by the Auxiliary horsemen: he commandeth A. Manlius his Lieutenant, with the lightarmed Cohorts to go to the Town of Li●is, where he had placed the pay and victuals: himself going to take preys, meant to be there within a few days. Thus his enterprise being concealed, he marcheth to the river Tana.  
But as he travailed, he distributed the Cattles daily by equal proportions unto his Army, throughout the Centuries, and Horse-troupes; and took order that bottles might be made of the hides: thus together he eased the want of Corn, and all men being ignorant of his purpose, he prepared those things, which would be forthwith useful. Finally on the sixth day, when they came to the river, a great number of bottles was made.  
There the Camp being pitched with a slight fortification, he commandeth the Soldiers to eat, and to march out with the setting of the Sun; that all the baggage being quitted, they should with water only lad themselves, and the beasts of carriage. Then when the time came, he issueth forth of the Camp; and having travailed all the night, he resteth: he doth the same on the next: and the third long before day light, he arriveth in a place full of little hills, not distant above two miles from Capsa: and there as covertly as he could, he maketh a stand with all his Army. But as soon as it was open day, and the Numidians fearing no hostility, came forth of the Town in great numbers: he suddenly commandeth all the Horsemen, and with these the nimblest Footmen to march to Capsa with full speed, and to block up the gates: thereupon he himself being intentive, followeth hastily, neither doth he suffer the Soldiers to pillage.  
Which things when the Townsmen knew; their desperate estate, their mighty fear, the unexpected mischief, together with a great part of their Citizens in the hands of enemies, enforced them to make a surrender. But the Town was burnt, the Numidian youth were slain, all the rest were sold: the prey was divided to Soldiers. This outrage contrary to the Law of Arms, was not done through the avarice or mischievous disposition of the Consul: but because the place was for jugurth opportune, for us difficult in regard of access: the people were inconstant, and faithless, before never subjected by fear nor benefit.  
After Marius had finished so high a work without any loss of his own men, being heretofore great and excellent, he now began to be accounted greater and excellenter: all his uncouncellable actions were interpreted to be virtuous: the Soldiers being ruled with a modest command, and rich beside, praised him above measure: the Numidians feared him more than a mortal man▪ Lastly, all the Confederates and enemies believed, that either he had a divine spirit, or that all events were portended to him by the appointment of the gods.   

CHAP. 24.  
Marius taketh other strong places, & amongst the rest, a Castle, where th● King's Treasure lay, which was held impregnable.  
But the Consul, as soon as this enterprise was happily finished, marcheth to other Towns: some few he takes, the Numidians making resistance; more he burns, lving desert in regard of the Capsians miseries; with mourning and slaughter all things are filled. Finally having gotten many places, and most of them with an unbloodyed Army, he undertaketh another business, not of that danger as that of the Capsians, yet no less difficult.  
For not fare from the river of Mulucha, which divided jugurths' & Bocchus Kingdom, there was amongst the other grounds being champion, a rocky mountain with a Castle of indifferent bigness, lying very open, exceeding high, with one strait entrance left unto it: for all the rest was steep by nature, as if it had been purposely wrought so. This Piece, Marius, because the King's treasures lay there; resolves to take with his utmost force: but this enterprise was better managed by chance, than Counsel; for in the Castle there was a sufficient proportion of Soldiers, Arms, and Corn, besides a Fountain of water: by means of the Bulwarks, Towers, and other works, it was scarce assaultable: the way to the Castle was exceeding narrow, hewed out on both sides: the Vine-engines were raised to no purpose, with exceeding danger: for as soon as they advanced never so little, they were spoilt with fire or stones: the Soldiers could neither stand fast before the works, through the unevenness of the place: nor do their duty amongst the Vine-engines, without endangering themselves: all the best men were wounded or slain: amongst the rest, fear increased.  
But Marius much time and labour being spent, anxiously pondered in his mind, whether he should desist from this enterprise, because it had succeeded ill, or should expect fortune, which he had often prosperously used. Upon this, when he had meditated doubtfully many days and nights, by chance a certain Ligurian, a common Soldier of the auxiliary Cohorts, going out of the Camp to water, not fare from the side of the Castle, which was opposite to them that fought, observed Snails creeping amongst the Rocks: of them when he had sought to get one or two, and afterwards more; through the desire of gathering, he ascended by degrees almost to the top of the mountain: where when he understood the place to be solitary, after the manner of man's desire, in the discovery of things unknown, he doth apply his mind unto it. And by chance a great Holme tree grew in that place amongst the rocks, now declining a little, then bending, and raised in height, as the nature of all trees is: by whose boughs sometimes, sometimes by the eminent rocks the Ligurian climbing, suruayeth the plain of the Castle, for that all the Numidians were intentive amongst those that fought.  
All things being discovered, which he thought might be forthwith useful, he goeth back the same way, not unadvisedly as he came up, but trying and viewing all places round about. For this cause he goeth speedily to Marius: he informeth him what he had done: he doth persuade him, that on that side, from whence he descended, he would assail the Castle: he doth promise, that he would be chief in the enterprise and danger. Marius' sent some of those, who were present with the Ligurian, to inform himself better of his promises: of whom, as every man's disposition served, so they brought back word, that it was facile or difficult. Yet the Consul's mind was somewhat encouraged.  
Therefore out of the number of his Trumpeters, and Cornetters, he selecteth five of the nimblest, and with these, four Centurions for their guard, commanding them all to obey the Ligurian, and appointeth the next day for that service. But as soon as the time came ordained by command, all things being prepared and disposed, he goeth to the place. But they who commanded the Centuries, being formerly instructed by their Leader, had changed Arms and attire, being bare on the head and feet, that so their prospect and travail amongst the rocks, might be the more easy. Upon their backs were their swords and shields, but they were of the Numidian fashion made of leather for lightness sake: and withal, that striking one against another, they might clash with less noise.  
Upon this, the Ligurian going before, tied ropes unto the rocks and roots, that were eminent through antiquity: with which the Soldiers being elevated, might get up with less labour: sometimes he raised with his hand, those that were fearful through the uncouthness of the passage: whereas the ascent was something more rough, he sent them one by one unarmed before him: then he himself followed with their arms: what places seemed dangerous to climb, he assayed first: and often ascending and descending the same way, than forthwith traversing, he doth embolden the rest to follow. Thereupon they being long, and much toiled, came into the Castle being forsaken on that side: because that all the defendants as they had done on the former days, were present, where they ●ought against the enemies.  
Marius, as soon as he understood by Messengers, what the Ligurian had done; although all the day he had held the Numidians hard in fight, then especially encouraging his Soldiers, and he himself sallying forth without the Vine-workes, secondeth with a Tortoise Engine raised, and withal terrifieth the enemy from aloof with Engines of battery, with his archers and slingers. But the Numidians, the Roman Vine-workes having been often before overthrown and burned, sheltered not themselves within the Castle walls, but night and day walked before the wall: they railed against the Romans, and to Marius objected madness; to our Soldiers the threatened jugurths' servitude: in prosperity they grew proud.  
In the mean time all the Romans and enemies being earnest in fight, with great violence on both sides; these striving for Glory and Empire, those for safety, suddenly from behind the military instruments sounded: and first of all the women and boys, who came to see, fled: then every man, as he was next to the wall, finally, all both armed and unarmed. As soon as this happened, the Romans fall on by so much the more fiercely, they beat down, and only wound most of the enemies: then they pass over the bodies of the slain, being greedy of glory, they assault the wall with an emulating strife: neither doth pillage arrest any one of them all. Thus casually Marius rashness being-corrected, found glory out of an error.   

CHAP. 25.  
Sylla cometh to the Army with great supplies of Horsemen. His character. The two Kings are discomfited with both their Armies.  
Moreover, whilst this enterprise was acting, L. Sylla the Treasurer arriveth in the Camp with great numbers of Horsemen, for the raising of which, out of Latium, and amongst the Confederates, he had been left at Rome. But because the occasion doth admonish us of so brave a man, it seemeth expedient to speak briefly of his nature and manners: and L. Sisenna, who hath prosecuted it most exactly and diligently, amongst all those who have treated of that subject, seemeth to me not to have spoken with freedom enough.  
Therefore Sylla was a Nobleman of a Patrician race, his Family being almost extinguished through the sloth of his Ancestors, he was learned alike, and that most learnedly in the Greek and Latin tongue, he was of a haughty mind, greedy of pleasures, but more greedy of honour: in vacant times he was luxurious, yet pleasure never hindered him from his business, excepting that concerning his wife, which might be more honestly interpreted: he was eloquent, crafty and facile in friendship: to shadow his affairs, the height of his wit was incredible: he was a giver of many things, but most specially of money: and to him being the happiest of all men, before the civil victory, Fortune was never above his industry: and many men doubted whether he were more valiant or fortunate: for those things, which he did afterwards, I am uncertain, whether I should be more ashamed or grieved to relate.  
Therefore Sylla, as hath been formerly said, after he came into Africa, and Marius Camp with the Cavalry, being before raw and unexperienced in war, became the most ablest of all men in a short time. Besides, he saluted the Soldiers courteously: he gave to many upon request, to others out o● his own freedom▪ he received henefits unwillingly, but the repaid them sooner than money lent, he required that of no man: he rather endeavoured this, that most men might be his debtors. He communicated his pastimes, and serious affairs even with the meanest: in the works, in marching, and at the watches, he was most often present: neither in the mean time, which wicked ambition is wont to do, did he wound the reputation of the Consul, or of any good man: only he suffered none to go before him in Counsel▪ nor execution: about most he got the precedence. By these courses and Arts, he became in a short space most dear to Marius and the Soldiers.  
But jugurth, after he ha● lost the Town of Capsa, with other places of strength commodious for himself, and withal a great mass of money, he sendeth Messengers unto King Bocchus, that he should come with all speed into Numidia, that the season served to give battle: whom when he heard to make delays, and doubtfully to protract the means both of war and peace: again, as before, he corrupteth those that were next unto him, with gifts: and he promiseth unto the Moor himself a third part of Numidia, if either the Romans were driven out of Africa, or the war were compounded, his own Dominions remaining entire.  
Bocchus alured with this reward, goeth over to jugurth with a great multitude. Thus both their Armies being joined, they set upon Marius now marching into his winter Garrisons, scarce a tenth part of the day being left: thinking that the night, which was now at hand, would be a safeguard to them being vanquished, & if they should vanquish would be no impediment, because they knew the ground: and to the Romans both fortunes would prove more disaduamtagous' in the dark▪  
Therefore as soon as the Consul was informed by many of the enemies coming, the enemies themselves were also come: and before the army could be imbattayled, or the baggage, gathered together; finally, before it could receive any signal or command, the Moorish & Getulian horsemen, not in front, nor in any form of battle, but in a disorderly troop, as chance gave them means to join, fell on upon our men. All of whom trembling with sudden fear, but yet mindful of their valour, did either take Arms, or defended others from the enemies, as they took them. One part mounted their horses, to issue forth to encounter the foe: the fight was more like to a skirmish of Thiefs, then to a battle▪ without Ensigns, without ranks, the Horse and Foot were blended together: some fell: others killed: many circumvented those from behind, who sought eagerly against those who opposed them in frount: neither valour nor Arms defended sufficiently; for that the enemies were more in number, and every where dispersed round about: finally the old and new Romans, (and in that showing themselves expert Soldiers,) if place, or chance cō●ioyned any, they did cast themselves into round battalions; & so being equally defended, and ordered on all parts, they sustained the enemy's impression.  
Neither in this so difficult a business was Marius terrified, or dejected in mind any more than before: but with his own Troop of Horse, (which he had raised rather out of the most valiant, then out of those, which were most his familiears) he courseth up & down every where: and some times he succoureth his own men being distressed: sometimes he assaileth the enemies with his own hand, whereas being thickest, they made most resistance. He adviseth his Soldiers, because all of them being disordered, he could not command.  
And now the day was spent, when as yet the Barbarians grew nothing slack: and thinking the night to advantage them, as the Kings had given order, they fell on more fiercely. Then Marius taketh counsel from the necessity of his affairs: and that he might have a place of retreat for his own men, he surpriseth two hillocks being near together: in one of which, not large enough for encamping, there was a goodly fountain of water: the other was opportune for use, because being for the most part high and steep, it needed little fortifying. Besides, he commandeth Sylla to stay all night at the water with the Horsemen. He himself reallieth by degrees the disbanded Soldiers into one Gross, the enemies being no less disordered. Then he withdraweth them all with a full march unto the hillock.  
Thus the Kings enforced with the difficulty of the place, are deterred from the fight. But both hillocks being environed with the multitude, and not snffering their own men to departed further, they quartered severally. Upon this, many fires being made, the Barbarians for most part of the night rejoice, boast, and make great outcries according to their custom: and the Captain's themselselues were proud, because they fled not; and carried themselves as if they had been victorious.  
But all these passages were easily discerned by the Romans, out of the darkness, and the higher places; and served them for a great encouragement. But most of all, Marius being confirmed by the unskilfulness of the enemy, commandeth the greatest silence to be observed. Not so much as the warlike instruments did sound at the setting of the watches. Then as soon as the light approached, the enemies being now wearied, end not long before attached with sleep, he commandeth the Trumpets of the tributary Troops, with all those of the Cohorts, Horse-Troupes, and Legions, to sound their instruments all together; the Soldiers had orders to raise a great clamour, and to sally out of the gates.  
The Moors and Getulians' being suddenly awaked with the strange and hideous noise, could neither fly, nor take arms, nor make, nor provide any means of resistance. Thus all of them with the clashing and clamour, (no man coming to their succours, our men falling on with tumult, terror and fear) were like me suprized with an astonishment. Finally, all of them were routed, and chased: most of their arms, and military Ensigns were taken: and more slain in that battle, then in all the former, for by sleep and the uncouth terror, flight was hindered.  
Thereupon Marius, as he began, marcheth towards his Winter Garrisons, which because of victuals, he resolved to have in the maritime Towns. Neither yet was he grown slothful, or insolent with his victory, but even as if he had been in the eye of his enemies, he advanceth with his Army marching in square battalions. Sylla on the right side took charge with the Horsemen, on the left A. Manlius with the dar●●●s and slingers, besides the Ligurian Cohorts: for Frontiers and bringers up, he placed the Tribunes with the lightarmed Maniples. The fugitives, who knew the Country best, discovered the enemy's journey withal the Consul, as if no man had been imposed, was provident for all things: he was present with all, he●praysed, he rebuked those that deserved: he himself being armed and intentive beside, enforced the Soldiers to their duties: nor otherwise, then if he had been in the sight of the enemy, doth he dispose his marches, doth he fortify the Camp, doth he send the Legionary Cohorts to watch at the Gate, the auxiliary Horsemen before the Camp: moreover he placeth others on the Rampire of the works, he himself rouneth the watches, not so much from the distrust of the performance of 〈◊〉, which he commanded, as for that the General's labour being made equal with the Soldiers, they might become the more willing.  
And verily Marius in that and other times of the jugurthine war, enforced the Army more with shame then punishment, which many reported to be done out of ambition; because from his childhood, he had accounted a customary hardness, and other things, which other men call miseries, exercises of pleasure. But yet the Commonwealth, as well as under the severest command, was well and orderly governed.  
Moreover on the fourth day following, not fare from the Town of Cirtha, the skoutes hastily show themselves: by which sign the enemy is known to be near. But because they retaining diversely, several men from several parts, & all of them signified the same; the Consul doubtful how to marshal his Army, the order of it being nothing altered, he makes a stand in the same place, being provided against all events.  
By this means jugurths' hope was frustrated, who had distributed his Army into four divisions, thinking that some amongst them all would equally fall on the enemy's backs. In the mean time Sylla, whom the enemies first attached, encouraging his Soldiers, in Troop, and with their horses in the closest order, both he and others invade the Moors. The rest keeping their ground, defend their bodies from the darts, that were cast against them from the hand; and if any fell in their power, they killed them.  
Whilst the Horsemen fight after this manner, Bocchus with the Footmen, which his son Volux brought (and were not in the former fight, because they stayed in their journey) sets upon the Rearward of the Romans. Then Marius was amongst the frontiers, because jugurth was there with his greatest Forces. Then the Numidian, Bocchus his coming being known, secretly with some few wheeleth about to the Footmen: there in Latin (for he had learned to speak it at Numantia) he crieth our aloud, that ou● men fought in vain: that Marius not long before was slain by his own hand: showing therewith all his sword imbrued with blood, which in the fight he had bloodied, in killing a footman of our● with great dexterity.  
Which report as soon as the Soldiers heard▪ they were more terrified with the foulness of the fact, then with the credit of the messengers tidings: & therewithal the Barbarians raised their spirits, and fell on more fiercely upon the amazed Romans. And now they were upon the point of flying, when as Sylla having discomfited those against whom he went, returning by the flank, charged the Moors: Bocchus is forthwith put to flight.  
But jugurth, whilst he endeavours to relieve his own men, and to retain the victory, which was almost gotten, being circumvented by the Horsemen on every side, all the rest of his retinue being slain, he alone escapeth by flight amongst his enemy's weapons. And Marius in the interspace, having followed the chase of the Horsemen, comes to the succour of his Soldiers, whom he had heard to have been already put to the worst. Finally, the enemies were now routed in every place. Then a horrible spectacle was seen in the open fields: they follow: they fly: they are slain: they are taken: men and horses are overthrown together: many having received wounds, could neither fly, nor take rest: sometimes they striven to rise, and forhwith fell down: last of all, as fare as the eye could discern, all places were covered with weapons, arms, and carkeises, and amongst them the earth was polluted with blood.   

CHAP. 26.  
Marius cometh to Cirtha. Bocchus mediates for a Treaty of Peace. L. Sylla and A. Manlius are sent Ambassadors unto him.  
FRom that place, the Consul being victorious, without all peradventure came to the Town of Cirtha, whither at first he intended his journey. Thither after the fifth day, on which the Barbarians had fought the second time with ill success, Ambassadors from Bocchus arrived, who requested of Marius in the words of the King, that he would send two of his faithfullest friends unto him: that he would treat with them about things commodious for himself, and the people of Rome. He forthwith commands L. Sylla, & A. Manlius to go: who although they went as men sent for, yet it was their pleasure to deliver some words to the King: that so they might, either altar his adverse disposition, or being desirous of peace, they might inflame him more vehemently. Sylla, to whose eloquence, not age, Manlius gave place, expressed: himself in few words after this manner:  
King Bocchus, we must rejoice, since the gods admonished thee being so great a person, that at length, thou shouldest desire peace rather than war: nor shouldest dishonour thyself, being a most excellent man, by confederating with jugurth the worst of all men; withal, that thou shouldest take from us a severe necessity of persecuting they errors and his wickedness. Besides, it seemed good to the Roman people, being poor even from the very beginning, to procure friends rather than servants: & they thought it safer to command over those who were willing, than those who were enforced.  
But for thee, no friendship is more useful than ours: first, because we are fare removed, in which there is least cause of offence, and as equal correspondency, as if we were neighbours: then, because we have parents abundantly, of friends neither we nor any man else had ever enough. And would to God this had pleased thee from the beginning: then for certain thou hadst received more benefits from the people of Rome, than thou hast suffered mischiefs.  
But because Fortune governs most of humane affairs, whose pleasure forsooth it was, that thou shouldest try both our force, and favour: now since thou mayst do it by her leave, make haste, go on, as thou hast begun. Many and opportune means thou hast to redeem thy errors the more easily with good offices. Lastly, let this sink into thy breast, that the people of Rome were never overcome with benefits: for in war, what they are able to do, thou thyself knowest.  
To this Bocchus answered in few words, excusing withal his own of fence: That he had not taken arms with any hostile intention, but for the safety of his Kingdom: that that part of Numidia, from whence he expelled jugurth, was made his own by the right of war he could not suffer that to be wasted by Marius: moreover having sent Ambassadors to Rome, he had received a repulse of their friendship. But he would omit old grievances and now, if he might have Marius' licence, he would sen● Ambassadors to the Senate.  
Then leave being granted, the Barbarians mind was altered by his friends; whom jugurth, fearful of what was intended, after the knowledge of Syllab and Manlius Ambassage, had corrupted with gifts.   

CHAP. 27.  
Marius draweth out some Troupesito besiege the King's Tower. Bocchus some other Ambassadors, of whom three are sent to Rome.  
Marius', in the mean time, his Army being quartered in their Winter Garrisons, marcheth into the Deserts, with the lightarmed Cohorts, and a part of the Cavalry, to besiege the Tower royal, where jugurth had placed all the fugitives in Garrison. Then again, either from the Contemplation of those things, which had happened to him in two several battles, or being admonished by other friends, whom jugurth had left uncorrupted; Bocchus selecteth five amongst all the number of those that were nearest unto him, whose fidelity was well known, and whose judgement were mostable. He commands them to go to Marius, and from thence, i● it were his pleasure, to Rome: he grants them licence to manage his affairs, and to compound the war upon what terms soever.  
They travail speedily towards the wintring places of the Romans: then being surprised and rob in their journey by Getulian thiefs, they repair to Sylla being fearful, and unseemly clad, whom the Consul, going upon the expedition, had left for Praetour. He entertained them not as vain enemies, according to their deserts, but daintily and liberally: upon which occasion the Barbarians both thought the report of the Romans avarice to be false, and Sylla for his munificence towards them to be their friend. For even then giving was unknown to many: no man was thought munificent, except willing therewith all: all good things were procured by bounty.  
Upon this they deliner Bocchus charge to the Treasurer withal they request of him, that he would be their favourer and Counsellor: they magnify in their speech the King's Forces, faith greatness, and what ●●se beside they thought would be useful, or benevolent Then Sylla having promised them his best furtherance, they being instructed, what they should speak to Marius, what to the Senate, stayed thereabout forty days.  
After Marius, without effecting the business, was returned to Cirtha, as he intended; being certified of the arrival of the Ambassadors, he commands both them and Sylla to come to him from Utica; and with them L. Bellienus Praetour of Utica, besides all men from all places of the Senatorian Order: with them he informs himself of ●ugurths Mandates; in which licence was given to the Ambassadors to go to Rome: in the interspace a Truce was required of the Consul. These things pleased Marius, and most men beside: some few censured more rigorously, as ignorant of humane affairs, which being frail and inconstant, do always change oppositly.  
But the Moors having all their requests granted, three of them went to Rome with Cn. Octavius Rufo, who being Treasurer transported the pay into Africa: two of them return to the King. From these Bocchus heard amongst other things, the report of Sulla's bounty and affection. And at Rome to his Ambassadors requsting friendship and alliance, (after they had confessed the Kiug to have erred, and to have fallen into this mischief by jugurths' villainy) an answer was made after this manner:  
That the Senate and people of Rome were mindful of a benefit and injury; but yet to Bocchus, because he repent, they gave a pardon of his offence: alliance and friendship shall be granted, when he shall deserve it.  
Which passages being known, Bocchus intreateth Marius by his letters, that he would send Sylla unto him: by whose arbitration they might provide for the common affairs. He was sent with a Convoy of Horsemen, and Footmen being Barbarian slingers: beside there went Archers, & the Pelignian Cohort with their light arms, because of making the more expedition in their journey: neither were they less defended with these, then with other arms, against the enemy's Darts, because they are light also.  
But on the fifth day, as they journeyed, Volux the son of Bocchus, shows himself suddenly in the openly fields, with no more than a thousand Horse, who marching loosely and disorderly, represented to Sylla, & all the rest, both a number greater than truth, and a hostile terror beside. Therefore every man makes ready: they try: they fix their arms and weapons: their fear was something, but their hope more, as unto vanquishers, and against those, whom they had often vanquished.  
In the mean time the Horsemen sent before to discover, brought tidings, that all was quiet. Volux coming near, telleth the Treasurer; that he was sent by his father Bocchus, to meet and to guard them: then joining their Forces, they march that and the next day together, without fear. Afterwards when they had pitched their Tents, and the evening was come, suddenly the Moor trembling with a suptitious countenance posteth to Sylla: informing him, that it was discovered by the skoutes, that jugurth was not fare off, withal he doth request and persuade him, that he would secretly fly away with him by night.  
He being of a haughty mind, denies that he fears the Numidian so often vanquished: he was sufficiently confident of his own men's valour: yea if certain destruction were at hand, he would rather stay, then betraying those whom he led, save by a shameful flight an uncertain life, and subject to extinguishment by sickness, perhaps in a short time after. But being warned by him to dismarch by night, he approves the counsel: and forthwith he commands the Soldiers to sup in their Tents, & frequent fires to be made; then in the first watch to issue out with silence.   

CHAP. 28.  
Sylla being sent Ambassador to Bocchus, is likely to be surprised by jugurth. He escapeth. jugurth is betrayed by Bocchus to the Romans.  
ANd now all of them being wearied with that night's journey, Sylla even with the rising of the Sun, measured out the ground for encamping: when as the Moorish Horsemen bring tidings, that jugurth about the distance of two miles off, had taken up his Quarters just before them. After which report was heard, then especially terror invadeth our Soldiers: they believe that they are betrayed by Volux, and circumvented by his treachery. And there were some, who said, that revenge was to be taken by the hand, and so great a villainy in him was not to pass without punishment.  
But Sylla, although he were of the same opinion, yet he defends the Moor from injury: he persuades his own men, that they would carry a courageous mind: a few valiant men had often fought fortunatly against a multitude: by how much the less they spared themselves in fight, by so much the more they would be safer: neither did it beseem any man, who had taken arms in his hands, to seek succour from his unarmed feet, and in the greatest fear of all, to expose the body naked and blind, unto the enemy's mercy. Then requiring jupiter the greatest of the gods, that he would be present as a witness of Bocchus villainy, and treachery; he commands Volux, because he committed actions of hostility, to departed the Camp.  
He weeping intreateth him, not to believe these things: nothing was done fraudulently, but rather out of jugurths' cunning; who skowting abroad had discovered his journey: but because he had not any great Forces; and all his hopes and helps depended from his father; he was confident, that he durst enterprise nothing openly, when as he his son was present for a witness: wherefore it seemed the best course to him, to pass in full view through the midst of the enemy's Camp: himself, the Moors being sent before, or left there, would stay alone with Sylla.  
This counsel, as it was requisite in such an exigent, was allowed: & forthwith dismarching, because they came unexpected, they passed in safety, jugurth being doubtful, & sticking upon delays. Then within a few days, they arrived where they intended to go.  
There conversed with Bocchus a Numidian called Aspar, much, and familiarly: he being premitted by jugurth, (after he heard that Sylla was sent) as an Agent, and a discoverer in policy of Bocchus counsels: beside there was Dabar, the son of Massagrada, of the race of Massinissa, but unequal by the mother's side, for his father was borne of a Concubine; being dear and gracious, with the Moor for many good Arts, with which his mind was endued, whom Bocchus having formerly tried by many occurrences, to be faithful to the Romans, he sendeth him presently with this message to Sylla, that he was ready to do whatsoever the Roman people would desire: that himself should choose a day, time, and place for imparlance: that he would communicate all his counsels with him: neither should he be afraid of lugurths' Ambassador; for dealing a freely in their common affairs: otherwise he could not prevent his treacheries.  
But I find, that Bocchus more out of a Punic faith, then for the regard of what he said, detained with the hope of peace, both the Romans, and the Numidian: and was wont to ponder much with himself, whether he should deliver jugurth to the Romans, or Sylla to him. Desire against us, fear for us did persuade.  
Therefore Sylla answereth, that he would speak some few words before Aspar; the rest in secret, none of a very few being present, withal he instructeth him, what answers should be made unto himself.  
After, when they were met according to appointment; he says that he was sent by the Consul, to demand whether he would have peace or war. Then the King, according to his instructions, commands him to return after the tenth day; and tells him that as yet he was resolved on nothing, but on that day would give him an answer. Then both of them departed to their Tenrs. But when most of the night was spent, Sylla is secretly sent for by Bocchus: only faithful interpreters are admitted by them. Besides Dabar an intermessenger, a devout man, swears sincerely to them both. Then the King thus gins:  
I never thought, it would come to pass, that I being the greatest King in all this Land, and of all that I know the most opulent, should owe a courtesy to a private man. And verily Sylla, before I knew thee, to many men upon request, to others freely I have given relief; I myself wanted nothing: I rejoice, that I am difinabled in this, which others are wont to grieve at. It shall be precious to me, that I sometimes have wanted thy friendship, than which I esteem nothing dearer in my mind: of this so fare thou mayst make a trial: arms, men, and money, finally whatsoever pleaseth thee, take and use: and while thou livest, thou shalt never think the courtesy requited, with me it shall remain entire: moreover, if I may know it, thou shalt desire nothing in vain. For as I think, it is less dishonour for a King to be overcome by arms, then by munificence.  
But concerning your Commonwealth, whose Agent thou art hither sent, hear this in a few words. I never made war with the people of Rome, nor ever was willing that war should be made: with arms against armed men I defended my borders: I pass over this. Since it is your pleasure, wage war with jugurth, as you will: I will not go beyond the river Mulucha, which was the Frontier betwixt me and Micipsa, neither will I suffer jugurth to attempt it. Besides, whatsoever you shall request, that is worthy of me and yourselves, you shall not departed with repulse.  
To this Sylla replied briefly for himself, for that which concerneth peace, and the common affairs more at large; finally, he revealeth this secret to the King, That he must assure him, that the people of Rome, in regard they had been victorious in the war, would not receive him into favour: he must do something, which might seem to concern their profit, more than his own: he had a fair opportunity of this, as having jugurth in his power: whom if he delivered to the Romans, they should be much indebted to him: then friendship, alliance, and that part of Numidia, which he requested, would freely fall unto him.  
The King at first refused; alleging, that kindred, alliance, and a League beside had passed betwixt them: moreover he feared, lest by the breach of his faith he should alienate the affections of his subjects; unto whom both jugurth was dear, and the Romans hateful. At length being often solicited, he ●s reconciled, and promiseth to do all things, ●hat Sylla would require. But for the counterfeiting ●f peace, of which the Numidian weary of the war, was most desirous, they framed pretences, which seemed expedient. Thus the deceit being composed, they depart severally.  
But the King on the next day calls for Aspare and tells him, that he understood from Sylla by Dahar, that the war might be compounded upon conditions: wherefore he should demand his King's intention. He being joyful, goes to jugurths' Campe. Then in struct in all things by him, he returns, having hastened his journey, after eight days, unto Bocchus; and bring tidings, that jugurth wa● willing to do, whatsoever was commanded: but he was diffident of Marius: that heretofore ●eace being contracted with the Romans, had ●eene frustrated: but if ●●●chus would have a ●●●hing done conncellable ●or both, and a peace established, he should ●●deauour, that all par●●es might meet together, as if they were to ●●eate about it: and ●●ere he should deliver ●●lla into his hands: ●hen he had such a 〈◊〉 in his power, than 〈◊〉 League would be 〈◊〉 by order from the ●●●nate, and people of Rome: neither would they forsake a Nobleman being in the enemy's power, not by the default of his own cowardice, but for the Commonwealth's cause.  
The Moor pondering this long with himself, at length he engageth his promise. But whether he delayed the execution out of cunning, 〈◊〉 sincerity, we find little certainty. But the wills of Kings are for the most part, as vehement, as inconstant, often contrary to themselves.  
Afterwards a time and place being appointed, as if it had bee● to meet upon a Treaty of peace, Bocchus sometimes calls for Sylla, sometimes for jugurths' Ambassador: he intertaineth ●hem courteously: he promiseth the same to both. They were joyful alike, ●nd full of good hope. But on that night, which was the next before the ●ay appointed for emparlance, the Moor, some friends being admitted, and forthwith removed his resolution changing, he is said to ●aue deliberated much with himself: expressing ●ariety in his countenance, colour and mo●on of body, even as he ●●id in his mind: which signs, he himself being silent, revealed has inward secrets: yet at length he commandeth Sylla to be sent for: and by his advice he prepareth snares for the Numidian. Then when the day came, and a message was delivered unto him of jugurths' approach: with some few friends, and our Treasurer, as if he went to meet him for honour's sake, he advanceth unto a little h●ll that was easily to be seen by the Ambusheers. Thither the Numidian comes unarmed with some few attendants▪ as it was ordered; and suddenly a signal being given, he is invaded on all sides out of the ambushments. The rest are slain: jugurth is delivered bound to Sylla, and by him conveyed to Marius.  
In the interspace of this, our men fought unfortunately against the Gauls, under the conduct of their Generals L. Scipio and M. Manlius: with the terror whereof all Italy trembled, and both they and the Romans even to our memory, were of this opinion, that all things were prone to their proper virtue: with the Gauls they contended for safety, not for glory. But after the war was finished in Numidia, and tidings came, that jugurth was brought bound to Rome, Marius being absent, was chosen Consul; and Gaul was decreed for his Province: and he in the Kalends of january triumphed with great glory being Consul. From that time the hopes and helps of the City relied on him.   
FINIS.   

HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS AND ORATIONS OF CAIUS CRISPUS SALUSTIUS.  
Englished by WI. CROSSE.  
LONDON, Printed for Thomas Walkley, and are to be sold at his shop at the Sign of the Eagle and Child in Britain's Burse. 1629.   

To the honourable Gentleman, Master Walter Montague, second Son to the Earl of Manchester, William Cross wisheth first the increase, and afterwards the fullness of all happiness.  
HOnourable Sir, the knowledge of your judgement in the point of Historical judicature, joined with the remembrance of your gracious favours, have encouraged me to consecrate those entire Fragments, which are extant in the five Books of Salusts Histories, together with two Orations to Caesar, and one against Cicero, to your learned and judicious censure; rendered, as I hope they are, without loss of the Latin salt. If your Nobleness shall accept this first mite of his thankful offerings, you shall encourage him to higher attempts, and oblige him to remain for ever,  
Your devoted Servant, William Cross.   

A DESCRIPTION of the Roman Commonwealth in her integrity and declining.  
THe Roman State most flourished in power, Ser. Sulpitius, and M. Marcellus being Consuls. All Gaul on this side the Rhine, and that which lies betwixt the Ocean and Mediterrane an Seas being subdued, except that which was inaccessible, by reason of the Marshes. But with best manners, and greatest concord the Roman people lived between the second and last Carthaginian war.  
But discord, avarice, and ambition, with other mischiefs which are wont to proceed from prosperity, after the destruction of Carthage, were most increased. For the injuries of the stronger, and for that a disunion of the Commonalty from the Fathers, and other civil dissensions had been even from the beginning. Neither longer, then whilst the Kings being expelled, there was a fear of Tarquin, and a dangerous war engaged with Hetruria, were things governed after an upright and modest course.  
Upon this, the Fathers held the Commonalty under a servile subjection: they determined of life and limb after a Regal manner, they expelled men out of their possessions, and others being voided, they alone lived in command. With which cruelties, but most specially with the burden of usury the Commonalty being oppressed, when as in the continual wars they suffered both taxes and military duties, taking Arms, they surprised the holy mountain, and the Aventine: and then they procured for themselves Tribunes of the people and other privileges. Of the discords and controversy on both sides, the second Punic war made an end.  
Afterwards the Punic fear being removed, they had leisure to exercise factions. From which time the manners of our Ancestors were precipitated, not by degrees, as formerly, but like the course of a torrent: so much was the youth corrupted with riot and covetousness, that not without cause it might be said, that such men were borne, who could not keep their own estates, nor suffer others to have any.  
Then many troubles, seditions, and last of all civil wars did arise: whilst some few mighty men, on whose favour many relied, under the honest name of the Fathers and Commonalty affected a tyrannical command. And they were called good and evil Citizens, not for their merits towards the Commonwealth, all men being corrupted alike, but as any man was most rich, and stronger in doing wrong, because he maintained his present undertake, he was accounted good.  

The Oration of M. Aemilius Lepidus the Consul, against Lu. Sylla.  
YOur clemency, and integrity, (O ye Romans,) by which you are most great, and famous amongst other Nations, minister much cause of fear to me, in the contemplation of L. Sulla's tyranny, lest that either you be circumvented by others, being incredulous of these things, which you esteem most wicked: especially when all his hope rely on villainy and perfidiousnes: neither can he think himself otherwise safe, except he grows worse and more detestable from your fear, by means whereof misery may take away the care of your captived liberty: or if you shall provide against them, you may be more engaged in defending yourselves from dangers, then in revenging them. Truly his ministers being men of much renown, and no less honoured for the excellent examples of their Ancestors (I cannot sufficiently wonder at it) bestow their service for the reward of his tyranny over you: and rather desire them both with injury, then to live freely after the uprightest manner: The illustrious progeny of the Bruti, Aemilij, and Lutatij, borne to ruin that, which their Ancestors got.  
For what else was defended from Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Philip, and Antiochus, but liberty, and every man's proper habitation; that we might be obedient to none, but the Laws? all which this cruel Romulus detains, as spoils from taken strangers; not being glutted with the slaughter of so many Armies, nor with that of the Consuls, and other Princes, whom the fortune of the war hath consumed: but even then he grows more merciless, when as prosperity turneth most men from anger unto compassion. But he alone amongst all after the memory of man, hath ordained punishments for those that are to be borne; unto whom injury shall be assured before life: and being as yet protected by his monstrous villainy, he doth rage in most wicked manner; whilst you out of the fear of a more grievous feruitude, are terrified from the recovering of liberty.  
Something is to be done, and he reincountred (O ye Romans) that your spoils become not his prey: delays are not to be made, neither by vows are helps to be procured: except perchance you hope, that out of the tediousness and shame of his tyranny, he will quit those perquisites with more danger, which he hath usurped to himself by villainy.  
But he hath proceeded so far, that he esteemeth nothing glorious, but what is safe, and all things to be honest, that tend to the preservation of his tyrannical government. Therefore that peace, and quietness with liberty, which many good men have embraced before laborious honours, have no respect with him. At this time we must either serve or command: fear is either to be had, or caused (O ye Romans.)  
For what remains further? or what divine or humane rights are left unpolluted? the Roman people not long since the rulers of Nations, being despoiled of glory, Empire, and privileges, withal grown poor and despicable, have not servile maintenance left. A great number of Allies and Latines made free of the City, for their many & meritorious acts, are restrained by one man alone; and a few of his ministers have possessed the ancient seats of the Commonalty, for a reward of their villainies. Laws, judicatures, Treasures, Provinces, and Kings, are in one man's power: finally the liberty of the death and life of Citizens. Withal you have seen humane sacrifices, and Sepulchers polluted with civil blood.  
Is there any thing left remaining for men, but to quit thi● injury, and die valiantly? For as much as nature hath certainly appointed the same end for all men, even for those who are hedged about with Iron: neither doth any man, that wants daring, expect the last necessity, but with a feminine resoluton.  
But I am seditious, as Sylla saith, who complain upon the rewards of these tumults; and seek after war, because I require the privileges of peace. Forsooth, as though you could not be otherwise safe, and secured enough under his government, except Vettius▪ Picens', and Cornelius the Scribe shall lavish out other men's lawful acquisitions: except you shall approve all the proscriptions of the innocent for their riches: the tortures of illustrious persons; the City wasted with fire and slaughters: the goods of miserable Citizens sold, or given away; as if they were Cimbrian pillage.  
But he objecteth to me my possessions gotten out of the goods of the proscribed. Which verily is the greatest argument of his wickedness: that neither I, nor any man else should be sufficiently safe, if we should do uprightly. And those things which then I bought out of fear; the price being paid, I restore forthwith to the rightful owners: neither is it my counsel to suffer any prey to be made of Citizens. Those calamities shallbe sufficient, which in the heat of madness we have endured. Roman Amies fight one against another, and Arms converted from strangers upon ourselves.  
Of all mischiefs and reproaches let there be an end, Of which Sylla is not so penitent, but that he glories in his wicked deeds, and if it were lawful, would follow that course more eagerly. Neither, now do I fear, what you esteem of him, but how much you dare to do yourselves: lest one expecting another for chief, you may be surprised, not by his power, which is weak and broken, but by your own cowardice, before you could otherwise be surprised, and before he durst appear so happy.  
For besides his debauched ministers, who desires the same with him? and who would not have all things changed but the victory? his Soldiers forsooth: whose blood hath been the price of riches, for Tarrula, and Scirrus the worst of slaves. Or will those, by whom Fusidius is advanced in gaining of Magistracies a base varlet, the shame of all good men?  
Therefore the victorious Army maketh me very confident: by whom besides wounds, and labours, nothing hath been procured but a Tyrant. Except perchance they went about to subvert the tribunitial power, founded by our Ancestors, that so they might usurp Laws and judicatures unto themselves: for a fair hire indeed, when as being banished into marshes and woods, they shall understand that their disgrace and hatred remain for rewards with some few.  
Why therefore doth he march with such a Troop, and such anelated mind? because prosperity supports vice wonderfully: which being decayed, he will be as much despised, as he was feared before; except perchance he doth this under the colour of peace and concord, which names he hath given to his villainy and parricide. Nor otherwise, saith he, can the Roman people have an end of war, except the Commonalty be expelled out of their possessions, the worst of all civil predation and the right and judgement of all things remain with him, which belonged to the people of Rome.  
Which if you should interpret to be peace and concord, approve then the greatest disturbances and plagues of the Commonwealth. Submit to imposed laws: embrace idleness with servitude: and deliver over an example to posterity, of circumventing the Roman people, with the effusion of their own blood.  
For myself, although by this highest command, enough hath been procured for the name of my Ancestors, for my own dignity and safety also: yet it was not my resolution to overvalue my private fortunes: and a dangerous liberty seemed better to me then servitude? which if you allow, join with me, (O ye Romans:) and the gods assisting happily, follow Marcus Aemilius the Consul, as General and Author for the recovering of your liberty.   

The Oration of Lu. Philippus, against M. Aemilius Lepidus.  
MOst of all, I would desire (O ye Romans) that the Commonwealth were undisturbed, or being endangered, it were defended by the fittest Agents: finally, that naughty designs might prove hurtful to the Counsellors. But contrariwise, all things are disturbed with seditions, and by them whom it behoved rather to restrain them. Last of all, what the worst and foolishest have decreed, that must be executed by wise and good men. For war and Arms, although they are hateful to you, yet because they please Lepidus, are to be undertaken: except perchance it may be any man's counsel to make peace, and suffer war.  
Out alas, ye good gods, which govern as yet this City, the care of it being neglected, M. Aemilius the worst of all wicked men, of whom it may be deliberated, whether he be more rued or cowardly, hath an Army on foot for oppressing our Liberty, and hath made himself from contemptible, to become terrible: you wavering and retracting through the words and verses of the Prophets, rather wish for peace, then defend it: neither are you sensible, that out of the lenity of your decrees, dignity from yourselves, fear from him is detracted. And this happeneth justly: because out of his rapines he hath gotten a Consulship; for his sedition, a Province together with an Army. What should he have received for his well doings, unto whose villainies you have given such great●rewardes?  
But forsooth they, who even to the last, decreed Ambassadors, peace, concord, and other conditions of the same nature, procured favour from him. Yes truly, they being held despicable, and unworthy of the Commonwealth, are esteemed no better th●n a prey; as requiring peace out of fear, by which they lost it, being once had.  
Verily from the beginning, when I saw Etruria to conspire, the proscribed sent for, the Commonwealth rend in sunder with bribes, I thought it high time to prevent, and followed Catulus counsel with some few. But they who extolled the deserts of the Aemilian Family, and by pardoning his offence, would increase the Majesty of the Roman people, did not then see Lepidus drifts: when he had taken private Arms for the oppressing of liberty, by seeking riches or protections severally for themselves, every man corrupted the public counsel.  
But then Lepidus was a thief with some few Campe-drudges, and Ruffians, amongst whom there was none, that would not have sold his life for daily hire: now he is a Proconsul with authority, not bought, but freely given by you, with Lieutenants as yet obeying lawfully: and to him there resort the lewdest men of all degrees, inflamed with poverty and lust, perplexed with the conscience of their crimes: whose rest is in seditions, whose troubles are in peace. These raise tumult out of tumult, war out of war: being once of Saturninus, afterwards of Sulpitius, then of Marius and Damasippus, now of Lepidus retinue.  
Moreover Etruria, and all the relics of the war are in commotion: both Spain's are solicited to Arms: Mithridates frontiering upon our tributaries, by whom we are as yet sustained, expecteth opportunity for the war: so that besides a ●itting Leader, nothing wants for the subverting of the Empire.  
Which I desire and entreat you (O ye Conscript Fathers) to take into your consideration: and that you would not suffer the licence of ill doing to infect the sound, like a pestilent contagion. For whereas rewards attend the wicked, hardly is any man found good for bare thankes only.  
What do you expect, whilst his Army falling on again, he shall invade the City with fire and sword? which issue is by far less removed from the present state, then civil arms are from peace and concord. Which he hath taken against all divine and humane rights, not for his own, nor the pretended wrongs of others, but for the overthrowing of Laws and liberty. For he is vexed and tormented with the desire of mind, and fear of punishment, being restless and devoid of counsel, making trial of this, and that, he feareth peace, he hateth war; he seethe, that he must fall into wants with his luxury and licentiousness, and in the mean time abuseth your slackness. Neither am I well resolved, whether I shall call this fear, cowardice, or folly; who seem to wish that the intended evils fall not like lightning on you, but to prevent them, no man doth as much, as endeavour.  
And consider (I beseech you) how much the condition of things is altered: before, the public mischief was contrived secretly, the remedies openly; and in that good men were advantaged beyond the wicked. Now peace and concord are disturbed openly; they are defended secretly. The men, to whom these things are pleasing, are in Arms, you in fear.  
What do you expect further; except perchance you are ashamed or grieved to do as you should? Can Lepidus orders move your minds, who saith it is his will, that every man's proprieties should be restored to him, when as he detaineth other men's; that the Laws of war should be annihilated, when as he enforceth them by Arms; that the freedom of the City should be confirmed, when as he denies it to them, from whom it hath been taken; that the tribunitial authority should be restored to the Commons, from which occasion all discords have been kindled?  
Thou that art the worst, and most impudent of all men, are the poverty and griefs of the City thy care, who hast nothing of thy own, but what hath been gotten by Arms and injury? Thou suest for another Consulship, as if thou hadst resigned the first: by war thou seekest concord, by which it was disturbed when it was gotten: thou art a Traitor to us, hateful to them, an Enemy to all good men; so that thou art not ashamed of God, nor man, whom thou hast wronged with treachery and perjury.  
Whom, since thou art such a one, I do exhort, that thou wouldst continue in thy resolution, and prosecute the wars: and that thyself being disturbed with delaying of tumults, wouldst not detain us in anguish. Neither the Provinces, Laws, nor household gods accept thee for a Citizen. Go on, as thou hast begun: that suddenly thou mayst find a deserved punishment.  
But you (ye Conscript Fathers) how long by your delays will ye suffer the Commonwealth to be undefended, and will encounter Arms with words? Musters are made against you; ●oneyes are publicly and privately extorted; Garrisons are drawn forth, and imposed; lust commands over the Laws: when you, in the interspace provide Ambassadors and decrees. And believe me, by how much the more earnestly you shall sue for peace, by so much the war will be more violent: when he shall understand, that he is more supported by fear, then by goodness and equity. For that man who saith, that he hateth tumults, and civil slaughter, and for that cause detains you from arming against armed Lepidus; what vanquished men must endure, he thinks it fit you should suffer, when as it lies in your power to inflict it upon others. Thus peace is persuaded for him, from you; for you war, from him.  
If these things please; if your minds are so besotted, that being forgetful of Cinnaes' mischiefs, (by whose return into the City, all orders and decency were overthrown) you will nevertheless submit yourselves, your wives and children to Lepidus; what need is there of decrees? what need of Catulus assistance, but that he and other good men must undertake in vain the charge of the Republic? Do, as you will; provide for yourselves the patronages of Cethegus, and other Traitors, who desire to renew rapines and fierings, and to arm their hands, against their household gods.  
But if liberty and wars delight you more; institute decrees worthy of your name, and give encouragement to valiant men. A new Army is at hand; and besides the Colonies of the old Soldiers, all the Nobility with the ablest Commanders. Fortune follows the best men. Now those succours which are raised, will be dissolved through your negligence.  
Wherefore my censure is this, that since Lepidus, out of his own private counsel, contrary to the authority of this order, leadeth an Army unto the City, composed of most wicked men, and Enemies to the Commonwealth: that Appius Claudius, the Interregent with Q. Catulus the Proconsul, and others who have orders for it, shall be careful to guard the City, and endeavour that the Commonwealth suffer no detriment.   

Collections out of the second book of SALUSTS Fragments.  
The magnificent entertainment of Metellus in Spain.  
But Metellus returning after one year into the further Spain, is received with great honour, both of men and women, who ran forth to see him from the high ways and house tops: when as C. Vrbinus the Treasurer and others knowing his mind, invited him to supper: they regarded equally the custom of Romans, and men; the houses being adorned with Tapestry, and Ensigns, and with Scaffolds raised for the show of the Stageplayers▪ withal, the ground was strewed with Saffron, and other Pageants were shown in the form of a most magnificent Temple. Moreover, the Image of victory being let down with a fixed loupe-window, after the counterfeited noise of thunder, imposed a Crown upon his head: then with Frankincense supplications were made to him, as to some new-come god. An embroidered gown was his usual garment, when he sat down to eat: his banquets were most exquisite; neither were they furnished only out of the whole Province, but diverse strange kinds of birds and beasts were fetched out of Mauritania. By means whereof he somewhat obscured his glory, especially amongst the ancient and religious men, who thought these courses to be proud, unsufferable, and unworthy of the Roman Empire.   

Collections out of the third book of SALUSTS Historical Fragments.  
The Epistle of Cu. Pompeius to the Senate, being necessitated in the Sertorian war.  
IF against you, my Country and household gods, I had as often undertook labours and dangers, as from my first youth your mortalest enemies have been beaten under my conduct, and safety hath been procured for yourselves; you could determine nothing worse against me being absent, then now ye do (O ye Conscript Fathers) whom being thrust out, contrary to my age, into a most cruel war, with a most well deserving Army; you have, as much, as lieth in you, consumed with hunger, the wretchedst death of all others.  
With this hope did the Roman people send forth their children unto the war? Are these rewards for wounds, and blood so often shed for the Commonwealth? Being tired with writing and sending of Agents, I have spent all my private hopes and fortunes; when in the mean time, for these three years, scarce one years means hath been supplied from you. By the immortal gods, what think you, can I make good the Office of the Treasury, or maintain an Army without corn and pay?  
Verily I confess, that I went to this war, with more desire, than counsel: because having only received the name of command from you, in forty days I raised an Army, and removed the enemy lying upon the ne●ke of Italy, from the Alps into Spain. Through them I discovered another passage from that of Han●ibals, being more opportune for us. I recovered Gaul, the Py●enaean, Lacetanian, and Ilerge●an Regions; and sustained the first assault of conquering S●rto●ius with new Soldiers, and ●ewer by fare: and spent all the winter in Camp amongst most fierce enemies, not in towns, nor out of my own ambitious choice.  
Besides, what should I recount batells fought, or winter expeditions, towns razed, o● recovered? when as deeds are more to be regarded the● words. The Enemy's Camp surprised at Sucro, a battle fought at the River Durius, and Caius Herennius, one of their chief Captains, being subdued, together with the City of Valentia, and his Army, are things sufficiently known unto you.  
For which services (O ye thankful Fathers) ye requite me with want, and famine. So that the same condition attends mine, and the Enemy's Army: for pay is given to neither. Both of them may come victorious into Italy.  
Which I do admonish, and entreat you to consider, and that you would not enforce me with necessities to provide privately for myself. The hither Spain, which is not possessed by the enemies, we or Sertorius have quite wasted; except the greatest Cities, which of themselves are both a charge and burden to us. Gaul all this last year relieved Metellus Army with pay and Corn; and now having had an ill harvest, she herself doth hardly subsist. I have not only spent my own estate, but credit also. You remain as yet: who except you afford succours, in despite of me, and all my premonitions, the Army will march from hence, and with it all the war of Spain will pass into Italy.   

The Oration of M. Lepidus, Tribune of the people, unto the people.  
IF you should not well consider, O ye Romans, what difference might be, betwixt the government left unto us by our Ancestors, and this servitude prepared by Sylla; it were requisite for me to discourse at large, and show for what injuries, and how often the armed Commonalty disunited themselves from the Fathers; and how they procured Tribunes of the people, to vindicate their right. That which remains now, is only to exhort, and to go the direct way, by which I think liberty may be regained. Neither doth it overpass me, how great supports of the Nobility, I being alone, and impotent, with the vain shadow of Magistracy only, must undertake to remove from the government; and how much more securely the wicked live; then the forlorn innocent.  
But besides the good hope conceived of you, which hath subdued fear, it hath been my resolution, that the difficulties of contending in the case of liberty, beseem more a valiant man, than not to have contended at all: Although all other Magistrates created for your right, have converted all their power and commands against you, induced with favour, hope, or rewards; and hold it better to offend for hire, then to do well for bare thankes.  
Therefore all are enthralled under the tyranny of some few, who under a military pretence have usurped the Treasury, Kingdoms, Armies, and Provinces, and possess the capitol out of your spoils: when in the mean time you the multitude yield up yourselves, to be had, and possessed by several men, despoiled of all things, which our Ancestors left: except that now you choose Lords by suffrages, as you did Governors in former times.  
Therefore all have put their necks under the same yoke, and forthwith, if you shall recover your own, most of them will return to your party. For rare is the resolution, which will defend those things, that please. The rest belong to the stronger.  
What, do you doubt, that any thing can hinder you, proceeding with unanimity, whom they have feared being lazy and languishing? except perchance Ca Cotta a Consul of the middle faction, otherwise then out of fear, restored certain privileges to the Tribunes of the people; and although L. Sicinius was the first, that durst speak of the tribunitial power, yet was he circumvented through your irresolution. Notwithstanding, they first feared the envy of the fact, before you were grieved with the wrong. Which I cannot sufficiently admire (O ye Romans) or ye knew all hope to be vain. Sylla being dead, who imposed ●greeuous servitude, you belee●ed your miseries to be at an end. Catulus comes up fare more ●ruell. A tumult interceded Bru●us, and Acmilius Mamercus ●eing Consuls. Then C. Curio ●yrannized, even to the destruction of a guiltless Tribune, with ●hat eagerness of mind Lucullus ●his last year prosecuted L. Quinctius, you yourselves see: ●esides what troubles are now ●●ised against me. Which verily would prove frustrate, if they would make an end of their tyranny, before you do of your ●●uitude: especially when in these ●uill broils other things are pre●●nded in words, but both facti●ns contend for rule over you.  
Therefore other combustions proceeding from licentiousness, hatred, or avarice, have been transitory. One thing only is permanent, which both factions seek for: and for ever hereafter is the tribunitial authority taken from you: a weapon left by your Ancestors for the defence of liberty. Which I admonish, & entreat you to consider: and that by changing the names of things to shadow your cowardice, you would not call it ease, in stead of servitude. To enjoy which even now, if wrong shall onercome truth and honesty, it is no condition: it would have been, if you had been altogether quiet. Now observe thus fare; that except you vanquish, they will restrain you more; Since every injury grows safer by his greatness.  
What therefore is your censure? Some man will reply, first of all, the custom, which you now embrace, is to be omitted, of a nimble tongue, and slothful spirit, not being mindful of your liberty without the place of assembly. Then that I may not summon you to those virile duties, by virtue whereof your Ancestors committing a Patrician Magistracy to the Tribunes of the people, procured free suffrages from Patrician Authors. Although (O ye Romans) it lies in your power, that those things, which enjoined you suffer for others, you may do, and not do indifferently for yourselves.  
What do you expect jupiter, or some other god for counsellor? the great commands of the Consuls, and decrees of the Fathers, you ratify by your execution (O ye Romans) and of your own accord you make haste to enlarge and support their authority over you. Neither do I persuade you to revenge injuries; rather I would have you embrace peace: neither desiring discords, as they misinform, but the end of them, I require our own by the Law of Nations: and if they shall detain that forcibly, I do not give my censure for arms, or disunion, but only that you would not give your blood any more.  
Let them after their own ways manage and hold places of command: let them seek after triumphs: let them with their statutes persecute Mithridates, Sertorius, and the relics of the banished. Let danger and labour be removed, in which there is no share of the gain: except perhaps by that sudden Law for corn, your offices are amply requited. By which not withstanding they valued at 5. measures the liberty of all those, who could no longer want this releese. For as by the exiguity death is prevented, their strengths decay: so that neither such a small proportion frees them from domestic care; and the slouthfullest persons are frustrated from the meanest hope. Which although it were ample, yet because it representeth the price of slavery, whose folly was it to be deceived, and to owe, together with injury, the favour of those things, which belong to you? For by any other course neither can they work upon the generality, nor will endeavour. Yet ought we to be cautelous of their deceit.  
For this cause, all of them together prepare Lenitives to delay you till the coming of Cn. Pompeius: whom when they have reverenced with an awful regard, having made their necks his footstool, forthwith fear being removed, they will rend his honour piecemeal. Neitherdoth it ashame these avengers', as they call themselves, of liberty, being so many as they are, that they durst not without one man pardon an injury, or are not able to defend their right. For certain it is sufficiently known to me. that Pompey; being a youngman, of such eminent glory, had rather be chief over you with consent, than an associate with them in tyranny, and will labour especially to be Author of the tribunitial power.  
But formerly (O ye Romans) all ye that were Citizens relied on the patronage of many, all did not depend from one. Neither could any one man give, or take away things of that nature. Therefore enough hath been spoken. Neither is the matter shut up in ignorance.  
But I know not, what dulness hath possessed you, in that you are neither moved with glory, not wrong; and have exchanged all things for present sloth: thinking it liberty enough, because your backs are kept from scourging, and you may lawfully go whither you will, by the leave of your rich Masters; and that the Peasant's enjoy not the same privileges. But yet these men are beaten by the enmities of the mighty, and are given for a gift to the Magistrates with their Provinces. Thus some few fight, and vanquish: the Commonalty, whatsoever happens, is held for vanquished; and will be more every day than other; if they with greater care shall maintain their tyranny, than you shall require your liberty.   

A Copy of the Letters sent from Mithridates, King of Pontus, to Arsaces' King of Parthia.  
King Mithridates to King Arsaces sends greeting.  
ALI men, who in their prosperous affairs are solicited unto the society of a war, aught to consider, whether it may be lawful for the present to contract peace: then, whether that which is demanded, be sufficiently pious, safe, glorious, or else unseemly. Thou mightest enjoy a perpetual peace except the enemies were opportune, and withalmost wicked. Thy renown will become illustrious, if thou shalt suppress the Romans. Not otherwise should I dare to desire thy Alliance; and should vainly hope to blend my evil, and thy good fortunes together.  
The storm of a new war falling upon Tigranes, and my unprosperous estate, if thou shalt balance them truly, will serve for a most special encouragement. For he being offended, will entertain Alliance, as thou wilt: fortune to me, after the loss of many things, hath given the benefit of advising well; and that which is to be wished for of men that flourish, I being the weakest, represent an example, by which thou mayest compose thy affairs more orderly.  
For this hath been the only, and ancient cause with the Romans, of warring with Nations, Kings, and People, the profound desire of rule, and riches: out of which they first engaged war with Philip King of the Macedonians. Whilst they were pressed by the Carthaginians, counterfeiting friendship, with a guile they diverted Antiochus coming to his succours, by the entire grant of Asia. And forthwith after Philip, Antiochus was despoiled of all the territory on this side Taurus, and of ten thousand talents. Then Perses the Son of Philip, being received into protection by the Samothracian gods, after many and various conflicts; they being cunning and inventors of the treachery, killed him sleeping, because they had granted him life by compromise.  
E●●menes, of whose friendship they gloriously vaunt, at first they betrayed to Antiochus, as the price of peace. Afterwards they made Attalus, (being Guardian only of a captived Country,) from a King, to become the miserablest of slaves, by the taxes and contumelies laid upon him: and an impious testament being forged, they led his Son Aristonicus in triumph, after a hostile manner, because he sought his Father's Kingdom. They have besieged Asia: finally, Nicomedes being dead, they have surprised all Bythinia; when as the son of Nusa, whom they called Queen, was borne without all doubt.  
For what should I name myself? whom being disjoined every where by Kingdoms and Tetrarchies from their Empire, because the report was, that I was rich, and would not serve, they provoked with war by Nicomedes, not altogether ignorant of their villainy; as having given test of those things, which happened afterwards; that only amongst all men, the Cretensians and King Ptolemy were free at that season.  
But▪ I revenging my wrongs, expelled Nicomedes out of Bythinia, and recovered Asia the spoil of King Antiochus, and freed Greece from a grievous servitude. My proceed Archelaus the basest of my servants hindered, by betraying my Army; and they, whom cowardice, or mischievous cunning restrained from Arms, thinking that they should be safegarded by my labours, suffer now most cruel punishments. Ptolemy for a price delays the day of war. The Cretensians assaulted once already, are to expect no end but ruin.  
Truly, when I was informed, that by reason of their own intestine miseries, war was rather deferred, than peace granted; Tigranes condescending who approves my words too late, thou being fare removed, and all others obnoxious, for all this I undertook the war again, and defeated Marcus Cotta General of the Romans at Chalcedon in a Land-battell; at Sea I despoiled him of a most goodly Fleet. Staying at the siege of Cicicus with a great Army, corn failed, no man all about bringing relief: withal the winter debarred the benefit of the Sea. Thus being constrained without the enemy's force to return into my native Kingdom, I lost with wracks at Para and Heraclea the best of my Soldiers, together with my Fleets.  
Afterwards my Army being reinforced at Cabira, and sundry battles passing betwixt me, and Lucullus, want invaded both of us again. He had for relief the Kingdom of Ariobarzuris, not touched as yet by the war: I, all the Regions adjacent being wasted, came into Armenia, and the Romans following not me, but their custom of subverting all Kingdoms, because in those fastnesses they restrained the multitude from fight, they account Tigranes' imprudence for a victory.  
Now I pray consider, whether after our conquest, thou canst think thyself more firm for resistance, or that the war will be at an end? I know for certain, that thou art abundantly stored with men, Arms, and money: and for this cause thou art desired by us for the society of the war, by them for a prey. Besides, it is the counsel of Tigranes, his Kingdom being entire, to finish the war with little labour fare from home, by the bodies of our well experienced Soldiers: since we can neither vanquish, nor be vanquished without thy danger.  
Are you ignorant that the Romans, after the Ocean had limited their Conquests to the westward, converted their Arms hither? and that they had nothing from the beginning, which was their own, not so much as their houses, wives, fields, nor Empire? they were in times past a medley of strangers, without Country, without Parents, created for the plague of the world, whom not humane, nor divine Laws can restrain, but that they will force and ruin their friends and Allies, whether living near or remote, poor or powerful; and all that are not their vassals, but specially Kingdoms they esteem for enemies. For few desire liberty, the greatest part just Masters: we are suspected for emulatours, and avengers' in future time.  
But thou, who hast Seleucia the greatest of Cities, and the Kingdom of Persia renowned for riches, what dost thou expect from them but deceit for the present, and war afterwards? The Romans are armed against all men, but most fiercely against those, who being conquered, can yield the greatest spoils: by daring and deceiving, and by raising wars out of wars, they are grown mighty. By this course they will ruin all, or perish: the last of which is not difficult, if thou from Mesopotamia, we from Armenia surround their Army, wanting corn, wanting aids. Fortune is as yet entire through our defaults. And this fame will follow thee undertaking the succour of mighty Kings, that thou hast suppressed the robbers of the Nations. Which thing, we warn, & persuade thee to do; and that thou wouldst not with our destruction enlarge their only Empire, rather than by our Alliance to be the Conqerour.   

Collections out of the fifth book of SALUSTS Historical Fragments.  
The Oration of Ca Cotta the Consul, to the people.  
MAny dangers (O ye Romans) have happened to me, both at home, and abroad, many calamities: some of which I have suffered, others I have repelled by the aid of the gods, and my own virtue: in all which neither my mind was wanting to my business, nor labour to my resolutions. Adverse and prosperous affairs changed wealth, not my wit.  
But contrariwise in these miseries, all things have forsaken me: beside, old age grievous in itself, doth redouble my care: to whom being wretched, it is not lawful in these my last years to hope for an honest death. For if I am a Parricide of you, and being borne for you, have vilified my household gods, my Country, and this most glorious Empire, what torment is sufficient for me in my life, or what punishment after death? when with my wickedness I have exceeded all the punishments mentioned in hell.  
From my first youth I lived in your eye both a private person & Magistrate; those that would, used my tongue, counsel, and money: neither did I exercise my eloquence craftily, nor my wit mischievously: being most covetous of private favour, I undertook great quarrels for the Commonwealth: who being vanquished together with her, when destitute of other help, I expected farther miseries; you (O ye Romans) restored again to me my Country, and household gods, with an exceeding great dignity.  
For which benefits I should not seem sufficiently thankful, if for them severally, which I cannot do, I should expend my very soul. For life and death are the rights of nature; that thou mayest live without disgrace with thy fellow Citizens, thy fame and fortunes being entire, that is neither given, nor taken as a donative.  
You have made us Consuls (O ye Romans) the Commonwealth being much entangled both at home and abroad: for the Generals of Spain require pay, Soldiers, Arms, and corn, and the occasion enforceth it: for after the revolt of our Confederates, and the flight of Sertorius over the mountains, they can neither come to fight, nor provide necessaries. Our Armies, in regard of Mithridates great forces, are maintained in Asia and Cilicia: full of enemies is Macedonia: no less the maritime regions of Italy, and the Provinces: when in the mean time our tributes being small and uncertainly balanced for the wars, scarce sustain a part of the charges: thus we sail with a less Fleet, then formerly we did, for the Convoy of victuals.  
If these things are contracted by our negligence and fraudulent dealing, proceed, and take punishment as you will: but if the common fortune be in fault, wherefore do you undertake things unworthy of yourselves, of us and the Commonwealth? And I, over whose age death is impendent, do pray for it, if by that you can quit any inconvenience: neither can any thing more honest this ingenious body, then if it cease to live for your safety.  
Behold I C. Cotta the Consul am here, I do that which our ancestors have often done in dangerous wars: I vow and abandon myself for the Commonwealth: the which to whom you may commit, be circumspective from hence forwards; for no good man will desire that honour, when as of the fortune of peace and war transacted an account is to be given, or an ignominious death to be suffered. Only reserve this in your minds, that I was not slain for lewdness, or avarice, but for the requital of your greatest benefits, I gave up my soul as a freewill offering,  
Conjured therefore by yourselves, and the glory of your ancestors (O ye Romans) be patiented in adversities, and provide for the Commonwealth: much care attends the chiefest command, and many vast labours: which you refuse in vain, and seek the plenty of peace: when all Provinces, Kingdoms, Seas, and Lands, are endangered and harraged with the wars.    

SALUSTS' ORATIONS.  

The first Oration of the institution of a Commonwealth, directed to C. Caesar.  
THe Roman people got formerly Kingdoms, and Empires: it gave fortune for a donative, and other things, which are greedily desired by mortals: because, as if it had been out of mere lust, they were often conferred upon unworthy persons, neither remained they uncorrupted with any. But experience hath taught that to be true, which Appius in his verses saith; That every man is a forger of his own fortune: and this is verified especially in thee, who hast so fare outgone others, that men are first wearied with praising thy deeds. than thou art of doing things praiseworthy.  
But virtuous acquisitions, like edifices, aught to be preserved with very much industry; lest they be deformed with negligence, or ruined through weakness. For no man willingly resigns rule to another, and although he be good, and mild, who can do most; yet because it is lawful for him to be wicked, he is feared.  
This happeneth, for that many men, who are powerful in authority, counsel perversely; and think themselves by so much the more fortified, by how much those, over whom they command, have been the more wicked. But this aught to be endeavoured against; that thou being virtuous and valiant, mayst command over the best. For every man that is most lewd, with most difficulty suffreth a governor.  
But this is more laborious for thee, then for all men before thee, to settle an estate gotten by Arms. Thou hast managed a war more gentle than the peace of others: besides the conquered are Citizens. Amongst these difficulties thou must make an evasion, and for ever hereafter the Commonwealth is to be confirmed, not by arms only, nor against enemies, but which is greater, and harder by fare, with the profitable Arts of peace.  
Therefore the occasion summons hither all, who are much and meanly wise: that every man should advice the best he can. And this seems so to me, that in that manner, as thou shalt settle the victory, all things will succeed. But now, that thou mayest dispose this more readily, and easily, receive in few words, what my mind tells me.  
Thou hast had a war, O Emperor, with a famous man, of great wealth, greedy of rule, of greater fortune than wisdom: whom some few have followed, being made thy enemies by their own injury: withal whom affinity, or any other alliance hath incited. For neither was any man partaker of his domination, nor if he could have suffered it, had the whole world been shaken with war. The rest of the multitude, rather out of the vulgar custom, than judgement, followed him, one after another, as if he had been the prudenter person.  
About that time some men being possessed with hope, by the suggestions of the wicked, of usurping upon the Commonwealth, made thy Camp their place of Concourse, having first polluted all things with lewdness and luxury; and openly menaced unto the peaceable, death, rapines, and finally all outrages, which their depraved nature urged. A great part of whom, after they saw neither debt to be remitted, nor thyself to use Citizens as thou wouldst enemy, shrunk away from thee: a few stayed, who were likely to have more security in the Camp, then at Rome. So eagerly did the Creditors pursue them.  
But for the same causes, it is incredible to be spoken what great persons, and how many departed afterwards unto Pompey, and used him all the time of the war, as a sacred and unviolated Sanctuary.  
Therefore, because peace and war must be agitated by thee the Conqueror; this, that thou mayst leave it civilly; that, that it may be most just and di●●urnall: first of all, think with thy self, because thou art to compose them, what is best to be done. Verily my opinion is, that all tyrannical governments are more grievous than lasting; neither can any man be feared by many, but fear from many must reflect on him: that kind of life wageth a continual and doubtful war: because thou canst neither be assured from before, behind, or either side: thou must live always in danger and fear.  
Contrariwise they, who with bounty, and clemency have tempered command, all joyful and prosperous events have attended them; yea their enemies were more just, then to others their own Citizens.  
But will some say, that I am a corrupter of thy victory, and too much a wellwisher of the vanquished? forsooth, because those things, which we, and our ancestors have given to foreign Nations, enemies by nature, I think fit to be granted to Citizens; neither after a barbarous manner would have murder with murder, and blood expiated with blood. What hath oblivion defaced those outrages, which not long before this war were objected against Pompey, and Sulla's victory? he slew Domitius, Carbo, Brutus, with others beside, being not armed, neither according to the law of Arms, but butchered afterwards, being suppliants, with the greatest villainy that could be: the Common-people of Rome in a public Village were slaughtered after the manner of Cattles.  
Out alas, how clandestine were Citizens funerals, and how sudden were their murders in the bosoms of parents and children, with the flight of women, and younglings, and the spoil of houses? before the victory gotten by thee, all was full of rigour and cruelty. Unto which courses the very same men persuade thee: and that forsooth was the end of both your quarrels, that with mutual consent, injuries should be done: and that the Commonwealth was not recovered, but taken by thee. And for that cause, the ablest and oldest Soldiers of the Army being cashiered, contended in Arms, some against their brethren, and parents, others against their children: that from the miseries of others, they might, being the wickedest of all men, procure expenses for their gluttony and unsatiable lust, and might be the reproaches of the victory: by whose debauchments the praise of good men might be blemished.  
Neither yet do I think, that thou dost overpass, with what manners and modesty each man demeaned himself, the victory as yet being doubtful; and how in the administration of the war, some of them frequented whores and banquets, whose age, if it had been in peaceful times, could not without obloquy, have tasted such pleasures. Of the war enough hath been spoken.  
Of establishing a peace, because both thou, and all thine deliberate: First, consider this, I beseech thee, what that is, about which thou consultest: thus good and evil men being dissevered, thou shalt proceed in the open way to truth. I conjecture thus: because all things which are borne, die; that at what time the fate of dectruction shall approach towards the City of Rome; that Citizens against Citizens shall join in battle: thus they being wearied and bloodless, will become the prey of some King, or Nation. Otherwise, not the whole world, nor all people united together, can move or demolish this Empire.  
Therefore the benefits of concord are to be confirmed, and the mischiefs of discord are to be removed. This will fall out so, if thou shalt take away the licence of expenses, and rapines, not by recalling to the ancient ordinances, which long since in this depravation of manners are made a laughing stock, but if thou shalt perscribe to every man a limited estate and measure of expenses. Because this custom is much practised; that young men think it a most glorious action to consume their own, and other men's goods, to deny nothing to their lust, or to others craving. They esteem this to be virtue, and greatness of mind; shamefastness and modesty being reputed cowardice.  
By this means their proud minds being entered into an evil course, when as wont means are wanting, are spleenefully carried sometimes against Allies, then against Citizens: they disturb affairs that are settled, and seek out new fashions for old.  
Wherefore for ever hereafter the Usurer is to be removed, that every man may care for his own. This is the true and plain way, to sway the Magistracy for the profit of the people, not of the creditor; and to show the greatness of spirit in adding, not in taking from the Republic.  
And I know how difficult this will be at first, especially with such, who thought in the victory to live more licentiously, and freely, not more strictly. For whose safety if thou shalt provide rather than for their lust, thou shalt settle both them, us, and our Allies in a firm peace. If the youth shall follow the same studies, and Arts, certainly thy renowned fame, together with the City of Rome, will be ruined in a short time.  
Finally, wisemen for the respect of peace, wage war, they sustain labour for the hope of quietness: except you confirm this, what difference is there to have vanquished, or to be vanquished? wherefore conjured by the gods, undertake the Commonwealth, & pass through all difficulties, as thou art accustomed. For either thou alone canst heal; or farther care is to be omitted by all men.  
Neither doth any man invoke thee to cruel punishments, & severe judgements, by which a City wasted rather, then reform, but that thou wouldst restrain the youth from evil Arts, & wicked desires. This indeed will be clemency: to have provided, that Citizens may not be expelled out of their Country undeservedly; to have retained them from folly, & deceitful pleasures; to have established peace and concord; not, if thou being obsequious to vices, & suffering offences, shalt give way to a present joy, accompanied with a mischief, which will forthwith ensue.  
And my courage is most of all erected, with that, which others fear, the difficulty of the business. And for that all Lands and Seas are at once to be composed by thee (because such a Spirit as thine cannot touch upon mean things) for thy great care there remains a great reward.  
Therefore thou must provide, that the Common people corrupted with Largesses, and corn publicly given, may be employed in affairs, proper for themselves, and by which they may be withheld from public mischief: that the youth apply themselves to honesty, and industry, not to expenses, nor riches. This will come to pass thus, if thou shalt cut off the use and reputation of money, which is the greatest plague of all others.  
For I myself, pondering oftentimes in my mind, by what means men of most renown had found out greatness: what things had enlarged people and Nations by Authors of great undertaking; and last of all, for what causes most mighty Kingdoms and Empires had been ruined: I found always the same things to be good and evil, and that ail the Conquerors contemned riches, and that all the conquered desired them. Nor otherwise can any man raise up himself, and being mortal attain things divine, except the delights of money and the body being neglected, he be indulgent to the mind, not gratifying a perverse favour by flattering, or yielding to concupiscence; but exercising himself in labour, patience, wholesome precepts, and valiant exploits.  
For to build up a house, or village, and to adorn it with Skutcheons, Tapestry, and other works, and to make all of them a spectacle, rather than thyself, that is not to have riches for an ornament, but for a man's self to be a reproach to them. Moreover, they who twice in a day are accustomed to load their bellies, and not to sleep one night without a whore; when as they have oppressed the soul with servitude, which ought to command; That being afterwards grown dull and lame, vainly they seek to exercise it. For with imprudence they precipitate both themselves, and many things beside. But these, and many other mischiefs will together end with the reputation of money, if nei-Magistracies, nor other things to be coveted by the vulgar, shall be set to sale.  
Besides, provision must be made by thee, how Italy and the Provinces may be better secured: the means whereof is not obscoure. For the same men make a general waste by forsaking their own houses, and by seizing wrongfully on others. Withal, that warfare, as it hath been hitherto, be not unjust, nor unequal: when some serve out thirty pays, others not so much as one: and that corn, which was formerly a reward of sloth, it will be convenient to distribute unto them throughout the enfranchised towns, and Colonies, when as they shall return home after the expiration of their stipendiary years.  
What things are necessary for the Commonwealth, and glorious for thee, I have delivered in a few words. It seems good to me now to speak something of this, that I have done. Most men have, or feign themselves to have wit enough to censure: but to reprehend other men's doings and sayings, the disposition of all men is earnestly bend: the mouth seems not sufficiently open, nor the tongue prompt, which can only utter things meditated in the mind: To whose interpretation that I am subject, it doth not repent me; it would have grieved me more to have kept silence. For whether thou shalt proceed in this, or any other course, surely I shall speak and assist thee to the best of my power. That which remains, is to wish, that what things shall please thee, the immortal gods may approve, and suffer them to succeed happily.   

The second Oration of the, institution of a Commonwealth, to C. Caesar.  
I Know how difficult, and dangerous a thing it is to give counsel to a King or Emperor; finally to any man, whose power is seated on high: because they have both abundance of counsellors, neither can any man be circumspective, and prudent enough of future events. Besides, oftentimes evil counsels succeed more prosperously then good; because fortune swayeth most things according to her pleasure.  
But it was my desire from my first youth, to undertake the Commonwealth: and in knowing it, I took much, and most special care: not to that end alone, that I might be capable of a magistracy, which many have gotten by evil Arts; but that I might take a survey of the State, both at home, and abroad, and how powerful she might be in Arms, men and money.  
Therefore by me, as I meditated many things with myself, this counsel was approved, to esteem my own reputation and modesty after thy dignity, and to hazard any thing, so that any glory might accrue to thee from that. And this I have not resolved rashly, nor because of thy fortune; but for that amongst others, I have found in thee this one Art, admirable above the rest; that thy mind was always greater in adverse, then prosperous fortunes. But this amongst other mortals is most remarkable, that men are also first wearied with praising and admiring thy munificence, than thou art in doing things meriting glory.  
Verily this is my resolution, that nothing can be found out so difficult, which thou dost not readily apprehend. Neither have I written these things to thee of the Commonwealth, which seemed to concern it, because I approved my own wit and counsel more than was fitting: but amongst the labours of warfare, amongst battles, victories, and government, I resolved to admonish thee of civil affairs.  
For if this counsel be lodged in thy breast; that to vindicate thyself from the violence of thy enemies, thou wouldst by any means, opposed against the Consul, retain the favours of the people, thou must harbour thoughts unworthy of thy virtue. But if that spirit be within thee, which from the beginning hath disturbed the faction of the Nobility, hath restored the Roman Commonalty from a grievous servitude unto liberty; in thy Praetourship, unarmed hath broke the Arms of thy enemies; at home and abroad hath achieved so great, and such glorious exploits, that thy very adversaries dare nor complain of any thing but thy greatness: then hear that, which I shall speak of the sum of the Commonwealth, which verily thou shalt find to be true, or not fare removed from truth.  
But because ●n. Pompeius either out of his corrupt disposition, or that he desired nothing more, then that he might hinder thee, fell into such an error, that he put weapons into his enemy's hands: by what means he troubled the Commonwealth, by the same thou oughtest to restore it. First of all, he gave to a few Senators the chief power of moderating, about tributes, expenses, and judgements; the Roman Commonalty, whose power was formerly chiefest, he left together with us under the same conditions of servitude.  
Although the judgements, as before were restored to the three orders, yet the selfsame factious men sway, give, and take away, what pleaseth them: they circumvent the innocent: they advanceir their own Favourites to honour. Not villainy, not scandal, or lewdness doth hinder them, from being capable of Magistracies: what is commodious, they force, they take by violence: finally, as in a captived City, they use lust and licence for Laws.  
And verily I should be somewhat grieved, if they should exercise a victory gotten by virtue, after this their servile custom. But these unactive persons, all whose force and valour lies in the tongue, manage insolently a domination thrust into their hands, by fortune, and another's cowardice. For what other sedition, or civil dissension hath plucked up from the root so many, and such illustrious Families? or in whose victory ever was the mind so precipitated, and immoderate? Lu. Sylla, unto whom all things were lawful in the victory by the Law of war, although he conceived that the enemy's party was fortified by Sulpitius, yet some few being slain, he was desirous to retain the rest with bounty, rather than fear.  
But now together with Cato, L. Domitius, and the rest of that faction, forty Senators, and many young men of good hope have been slaughtered like sacrifices: when in the mean time this most mischievous kind of people could not be glutted with the blood of so many miserable Citizens: not Orphans, not Parents in the close of their age, not the mourning of men, the lamentation of women could mollify their barbarous minds. But doing and speaking worse every day more than other, they went about to remove some men out of their dignity, others out of the City.  
For what should I speak of thee, whose contumely these most slothful men would exchange for their own life? In regard that domination is not such a pleasure to them, (although it happened beyond hope) as thy dignity is a grief: who hold it more acceptable to hazard their own liberty out of thy calamity, then that by thee the Empire of the Roman people, of great should be made greatest.  
For which cause thou oughtest to be more and more provident, how thou mayst establish, and strengthen the State. As for me, what my mind suggesteth, I shall not be doubtful to speak. In two parts I take this City to be divided, as I have heard from my Ancestors; into the Fathers, and Commonalty. In former times the chiefest authority was in the Fathers; the greatest power by far was in the Commonalty. Thereupon disunion happened frequently in the City: and always the Nobilities strength was lessened, and the right of the people amplified. But by this means the Commonalty lived freely, because no man's power was above the Laws: neither in riches, nor pride, but in a good fame, and valiant exploits, the Noble excelled the ignoble. Every man of the inferior rank, in Arms, or military employment, wanting no honest accommodation, was enough for himself, enough for his Country.  
But when as being expelled by degrees out of their possessions, sloth and poverty enforced them to have uncertain habitations: they began to covet other men's wealth, and to account their liberty with the Republic saleable. Thus the people by little, and little, which was the Lord, and ruler of all Nations, fell from his first greatness: and for a common command, every man procured for himself a private servitude.  
Therefore this multitude being first infected with evil manners, then dispersed into sundry Arts, and courses of life, no ways agreeing amongst themselves, seem not fit men unto me, to undertake the Commonwealth. But new Citizens being added, a great hope doth possess me, that all of them will be rozud up for the cause of liberty: for that both a care will grow in them for retaining their freedom, as well as in those for quitting their servitude. My censure is, that these being commixed, the new with the old, thou shouldst place them in the Colonies: thus both the military estate will be strengthened, and the Commonalty being detained with good employments, will cease from committing public evil.  
But I am not ignorant, nor imprudent, when this thing shall be, what insolency, what outrages of the Nobility will follow, when as they shall be incensed, that all things are confounded together, that this servitude is imposed on ancient Citizens; finally, that of a free State, it will become a Kingdom, when by one man's gift, a mighty multitude shall have the freedom of the City. As for myself, this verily is my opinion, That he commits an evil offence against himself, that would procure favour for himself, with the disprofit of the Commonwealth: whereas the public good serves also for private use, there to be doubtful to undertake, I hold it a point of slackness and cowardice.  
This was always the counsel of M. Livius Drusus, in his Tribuneship to strive for the Nobility to the utmost of his power: neither did he intent to do any thing else from the beginning, if some factious persons had not suggested it unto him, unto whom deceit and malice were dearer than faith. When as they understood that by one man, the greatest benefit would be communicated to many men: and withal every one of them being conscious to himself, that he was of an evil and faithless disposition, they conceived of Drusus alike as of themselves. Therefore out of a fear, lest he through so great a favour should enjoy the sole command, contending against that, they disturbed their own counsels.  
For which cause (O Emperor) friend's money, and Aids are to be procured by thee with greater care and constancy. To suppress an opposed enemy, it is no difficulty for a valiant man; neither to plot, nor avoid covert dangers, is a thing proper to good men.  
Therefore when thou shalt have brought them into the City, and that by this means the Commonalty shall be renewed in this thou oughtest to exercise thy mind especially, that good manners may be had in estimation, that concord may be confirmed betwixt the old and new Citizens. But by fare shalt thou procure the greatest of all other benefits for thy Country, Citizens, thyself, thy children; lastly, for all mankind, if thou shalt either take away the love of money▪ or lessen it, as fare as occasion will serve. Otherwise neither private, nor public estate, neither at home, nor abroad, will be well governed. For whereas the desire of money is once entered, neither discipline, nor good Arts, nor any ingenuity is polished enough: but the mind more or less maturely, yet finally, is overcome.  
Often have I heard, what Kings, what Cities, and Nations have lost great Empires by opulency, which being poor, they got by virtue. This is not much to be marvelled at. For whereas a good man sees one that is worse to become more renowned and acceptable by his riches; he storms at first, and agitateth many things in his mind: but whenas every day more than other, glory overballanceth honour, opulency virtue; the mind from truth revolts to pleasure. For with glory industry is cherished: when as you shall take away that, virtue in itself is rough and unpleasant. Last of all, where riches are valued, all good things are vilified, faith, honesty, shamefastness, and modesty. For to virtue there is one, and that a difficult way: to get money, every man endeuoureth, as he pleaseth; it is created both out of evil, and good means.  
For this cause, first of all take away the Authority of money: neither in point of life nor honour, will any man judge more or less from a man's estate, if neither Praetour nor Consul be made out of the regard of wealth, but dignity. Yet in the choice of Magistrates, let the people's judgement be free. To have judges allowed by some few, is an argument of Royalty; to have them chosen for money, is dishonest. Wherefore it is my will, that all those of the first Classical order do judge, but more in number, than now judge. Neither did the Rhodians, nor any other Cities ever repent of their judgements, whereas promiscuously the rich, and the poor, as every man's turn comes, consult alike about the greatest and least affairs.  
But in the creation of Magistrates, that Law pleaseth me, and that not absurdly, which C. Gracchus diuulged in his Tribuneship, that out of the five Classical Orders blended together, at all peradventures Centuries should be called forth. Thus they being coequalled in dignity, and money, one will strive to excel another in virtue. Neither do I prescribe difficult remedies against riches. For accordingly all things are praised and desired, as the use of those things is. Wickedness is exercised for rewards: when you shall bar that, no man amongst all will be wicked for thankes only.  
Besides avarice is a cruel, fieree, and unprofitable beast: where it intends, it wasteth Towns, Fields, Temples, and Houses: it confounds divine and humane Laws: neither Arms, nor walls can hinder her from penetrating with her Force: Of fame, modesty, children, Country, and parents, she despoileth all mortals. But if thou shalt take away the reputation of money that mighty force of avarice will easily be vanquished by good manners.  
And although all men both just and unjust remember these things to be thus: yet thou shalt have no mean controversy with the faction of the Nobility; of whose deceit if thou shalt be cautelous, all things else will succeed with facility. For these men, if they excelled with virtue enough, would rather be emulous, then envious of good men. Because sloth, and unactivenesse, stupidity, and dulness have invaded them; they clamour, they detract, they esteem another man's good name to be their disgrace.  
But what should I make any farther relation, as if it were of an unknown subject? The fortitude of M. Bibulus, and the virtue of his mind hath made the way open to a Consulship: he being a man dull of language, rather evil, then cunning of wit. What may this man dare, unto whom the Consulship, the greatest of all other commands, became the greatest dishonour? what is L. Domitius, a person of much ability, no member of whom is free from lewdness, or villainy? his tongue is vain, his hands bloody, his feet fugitive: things most dishonest, which cannot be named honestly.  
Yet I do not contemn the only various, talkative, and subtle wit of M. Cato. These are procured by the Grecian discipline. But virtue, vigilancy, and labour are not found amongst the Greeks'. For since they have lost their liberty at home by sloth, think you that by their precepts, command may be gotten? The rest of the faction are most unactive Noblemen, in whom, as in a statue, there is no addition of worth, besides the name. L. Posthumus, and M. Favonius resemble in my opinion the superfluous ballast of a Ship, when they seem to arrive safe at their ends: when any adverse thing doth happen, the first loss is of them, for that they are of the lowest estimation.  
Because now, as it seemeth to me, I have spoken at large of renewing, and reforming the Commonalty: I will speak of the Senate, what may seem fit to be done by thee.  
After my age, and wit grew ripe, I did not altogether exercise my body with Arms, and Horses, but employed my mind in literature, because by nature it was firm in the sufferance of labours; and in that course of life, I found out this by frequent reading, and hearing; that all Kingdoms, Cities, and Nations so long enjoyed a prosperous Empire, as solid counsels prevailed amongst them: wheresoever favour, fear, and pleasure corrupted them, not long after, their power was lessened, then, command taken away, last of all, servitude was imposed.  
Verily, this is my resolution, that whosoever hath a more ample, and illustrious place in a City than others, hath an especial care of the Commonwealth: for to the rest, the City being safe, only liberty is assured; those who by virtue have gotten riches, renown, and honour for themselves, as soon as the State inclining a little, gins to be turmoiled, their mind is variously troubled with cares and toils: it either meditates the defence of glory, or liberty, or of private means: in all places it is present, it hasteneth: by how much more it flourished in prosperity, by so much the more in adversity is it full of anxiety and grief. Therefore when the Commonalty obeys the Senate, as the body doth the soul, and doth execute its counsels: it behoveth the Fathers to be able in counsel. In the people cunning is superfluous. For this cause our Ancestors, when they were pressed with most dangerous wars, horses, men, and money being lost, they were never weary to contend armed for the Empire not the wants of the Treasury not the force of the Enemies, no adverse fortune could deject thei● mighty Spirits, but that those things, which they had gotten by virtue, they would maintain together with life. And this was done more by sound counsel, then fortunate fights. In regard that with them there was one Commonwealth; for that they provided: saction was prepared against foreign Foes: every man exercised body, and soul, for his country, not for his own greatness.  
But contrariwise, at this time Noblemen, whose minds sloth and cowardice hath invaded, being ignorant of labour, of enemies, of warfare, instructed with homebred faction, rule with pride over all Nations. By this means the Fathers, by whose counsel the doubtful Commonwealth was formerly established, being oppressed, raving up and down, at another's pleasure are agitated hither and thither. Sometimes they make these, than those decrees: as the faction and arrogance of them inclines, who bear rule, so they esteem good, good and public evil.  
But if either the liberty of all were equal, or the opinion of it more obscure, the Commonwealth would be fare stronger, and the Nobility less potent. But because it is difficult to make the respect of all coequal: for that to them the virtue of their ancestors left an acquired glory, dignity, and clientels: the rest of the multitude for the most part being ignorant people, let them in their opinion be frec from fear. Thus it being concealed from themselves, another's power will be dearer to every man.  
Liberty is desiderable alike of the good, and bad, of the valiant, and the cowardly. But most men abandon that out of fear. Most foolish mortals, that which is doubtful in the conflict, how it will happen, out of cowardice, like men vanqushed, they take upon themselves. Therefore I think by two means the Senate may be confirmed: if augmented in number they delivered their Votes in a written table. The table will serve for an encouragement, to make them dare with greater freedom: in the multitude there is more assurance, and ampler use.  
For in these times for the most part, some being intagled in public judgements, others in their own, or their friends affairs, have not been present at the Counsels of State: neither did employment detain them more, than the proud commands of others. The Noblemen, with some few of the Senatorian order, whom they have for additions of faction, what things soever please them, they reprehend, allow, and decree; them they execute, as their lust inciteth. But as some as the number of Senators being increased, the Votes shall be delivered in a written table, they will dismiss their former pride, when they must obey those, over whom before they commanded most tyrannously.  
Perchance (O Emperor) these letters being read, thou wilt decree, what number of Senators it may p●ease thee to have; and after what form they shall be distributed into many and sundry Offices; and since it is my opinion, that the first Classical order should deliver their judgements, what description, and what number is to be of every kind: To describe all things generally, had not been a matter difficult in doing: but first it seemed good to labour about the sum of the Counsel, and to prove that to be true to thee. If thou resolvest to make use of this way, all other things will succeed promptly. I would that this my counsel were prudent, and of most special use. For wheresoever prosperity happeus to thee, there a good fame will betide me.  
But this desire doth exercise me more, after what manner and how soon the Commonwealth may be relieved▪ I hold liberty worthier than glory. And I do request and exhort thee, that thou wouldst not (most famous Emperor) after the conquest of the Gauls, suffer the highest and invincible Empire of the Roman people to be ruined with age, and dissolved by the greatest discord. Verily, if this shall happen, neither day, nor night shall ease thy anguish of mind, but being awaked out of sleep, raging, and raving thou shalt be vexed with a distracted spirit. For it is manifest to me for a truth, that the life of all mortals is visited by a divine power: neither is the good, nor evil deed of any man valued at nothing. But with a different condition rewards attend the good and bad: in the mean time perchanee they proceed more slowly; every man's mind gives him hope from his conscience.  
But if thy Country, and parents could speak with thee, surely they would say these words unto thee: O Caesar, we being most valiant men, begot thee in a most goodly City, to be an honour, and secure to us, a terror to our enemies. What we had gotten with many labours and dangers, we delivered over to thee, being borne together with thy life, a Country greatest of all on the earth, a house and family most illustrious in that Country, besides good Arts, well gotten riches: finally, all the honestations of peace, and the rewards of war.  
For these most ample benefits, we desire of thee not lewdness, nor villainy, but that thou wouldst restore our overthrown liberty; which thing being accomplished, the fame of thy virtue will fly throughout all Nations. For at this time although thou hast performed glorious exploits, both at home and abroad, yet is thy renown but equal with many valiant men: but if thou shalt restore almost from destruction this City amplest in name, and largest in dominion: who will be more famous, who greater than thee on earth? for that if by sickness, or fate, it should happen otherwise then well to this Empire: who doubts, but that through the whole world, vastation, wars, and slaughters would arise?  
But if thou hast an honest desire of gratifying thy Country & Parents; hereafter the Commonwealth being restored, thy glory shall be acknowledged above all mortals, & the death of thee alone shall be more famous than thy life. For the living sometimes fortune, oftentimes envy doth molest: as soon as the soul hath given way to nature, virtue extolleth herself more and more above all detraction.  
What seemed to me expedient to be done, and what I thought would be useful for thee, I have briefly written Now I request the immortal gods▪ that what course soever thou takest this affair may succeed prosperously to thee, and the Commonwealth.   

The Oration of SALLUST, against CICERO.  
Greevously, and with an offended mind should I suffer thy reproachful speeches, O M. Tullius, if I knew that thou didst use this thy petulancy more out of judgement, than a brainsick humour. But because in thee I find neither mean nor modesty; I will answer thee, that if thou hast taken any pleasure in speaking ill, thou mayst lose that by hearing as bad.  
Where shall I complain? whom shall I implore, (O ye Conscript Fathers) that the Commonwealth is wasted, and become the subject of treachery for every man, that is most audacious? whether amongst the Roman people, who are so corrupted with Largesses, that they hold themselves, and their fortunes venals: whether amongst you (O ye Conscript Fathers) whose authority is grown a laughing stock for all the worst and wickedest of men; where M. Tullius defends the Laws and judgements of the people of Rome, and doth so moderate it this order, as if he were the only remainder of the family of that most renowned man Scipio the African, and were not an upstart, au Inmate, not long since naturalised into this City?  
Whether or no, M. T. are thy deeds, and words obscure? hast thou not lived so from thy childhood, that thou thoughtest no thing filthy for thy body, which might please another's lust? Forsooth didst thou not learn that immoderate eloquence of M. Piso, with the loss of thy modesty? Therefore it is not much to be wondered at, that thou sellest that wickedly, which thou procuredst most lewdly.  
But as I think, domestic splendour exalteth thy mind: thy wife is sacrilegious, and stained with perjuries. Thy daughter is a Concubine to her mother's prejudice, more pleasing and obsequious to thee, then is fit she should be to a father. Thou hast gotten a house with violence, and rapine, fatal for thee, and thine: that indeed thou mightst admonish us how much the Commonwealth is changed, since thou (O thou most wicked man) dwellest in that house, which belonged to M. Crassus' a Consular person.  
And when these things are so, Cicero saith, he hath been in the Counsel of the immortal gods, and was sent from thence to this City, for a protector of the Citizens; without giving him the name of hangman, who accounts the Republics damage his own glory: as though thy Consulship was not the cause of that conspiracy, & by that means the Commonwealth was disjointed, at what time it had thee for a protector.  
But I conjecture, those things extol thee more, which after thy Consulship, thou didst advice with Terentia thy wise about the Commonwealth, when at home ye contrived the judgements of the Plaution Law: when thou condemnedst some of the Conspirators to die, others to pay money: when this man built the Tusculan for thee, that other the Pompeian village another bought a house. But he that could do nothing, was next to calumniation; he either came to assault thy house, or laid in wait for the Senate; finally, some thing was found out against him by thee.  
Which if I object falsely against thee, give an account, how much Patrimony thou didst receive? what hath accrued to thee from pleading? out of what money thou didst purchase thy house: thou buildedst thy Tusculan and Pompeian, with infinite expense. Otherwise, if thou art silent, to whom can it be doubtful, that thou gottest that wealth out of the blood, and bowels of the Citizens?  
But as I conceive, this new man of Arpinum, extracted from the family of Caius Marius, imitates his virtue, he continueth the faction of the Nobility, he hath a care of the Romave people, he is not moved with fear, nor favour. But is this an argument only of his amity, and mental virtue? Yes verily this most inconstant man is suppliant to his Enemies, contumelious to his friends, sometimes of this, sometimes of that faction; he is faithful to no man; a most light Senator, a mercenary Patron, no part of whose body is free from filthiness; his tongue is vain, his hands are ravenous, his throat is unsatiable, his feet are fugitive. And he, when as he is such a man, yet he dares to say:  
O happy Rome, me being Consul borne!  
Happy thee being Consul Cicero? Yea rather unhappy and wretched, which suffered'st as then, the most cruel poscription of her Citizens, when as thou, the Commonwealth being disturbed, didst enforce all good men amazed with terror, to obey thy Tyranny: when all judgements, all Laws were swayed by thy lust: when as the Portian Law being removed, & liberty taken away, thou didst appropriate to thyself alone the power of all our lives and deaths.  
Thou shalt do (I prithee Cicero) thou shalt accomplish what thou wilt: it is enough for us, that we have suffered: but as yet wilt thou load our ears with thy hatred? as yet wilt thou prosecute us with these unsufferable words?  
Arms yield to Gowns, Bays to the tongue give place.  
As though forsooth, gowned, and not armed, thou hadst performed those things, of which thou dost glory; and that there were any difference betwixt thee, and Sylla the dictator, besides the name of command?  
But what should I relate more of thy iusolency? whom Minerva hath taught all her Arts, whom the best and greatest juputer hath admitted into the Counsel of the gods, whom Italy, being banished, brought back on her shoulders. I beseech thee▪ O thou Romulus of Arpinun, what place at length obainest thou in the City? what counterfeit and dissemble deeply: greedy he was of other men's goods, prodigal of his own, in lust unsatiable. He had eloquence enough, but little wisdom. His vast mind did evermore desire things immoderate, incredible, and over difficult.  
After the tyrannical government of Silla, he had a great desire to usurp upon the Commonwealth, neither did he care whether it were by right or wrong, so that he might attain the sovereign rule. His restless spirit was daily more and more disquieted through his private wants, and guilty conscience, both which increased in him by the means before recited: beside, the corrupted manners of the City, served for incentives to his ambition, and these were turmoiled by the worst of opposite evils, Luxury and Covetousness. And now, because we have related some thing of the State's depravation, the opportunity itself seems to invite us unto the repetition of things forepast, and in them to deliver the institutions of our Ancestors, both Civil and Military, the form of government, which they used in the Commonwealth, and the greatness with which they left it to posterity, and how this glorious Republic, languishing by degrees, did degenerate into a vile & ignominious tyranny.   

CHAP. 3.  
The beginning and declining of the Roman Empire: the precedent times commended, and the present taxed.  
THe Troyans' (as I have heard) first built and inhabited the City of Rome, who under the conduct of Aeneas, living like fugitives, wandered up and down without any certain place of habitation: with these the Aborigines, or natives joined themselves, who being a savage kind of people, lived free without laws, and dissolute without government.  
After both these were environed with one wall (incredible it is to be thought on) with what readiness they complied together, being different in lineage, language and customs. But after their estate grew respective, and powerful enough, being enlarged with inhabitants, civility & territory (an event most frequent in humane affairs) envy did attend on prosperity, so that for this cause alone, the Kings and bordering. Nations assailed them with war; in this some few friends came to their aid, others being terrified, removed themselves from the danger: But the Romans being regardful of themselves, both in civil & military exigents, neglected no opportunity; they made great preparations, encouraged one another, issued forth to encounter the enemy, reposing their liberties, their Countries, and parents safety, in the protection of their Arms After, when their virtue had given the repulse to danger they sent aids to their friends and allies, procuring new confederacies, rather by giving then receiving benefits. Their government was regular, and the name of it was termed Royal. Certain selected persons whose bodies were enfeebled with age, as their minds were fortified with wisdom, did provide for the Commonwealth: these in regard of their years, or Office, were called Fathers.  
Afterwards when the Domination Royal, which was first instituted for the maintenance of liberty, and enlargement of territory, did degenerate into pride and absolute soveraigenty, the form of policy being changed, they erected an annual Empire under the rule of two Consuls. By this course, they thought men's minds could best be strained from insolency. But even then more than before, every man began to overualue himself, and to dispose his endeavours towards indirect ends: as well knowing, that Prince's jealousies attend more upon good men then bad, and that the virtue of others administers to them always an occasion of terror.  
Now it is a matter strange to be rehearsed, how much the City having regained her liberty, enlarged herself in a short time. So forcibly moved the desire of glory, for now the youth, as soon as they were capable of warlike sufferances, with much exercise learned their military duties, residing for the most part in Tents, and these reposed more delight in the equipage of their Arms and horses of service, then in banquets, and whores. Hence was it, that to such men no labour was uncouth, no place was too difficult for access or assault, yea, the armed enemy was not dreadful: their valour subdued all encountering opposites, the controversy of glory remaining especially amongst themselves. Thus every man striven with emulation to invade the enemy, to scale the walls, and to exploit such things in public view. This they accounted riches, Honour, and true Nobility. They were greedy of praise, liberal of their coin. They coveted glory without measure, wealth with a competency.  
Here I could relate, in what places the Roman people have defeated with small numbers, puissant Armies of their adversaries, what Cities they have taken by situation impregnable: but I fear, this digression would withdraw me too fare: only let me assure thus much, that Fortune is predominant in all events: It is she, that illustrates and obscures our actions being led more by will then reason.  
The exploits of the Athenians in my opinion were ample and magnificent, yet somewhat inferior to their report, for by reason of those admirable wits which lived in that State, their acts were celebrated thorough the world, with excess of praise: so that their virtue was prized in as high an estimate, as the sufficiency of wit could deliver in language. But the ancient Romans were necessitated in this, the capablest spirits being the most active doers: no man exercised his mind without reference to the body. The best men preferred doing before speaking, and desired rather to have their own deserts praised, then to reate other men's exploits, by which means discipline an irruption unto him with their weapons. The Consul having intelligence of these preparations, and Guards being disposed, according as the occasion and time required, he proposeth, (a Senate being called) what their pleasure was to do with them, who were delivered over unto custody; a frequent Senate having declared them not long before, to have undertaken treasonably against the Commonwealth.  
Thereupon D. junius Sillanus, being first demanded his opinion, because at that time he was Consul Elect, gave 〈◊〉 that condign punishment was to be taken upon those who were kept in prison, as also upon L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Vmbrenus, and Q. Annius, if they should be apprehended. And being afterwards moved with Caesar's Oration, he protested that he would punctually concur in opinion with Tiberius Nero, in that he had tbought it fit to make a reference concerning that particular, and the reinforcement of the Guards: but Caesar, when it came to his turn, being required his opinion by the Consul, delivered these or the like words:  
All men that consult (O ye conscript Fathers) about doubtful affairs, aught to be free from hatred, friendship, anger, and pity: for whereas these impediments are, the mind can hardly discern the truth: neither is there any man, who can serve at once, both his pleasure & profit: whereas you bend your disposition, there it prevails: If lust hath gotten the possession, it predominates, and Reason sways nothing at all. I have an ample subject (ye conscript Fathers) to discourse, what Kings and Nations have done uncouncellably, being forced by anger or compassion. But I had rather relate those things, which our Ancestors, contrary to their natural desires, have accomplished rightly and orderly. In the Macedonian war, which we waged with King Perses, the great and goodly City of Rhodes, that grew powerful by the support of the Roman people, became unfaithful, and ill-affected to us. But afterwards the wars being ended, when it was consulted upon, concerning the Rhodians: our Predecessors, lest any man should report, they undertook the war more for wealth then wrong, dismissed