THE Two most worthy and Notable HISTORIES which remain unmained to Posterity: (viz) The Conspiracy of CATILINE, undertaken against the government of the Senate of ROME, AND The War which jugurth for many years maintained against the same State.  
Both written by C.C. Salustius.  
Historia est testis Temporum: Lux veritatis: Magistra vitae: Nuncia vetustatis.  
Printed at London for john jaggard, dwelling in Fleetstreet between the two Temple gates, at the Sign of the Hand and Star, 1608.   

TO THE RIGHT WORTHY and valorous, Sir Thomas Summerset, Master of the Horse to the Queen's most excellent Majesty.  
SIR, having no fit occasion to manifest my duty to your Worthiness (though I have often wished matter more expressive both of my love & zeal) I have adventured rather to tempt your acceptance in this small presentment, worthy (no man will deny) in its proper Ornament, of an Honourable Patronage: Then by perpetual neglect to incur the imputation of Ingratitude, a vice amongst the Heathen punishable, amongst Christians, contemptible. Herein therefore (right Generous) let me in am of all my friends, make confession of your many and extraordinary favours, from time to time vouchsafed us. In acknowledgement whereof, sithence we want power to deserve, yet give us leave with thankful overtures to remember. Protesting, that if you deign to accept of this unpolished Translation, partly divulged under the shadow of your protection, for the pleasure of your vacant hours, but especially for the general good of all English Gentlemen, when, either Time or better judgement, shall furnish me with a more desertful project, to prostitute it solely to the approbation of your most judicious censure. Thus far presuming, that if it pass your allowance, I will adventure neither to fear the discourtesy of the Cynic, nor the sole-conceit of the Curious. In assurance whereof, being constantly warranted by the generous carriage of your Heroical disposition, I esteem it as rich in value as I account it happy in acceptance, having in it nothing so worthy as your favour, whereunto I wholly refer it.  
Yours faithfully devoted, Tho. Heywood.   

Of the choice of History, by way of Preface, dedicated to the Courteous Reader, upon occasion of the frequent Translations of these latter times.  
THe chiefest occasion that moved the Scythians so peremptorily to distaste Learning and Antiquities, was for that they saw the walls painted, and the Libraries of the Greeks' and Romans stuffed, 
Bodin.  with the records of their own Achievements, but the memorable astions of other Nations, either over-slipped, or satirically disgraced. For all other Nations (the hebrews excepted) committed nothing to writing concerning their Fortunes. And surely (I know not upon what grounds.) It is a general fault amongst all Martial men; to pen nothing of their own exploits: And those who have somewhat enured their minds to learning, for their excessive delight therein, can hardly be drawn at any time to alter their studies. By which perverseness of either's error, those Nations which have been famous for their Military valour, have utterly lost their ancient reputation, after their embracement of Letters and learning.  
The best reasons that I can give, are either to be grounded upon desire of case, or else upon their proficiency in the precepts of Nature and Divinity; which not only abhor the effusion of blood, but withal depose their former infusion of Barbarism and cruelty; as in experience we have seen it come to pass, first by the Greeks' and Latins, and afterwards by succeeding Nations. The people of Asia, were ever accounted good Orators and penmen, but the Lacedæmonians rude and rough fellows, utterly unlearned: and yet by war and Conquest, at home and abroad, acquired worthy purchases, and had their fortunes eternised to the world; not by themselves, but by strangers: Whereas the memorable Actions, wars and Conquests of the Celts, the Germans, the Arabians and Turks, are either buried in oblivion, or at least Ballasted in one sheet of paper, and that (for the most part) by their enemies. Better fortune had the Grecians in setting forth the battle of Salamme or Marathon. For by the ample discourses thereof, a man would imagine that a more honourable piece of service was never achieved in any age. But as Alexander sitting in Darius his chair of Estate, pleasantly told the Ambassadors of Greece, aggravating the danger of the present rebellion of all the Greek Cities, that those wars seemed unto him but as conflicts of Mice and Rats. In like sort those easy wars that Alexander managed against the effeminate Asians a●d Persians (to which C●to spared not to give the epithets of Woomanish, and Caesar, Contemptible) hold no comparison with the bloody in counters of the Celts, the Germans, the Turks and Tartars, as may easily be gathered by those who are disposed to call to mind their overthrow given and taken, and finally written by each others enemies.  
Wherefore to make a judicious conjecture of the goodness of Histories, we ought to remember the wise counsel of Aristotle, not only in our choose, but also in our reading, That an Author ought not to be accepted with an overweening credulity, nor rejected with peremptory incredulity. For if we credit all, in all writers, we cannot choose but oftentimes swallow things false, for true, and so commit gross errors in dispatches of importance: So again, if we should presently condemn an History, as of no credit, we should reap no profit, in countervail of time therein consumed. Yet let every Author bear his own blame, whereof if they that have stuffed their monuments of memory with fabulous impostures, be guilty in one s●rt, in no less fault are the Turks, who can say nothing of their descent or Original, neither will suffer any writing thereof to be commended to posterity; believing, that no Historiographer can write truly upon report, much less will they, who were either in action, or in place over the action; every man being bewitched to tell a smooth tale ●o his own credit: Or suppose, he be of an unpartial spirit, yet either the fear of great personages, or passion, or money, will prevaricate his integrity. But what should discourage succeeding Ages, that they should fear to write freely of their Equals? Surely in these times, it is not probable that amongst such variety of Authors, no one should be found, whose works were not void of affection, of corruption, of envy, of passion. Let the judicious Reader therefore, between these extremes (of lightness and Critic rashness) take the middle course, so shall he cull out of every good Author singular purity. Neither let him censure the work, before he fully understand the depth and sufficiency of the Author. But indeed this should be the care of the state, to look into the argument and method of Books before they come to the Press, least by the vulgar censuring of some deficient labours, others of more sufficiency be disheartened from publishing their writings. For in this choice of Authors, which every student ought to propose unto himself, I would not have every one to be his own judge (for censure is a gift of art and experience) but to moderate his opinion by coherence, comparisons, & infallible reasons, which if they be not allowed by the mayor party, let him never be ashamed to change his determination. For as those which will spend their verdicts upon Pictures, their dimensions, lineaments & colours (wherein the skilfullest eye is often cozened and deceived) ought not to be ignorant of Symmetry, to give true judgement: So is it necessary for him that will distinguish between the sufficiency and insufficiency of History, not only to be well read in the Arts, but also much conversant in humane occurrences.  
Of Writers in this kind there are three sorts, the first whereof being well qualified by nature, but better by learning, have been called unto Magistracy. The second sort have wanted learning, and yet proved very sufficient by the adjuncts of Nature and experience: and the letter being somewhat helped by Nature, and wanting experimental employment, have notwithstanding by their industry and integrity in their collection of History, even equalled those who have spent the greatest portions of their days in the Counsel-house of Princes. Of every one of these you shall find infinite variety, & so much the greater, by how much every one savoureth of more or less integrity, learning and experience. The best are those which are best seen in all these, and free from passion. I add passion, because it is hard for an upright conscience discoursing of an evil subject, to abstain from hard language; or on the other side, to attribute unto good actions a moderate commendation. For the inserting medestly in praise of the good, and dispraise of the wicked, hath given no small occasion for the amplifying of History. Whereof ●f good Authors ought to be noted, what shall we say of Evil?  
No slight consideration must therefore be taken, whether our Historiographer hath written of himself, or of others; of Fellow-Citizens or Strangers; of Friends or Enemies; of Military discipline or Civil Government; of his Equals or Inferiors; and lastly, of his own time, or of sorepassed ages. For judgement in this employment, Secretaries, Privy-counsellors, and Precedents in Courts of justice are very sufficient: (for by these three the state is balanced) but more sufficient is he● who alone sitteth at the Helm; but most of all he, that adjoineth much reading of Law and History to daily experience. To the perfection whereof two things are most requisite; Books and Travail; without the former, whereof, the difficile management of employment (in any kind) is hardly attained to, and the date of man's life is ouer●short to compass it by travail and wandering observation, as of old time did Lycurgus, Solon and Ulysses.  
The last of whom Homer pronounced wise, For that he had seen the manners of many people, and the customs of divers Cities. In these days many dote upon sight of strange countries, the Natures of living Creatures and plants, the Fabrics of Palaces and Pyramids, with the overworn sculptures of Ancient coins, but the mysteries of public Government, and their alterations, they never regard.  
Next unto Books of humanity, and experiments of Travail, I commend insight in Law. For those that are to determine suits and contentions (saith Arcadius) know all sorts of misdemeanours; and not misdemeanours only, but their contraries, without the indifferent apprehension whereof, the one and the other cannot be pried into and prevented. For in discerning between good and evil, consisteth the fullness of human wisdom.  
Whereupon we are to gather, that of all sorts of Historiographers those are worst to be liked of, which with impure hands (as the Proverb is) presume to write of History, being both unexperienced in affairs of importance, and veterly unlearned. Of these is my chiefest Cave at in choice of History.  
The next to beware of, is a railing or a passionate Writer (for you shall not find all Authors free from this humour) and him suspect of flattery, by praising himself, his favourites and Country men, and bitterly taunting his opposites, or enemies. But when you meet with an Author, who giveth his enemy his due commendation, read him with trust and belief; and the rather, if he be a stranger to both parties: esteem him as litigious persons do of Umpires in Abitrementes, void of partiality. For it is apparent that Dionysius Hallicarnasseus (a man of no eminent place in Government) wrote the History of the Romans with better faith and more uprightness, than Fabius, Sallust, or Cato, men advanced to wealth and honour in their Commonweals. For Polybius a Grecian in many places doth tax Fabius & Philenus of falsehood, the one a Roman the other a Carthaginian, and both writing upon the Punic wars; the one giving all the honour to the Romans, the other to the Carthaginians. These are the words of Polybius. Philenus avoucheth that the Carthaginians behaved themselves valiantly, and the Romans basely and cowardly. But Fabius by the censure of Polybius was a man of approved honesty, & wisdom, to whom the projects of the Romans, nor the counterplots of the enemy were hidden, or unrevealed Yet both Orator like were very wary to say or do any thing to their own irreputations. But let not any think, that in an History he can discharge both the part of an Orator & Historiographer. For I cannot allow of those writings which in praises and flattery are copious, in reprehension of vices, brief and penurious; this maxim being most justifiable, that even the man of best discretion and uprightness, committeth manifold errors. Wherein Equinard and Acciolus have so magnified Carolus Magnus, Eusebius Constancy, Nebrensis Ferdinand, iovius Cosmo Medici's, Phillostratus Apollonius, Procopius Bellisarius, Staphilus, and Leva, Charles the fift, that herein they have rather merited the surnames of Orators, then of Historiographers. And therefore let the judicious Censurer suspend his judgement not by the scale of Friends and Countrymen, but by the verdict of enemies also. Against Philip Comines, in praising of Lewes the XI. let him oppose Meir; and not Meir only, but Paulus Aemilius; because the one is excessive in commending, the other as far gone in discommending; the third in a mean. Meir termeth him perjurious and fratricide, whose desire was above all things, without regard of the Laws of God or man, to become sole Tyrant of the state. The same Author calleth Comines himself, Traitor and Fugitive. And therefore in these alterations, I wish neither of them to be believed, because the one was highly advanced and enriched, by the King, the other a professed enemy, and had his p●n deeplier dipped in gall, than was seeming for an Historiographer. Aemilius was neither friend nor foe (for he was of Verona) and wrote gravely and modestly in these words. The Duke (saith he) did envy the King, accusing him with the death of his Brother, to have corrupted his Brother's children, and to work them to poison their Father. He affirms nothing rashly, he omitted not repugnant reports. They wrote in the life of Lewes; this man an hundred years after, impossible at that tim● to be possessed with expectance of grace, fear, or envy. So Tacitus did avow the actions of Tiberius, Claudius, Caius, and Nero, reported in their life times to be full of flattery through fear, and after they were dead, as full of despite, and both false. And therefore it was his first protestation, that he would write them without Envy or Flattery, as in a time of more security. For he wrote an hundred years after their deaths, and peradventure had read the saying of Aristotle, that New Histories were as fabulous and distative as those of deepest Antiquity.  
Surely those tha● will write of the present, can hardly write truly, but they must touch the credit and reputation of some men. And therefore Cicero in his Catalogue of all the best Orators, remembered not one living, lest they which by chance or negligence were forgotten or omitted (as himself speaketh) should conceive displeasure. Who would then seek for truth amongst Authors conversing with such times, Wherein to write what a man would not, was accounted dishonest: to write what he would, dangerous.  
The best course is therefore without all fear to dedicate our Papers to posterity, or if any think so well of his works, that he will publish them in his life time, let his History consist of times past, collected out of the best Commentaries public, private, and Ancient; As did Lyvy, Tranquillus, Tacitus, Arrian, and Dionysius Hallicarnasseus, all, most approved Authors: and the last of most credit, because he wrote of another state, not of his own, and saw all men's Commentaries, and secrets of state by public permission.  

Polybius.  In this rank also, are Polybius, Plutarch, Metasthenes, Ammianus, Polidor, Ctesias, Aemilius, Aluaresius, and Lodowick Roman.  
But of those which have nothing in them but reports, ek toon aloon akroamatoon as Polybius speaketh, and have not seen public Registers, let them be of no Authority. For the better Authors to induce better belief, avouched their authorities from public remembrances, as Ammianus, who brought to light the Original of the Galls from their Public Monuments. So likewise Arrians writeth in his preface, That he read the Commentaries of King Ptholomy, an eiewitnesse of the Acts of Alexander, never before set forth. Appian had the like Fortune with the papers of Augustus. Metasthenes and Ctesias with the Libraries of the Persians. Diodorus with the Arcana of the Egyptians. Onasicratus and Aristobulus the Lieutenant of Alexander avow those things which they saw with their eyes in Egypt and India. Not that I dare avouch that the truth of History is to be sought for in the Commentaries of Kings, for they are given to speak largely of their own praises, but to make use of those Observations which are little or nothing interessed in their praise or disgrace; as the Computations of times, the largeness and situation of Provinces, the Government of Cities, the ages of Princes, their reigns and successions, and in especial, their Policies; wherein the end of reading all in all consisteth. For as Metasthenes affirmeth, All men that writ of Princes are not to be believed, but especially the Priests, to whose fidelity and custody the public Annals were incredited. Such a one was Berosus, who collected the reigns of the Assyrians out of the Annals of his predecessors. This Metasthenes.  
Secondly, if a History have such and so many witnesses as cannot be contested, it hath the greater apparency of truth, yea in seeming incredulities, especially if it suffer examination and trial. For who would believe that the Roman Senate at the motion of a Clown, who dreamt that jupiter called unto him in his sleep, and willed him to admonish the Senate that they should renew the plays, because he that lead the dance in the former shawes had danced falsie. The Senate assented. One man perchance in relating this trivial accident would not be believed, but herein Plutarch, Lyvy, Dionysius, Valerius and Pliny, do all agree; who in so uniform a consent of the Senate and people could not relate a falsehood.  
But methinks I hear one say, the latter was deceived by the error of the former; and so each after other. Surely and so it may be, not only in the History of humanity, but also of Nature: For the old world reported, that Swan● approaching their ends, would sweetly sing their Funeral farewells; a tradition not only received from the times of Eschilus' by Poets and Painters, but likewise by the chiefest of the Philosophers, Plato, Aristotle, Chrysippus, Philostratus, Cicero and Seneca. And yet Pliny, and after him Athenaeus report upon proof, that it is but a Fable, and so to this day it yet remaineth.  
But as for natural History the validity thereof, whereof we mean not to discourse, it soon experimented, which in humane (for their infinite confusions) can never be examined. As for example; Many good Writers, and not one, or two, but almost twenty wrote that the Duke of Orliance was beheaded for Treason, and that at Paris: and yet it was apparent, that XXX. years after his imprisonment in England, he returned into France, and there peaceably died. For which rashness my Countryman G. Bellay doth sharply reprehend those Historiographers, who will audaci●uslie commit to public belief the flying reports of fame and the vulgar. Of this fault Strabo taxed Possidonius, Erastosthenes & Metrodorus. They delivered for true history (saith he) the reports of the most inconstant people. But Possidonius used the Authority of C. Pompey, so that I think he could write nothing unadvisedly.  
Therefore when Authors disagree amongst themselves, I take it the safest course to believe the latest, at leastwise if their reasons co-here necessarily, and their Arguments are strong ●o prove what they say. For such is the Nature and obscurity of truth, that unless it be raked from ancient and fundamental Originals, it will hardly appear like itself, but best then, when the reports, the flatteries and passions of the vulgar are buried with their bodies.  
As to Religion, because the Controversies between the professions and professors thereof, are so irreconciable, I would not advise a man to seek out the Opinions of the Heathen among the jewish Writers, nor of the jews amongst the Christians, nor that of the Christians amongst the Moors or Mahometans, but to read the Authors of every sect and Religion by themselves, to weigh the credit of the writer, and the validity of the thing written, and how they agree or disagree amongst themselves. So much (concerning this Argument) as hath been set forth by divers Authors, I will rather blanche with the imputation of mistaking and ignorance in Antiquities, then with the foul Title of untruth; even as the old Grecians dealt with the Romans and the Celts, and the Romans' with the Chaldeans and jews, ea●h one being ignorant in the Antiquities of either Nation.  
In reading the disgraces of an enemy, let our assertion be suspended until we have examined the worth of the writer; for an adversaries report is not rashly to be rejected, nor at first sight embraced; but herein let us imitate Caligula, who commanded the History of Caesar written by Cassius and Labienus, and condemned by the Senate, to be published; saying, That it was profitable for the state, to have the Actions of every man, understood by all men. Yet for my part, if the testimony of the one or the other concerning Caesar, were ●ow extant, I would not altogether admit them to belief; no nor build confidence on Caesar himself, when he writeth, that the Pompeyans made no conscience of Divine and humane things, and le●t no Sacrilegious violence unattempted, whereas he himself without any fear of Religion or deity, sacked all the Temples of the Gauls, and broke up the Treasury of the Holy Sanctuary, which Pompey and his faction feared and refused to violate. But the reason that moved Caesar to disperse these scandals on Pompey, was to make his enemy odious, that so he might pretend a just cause of war, when to a good man no excuse can seem reasonable to wage war against his Country.  
As concerning his Commentaries, most men receive them with approved allowance, and no marvel, when a General was forbidden by the Law Porcia to give in to the Tribunes of the Treasury, a false report what number of enemies he had slain. Wherein if he failed, he was to be deprived of his Generalship, and denied his triumphal Ceremony; which rather than Caesar would give over, he would not stick to account that lawful which made best for his purpose, how unlawful soever. Which law, though he had not kept inviolably, yet the fear of infamy so awed his ambition, that having many enemies, he knew they would not have failed to indict him of falsehood, especially being resolved to publish his books in his own life time. An instance whereof is to be seen in Cicero his Anti-Cato, though he wrote saith Tacitus) as persons accused are accustomed to behave themselves before judges.  
This therefore that we have spoken touching the writings of Enemies, is to be received, except in cases of corruption and transfugation. Such a one was Froysard, who whether he sto●d more beholding to the English, 
Note the Author 〈◊〉 was a Frenchman.  or the English to him, many make question, he himself publicly acknoledging their bounty and munificence. Such another was Aretine, who would glory that he was well rewarded by th●se whom he praised; yea, though he did it against his conscience: Yet thus much will I say for the 〈◊〉, that it is not to be doubted, but that he wrote truly, being either in action, or at least s●ending the best part of his life amongst military men: the fault that I find is, for that he altogether ●●●g●t the due deserts of his own Nation, which I think no uncorrupted passion can do. For Polybius (accounted a most true Author) when he came to discourse of his Countrymen, could not so moderate his p●n, b●t needs it must break out into most bitter invectives against Philarchus, for extenuating the valour and fortitude of the Megalopolitans in their war against Aristomachus. The same humour (if I be not deceived) provoked Plutarch to write against Herodatus wherein he inu●yeth at nothing s● sharply as at those things which he wrote concerning the Boetians and Che●ronesians. But who can refrain laughter that readeth Sabellicus his comparisons of the Venetians wars with those of the Romans? Even Donatus Gianotus, his Fellow-Cittizen could not endure them. With this disease (if it may be termed a disease, with an honest fallacy to maintain the reputation of our Countrymen) almost all Historiographers are troubled. And therefore had I rather read Caesar discoursing of the manners of the Galls, Tacitus of the Germans, Polybius of the Romans, and Ammianus of the Frankes, for that they were strangers, unaduanced, uncorrupted, & were well acquainted with the Originals of those things, whereof they presumed to write.  
The next doubt that troubleth my mind, is whether an Historiographer, aught to praise, dispraise, show his opinion; Or leave all to the judgement of his Reader. For either party I will lay down the best allega●●ons I can, and so leave it to discretion.  
History ought to be nothing but a representation of truth, and as it were a Map of men's actions, set forth in the public view of all comers to be examined; And therefore the predesca●ting opinion of the writer cannot but bring much discredit to the Action, in that he presumeth to prepossess the minds of Artists with imaginary assertions, seeming to teach those, who knew better than himself what belongeth to such affairs, to the wiser sort, who will not he deceived (for that he cometh to Counsel before he be called) he seemeth very suspicious.  
No less guilty of another salt are many Historiographers, who in the midst of their discourses, fall off from their intended Narrations, to play the Orators or Rhetoricians, so deluding the expectations, & confounding the memories of their readers. Such a one was Timaeus, condemned for both; and for his digradation from History to Satirism, vulgarly termed Istitimaios and slanderer. For sithence there is nothing more difficile, then to judge truly, who would not be aggrieved to hear an Historiographer, having nothing to do in Counsel or matter of state, to breathe out his assertion of the chiefest commanders in the Republic? Or what can be more foolish then to listen to a fellow who never saw f●●ld, reasoning of the victories and oversights of Generals and their Armies. Such a malapert part played he (I silence his name) that wrote the wars between Henry and Charles the Emperor, by playing the judge on both sides. He loaded the King (or rather overloded with such gross flattery and praises, that his Majesty could not endure to hear them but with loathing; Charles he condemned as a most wicked and Cowardly Captain, omitting no words of reproach which his wit could imagine. Alas good man! little considered he, that his reproaches redounded to the discredit of his own partaking, to whom it could not be imputed a dishonour to contend with such a Prince; more dishonourable to be by him overthrown: but most dishonourable to contract affinity. Well, by this his oversight he lost the credit of an Historiographer, and was by the consent of all good men condemned for an unjust judge. No l●sse onerseene was iovius in his rash and odious comparisons of the lives of Selimus and Ishmael the Sophi; of Charles the fift, Pope Paul, and divers other great Princes.  
Against these I oppose Xenophon, Thucydides, Tranquillus, Caesar, Guicciardin, and Sleydan, who seldom, and that wisely, and upon occasions intermix their Opinions. Truly Caesar for military discipline, being all praiseworthy, and a profound Artist in state-governement, though without reprehension he might speak his mind in warlike Controversies, and that without imputation of ignorance, yet when he did it, it was done with discretion and modesty. For when some about him affirmed, that P. Scylla might have perfected his victory, if he had pursued the troops of Pompey, Caesar made answer, That he allowed of his proceed: For (saith he) the Office of a General and Lieutenant are different; the one is to manage according to Commission, the other as occasions shall importune. Again, in the battle of Pharsalia when Pompey commanded his soldiers to standfast, and not to remove; to receive the enemy, & not to charge: To do the like (saith Caesar) I see not by any reason how it should stand to our advantage, because Nature hath infused into every man a certain alacrity & courage of mind ready to quarrel: Thus a good General ought to cherish, not to pull backward. Hear Caesar contended with Pompey not in arms only, but in counsel also.  
Many are the examples which may justify this policy of Caesar's, as the victory of Epaminondas against the Lacedæmonians, and therefore what can be more distastive then to hear another Phormio, who never saw field, to give a peremptory censure of such Personages, and their Fortunes; or a Schoolman to talk of the amendment of the Laws of Lycurgus and Solon, being the wisest magistrates that ever bore office; which when Aristotle had done, he ran into the dislike of many men for it; of Polybius sparingly, of Plutarch more freely; how judiciously I say not; but generally affirm, that to speak● of things we assuredly know not, is an argument of Levity; Peremptorily to judge, apparently dangerous. Vives the Schoolmaster of Charles blameth Comines for the same fault of levity, because he often digresseth from his History; then from the lives and fortunes of Princes, and lastly falls into discourse of an happy life, after, the fashion of Philosophers.  
This notwithstanding; Comines was a man that spent his whole time either in place of government, or in th● wars, or in famous Embassies, and so did not Vives. So that in my fancy, if any man might censure, surely he might. But admit his reprehension justifiable, then would I advise an Historiographer to resolve either to determine modestly, or for altogether to h●lde his peace, but that the authority of Polybius doth draw me to a contrary opinion For, the reason wherefore he blameth Philarchus, was for that he Silenced due deserts: yea, and affirmeth the chiefest use of Annals to be, to inflame the good to progression by the example of their likes, and to de●●r the wicked by dislike of former courses. Which reason both Tacitus and Procopius allow of, besides that many grave Authors at end of their discourses have used the precedent; & amongst the number, Agathias (a wonder to me) doth compare a bare Relation, to an oldwives tale; but his authority doth not so weigh with me, that thereby I can be induced to consent; especially, since by the most grave censis of Cicero Caesar who went beyond all other Historiographers in this kind of commendation, That his history was naked, simple, & true, & without all Ornament of Art laid open to every man's censure. Of like nature is the history of Xenophon, which he annexed to Thucydides, wherein he interlaceth no Opinion of his own maketh no digression, neither useth any Ornaments of Oration. And to th●ir opinions, that suppose the praises of virtue, & the display of vices to be the fruit of History, I answer, that it may more truly and properly be handled by Philosophers (to whose element it pertaineth) then by Historiographers. He disgraced Nero sufficiently, that penned his butchering of most honest persons, His schoolmaster, his two wives, his Brother Britannicus, & finally his mother. All these, without further addit on of words, Tranquillius writeth purely and plainly: But Appian after he hath showed how Methridates slew his Mother, his brother, his three young sons, and so many daughters; addeth, A man bloody and merciless against all sorts of people. He rein he no less detracted from the credit of his former discourse, then iovius, who for his long Oration, bitter and full of despite, against the Tyrannies of Selimus Prince of the Turks, seems unto me to have laid upon his credit a perpetual disgrace, for that it had b●n sufficient to have simply related the murder of three Bassas, of great integrity and near alliance, two Brethren, five Nephews, and his aged Father; & not aft●r the manner of Orators (very improper for an Historiographer) to run out into impertinent discourses, which peradventure the Reader may construe to be false or suspicious. And this under correction of those, who think nothing more unprofitable, than a bare Relation: for my part I dislike not censures upon great Potentates and thei● fortunes, so the censur●rs be men of judgement & sufficiency. For discoursing of City government Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Plutarch, Livy, Zonaras, Dio and Appian are commended. For the Art military, Caesar, Paterculus, Ammianus, Frossard, Hiricius, Bellay: For both, Xenophon, Polybius, Thucydides, Tacitus, Comines, & Guicciardin: For policies and Courtship, Tranquillus, Lampridius, Spartianus, Sleydan & Machiavelli. For manners of people & description of Countries, Diodorus, Mela, Strabo, Leo Afer, Boemus Aluaresius: For religion, Philo, josippus, Eusebius, Theodoret, Socrates, Sozomen, Nicephorus, Calistus, Orosius, Sidonius, Gregorius Turonensis, Abasurspergensis, Gulielmus Bish. of Turi, Antonius Florentinus, and the writers of the Magdeburg History.  
But wisely spoke the Ancients, Ne suitor ultra crepidam, in which sense I would not have a Polybius to discourse of Religion, Nor a Eusebius of the Art military. Thus much in general of the duty of Historiographers, now of the choice of the best of these: for to hope for better were madness; to wish it, vanity. And as for those who Poetize unto themselves the Idea of an absolute Historiographer: such a one as never hath been, nor ever will be, I say they might have spent their times and studies to better purpose. For who maketh question, but that an Historiographer ought to be a man of gravity, integrity, severity, of good intelligence, eloquent, and fully insighted into the offices of public and private Government; I think none but fools will fall in love with an Hi●●ory, which hath nothing in it save eloquent words, feigned Orations, & merry digres●ions; verily supposing, that he that writeth but to please the care, cannot but neglect the truth, whereof Thucydides, Plutarch and Diodorus accuse Herodotus; and yet Cicero (to me ● wonder) termeth him the Parent of History, whom all Antiquity accuseth of falsity. And therefore let him be as we find him, whom all Authors so universally condemn, but not utterly reject. For besides his eloquent sale, and the sweet dialect of the jonique phrase, we shall find in him many remembrances of Antiquity: and to speak freely, in his latter books divers things most truly reported.  
Therefore wit to be deceived in our choice, let those be embraced, who are by all allowed, especially in those times wherein they lived, and were Actors in the affairs. Of which rank in my judgement, are Thucydides, 
Thucydides  Sallust, Xenophon, Comines, Guicciardin, Caesar, and Sleydan. Neither is it material that the Athenians accused Thucydides, of affectionate partiality towards the Lacedæmonians: for hereby being an Athenian and not a Lacedaemonian, they added to his credit. And beside, the man had been employed in divers Imbassies & commands in the Peloponesian war; was rich, nobly descended, had to do in all affairs of state, maintained Intelligencers, and lastly wrote of their actions, who then lived, and that in n● free state: who would call such an Author, or such an, History, into suspicion. Neither did his favour towards the Lacedæmonians so drown the remembrance of his own Countrymen, but that he gave them their due praises. And although he were by them cast into banishment, when he wrote his History, yet he not only cleared his only adversary and exile worker Pericles from public obloquy, but being dead thought him so praiseworthy for his politic, government, that he doubted not to prophesy, but that with his death the state would fall into a present declination: yet Diodorus sticketh not secretly to carp at the method of his Orations, as doth Trogus Pompeius (witness justine) against Lyvy & Sallust: saying, That they exceeded the bounds of History, by inserting their direct and indirect Orations. For (as Cicero saith) nothing can be more pleasing in History then simple and significant brevity.  
But if we should go about to extract from Livy all his Orations, we should leave him but small fragments; which reason, Caligula pretended for defacing his portraiture, and removing his writings out of all Libraries; which in truth to me seemeth in some sort tolerable, for that he himself protesteth in his o●e and fortifieth book, that he determined to write nothing but the Roman History.  

Sallust.  Of Sallust we can define nothing, because all his works are almsot lost: by those which remain, we cann●t deny, but that he was a most sincere Author, and deep Statist. For he took pains to travail into Africa to be truly informed of his Bellum jugurthinum. And surely he wrote freely: for what could be more french spoken, then to c●rsine the man●fold sufficiency of the whole Roman people then living, to consist in one only Caesar and Cato? So Thucydides attributed to Pericles his true and most deserved commendations: So did Sleydan his, to King Francis; to the Duke of Saxony, his; to Belay, and Alasco, theirs, rejecting all odious comparisons. But if an Author will needs descend into a bitter strain, then let him prove his assertions with pertinent Arguments; for otherwise the world will grow into suspicion that he hat● written but upon hearsay. Which course Guicciardin, Plutarch, Machiavelli, and Tacitus, have followed, whereby they have most clearly laid open the secretest projects and policies of divers Princes. As for Sleydan he was King Francis his interpreter, 
Sleydan  and often employed in Embassies by his Commonwealths and being a D●uine his chief scope was to write of Religion, the controversies whereof as likewise the Orations (direct and indirect) he included in as brief a method as possibly he coul●: which to many men seem tedious; but to a spirit desirous to read antiquities, and 〈…〉 of importance, nothing should be so taken. For in our Author's 〈…〉 sard, & Carter you shall find a mass of levity, but withal many 〈…〉 case to be rejected; which you shall not find in Emilius, who freely confesseth that he hath witting he overpassed those things, which other men have written. Of the same mould are the histories of Leo Afer, Aluarasius. M. Gazus, which speak to all accidents, weighty, indifferent, trivial; therewith to satiate the itching ears of the curious. But this shall you seldom find amongst the Greek or Latin writers, who only proposed to discourse of the actions of war or peace, unless some memorable accident intervened; as with Livy, The burning of the Capitol in the social war; with Tacitus, That furious fire which consumed twelve wards of the City.  
As for Prodigies, not the basest, but even the most famous writers have noted them, though flatly incredible; as Caesar himself; That in the civil war, the statue did sweat at Traley: a man otherwise neither fearing God, nor much regarding honesty. Herein Livy most religiously (I had rather say superstitiously) exceeded all others. For ye shall read of nothing so frequent, as how Oxen spoke, Vines burnt, Statues sweated, Stars fell from heaven; how God appeared to Hannibal: that a child of six months old, proclaimed a Triumph, and such like. These writers, Polybius termed Tragoedos, & not improperly: because they could not fetch Hannibal out of Purgatory, they would bring down the Gods on the stage by devices. But Polybius was an Atheist, and wrote very unreverently of religion; the others are more charitably to be censured. For it were better to be superstitious, then irreligious, and more tolerable to adore some God, then to acknowledge no deity.  
In other men's praises Livy is also somewhat too prolix; for when he preferreth P. Sempronius before all others his Fellow-Citizens (wherein he offereth an apparent wrong to the residue) he reporteth him To have all the perfections that Nature or Fortune could possibly bestow upon Humanity. Nor here ending, he proceedeth to amplify particulars, as his descent, his wealth, his eloquence, his complexion, his age, his Noble spirit, and military knowledge. Next him, he elevateth Furius Camillus to the Heavens; Africanus higher; so that I see no man hath cause to wonder, why Augustus gave him the Epithet of Pompeianus, seeing he was excessive even above excess in the praises of that man.. But in reprehension he was modest and grave; as in the contention between Marcus Livius and C. Claudius for the censorship, wherein the one most spitefully inveied against the other; It is an unseemly contention (saith he) where both parties depart the place with equal shipwreck of reputation. And in another place speaking of the ancient reverence of the Plebeians towards the Patricij: That modesty and carriage (saith he) which you shall now see in one, was in those times common to the Universal multitude. The like modesty he useth of calvinus Companus: What! shall I term him wicked? No, but a Reprobate in the highest degree, who maketh choice to tyrannize, rather by his own fall, then to behold the prosperity of his country.  
This Author is not only of one vain through his whole work, but ever like himself, of an understanding capacity, grave, spare in commending, bitter in reprehension, and like a politic Lawmaker and good Commander wrote worthily of Military and civil government, with the Office of an Historiographer. His histories entreat almost of all Nations which were of any reputation in his time, or somewhat before, (viz) from the CXXIIII. Olimpiad: that is, from the world's Creation 3680. to the year three thousand seven hundred, sixty six, but of forty Books which he wrote, four and thirty are lost. And as he was an excellent Historiographer, so was he a very good Philosopher: for in the treaty of peace with the Carthaginians, he forewarneth the Princes and Governors of the state, to enter into special considerations, whether those with whom they were to confederate, were compelled thereto by necessity, or with desire of alliance. His sixth Book a●oundeth with the like observations, wherein he discourseth at large of the civil and military policy of the Romans. For the Topography of countries and places none of the Ancients came near him. The blind ignorance of times and former Historiographers, who put many fabulous Narrations upon the Romans, he often reprehendeth: as this one most shameful out of T: Livius and Appian, who report, That Camillu● defeated the Legions of the Galls, with such an Universal slaughter, that no one was left alive, to make report of the taking of the City.  
Of the like error laboured justine, Callimachus, and his Scholiasts, in their untrue suggestion, That Brennus having wasted Italy, led his Army into Greece, where it utterly perished by lightning from Heaven, for sacking the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, whereas Polybius proveth by forcible arguments, and conclusions of necessity, That after the foresaid army had burned the City, they traveled as far as Hellespont, where being alured by the situation of the Country, they seated themselves about Byzantium, and overthrowing the Thracians, possessed the Monarchy until the times of Clayaru. Which can be no strange matter, considering that not long ago they took Byzantium with their Captain Baldwin, and for a long time governed the Empire of the Grecians.  
In our days iovius imitated Polybius as concerning the General History of his time, save herein is the difference, that Polybius was either an Actor or Commander, or had the perusal of the public records: iovius reported many things upon hearsay, and at adventure. Polybius was trained in the military discipline and offices of state, iovius in neither. Polybius was a Noble man in his Country, iovius a Plebeian: Polybius a General, iovius a Physician. The one reporteth, that he had travailed through the greatest part of Europe, the Coast of Africa, and Asia the less, to learn the customs of those different people. And to his own glory: That he sat in the Vatican seven and thirty years, was of Counsel to Scipio African, and his continual associate in war: Whereas the other, altogether kept company with Bishops: And being asked why he coined false reports, and smothered true? he answered, For my friends sakes: saying, That if those that be now alive will not believe me, I am sure, those that come after, will afford me, and my favourites, expected commendations. Gorraeus of Paris hath dedicated this censure to Eternity: That the rales of Amadis are as true and probable, as the writings of iovius: Haddit he fabled for the good of the state (which Xenophon and Plato do tolerate in Magistrates) it had been passable: but by lying to slatter, is unseemly for all sorts, but most vile in an Historiographer. For as Bessarius the Cardinal when he saw very many whose lives were questionable, canonised at Rome through blind devotion, said; he doubted whether all were true which was related of the ancient Saints: so fabulous Historiographers are often an occasion, that those of desert are called into suspicion.  
If he would have imitated Polybius, he should have been mindful of his own position set down in the Preface of his Histories: That he that swerveth from the truth of his project, pulleth out the eye of a most beautiful creature. How well he observed this admonition, we will not make trial, by him, who termed him an Author of Tales, neither by Sleydan, nor Brutus Venetus (who often blame him for untruths) because the one was of a contrary religion, the other peradventure excepted unto for imputation of Tyranny, but by Guicciardine the Parent of History and an Author without all exception. Whose relations if you please to compare with those of iovius, you shall find them to agree as square proportions do with round, especial●y in their Orations, Epistles, Treaties, and Compositions: all which iovius mouldeth out of his own brain, but with such confusion of method, that even by the censure of Alciat (his only Trumpet) the unskilfullest soldiers have turned their tongues to Scholastical declamations against him. I w●ll overpass the fond adhortation of Charles the Emperor unto him, Expedire te, inquit I●ui. calames oportet etc. As also His conference and Complaints with iovius, which unto my apprehension seem as true, as that Mulcasses should slay above two hundred Lions; six hundred thousand of small Cattle to be pillaged out of the Territory of Brixium● and two hundred thousand of the greater sort to be driven ●ut of France, according to his report. The like he setteth down concerning the Empires of the Persians, the Abessines, and the Turks, which whither they were true or false he could never understand upon rumours & reports; and as for the Counsels of Princes, their speeches, their Letters, their instructions, or public monuments, he neue● saw them, and yet notwithstanding he presumeth to write as confidently, as if he had been interessed in the business.  
Whereupon it is not to be doubted, but what he might have written truly, he would not; as the affairs of Italy; what he would, he could not, as the estates of foreign Princes. Nevertheless he protesteth that if he were compared with any of the Writers of his own time, he could● not but take it unkindly. Which rash protestation (in my fancy) he broached by the precedent of Arrianus, who thought himself by so much superior to any Historiographer whatsoever, that writ the life of Alexander, by how much Alexander excelled all other Emperors. 
Arrianus  Surely this Arrianus was a man learned & wise, as appeareth by his Commentaries upon Epictetus; and moreover joined experience to his reading, insomuch that Adrian Augustus for his singular sufficiency, preferred him to the Consulship, having run through all other inferior offices, yea even in the integrity of the state. I will silence his eloquence and Attic phrase, which was so pure, that he was called a second Xenophon. Indeed if iovius were in any tittle to be compared to Arrian, than had he cause to take it in evil part to be matched with others; which by his favour I mean to do it, not for that I will affirm that those things which he wrote were untrue and barren, but that for ever he shall carry this eare-marke of falsehood, that where ever he writeth truly, he shall be accounted but a suspected Author; yea, with this one note, more satirical, and of far greater indignity, That by prostituting his Labours to sale, his lies yielded him better profit, than other men could gain by speaking of the truth. And so I will leave him, and return to the Ancients, whom I will compare with our Modern, and between Themselves, as the lot falleth.  
The first man I meet withal is Dionysius Halicarnasseus, 
Dionysius  who besides his modest method of speech and his Attic dialect; wrote the Antiquities of the Romans from the Original of their City's foundation with such integrity, as no Grecian or Latin hath at any time done the like. For whereas the Latins neglected things trivial, as Sacrifices, Plays, Triumphs, Ensigns of Magistracies, the general government of the state, Subsidies, Auguries, Parliaments, and the difficile division of the people into wards and Tribes; Lastly, the potency of the Senate, the privileges of the Commons, the Authority of Magistrates, and the power of the people, be in my judgement hath best performed them of any man living. And to make them the more easy to be understood, he hath compared the customs of the Greeks with the Laws of the Latins, deriving the privileges of Clients which Romulus instituted (and which Caesar noteth to be common amongst the Galls) from the Athenians and Thessalians; The Roman Dictator to be of equal power to the Haumoste of the Lacedæmonians, to the Archon of the Thessalians and the Aesynmet of the Mytilens: yea, had it not bin for this man's labours, the Laws of Romulus, Numa and Servius, together with the Original descent of the Romans, had been long since buried in forgetfulness, through the pride of the Romans, who accounted & omitted these remembrances as base & vulgar (A fault almost common with all Authors) as if they were as well known to strangers, as to Natives.  
The like diligence almost used Plutarch in his Roman Antiquities; 
Plutarch  what censure is to be given of him, I think every man knoweth. For seeing he was the Schoolmaster of that excellent Prince trajan, an ancient Courtier, and at last Governor of Istria, there is no question to be made, but he joined practise and experience to his great wisdom. He wrote the History of the two most famous people of the world, not methodically and in order, but abruptly, and by way of Comparison. All that I admire in him is his so free opinion in all matters, that to me he seemeth rather a censurer of Princes, than an Historiographer; yet with this submission to his worth, that if any man may be thought a fit Umpire in business of such weight, I hold him to be Plutarch, or no man. For what could be unknown to a man of so high a reach, so deep a judgement? Which are very remarkable in his most grave disputations of a Republic, and his profound Philosophy. The Original occasions of wars, their openings, their progressions, overthrows, and victories, he handleth like an excellent Commander. And sometimes he descendeth to matters of meanest moment, even of household affairs; as is that remembrance of Cato the Censor, who of purpose set enmity between his servants, Lest by their overmuch licentiousness, they should busy their brains about projects of far worse consequence. The like he remembreth of Pericles, who accustomed to sell to the utmost advantage the revenues of his domaines, and to buy by the penny his daily provision. Oftentimes he relateth things incredible and merely fabulous, but he useth the word Phasi, to forewarn rash belief. As in the life of Lycurgus, he writeth, That a Lacedaemonian Lad suffered the Rack even to death, rather than he would reveal the theft of a Fox: And that Agesilaus was amerced by the Ephori for popular dependency.  
That he sometimes committed an oversight in the Antiquity of the Romans, for that, being a Grecian, and not perfectly understanding the Latin tongue, (as himself confesseth in the life of Demosthenes) he is to be borne withal. As where he writeth, that in judgements Gracchus by the Law Sempronia equalled the Gentlemen with the Senators, when as by the same Law that prerogative was taken from the Senate, and absolutely transferred to the Gentlemen; as Velleius, Appian, Asconius, Tacitus and Florus testify: It is apparent that he mistook Legem liviam pro Sempronia, and Gracchus for Drusus. The like fault he committed in valueing the Drachma with the Roman Denarius, and the Mina with Libra in the lives of Fabius and Anthony, which Budeus f●llowing, soon slipped into error; As he could not choose, the quotient being false. etc.  

Dio  For Dio who can make question of his excellency and sufficiency, being a man that spent his whole time in affairs of the state, and running through all the degrees of Office, was twice chosen Consul, and after that Proconsul; wherein he governed the Provinces worthily, & no doubt joined experience to his great learning. He it was, that collected the order of their Diets, their Magistracies, the course of their proceedings in law, the inauguration of their Princes, and the policies of their state. Yet seemeth he to strive of purpose, to maintain the factions of Caesar and Anthony, against Pompey and Cicero. And those prodigies which happened in the borders of the Marconrani he attributeth to Arnulphus the Egyptian, & not to the Christians, whereat Turtullian, Eusebius, Orosius, justine, Paulus Diaconus, and Marcus Aurelius himself contested, in his letters to the Senat. Many are of opinion that Diodorus was matcheable unto him; 
Diodorus  many, that he deserveth precedency; for my part I see no such reason, either for phrase (than which, nothing could be penned more vulgar) or for method of History. That whereof he meaneth to relate, he disposeth of truly, orderly and briefly, in the beginning of every book: The proof whereof you may find in his first book, wherein he divideth his whole work into forty Books, and in six, includeth all the former time before the Trojan war; The eleven following beginning at the Trojan war, end with the death of Alexander; the last four and twenty, descend to the wars of the Galls. The which computation amounteth to about one thousand one hundred and thirty years, besides the reports before the Trojan war, which the Ancients deemed fabulous. From whence, to the return of the Heraclidae (according to the account of Apollodorus) he numbereth XC. years: from thence to the first Olimpiad CCCXXVIII. from the first Olimpiad, to the war of the Galls DCCXXX. Likewise, he only of all the Ancient, adi●ynd unto his history the times wherein the most eminent Philosophers, Poets, and Historiographers flourished. As in his fourteenth Book, he witnesseth, that Ctesias began his history at Ninus, Lysiades being Archon. He also collected together six books of this Author concerning the Empire of the Assyrians, and as many of the Persians, for the most part generally discenting from Herodotus. Whose Authorities Plutarch, Pausanias, Athenaeus, and almost all the Greek Authors do also follow. To us is nothing remaining but an Epitome.  

Thucydides  Thucydides (he saith) began his history (Charites being Archon, Q. Furius, and M. Papirius Consuls, (viz.) from the restoring of the Heraclidae to the taking of Perinthus.  

Theopompus  Theopompus began at the first year of Philip King of Macedon, Calimedes' being Archon, in the hundred & five Olimpiad (C. Genutius & L. Aemilius being Consuls. And for that which Diodorus reprehendeth in Theopomp, for the same may another reprehend Diodore. Of eight and fifty Books (saith he) since are suspicious; So saith Vives, of forty of Diodors, we have scarce twelve remaining, five whereof are stuffed with such idle matter, That nothing was ever written more fabulous. And whereas he protesteth, to write an universal History, he only discourseth of the Greeks'; and that with such prolixity (that both forgetting his Laconic brevity, and his objection of tediousness against Thucydides) he spendeth more Paper in reciting the Oration of one Gilippus a Lacedaemonian, than in the whole history of the wars managed through Italy in three hundred years. His long digression upon the Pestilence at Athens, and the conjectures thereof, who can endure? His exposition upon the Lunary year is as absurd, whereby men were accounted to have lived one thousand and two hundred years, as though even in those Ages many of the Patriarches did not exceed that limitation.  
He avoweth, that he spent thirty years in travel, and writing his History: which if it be true, then can I not but marvel why he wrote the affairs of Italy, the next, adjoining Country so slenderly, considering be lived in the times of the Romans highest prosperity (viz) in Caesar's Dictatorship. For if you compare him to Lyvy or Dionysius, you shall find them varying almost in all places, but especially in their computation of their Fasti and Olimpiads, wherein he is most incertain. Which peradventure might be occasioned through his defect in the Latin tongue, apparently manifest in writing every where Phourion for Furius, as if the Orthography had been alone. And as ●o● writing Ancus Horatius for Marcus, Sp. Manius for Melius, Lactuca for Luctatius, Trigemmus, for Tricostus, I could have imputed the error to the mistaking of the Printer, were not they Persons of Consular rank, Decemvirs and Tribunes, in the Catalogue of whom he sometimes overleapeth three, sometimes four, etc.  
But these mistake are easily helped by the studious labours of Charles Sigonius, and Onuphrius Panuinius, both worthily deserving the Epithets of learning for their exquities searches of the Roman Antiquities.  
Wherein Cornelius Tacitus hath likewise played the part of ●o less commendable an Author. 
Tacitus  For although he wrote the gests but of one Age, (viz) from Tiberius to Ne●ua, yet omitted he neither things of weightiest, indifferent, or of meanest consequence. In his fourth book, though he protested to write neither of battles, nor of taking of Cities, nor overthrows of Army's, nor the contentions between the people and the Nobility; concluding it to be a work thought inglorious, yet profitable. And by and by after (saith) we will annex cruel edicts, daily arraignments, hippocriticall friendships, destruction of Innocents', and the causes of these misfortunes. Yet describeth he most fully, all the wars which happened in those times, wherein he was either a Commander or Actor. After the battle of Actium no man penned the Art of War and pleading, in a larger method than he. For he spent the greatest part of his time in military services, and employments of the City, and being chosen Proconsul, he obtained the lower Germany: at which time he so perfectly and truly set down the manners, Laws and Customs of that Nation, that at this day the Germans do attribute their Antiquities to one only Tacitus. And to his greater glory, that Tacitus Augustus, who f●r his excellent wisdom was created Emperor by the Universal consent of the Lords and the Legions, derived his descent from this our Author, and filled all Libraries with as many of his works as were remaining unperished. In method of discourse he is marvelous short, sententious, and full of wisdom: as appeareth for a taste by th●se few ensuing sentences.  
What could be pronounced with more brevity and more bitterness, 〈◊〉 to say of Sei●nus? That no man could stand in his good grace● unless ●ee made his way thereto by villainy. What of Poppea? That she put no difference between married men and Adulterers, but there settled her fancy, where she saw most profit arising. The Blockishness, the incontinency & drunkenness of Vitellius, he inveigheth against most bitterly; but indeed nothing could be spoken bitter enough against such a person; who besides the manifold imperfections of his nature persuaded the Lords to establish the Law of incest, and Married the Uncle to his Sister's daughter. One day walking amongst the dead bodies of slaughtered Citizens, when he saw every man to loath that intolerable st●nch: Ob! saith he, The dead enemy savoureth sweet, but the Citizen sweeter.  
If you will have his opinion of Laws and Government, what could be more gravely spoken, them to say● That every great Magistrate ought to be acquainted with somewhat that was evil, thereof to make use to the common good. Plato differed not much from this assertion; They may as well go about to cut off all Hydrates heads (saith he) as to take away all Imperfections from Laws.  
If you desire to look into the method of pleading, the Office of a Senator, or the Antiquities, not of the Romans only, but of many other Nations, you shall no where find so plentiful a Harvest. What should I say? Only this, that for men of eminency, Magistrates and judges, no Historiographer, can be read with like profit.  
And therefore it grieveth me, that some sew have censured him with reprehension, whom I would not stand to refute, were not their Authorities of good credit. As Alciat, who was so unadvised as to call his truly praiseworthy History, Thorny, or overgrown with Briars, in that Epistle which he wrote to iovius.  
The next are those, who cannot relish him for his hard phrase, but they are such, who had rather be always plodding upon easy and trifling studies, then erect their spirits to be perfect in those grave relations, which statesmen and Princes have ante-acted, to future profit and example. As for Alciat, I see not, why he should contemn an Author so generally allowed, and himself notwithstanding boast of his own eloquence, unless for that Decius blotting his name out of the Roll of the Lawyers, notwithstanding called him Ceceronian; as jerom writeth, that he was scourged before the Tribunal of Christ, for that he wrote like a Ciceronian, not like a Christian. However jerom did suffer, su●e I am Tacitus doth suffer his hard censure without desert. But let this pass for a jest, Budaeus with no less bitterness, termeth him of all writers the wickedest, because be wrote oprobriously against the Christians, which was the reason indeed (as I think) that moved Turtullian to call him Liar; Orosius Flatterer.  
But as Marcellus answered the younger Cato, that a light woman did ever evil in doing light, but not evil in taking her hire being once light: So Tacitus, in that he was not a Christian, did evilly; but wrote not evilly against Christians, being (as he was) an Heathen. I for my part should have censured him wicked, if whatsoever Religion he adored, he had not laboured to maintain it with the overthrow of the opposite; especially when he saw the Christians and jews, as Sorcerers and men defamed f●r Adulteries and other heinous crimes daily drawn to execution; what Historiographer could have moderated his pen?  
For ignorance, if any Author may be excused, then surely may Tacitus, for fetching judaeos, from Ida a Mountain in Crect, Quasi Idaeos; As well as Nicholaus Damascenus for driving Hierosolyna quasi jerosoula, pera for jera sulein. Well, if he deserve so heavy a censure for this fault, what shall we determine of Ulpian, who wrote seven Books De torquendis Christianis, and those not to teach knowledge, but to devise exquisite torments.  

Tranquillus  Tranquillus must likewise undergo the very same censure, where he discourseth of the Christians, and yet hath it been his good hap for the residue of his History to carry this report amongst the judicious, That never was any thing better written by any Historiographer. Some men are displeased for his recital of base and trivial matters; but such should remember, that amongst the actions and speeches of Princes, nothing ought to seem light, nothing unworthy observation, because they live in the eye of the multitude, and according to their precedents the world will be conformable. That he took too much pains in particular penning the incontinencies of Princes, which Tacitus omitted, I will not excuse him.  
But in this oversight Lampridius did excel him. For he relateth so many bestial sorts of pleasures devised by Heliogabalus, and those in such open terms, that he seemeth to have ●enned them rather for Imitation, than Narration. Both of them served in the privy Counsels of Princes, but especially Tranquillus, who was Secretary to Adrian, and deprived thereof, for being more familiar with the Emperor's wife, than the custom of Courtlike modesty could endure. The residue that wrote the lives of the succeeding Emperors, as Dio, Spartianus, Capitolinus, Herodianus, Trebellius, Vopiscus, Entropius, Lampridius, Volcatius, Ammianus, Pomponius Laetus, Orosius and Sextus Aurelius, were not so highly employed in the state, as was Lampridius, which Vopiscus doth freely confess, calling him a most refined Author, and truly. For these are his words: He was a man neither proud of his place, nor given to vice, nor swayed by passion.  
He writeth, that Caligula in the beginning of his reign was as complete a Prince, both for gifts of mind and body, as none more complete, but afterward proved so unsatiate a licentia● in all sorts of vices, that no monster in Nature could be comparable unto him, So likewise he relateth the excellent first five years of Nero; and then discourseth, how Claudius was of so blockish a spirit, that even the basest at the Bar would call him Fool, sitting upon the seat of judgement: and lastly, amplifieth that notable judgement of the Emperor, before whom a woman being brought, which would not acknowledge her own child, with Arguments enforced on both sides so strong and doubtful, that hardly any man could tell what to determine; by commanding the woman to marry the young man, she confessed the truth. What could have been more wisely decided by Solomon himself, the Master of wisdom?  
The like industry for truth was not in Herodian, 
Herodian  though he had the means, but for that which he wrote, he is often noted of error by Spartianus and Capitolinus.  
Moreover, in Tranquillus you shall find many good instructions of the Roman Antiquities, their ancient customs, their laws, their statutes, and such Edicts of the Senate, as no where shall you meet with the like. The royali●es and prerogatives of their Princes only he and Tacitus recorded.  
The man whom we may match with Tranquillus, in my opinion is Velleius Paterculus, 
Velleius Paterculus  who besides his great learning, bore Offices of Honour both in the field & City. His sweet and elegant phrase I will not speak to, but avow his method of brevity and perspicuity (if we had his whole works) in relating the Roman Antiquities from utmost memory to be such, as therein second to no man he ought to be judged. His Orations in the praises of Men of Mark, are excellent and worthy himself, as you may read in his Enconiums of Pompey, Caesar, Cicero, which were not written as pertinent to the scope of his history, but by way of preface to the understanding of his history.  
Wherein G. Bellay vic●roy of Naples, 
Bellay  in a little Book of his, concerning the antiquities of the Galls hath imitated his method, and hath left an excellent precedent for future Historiographers to behold and follow. He wrote likewise in Latin and French the expedition of Charles the fift into Province; a workful of wit and wisdom: as he could not otherwise do, being quick of conceit, w●ll learned, and fully experimented in affairs of state: wherein he spent his whole time, either employed in Counsel, in embassies, or in command of Armies: his vacant hours he dedicated to the Muses. Insomuch, that amongst the French Nobility, this glory ought only to be his; That he was the first man which gave weapons to Learning, and Learning to weapons. But because no man shall accuse one being his Countryman (for he was of Anjoy) of flattery● let him believe that Sleydan ha●h spent much more paper in his commendation; upon whom, when he had said all he could to his highest praise, he give this testimony; That he was not only worthy to be called, Gallicae nobilitatis Decus. Wherefore let him march in rank with Polybus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Caesar, & Tacitus, ●or that he examined with an unstained pen the reasons of accidents, their beginnings, their ripen●ngs, their ends; and with them their policies, their actions, their Orations. For the Objection that he wrote but little, that is not material in choice of history, since every man may judge a Lion by his claw. Next copious Guicciardin presenteth himself, 
Guicciardin  whom I would have said, had wrote in Imvation of the former, had they not been living at one time. And although he never traveled further than Italy, neither was matchable to Bellay in military employments, yet notwithstanding by the general verdict of many gravemen, he is adjudged to ante-cede all modern Historiographers, if not the Ancient. For whatsoever falleth within compass of question, he it never so intricate, there showeth he an admirable fineness of wit in discoursing upon accidents, every where interlacnig grave sentences to good purpose: As in one place, he covertly taxeth the French of improvidence, for invading Provinces like tempests, but keeping and maintaining them like faint-hearted Cowards: giving them to understand, that military acquisitions were not only unprofitable unto them, but likewise burdensome and full of loss. A saying worthy so grave an Author, and fit to be thought upon by all intruding Princes. In another place he glanceth at the overweening conceits of the Venetians in th●se words. The Venetians (saith he) all Italy being in a flaming fire, sat still, and without moving expected the issue of the war, and their portion of prey, as if no man durst to have offended their Wisdoms. But a temporizer ought to be superior in force, or else to run the same course that the strongest doth. The which reprehensions have in them no gall, no obloquy; neither used he to praise or dispraise any man before he were dead, and that without affection or flattery. As was manifest in Pope Leo, by whose favours he parchased great wealth, Honour, and advancement. For he elected him General of the Ecclesiastical forces, & chief Commander through his whole Territories: And yet he giveth him this censure, That he was a Prince endowed with many Virtues, and as many vices. And of all writers he alone relateth his inconstancy, in confederating first against King Francis, and after playing the Fox with Charles the Emperor; That when by his help he had thrown the French out of Italy, he mought the easiler have dealt with the Spanish. Again, what could be more truly spoken of Ferdinand, That coloured all his unsatiable desires, with pretences of Religion, and the common good. Another argument of his integrity and unpassionate disposition, was his refutation of Paulus iovius his Oration de morbo gallico, in favour of the French: with whom he had good cause to have been offended, for the hard siege they gave him at Placentia, wherein himself and his whole fortunes were engaged, had he not valiantly defended the place. Reason it is (saith he) to disburden the French of the infamy of this disease, when as the Spanish brought it into Italy from the western Islands. Such was his love, such his care, to write nothing but truth! and therefore he either setteth down nothing at adventure, or what he setteth down, he proveth with reasons of necessity. For it is reported that he had the transcripts of all Letters, Decrees, Confederacies, Treaties, and Orations; and therefore boldly used these words. Such a one spoke in this manner: or where he was doubtful, Such a one spoke to this or like purpose; wherein he is altogether different from iovius, who as he devised a great part of his History, so coined he out of his own brain (as scholars use to do their Schoolasticall declamations) all his Orations. A presumption most manifestly appearing by the Oration of Baylon, which Guicciardine extracted out of the Original copy, and relateth clean contrary to iovius.  
Besides, be was so diligent a searcher of Actions, persons, places, and counsels, that he seemed to have traveled, through all the Cities, Boroughs, Castles, and rivers of Italy, and (which is most effectual to have perused their public Records.  
What ever was reported by the vulgar, be never omitted; but noted it as he found it; As in the battle of Maurit where the French defeated the Swissers; wherein he could not avouch certainly what numbers were slain, Because (saith he) some spoke upon envy, some upon savour, and others upon hearsay: many reported XIIII. thousand, as many ten thousand: Some eight thousand, and others but three thousand. His history of Italy containeth the term of for●ie yeare●; what was without the bounds thereof, he toucheth sparingly and in measure. The wars of the Turks and Persians, though his intelligence was much better than iovius, he wittingly le● pass, least by affirming things of doubtful certainty, he should incur suspicion; yet, that th●y should not altogether he in ignorance, h●r●in inhreth th●m lightly, in this manner: It was reported that Selimus invaded Syria and Egypt.  
Some men note him of prolixity: but those, who either upon love or occasion, are desirous to read affairs of state, and the vicissitude of wordly occurrants, let them never grow weary of that faul●; because no part of the universal earth, presented more novelties, more alterarations, than Italy alone did in those times. And how easy a matter it was for him to write truly, who by the general suffragies of the Italian Nation, was endowed with singular wisdom, learning, integrity, and experience, who knoweth not? For without doubt, sithence some men wrote one thing, some another, and every one after his own fancy, we cannot but make reckoning, that it proceeded from divine providence, amongst such a rhapsody of penmen, to find one whose credit soared so high, as utterly to eclipse, if not to extinguish, not only the blind lights of vulgar fellows, but also the impostures of iovius and Bembus.  

Bonibus  For although Benibus were a man of good place, eloquent, and long employed in the General affairs of Italy, yet surely we must say, that he wrote many things in favour of his Citizens otherwise then truth, or else suffer Guicciardine to be convinced of many an untruth. Of which disputable imputation, let this one precedent sway for either. After the French had utterly broken the Venetians at Fornove, and as the report went, had purchased their way by the sword, Bembus concludeth, that they neither ouerthr●w, nor were overthrown, but disgraceth their return into France, by the reproachful name of a flight. Which Guicciardine more Soldierlike relateth in this manner: If it may be accounted victory, to bring our desires to their wished ends, then surely the French were victors, because they undertook the battle to no other end, but to bring the King in safety into France, which they performed. And therefore, sithence they routed their enemies, whereof some fell by the sword, and others were drowned in the river Tarus, who would demand other tokens of victory? In the battle of Ravenna, Bembus likewise dissembleth the truth; the honour of which dai●s journey no man hitherto denied the French. For (saith he) of common soldiers and Horsemen, there were on both sides above eighteen thousand slain; each party suffered like loss, but each party enjoyed not like fortune.  
Wherefore in that he termeth the Venetians the Bulwark of Italy, & the Ornament of the Christian, Commonwealth, magnifying their justice, their faith, their greatness and power; yea, and the incredible pomp and strength of every Venetian galley against the Turk, together with the Religion, modesty, and piety of every private Citizen, I say, I can affirm nothing more true, then that he played the part of a good Citizen, and not of a good Historiographer. That every where he tannteth the French, for their inconstancy and breach of oath with the Venetians and Alfonsus Auila, that humour more discommendeth himself, than his enemy. For, if it be infamous by the Law of arms, for a soldier to revile an adverse Nation, how much more disgraceful is this humour in an Historiographer, especially if in that, whereof he accuseth another, he himself be guilty. As without doubt, they were of that accusation, which Guicciardin layeth upon the Venetians for breach of the league. Whom he accuseth not with suspicions of double dealing, but flatly affirmeth, That they received into their City Avila, even then Triumphing over the French, and their sworn enemy. And that more is, did what they could to include him in the league, the King of France being most unwilling thereto. That therefore which he writeth Oratour-like of the unfaithfulness of the French, may go as currant as his relation, That during the Venetian war in Apulia, such Armies of Crows and Vultures combated in the Air, that twelve Carts were numbered to be laden with their dead bodies. Of which report Bembus speaketh not doubtfully, but with much confidence.  
By his own Testimony● he was threescore years old, wh●n he b●gan to writ his History, at which age, he could hard'y endure to take that pa●ne●, which we do expect man Historiographer. His own words are: I am weary to set down the matters of smallest moment in that war. And again, Who can endure to read all without tediousness? Th●se are merely the phrases of Orator's, as was also the Oration of Lauredan against Mimus ●●uouring of the same affectation; wherein he stood so precisely upon th● purity of a wo●d, that fi● were not true Grammar, he would refuse it, were it never so significant. The Emperor of Turks he would style King of Thrace, being scarcely the twentieth part of his Kingdom: and the Duke of Milan, King: If he did it for phrase sake● in my Opinion he did worse for se●c● sake.  
But Procopius was far unlike Bembus: 
Procopius  for it should seem, that he neither neglected, or understood not the method of History, nor the elegancy of the Greek tongue, but related the bare accident with diligent observation of things of small moment. And for that he always accompanied Bellisarius in Action, was of his Counsel, employed in divers Embassies, and indifferent well learned, I make no doubt to rank him with the best. And again, I could not but allow him the credit of a most true Author, because he setteth down the Letters, the Counsels, the leagues, and Orations in divers and different style of speeches (infallible arguments of true relations) but that he remembreth his Bellisarius somewhat more often, then modesty may warrant, and that many times very foolishly.  
And yet no where so foolish, as where he excuseth the murder of Constantianus, master of the Horse to justinian the Emperor, procured by Bellisarius, and would have the world believe, That the destinies and not his Master had decreed, that Constantianus should die in that manner, His conjectures of the thirty Hogs and the Statue of Theodorus, I reckon as childish; As also his dimension of Thule to be twice as great as Britain, being indeed not so, by half. But his report, that Vesuvius, situated on this side Naples, should disgorge ashes, which with the wind were carried as far as Byzantium, passeth all belief, being prodigies altogether savouring of Grecian levity, wherein the Heathen Historiographers, are not only to be taxed, but likewise, the Ecclesiastical.  

Nicephorus  Nicephorus Calistus is stuffed with like Fables, and Zonoras', otherwise an allowable Author, with Nicephorus Gregoras, are of the same strain, and now and then Eusebus Caesariensis: As where with eagerness of protestation, he affirmeth that he saw, a plant grow of his own accord at the base of a pillar. Whereupon a brazen Statue of Christmas erected, and by the woman cured of her issue of blood dedicated to our SAVIOUR three hundred years before. Which as soon as by growth it had touched the extremest hem of the Statues engraven garment, it proved to cure all manner of diseases.  
The like estimate ought to be had of the works of Antoninus, Adonis, Saxo Grammaticus, Sigisbert, Phriculphus, Nauclerus, Marianus, Merlin, Vrspergensis, Annonius, Turpin, Guaguin, and such like old Annals; which notwithstanding we cannot utterly want, & of these too, some are better than other. For although Gregory Turenensis, Antonius Florentine, Gulielmus Bishop of Tire, and Abbas Vrspengensis, relate many prodigious miracles, yet amongst them shall you find very profitable and good observations, especially for those times, which as a man may say, were over whelmed with Barbarism. For they were men long and much employed in affairs of state and public Counsels; And therefore it may well beseem us amongst their Garbage, to cut out their best annotations, as men do Gold out of Rocks and Rubbish; especially where better are not to be had.  
As, for the History of the Tartars, if you will not credit Paulus Venetus and Hayton, then must you all most believe no man. 
P. Venetus Haiton  And that which they wrote, is but little, and full of Fables; but of the two, Hayton is the truer. P. Venetus writeth, that the Caspian Sea is always without Fish, except on fasting days: that Quinzay containeth in circuit scutcheon miles, and hath twelve thousand bridges, under which, For their concavity, Ships under sail may pass, and repass. The Acts, Customs, Laws, and Religion of the Tartars you must understand where you can.  
The state of Aethiopia F. Aluarus hath written with better integrity and more wariness, being since confirmed by Strangers, 
F: Aluarus  good Authors, and late travelers, and with great delight to be perused.  
The late Histories of the Goths, Saxons, Neruians, Sarmatians or Polonians and Danes, Zenglerus, Cromerus, Crantzius & Olaus have published; all except Olaus very probable Authors, who now and then telleth wouders: whereof many, by the Testimony of Authors and good witnesses may induce persuasion; as the metamorphosing of men into Wolves, once set down by the Authority of Herodotus, Pomponius Mela, and the Ancients, and now again verified by the Modern. Which Gaspar Pencer, a man of great Learning, well advised, and one that had traveled through most parts of Europe, did signify unto me, that he heard it credibly reported by the Inhabitants to be true. Which whether it be a secret of Nature, as is storied of Parrhasius, or an influence of Divine punishment, as it is recorded of Nabuchadnezar, I cannot yet resolve.  

Leo Afer  After Aluaresius followeth Leo Afer, and for similitude of subject, I will compare him to Pomponius, Strabo, and Pausanias, whom I will henceforward term Geographistorici, for their Geographical method of History. Strabo lightly toucheth the kingdoms and Commonweals of the whole world, Pausanias' only the Provinces of Greece, but so exactly describeth their greatness, their declinings, the inhabitants, the Cities, Castles, Rivers, Hills, Springs, Temples, and statues, that by all men's opinions in that kind, be challengeth precedency. So Leo Afer, by birth a Moor, by habitation a Spaniard, first a Mahometan and afterward a Christian, after he had Travailed almost the better part of Africa, Asia the less, and a good portion of Europe, was taken Prisoner by Pirates, and presented to Pope Leo. During the term of which captivity, be translated into the Italian tongue these remembrances, which with infinite toil, he had gathered in the Arabian language concerning Africa, the customs, laws, and divers people thereof, with the situation and description of the whole Region. The art military he seldom toucheth, but the overthrows of their Kings, given and taken, he briesely relateth, without Orations or ornament of style, Geographically, not Historically, and yet with pleasing delight of novelty, he confineth his unwilling Reader to studious perseverance. He thrusteth upon us no great impossibilities, unless it be the admirable docility of the Egyptian Ass, of which himself was an eye-witness. Likewise, that the tails of certain Sheep of Egypt, should weigh some fifty pound, some one hundred and twe●tie pound: It is the report also of Bellonius, Hieronimus, and Cardanus. At a word, be only of all men hath discovered that Nation, which lay buried in ignorance and Barbarism a thousand years before his time.  
Next after him approacheth F. Leandrus and S. Munster; the former described Italy, the other all Germany as lively to view, as if it were in Maps or Tables, adjoining thereto the History of the various fashions and manners of the people. But Munster had done well, if he had turned his Cosmographiam into Germanographiam, being indeed nothing else to speak on, save a particular description of Germany and Helvetia, their situations, people, and descent.  
But as our Geographistorici mingled Topography with story: 
Xenophon  so our Philosophistorici beautified their Narrations of Action with precepts of wisdom. In which kind, great is the praise of Xenophon, yea, the greater, in that he had no precedent to imitate (as Velleius witnesseth of Homer) nor none that shall be able to imitate him. Nearest approacheth Plutarch, than Laertius, and thirdly Philo judaeus, between whom and Plato the Ancients in my judgement gave a most true censure.  
Equal unto these is josippus; 
josippus  or if inferior in secrets of Philosophy, far superior in the searches of Antiquity. At which jerom doth wonder, that such exquisite knowledge of the Grecian descents, should be ●ound in a man of the Irish Nation. But the reason thereof is apparent in his Books against Appion the Grammarian, wherein he so verisieth the writings of Moses (though sufficient-full of credit themselves) by the authorities of the Grecians, the Persians, the Egyptians & Caldaeans, that nothing can be read with more profit, by those who are desirous to study Antiquities. The Ages of the old world related by Moses, he confirmed by the Testimonies of twelve Historiographers, t● take away all scandal of incredulity. The Auncestry, saith, Religion, learning and integrity of his Countrymen, He not only preferreth before all Nations, thereby to revive the eclipsed honour thereof, but also doth his utmost to redeem from oblivion and opposition, things of undoubted verity. For by his writings, the Fables of Herodotus, Diodorus, and justine, are easily to be refuted.  
After him, Hegesippus a jew, 
Hegesippus  wrote fine Books of the jewish wars, which Ambrose by report turned into Latin. But josippus wrote better and truer, because he was both in Action and command, and being prisoner to Vespahtian and Titus: Notwithstanding by their favours purchased the freedom of the City, and the Honour of a Statue. For in him were invested these good parts of an Historiographer, which we have mentioned before, (viz) great learning, unpassionate integrity, & experience of affairs. His integrity is apparent in this; That being a jew, he gave notwithstanding a grave, ve●e●ent, and Laudable Testimony of Christ; whereas our Ecclesiastical writers discoursing upon the adversaries of our Religion, are so far transported with Envy, that they not only conceal their deserved commendations, but also disgrace them with most opprobrius and undecent railings. Whereof, let julian the Apostata be the plaintiff, who though he were worthy both of blame & punishment, yet for th●se things which be performed with good commendation and honour, he ought not to be silenced by an Historiographer: 
Ammianus  wherein our writers have generally faulted: And certes, should rather have imitated Ammianus Marcellinus his method and ardent desire of delivering in Vtramque partem. nothing but truth: who after he had committed the never-dying virtues of Princes to memory, than proceeded to display their vices, as every good Author ought to do. And the accusations which he laid upon julian, were, that he mingled old Heathenish superstitions with the unspotted & simple (for those be his words) religion of the Christians: that he bereft them of all helps of learning, & cruelly commanded the Countess Palatines of Constantius to be murdered. These were his vices; His excellent virtues, as his temperance, his fortitude, his continency, his favour to wisdom, and his justice above opinion, he proveth by action and witness. As in this one example for many. When Delphidius Gallus (a most sharp Orator) ●ad accused Numerius Precedent of Narbon in France, then lying at Paris, and was urged to bring forth his proofs and witnesses: Most mighty Caesar (saith he) what man will ever be found guilty, if his bare denial be sufficient to clear him? To whom Caesar answered, And what man shall ever departed innocent, if one man's accusation should suffice to condemn him?  
This Ammianus was a Grecian, a Knight, and a follower of Vrsicinus, master of the horse in all the wars almost, which in those times were managed by the Romans in Europe, or Asia. His works remain whole, and digested into eighteen Books, beginning at the thirtieth year of the Emperor Constantius, and ending with Valeus. The o●her thirteen are easy to be added out of other men's writings. He had begun at Nerua where Tacitus ended, and whom of all men he resolved to observe and imitate. Only herein is the difference, that Tacitus (according to the times) had a special regard of the Roman elegance, but Ammianus used Italian phrases and sometimes neither Latin nor Roman, but plain Greek. He much and often digresseth from the main history, a disease whereunto even the greatest Authors are much inclined; and whereof Possidonius doth grievously complain against Cicero. But Ammianus regarding the matter more than the phrase, salueth that Octiection against himself in this manner. In that (saith he) the text seemeth tedious, it profiteth our understanding to the full: for whosoever affecteth overmuch brevity, where things of doubtful knowledge are related, seeketh after ease, but ripeneth not his judgement.  
Wherefore amongst such divers and different variety of Authors, it is most necessary, for every man to make a true and advised choice of that learning whereunto his study standeth most addicted, lest in this small and short leisure of life, he seem not to have read much, and y●t in points of ambiguity cannot determine with himself upon what to resolve.  
As if he be thoroughly persuaded of Polidor for the affairs of England, (although he be suspicious to the Scots and French) of Rhenanus for the History of Germany, and Aemilius for the state of France, then shall he need to take no great pains in Beda, Guagun, Gacus, Saxo, and such l●ke, who handled the said Histories without method or order: and no marvel; for as those Times afforded great plenty of writers, so their credits and reputations quickly vanished. Plutarch reckoneth up three hundred that wrote the battle of Marathon: And of thirty that committed to print the affairs of Italy, one only man's credit and good method, have quite put the residue to the horn.  
In these times the world swarmeth with such as commit to writing things of base and vulgar Argument, whereas in times of greatest antiquity we had almost none. And therefore because it were a labour infinite, to peruse every man's papers, let the judicious Reader, out of many, make choice of the better, by the assistance of these directions, (or by better of his own, if he can) which we have here before described.  
Thus much for choice of History, which I avow not so positively to have published, but that therein I am content to leave every man to his free election.  
FINIS.   

THE CONSPIRACY of Catiline,  written by C. Crispus Salustius. 
The Proëme.  

CHAP. 1.  
BY how much Nature hath created Man the worthiest of all living Creatures, by so much, the rather ought 
a Pli. Omni homini id faciendum est, quo se aliquando vixi●●e testetur  he by Virtuous exercises to Dedicate to eternity, some Record of his proficiency, and not to die in Silence or Oblivion, like the Beasts of the field, whom God hath fashioned only of a Servile condition, 
b Paululum admodum sentiens praeterita, aut futura.  fit for no project, but to feed the belly. Our sufficiency consisteth aswell of a Soul, as of a Body; yea, more bountifully assisted by the Essence of the One, than any way advanced by the faculties of the Other. For of the First, we participate with the Gods; The Second, we enjoy in no fuller a measure, than every other Base Creature. Whereupon ● dare be bold to affirm, that it is more commendable to Labour in quest of glory by 
c Sen. In omnia pr●mittendus est animus, cogitandumque, non quid sole●, sed quicquid potest sier●.  Learning and good Arts, (considering the shortness of our days bound, as I said, to leave somewhat behind us to the eternising of our remembrance) then to purchase Fame by the dependencies of Valour and Fortitude. For Riches and Strength of Body are fleeting and determinable: Virtue is only permanent, and out-liveth Time.  
But it hath been much questioned amongst divers sorts of men, whether 
d Alterum indiget auxilio alterius, corpus auxilio animi, & animus auxilio corporis.  strength or Policy, in the Art Military, hath best balanced the affairs: The conclusion whereof hath been, that Before Resolution, it is the wisest course to advise slowly, but after mature advice, to proceed roundly. Whereby it should seem, that the one, without the assistance of the other, can afford no true safety. And therefore in Ancient time, 
e Vt Trismegistus & Ptolomeus.  the Kings (for that was the first attribute of Honour in this world) did some, take delight in the contemplation of Wisdom, and the Virtues of the mind; others in exercises of Activity and strength of body. For as yet the 
f unde aurea secula feruntur sub Saturno fuisse.  Ambitious desire of Sovereignty, had not enthralled men's minds to Covetise: every one passed his time with content of his private fortunes.  
But after that Cyrus in Asia, and the Lacedæmonians with the Athenians in Greece, began to force Cities, and to subdue Nations, than the love of Sovereignty became a just Title for War and invasion, and the largest Empire was enrolled for the most Honourable conquest. Even then, by dangers and occurrences, experience gave proof, that Policy bore no small sway in Martial exploits.  
But if the carriages of Kings and Princes bore like moderation in times of peace, as they afford in Tempests of War, surely the estates of Kingdoms, and the affairs of this world would longer flourish, and be better governed. And then should we neither behold Usurpations, nor mixture of Nations, nor confusion of Languages: for it is doubtless true, that Kingdoms are safest maintained by those means, by which they were at first acquired. But where as Sloth is entertained instead of Labour; Lust, in am of Chastity, 
h Hinc Cat●n●m (a●●nt) cen●uisse de Carthagine non de●enda, ut inde inventus Romana teneretur in militia. juven. Nunc patimur longae pacis mala: saevior armis Luxuria incubuit.  and Pride maketh scorn of Equity, there of necessity must our hard Fortunes participate of our manners and behaviours. And so it commonly falleth out, that all Empires at first (in themselves Valiant and virtuous) have degenerated and declined. For let men assure themselves, that Whether they employ their Times in Husbandry, Traffic, or gorgeous Buildings, Perpetuity consisteth in 
i Plaut. Omnia assunt bona, quem penes est virtus.  Virtue. For as concerning those part●s of men, whose mind is their belly; their delight, sleep; their body (against common sense) their Coyance; their Nobler part, agreevance; utterly unlearned, and worse nurtured, spending their days as Idiots, and 
k Qui transeunt non transigunt.  Strangers; of these, I say, I put no distinction between their living souls, and their dead Carcases, for that 
l Inglorij sunt & vin● & mortui.  with their bodies their remembrance is buried. But the man that either spendeth his time in public Office, in achievement of Honour, or advancement of his name by the invention of some good & profitable Art, him will I affirm truly to live, and essentially to participate of a reasonable soul.  
But in this mixture and universe of humours, Nature hath laid out to divers men, diversity of courses: as to meditate the prosperity and welfare of the state, is exceeding commendable; no less praiseworthy is it, to speak well, and to plead judiciously; and to invest posterity with the Titles of Honour in merit of our good carriages, either in Peace or War, is no less allowable: neither they that have been Actors, nor they that have been the Registers of others honourable actions, are to be denied or defrauded of their Laurel Garlands.  
And in my judgement, although the like commendation were to be bestowed upon the Historiographer, as may seem deserved due to the Actor, yet thus much dare I affirm, that it is a most difficult task, by writing to represent the Actions of great Personages. First, for that words and style ought to equalize their deeds. Secondly, for that many men are of opinion, that the reprehension of faults proceedeth from Spleen or Envy; whereas in recital of the Virtues and generous passages of good men, every one according to his slender capacity, opinionating the facility of performance, giveth the belief, but what is more, or goeth beyond his incredulous understanding, he reputeth false, and therefore fabulous.  
Now I being a young man amongst others, was taken from my Book, and thrust into the world, wherein I found many things were opposite to my disposition. For, instead of modesty, abstinence, and frugal Liberality, I found all places accustomed 
m Vbi prisci Romani abstinebant à gradu altiore, quam digni videbantur, nunc per largitionem omnia invadebant.  to Impudence, Bribery, & Avarice. Which although my very soul did loath, as a Virgin undefiled with these contagious abuses, yet by reason of my tender years (as it could not otherwise fall out) in the very context of so many fretting and enticing frailties, I could not escape the humour of Ambition. For being spotless in all other Vanities, the same desire of preferment which had atached others with boldness & ambition, 
n Dociles imitandis turpibus et praui● omnes sumus.  seized also upon me, & therefore as soon as I had quit my mind from cares & dangers, & thereupon had resolved to spend my future days far from the employments of the state, yet at last I resolved with myself that it was but a base conceit, either to trifle out my times of leisure, in 
o uno modo otiosus dicitur, qui penitus cessat, alio modo, qui in publico munere non est licet in re privata multum laboret.  Sloth and Clownish Ignorance; or to wear out the better powers of my body in toilsome Husbandry, in disports of hunting, or any such servile pleasures.  
Whereupon retiring myself to my Book, from whence idle ambition had once almost withdrawn me, I have resolutely set me down, briefly to relate the glorious actions of the Roman people, and that with the greater courage, because my pen is free from hope, from fear, or any other the partialities of the commonwealth. My subject shall be, The Conspiracy of Catiline, wherein, I vow all possible Brevity. My reasons are, the Memory of the Action, the Greatness of the Danger, the Foulness of the Fact, and the Strangeness of the Plot. And first I will begin with the manners and disposition of the Agent.   

CHAP. 2.  
1. The Lineage, Life, and Conditions of Catiline. His Motives to engagement.  
THis L. Catiline was descended of Honourable Parentage, a man of an able body, and no less adorned with Gentlemanlike qualities, but of an evil and froward disposition. From his youth addicted to civil dissensions, to quarreling, to Cheating and discord: these were merely the humours of his youth. His body could well invre itself to undergo Want, Watching, & cold, more than human. Bold of Spirit, Subtle, Wayward, a deep dissembler, greedy of another man's Thrift, Prodigal of his own: Talkative enough, void of wisdom, of an high mind, accompanied with desires unfatigable, incredible, too too ambitious.  
After the Tyranny of 
a Silla recuperata Rep. Et oppressis Marianis, pulchermam victoriam crudelitate maxima inquinavit. Octo millia deditorum in via publica trucidavit, tabulam proscriptionis posuit, urbem & totam Italiam caedibus replevit.  Silla, his proud mind could take no rest, for Meditating, how he likewise might usurp upon on the state; neither cared he how, or by what means he had it, so he were sole-Lord in possession. His haughty spirit was every day more troubled than other: his Poverty & guilty Conscience, did daily solicit progression, and both these, were seconded by those his inclinations, whereof we first related. Besides, the depraved and corrupted manners of the state did animate his Nature, on which Riot, and Avarice, two the worst and most opposite vices, did continually hammer.  
And now (sithence we are fallen into Relation of the corruption of the state) the course of the History doth call upon me, somewhat to remember the times of Antiquity and in few words to relate, how our Ancestors managed the state in Peace and in War, 
b De e●ins immensitate sic Livius. Quae ab exigui● profecta imitijs, eò creverit. ut ●am magnitudin● laboret suâ.  how glorious they bequeathed it, how in process of time it drooped, and of a most fair, good, and beautiful Empire, it degenerated unto a most base, most vile, and most ignominious Tyranny.   

CHAP. 3.  
The Original and declination of the Roman Empire. The commendation of those Ancestors, who erected and enlarged it. A taxation of the present times.  
THe first inhabitants and builders of the City of Rome (
a Varia & incerta d● civitatum conditoribus est opinio.  by report) were the Troains, who under the conduct of Aeneas, wandered as fugitives about the world, in no place claiming any true propriety of inhabitation. With them descended the Aborigines, savages, living without Law, without Government, Free, and Resolute. But after they had encircled themselves within the compass of a Wall, it were almost an incredible relation to report, how lovingly they agreed, considering their difference in descent, their diversity in Dialect, and contrariety of fashions. Yet after, their estate grew respective by increase of Inhabitants, by Civility and augmentation of Territory (a common accident in worldly affairs) factions & discontents arose from superfluity. The Princes and the bordering nations invaded them, few friends were found to assist them: in respect of the danger they were content to Temporize. But the Romans provident in peace, and valorous in War, neglected no Opportunity, prepared armour, encouraged one another, carried the war into the enemy's Country, reposed their liberty, the safety of their Country, and the welfare of their Parents, in the valour of their arms: Yea, after they had diverted the Terror of war by their valiancy, they assisted their allies and companions in arms, multiplying their leagues & associations, rather by giving, then receiving of gratuities. Such power hath Lawful acquisition to add greatness unto Empery.  
To those, who by reason of their years, were unserviceable in body, yet very sufficient for advice & counsel, were committed the cares of the City and civil affairs; and these, in respect of their age, or sympathy of their charges, were termed Fathers.  
But after, that sole-soveraignty (which at first was ordained for protection of Liberty, and augmentation of Territory) degenerated into Pride, and haereditary Titles: by change of that custom, they transferred the Government of one, to the annual Election of two Consuls. By this form of limited policy, they verily believed that they had utterly suppressed the minds of mankind, from dreaming upon the imaginary humours of licentious Sovereignty. But then, more than before, began every man to estimate his own worth, and to hammer his head on high disseigns. For absolute Princes are always more jealous of the good, then of the bad, because another man's Virtue (as they take it) is a diminution of their respectiveness, and therefore dangerous.  
But it is incredible to report, in how short a time, the City, having obtained this form of Liberty in Government, increased and prospered; so infinite a desire of glory, had possessed the minds of all sorts. For now the youth, by years enabled to the Travels of Warfare, and by use enured, accounted it no labour to learn to manage their weapons in the open field, with a diversity of their delights, from Whores and Ordinaries, to gallant Furnitures of service, & riding of warlike Horses. To such courages, no labour was unwelcome, no place inaccessible, or unassaultable; no nor the armed enemy, dreadful or unmatchable. Valour was resolute, & at all times victorious Their emulation was glorious: Every man's strife was, who should first attach the enemy; give the Scalado: every one thrust forward, to effect such and such a piece of service, in the eye of his General: These exploits they accounted Riches, Reputation, and true Nobility. The eulogies & Reports of the people best fitted their humours; of their Purses they were liberal; desirous of glory above measure; content with competency.  
Were it not that I should weary your ears too injuriously with this tedious digression, I could point you out, in what places, even with 
b Vt in Armenia, ubi Lucullus Tigranem fudi●, & filium eius captivum in trium●hum duxit.  a handful of men, the Roman people roured huge battalions of their enemies, & forced 
c Vt Carthaginem novam, et Numantian in Hispania.  Cities, by Nature impregnable. But surely 
d Vir. Incestans, fragilis, persida, lubrica.  Fortune, blind Fortune, will have praedominancy in all our affairs. In all actions she it is, that advanceth and debaseth all our projects, more like a Tyranness (according to will) than a Goddess relying upon merit.  
The fortunes of the Athenians in my judgement, were very honourable and illustrious; yet sure, somewhat inferior to report: but by reason of the 
e Inter quos praecipua Thucidydes.  excellent Wits, which thence descended, their acts were famoused through the whole world, to the utmost of commendation: yea, so far forth was the virtue of the Actor, strained to reputation, as possibly those excellent wits could delineate it by writing. But with the Romans it fared far otherwise; for never had they the good hap of such diversity of penmen, because the wisest and most sufficientest spirits, were most employed in the affairs of the state. The sufficiency of the wise man, was no privilege to exempt him from the employment of his body; Every one of the better sort delighted to do, and not to say, desiring rather to hear his own praises recorded from the mouth of a stranger, than himself Minstrel-like, to be the chanter of another man's glory.  

f Livius. Nulla unquam resp. nec maior, nec sanctior: nec in quam tam serò avaritia, Luxuriaque immigraverant: nec ubi tantus ac tam diu pauper●ati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit.  Whereupon it came to pass, that Law and discipline were strictly reverenced both in City and Campe. Their concord and unity were admirable, their Covetousness scarce perceivable. Equity they embraced more for love, then for fear of punishment: as for their Brawls, jealousies, & Discontents, them they wreaked upon their enemies. Their mutual contentions were one with another, in quest of Virtue; their sacrifices Princelike, their home-fare Parsimonious; in friendship constant. Thus by Courage in War, and justice in Peace, they advanced and augmented themselves and their stare. Whereof these two Political experiments do fully assure me; the first for that in War they more severely punished those that fought properously with the enemy, either against, or without, the command of the General, or retired from the pursuit more slowly, than they ought; then those, who either forsook their colours, or being beaten from their Stations, durst adventure to fly. Secondly, in Peace, they wrought more by courtesy then fear, rather winking at wrongs, then willing to revenge. 
g Artes quibus imperium paratur, sunt prudentia, consilium, attentio, Temperantia, continentia, abstinentia, parsimonia, fortitudo, labour, vigilia, industria, justitia, fides, liberalitas, religio.  Thus by valour and justice the state flourished: mighty Kings were by War subdued; the barbarous Nations, & many potent Commonweals by force despoiled; yea, Carthage, the Corrival of the Roman Empire utterly ruinated: All Seas were freed of Pirates, all Lands cleared of Enemies.  
Now began Fortune to frown, to bring in confusion, to raise up innovation. To those courageous spirits, which but yesterday made light of labour, of dangers, and of difficult adventures, disuse of arms, and purchase of riches, (the delights of foreign Nations) are now become Gives to enthrall their valours, and the cause of all ensuing miseries: Where after followed the immoderate scraping of money, with the ambitious desire of superiority. To speak truly, these were the fatal bellows to kindle the fire of our future misfortunes. For avarice, first taught us to violate our faiths, to scorn honesty, and all other just proceed, investing us in am thereof, with Pride, Cruelty, Irreligion, and unconscionable sales of every thing vendible. Ambition withal, made us false and brazenfaced, to retain one sense in our minds, and utter another with our tongues: to estimate friendship and hatred, not by true merit, but by profit: and finally to fashion our faces to the world, and our consciences to hell. These abuses and impostures grew up by 
h juven. Nemo repent fuit turpis●imus.  leisure, and were sometimes punished.  
But after that the contagion grew strong and violent, the state was presently changed: and that form of Government, which whilom was most just and excellent, became most cruel and intolerable. At first ambition, the nearest counterfeit of virtue, raged more than Avarice. For as well the worthy, as the unworthy, did strive to purchase Glory, preferment, and offices. But the one, paced the right path, the other by reason of his insufficiency, practised by cunning and indirect bribery.  
Avarice is an immoderate desire of riches, which never any wise man hunted after: being so incorporated with unseen poisons, that it corrupteth the body, and altereth the mind● The love whereof is boundless, & insatiable, neither assuaged with surplusage, nor diminished by want.  
But after that L. Silla by arms had freed the state, by the defeature of Marius; from these good and prosperous beginnings, proceeded disastrous conclusions. For 
i Appia: scribit illum 40. Senatores, equites mill et sexcentos ad mortem condemnasse.  he, to make the army, suffered his followers to spoil, to rob, to defeat one of his house, another of his possessions: the victor's sword knew no mean, no modesty: 
k Prius 80. proscripsit: uno interiecto die ducentos & viginti alios adiecit: tertio, non pauciores adi●ixit: dixitque se de novo proscripturum eos quorum tunc esset oblitus.  abominable and cruel, were the executions which they inflicted upon their fellow Citizens. Unto these abuses the army which Silla himself led into Asia, gave no small furtherance. For he, to assure the dependencies of his men of War, contrary to the custom of his predecessors, behaved himself too popularly and riotously, amongst them. Their pleasant encamp, & voluptuous towns of Garrison, had overwrought their fierce courages with idleness. In this place, was the first overthrow of the Roman armies; for here, they learned to Wench, to drink healths, and to grow into fancying of Scutcheons, Pictures, and inchased utensils: yea, and to purloin publicly and privately, to Pillage Temples, and to put no conscience between sacred and profane Robberies. These were the soldiers, which after their purchase of victory, pillaged their fellow Citizens and Countrymen with all extremities. Certainly, prosperity blindeth the judgement of the wise; who then would expect, that these men, being most dissolutely disciplined, could use their victory with moderation?  

l juve. Qvandoquidem inter nos sanctissima divitiarum, etc.  After that the Rich man was reputed for honourable, and that Worship, Superiority, & Attendance, depended upon wealth, than began virtue to play bankcrupt; Poverty to be disgraceful, and free Language to be accounted malicious frowardness. Whereby it came to pass, that youth by superfluity, grew Luxurious, proud, & yet penurious; given to Extortion, yet prodigal: Of their own estates unthrifty, of another man's extreme covetous; of modesty and civil behaviour, exceeding neglective: in divine and human offices, indifferent: in discretion and moderation, careless.  
In compare of these times, wonder it were to behold our ancient edifices and Villages, built in fashion of Cities, with the magnificence of those Temples, which our most religious ancestors erected: Truly, 
m Per se, aut per stemmata maiorum.  they adorned Religious habitations with devotion: their private Mansions with fame: neither bereft they the conquered Enemy of any thing, save his apparent 
n Viz: arma, naves, equos. Interdum maeni● diruebant Tributaria facta est Carthago, prius quam deleta.  means of rebellion. On the contrary, these wretches, the basest of men, ransacked their companions, and that most shamelessly, of all those their necessaries, which (the other) most worthy victors, even spared to their enemies; accounting it a disparagement to valour, & a point of heinous injury, to do all that, that the conqueror might do.  
But to what purpose, should I talk of those abuses, which no man will believe, except he were an eye-witness: either of mountains leveled, or 
o Vt fecerat Lucullus Neapoli. unde Flor. Contracta pisces equora sentiunt, iactis altum molibus.  seas made firm foundations, by the abilities of private purses? Wherein, if I might sit judge, I could not but laugh at their follies, for that every one made more haste than other, indiscreetly to lavish that out, which honestly to make use of, was good and lawful.  
Moreover, the love of Women, of Gaming, and curiosity, had made no less a breach into their vicious humours: the men behaved themselves like women, and women 
p Casta fuit, quam nemo rogavit.  made open prostitution of their reputation. Their travels, by Sea and by Land, were only to see, not to observe: giving themselves to sleep, before Nature refected it: and to satisfy their appetites, before that either hunger, weariness, Thirst, or cold, attached their bodies. Then, how could it be prevented, but that youth 
q juve. unde habe●, nem● q●●rat: sed ●p●rtet h●bere  must fling out, when ability is wanting? A mind thus affected, can not want fit projects of pleasures, to the accomplishment whereof, it regards not what it gets, nor how it spends●   

CHAP. 4.  
1. Catelines policies in entertainment of lewd Company. 2. The causes which hastened the Conspiracy, and gave the fiercest motives of Resolution.  
IN this so flourishing, so populous, and corrupted a state, Catiline gave entertainment (a design soon effected) to all the wickedest and disolutest gallants of the City, retaining them near about his person, as if they had been the guards of his body. For whatsoever unchaste companion, Adulterer, or Swagerer, had discipated his Patrimony, by lavish Liberality, by Surfeiting, or Lechery: whosoever stood engaged in bonds, 
a Facinora redimabantur, tunc pecunia, quia (ut visum est) ante Sillam non licebat interficere cites Romanos, nisi in quibusdam criminibus.  so that his means were not able to purchase his freedom: all sorts of Murderers, Church-robbers, such as stood convicted by judgements, or, for fear of judgement, durst not show their faces before the seat of justice: those, whose tongues had been polluted with perjury, or had their hands tainted with civil bloodshed: And last of all, whomsoever the remorse of a crying conscience afflicted, Poverty oppressed, or a guiltly soul redargued of offence, these were the friends, favourites and followers of Catiline. 
b Ea est in amicitia calamitas maxima, quòd Amor praecedat judicium.  But if it happened, that any true Gentleman, innocent of these misbehaviours, chanced into his company, by daily use and example, he became in a trice, fellow and fashionable to the residue of his Consorts. His especial project was, to affect the acquaintance of the younger sort, because he knew their minds to be soonest and readiest wrought to any impression. And therefore by observation of every man's humour, 
c Te. Quod pl●riqu● faciū● adolescentuli, ut animum ad aliquod stud●um adiungant, aut equos alere, aut can●s ad venandum.  some he would acquaint with beautiful Harlots, upon othersome he would bestow Dogs of pleasure, & upon others gallant horses, sparing for no cost, no importunacy, first to engage their allegiances, and afterwards to make use of their loyalties.  
2. I am not ignorant, that 
d Historici est nihil af●irmare quod compertum & explora●um non habeat.  many men were of opinion, that the youth which frequented the house of Catiline abandoned their bodies to unchaste devices, but this surmise arose upon other grounds, than were known to the vulgar. For it was long sithence, that Catiline being a young man, had frequently defiled his body with a Noble Virgin, a Nun of Vesta; and against the Laws and all Conscience, had committed very many such like enormities: and at last, being overtaken in the Love of Aurelia Oristella, (a Lady for no good part commendable, but a beautiful visage) it was for certainty reported, that, because she stood squeamish of marriage, in regard she feared what might happen, when his child, and her son in law, should come to years, he made away the boy, & by this scaelestious match, left his house Issueless. Which one only project, to my understanding, was the principal and violentest motive, to hasten on the Treason. For who knoweth not, that a Conscience accused of murder, hateful to Gods and men, can neither take rest by day, nor by night, but is always tormented with the appeal of its own guiltiness. And thereupon his complexion changed, his eye grew dull, his pace variable, sometimes quick, sometimes slow; surely his face bewrayed his troubled conscience. Then, in deeper manner (than before) he meditated, to engage his youthful followers in heinous offences, teaching them to play knights of the Post, to forge bills and conveyances, & to make no reckoning of Faith, Fortunes, or Dangers. When he perceived them thus careless and shameless, he proceeded to points of higher doctrine: and that was, that if a present occasion of ill doing presented not itself at hand, that nevertheless, they should not desist to circumvent the good as well as the bad● no, not if their lives lay in hazard; for fear forsooth, lest disuse, should bring their hands out of temper, or their minds to forgetfulness of actuating evil: training them up to deceit and cruelty, in purchase of small game, rather than to sit out and do nothing.   

CHAP. 5.  
1. Catiline resolveth to seize on the state. 2. His reasons. 3. What sorts of men are to be noted prime-actors in Rebellion.  
1 ASsiduity begat constancy: & therefore Catiline now firmly relying upon the faith and assistance of these his confederates, and already having engaged his credit through all countries, as deeply, as possible his assurance could stretch unto; and withal, not unpolitickly observing, that the remains of Silla's army, by living more riotuously than the rapines of their late victory could warrant them (whereof a fresh memory yet boiled in their stomachs) did itch after a second civil War, roundly resolveth with himself, to become master of the state.  
2. In Italy no Army was on foot. G. Pompeius 
Contra Tigranen & Methridatem.  managed the war in foreign countries. His hopes, in standing for the Consulship, were not fewest. The Senate was secure; All men in peace, all places devoted to good Correspondency. Fit opportunities could not fortune have heaped into Catelines bosom: He took hold, and therefore about the Kalends of june, L. Caesar, and C. Figulus being consuls, he sendeth for every man aparr, some he entreateth, others he comforteth, and opposeth to their considerations their own strength) compared it with the weakness of the state unprovided; and lastly, forgetteth not to insinuate the massiness of reward, which attended upon their purchase of victory.  
3. After this private discourse, he findeth a time to call a general Counsel, of all those, whom either for Nobility, for deepness of interest in the plot, or desperate dispositions, he durst best entrust.  
Of the Order of Senators, appeared P. Lentulus Sura, P. Antronius, L. Cassius Longinus, C. Cethegus, P. and Servius, the sons of Silla Servius, L: Vergunteius, Q. Anntus, M. Porcius Lecca, Lucius Bestia, Q. Curius. Of the order of Knights, M: Fuluius the Noble, L: Statilius, P: Gavinius Capito, C: Cornelius. Besides these, many of the Colonies and enfranchised Cities, men of good esteem in their Countries; yea, and some great personages (but in more secret manner) were a Counsel in the action, whom neither want nor any other necessity drew in, but mere ambition, to share for their fortunes.  
Moreover, the mayor part of the youth, and those especially of the Gentry, were glad of the project, and favoured the plot; such I mean, whose humours desired to spend gallantly, or to live wanton, affecting incertainties for certainties, and bloodshed rather than peace.  
Some lived in those days, who durst affirm, that M: Licinius Crassus was not altogether a stranger unto that assembly, for that G: Pompeius his corrival and adversary, was then preferred to be Lord General of the Army, against whose credit and greatness he cared not whose envy, or what power he provoked: nothing mistrusting if the conspiracy prospered, but that he would find means to become their leader.  
Before this adventure, a former conspiracy had been on foot against the state, wherein Catiline had likewise been an Actor, whereof (before I proceed further) I will discourse with all truth to my utmost power.   

CHAP. 6.  
1. Catiline in suing for the Consulship, is denied. 2. His first Treason discovered. 3. Piso is sent into Spain. 4. The reasons: his death.  
1. LTullus, and Marcus Lepidus being Consuls, P. Antronius and P. Silla Consuls elect, were accused of bribery, 
a Quod per ambitum, aut alia via sinistra ad magistratus pervenisse conuinc●bantur, et poenas dabaut, & à magistratu abire cogebantur.  and therefore fined & disgraced. Not long after, Catiline being in office, was also attainted for extortion, and prohibited to stand for the Consulship, for that according to Law he could not travers the accusation, and give in his 
b Quicumque magistra●um p●tebat, nomen suum immune dare oportebat.  name blameless within his ti●e limited.  
At the same time lived G. Piso, a young Gentleman, descended of Honourable parentage, but exceeding wild, poor, and factious. Penury and evil education set his thoughts on working to innovation.  
2. About the Nones of December; Catiline, this young Gentleman, and Antronius, laid their heads together, in the Capitol to murder the two Consuls, L: Torquatos and L. Cotta: upon the Kalends of january, and then, 
c Correptis facibus  they two seizing on the Ensigns of honour and office, to post away this Piso with an Army, for the retaining of both 
d S. superiorem, & inferiorem.  Spain's to their uses. Which complot being discovered, they deferred the second resolution of the murder until the Nones of February. Then, they intended not the destruction of the two Consuls only, but the destruction also of many of the Nobility. Wherein if Catiline had not made too much haste to Court, to have given his complices the watchword, without doubt, that day had proved the bloodiest season, that ever the City of Rome had beheld, sithence the laying of her first foundations. The 
c N●ndum conveneran●, cum signum d●●et.  slow approach of the Conspirators, broke the neck of the intended enterprise.  
3 Notwithstanding Piso was sent Lord Precedent into the hither- Spain, 
f Viciniorem Italiae.  not without the connivance of Marcus Crassus, for that, he stood assured, that Piso was no small adversary unto the greatness of C: Pompeius.  
4. Neither yet could the Lords of the Senate be taxed of improvidence, for entrusting the province to such a companion; for it was their policy to remove so corrupt a member far from the more sounder and vital parts of the Commonweal; partly, for that they mistrusted, that many good men, might hover under the wing of his preferment; and partly, for that the power of Pompey, and his credit with the army, were (with reason) grown very suspicious unto the state. But this very Piso, in the midst of his journey, was slain, by those horsemen over whom he commanded.  
Some gave out, that the Barbarians could not digest 
g Minus est, im●eratorem iniustum esse, quam superbum: Minus, superbum esse, quam crudelem  his injust, imperious, and cruel government; Others, that those horsemen being the ancient followers of Pompey, & his faithful servitors, committed the murder not without his privity: affirming, that the Spaniards never committed so execrable an homicide, & yet had endured many more severe Lieutenants. For our parts, we will leave it, as we found it, and so end the Relation of this first Treason.   

CHAP. 7.  
1. Catiline exhorteth his complices to perseverance. 2. They require the conditions of the war. 3. He giveth them satisfaction.  
1 CAteline, assoon as he perceived that those his complices (whom we nominated before,) were now assembled, although he had often dealt in particular with every one of them, yet supposing it a point of no small regard, to deal with them in general, now or never to settle their resolutions, retired himself into the remotest room of his house: from whence, all strangers excluded, thus and thus he began his Oration.  
Unless my very soul were fully persuaded of your valours and constancies, it were impossible to hope that any Fortunate success should second these our attempts, and those strong hopes of Liberty and power, whereof we account ourselves in better part of possession, were idle, and to no purpose; neither I, for my part, would show myself so vain conceited, as through cowardi●e, or any giddy strain of a running wit, to let slip certainties in hope of incertain adventures. But for that, in many, and most important dangers, I have always found you valorous and faithful; aswell, in those regards, hath my courage dared to adventure, upon this worthy and most honourable action, as also for that it is now past dispute, that we are all alike engaged, and must of necessity all drink of one Cup, be it good or evil. And therefore, in general, to be all of one opinion, is the strongest bond of faith & friendship. What my resolutions are, you have heretofore heard my private discourses, but every day bringeth into my mind a new perplexity, with a desire to understand, what course we shall run, unless we ourselves should now be resolute to purchase our own pardons. For sithence the Sovereignty hath divolued, under the power and oppression of some few great men; Kings and Tetraches have been glad to protest themselves their vassals: people and Nations have paid them contribution; but as for the residue of us the Nobility, how valorous, how good, how Noble or ignoble soever, we are accounted of but as the vulgar: deprived of Honour, and subjecteth to those, unto whom, if right might take place, we ought to be Lords, and to give the Law. What should I say? All graces, offices, honour, and wealth, they assume unto themselves, or at least all lieth at their dispose: To us, is nought afforded, save danger, denials, extents & misery: which disgraces, (o you my most valiant companions) I pray you relate, how long shall we suffer? Is it not more befitting our generous spirits, to die resolutely, then always to lead a miserable and base life, subject to the scorn of an underlings pride?  
By the faith which I own unto God and the world, the victory is ours already in possession: youth is on our side, our hearts as courageous; with our enemies, all things are grown feeble and timorous, through age and abundance, we shall only but take care for the onset, time itself will second the progress.  
Fellows in Arms, what mortal creature, that hath but a scantling of human courage, can endure, to see these men to wallow in wealth, lavishly disbursed in Inning of Seas, & leveling of mountains, and ourselves to want even necessaries of life? They, to be Lords of two or more goodly palaces, we scarce to possess one roof, wherewithal to cover our Nakedness? These are they, that have nought to do with their wealth, save to bestow it on Pictures, Images, & embossed furnitures: Old fashions are odious, yet pull they down their new Fabrics, and erect others more pleasing to their fancies. By all direct and indirect means they procure money, & oppress, and nevertheless their extreme expense is no diminution of their estates. But with us, at home rageth poverty, abroad wait executions: our credits are desperate, our hopes worse: What then, I beseech ye remaineth us, save a tormented conscience, worst of miseries?  
Courage my Companions: Lo, that, that Liberty, which so long you have expected, and so often implored, now calleth on your valours. And not it alone, for beside, you have wealth, a just cause, and honour on your sides. These are your Trophies of victory: Fortune will have it so. Let the quality of the Action, the opportunity of time, the greatness of the danger, & the inestimable spoils of War, move ye, more than my speech; be it at your choice, to use me as your leader, or as a private soldier. I will never fail ye in Counsel or Action. And unless my Genius deceive me, I hope being Consul, to perform what I have spoken, unless your spirits be so basely dejected, that you had rather live in subjection, then command with Honour.  
2. Notwithstanding the pithy and persuasive delivery of this Oration, those of the complot, which were in greatest distress, and least confirmed in hopes, and yet believed, that plentiful advancements could not but attend them upon the trouble of the State; began to demand, that Catiline should give them satisfaction, What should be the condition of the War: what their rewards: what hopes induced him; what assistance they should rely upon.  
3. Whereupon, he protested general acquittances, 
a Peior est conditio proscrortarum, quam exulum nam in exilio sunt tu●●, illi nusquam.  proscriptions of the richer sort, Magistracies, Priesthoods, Pillage, and all other Reprisals, which the Liberty of war is accustomed to share unto the pleasure of the victor. 
b Hea● quantum ad praemia.   

c Quantum ad auxilia.  For his Assistance, he showed them, that Piso in the hither Spain, and P. Sitius Nucerinus in Mauritania, led sufficient sources, both engaged in the plot, and both privy of his counsels.  
His Hopes were, that 
d 
Quantum ad spem.  
Alij, Antronium, participem prioris coniurationes.   C. Antonius would stand for the Consulship, and that he made no question, but to become his fellow in office; a man of his familiar and inward acquaintance, on all sides oppressed with necessities, and with him, in their Consulship, he would not fail to open the war.  
This done, he began maliciously to slander all honest men, & by name to praise every Varlet of his own crew: one he put in mind of his poverty, another of his longing, some of the danger and disgrace incident, and many 
Speram consimile exitum Belli.  of Silla's victory; at what time it was lawful to make pillage of any thing that Lust could seize upon.  
Herewith, observing their general alacrity, he requested them to have an especial regard to satisfy his expectation, and so dismissed the assembly.   

CHAP. 8.  
1. Catiline administereth an Oath of secrecy. The manner, & reason. 2. Q. Curius described.  
1. IN those days lived some, who reported, that Catiline having finished his speech in ministering the oath of confederacy to these his creatures, began a carouse of wine brewed with human blood. Whereof, when every party after divers execrations, had pledged him after the manner of solemn Sacrifices, than began he to lay open the very depth of his projects, & to conceal nothing, to the intent, that every one being alike guilty of others engagement, they should persevere the more constant each confederate to other.  
Many again, did account these, and many such like reports, as false and fabulous, devised by them, who by aggravating the heinous offences of the traitors, did endeavour to extenuate the scandal afterwards imputed upon Cicero, 
a Q●ia jussit Romanos caves interfici sine Lege.  by reason of the severe punishment, inflicted upon the offenders. 
b Et sic servatur fides Historiae, cuius prima lex est, ut sit vera.  In regard of the greatness of the Ambiguity, we know not well what to affirm.  
In the conspiracy was one Quintus Curius, by birth a Gentleman, but wholly addicted to dishonest courses & villainies, whom the Censors for his infamous life had deposed from the Senate. Nothing inferior to this man's vanity, was his rash and peremptory carriage: he could neither silence what he heard of other, nor bury in oblivion his private offences: taking no regard of his speech, or action.  
He had long been acquainted with Fulvia, an honourable Lady, to whom after he perceived that he was but coldly welcome, (for that his present poverty could not answer her his former liberality) he resolved with himself to set all upon boasts; sometime to promise mountains, sometime to menace her, and rather than fail, sometime to use her more rudely, than he had been accustomed. But Fulvia aggrieved with these his insolencies, and understanding the cause, how the common wealth stood endangered, vowed no secrecy, but only supressing the name of the reporter, revealed unto many of her acquaintance, where, and what, she heard of the conspiracy of Catiline.  
This sudden report first wrought the minds of most men to invest M.T. Cicero, with the honour of the Consulship: for before the greater part of the Nobility, stomached his preferment, yea they were of opinion, that the place had been polluted, if he (though deservedly) being no Gentleman by descent, had managed that high place of dignity. But upon the approach of the storm, envy, and Pride, lay buried in silence.  
Whereupon the day of election being come, M. Tullius and C. Antonius were saluted Consuls; which very creation did at first break the hearts of the Conspirators. But the rashness of Catiline was never the more assuaged: every day he went more forward than other; he prepared armour, and distributed it in places of greatest importance throughout Italy: he took up as much money as the credit of his friends, or his own assurance could procure, causing it to be conveyed to one Manlius at Fesule, who afterward acted a principal part in the rebellion.  
It was reported, that at that time he laboured men of all fashions, yea and some women, who after their commodities were of no worth, by reason that age had put a period to their fees, but not to their riot, were become deeply indebted.  
By these, Catiline stood in good hopes to drew in the slaves of the City, to fire the Town, to unite their husbands to the action, or otherwise, to murder them.  
Amongst these was Sempronia, a Woman that had committed many virile outrages, above the creation of her sex. In birth and beauty commendable, in marriage and issue fortunate, well seen in the Greek and Latin languages, and more curious-cunning in music & dancing, then well might stand with the reputation of honesty. Adorned she was with many other qualities, but such, as were rather to be reckoned provokements unto Luxuric, (yet more familiar unto her disposition) then either savoured of decency, or modest behaviour. It were hard to say, whether she were most prodigal, of her purse, or her honesty: so hot of constitution, that she would sooner grant, then stay the ask of a question: beewraying the confidence of those that trusted her, and perfidiouslie dealing with those that credited her: Guilty of murder, and spent by Luxury, the forerunner of poverty, without hope of recovery. Quick Witted, a Versifier, frolic, discursive upon any vain, modest, amorous, or swaggering; wholly given to jests and pleasant conceits.   

CHAP. 9  
1. Catiline practiseth the death of Cicero. 2. Being disappointed, he resolveth to set all upon hazard. 3. Cicero preserved by the intelligence of Fulvia. 4. Manlius engageth the people of Hetruria.  

a Dictis Cons. quos limuerat, creatis.  1. Affairs being thus ordered, Catiline notwithstanding his former repulse, resolveth yet once again for the next year to stand for the Consulship: wherein, if he sped, he doubted not but to make use of Antonius at his pleasure. Neither here gave he ends to his discontents, but by all means sought the destruction of Cicero, a man as vigilant and as politic as himself, to countermine his devices; by great promises from the beginning of his Consulship, continually working with Fulvia, to procure Q. Curius, to lay open the deepest plot of the Conspiracy unto her. And besides that, had firmly seized on the faith of Antonius his fellow in office (by the assurance and exchange of the government of the 
b unde pl●● lucri, qua ex urbe Cons. obeuene●at, melius inde inopiae suae confulere.  province) in no point to waver for the good of his 
c Minus commodi ex provincia, quam ex factione Catelinae consequi non potuit.  country: 
d Ne videretur etiam regnum assectare, aut seditionem fovere.  secretly and circumspectly causing his friends and followers to be respective of his safety.  
2. The day of election being come, and that neither his suit succeeded, nor his malices against the 
e Ambos, postquam viderat A●t●n i● contra remp. nu●●● sentire.  consuls prevailed, perceiving that what he had politicly determined, was as cunningly frustrated; forthwith, he resolveth upon the two extremes; War, and Hazard, and thereupon setteth up his rest.  
Whereupon, he dispatcheth C. Manlius unto Fesulae & the Country thereabouts. One Septinius Camertes he sendeth into the borders of the Piceni, and C. julius he posteth to Apulia, and finally giveth instructions to others of his Complices, every man to betake himself unto those quarters, wherein he thought his ability could afford the best means for his purpose. At Rome he giveth orders for his weightiest projects: some he commandeth to lie in wait for the Consuls; some to prepare wildfires; & others, to disperse their armed followers in places of best opportunity: he himself standeth upon his guard. These he commandeth and entreateth, to be ready at an instant, to be vigilant, to spare no pains, by night nor by day, to have an eye upon all occasions; & finally, not to be dejected by the unaccustomed travails of watching & labour. At length, revolving in his mind, that his care of execution, had been nothing inferior to his directions, and yet of many, not one seconded expectation; once again he summoneth the chief of the conspiracy by M. Porcius Lecca: When, being assembled, he findeth himself much aggrieved at their backwardness; showeth them, how for his part he hath dispatched Manlius to those troops, whom long before he had prepared for arms: how he quartered others through the fittest places of the City, upon the first watchword ready to enter into Action: & that now his chiefest desire was to take his journey towards the Army, if Cicero were dispatched, the only obstacle to all their projects. At this speech, his Auditory being at their wits ends, and objecting many difficulties; at last C. Cornelius & L. Vargunteius, the one a Knight, the other a Senator, undertook the performance; devising, a little after Twilight, with their armed servants, by way of duty, to go visit the Consul at his own house, whereinto being admitted, they protested suddenly to murder him being unprovided, & least of all suspecting any such intention. 3. Quintus Curius, no sooner understood, unto what eminent danger the life of the Consul stood exposed, but as swiftly he flieth unto Fulvia, and revealeth unto her the intended execution. Upon intelligence whereof the traitors receiving a denial of entrance, this their most heinous intention of murder sorted likewise to no conclusion.  
4. Mean while notwithstanding, Manlius acteth his part in Hetruria, & stirreth up the Commons, desirous enough of themselves of innovation, in remembrance of their poverty & hard usage; for that in the usurpation of Silla, they had been pillaged of all they had, lands, goods, & necessaries. And beside, that the province swarmed with thieves & outlaws, whereof many of them were of the Colonies of Silla, to whom riot & Luxury had left nothing of their late rich & extortious booties remaining. Cicero being possessed of these inteligences, & having his thoughts troubled with ambiguous resolutions, for that neither by his private possibilities he could longer secure the city from danger, nor be truly instructed what forces Manlius had levied, nor who should be his abettor: he referred the determining of the business to the wisdoms of the Lords of the Senate, enforcing his informations & inducements upon the general rumours & reports of the people. They again (as in times of wont dangers) give the Consul's authority to provide, that the state through their defaults suffered no damage, according to the ancient customs of the Roman people. This verbal form of authority, committed to the 
d Dictatoris edictum promunine semper obseruutum  sovereign magistrate by the Senate, hath at all times been very powerful: for hereby, hath he sufficient warrant, to levy an army, to make war, 
Abs quo non licebat provoiare, aut ad alium judicem appellare.  to assess confederates, Lord chief justice in peace, L. general of the war; otherwise, without the especial permission of the people, no Consul might be suffered to exercise the meanest of these royalties. Some few days after L●seuius a Senator, showed forth certain letters at the counsel table which he received from Fesulae, & imported, that C. Manlius had been in arms with no contemptible forces, before the 6. day of the Kalends of Nou. Besides (no strange thing in like cases) one discoursed of wonders, another of prodigies, some talked of Conventicles, others of secret provisions of furnitures: some reported that the slaves were up in Capua, others in Apulia. Whereupon by an act of Senate, Q: Martius is dispatched to Fesulae, & Q. Metellus Creticus into Apulia & the bordering countries. These two having born the office of L. generals, had been denied their deserved triumphs through the city, by the malicious calumnies of some such, to whom it was familiar to set suits of all natures, to open sales. The two Praetors, Q. Pompeius Rufus, and Q. Metellus Celer, had their commissions, the one for Capua, the other for the Piceni, with authority likewise, for that time, & the diversion of this danger, to enroll an Army. Moreover, proclamation was made, that if any man could give-in true information of this Conspiracy, intended against the safety and Majesty of the state, that he should be well and honestly rewarded: A Slave, to receive liberty, and one 
b 250 pounds.  hundred Sesterces: A free man his pardon, and two hundred thousand Sesterces. And lastly, they made a decree, that in Capua, and the residue of the suspected burroughs, every householder should entertain the companies 
c Ne tumultum moverent ut antea sub Spartico factum est.  of the Fencers, every man in proportion, according to his ability. At Rome, through the whole City, the Burghers kept watch and ward, under the command of inferior officers. At which novelties the City stood amazed, & the countenance of the inhabitants dejected. Instead of jollity and retchlessness, of which, assiduity of ease and security, had in a manner promised perpetuity, forthwith entered all kinds of passions and distemperature: one made speed to provide for his private safety, another trembled & had no power to resolve upon any course: Some doubted their welfare in their own houses, and others could not determine in whom to repose any answerable confidence. The times they could not term peaceable, neither doubted they the war: and therefore fear measured out every man his danger, according to his own apprehension. The women, to whom, in regard of the long prosperity of the state, the rumours of war were inacustomed, bewailed their fortunes, stretched their hands towards heaven, compassionated their little ones, instanced the Gods, feared all things, and utterly forgetful of their yesterdays pride & niceties, now disinherited the safety of themselves and their country. Notwithstanding, the cruel and unrelenting mind of Catiline stood resolute, yea, though his eye were his witness of opposition & prevention, & that himself had been in examination before L. Paulus upon the statute 
d Qua accusati coniurationis, statim respondere & se purgare cogebantur.  Plautia. At last, either to set a good face on the matter, or to answer the objected accusation, as a man touched in honour, he entereth the Senate. When, M. Tully the Consul, either fearing his presence, or being moved at his shameless impudence, made an excellent and profitable Oration, which afterwards he put forth in writing.  
Assoon as he had taken his place, being by Nature of a prepared disposition to dissimulation, with a submissive countenance, and a suitable low voice, he began to request the Lords, not rashly to believe whatsoever his ill-willers suggested against a man of his Rank: That from his Adolency he had behaved himself so, as in Honour they could not but make good constructions of his carriage: That they could not but wrong his calling, (sithence both himself and his Ancestors had well deserved of the state) once to imagine that he would practise the destruction thereof, when such a one forsooth, M. Tullius Cicero, an upstart and a stranger, should labour to preserve it.  
In the highest of which his calumnious expostulations, the whole Senate interrupted him, protesting him a Traitor and 
c Quia patria charior quam parens nobis debet esse, ideo Catelina inpatrian coniura●us, hic paricida dicitur.  parricide to his Country. Then all enraged, (quoth he) Since I am violently overbeared by the fury of mine enemies, nothing but ruin shall put an end to this quarrel. And thereupon, leaving the Court, he retired to his house. Where, revolving with himself, that neither the intended murder of the Consul sorted to purpose, neither that the firing of the City could be effected, by reason of the strong watches: foreseeing now, that but one only course, and that of bad the best was left him, which was, to reinforce his army, & to take up whatsoever warlike provision was necessary for his people, before the state had levied their armed Legions; at midnight in the company of a few, he taketh his journey towards the camp of Manlius: before his departure, entreating and commanding Cethegus, Lentulus, and the most desperate of the crew, by all means possible to contain the faction in strength and vigour, to hasten the death of the Consul, to be resolute, for slaughter fire, and the like miseries of war; for within a day or two he would not fail to approach the City with a powerful army.  
These were the passages at Rome: from the Camp C. Manlius had sent certain Agents of his rout unto Q. Martius, with these overtures.   

CHAP. 10.  
1. The Letters of Manlius to the General. 2. His answer. 3. Catelines colourable excuse of his journey. 4. His letter to the contrary.  
I Call God and Man (most Worthy General) to witness, that we have taken Arms neither against our Country, neither to the peril of any private subject, but only to free our needy and mis●rabe carcases from injuries from violence, and the oppression of Usurers: the most of us not daring to show our faces in our own Country, and all of us in general without credit or relief. In which estate, it was not lawful for any of us (according to the freedom of our Ancestors) to prosecute the clemency of our ancient Laws: neither (having forfeited our Patrimonies) to keep our bodies from imprisonment; so rigorously hath the Usurer and the Praetor oppressed us.  
In former times, the compassion of our Elders, hath often acquitted the disabilities of the Roman people by acts of Parliament: And even but 
* S. recentissime.  yesterday in our remembrance, by the general applause of all good men, order hath been taken, by reason of the excessive interest, to pay the principal out of the public Treasury: yea, the very Commonalty, either seduced by desire of superiority, or underhand armed by the Ambition of Great men, hath often disvnited itself from the Union of the Fathers: but we (neither Ambitious of Empery, nor desirous of Riches) the motives of all Wars & discourtesies amongst mortal Creatures, request only Liberty, the want whereof, no honest man can tolerate, but with the loss of his dearest life.  
Wherefore, upon our bended knees we entreat your worthiness, together with the Lords of the Senate, to provide for our miseries, and to restore us to that advantage of Law, of the which the partiality of the Praetor hath defrauded us: not enforcing us injuriously to that desperate extremity, wherein we can but only study how to satiate our insatiable sword with execution of deepest revenge. 
una sal●● miseris nullam sperare salutem.   
2. To these Q. Martius made no other answer, but that, if they expected favour from the Lords of the Senate, they should not implore it in armed manner, but submissively to travel to Rome, where they might be assured, to find such clemency and courtesy before the Lords of the Senate, and the Roman people, as never any man ye● importuned their mercy, that departed away at any time unpardoned.  
3. But Catiline from divers stages in his journey 
Vt i●cautos opprimeret.  dispatcheth away Letters to many of the Consulare dignity, and to every gentleman of quality; beside, intimating thereby, that (since he was not of power to make his party good, against the faction of his Adversaries, who most falsely and maliciously had suggested many slanderous accusations against him) he was contented to yield to time, and to choose 
a Vrbem, antiquissimo fad●re Romanis coniunctam  Massilia for the place of his voluntary exile; not for that, forsooth, he was any way guilty of so heinous an imputation, but for the good and welfare of the state; lest by his presence, peradventure some seditious partiality might arise in the state.  
Contrary unto these Q. Catulus read other Letters before the Lords of the Senate, which (as he affirmed) were dated unto him under the name of Catiline. The Transcript whereof followeth.  
L. Catiline to Q. Catulus health.  
4. THy assured constancy, by trial experimented, and in my most weighty dangers never omitted, hath confidently waranted these my commendations unto thine unspotted loyalty. For what reasons, I listed not, to frame my defence in that new Counsel, I am now determined to yield you satisfaction; & that, not out of a guilty conscience, which upon mine honour I protest to be true, but being first provoked by injurious disgraces; for that being denied the rewards of my labours and deserts, I could not obtain the place of dignity duly divolued to me, according unto my wont custom. I have now taken upon me the public defence of the oppressed people; not for that, out of mine own revenues I could not satisfy my own debts, since the only liberality of Aurelia Oristilla and her daughter, was not only sufficient to discharge myself and my sureties; but for that I observed men of no worth to be preferred to places of honour, and myself upon false suggestions, too injuriously rejected. Upon these terms I make no question, but to be able to preserve the remainder of my reputation. I was determined to have written more at large, but I was informed, that warrant, were out to attach me. I not only commend, but also entrust unto thy loyalty Oristilla: Defend her from wrong, (I beseech thee,) even for the love of thy dearest children, Farewell.   

CHAP. 11.  
1. Catiline cometh to the camp of Manlius. 2. The estate of Rome and the bordering Countries after his departure.  
1. But Catiline having made some small stay with C. Flaminius in the country 
a Civitas municipalis in Hetruria.  of Aretium, and leaving the City (before prepared) well fortified, departeth towards the camp of Manlius, accompanied with the Fasces, and other the Ensigns of Honour. Upon intelligence whereof at Rome, the Senate proclaimeth Catiline and Manlius Traitors. To the residue of their partakers they limit a day, by which, if they surceased their arms, 
b Quod prudentia S. factum est, ut sine periculo reip. principes coniurationis punirentur.  all offences past were pardoned, except to those, who by name were condemned of Treason.  
The Consuls themselves were commanded to levy forces: Caius Antonius with all expedition to pursue Catiline, & Cicero to guard the City.  
2. At that time, in my judgement, the condition of the Roman people appeared most miserable: Unto whom, notwithstanding that all places from East to West were subjecteth by Arms, and that at home they wallowed in ease and riches (the only two contents which all flesh affecteth:) yet fostered they within their own bowels a viperous consort of fellow-Cittizens, who rather than they would surcease the obstinacy of their private Humours, cared not what became of themselves and their country. For, after the two proclamations, divulged by authority from the Senate, it was not known that any one man of such a multitude, neither for lucre of the proposed reward, revealed any part of the conspiracy, neither upon assurance of pardon, sought to fly from the party. So desperate a contagion of revolt, like to a Pestilential Fever had possessed the minds of the greater part of the people; and worse than that, the zeal of those, who were guilty of the project, was not only estranged, but the Universal body of the Commons in affectation of novelties, did as farforth as they durst, allow of the business. But this could be termed no new accident; for in all Commonweals, you shall ever find some (who have little to lose) to malice their betters, to speak well of the wicked, to mislike the present, to affect novelties, and in contempt of their own Fortunes, to desire change. In tumults and uproars they take least care for their livings; how ever the world goes, they can be no losers.  
But the Commonalties of Cities were led upon other respects and diversity of occasions: First, all those who were infamous for life and behaviour; secondly, such as had wasted their stocks; And lastly, those that durst not show their heads for some notorious offences, (these I say) flocked into Rome, as into a common receptacle.  
In the next rank followed such as had not yet forgotten Silla's victory; some of their companions they beheld raised from the degree of common soldiers, to the honour of Senators: Others, so advanced in wealth, that thereby they were now enabled to maintain a bountiful Table, and to wear rich apparel. If the matter were once again triable by Arms, every one hoped to share in like Fortune. As for those strong and youthful bodies, whose hands could scarcely find them a living by the day labour of the plough, (and in that respect had their finger's itching to be dealing in private and public rewards) were soon enticed to prefer the idle games of the city, before the thriftless ●oile of the country: such were the hopes both of these & the former; the public spoil was the mark they all shot at. So that (as before) it is no new matter, to see the poorest, basest, and worst-bred sort of people, to expect spoil and their own inrichment, by the general confusion of the state.  
Yet remained they whose parents the victory of Silla had proscribed, defrauded of their goods, and disinfranchised of their freedoms; These, as the residue, lived likewise in hope to purchase some better fortune by the event of this war.  
Lastly, whosoever was of any other faction, save that of the Senate, did rather in his heart wish more welfare to the league, then good to the state. Thus forepast corruptions, after many years, began again to return into the City.  
For after the tribunitial authority (G. Pompeius & M. Crassus being Consuls) was restored, certain young men (whose blood was hot, and their courages violent) preferred to sovereign jurisdiction, began, by 
c Sub praetentu boni publici. Sic Virg. Coniugium vocat: hoc pretexit nomi●● culpam. etc.  accusing the Lords of the Senate, first, to suborn the Commons, and afterwards, by bribes and promises to provoke them to fury.  
Thus they gate them a name, and were mighty in the state. Against these men (under the protection of the Senate,) the Mayor part of the Nobility stoutly opposed, to retain their pristinate greatness. For to speak truth in a word, after these times, whomsoever ambition persuaded to trouble the state, he would be sure to colour his pretext with an honest title; as some, The defence of Liberty, others The reverent authority of the Senat.  
Every one pretended the common good, whilst he took most care to raise his private estate, and that without all modesty or measure: In contention, either side used their victories without any indifferency.  
But after that C: Pompeius had his Commissions for the War at Sea, and against Methridates, the Plebeian power fainted & the Greatness of a few increased, 
d Contra pirata●, quos intra Quadrag●ssimos di●● subegit.  who immediately seized upon Magistracies, Provinces, and all other offices: Fearless of Competitors, Honourable in Titles, and grown old without any touch of adversity. The inferior sort they terrified with exemplary punishments, the better to keep them in awe of their Superiority.  
But upon the first budding of innovation, their prestinat prerogatives brought passed sorances to remembrance. Wherein, if in his first attempt, Catiline had had the better, or at least had departed upon equal terms, without contradiction, a miserable misfortune and calamity had befallen the Commonwealth. For assuredly, the Conquerors should not long have triumphed of their victory, a stronger party 
b Sic Augustus t●●umphabit de Antonia & Lepido.  being prepared & determined to bereave the weak, weary, and wounded conspirator of his new purchased command and victory. There were many men beside, that knew nothing of the conspiracy, and yet in the beginning associated Catiline. Amongst these, was Fuluius, the son of a Senator, whom being retired, the father nevertheless commanded to execution.   

CHAP. 12.  
1. Lentulus' in the absence of Catiline, to his utmost strengtheneth the faction. 2. Vmbrenus acquainteth the French Ambassadors with the Plot. 3. Sanga (an Intelligencer) cunningly procureth a draft of the confederacy.  
1. Mean time Lentulus (according to his instructions delivered him by Catiline) soliciteth by himself, or his Agents, whomsoever in his imagination conceited either dissoluteness of manners or penury, an apt instrument to entertain novelties: and herein, he not only practiseth with Citizens, but generally with all sorts of creatures; provided, that their service might any way stand in stead for the war. Whereupon he dealeth with Vmbrenus to sound the Ambassadors of the 
a Strabo Quorum metropolis erat vienna ●●u●tas in Delph●natu.  Allobroges, & if he possibly could, to draw them to the action: which he conceited might with no great difficulty be effected: first, because he knew them to be deeply indebted, aswell for their state, as for their private uses; and secondly, for that the French Nation by nature is inclinable to listen to innovation.  
This Vmbrenus, for that he had Trafficked in France, did know, and was known unto most of the principal governors of the Cities, so that immediately after meeting with the Legates in the common Hall, he began to question them of the estate of their city, and (in a manner condoling their hard adventure) began to ask them, what remedy they expected to cure such, so great and insufferable grievances.  
For answer whereunto, when he observed, that by their complaints they taxed the Magistrates of Avarice, and accused the Senate, as neglective of their redress, & that they hoped for no release but by death: 
Q. d. mori ultima lina rerum.  Why then my Masters (quoth he) if you will but show yourselves men, I will teach you, how you shall easily acquit yourselves of these evils. The Allobroges no sooner herd him to use these speeches, but they importune Vmbrenus, that he would take compassion of their miseries, protesting no command to be so difficult or dangerous, but they would attempt it with earnest resolution, so as the performance might make satisfaction for the debts of their city.  
Hereupon he conducteth them to the house of Decius Brutus, adjoining to the townhouse, a man not altogether unacquainted with the complot, by reason of his wife Sempronia: but at this time out of town.  
Hear, to add further credit to his speeches, he sendeth for Gabinius. In his presence he relateth the full project of the Conspiracy, and nominateth the associates, and amongst them he interproseth the names of many of all degrees; yea, Innocents', the readier to give courage and assurance to the misinformed Legates: Then taking his leave with promiss of his utmost service, he dismissed them home.  
The Allobroges stood long doubtful, upon what to resolve: On one side, their great debts, their inclination to war, and the hope of rich spoils presented secrecy: but on the other side, a stronger party, a safer course, & more assured rewards (in am of uncertain hopes) persuaded discovery.  
In midst of which their ambiguous revolutions, at last, by good hap the consideration of the commonwealth fortunately prevailed.  
3. And so with speed they fully discovered what they had heard, unto Q. Fabius Sanga, a man unto whose service the City had stood much beholden. And Cicero understanding by Sanga, how far forth matters had passed, commandeth the Agents to dissemble an extraordinary affection to the plot; to take a more strict occasion of acquaintance with the residue; to protest good liking and Constancy, and by all means so to dive into the secretest of the business, that, when time should serve, they might be able to give in a most clear evidence.   

CHAP. 13.  
1. Metellus and Murena prevent the Conspirators in their Lieutenantships. 2. The wicked and desperate conclusions of Traitors.  
AT this very instant divers commotions were afoot, in the further and hither Gallia, in the Country of Piceni, amongst the Bruttans, and in Apulia. For those, whom Ca●teline had at first dismissed & dispersed, now like mad men without forecast or consideration, began to make night-assemblies, to dispose of armour and weapons, to hasten their dispatches, to disquiet all places, and that with more show of fear, than appearance of danger. Of this rout Quintus Metellus Celer the Praetor, by authority from the Lords of the Senate, had committed divers to prison upon examination: The like did Caius Murena, Lieutenant of the hither Gallia.  
2. But at Rome, Lentulus had plotted with the chiefest of the Conspiracy, that as soon as intelligence came, that Catiline had openly showed himself in arms in the Territory of Fesulae, that forthwith L. Bestia being Tribune of the people, should in the midst of their united forces, in a set and premeditated Oration, disgracefully complain upon the actions of Cicero, and by injurious imputation, maintain the Original of this most unkind war, to have first proceeded from the malice of this most worthy Consul. This was the precedent Watchword, whereby the residue of the Conspirators the night next ensuing, should every man dispose of his imposed charge: which was said to be thus ordered. That Statilius and Gabinius with a strong retinue, had in command to fire the City in twelve such places of opportunity, as should by concourse of people thereunto, give best and easiest means of access to dispatch their other intended executions, upon the Consul and his associates. That, Cethegus should attend his gate, and charge him resolutely with his forces. That no man should be unemployed but rather, than any villainy should be left unattempted, they wrought with the children of their acquaintance, (the greatest number whereof were of the Nobility) to slay their own parents: that so, all places being in confusion, and all persons amazed with fire and slaughter, they might without opposition, troup towards Catiline.  
Amidst these conclusions and executions, Cethegus incessantly taxeth the cowardice of his Companions, complaining that between their doubts and delays, opportunity to do great matters, overslipped their fortunes: that now being so deeply engaged, it were more than time to do, 
Lucan Tolle moras nocuit semper differre parati●.  and not to talk: that himself, if some few would assist, (though the general fainted,) would give the onset on the whole Court. The man by nature was fierce, sudden, and quick in execution, resolving with himself that all good fortune attended expedition.   

CHAP. 14.  
1. The Allobroges prosecute according to Cicero's directions. 2. The project succeed. 3. Lentulus' arraigned.  
But the Allobroges, by the instructions of Cicero, entreat Gabinius to assemble his nominated companions, At what time they require an oath of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius and Cassius, which they would under Seal present unto their Countrymen; for otherwise, it were not likely, that without credence they would inconsiderately enter into so dangerous an Action. All of them, save Cassius, mistrusting no deceit, held it reasonable: He craveth absence, & promiseth speedy return, but in truth departeth the city somewhat before the Allobroges.  
At their departure, Lentulus sendeth in their company one Titus Vulturcius of Croton, with instructions to take Catiline in their way homeward, & with him face to face by reciprocal oaths, to confirm this their new engagement. By him he also dateth his Letters to Catiline, the Tenor whereof, is as followeth:  
Who I am, you shall understand by the messenger, that I send unto you. 
S. v●de tutò regredi nequeas.  Forget not upon what terms your welfare now dependeth, and remember to play the man: Consider the nature of your business, and scorn not to implore assistance of any man; yea, of the meanest.  
Then he insinuateth by word of mouth, that sithence he is proclaimed Traitor by authority from the Senate, he should seriously debate upon what confidence he should forsake or abandon the service of the Slaves: that in the City, his directions were at point of execution, & therefore, that he should not fail to make all his approaches with all possible celerity.  
All matters being thus ordered, and Cicero fully instructed by the Agents, he commandeth L. Valerius Flaccus, and C. Promptinius Praetors, upon the appointed night of the departure of the Allobroges, to set a secret and strong watch on the Miluian bridge, authorizing them to attach whomsoever they found traveling more than their own company: and therewithal maketh them privy, for whose sake, and upon what considerations he enjoineth them this charge; other occurrences he committed to time and their discretions, and so dismissed them with their limited forces: they again without tumult, dispose of their watches, and secretly, according to their charge beset the bridge on all sides.  
Assoon as the Agents with Vulturtius approached the place, and the usual question on both sides demanded, the Galls presently apprehending the meaning, forthwith yielded their bodies to the Officers: But Vulturtius, at first encourageth his company, draweth his sword, & defendeth himself against the multitude: but afterward finding himself forsaken of the Agents, he began to capitulate with Promptinius (his ancient acquaintance) upon points of good usage; but after that growing fearful, and distrusting his life, he yielded simply to the Praetors, as to a professed enemy, which business is no sooner thus ended, but word thereof is forthwith carried to the Consul.  
Him infinite cares and infinite joys do jointly possess: he rejoiced upon true grounds, for that the suspicion of the Conspiracy was now made evident, and thereby the Commonwealth as good as already delivered: he grew pensive, for that, he could not resolve what course to take, such men, of such rank and quality being appeached of so heinous a Treason. He well foresaw, that punishment would procure him scandal; and Pardon, his Country's ruin.  
But taking courage unto him, he commandeth Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius & Q. Ceparius also (who was even now booted and spurred for his journey into Apulia, there to move the bondslaves) to appear before him. All save Ceparius, obey without excuse: he, by chance being abroad, and hearing of the adventure, flieth. The Consul hand in hand leadeth Lentulus (for that he had been Praetor) into the Senate. The residue he willeth under safe custody to appear in the Temple of Concored: whether he summoneth the Senate, and there before a general assembly of the Lords, presenteth Vulturtius with the Agents. Then commandeth he Flaccus to open the Packet, which upon the way he took from the Allobroges, which being read, Vulturtius was demanded: first, the cause of his journey, and who gave him those letters: and lastly, who was of Counsel with him in the business.  
At first, he began to excuse and conceal many points touching the Conspiracy: at last, upon promise of pardon by public oath, he discloseth all things as they had passed; protesting that he as a companion was sent for but a few days before, and that he could say no more, than could the Agents, but only, that he had heard from the mouth of Gabinius, that P. Antonius, Seruïus Silla, and L. Vargunteius, with many more were privy to the Conspiracy. The Galls affirmed as much.  
3. The Lords accused Lentulus, (who stood sliffe in denial) that besides these Letters, he had been often heard to vouch certain verses out of the Sibels: that The Sovereignty of Rome, was destined unto three Cornelij, whereof Cinna and Silla were two, himself the third, whom fate would have to be sole-Lord of the City. Moreover, since the burning of the Capitol, that this was the twentieth year, which the prodigies of the Aruspices prognosticated a year of blood and civil discord.  
Whereupon, the Letters being read, and every man confessing and acknowledging his seal, the Lords passed sentence, that Lentulus should be degraded, and together with the residue, committed to honourable custody: Lentulus to P. Lentulus Spinther: then Aedile, Cethegus, to Q Cornificius: Statilius to C. Caesar: Gabinius to M. Crassus: and Ceparius (by pursuit lately taken) to Gn. Terentius a Senator.   

CHAP. 15.  
1. The Humour of the Commons in cases of danger. 2. M. Crassus is accused: how cleared. 3. Caesar accused: the causes.  
THe 
a Virg. Sinditur incertum studia in coutraria vulgar.  Commons constant, in inconstancy, & who at first in their inherent dispositions to novelties, wished well to the war, now as soon as the plot was discovered, with change of opinions, changed likewise their prayers into curses against Catiline and his Counsels, extolling Cicero to the heavens, and as people newly redeemed into liberty, made public demonstrations of joy and jollity; amplifying the conceits of their happiness in this, that whereas all foreign Wars, are managed rather for spoil then ruin: the resolution of fire was cruel, merciless, & most miserable, because it neither spared the beauty of their houses, 
b Quibus quotidie utebantur.  neither the daily necessaries of their bodies therein contained.  
After this, one L. Tarqvinius was brought before the Lords of the Counsel, being taken (as men said) in his journey toward Catiline. Who upon assurance of the public faith, protesting to reveal what he knew, touching the conspiracy, in a manner revealed the same things which Vulturtius before had discovered, concerning the preparation of wildfire, the slaughter of Innocents', and the journey of the conspirators: but withal, that he was sent by Mark Crassus, to wish Catiline not to be any thing troubled at the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, & the residue of the Conspirators, but the rather to redouble his haste of approach towards the city, both to revive the declining courages of those that fainted, as also, to work deliverance to those that were in durance.  
But after that Tarqvinius had appeached Crassus, so Noble a parsonage, so rich, and so powerful; some at no hand would believe it: but othersome, though they thought it to be true, yet considering the times, 
c Ob d●bita & cōme●●● privata.  their private engagements, and the greatness of the man (rather to be winked at, than any way exasperated) gave a general censure, that the accusation was false; and so prayed the matter to be adjourned to another season. Whereupon, by the approbation of Cicero, the more part of the Lords decreed, that the information of Tarqvinius was false, that he should be committed unto prison, without allowance of making his further Purgation, unless he would disclose by whose counsel and advice, he had been seduced, to frame so notorious and false a scandal.  
Some were of opinion, that this accusation was first devised by P: Antonius, of policy (by engaging Crassus as a companion in danger) to protect the residue as copartners of like favour.  
Others reported, that Tarqvinius was sent abroad by Cicero, to deter Crassus from entertaining his accustomed defence of evil causes, to the disquiet of the state. And, I myself have heard Crassus avouch, that this was a trick of Cicero, to bring him into utter defamation and scandal.  
3. At the same time Q. Catulus and Gn: Piso, exceedingly laboured Cicero, falsely to appeach Caesar, either by the Allobroges, or any other witness; but they could never effect it, neither by entreaty, by flattery, nor bribery: both these persons, at that time did deadly hate him, Piso for that Plena curia he had been condemned in damages for an unjust punishment inflicted upon a certain Transpadan. Catulus took it to heart, for that, being an old man, and borne the most Honourable Offices in the state, now in his suit for the Pontificacy, he should be opposed and displanted by Caesar, a young man. But the matter was excusable, for that his private Liberality, had procured him public friends, and by that means, infinite debts.  
But being utterly unable to work the Consul unto so heinous a project; by private conference, and false suggestions, enforced what they heard Vulturtius and the Allobroges report, they provoked every man's evil opinion against him; so farforth, that many Roman knights, which kept watch & ward before the Temple of Concord, either moved at the greatness of the danger, or inflamed by the Nobleness of their minds, to manifest their loves to their Country, drew their ireful swords against Caesar as he arose from the Senate.   

CHAP. 16.  
1. The condemnation of the Traitors. 2. Caesar's Oration.  
THese matters being thus debated in the Senate house, & the Lords as yet in Counsel about the bestowing of rewards upon the Allobroges & Vulturtius, with approbation of their testimonies, the freed men (with some few well-willers) of Lentulus, diversly solicited the Slaves & tradesmen of the City to rescue the Prisoner: Others of his familiars, inquired after the Ringleaders of the Rascality, who in such times were accustomed for money to disturb the peace of the City.  
But Cethegus by Messengers, desired his acquaintance, his choicest freed men, and his readiest followers, now or never to be resolute, and in troop with their naked swords to make way for his rescue.  
The Consul having understanding of these designments, disposeth the Warders as time and place advised, and assembling the Senate, demanded of the Lords, what order they pleased to take with those who were already attached and remained in prison. A full counsel had already declared them guilty of Treason.  
Thereupon D: junius Sillanus (Consul elect) being first asked his opinion, what he would advise concerning the Prisoners, as likewise how the residue, in case they could be apprehended, 
L. Cassius, P. Furius, P. Vmbrenus & Q. Annius.  should be censured; gave sentence, that they should all suffer punishment. And afterward (being moved at the speech of Caesar) he protested that he would singly avouch the sentence, with Tiberius Nero. As touching the Marshalling of secret companies, he thought it fit to adjourn it to further deliberation: But Caesar, whose turn was now to speak, by request of the Consul, used this or the like Oration.  
Honourable Fathers, it befitteth all men, who are to consult of doubtful cases, 
a Sic Maro: N●que ●lie aut dolu●t miseran● i●opem, aut invidet habenti.  to be free from hatred, friendship, passion, and pity: where these contrarieties happen, the judgement can hardly make distinction between truth and falsehood: neither liveth the man, which can flatter his affection, and judge uprightly. Our inclinations follow our fancies: if Liberty possess them, than Will predonominateth & Reason is of no regard. Honourable Lords, my memory is yet very fresh, torelate what Kings, and what Nations, being seduced by wrath or pity, 
Vt Caesero ipsi postea ●ontigit, qui per clementiam illis pepercit, à quibus postea interfectus est.  have run unfortunate courses: But it is a greater pleasure unto me, to relate how our predecessors governed their affairs orderly and judiciously, by subjecting the fury of their passions, to the mild persuasions of Reason.  
In the Macedonian war, which we managed with King Perseus, the stately and popular City of the Rhodians, (famoused by our assistance) became enemy and revolted from us. The war being ended, the question arose, in what manner the Rhodians should be punished. Our Ancestors, lest the world should give out, that they made wars, rather for wealth then in revenge of injuries, freely pardoned their follies, So likewise, in all the Punic wars, when the Carthaginians both in times of peace & truces, had committed many outrages, 
c Sub quibus classem Romanam invaserunt, & quos caeperet, virgis caeciderunt, & tamen legati ad Scipionem missi, intacti ab eo ad S●natum suno remissi, & inde incolumes & iudemnes Carthaginem sunt reversi.  our forefathers never gave out Letters of reprisal, but always studied rather what became their greatness, than what severity of Law or arms, required.  
Honourable Lords, as I take it, this should be your case, let not the offences of P. Lentulus and his associates, more prevail with your passions, then becometh the greatness of your callings: neither, let wrath be said to esclipse your Honourable reports. For, if a sufficient punishment can be devised to equalize their defaults, I cannot but approve this new Counsel: But if the quality of the offence exceed all imagination, than my opinion is, that they be punished according to the prescript form of our ancient Laws.  
Many, who before me have spoken their minds, have laid out in very eloquent and rhethoricall terms, the miserable estate of the commonwealth, the cruelty of War, the fortune of the conquered: agravating their discourses with the ravishment of Virgins, the tearing of children from the bosoms of their parents, the abusing of Matrons, the robbing of Temples, the Pillaging of houses; withal, not forgetting to move compassion, and passion, by recital of wounds, fieringes, arms, slaughtered carcases, & bloody Funerals: Good God to what end tended these their Orations, but to inflame your displeasures against the offenders? As if any speech, could exasperate that dull spirit, whom the least remembrance of so heinous a Treason (of itself) could not irritate. A Supposition impossible. Private injuries take deepest impression, yea with some men deeper than reason should Warrant.  
But Honourable Lords, in divers men, divers sorts of offences are tolerable. To those that live in inferior callings, if through passion they commit an oversight, few observe it: their eminences outshine not their fortunes: But the errors of great personages and men of quality, the whole Commonwealth doth forthwith take into examination. And this I speak, to prove that highest Fortunes have meanest privileges to offend, neither ought they to be induced by favour, nor moved by hatred, 
june. Omne animi vitium tantò conspectius in se crimen habet, quanto maior qui peccat habetur.  and least of all, to be guided by anger. That which the Vulgar term Anger in mean men, with greater Persons is censured to be pride and cruelty.  
Verily, (Honourable Fathers,) I am of this opinion, that no punishment, can be answerable to the quality of their offences: but the Natures of most men are given to remember the last ends of their familiars, and forgetting the fact, they comment on the punishment, if it never so little exeeede moderation.  
I cannot but acknowledge, that whatsoever the good and resolute D. Sillanus hath spoken, hath proceeded from zeal to his Country: and in this weighty business, I confess, his integrity and modesty to be such, that thereunto, his Nature hath neither been induced by flattery, neither overwrought by partiality. Neither can I justly say, that his censure any way savoureth of cruelty: for what can be termed cruel, that justice can inflict upon such offenders. But surely, the precedent is not usual in our Commonwealth; and therefore, either fear, or private injury hath overwrought thee, (o Decius Sillanus Consul elect) to give thy consent to this new form of punishment.  
Offeare, it were idle to discourse, sithence such strong assistance is in arms, by the especial providence of this our worthy Consul. As touching the punshment, I can speak truth as the case now standeth: That to men in distress and misery, death is the end of sorrow, life a torment: Death dissolveth all mortal misfortunes: Beyond, there is no remembrance of grief, nor place for joy.  
By the immortal Gods, I wonder, that in giving your sentence, you did not give direction, that first, they should be whipped with rods! was it for that the Law Portia did forbid it? Or that you had regard to some other, late Law? Why? The Laws do impose banishment, not death; but upon a condemned Citizen? Or was it, because you esteemed whipping to be a more grievous punishment, then beheading? If so, then what can be bitter or over-greevous against men convicted of so heinous a Conspiracy? But if you over-slipped the direction for stripes, as of a punishment too too gentle, how cometh it to pass then, that in the loss, you make a conscience of equity, when in the greater, you proceed without doubt or scruple?  
But why should any man be offended at that which is by Law decreed against Traitors to their Country? Time, alterations, and fortune, so powerful amongst mortal Creatures, will ratify that nothing hath happened unto these men beyond their deserts.  
Many evil conclusions have arisen from good Principles: as where the Helm hath been entrusted to indiscreet and insufficient Pilots, these new Precedents, have been commonly transferred from worthy and wellminded Citizens, to base and incapable Ministers. So, the Lacedæmonians having overthrown the Athenians, committed the administration of their Commonwealth, to thirty Governors: At first; they attached the most notorious offenders, men generally hated, and executed them without Process. The people applauded and commended the course, but by little and little Liberty swarned into Lust: The Innocent and Nocent were condemned at their pleasures: the vulgar were terrified, and so the City oppressed with servitude, now miserably smarted for her foolish oversights.  
In our days, when the victorious Silla, commanded Damasippes, and his damned crew, who had no means to live, but upon the general spoil, to be worthily slain; who commended not his judgement? Every man cried, it was Nobly done to free the Commonwealth of such merciless, thriftless, and seditious Rascals: but what followed, this was the Original of a cruel massacre: For, as any of his followers affected the mansion, the Lordship, yea, at last the plate or apparel of any of the Commonalty, his course was, to do his endeavour to enroll him in the number of the Proscripts.  
Honourable Lords, I speak not this, for that I suspect the like in Marcus Tullius, no nor in these times, but in this huge and populous City, it is not unknown to you, that many and variable humours lie lurking continually.  
And so, at some other time, and some other being Consul, with an Army at command, a false report may happen to pass for truth; when, upon this precedent, if the Consul by Commission from the Senate, should unsheath his sword, what end I pray you, should the state expect of this rash determination? Who shall limit his power? Who shall moderate his arms?  
Honourable Lords, our predecessors, were never to seek of Counsel nor Courage, neither did Pride prevaricate their minds from following another man's advice, so it were profitable. To forge arms, and warlike furnitures they learned from the Samnites. The Ensigns of Magistracy, (for the most part) they borrowed from the tuscans: yea, whatsoever they saw fitting amongst their allies, or Enemies, they took great care to bring the use thereof into the City. They admired Virtue in all men, they envied it in none: but in those times, in imitation of the Greeks', they punished a Citizen with stripes, a condemned man, with death.  
But in process of time, as the commonwealth began to grow great by the multitude of inhabitants, jealousies increased, innocency was circumvented, & such like enormities were daily committed. For remedy whereof, the Law Porcia, and divers other wholesome statutes were enacted; by which banishment was provided in cases of condemnation.  
These Authorities (Honourable Fathers) in my Opinion should be Motives exceeding persuasive, to alter or frustrate these your new determinations. Believe it, the valours and wisdom of those men, who from so slender foundations have established so great, so glorious an Empire, could not be, but much more eminent in them, then in us, who can hardly maintain that, which they most providently bequeathed us. How then Sir? Will you have the Prisoners discharged, and the troops of Catiline reinforced? No surely. But my censure is, that their goods be forfeited, and their bodies sequestered under safe custody in the best and strongest Towns of our Associates. With this Proviso, that no one of them hereafter be so bold, as to dare to motion means of redemption, before the Lords of the Senate, neither to mediate his pardon with the people. Him that violateth this Ordinance, let the Senate proclaim him Traitor to the State, and enemy to all loyal Subjects.  
When this Oration was ended, each man looked upon other; some assented, every man's mind was diversly distracted.  
But at last Marcus Cato, being commanded to speak his opinion; thus began his Oration.  

Cato's Oration.  
Honourable Lords, revolving with myself, the Nature of this weighty business: the goodly Arguments (I must be plain) which other men have thereupon framed, are of no validity with me to move approbation. For, in my judgement, they have but only spent time in discoursing, what punishment were fitting for men intending the ruin of their Country, the undoing of their parents, the spoil of private houses, and the overthrow of Religion.  
But Noble Lords, this storm calleth unto us for a speedy prevention, not a linger Consultation. Offences already committed may be punished at leisure; but it will be too late to talk of justice, when remedy is past, and offenders grown puissant. If the City be gained, what power (I beseech you) remaineth to the Conquered?  
For the love of the immortal Gods, let me entreat you all, to whom beautiful houses, goodly revenues, pictures, and costly hangings are more in admiration, than the Common-good; if you have any desire longer to be Lords of these vanities (of what esteem soever) if it be but to continue the means of these your delights, now at the last pinch assume your courages, and let a true remorse of the general Welfare wholly possess your irresolute opinions. It is no time now to take order for impositions, or to talk of the injuries of our Associates; Our lives and Liberties at this instant are questionable. Honourable Lords, I have often spoken my mind freely in this thrice-Honorable assembly; I have made sundry motions touching the Riots and Covetousness of this state, procuring to myself no small hatred thereby: but I, who could never flatter mine own imperfections, could less endure the insolency of Others. And though you gave but small credit to my sayings, and nothelesse the Common wealth slorished; yet (believe it) Prosperity only excused your remissness.  
I speak not this, as if time now served to dilate, whether we are degenerated in manners or no: Neither how great, or how glorious the Roman Empire is, or hath been: But whether this greatness, this glory (be they more, be they less) are like to continue ours, or we enforced to part stakes with our enemies. I know some of you by your silences, would interrupt me, with Mercy and Mildness! But alas: we have long agone lost the true etymologies of those words: for, now adays, to be prodigal of another man's goods is to be bountiful doing to do deeds unlawful, unseemly, etc., is to be valorous. In such extremes doth the 〈◊〉 now stand. Well, let us tolerate their abuses, because they are inveterate, and time hath made them fashionable; let men be wasteful of that which is none of their own: Let us be merciful unto thieves and robbers of our public treasure: yet, I pray you, let them not likewise be prodigals of our bloods, and we, by foolish pity extended to a few desperats, undo millions of honest Citizens. I confess that C. Caesar hath showed great learning before this Honourable Court, in his distinctions of life and death: supposing (as I conceit) that the received Opinions of hell are false; or that, evil doers separated from the good, and destinated to places obscure, vile, stinking, unclean and full of horror: And so drawing towards an end, he would have their goods forfeited, and their bodies committed to safe custody in the Borroughes of our associates, fearing (belike) that if they remained in Rome, they might happen to be rescued either by popular commotions, or waged multitudes: as though forsooth all evil disposed persons resided only in Rome, & none lay dispersed throughout the towns of Italy. Surely wise men know, that rash & violent attempts are easiest affected, where least means of opposition are feared: And therefore, if his fears arise upon such like surmises, his plot is ridiculous: Or, if he only in so universal an apprehension of fear, fear nothing at all; because I am so much the rather induced to be fearful both of mine own safety, and of yours also. Therefore (Honourable Lords) whensoever it shall be your pleasures to ratify your judgement against Lentulus, & his associates, believe it with constancy, that then you undo Catiline, and disperse his confederates: the sooner ye do it, the sooner you break them: Delay is dangerous; it hopeth it resolveth. Never let it enter your Opinions, that by arms our forefathers augmented our Patrimonies: For, if that were true, then at this day would it prove far more glorious, in that, time hath given us, not only advantage, but also surplusage of Allies, of Citizens, of warlike furnitures, and Horses of service: No, no, my Lords, of those virtues, which made them so powerful, and so fortunate, we have not one left us; Thrift in Private, justice in Public; free Language in Parliament; lives spotless, Minds unpassionate. In am whereof we possess Riot and Avarice: In times of Service, pretenced poverty: to serve our own turns, abundance and plenty. We admire Riches, and embrace Sloth: between Virtue and Vice we put no difference: Ambition encroacheth, where desert only should have pre-eminence. And no marvel! for every one of us hold Counsels apart: At home we work for our private interests: here we speak for Meed or favour. So on all sides the Commonwealth wringeth: But no more of these grievances.  
Our fellow-Cittizens, and those descended of most Noble families, have conspired the invasion of their Country! They have done their utmost in the quarrel, to engage the French, a Nation always in deadly hatred of the Roman name. The Captain of the War, in person braveth you at your gates: and yet, you stand looking one upon another; doubtful and irresolute what to do, with those whom you have apprehended within your walls. Shall I inform you? Then thus: They are young Gentlemen, deceived through foolish Ambition: Let them find favour: yea, let them departed armed; without doubt, this your lenity, and pity, upon the next occasions, shall turn you to misery.  
The main is bitter, full of horror, but you fear it not! Yes iwis, and that extremely: why then like cowards and men of basest would stand you still, straining courtesy who shall march foremost? Well, I know the reasons. Now, as in former times, in most imminent dangers you trust that the immortal Gods will turn all to the best. Fools that we are! To think that the Gods will be won by Womanish vows and idle Sacrifices, without watching, without painstaking, and good Counsel. Where these stand jointly employed, all things come to happy ends. At Sloth and Cowardice the heavenly powers are offended.  
In the days of our Ancestors, A.M. Torquatus adjudged his son to death, for that against the command of his general, he had happily fought with his enemy. And he, (most worthy young Gentleman) accordingly suffered the punishment of rash valour: And do you now ask, what shall be done unto these most merciless Traitors?  
Sir, their forepassed life merriteth some mitigation. Be it so: Deal favourably with Lentulus for the honour of his house, if he at any time favoured his own good name, his calling, Gods, or men. Let the adolescency of Cethegus, be a Motive of mercy, if this be not the second rebellion wherein he hath been interessed.  
What should I say for Gabinius, S●atilius, Ceparius?  
If they had been men of any moderation, they would never have engaged their estates in such dangerous complots against their country.  
Honourable Lords, if I could discern any mean hopes, I could be well content to see you moderately beaten with your own negligences, for that you regard not good Counsel. But since we are beleaguered on every side: Catiline hovereth over our heads with an armed power: his associates are within our walls, even in the heart of our City, and nothing can be dispatched in Counsel with secrecy: (weighty inducements of speedy resolution) For these reasons, and for that (most Honourable Fathers) the Commonwealth hath run into apparent danger, by the practices of these Traitorous Citizens, already convicted by the Testimonies of T. Vulturtius and the Allobroges: & themselves have confessed their intentions to kill, to burn, and to commit many other lamentable and unspeakable outrages against the City, and this state. My censure is, that More maiorum, punishment be inflicted upon them, as upon Traitors condemned of high Treason, by their own confession.   
Cato being set down, the Consuls, with the greater part of the Senate, approved his sentence, and highly praised his courage. And while one accuseth the other of faint & remiss courage, Cato obtaineth the atributes of Great, and Excellent. According to his censure they pass a Decree.  
And because these two, M. Cato, and C. Caesar (men of excellent parts, but of divers Natures) lived in my time, I think it not admisse, to add unto this my discourse, a Comparison of their lives and actions.  

A Comparison of M. Cato, and Ca Caesar.  
IN descent, in years, and eloquence they were almost equal: in greatness of mind and popular commendation alike, but diversly. Caesar affected the Surname of Great, by Largesse & Bounty. Cato by Integrity of life. Caesar became famous for his courtesy and gentleness; Cato for his stern carriage and severity. Caesar grew popular by giving, by forgiving, by relieving: Cato by contraries. The one professed refuge to the oppressed: the other, inexorable to offenders. The one was praised for affability: the other for gravity. Caesar's chiefest felicity was, to labour, to watch, to prefer the ●uits of his favourites, to be careless of his own, to deny nothing worth giving: of command, of Soldiery, of difficult wars (wherein valour and good conduct showed the man) very desirous: But Cato's studies were modesty, grave carriage, and above all, severity. With the rich, he contended not for Riches, neither with the factious, for followers; but with the valorous, by imitation: with the modest, in Conscience, and with the good man, in abstinence. He coveted to be, not to seem. The less he sought praise, the more it followed him. Thus much for this:    

CHAP. 17.  
1. The counsel resolved to follow Cato's opinion: command their sentence to be executed upon the Offenders.  
AFter the Senate (as I told you before) had resolved to follow Cato's opinion, the Consul letting no time slip, to prevent all disturbances, made every thing ready against night, which now drew on apace. He commanded the three executioners to prepare themselves: he disposeth the warders, and leadeth Lentulus to prison: So are the residue by the Sheriffs. In the prison is a dungeon called Tullianum, into which, after a man is a little entered, upon the left side, is a room scarce twelve foot high, walled round about, and overhead vaulted with a stone Arch, exceeding dark, unsavoury, and able to amaze any man's senses. Into this place was Lentulus commanded, where the executioner did forthwith strangle him. So this Noble Gentleman descended of the ancient house of the Cornelijs, and once Consul, ended his life according to his deserts: so did Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Ceparius, after the same manner.   

CHAP. 18.  
1. Catiline joineth with Manlius, and supplying his Legions with men of better condition, casseth the slaves: 2. He understandeth the discovery of the Plot, and how his friends fared at Rome: 3. He flieth.  
AS these things thus passed at Rome, Catiline by uniting his forces with Manlius, maketh two Companies, with wings proportionable to his numbers. And as his companies increased, either of voluntaries, or of such as were sent unto the camp from the confederates, he divided them equally betwixt the Legions, and so at length supplied their defects, which in the beginning were not above two thousand strong. The fourth parts of his people were not soldier-like armed, 
Vt in quolibet tumulin et seditione fie●● sole●.  every man took what came next to hand; some Darts, some Lances; others very sharp and keen Boarspears.  
And now hearing of the approaches of Anthony, 
Virg. Hic torre armatus e●usto, Stipitis 〈◊〉 gravidi nodis, etc.  he iournieth by the mountains; sometimes bending towards the City, sometimes towards France, cunningly avoiding all occasions of hazard, upon assurance, that if his Complices had once brought their determinations to execution in the City, that forthwith his forces would be strongly reenforced. 
Ignanum & infidele hominum genus  Upon which his imagination he casseth the slaves; of which sort of people, no small numbers trusting to the report of the strength of the confederacies had in the beginning flocked unto him, knowing in his conscience, that to communicate his cause, and the good estate of the city, to slaves and fugitives, could not but with reason impair the credit of the action.  
3. By this time news arrived at the camp, how the conspiracy was detected, the Noblemen executed, & their followers (whom either the giddy Love of war, or the hopes of spoil had animated) were dispersed and discouraged. Whereupon, Catiline without expectation of further assistance, with his present forces, by long marches and the rough mountains, taketh his way towards Pistoia, of purpose, by by-ways secretly to have fled into Gallia Transalna. But Quintus Metellus Celer, who lay about Picenum with three Legions, by circumstances of casualties, judging of events, and understanding by certain fugitives, what way the Rebels took, dislodged, and pitched his Camp at the foo●e of those hills, by which Catiline must of necessity descend, to pass into Gallia. Anthony (for that he followed the flying enemy by beaten and usual Highways) soon arrived: which when Catiline perceived, as also, how he was encircled by the vast Mountains, & the enemy's Cavalry, so that he could no ways fly, and to expect further succours was bootless; he there resolved to hazard the fortune of the battle. To his Soldiers he made this Oration.   

CHAP. 19  
1. Catelines Oration to his followers. 2. The description of the battle.  
COmpanions in Arms, full well I know that words inflame not Noble hearts, neither that a cowardly and base Soldier, is any whit animated by his General's speeches. For, what portion of courage Nature hath implanted in a valorous breast, such will it show itself in times of trial. But the mind, that is neither incited by Honour, nor made resolute by danger, will never be moved by generous speeches: for fear anticipateth hearing.  
But (Noble soldiers) I have called you to this assembly, partly to give you a few instructions, partly to acquaint you with my determinations. It is not unknown to you, what mischiefs the cowardice and irresolution of Lentulus hath heaped both upon himself and us; and by our daily expectation of succours from the City, we have lost the opportunity of passing into Gallia. In what estate we stand thereby, you may all conjecture.  
Two Armies pursue us; One, from the City, another from Gallia. To stay long in these deserts (how endurable soever your courages may persuade you) poverty of all necessaries, & want of food, will forbid us; and ye●, the way to give remedy to these miseries, must nethlesse be wrought by your sword. Wherefore, I entreat you, to take courage and comfort, that as I shall lead you to the charge, so you would remember, that you carry in your right hands your fortunes, your honours, your Glory, your Country, and your Pardons.  
If the day be ours, we are made for ever: we shall soon get food in abundance, to sustain our hungry carcases; Towns and Colonies shall be assigned us; but if we yield to base fear, we shall find all things contrary: Neither place, nor friend will protect him, whom his own sword cannot secure. Besides, their case and ours is not alike: Our quarrel is for the good of our Country, for the general defence of Liberty for the safeguard of our lives: Theirs, for the pleasures and greatness of a few private persons. Wherefore, let the insinesse of the quarrel, stir up our greater resolution, by th● remembrance of our ancient valours.  
Time was, we mought have spent the remainder of our days in disgraceful banishment, and many of you might still have lived in Rome, upon expectation of (I know not what fortunes) having nothing of your own (but Beggary to trust unto: but because such men as we are, cannot but scorn such base courses, we have made choice of this; which, if you mean to make good, then show deeds correspondent. None but the Conqueror can convert war into peace, and to think to find safety in flight, by forsaking your Arms, or abandoning your naked bodies to your enemies, were a point of madness beyond extreme. In a set battle, no danger is comparable to fear; Resolution is unconquerable.  
(Valiant Companions) even the opinion of your woorthes, your former exploits, and your years fit for war, warrant my conceits of good fortune.  
I will silence necessities, true motives to make Cowards courageous: the straits of the Mountains forbidden our Enemies to enclose us; and therefore, if our destinies be to die, set your lives at a dear rate: die not unrevenged, neither suffer yourselves to be taken Prisoners, afterwards to be cut in pieces rather like Dogs, than men of service. Leave nothing to your enemies to boast of, save a Lamentable and bloody victory.  
2. After a little pausing, he commandeth to sound to the charge, and Marshalling his battalions in very seemly order, approacheth the place of encounter. Where being arrived, he causeth every man to dismiss his horse, that the danger being alike, their hopes and constancy should be equal; yea, himself on foot, rangeth his people, as the Nature of the place and his numbers would permit.  
The plain was fortified on the left hand with Mountains; on the right, with a steep rock: Between these he brought the vanguard consisting of eight Cohortes: the Areregard he commanded to march more close, and in it he placed the chief and choicest Centurions.  
The mercenaries and best armed, made the first ranks of the battle: Caius Manlius, marched on the right hand, a certain Fesulan on the left: Himself with his fellow-Cittizens, all free men borne, and the aids of the Colonies, stood next unto the standard of the Eagle, the same, they say, that C. Marius displayed in the Cimbrian war.  
On the other side, C. Antonius being sick of the Gout, could not be at the combat, and therefore made M. Petreyus his Lieutenant General. Of old soldiers (pressed out for the suddenness of the business) he made the vanguard; the residue he placed behind for succour and advantage. Then galloping through the ranks, calling upon every Captain by name, he coniureth, he commandeth, he entreateth, that that day they would show themselves men, and call to remembrance that they were to fight but against a rabble of unarmed fugitives, for their Country, their children, their Religion. This Martial man had been above thirty years Tribune, and either as General, Lieutenant, or Colonel had borne the Offices in many fortunate battles, wherein he knew the insufficiency of his followers, and their valiant exploits; by repetition whereof, he doubled their courages.  
All places thus ordered, he soundeth the signal, he marcheth somewhat forward, and then maketh a stand: the like doth Catiline. Then the battles aproching within shot, they run fiercely to the shock, with divers clamours, and deadly hatred. The shot being spent, they fall to their swords. The old Soldiers disdaining to be foiled, go resolutely to the charge, 

Laus optimi imperatoris.  
Resolve I cannot whether he, A better Chief, or Soldier be.   and are as valiantly received, both doing their utmost. At last, Catiline coming in with his light armed followers, into the head of the battalions, refresheth the weary, planteth fresh soldiers in the places of the wounded, hath an eye upon all chances, giveth and taketh many strokes: & finally, performeth the part of a valiant soldier, and an excellent Commander.  
Petreyus, assoon as he perecived the station of Catiline, imagining that there his people should be forced traveled; without more ado, chargeth into the midst of his enemies with the Praetorian Cohort, speedily disordereth their ranks, and slayeth as many as make resistance. Then turneth he head upon the wings, and at the first shock slayeth Manlius and Fesulanus.  
When Catiline saw this miserable spectacle, his army defeated, and few left about him; calling to mind the Honour of his house, and his ancient dignity, thrusteth into the thickest of his enemies, and there valiantly fight, was slain.  
The battle being ended, what valour and courage had been in Catelines people, was plainly to be discerned. For what parcel of ground any one made choice of, to stand on in fight, the same being slain, his slaughtered carcase covered. Only a few, violently overborne by the fresh charge of the Praetorian cohort, lay somewhat farther removed; yet all with their deaths-wounds upon the foreparts of their bodies.  
The body of Catiline was at length found dead amongst the slaughter of his slain enemies, not yet altogether breathless, but in countenance showing some tokens of his living fierceness.  
At a word, not one free Citizen was taken alive, either in fight or flight; neither party made spare of their own bloods: So far forth, that the victory proved neither joyful, nor unbloody to the Roman people. For the bravest men were either slain in fight, or dangerously wounded. Of many, that went out of their Tents, whether to gaze upon the place of the battle, or to rifle the dead bodies of their Adversaries: some found their friends, some their Hosts, some their Kinsmen, and amongst them many of their known enemies. Insomuch, that the whole Camp was replenished with diversity of humours; of joy, of heaviness, of Triumph, of Mourning.   
FINIS.   

C. C. SALUSTIUS his History of the War of JUGURTH.  
Printed at London Anno MDCIX.   

A Breviat of the History.  

Now the Realm of Tu●is in Barbary.  NUMIDIA, containeth that part of Africa, wherein Massinissa the faithful friend and confederate of the Roman people, sometime reigned. This Massinissa had three Sons; Micipsa, Manastaball and Gulussa. Manastaball and Gulussa died; by whose death the Kingdom entirely descended to Micipsa. Micipsa had issue, Adherbal and Hiempsal; jugurth, he fostered as the Son of his Brother Manastabal, for that his Grandfather Massinissa had left him unaduanced, as his base Grandchild begotten on the body of a Concubine. The man was ambitious, well qualified, of a ready wit, and great spirit, elder than Adherbal or Hiempsal. In jealousy whereof, Micipsa, fearing that if he should die during the minority of his children, that their Cousin jugurth might happen ambitiously to usurp the Kingdom, resolved to oppose him to dangerous adventures, in hope by these means to see him miscarry.  
About the same time it happened, that the Romans, under the conduct of Scipio, besieged Numantia in Spain, whereunto Micipsa sent certain Regiments of Horse and foot, under the command of his Kinsman jugurth, their General; making full account in this journey, to hear news answerable to his plotted desseignements, but Fortune had otherwise decreed: for in this war, the reputation of jugurth more and more increased; yea, he made so many fair proofs of his valour in this Action, that Scipio not only commended him in a public Oration, but (the war ended, and Numantia razed) he invested him with many military honours; by his Letters commending his service to Micipsa, in very worthy and honourable terms, which bred so sudden an alteration in the King, that whereas before, he fully minded his destruction, he now wisheth and intendeth nothing so much as his welfare and advancement; adopteth him his Son, and shortly after dying, left him Coheir with his Children, throughout his whole estates and dominions. After whose disease, the three Roytelets, Adherbal, Hiempsal and jugurth, devising with themselves about the portion of the Kingdom, jugurth traitorously slayeth Hiempsal, the younger of the twain, and casting in his haughty mind, how by the death of the other, he might become sole Lord of the whole, firmly resolveth to levy an Army, wherewith he giveth the overthrow to the elder Brother Adherbal. Who after this defeature, flieth to Rome, and there aggravating his Brother's death, his own banishment, and jugurths' treasons, beseecheth aid of the Lords of the Senate. The Lord's accord, and send ten Commissioners into Africa, to make division of the Kingdom between them: who had no sooner ended the business, and turned their backs, but jugurth entertained his former practices, and a new invadeth his Brother's portion with war and slaughter. To repress this his insolency, Adherbal of mere necessity is driven to levy an Army, and to march against jugurth, but is again overthrown, and with a few Horsemen in his company forced to fly unto Cirtha, whether jugurth advanceth his forces, and besiegeth the City. Hereof Adherbal by Letters certifieth the Lords of the Senate, giving them to understand, upon what desperate terms his estate depended, how he was deprived of his kingdom by jugurth, and forced by war and famine to undergo such utmost extremities, that long time he was not able to make good the place of his refuge, even the sanctuary of his life: That his adversary little regarded the censures of the Senate: finally, that they would vouchsafe to send him potent and speedy succours. Upon the opening of these Letters many gave their opinions, in favour of the distressed estate of Adherbal, but others corrupted by the Numidian, advised rather to send Commissioners unto jugurth, with authority to command him in the name of the Lords and people of Rome, to abstain from farther violence. jugurth gave these Commissioners during their employment in Africa, fair language and faithful protestations, but after their departure fell a fresh to his former projects. Whereupon, the besieged, desire Adherbal to pity the estates of so many innocent people in the Town, that seeing he could not otherwise provide for his safety, that he would yield the place upon assurance of his life only. Which being granted, and the town surrendered, without respect of Oath or kindred, jugurth falsifieth his Faith, and cruelly murdereth his innocent Brother. The news whereof much disquieted the Lords of the Senate, and therefore they posted away Lucius Calphurnius Bestia (the Consul) with an Army into Africa, to give stop to his further proceedings: but he being corrupted by jugurth, in stead of punishing the Traitor, concluded a most dishonourable peace. Wherewith the Lords of the Senate being much more moved then before, dispatched away Albinius the Consul, with order and authority to repress the traitors insolencies: but him jugurth so long deluded with promises and counterfeit demonstrations of submission and conformity, that the year being spent, without doing any thing, he was enforced to leave all as he found it, and to hasten to Rome against the day of election, nominating his brother Aulus Lieutenant of the Army & Province. This man, either on a foolish opinion to reap the glory of finishing this war, or upon avarice to fill his private Coffers, in january, in the depth of Winter, leadeth the Army into the open field. jugurth quickly finding the insufficiency of this new General, pretending fear and cowardice, traineth his enemy into woody and mountainous Countries; yea, and to colour his subtlety, sendeth his humble petition to the Roman General, with offers of submission and satisfaction. The faster he fled, the more eager was Aulus in pursuit, until jugurth taking the benefit of time, and the advantage of the place, found easy means to rout the whole Roman Army. The day following, they fell to composition: First, that the Roman Prisoners should be dismissed Sub jugum: Secondly, the whole army within ten days clearly to departed the bounds of Numidia. This daunted the people, for the present, but gathering again their spirits (notwithstanding the composition of Aulus, and his people's overthrow) they dimitted Numidia to Metellus (the Consul) for his Province. This excellent Commander finding the Army corrupted by the remiss carriage of his Predecessors, first restored the Ancient discipline, & then by hazarding a set-battell with jugurth, put him to the worse. After him, Marius (Consul elect) succeeded in this Province of Numidia, who persecuting the war with courage and good Fortune, utterly undid the Numidian, and getting him into his possession by policy, led him through Rome as a Captive, before his Triumphal Chariot.   

C. C. SALUSTIUS his History of the War of JUGURTH.  

The Proëme.  
FAlse and frivolous is this general complaint of Mankind: That Nature hath not only endowed us with weak bodies, and those of short continuance; but also hath subjected them more to the influence of Fortune then to the predominance of Virtue. 
a Clamantes ut poeta. Fortuna immeritos auget honoribus: justos illa viros pauperie gravat: Indignos eadem diuitij● beat, etc.  For, upon mature advice, if we could call our endowments into consideration, we should find no Planet to be of like operation, or greater efficacy to preferment. To the atchieument whereof, we may more truly lay to blame upon our want of industry, then either upon the shortness of life, or indigence of means. For without doubt, the 
b Animum rectum, bonum quid aliud voces, quàm deam in humano corpore hospitem.  Mind is Lord and Monarch of Mortality: which whensoever it resolveth to climb the adventurous passage of Advancement by the path of 
c Sen. Neminem dedignatur, qui modò se dignum illâ iudicaueri●.  Virtue, it shall find itself abundantly furnished with sufficiency, and favours powerful and eminent; without any way being beholding to the inconstancy of that disgraceful Goddess; for that she hath neither means to give, nor power to bereave us of our good reputation, of our industry, no nor of the least of any of our virtuous inclinations. But when we enthrall these so powerful instincts to sloth, base motions, and bodily pleasures; and therein have worn out our strong bodies, our irrecoverable youth, and excellent wits: then is it Error, and no just complaint to accuse Nature of weakness & infirmity, ourselves being the workers of our own woe by pretence of impotency and difficulty.  
But had we the like alacrity, to aim at the fairest objects, as we have inclination to affect the basest courses, and those of no worth, yet full of hazards; we should be as ready to resist fortune, as fortune were 
d Nullum numen habe●, si sit prudentia, etc.  able to cross our intendments: yea we should share so far forth with glory and greatness, that in despite of Oblivion our names after death should participate of eternity.  
For as we are compacted of Soul and body: so all our thoughts, words, and actions; follow some the frailties of the flesh, some the virtues of the Soul. And therefore by the infallible law of Nature, beauteous faces, immeasurable riches, and strongest bodies, shall in short time decline and perish: All things that have a beginning, must of necessity have an ending: sometime falling before they are blossomed; but how ever, waning before they are fully come to perfection. But the gifts of a virtuous mind are subject to no such limitations; they are, as the Soul, Immortal, Time-scorners, the guides of life; resisting all things, commanding all things, containing all things, yet uncommanded and uncontained of any.  
Which high and Sovereign Prerogatives make me the more to wonder, to see men spend the whole date of their days, 
Dum seruitur libidini facta est consuetudo: & dum consuetudini non resistitur, facta est necessitas.  in reveling, Riot and Idleness, suffering their wits, (the richest Ornament of human bodies) for want of courage and employment, to rest base and vulgar, especially sithence the mind affordeth such store and diversity of means to rise to advancement.  
But it should seem, that men thus qualified in these days, affect not Offices, Superiority, & employment in the state, because virtue is neither countenanced, nor those who have attained preferment by indirect courses, the freer from 
f Cum non justis sufragijs ius obtinuerint.  Disgrace, nor accounted more honest. For although by their supereminence they have jurisdiction over their country and parents, and may punish offences, yet is the Precedent distasteful, 
In Magistratibus neque salus nec requ●es, nisi benè utentibus.  for that all 
h Hoc est, regi per Magistratus non electo● liberis suffragijs.  innovation irritateth Discontents, jealousies, Quarrels, and Scandal. Whereas on the other side again, to gape after a thankless Office, and to reap for our labours nothing but Envy, is as extreme a part of madness; unless it be for him, whom a prejudicate and factions 
i Vt fecère aliqui in favorem Caesaris, Pompeij et Augusti.  humour of power possesseth, thereby to gratify the ambition, abuses, and partialities of a few great personages.  
But to come to my purpose: of all tasks that the mind can undertake, I hold none to be of greater use, than 
k Historia est testis tem porum, lux veritatis, magistra vitae, nuncia vetustatis.  History: of whose excellency, because many famous men have worthily discoursed thereof, I will forbear to speak, lest some severe censurer, should tax me of affectation for praising the profession wherein (I confess) I take most delight: Yea, and I am in perfect belief, that othersome (for that I was once determined to spend the remainder of my days in vacancy from State-Affayres) will not stick to write upon the forehead of these my laborious and profitable studies, the Titles of 
l Quia absque magno labour (sed non sine Arte) videtur seribi Historia.  Sloth. But my best hope is, they will prove only such, who only account it a work of industry to complement with the people; or by making good cheer, to captivate men's favours: Who, if it please them to remember in what times I was chosen to Office, and what men at the same times were put by, with the insufficiences of such, as afterwards were chosen into Parliament, they cannot but acknowledge that I 
l Sapientis est mutiare propositum, sires mutentur.  changed my mind upon due considerations, and not upon any inclination to Sloth: and that the commonwealth is likely to reap more profit by my times of leisure, then by the continual employments of some other. For, I have often heard Q. Maximus, P. Scipio, & others our honourable Predecessors report, that the intentive contemplation of the 
m unde dici solet picturas et coelaturas illiteratorum esse libros.  Medals of their Ancestors, hath often inflamed their minds to Emulation: not that the painting, or the liveles protraiture had any such influences in them, but that the recording of their glorious actions, did disperse such a Bout-feau of imitation in their spirits, that it could never be extinguished, until they had equalized their highest Virtues.  
But in these times of corruption, what man liveth, that contendeth not with his forefathers in acquisition of riches & expense, but neither in honesty, nor industry? Even upstarts, who in the old world were accustomed to enter the rank of Nobility, 
Quorum maiores nunquam fuere in to Magistrate.  by worth and sufficiency; in these days, lay their plots for preferment by sinister endeavours, and not by virtuous courses: As if the Praetership, Consulship, and such like offices, were in themselves simply Noble, and not graced by their worths who manage such places. 
Tet. Qui ista bona vocant, perin●e sunt atqua qui illis utuntur.  Thus have I given my pen her liberty, confessing, that the corrupt and degenerate manners of the City, hath made it forgetful of duty; for recompense whereof, I will now betake me to my task.   

CHAP. 1.  
1. Reason's inducing the Author to write this History. 2. Massinissa entereth alliance with the Romans. 3. The vexation and cares of Misipsa his Son and successor. 4. The commendation and qualities of jugurth. 5. His fortunes.  
IN this Book, my purpose is, to write the War which the Roman people undertook against jugurth King of Numidia: First, because it was weighty, cruel, and doubtful: Secondly, for that about this time, the people avowed their first discontents against the surquedry of the Roman Nobility: a contention whereby all Divine and humane laws were wrapped in confusion; & afterward proceeded into such raging fits of succeeding madness, that Italy was almost wasted, before their civil wars ended.  
But for the Readers better understanding and more satisfaction; before I enter into the main of the History, I will first begin with matter of more ancient discourse.  
In the second Punic wars, wherein Hannibal the Carthaginian Captain, had after their manifold good fortunes almost laid desolate the Italian Provinces, and wasted their forces: Masinissa king of Numidia, was received by Scipio (afterwards for subduing Africa, Surnamed Affricanus) into the Roman alliance. A man for Military prowess and valour much renowned, and whom, after the overthrow of the Carthaginians and the taking of Sciphax (a Lord of a spacious kingdom in Africa) the Roman people in reward of his good and loyal service, frankly invested with those cities and provinces, which by force he had gained from Sciphax. By this means, the friendship of Masinissa, continued profitable and constant: 
Quia tam parùm duravit successorum regnum, ut non regnass● v●deātur.  but he finished his life no sooner than his Empire took ending. Manastaball and Gulussa, his Brethren, being dead, the kingdom divolued unto Micipsa, as sole-heyre. He had two Sons Adherbal and Hiempsal. jugurth, the son of his Brother Manastabal, whom (being base borne) Masinissa had left in private estate, he brought up in his own house with like allowance as he proportioned to his own children; who coming unto man's estate, grew strong of body, comely of feature, and quick of apprehension: not giving himself to riot or wantonness, but according to the custom of that Nation, addicted to riding, to cast Darts, or to run matches with his compeers: wherein although he always carried the prize from the residue, yet was he nevertheless generally beloved.  
Thus spent he his youth, sometime in rousing the Lion and other wild Beasts, wherein he would be sure to be the man, that should give the first stroke. In these disports, he would do most; and being ended, speak lest to himself. Of which Princely carriages, although in the beginning Micipsa rejoiced, esteeming his Virtues as an Ornament of his Court, yet revolving his old age and the minority of his Children, with the popular applause, which he observed every day more than other, to increase by the youth and towardly disposition of jugurth, being much disquieted in mind, he began to forecast many casualties in his thoughts. The frail Nature of man thirsty of sovereignty, and headstrong to execute the designs of ambition, did present him his first fears. The second, arose from the consideration of his own years, and the nonage of his children, the opportunity whereof only, were of marvelous efficacy to transport men or mean descents and aspiring spirits to hopes of high places; the last scruple that possessed his imaginations, was the popular love and dependency of the Numidians: from whom, if by some politic plot, he should make away so worthy a subject by immature death, he stood far more doubtful of ensuing wars and uproars.  
Being confounded in these passions, and well weighing that a Man in so Gracious acceptance of the people for his ready service, and love to martial Adventures, 
Quae res bellic●sae genti maximae admirations est.  could not with safety be wronged neither by law nor subtly; resolved to oppose him to dangers, therein to undergo the fate of his fortunes. And thereupon Micipsa createth him Lord General of those horse and foot, which were sent for Sp●in in assistance of the Roman people: hoping either by rash valour, or some blow from the enemy, to hear news of his kinsman's death. The event crossed expectation For jugurth as he was of a quick & apprehensive wit, observing the Nature of Scipio his General, and the behaviour of the enemy, with especial care and performance, modestly obeying the commands and wills of the Officers, did oftentimes oppose against and prevent many eminent dangers: insomuch that in short time the Name of jugurth only grew famous through the Army, highly beloved of our people, most dreadful to the Numantines. 
unde dicit servius Quibus sanguis calodus, ut Afr●●, maior est prudentia, sed minor audacia in bello: Contra quibus frigidu●: ut Teulonibus.  And to give him his due, a thing not often seen; the man was valiant in action, & wise in counsel (for the most part;) the first, assisted by providence begetteth fear; the second, enforced by boldness produceth rashness. Which his good parts the General taking in notice, entrusted unto jugurth almost all his difficult designs, enrolled him in the rank of his friends, & every day grace● him with extraordinary favours; and not without desert; for whatsoeever he advised, 
Sen. Divitiae apud sapientum in servitute sunt apud stultum in imperio.  he performed with honour. To these his good parts were also adjoined Bounty, and dexterity of conceit, Qualities that brought him in liking and familiar acquaintance with the better sort of the Roman Gentry.  
At that very instant, many both ancient and new upstart Gentlemen, served in our Army, unto whom bribes were more in esteem then upright or honourable carriage: whose humours being factious, and at Court in credit with their followers, more admired for their descents, than worths; These were they, that by proposing high dignities first inflamed the mind of jugurth, persuading him that if Micipsa were once dead, he might easily become sole-Lord of Numidia; That he worthily deserved a Crown, That in Rome all things were saleable for money.  
5. Numantia now razed, P. Scipio determined to dismiss his Auxiliaries, & to make his return to Rome: 
Coronis et Insignitus victoribus.  at what time after he had graced jugurth with due Trophies of desert, & honourably commended him by word of mouth, he led him into his imperial Pavilion, where he giveth him these secret Instructions: Rather in public then private to show his affections towards the Roman people: not to be bountiful to particulars: That friendship bought of a few, was more uncertain than that which is entertained by many. That if he proceeded as he began, that glory and honour would attended him above expectation: But if he made more haste then good speed, that both riches and himself would headlong run unto destruction. This was all the General spoke, and so dismissed him, committing to his deliverance certain Letters subscribed to Micipsa: the Tenor whereof was as followeth.  
The valour of your kinsman jugurth, hath deserved no small commendation in the war of Numantia: which news I know assuredly will be welcome unto you. His deserts deserve no less of us, we will do our utmost to work the like acceptance with the people and the Lords of the Senate. I salute you for our ancient friendship. And in the word of truth, I resend you a Gentleman worthy of your favours, and the descent of his Grandfather Massinissa.  
As soon as the king understood by Letters from the General, that Fame had been no liar, partly moved by the report of his kinsman's excellency, and partly by his good carriage, he changed his mind, and seeking to win the man by grace and favours, forthwith adopteth him his son, and by testament maketh him coheir with the residue of his children. Then growing old with years, and perceiving by sickness and course of nature, that he had no long time to live, he is reported to have thus discoursed with jugurth, in the presence of his friends, kinsfolk, and sons, Adherbal and Hempsal.  
OIugurth: It is well known, that after the death of thy Father, even in thine Infancy, I received thee into the Tutelage of my House, left as thou wert to the world, without means or possibilities of advancement: expecting no less content from thy loyalty, in requital of those Honours which I have bestowed upon thee, than I hoped from the Loves of mine own Children, for the benefit of their Births. Wherein I have been nothing deceived. For, to silence many thy famous and former exploits, I confess that thy late employment and return from Numantia, hath perfected the honourable Testimonies of us, and our Nation: Thy valour, of fautors, hath made the Roman people most constant friends unto us, and in Spain thou hast revived the remembrance of our deceased Progenitors: 
Mas●inissae, qui claruit sub Hasdrubaie.  Above all (a work most difficult) thy Virtues have overtopped Enuy.  
And now, for that I perceive that my life draweth towards an end, I admonish and adjure thee by this right hand, and the allegiance which thou owest to thy country, 
Quam ad tunc tenuit.  that thou estrange not thy love and service from these thy kinsmen, whom by favour and adoption I have created thy Brethren: neither covet thou, in government to admit of strangers, rather than of those who are allied unto thee in blood and parentage. Loyal friends, not the armed Soldier, nor the Richest Treasure, are the surest guards of Kingdoms: True friendship which thou canst neither allure by practice, nor buy with gold, is purchased by respect & fidelity. And who I pray thee, should be more endeared, than one Brother to another? Or what stranger shall that man find confident, who proveth a Traitor to his own blood? Surely if you continue virtuous, I bequeath you a strong Kingdom, if ye turn evil, a weak Patrimony. By Unity small things are multiplied: by Dissension, the greatest kingdoms are ruinated.  
Believe me jugurth, it is thy Office (for that thou art eldest in years and experience) to take care that nothing happen contrary to these my latest Counsels: for in all controversies, the man that is most powerful (though he receive an injury) yet will it be supposed, that he hath given it, because he is best able to do it.  
Again (you my sons,) see that you Honour and advance this your worthy Kinsman: Imitate and outstrip hins in virtue, lest it be said by me, that I have adopted braver Children, than I have begotten.  
Although jugurth conceited that the King spoke not this from his heart, having his mind busied upon far higher & different cogitations; yet for the present, he gave courteous and gracious language. Within a few dates after Micipsa died.   

CHAP. 2.  
1. The Roytelets assemble about partition of the Kingdom. 2. Hiempsal disgraceth jugurth. 3. His revenge. 4. And preparation to war. 5. His course after victory. 6. Adherbals Accusation. 7. jugurths' excuse. 8. Orders taken to content both Parties. 9 The issue.  
AFter the three Roytelets, according to the custom of their Ancestors, had Royally interred the body of Micipsa, they appointed a time of meeting there to take order for their further affairs. Where Hiempsal (the youngest of three, but by Nature the proudest) now, as before time, scorning the base descent of jugurth, by his mother, took place upon the right hand of Adherbal, that jugurth might not sit in the midst; which amongst the Numidians is accounted the most Honourable place. Neither could he by his Brother's earnest importunity, without apparent discontent, be persuaded to remove on the other hand.  
Where, amongst many particulars proposed of government, jugurth affirmed, that whatsoever Micipsa had decreed, five years before his death, aught to be of no validity: for that, by reason of his aged years, during those times, his senses had failed him. Wherewithal Hyempsal was well pleased: for within the space of these three years last passed, (quoth he) you were adopted as coheir into the Kingdom. Which words took deeper impression in the heart of jugurth, than any man present would have suspected.  
3 This disgrace, from this time forward provoked jugurth, (irresolute between wrath and fear) to study and plot in his mind how to surprise Hyempsal by Treason; Which determination working but to slow effects, and his enraged passion nothing the less by time assuaged, he now resolveth to dispatch it upon any occasion.  
At their first meeting (showed you before) to avoid all causes of contention, they took Order to divide the Treasure, and to limit out every man the bounds of his portion. A time certain is set down to perfect both these Decrees, but with order, to have the division of the money first dispatched.  
Whereupon the Roytelets severally remove to places nearly adjoining to that place where the Treasures were stored. Hiempsal took up his lodging, by great chance, in his house, who was Captain of the Guard to jugurth, a man very inward and gracious with his master.  
Him (by fortune thus making a fit Instrument for Treason) jugurth soliciteth, by massy promises corrupteth, & without denial importuneth to forge and deliver him the counterfeit keys of his house, for the true keys were nightly carried up into Hiempsals Chamber. The remainder, as occasion served, himself with his armed retinue would take order to dispose of.  
The Numidian speedily executeth his master's commands, and according to his instructions at night, giveth entrance unto jugurths' Soldiers: who were no sooner in possession of the house, but they disperse themselves, some to seek the King, some to murder Hiempsals servants, & others to make good their entrance, in case any person made resistance. This done, they left no secret place unransaked; they broke up Presses, and dived into every blind corner, confounding all places with noise and uproar; and at last, lighted upon Hiempsal, hidden in the lodging of a poor maidservant, whether the sudden apprehension of fear and ignorance of the place, in the beginning of the tumult, had frighted him to fly unto. The Murderers, as they had in command, strike off his head, and present it to jugurth. The fame whereof in a trice flieth over all Africa.  
4. Adherbal, and the Subjects of Micipsa, stand astonished at the report of so heinous a treachery: The people in general fall to partes-taking: The greater number continue constant to Adherbal, the men of War follow jugurth. Whereupon, without further delay, he raisest the strongest forces he can, he seizeth upon Towns, some by force, and some by faite speeches: he uniteth them to his former portion, and casteth in his mind how to become sole-Lord of Numidia.  
Adherbal, notwithstanding that he had sent his messengers to Rome, to inform the Lords of the Senate of the death of his Brother, and his particular misfortunes; yet seeing himself well accompanied with armed troops, he doubteth not the adventure of his welfare, upon the hazard of a battle. But coming unto trial, his army was defeated, & himself glad to fly into his own province; from whence he took his way towards Rome.  
5 Now jugurth being Master of his desires, & peaceable Lord of all Numidia, revolving in his mind the future scandal of this heinous murder, saw none, of whom he should need to stand in fear of, but the Roman people: To mitigate whose wrath, no hopes remained, but such, as Money and the avarice of the Nobility afforded. Wherefore to prevent storms on that side, he within a few days after dispatcheth his Ambassadors towards Rome, plentifully loaden with Gold and Silver: giving them instructions: First, to present his ancient acquaintance: Secondly, to draw in New; And lastly, to be sparing towards no man, so he were in place to countenance his practices. So arriving at Rome, according to the direction of their Lord, they saluted their Patrons, and the greatest of authority in the Senate with rich presents. A sudden alteration followed: the greater part of the gentry which but even now, were most violently carried in passion against jugurth, forthwith became a Protector and favourer of his cause. Some in hope, and others upon resceipt, privately laboured every Lord of the Senate, to lay no heavy or unsupportable pressure upon jugurth.  
This done, the Ambassadors are confirmed, and a day of hearing set down for both parties: wherein Adherbal thus laid open his cause.  

Adherbals Oration.  
6 HOnourable Lords, my Father upon his deathbed gave me in charge, that I should carry myself, but as Lieutenant of the kingdom of Numidia. It was his last will, that the Sovereignty should remain at your devotions.  
Moreover, he commanded me, to do you my utmost service in times of peace and war, as also to make no other account of your fidelities, then of the loyalties of so many friends and Kinsmen; which precepts (said he) if you observe, By the security of their friendships, you shall never be to seek of an Army, of Riches, and the protection of a Kingdom. These rules had I no sooner planted in my mind, with determination of obedience, but jugurth, the most impious man, that breatheth upon the circuit of the earth, in despite of your imperial prerogatives, hath utterly disabled me the Nephew of Masinissa, yea friend and confederate of the Roman people, 
Suadet Senatum ut sibi suppetias ferri iubeat.  to accomplish these duties, by him, being expulsed from my kingdom and Native Country.  
Yet (Honourable Lords:) such is my estate, that I had rather implore your assistance to these my present miseries, in remorse of mine own calamities, then in respect of any my Ancestors deserts: rather wishing that these favours were due unto me by the Roman people for mine own sake (though I had no occasion to use them) or if I had, that myself might only remain their debtor.  
But for that a good conscience (for itself's sake) is smally regarded, and fortune hath not showed like favours to me as she hath to jugurth; Honourable Lords, myself have made choice to make my resort to your favourable protections, wherein, my only grief is, that misery hath enforced me, first, to be burdensome, before I have been profitable to your state.  
Other Kings have been admitted into your friendship, either after their overthrows, or at best, have requested it, doubtful and desperate pinches; but our house ventured their alliance in the hottest of the Carthaginian wars, at what times their singular good wills, were rather to be accepted, than their forces valued. The issues of such men (and me the Nephew of Masinissa) suffer not (Honourable Lords) to implore aid in vain, but rather, if there were no other reasons of satisfaction, than my distressed fortunes (who whilom was a King, happy in descent, famous in renown, and powerful in substance, now base, miserable, needy, & begging assistance of another;) yet let the Majesty of the Roman Empire prohibit injuries, and restrain a wicked varlet to usurp upon another man's right, 
Honestum, quia id pater & a●us meriti sunt.  wrongfully. For (Honourable Lords) I am despoiled of that inheritance which the Roman people allotted my Ancestors, and whereof my Father and Grandfather stood seized jointly with you, after the expulsion of Sciphax and the Carthaginians.  
These your Noble donatives (Honourable Lords) are injuriously taken from me, & you in my disgraces shamefully dishonoured. Wretch that I am! O father Micipsa, how are thy favours requited! Shall the man whom thou broughtest in to be coheir of thy kingdom, and of mecre favour advanced to equal dignity with thy children, become the chief instrument to destroy thy Progeny? What! shall our house never see quiet days? Shall we always converse with blood, war, and banishment?  
As long as the Carthaginians, flourished, we endured the grievances of all hostility without complaint: then our enemies lay upon our backs, your aid was far remote, and therefore our hopes resided in our own valours; we knew what to trust to. But after that Africa was disburdened of that plague, every man rejoined in the security of peace, because no enemy remained, 
utile, quia socius Rom●● imperii permaner●t.  but him perhaps whom you might have given in commandment to be defied.  
But behold contrary to expectation, this jugurth, bewraying his insufferable presumption, his bloody Conscience, and his ambitious spirit, in the slaughter of my brother and his own kinsman, did make his kingdom the first purchase of his wicked disposition: His second projects were, to circumvent me by like Treason; which when he could not effect, nethlesse, by force and war, he hath now despoiled me, (mistrusting no such violence) of mine inheritance, of my birthright, and (as you can witness) enforced me to undergo the miserable casualties of want and beggary, being in every place more secure, then in mine own kingdom.  
Of your assistance (my Lords) I make this construction, that (as I have often heard my Father say) those who with integrity regard your friendship, took much pains in obtaining their suits, 
B. Pater & avu●.  but of all people living, their estate is securest. Our family never failed in the one; in all your wars their assistance hath been at your service: now lieth it in your power to requite me with the other.  

S. ab infidiis jugurthae.  Honourable Lords, Our Father left us two brethren, the third, this jugurth, By his bounty he supposed to have left likewise a Brother devoted to our good; but the one he hath already slain; myself, the other, hath hardly escaped his blood-thirsty cruelty. In this distress what shall I do? Infortunate that I am! to what especial friend shall I turn my complaints? The assistance of my kinsmen, lieth buried with their bodies, in the grave: my Father is departed this world: (the decree of Nature) my brother slaughtered by the treason of this his Kinsman, a murder most unnatural: the remainder of my affinity, consanguinity, friends, and followers, he hath by divers practices oppressed: some he hath put to ransom; some he hath dispatched at the Gallows; and others he hath cast before the hungry jaws of ravenous beasts. A few (yet beholding unto him for their lives) he hath imprisoned in dark dungeons, there to spend the date of their days in sighs and laments; a life far more intolerable than death itself.  
Thus honourable Lords, if I had neither lost some part of my people, neither had cause to complain of the revolt of others: yet, if any misfortune should have against expectation befallen me, I would have implored the protection of your favours, unto whom, for the majesty of your Empire, every Subiests right or wrong aught to be regardful. But being (as I am) a banished man from my native soil, from mine own House, alone, and in extremity, whether shall I go? Whom shall I appeal unto? Unto our Neighbour Commonweals, or Kings? My Lords, they all hate us in regard of your alliance. In those places, on no side can I turn my visage, but I shall behold many hostile remembrances of our Ancestors service. Can they then take compassion of him, who was once their capitol enemy? No my Lords: Micipsa taught us to crouch to no men, but to the Roman people: yea, to defy strange leagues and alliances. Your friendships were Bulwarks impregnable to secure us.  
If fortune should frown upon this Empire, than I know our estate were also desperate: but by your own prowess, and the favours of the Gods, your Commonweal flourisheth in wealth and increase; prosperity triumpheth in your Cities, and loyalty in your Provinces: blessings which make easy the relief of your associate.  
Whereof I despair not, but only fear, lest the private insinuation of jugurth (of whom you have yet made small trial) pervert the judgement of some, whom (as I hear) with tooth and nail he severally laboureth to work, to corrupt, to inveigle, not to pass any decree in his absence, without hearing his answers: objecting that my complaints are false, my flight dissimulation, and that I might have stayed with security in any kingdom, if it had so been my pleasure. O! I would to God, I might but live to see the same man, who hath by his impious treachery, enwrapped me in this conflict of miseries, in like case dissembling: that these human Controversies might at some one time or other be referred, either to your decisions, or to the justice of the immortal Gods: That so, being now proud and famosed for his villainies, and as a man exposed to all calamities, he might suffer the deserved reward of his impieties committed against our Father; of murder inflicted upon our Brother; and of Treason, the source of my miseries.  
Dearest Brother, although thy death were untimely, and thou of life bereaved by him, whom of all men living it worst beseemed, yet am I of opinion, that this thy misfortune, is rather to be joyed at, than lamented. For with thy life, thou lost but thy kingdom: of flight, of banishment, of poverty, & all such afflictions, 
Sic Virg. ● terq● quaterque be●ti, Queis ante ora patrum, Troia sub montibus altis, Contigi● oppetere.  which oppress my very soul, thou art insensible. But I unhappy man, thrown headlong out of my Patrimony into an Ocean of miseries, wander the world as a spectacle of humane change, uncertain what course to run. Shall I revenge thy wrongs; Alas! I am not of power. Shall I do good to our Country? Ah! My life and death slandeth at the devotion of others, for death I wish, It were an honourable period to my misfortunes, rather than by affecting of longer life, to make show; that in love thereof, being quite spent with miseries, I lived content to brook his insolent injuries.  
But as I am, I have neither pleasure to live, nor means to die without impeachment of mine honour. And therefore, (thrice-Honourable Lords) I adjure you, by your children & parents, 
Sueto. Neque me, neque liber●● meos chariores habebo quam, etc.  yea, by the majesty of the Roman Empire, to put redress to my miserable estate, to prevent these wrongs, and not to suffer this your kingdom of Numidia to be ruinated by Treason, and the blood of our family.   
After the King had made an end of his speech, the Agents of jugurth, more confident in their gold, than the goodness of their cause, 
Callidè tacent ꝙ jussu jugurthae.  made this short reply. That Hyempsall was slain by certain Numidians for his cruelty. That Adherbal had begun the war vnprouoked: and being overcome, 
Quia natura s●rox & superbus re vera erat.  fell to complaints, having no further means to prosecute his envy. That jugurth humbly petitioned, the Lords of the Counsel would be pleased to make no other construction of his upright carriage, 
unde laudatissimus redierat.  then of such as he showed in their service at Numantia: neither yet to prefer the words of his enemy, 
jugurthae mores Scipioni imperatori, popul●que Romano iampridem no●i essent.  before his deeds. Which ended, both parties are commanded to departed the Court.  
Whereupon the Lords demand opinions. The favourites of jugurth, and with them, the mayor part of the Senate, traduced by gifts, made small account of Adherbals complaints. The deserts of jugurth they advanced with favour, commendation, allowance, and thanks, no less outstriving by all means possible to extenuate so apparent a treason and villainy committed by a Stranger; then if they had been pleading in a righteous cause, to reap glory and commendation.  
But in opposition; some few, to whom right and indifferency, were more respective than rewards, gave sentence with Adherbal. That he was to be succoured, and the murder of Hyempsal to be severely punished. Amongst them of especial note was Emilius Scaurus, a Gentleman, stout of courage, factious, and ambitious of rule, honour, and riches, but close and cunning of carriage. This man, after he had observed the infamous, & abominable bribery of jugurth, fearing (as in like cases happeneth) that free speech against the abuses of corrupted greatness, might procure envy, contained his humours from their accustomed Liberty.  
8. Notwithstanding, in Senate the greater part prevailed: Meed and favour overswayed Equity; and an order recorded, that ten Commissioners should be sent into the province of Micipsa, to make a division thereof between Adherbal and jugurth.  
The precedent of this Embassy was L. Opinius, a man Honourable by birth, and great in Senate, who being Consul, after the deaths of C. Graccus, and M. Flaccus, made sharp and cruel use of that victory which the Nobility gained against the Commons. Him, at Rome, his professed adversary jugurth, notwithstanding entertaineth with especial courtesy.  
9 By Largesse and promises he likewise suborneth him, to set more by profit, than fame, faith or reputation; he attempteth the residue by like cunning: Some he worketh, a few made more Conscience of Honesty, then of Money.  
In the division of the kingdom, the portion thereof, that bordereth Mauritania, populous, and fertile, is assigned to jugurth: the other part (fairer in show then profit) but beautified with havens, and adorned with costly buildings, was given to Adherbal.   

CHAP. 2.  
1. The description of Africa. 2. The first inhabitants.  
ORder calleth upon me briefly to discourse of the situation of Africa, as also to show what Nations lived with us in war, or amity. But as for those places & countries, which either for their extreme rough mountains, or vast deserts, lie unfrequented, I will but point at random: the residue I will discourse of in shortest manner.  
In the division of the Terrestrial Globe, some attribute unto Africa a third part: othersome, speaking only of Asia and Europe, contain Africa in Europe. Westward it boundeth upon the Mediterranean and Ocean seas: Eastward upon those steep mountains, which the inhabitants term Catabathmon. The sea is stormy, the shores without havens, the soil fertile of grain, plentiful for Cattles, but unapt for trees. It hath few springs, and little rain: The people are heathfull of body, swift of foot, and endurable of labour. Many, who come not to untimely deaths, by the sword or wild beasts, would outlive the accustomed course of man's age, if nature failed not; for it is seldom heard that any die by sickness: yet is the whole land stored with infinite swarms of venomous worms, and beasts of prey.  
But what people possessed the 
a Pauca ci●itates, ●●rint Origin●m.  Country in the beginning: who afterwards arrived, or how they became mingled one with another, though diversity of opinions possess private fancies, yet as we are let to understand by the interpretation of those Punic books, which were said to be Hiempsals, we will as briefly as we may, relate as the case standeth what the Natives report for truth in this matter. Let every man give credit, as he pleaseth to fancy it.  
2 The Getuli and Libian, an uncivil and barbarous people, feeding upon raw flesh, and the fruits of the Earth (as Beasts) did first inhabit this Country. They were neither governed by Nature, neither by Law, nor superiority: wild, straggling, without leader, and there resting, where night overtook them. But after that Hercules (saith the Africans) died in Spain, his Army composed of divers Nations, having lost their Captain, in short time disbanded, by reason of the disagreement, and ambition of their Leaders. Of these companies the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, being transported into Africa by shipping, seized upon the Sea-coastes of the Mediterranean. The Persians took up their Seats more inward toward the Ocean, and turning the Keels of their Boats upwards, used them, in lieu of better buildings: for neither the soil afforded Timber, neither was it lawful to buy or barter for any in Spain. Further Traffic, the Great Sea & ignorance of foreign languages, prohibited.  
In process of time, by intermariages with the Getuli, they became one Nation, and for their wandering from place to place, to prove the goodness of pasturage for their Cat-tail, they termed themselves 
b A Graeca voce vemein, i pascers: unde d●rmatur dictio, Nomades, i. vagab●ndi pascentes.  Numidae. Even unto this day, those upland buildings of the Numidians, which they term Mapalia, Cottages, are a kind of building edgelong on the top, and broad-wasted below, in a manner resembling the bottoms of overwhelmed Shipping.  
Unto the Medes and Armenians, arrived the Libyans, for they conversed more nearer the African Sea. The Getuli lived more near the Sun, almost under the Tropic; and by reason of the small distance of Sea between Spain and them, they built Towns in short time, and gave themselves to Traffic and Navigation. By assiduity the Libyans corrupted their Names, and of Medi in their barbarous languages, called them Mauri.  
The fortunes of the Persians in short time flourished: whereupon under the name of Numidae, in regard of their multitudes, taking leave of their Parents, they seated themselves, in the Territories next adjoining to Carthage, and after their own names Numidia.  
After some continuance of 
c Numidae Carthagiu●● sium, & Carthaginensis Numidarum.  time, the one Nation making use of the other, they enforced their neighbours either for love or fear to subjection. They became famous, & augmented their glories in greater measure, than those that were nearer seated towards ᵈ our Seas. For the Lybians were not so warlike as the Getuli. So for the most part, the lower part of Africa was wholly possessed by the Numidians, and the 
e Viclis victorum nomen inditur.  victor imposed his own name upon the conquered people and country.  
Again, the Phaeniceans, some to diminish their homebred multitudes, and some of the Commonalty desirous of advancement, and other some, in love of novelties, arrived upon the Seacosts, and there built Hippon, Adrumetum, Leptis and many other Cities, which in short time grew admirable famous; many whereof in future ages at some seasons, gave great assistance, and at all times continued an honour to their first and ancient Countrymen.  
I hold it more wisdom to silence the Original of 
f Cum eius Origo & fama factarum, ingentem deposcat historiam.  Carthage, then to write thereof sparingly, because time calleth me to make haste of another discourse.  
near unto Cathabathmon (the frontier between Africa and Egypt) in the higher sea, first appeareth Ciren, Colonia Thereon, the two 
g Duo arenosa loca in mari.  Sirtes, between them Leptis, and then Arae philenorum: Hear endeth the Carthaginian Dominion towards Egypt: Beyond, are some Cities of the Punic jurisdiction; the residue, the Numidians possess as far as Mauritania. The Moors lie nearest Spain. Beyond the Numidians (men say) that the Getuli live, some in homely Cottages, some, more rudely, to wander as Vagarants. Beyond them, the Ethiopians, and beyond them again, all places to be scorched with extremity of heat.   

CHAP. 3.  
1. The estate of Africa in the beginning of these wars. 2 jugurths' cunning carriage. 3. He provoketh his Brother to fight, and routeth his Army.  
1. IN this war, the Roman people did govern many of the Punic Towns, and all those Territories, which were lately conquered from the Carthaginians, by their Lieutenants: A great part of the Getuli and the Numidians, (as far as the flood Mulucha) were Subject to jugurth: King Bochus was Lord of the Moors, by report only known to the Romans'; otherways, never heard of either in times of war, or treaties of peace. Thus have I spoken enough to purpose, as concerning the situation of Africa, and the people who inhabit it.  
2. The division of the kingdom being determined, the Commissioners returned, and jugurth contrary to his own fears, having obtained a reward for his Treason, began to call unto mind, how he had heard his friends at Numantia report, That all things were vendible at Rome. Upon assurance whereof, concurring with the late protestations of his corrupted favourites, being encouraged, he resolved to make a proof upon the kingdom of Adherbal. The invader was violent, and valorous: the invaded, peaceable; No soldier; Of a frolic disposition; Disgistive of injuries; Fearful, rather than to be feared.  
Whereupon, jugurth taketh the occasion, and upon the sudden strongly invadeth his frontiers, maketh booty of men and Cattle, fiereth villages, & showeth himself in warlike array with his horsemen before many good towns. This Bravado performed, he retireth with his people into his own kingdom, conjecturing, that Adherbal could not but take this hostile outrage to heart, and in like measure cry quittance: which if he did, then was his desires satisfied, for this would he pretend to be the cause of the quarrel.  
But Adherbal, for that he knew himself inferior in forces, and reposed greater confidence in the friendship of the Roman people, then in his Numidians, dispatcheth Messengers to jugurth, to complain of these outrages. Who although they reported nothing back again, save contumelious Language, yet sat he still, with full resolution to suffer all manner of disgraces, rather than to begin the War, because to his loss he had lately felt the smart thereof. The ambition of jugurth never the more relented, he had already in conceit swallowed the whole kingdom: And thereupon, not now, as before, he maketh a cursory and pillaging journey into the Country, 
Lucan. Nulla fides regni soci●s, omnis qu● po●e●●as impatiens consortis erit.  but marcheth soldier-like in the midst of his armed battalions, and layeth an open claim to the Crown of all Numidia. As he goeth, he wasteth Cities, and depopulateth Villages, taketh prizes, encourageth his followers, and danteth his enemies.  
3 Adherbal perceiving no mean courses available, but that he must either fight, or fly, upon very necessity levieth forces, and resolveth to seek jugurth. They had not marched many days, but both Armies approacheth near unto Cirtha, a Town situated not far from the sea. This happened towards the Evening, no fit time to darraigne a battle. But about midnight, after the going down of the Moon, upon a signal given, the soldiers of jugurth give a Camisado upon the camp of Adherbal, some they slay half awakened in their beds, others running to their arms, they put to flight, and cut in pieces. Adherbal with some few horsemen posteth unto Cirtha, where, if a strong troup of Citizens had not forced the pursuing Numidians to retire from the walls, without doubt one day had decided the quarrel of a kingdom, jugurth layeth his siege round about the Town, prepareth vines, raiseth Towers, and beginneth a breach with all sorts of Engines; yea, and to frustrate the arrival of the Ambassadors, who as he heard say, were sent from Adherball towards Rome, before the day of battle, he hasteneth the siege with all possible diligence.   

CHAP. 4.  
1. Ambassadors are the second time sent into Africa with sharper Instructions. 2. jugurths' cunning and feigning excuses. 3. After the Ambassadors departure, he again besiegeth his Brother.  
Assoon 
a Nihil decenter in hac ●e gevi●ur: copo●si●r ex●●ci●u●, non legat●, ne ●lli ●ebebant ad in●u●iam vindicandam.  as the Senate had understanding of their differences, they dispatched three young Gentlemen into Africa, with Commandment, to go personally to both the Kings, and in the name of the Senate & Roman people, by word of mouth to say unto them; That It was their will and pleasure, that they should both lay down their Arms. In so doing, they should perform a work 
b Digrum se●atu, quē●●cis 〈◊〉 esse d●cuit et dig●ii ●●li●, qui inter se tam propinqui essent.  worthy their Friends and themselves.  
The Ambassadors make the more haste towards Africa, for that the news was in Rome before their departure, that the Princes had fought, and that Cirtha was besieged. But that rumour was sparingly verified.  
2. jugurth having understood the Tenor of their Embassy protested, That nothing could be of greater worth, or more dear unto him, than the authority of the Senate: that such had been his carriage from his youth, that the love of all good men had voluntarily befallen him: that he had been gracious unto P. Sci●io, that worthy Gentleman, for his virtues, not for perverseness: And lastly, That for these qualities, and not for want of Issue, Micipsa had adopted him into the Kingdom. So that, by how much the more he had showed himself a good man in civil behaviour, and a valiant Captain Captain in service, by so much the less could his great spirit brook to pocket up a wrong. Inferring, that Adherbal had laid weight traitorously to murder him; upon discovery whereof, 
c Magna ingenia agrè serunt iniurias  he had but taken the course of prevention: which if the Roman people gain said, they neither used him according to his calling, nor afforded him justice; to forbid him to apply those remedies which the Law 
d s. vim vi repel.  of Nations and nature provided. Finally, he protesteth, that in good time he would send his Agents to Rome, to give ample satisfaction to all parties: and so taketh his leave. Licence of reply Adherbal could not obtaine●  
3 Now, jugurth conjecturing about what time the Ambassadors might take shipping to departed, returneth again to Cirtha, and for that the Situation thereof was impregnable by nature to be forced, he investeth it round with a trench and a ditch, he errecteth Towers, & manneth them: Night and day he proffereth assaults, & worketh Stratagems: Sometime he loadeth the defendants with Mountains of fair words, and other times he adjureth all terrible punishments: his own people he prayeth to be resolute, and for his own part, is negligent in nothing that might put life to the enterprise.  
Adherbal now perceiving upon what desperate terms his safety consisted, that the enemy pressed hard upon him, no hope of raising the siege; as also, that for want of meat and munition the war could not be prolonged, of those, that fled with him in company into Cirtha, he maketh choice of two lusty and trusty companions, inducing thence by great promises and his miserable estate, by night to feign flight into the enemy's trenches, from them to pass to the seaside, and so to take passage for Rome. Within a few days these Numidians execute their masters command: Adherbals Letters are delivered in the Senate, the Tenor whereof, was as followeth.  
It is not my default (Honourable Lords) that I thus often trouble your Honours with petitions, the violence of jugurth is the motive: Him, so incompatible a thirst of my blood possesseth, that neither your prescripts, nor the remembrance of heaven, can turn his mind unto consideration of duty. My life above all earthly things he aimeth at: 
Cuius vlt. ●●●nt ●, sed ●a no glamour.  Five months are now past, sithence I (your friend and confederate) have endured his siege: the favours of my father Micipsa are forgotten; your Injunctions, no defence: I cannot resolve you, whether war or hunger do most torment me. 
Pa●um creditur m●s●●is.  My hard fortunes do dissuade me to write more concerning this jugurth: I have already made trial, that miserable men find small credence: Only this I dare assure you, that he affecteth somewhat else, besides my life: you know he cannot bereave me of my kingdom, & n less stand in your good grace, 
q d. gravius ferret remit t●re regnum meum, quam anncitiam vestram.  which he would make choice of to lose, who doubteth? He hath already slain my brother Hiempsal, and despoiled me of my father's kingdom: These are my private injuries, they concern not you. But now he usurpeth upon the whole; the Man, who you have made Lord Governor of Numidia, he besiegeth, and how he hath scorned the behests of your Ambassadors, my perils plead publication. What one remedy is left, but your assistance; yet such, as were of power to raise him from this siege? Surely I could wish, that these my present lines, as also my former complaints in Senate, were causeless, so that my misery might win you to credit. But sithence the destinies have reserved me to this hour, wherein I am made a laughing stock and matter of triumph, to the disloyalty of jugurth, I do not now think upon death, nor the diversion of miseries, but only pray that I might share in his punishments, so I were sure to participate of his fortunes. As for the kingdom of Numidia (which I confess is yours) provide for it, as you think best; let me entreat you thus much, for the majesty of your Empire, and our plighted faiths in friendship, only to deliver my body from the tyranny of this impious conspirator: And this, as you tender the remembrance of my Grandfather Massinissa.   

CHAP. 5.  
1. Ambassadors of greater quality are again sent into Africa. 2. Remissly they leave things as they find them. 3. Cirtha is forced. 4. Adherbal slain.  
Upon the reading of these Letters, some of the Lords were very hot, to have an Army forthwith levied for Africa: affirming, that they were in honour engaged to send present succours to Adherbal, and at leisure to consult upon jugurths' contempt, for disobeying the order of the Ambassadors: But on the contrary, his favourites with much ado bestirred them, to dash this decree. Thus (as in like cases) private favour perverted public honesty.  
Notwithstanding, lest they should seem to do nothing, they hast in embassage graver personages, men of great place and quality again into Africa; amongst whom, was M: Scanus, of Consulare dignity, & powerful in Senate; of whom we told you before. These men, for that jugurth had incurred the 
a Qua legatis non parnisset.  general hatred, and the Numidians also with no less importunity did solicit, a speedy departure, in three days space were got a shippebord, and with a fair passage arrived at Utica: whence, in hast they posted away their Letters to jugurth, with intimation, tha● he should (all excuses and delays set apart) upon sight thereof, retire into his own province: not forgetting likewise to acquaint him, how they were especially sent unto him from the Lords of the Senate.  
2 jugurth hearing that such eminent persons, and of such authority in Rome, were employed, to cross his designs; at first, somewhat perplexed between fear and perseverance, stood diversly distracted what to determine. He feared the displeasure of the Senate for his contempt towards the former Ambassadors: but lastly, the blind humour of Ambition overmastred his senses: And so an ungracious Counsel, forced out of a rash resolve, prevailed to the worst.  
Whereupon, giving a general assault to the Town, he laboured his utmost, to become master thereof: confidently hoping, that by drawing his enemy's forces to to divers defences, either the sword, or policy, would cast upon him the Trophy of victory. Which not succeeding; neither his projects of circumventing Adherbal, (before he should come to Negotiation with the Ambassadors) sorting to effect, fearing by longer stay further to exasperate Scaurus his anger, whom he much feared; in the company of some few horsemen he retired into his own Province: where being given to understand in the name of the Senate, in what heinous measure, they took his contumacy, in not desisting from the siege of Cirtha, and what grievous punishment they threatened, after much debating on both sides, the Ambassadors retired towards Rome 
b Quia ●alses in●●p●i ratiou●s, & causas frivolas adduceret jugurtha.  without accomplishing any agreement to purpose.  
3 After news hereof was brought unto Cirtha, the 
c Cirthae pro presidio imbositi, post divisionem regni.  Italians, upon whose Virtue the safety of the Town consisted, persuaded themselves, that if they motioned a composition and yielded the place, they (in regard of the Roman name) should be sure to find good dealing, move Adherbal to give his consent to yield himself & the Town to jugurth, with conditions of security for his life; All other the Controversies to be referred unto the good pleasure of the Senate.  
Adherbal though he had rather have undergone any extremity than trusted jugurths' oath, yet because it lay in their powers to constrain him, how obstinate soever, yielded to accept of whatsoever Articles the Italians did think meetest.  
4 The first sacrifice that jugurth offereth, after some cruel tortures, 
Inermibus, verefim●le est, pepercit, an tamen Italicis, non constat.  is his brother's blood: the second, a promiscuous slaughter of the young Numidians and Merchants, as any one happened to meet with his armed enemy.   

CHAP. 6.  
1. The Humour of the Lords, the opposition of Memmius, the subtlety of jugurth 2. The Romans first preparation to war. 3. frustrated by jugurth.  
AFter intelligence hereof was certified at Rome, and the matter began to be expostulated in Senate, the old favourites of the King, sometime by interruption, and sometime by fair speeches, intermingled with foul, found occasions by protraction of time to add hopes of mitigation of the offence. And if C. Memmius 
a In proximum annum.  Tribune elect of the people, a man of an undaunted spirit, and much offended at the insolencies of the Gentry, had not preferred an information to the people against jugurth, how matters were carried, (viz) that by a few factious Citizens the offender was likely to be pardoned; without doubt all displeasure had been forgotten by procrastination of consultations: Of so great moment were favour and Mony.  
2 But the popular fear awakeneth the Drowsy spirits of the Lords of the Senate, to recall to their memories the inexcusable management of this foul fact. By the Law Sempronia, Numidia and Italy, are the appointed provinces for the future Consuls: P. Scipio Nasica, and L. Calphurnius Bestia are nominated. The lot of Numidia fell upon Calphurnius; of Italy, upon Scipio. Wages and all other ammonitions necessary for war are proportioned for the Army of Africa: jugurth, contrary to imagination (being beyond doubt persuaded that all things would to contentment be managed at Rome for money) by message hearing hereof, sendeth his own son with two of his trustiest Counsellors in embassage to the Senate. To these he giveth in strict charge (as he had done at the death of Hyempsal) to work upon all creatures with money.  
After their arrival at Rome, the Senate was demanded by Bestia, if it were their pleasures that jugurths' Messengers should be suffered to enter within their walls. For answer, they replied, that unless he would personally appear before the Counsel Table, and there simply surrender himself and his kingdom; that his Legates within ten days next immediately following, should get them packing out of the confines of Italy; at peril. The Consul acquainteth the Numidians with the decree of the Counsel: accordingly they departed without satisfaction to any thing they demanded.  
Mean time Calphurnius, mustreth his army, entertaineth gentlemen, and amongst them some factious spirits, whose greatness he made account should be his protection, against errors and calumnies: of these Scaurus made one, of whose carriage and behaviour we have already related.  
The Consul by nature was qualified with many good parts, both of mind and body, if Avarice only had not blemished their purities: Indurable of labour, quick of apprehension, reasonable circumspect, an indifferent soldier, and valorous in dangers and sudden enterprises.  
By this time the legions were arrived at 
b Oppidun Calabriae  Rhegium, from thence they set sail for Sicill, and so to Africa.  
3. In the beginning of his first arrival, being well provided of necessaries, he made sharp war upon Numidia, took Prisoners, and some Cities by strong hand. But after he had once talked with the bribing Messengers of jugurth, who made the sharpness of the present war the colour of their embassage, the mind of Calphurnius, distempered with the Lethargy of Avarice, relented● Scaurus was taken to be the Prime-moter & Minister of all his Counsels: who although in the beginning he had opposed with no small integrity against jugurths' faction, notwithstanding at last, the Massi● mineral of Gold, from Good and Virtuous, gave him the imputation of wicked and Impious.  
The next Stratagem that jugurth bribed for, was only a surcease from Arms: Upon hopes that time by rewards or favour would produce some milder fortune.  
But lastly, when he heard that Scaurus was put in joint-commissioner to take order in the business, his former hopes were redoubled, to recover an assured peace, and thereupon grew resolute personally, to fall to composition concerning all Controversies.  
Hereupon (for good-meanings-sake) Sextus the Treasurer, is sent as a pledge to Vacca, jugurths' Town, but under pretence of receiving the corn which Calphurnius had commanded the Messengers 
d Vt vulti●ne, iub●tisne cum jugurtha bellum componatur.  in open audience to provide, for that the treaty of truce was to be prolonged, according to jugurths' delay in capitulating.  
Whereupon the King (according to promise) maketh his appearance in the Camp, where speaking some few words before the Council, in extenuation of the harsh construction which men made of his offence, he desireth to be received to mercy: what he had more to say, he communicateth with Bestia and Scaurus in secret.  
And so the day following, a general opinion being 
e Ne quid sinistri vulgus suspicaretur.  demanded, according to the Law Satyra, he yieldeth, and is received, with condition set down by the Counsel, that he should pay thirty Elephants, a proportion of cattle, like number of Horses, and no small quantity of Silver; which were accordingly delivered unto the Treasurer. This done, Calphurnius iournyeth towards Rome, to procure allowance of the decreed truce from the Senate, leaving good directions, both in Numidia, and our army, for observation of the peace.   

CHAP. 7.  
1. The Commons repine at the peace concluded with jugurth. 2. Incited by C. Memmius.  
But after that same had made report of the occurrences of this war, and how it was managed, at Rome in every place, and in all companies, every man's head was busied with the behaviour of the Consul. The commons, as a woman with Child, laboured with envy; The Lords could not resolve whether they should ratify or disannul, so dishonourable a composition concluded by a Consul. The greatness of Scaurus, who was reported to be the Author and chief Counsellor of this business, to Bestia, perverted all right and justice.  
2 But C. Memnius, of whose free form of speech, and distaste of the Gentry, we have already spoken, observing the timorousness and procrastination of the Senate, in his Orations ceased not to encourage the people to revenge the disgrace: he aduized them not to set light by their Privileges of Liberty: he aggravated the cruel, proud, and manifold insolencies of the Nobility: finally, his whole Orations tended to no other scope, but to irritate the courages of the vulgar. And because in those times, his eloquence was famous and much spoken of in Rome, amongst many, I think it not amiss, to acquaint you with the Transcript of one, & especially with that which he made after the return of Bestia. Thus it was.  

C. Memmius his Oration.  
FEllow Citizens, many are the perturbations of my mind, which do accounsell me to forsake you, if my zeal to the common cause prevailed not above all other passions: that is to say, the powerful greatness of the faction, your slavish patience, and the suppression of justice: but the grief, that most curbeth me, is, to see that Innocency is sooner rewarded with peril, than graced by desert.  
How these fifteen years last passed, you have lived as a scorn to the Pride of a few; how basely without revenge, and in dangers you have for saken your 
a T. Gracchus. C. Gracchus. M. Fuluius.  Protectors, it grieveth me to record. But how cometh it to pass, that as yet your minds are corrupted with the same sloth and cowardice, that being now interessed in like defence of justice against your adversaries, you rouse not up your courages, and become awful unto those (as is meet) who with might & main strive to domineer over you? Well, let the reasons be what they will, notwithstanding, my mind strongly persuadeth me to enterprise some course of indifferency, against this the pride of the Gentry, Surely, I will not be afraid to make public profession of that liberty, which by descent accrued unto me from my cradle. But whether I shall lose my labour, or speak to purpose, the issue lieth in your election, worshipful Citizens.  
Yet is it not my meaning, that by 
b Discesionem in montem acrum, aut Auentinum.  violence, as your predecessors did, you should seek redress of injuries: For at this time, there is neither need of Arms, nor disunion; no, let Faction run headlong after the accustomed manner, to its own destruction.  

c Probat exemplis  After the death of Tiberius Graccus (who as men report aimed at the Monarchy) many cruel informations were preferred against the Commons. After the slaughter of C. Graccus and M: Fuluius, divers of your 
d Tres fuere ordines Romanorum, s. Senatorius, equester, plebeius.  rank were executed in prison: To both pressures, 
e s. Portia quae vetat in Civem animaduertere poena sanguinis.  not law, but licentious satiety put ending.  
But be it, that to restore the people to their ancient privileges, were for the good of the Commonwealth; or, that the redress of those enormities which cannot be reform without the effusion of blood, were justifiable: yet have you precedents of former ages, that your ancestors (as it were with silence) disdained to see the Exchequer pillaged, or Kings or foreign Nations to bestow pensions upon private gentlemen. By means whereof, although superiority and infinite wealth accompanied their greatness, yet made they small account to escape unpunished for their misdemeanours.  
In these days, equity, your prerogatives, and all divine & humave royalties are yielded up to such your enemies, who are neither weary nor ashamed to commit the like, if not worse, insolencies: In the open streets their carriage is Princelike, & some there are, who do nothing but boast of their Sacerdoties, their Consulships and triumphs, as if they had obtained them by reprisal, and not deserved them in honour.  
Slaves bought with money, can hardly brook the imperious commands of proud masters, and can you (Roman citizens') borne in freedom, tolerate so vile a servitude with patience? And I pray you, what kind of men are these, which sway thus in the State? surely, the worst of all other: Bloody in action, unsatiable in avarice, the greatest offenders, and the proudest companions? with whom faith, piety, honesty and dishonesty are mercenary. Some whereof had laid violent hands upon your Tribunes, some preferred forged indictments, & others accounted it a strong piece of policy, to have trussed you up at the Gallows. The worse the pressure committed against you, the 
f Quia maximè tim●r●tur.  securer the party: Believe it, your remissness hath quitted all their fears of daring to do evil: so that now: their desires, their hatreds, and fears are one and alike. 
g Haec. optima am●●●●a 〈◊〉 bonow.  Indeed, amongst good men, those are the seals of truest friendship; amongst evil men the stratagems of faction.  
But if like care of Liberty had possessed your courages, as Ambition of superiority hath inflamed their spirits, assuredly, the Commonwealth should not, as now lie disgraced, nor your presentments to advancement been employed upon men most audacious, but most upon the meritorious.  

h q. d. vobis imitandi.  Your Ancestors falling to disunion, by arms in the quarrel of Laws and Reformation of Officers, twice seized upon 
i unum ex septem collibus Romae.  Aventine, and will not you once do your utmost to redeem your hereditary Liberty? Yea and with so much the greater courage, by how much it is the greater disgrace, rather to lose that which by virtue hath to your hands been gained formerly, then to have sat still, and done nothing at all.  
Some man will say, Sir, what is then your opinion: That you call for redress against those that have wronged the state, not uncivilly, nor by strong hand; for this were more dishonourable to you the Actors, then to them the sufferers: but to proceed by information & the confession of jugurth himself: who, if he be your Prisoner indeed, it were but reason, that he should obey your behests.  
Which if he contemn, the matter is answered, you may soon guess, what manner of peace and surrendry this is, by which jugurth is now at Liberty, unpunished; the great men plentifully enriched, and the common wealth a loser and dishonoured.  
This is my opinion, unless peradventure, you are not yet weary of their predominancy, and those times do better please you then the present, wherein Kingdoms, Provinces, Laws, decrees, judgements, wars, treaties, and finally, all Offices, in Church and Commonwealth are at the dispose of a few.  
And so it seemeth to me: that you whose forces no envy is able to confront, as being sole Commanders of infinite Nations, are notwithstanding content to have well escaped with the safeties of your bare lives. For which of you dare make refusal of his imposed servitude? 
l s● extens per pan●●● potent●●. s. jugurtha.   
For mine own part although I am fully persuaded, that that most wicked man escaped, against all conscience unpunished for his villainies, yet with a right good will could I give my consent, that you should pardon his most faulty inconnivences (because they are 
m s. Calphurnia, S●a●io 〈◊〉 similibus  Citizens) but that this precedent of foolish pity might happen to a future mischief. For with them it will be soon forgotten (such is their unconscionable impudence) that they escaped punishment for their misdemeanours, unless future occasions of committing the like, be henceforth quite bereaved them.  
As for yourselves, you shall ramaine in perpetual suspense, either to become slaves, or to maintain your liberty by force of Arms. For I pray you, what hope of good meaning or concord can you assure unto yourselves, when they will be grands, you free: They will commit wrongs, you will seek to redress them: they will use your associates as enemies, your enemies as associates. Can there be any security or true friendship in such diversity of humours? Upon premeditation of all which contrarieties, I cannot but admonish and entreat you, not to let pass so presumptuous a scandal unexamined.  
The pillaging of the public treasure is not now questioned, nor moneys by extortion drawn from our confederates complained of. These enormities though (vile & odious) use maketh them familiar. But in our case, the majesty of the Senate is betrayed to a most cruel enemy, your Privileges broken, and the common cause set to sale here at home, and in foreign Countries: Which abuses unless they be examined, and exemplary severity inflicted upon the offenders; what remains, but that hereafter we content ourselves to live in allegiance to those, who have committed the fault? 
Nom●n invisum Romanis.  For to dare upon confidence of impunity, is no less than to usurp upon the title of a Kingdom.  
Worshipful Citizens, mistake me not; I would not have you to tolerate evil rather than good, in your fellow Citizens, but my advice is, that you prevent it in the good, by not pardoning it in the bad. For the good of the state, it were better in this point, to be unmindful of a benefit, then to tolerate a mischief. A good man is only made more secure by connivence, an evil man more lewd. If wrongs were not, counsel were needless.    

CHAP. 8.  
1 Cassius is sent to jugurth. 2 The misdemeanour of the Officers of the Army in Africa. 3 Memmius objecteth against jugurth. 4 Countenanced by Bebius.  
BY reiteration of these and such like speeches, Memmius persuadeth the people to send L: Cassius the Praetor to jugurth, with Commission, upon reciprocal pleighting of public faith, to bring him unto Rome; to the intent that by his evidence, the offences of Scaurus, and the residue, accused of subornation, might be publicly examined.  
Matters being thus managed at Rome, the Colonels and Captains of the Army left behind by Bestia, imitating the examples of their General, perpetrated many heinous and dishonourable enormities: Some, for money re-sold the Elephants to jugurth: Some made Merchandise of Fugitives, and others went a boothaling into the confederate countries: a general contagion of Avarice (like a pestilential Fever) had empoisoned their spirits in general.  

a ●. A plebisci●●.  The Decree ratified, and the whole Nobility daunted, at the motion of Memmius, Cassius is commanded to repair unto jugurth: findeth him fearful, and his conscience accusing his cause, for that he had yielded himself unto the Roman people: which Cassius perceiving, notwithstanding persuadeth and encourageth him to make trial of clemency, rather than of obstinacy. Moreover, he interposeth his private faith, which jugurth accepted with as great confidence as if it had been the Public: In those times, such was the repute of Cassius.  
jugurth (contrary to the customs of Kings) attired in most base apparel, accompanied Cassius to Rome: where being arrived, although his mind was nothing dejected in regard of comfort received from those his patrons (by whose greatness and connivence he had already waded through the scandals before spoken of) yet, by bribery he prepareth to preoccupy C: Bebius the other Tribune of the people; by whose opposition (gained) he made full account against just objections, or injurious accusations, to be strongly guarded.  

Qu●rum auxilio fretus, ea scelera perpetrare ausus est.  3 C: Memmius, summoneth the assembly (a party most malicious against jugurth:) Some give advice to commit him to prison; Others, to punish him as a professed enemy more maiorum, unless he would disclose his accouncellers and countenancers in the Action. 
Quia contra ius gentium esset, fide publica interposita supplicium sumi de eo qui sponte sua venerat.  But Memmius more respecting the public honour, then private fury, by mild persuasions lenifieth their fierceness, assuageth their swollen courages, and lastly protesteth, that for his part, he will preserve the public faith engaged, in highest purity. After silence proclaimed: and jugurth at the bar: he thus began to expostulate. He made a recital of his offences practised at Rome, and committed in Numidia; he published his impieties against his Father and brothers: by whose counsel, and by the corruption of what Ministers, he was encouraged to execution.  
Of the particulars whereof, although the Roman people were fully instructed, yet their desire was, to have them given in evidence out of his own mouth. If he spoke truth, upon the faith and clemency of the Roman people, the greater would be his hopes: but if he consealed them, it would prove dangerous to his favourites, and desperate to himself, and his future fortunes. 4. Assoon as Memmius had ended his speech, & jugurth commanded to reply, C. Bebius the other Tribune, whom (as we told you before) jugurth had corrupted, enjoined him to silence, whereat the present Commons being vehemently moved began to be clamorous, to bend the brow, to threaten force, and to make use of all those insolencies, which a popular passion for the instant accounselleth. Notwithstanding, impudence prevailed: and the people standing there but for Ciphers, at last departed: jugurth, Bestia, and the residue (which the information concerned and terrified) began now to take courage.   

CHAP. 9  
1. Massiva incited by Albinus, studieth to become King of Numidia. 2. jugurth procureth his death. And returneth into Africa.  
AT the same season a certain Numidian, called Massiva, the son of Gulussa, the Nephew of Massinissa, upon the dissension of the Kings, taking party against jugurth, after the yielding up of Cirtha and the murder of Adherbal, retired to Rome. This man, Sp. Albinus (who the year ensuing after Bestia was Consul with Q. Minutius Ruffus) for that he was of the blood of Masinissa, accounselled to become humble suitor unto the Lords of the Senate, for the kingdom of Numidia; and the rather, for that a general envy did prosecute jugurth for his manifold impieties. The old covetous Consul, was far more desirous to be in action, & to manage arms, rather than to end his days in peace and quiet. Numidia by lot fell to Albinus: Macedonia to Minutius.  
2 Massiva no sooner made open profession of his determination, but jugurth in his mind revolving the instability and weak assistance of his Patrons (of whom, one was attached in conscience, another mindful of his good name, and all afraid of the people) commandeth Bomilchar, his inward and trustiest friend, for money (his ordinary refuge) to procure some Ruffians to murder the Numidian. But how? 
a Ne si res palam fiat, contra fidem publicam fecisse judicatur.  in most secret and insuspicious manner: if it could not be cleanly so effected, then to dispatch it any ways; 
b Sive ●lam, sive palam.  no matter how: Bomilchar swift to shed blood, obeyeth, and procureth fellows, Craftsmaisters in such like service, to watch, first, his gooing abroad, and coming home; secondly, the places of his resort, and lastly his times of abode. Upon the next opportunity, he conducteth these his Mercenary murderers to lie in weight. One of the crew, thus resolved for blood, more rash then 
c Quia non pros●●xerat sibi de fuga.  advised, incountreth Massina, and runneth him through. The varlet is apprehended, and at the instances of many, but especially of Albinus the Consul, is dealt with to appeach his Abettors.  
Upon confession, it is thought best that Bomilchar be rather brought to his trial upon equity, then dismissed without punishment by the law of Nations, 
Quia jugurtha venit Romam fide publica interposuta, sic quod iure gentium liceret ei impune cum ●uit redire.  because he accompanied jugurth to Rome, under the protection of the public faith. As for jugurth himself (of all men best acquainted with the drift of this murder) he never giveth over to deny and contest the fact, before he clearly perceived, that envy overswayed grac● and Gold.  
Whereupon being put to his plunge, although in the former information he had delivered fifty of his friends for 
e Vat, dictus est, qui iniudicio sp●● et pro alio.  pledges, yet being more in love with a kingdom, then careful for the redemption of his sureties, he conveyeth Bomilcar secretly into Numidia, mistrusting that the fear of his appearance should disquiet the residue of his associates, if punishment were executed upon him. Within a few days after he himself followed, being commanded by the Senate to departed out of Italy. As he went out of Rome, it is reported, that without word speaking he often looked behind him: and at last broke out into these speeches, Farewell fair City, exposed to sale & sudden ruin, if thou couldst find an able Chapman.   

CHAP. 10.  
1. Albinus hasteneth into Africa. 2. deluded by jugurth. 3. Aulus is left Lieutenant of the Army. 4. routed by jugurth.  
THe war is renewed, and Albinus taking order for victuales, wages, and all other ammonitions necessary for all Soldiers, hasteneth their transportation into Africa. Himself followeth with speed, in hope either by Arms or composition to finish this War, before the time of Elections, which now grew on apace.  
2. jugurth on the contrary, drew all things out at length, sometime pretending one excuse of delay, & sometimes another. He protesteth composition, and again falleth off, by interlacing of fears and doubts. Now he retireth, and presently (not to discourage his fellows) he maketh a stand, and dareth his enemy: and so sometime by seeming to accept the battle, and sometimes by motioning treaties of accord, at all times he deludeth the expectations of the Consul.  
Some were of opinion, that Albinus was no Stranger, to these drifts of jugurth, for considering his haste, they could not be brought to believe, but the War was prolonged more by the default of the Consul, then by the cunning of jugurth. Well, the season was spent to no purpose, and the day of Elections at hand, Whereupon Albinus retired to Rome, leaving his Brother Aulus Lieutenant in his stead. At Rome the tribunitial contentions did infinitely disquiet the state of the Commonwealth. P. Lucullus and L. Annius Tribunes of the people, obstinately stood against their Colleagues, for further continuance of their offices. This difference prorogued the elections for a whole year.  
This Iterim set Aulus (who as before we told you, was left Lieutenant in Africa) on a fire, either to finish the War, or by the terror of his Army, to extort some Masses of Money from jugurth. And therefore in january he bringeth his Soldiers out of their winter Garrisons into the field, and by great journeys in every sharp season, he presenteth his forces before Suthul, the place where jugurth had bestowed his Treasure. Which, although in regard of the season, & the strong situation of the place, it should neither be forced nor besieged, (for a slimy plain, now become by the Winter Waters, a mere marish, incirled the Wall built upon the utmost clife of a ragged Rock) yet for countenance-sake, either to astonish the k. or bewitched with blind hopes of gaining the town, without delay he omitted nothing to further his intention. jugurth taking hold of the vanity and insufficiency of the man, cunningly to draw him to further points of madness, sendeth out certain Messengers to offer his submission, and withal at the same instant, feigning fear and flight, leadeth his Army into woody & unfrequented places. This offer of a conceited composition, so bewitched Aulus, that needs will he leave Suthul, and pursue his false-flying enemy into unknown Countries: upon what reason, I cannot conjecture, unless in such a place his oversights might prove less subject to disclosure. 
Qula exercitus nesciret quid agere●ur.  All the way of his march, jugurth ceased not day nor night, by certain crafty espyals to sound the soldiers: and to corrupt the Captains and Centurions of bands, either to revolt, or in the day of the fight, upon a signal given, to forsake their stations.  
4 Which, when he had brought to pass according to desire, about midnight he encompasseth the camp of Aulus with his troops of Numidians. 
Quia nox erat, & siluae ulcinae.  The soldiers were amazed at this so inexpected an alarm: some betook them to their weapons, some to hide their heads: Some encouraged the fearful, others stood quivering, as men at their wits ends, for that the enemy pressed hard upon all places. The sky was overcast with clouds and darkness, and the danger alike doubtful: 
c Vtinque periculosum erat nescient●bus regionem.  finally, the hardiest could not resolve, whether the safest course consisted in flight, or fight. Of those which were before corrupted, one Cohort of Ligurians, with two companies of Thracians, and a few common soldiers revolted to the King. In like manner the Centurion primiple of the third Legion, qave entrance to the enemy, by that quarter which was assigned him to defend: upon that side all the Numidians thrust in. 
Quia interea multi saeluti consulucre.  The flight on our part was shameful; some retired to the next hill without any weapons. Night and the rifling of our Tents, gave us some advantage to the prejudice of their victory: but the next day jugurth calleth unto Albinus; Although (saith he) I now beseech thee, distressed by war and famine, with mine Army, yet being mindful of human casualties, I will capitulate with these, that (your lives saved) you shall all pass 
e i. sub bastam transuersam inter duas has●a● erectas, patibulum representans.  sub jugum, and within ten days after, clearly depart Numidia. These conditions, although they were 
f Quia poena capituli digna, ut ipsis cecidit, quia S●mitibus sub ●ugum missi fuere.  hard and dishonourable, yet because, denial was death, the composition was accepted and ratified, according to the King's pleasure.   

CHAP. 11.  
1 The Romans reinforce their Army. 2. The Tribune preferreth a bill against bribery.  
1 Assoon as the news arrived at Rome, fear and sadness possessed the City. Some were pensive for the honour of the Empire; Others not acustomed to hear of the variable events of war, mistrusted no less than the loss of their 
a Quia Adherbal praemonuerat, quod jugurtha altiùs animum intenderet.  liberty. All were offended at Aulus, and specially those, that had been brought up in service, for that he preferred a dishonourable composition, before a valorous adventure of his life. Which the Consul Albinus well observing, and fearing that his brother's misadventure would prove his disgrace and procure him envy, propounded the question in Senate, concerning the validity of the Treaty; mean while, not foreslowing to levy new supplies, and to pray in aid the Italians and their associates. In this they used all possible celerity.  
The Lords (it was but reason) decreed, that no treaty could be ratified without the approbation of the Senate and the people.  
The Consul being forbidden by the Tribunes to transport these supplies, within a few days after arriveth in afric. For the relics of the Army, according to the articles, being retired out of Numidia, did now winter in the Province.  
Upon his first arrival, although his mind were good, both to prosecute jugurth, as also to redeem his brothers upon his first arrival, although his mind were good, both to prosecute jugurth, as also to redeem his Brother's disgrace by revenge, yet upon notice that the soldiers, besides their revolt, 
fratris. Deteriores sumus omnes licentia.  were corrupted by lose government, and licentiousness, arising from superfluity, he changed his mind, and resolved to do no more for that year.  
2 Mean time at Rome, C. Manlius Limetanus, Tribune of the people, preferred a bill for inquisition against those, by whose countenance jugurth presumed to contemn the Decrees of the Senate: who they were that redelivered the Elephants and fugitives: and likewise who they were, that either in their Ambassages, Messages, or Generalships had been corrupted by bribery: or lastly had without warrant capitulated with the enemy, of peace or war. To this bill, some for that in their consciences they knew themselves guilty, and others in regard of the general envy, misdoubting danger, for that with safety they could not make open resistance, made answer, that both this bill, and all others of like nature pleased them. But under hand by their friends, especially the Latins and the Italians, 
Quod aut alia negotia interrogabant: aut ad plebem & tribunes plebis instabant, ne in tanta Commosions, talis ●ogatio promulgaretur.  they procured means of evasion. But with what obstinacy the Commons persevered, and in what riotous manner they commanded the Inquisition, more in hate of the Gentry (against whom these malicious severities were pretended) then in true zeal to the common cause it is a thing incredible to relate. Such, and so violent was the perverseness of both parties. Whereupon every man being daunted, Marcus Scaurus the forerecited procurator of Bestia, between the insultinges of the people, and the frights of the Gentry (the City also quaking for fear) amongst, the three informers, petitioned by the bill of Manlius, procured himself to be the third in Commission.  
Howsoever, the Inquisition was so bitterly and violently urged by the clamours & lincentiousnesse of the people at this assembly, that look what insolency the Nobility in former times in their potencies, exercised upon the people; the people at this time were nothing behind in requital of the like outrage towards the Gentry.   

CHAP. 12.  
A disgression of the Author upon the cause of the corruption and declination of the Roman Empire.  
THis bandying of parties by the people, and the partiality of the Gentry, with the accustomary assiduity of corrupt passages, took their first original in Rome not many years sithence, from the disuse of war, and enjoyment of those vanities (wealth and idleness) which all mortal men do most seek after. For before the razing of Carthage, the Senate and Roman people ruled the state with indifferency, in quiet and mutual modesty: 
Seruabat cas●as humilis fortuna Latinas  contentions of Superiority and greatness were not heard of amongst fellow-Cittizens: foreign fears retained the city within bounds of mediocrity. 
Quondam, nec vitus contingi parva sinebat   
As fear vanished, so those vanities (which accompany prosperity) wantonness and pride approached: 
Tec●● labour, somnique breves.  Insomuch that in adverse times, the fruition of peace and idleness was most bitter and burdensome to them. For the Nobility converted the institution of their superiority into arrogancy, and the commonalty, their privileges into liberty. Each party made shift for themselves, to usurp, to ravin, to bandy. There were but two factions; the Commonwealth, which consisted in medio, was wronged on both sides: whereof the Nobility interessed by faction, prevailed most, the strength of the Commons disjointed & dispersed in multitudes, could do little.  
The people were kept low by poverty and employments in service: The spoils of war the Generals shared unto themselves and their favourites, whilst in the mean time the parents and infants of the soldiers, were dizseized of their inheritances, as they happened to lie adjoining near the confines of some great parsonage. Thus avarice incorporated with Greatness, laid claim, & made prize of all things without mean in all places, until it ran headlong into desperate ruin. For after, Some of the Nobility were found to affect true glory before usurped power, the City began to be disquieted, and civil dissension as dust carried with a whirlwind, invaded men's sancies. Tiberius and C. Gracchus (whose Ancestors had done many good services to the state, both in the Punic, and other wars) were the first, that endeavoured to restore the people to liberty, & to call the offences of some few into question. The Nobility being guilty, & therefore fearful, sometimes sound means to frustrate the devices of the Tribunes by their associates, and the Latins, and sometimes by the Roman Knights, whom the hope of equality had exempted from siding with the vulgar. First they slew Tiberius, & with in few years after C. Gracchus, with M. Fuluius Flaccus: the one colourably, for moving sedition; the other, for producing the Law of sending forth Colonies. To speak uprightly, the Gracchis were too too violent in their desires of prevailing: for it is a wiser course, to yield in a good cause, rather than to wreck our injuries in an evil measure. Upon this victory, the Nobility according to their pleasures & particulars, either massacred or banished many 
b Quiae ex populalaribus nullus eis faveret.  mortal creatures, for future ages procuring unto themselves, more fear than power. A project which hath ruinated many great cities, wherein the one hath studied by all 
c Per fas et nefas.  means to overmaster the other, and after victory, to proceed with cruelty. Let this suffice for the partialities and state of the City, the multiplicity whereof, if I should address myself in particular to remember, time rather than Copy would fail my endeavours. Wherefore I will retire my pen to purpose.   

CHAP. 13.  
1. Metellus is made Lord General of the Army in Africa. 2. He reformeth the Army. The description of a worthy General.  
1 AFter the composition of Aulus, and the foul discomfiture of our people, Q. Metellus, and M. Sillanus Consuls elect, cast lots for the Provinces. Numidia fell to Metellus, a man of action; who although he took part against the proceedings of the people, yet neither party could blemish his honour or good report. At his first entry into Office, he set order in all businesses which concerned his colleague, as well as himself, and afterward wholly bend his mind to the disposing of the present war.  
Whereupon growing into despair of the old Army, he presseth and inrolleth new soldiers, desireth aid on all hands, prepareth armour, weapons, horse, and all other warlike necessaries, with plentiful provision of victuals and all things else, which he knew would be otherwise wanting in a variable war, subject to the penury of accustomed supplies. To make up which his proportions (by the good leave of the Senate) the associates, the Italians and foreign kings, of their own free wills, adjoined their aids. So did every City, even to emulation.  
So having all things in a readiness, and prepared to his own content, he departeth towards Numidia, with the general applause of the City, partly moved thereunto by hopes of his good carriage and honourable disposition; partly for his invincible neglect of extorsive riches; but most of all, for that, by the Avarice of our former Governors, our forces had been broken and disheartened, and the enemies increased and encouraged in Numidia.  
At his arrival in Africa Sparke: Albinus the Pronconsull resigneth the Army, but undisciplind, out of heart, neither endurable of danger nor labour: brave in tongue, slow in action: Driving preys out of their friends countries, itself, a prey to the spoiling enemy: utterly destitute of obedience and modest carriage: So far out of Order, that the new General became more pensive to reclaim them from this enured absurdities, than any way hopeful either to receive assistance or good service by their tumultuary multitudes.  
Notwithstanding, although the delays of the 
a Per discensionem inpeditae.  Summer Elections had deceived his intentions, and although he knew that the people's ears itched with expectation of good news, yet stood he resolved not to begin the war, before he had trained his soldiers to their ancient discipline.  
For Albinus being terrified at the disastrous overthrow of his Brother and the Army, during so much of the Summer season as he spent in the Province, had set up his rest, not to dislodge; but billeted his soldiers in (as it were) standing camps without any remove, until stinch, or want of forage enforced him thereto. And then neither, according unto military discipline, he set forth Sentinels, but suffered every man to forsake his Ensign at his own pleasure: Water carriers base grooms were loosely permitted to accompany the horsemen aswell by day as by night without conduct accustomed to forage the Countries, to pillage the Villages, to drive Troops of Prisoners, and herds of Cattle; and then to barter them with merchants foreign for Wines, & such like trifles.  
Lastly, they were not ashamed to sell their public allowance, and yet to buy every days bread: whatsoever disgraces, the scandals of Sloth and Riot could either impose, or possibly devise against profession of soldiery, all these, and more were really to be found in this our Army.  
Amidst all these difficulties, I find Metellus to be a man no less sufficient, then wise and politic in warlike accidents; judicially was his desire of reformation mixed with severity.  
2 By his first proclamation he prohibited all motives to idleness (viz) That no man in the camp should bring bread to sell, or flesh ready sodden: that no grooms should follow the Army, neither, that the common soldier should have a slave or a Beast in camp or in march. To what remained, by discretion he limited measure. This done, by interchangeable dislodgings he made daily removes, and entrenched his camp with a palisado and a ditch, nethlesse he relieved the watch continually; and himself with the Officers would go the round. In his marches he would sometimes show himself in the head of his battalions, sometime in the Arereward, but oftener in the midst.  
He would suffer no man to straggle out of order. The Ensigns, he would be sure, should be strongly accompanied. The soldier must carry both his Arms and provant. Thus rather by prohibiting & forwarning of Offences, then by exemplary punishment, in short time he brought his Soldiers to perfect discipline.   

CHAP. 14.  
Metellus rejecteth the messengers of jugurth. 2. The stratagems of a sly Enemy Metellus taxeth in Vacca.  
1. IVgurth by his espyals coming to notice of Metellus his courses, as also understanding what was the repute of his integrity at Rome; began to take his own weakness into distrust, & in truth now laboured a final composition: Which to mediate, he sent certain Messengers unto the Consul with these overtures; That he would simply yield, with reservation of his own and his children's lives: what ever he held dear in the world beside, he would frankly refer it to the good pleasures of the Roman people.  
But experienee had taught the Roman General, that the Numidians were a perfidious Nation, of a variable disposition, and evermore inclined to Novelty. And therefore he soundeth every one of the Messengers apart, and upon good conjectures, finding nought but plain dealing; he maketh them great promises to betray jugurth alive or dead, but especially alive (if possibly they could) into his hands: with the remainder of his determinations, concerning the King's message, he aquainteth them in open audience.  
Upon these terms he beginneth his first march into the enemy's Country with his army aswell prepared to charge as to receive the charging enemy.  
2 Hear, contrary to the face of war, the cottages were replenished with people, the fields with Cattle & husbandmen: The King's officers of the Towns and villages, in honourable semblance welcomed the Consul, offered to give him corn, and to furnish him with carriages: yea, and with good will to accomplish whatsoever was given them in command. For all these fair shows, Metellus was nothing the more careless; he marched in such order, as if the enemy had been at hand; he sent out his vauntcurrers on every side, far & wide, all the messages of surrendry he took for mockage, and used them but as stratagems of policy to the plotting of mischief.  
And therefore he himself marched in the vanguard with the readiest Cohort, accompanied with a choice band of slings and Archers: C. Marius his Lieutenant led the Rearward with the horsemen. Upon both sides he equally divided the Auxiliary horse, under the conduct of the Tribunes of the Legions, and the captains of the Cohorts; that being intermingled with the light harnessed footmen, they might be ready at all assays to repulse the enemy's Chivalry. For jugurth was so subtle, and so well acquainted with the Situation of places, and the Art of soldiery, that it was hard to resolve, whether he were more to be doubted absent or present, entreating of peace, or menacing of war.  
3 Not far out of the way by which Metellus should march, lay Vacca, the principal and best frequented Mart-towne of the Numidian kingdom, and the staple of the Italian Nation. Here into the Consul made proof either to put a garrison, or upon denial to force the place, if opportunity seemed to advise him thereto. And therefore he commanded the inhabitants to provide him corn, and other such necessaries, which the wants of war required: supposing (as experience made proof) that the credit of the Merchants, and the place fit for the stowage of his provision, would become very advantageous to his future preparations. Amidst these devices, jugurth by submissive messengers, and with far more earnestness than before, beseecheth peace, offering unto Metellus an absolute surrendry of all, except his own life, and his children's.  
These as the former, the Consul motiveth, & dismisseth to betray their master, and neither granteth, nor denieth the petitioned Articles: holding the King in susspence by delays, in expectation of they issue of the Messengers promises.  
jugurth comparing the deeds of Metellus with the reports of his Messengers, found himself now overreached in his own devices; that peace in words were pretended, but in effect the War was most rigorously prosecuted: A good Town was alienated; the Country discovered: and the good wills of the people anticipated. Upon the necessitous considerations whereof he was constrained to betake himself to the resolve of War.   

CHAP. 15.  
jugurth resolveth for war: The description of an excellent fought battle.  
THen by espyals discovering what ways his enemies took, of all sorts of people he levyeth as great forces, as possibly he could, in good hope to do good by the opportunity of the 
a s. Aptus insidiis.  place: and so by ways and unknown passages he overtaketh the Army of Metellus. In that part of Numidia, which upon the division fell unto the share of Adherbal, sourthwarde riseth the River Muthul. From thence, a famous Mountain almost one thousand and twenty paces distant of equal extension showed itself. It was by Nature barren, vnmanned, and dispeopled: but from the midst arose an exceeding high Hillock, beset with Olives, Mirtils, and such like diversity of such trees, as are accustomed to grow in dry and sandy Countries. The midst of the adjoining plain for want of water lay desert: the remnant, as much as lay near the River, beset with bushes and shrubs, was frequented by men & Cattle: upon this hill, thus diversly situated in the midst thereof jugurth showeth his Army thinly marshaled, and maketh Bomilchar Governor over this remainder of his footman and the Elephants: and so leaveth him with instructions how to dispose of his people.  
Himself with the whole body of his Chivalry and his choicest footmen approacheth near unto the mountain. And then turning to his people, he goeth from one company to another, Severally admonishing & entreating them to bear in memory their ancient prowess, and by being victors free their kingdom from the Avarice of the Romans'. Then he put them in mind, how they were but to deal with those fellows, whom heretofore they had routed, and enforced to pass sub jugum. 
a Sub s●r came ab hactis, ad summam ignominiam, ut ante.  That they had but only made change of their Captain, not of their Cowardice: That, as their Geeneral, he had had an eye and care upon all accidents, as became him; That he had taken the advantage of the higher ground. That he had intermingled the trained men with raw novices so that they need not to be afraid, that few should be overmatched with many, neither that undisciplined Soldiers should cope with their betters, and therefore they should stand resolute and intentive to charge their enemies, assoon as the signal were sounded. This day (quoth he) you shall either put end to your travails by victory, or for ever hereafter begin the Tragedy of your miseries.  
Lastly, he adresseth his speech to those, whom either he had advanced by reward or Office unto military honours, and prayeth them, man by man to be mindful of his favours, and they to say the like unto their followers. From words he applieth to diversity of humours: some he promiseth, some he threateneth, others he emboldeneth, and generally encourageth all sorts by one means or other.  
All this while Metellus marching down the hill, and ignorant of this the enemy's approach, was with his army fully discovered to jugurth. At first the unusual apparition begat doubt, what the matter should signify: for the Numidians and the horse were couched amongst the bushes, yet not fully hid by the lowness of the bows. Notwithstanding the truce continued a while uncertain, both by the Nature of the place, and the enemies cunning, for they had obscured all their military ensigns: But at length upon further discovery, the Ambush was discerned, and the battle ordered.  
The battalion which by his first direction marched entire upon the right hand, being now nearest advanced towards the enemy, he changeth, and divideth it into three parts, in relief each of other. Between every band he placeth his Archers and Slings, and rangeth his Cavalry upon the head of the battle. Then for shortness of time, not permitted to use many words of encouragement, he bringeth his Army into the plain without alteration of order, save that in the first ranks the soldiers turned their faces. 
Nam à latere erant à dex●ra.  At his approach, when he perceiveth that the Numidians lay quiet and stirred not from the hill, he dispatched Colonel Rutilius with the readiest Footmen, and some horse towards the River, to prevent the enemies commodious encamping; upon conjecture, that by light skirmishes and often alarms, jugurth would do his worst to stay their dislodge; but if he found no proof by force, than he would try to weary the soldier by hear and thirst. After Rutilius followed the General, slowly descending the hill, as the nature of the place would give leave. Marius' guided the rearward, himself marched with the horsemen of the left wing; 
Eò quod à dextro latere erant hosts  those in the battle made the vanguard.  
jugurth observing that the tail of the enemy's Army had passed his foremost ranks, maketh haste to take that part of the hill from whence Metellus had descended, with a troup of some two thousand footmen, fearing lest the departed enemy would thither return again for refuge, and fortify. This done, he suddenly giveth the signal to charge. Some of the Numidians begin with the hindermost, and cut them in pieces, whilst others of their companions charge in in flank, sometime upon the left side, & sometime upon the right. They show themselves every where with their menacing weapons: They press hard in, and in all places make trial to disorder the Roman ranks.  
Those of best courage, who not able to endure these Branadoes, offered to answer the insulting Numidian, were deluded by the uncertain fight of the enemy. For they were wounded a far off, and found no means of revenge by striking or advancing to join. For the horsemen were instructed before by jugurth, that when any troops of Romans pursued them in flight, they should not retire in thick companies, or in one entire body, but that one troop should fly this way, another that, & far asunder: that so finding themselves superior in number, they might attach either upon their sides, or at their backs, some separated or dismounted companions, in case they were not able to make their party good with the whole troop. But if they found that the h●● was more advantageous for their retreat then the plains, to those places the Numidian horses were also accustomed, to make quick way through the bushes. But these thickits and rough passages prohibited the pursuit of the Romans.  
The whole business seemed long doubtful, variable, bloody, and lamentable: some fled, others pursued, neither the Ensigns were followed, nor order kept: every man, as danger attached him, there received the charge and made his best resistance. corselets, Weapons, Horses, Men, Friends and Enemies lay intermingled in one another gore: in the medley, counsel and command were of no use: fortune governed all.  
By this time a great part of the day was spent, and yet the victory uncertain: All sorts languished with labour and heat. But Metellus perceiving that the Numidians began somewhat to faint, by some and some he gathered his scattered Troops into one battalion: he relieth the ranks, and faceth the adverse footmen with four Legionary cohorts. These, Metellus finding after their toilsome labour breathing themselves in the higher grounds, Generally beseecheth and entreateth not to forsake their fellow Soldiers, neither to suffer their enemies, already as good as defeated, to wrest the victory out of their possessions: he telleth them, that they have neither Camp nor fortified place to retire unto. The safety of their lives consisted only in their Swords.  
Neither all this while was jugurth idle: he visited every place, he entreated, he reinforced: yea, even himself with certain choice companions proved an onset upon every quarter. He relieved the wearied, h●e charged the wavering, & fight a far off, in proper person he repulsed the bands which fought most courageous. Thus these two excellent Generals behaved themselves: in sufficiencies equal, in forces unequal. In soldiery Metellus had the advantage, 
s. ubi pugnatum est.  the place was discōmodious● except in goodness of soldiery, jugurth had the better in all points. But the Romans understanding that they had neither place of refuge, neither that the enemy would be brought at any hand to fight in gross, for that it now grew late, according to the generals, behest seized upon the hill where the enemy fought. The Numidians having lost their footing, disbanded, & fled, few perished: a swift pair of heels, & a country unknown to the Romans, saved many man's carcase. During the time of this medley, Bomilchar who as we told you before, was by jugurth made Governor of the Elephants & certain foot companies, assoon as he perceived that Rutilius was past him, by little & little advanceth his soldiers into the plain. And as the Colonel without noise (as was requisite) hasteneth toward the river, whereunto by command he was formerly dispatched, Bomilcar ordereth his battle, without sending forth of any espials to discover how the enemy proceeded in either of both places. But assoon as he had intelligence, that Rutilius was arrived, & without fear encamped, as also he heard the reports of the cries from the camp of jugurth (as a signal that the battle was begun, upon mistrust left the Colonel, being likewise advertised of the cause, & manner) should arise, and so secure his distressed companions; the battalion (which upon distrust of their valour, he had first closed, ranged by Art, he now extendeth in breadth, the readier to give stoppage to the enemy's journey. Thus marcheth Bo●milchar towards the camp of Rutilius. Upon a sudden the Romans perceive a huge rising of dust: the Country thick of bushes, hindered their perfect discovery. At first, they supposed it to be the sand raised by wind, but after they saw continuance, and that as the army came forward, the nearer the smoke approached, upon true knowledge of the cause, they betake them to their weapons, and according to commandment, they stand armed before the gates of their camp. By this time they attached one another, and both parties eagerly join with usual clamours. The Numidians stood fast as long as they saw hope in their Elephants, but assoon as they perceived, that they could not perform their Offices, for the thickness of the branches of Trees, but were overthrown and encompassed, they betook them to flight, and casting away the●r Arms, what by the dearness of the hill, and what by the darkness of the night (now at hand) many escaped in safety: Four Elephants were taken, the residue in number forty were all slain.  
This business thus dispatched, the Soldiers though weary and faint with their journey, with enclosing of the Camp, and the late fight, yet, for that Metellus delayed his coming beyond opinion, in the same order & equipage, wherewith they lately fought, they march out to meet him. For the subtle approach of the Numidians would neither suffer remissness, nor give leisure to trifle.  
At their first approach about midnight, by the noise which they made, being taken for enemies, some began to fear, others to cry to Arms: and surely a great mischance had happened by improvidence, if the horsemen, sent out on both sides, had not discovered the error. Now in stead of fear, the joy is general. The soldiers merrily call one to another, they tell and are told of their adventures: each party praiseth his own valour to the heavens. So, so stand mortal affairs: In prosperity the coward shareth of glory: in adversity the best only undergo the scandal.  
Metellus stayeth four days in this place to cure the wounded. According to warlike discipline he rewarded those that had well deserved in the battle. In an Oration he praiseth every man's action, and giveth thanks: He exhorteth them to retain the like courage against future brunts, which will prove more easy. For by this victory hazard is ended; the remainder is but matter of prey. Then he dispatcheth fugitives and fit spies into the enemy's Country, to learn what course jugurth took: whether he conversed with a few, or retained the face of an Army, and how he carried himself now after the loss of this victory.  
But jugurth had retired himself into woody and strong situated places: and there had levied an Army, in number far exceeding the first, but base and cowardly, fit for the plough then the field.  
This so fell out upon occasion, that no man of the Numidian Nation followed the King in his flight, save only his own Horsemen. In such cases every one retir●th, whither himself pleaseth. Neither is it accounted any Soldierlike disgarce, for that it is and hath been the custom of the Country.  
Upon which advertisements Metellus perceiving that the King's courage nothing relented, and that if the war were renewed, it stood in jugurths' pleasure, how it should be managed.  
Moreover, that he was to fight against an unequal enemy, to whom it was less loss to be overthrown, then to Conquer: determined to make no more experiments by fights and ranged battailions, but to carry the War in another fashion:  
Accordingly, he marcheth unto the wealthyest places of Numidia, he wasteth the Country, and forceth and fiereth many Castles and Towns, some without Garrison, some stuffed with Soldiers pressed hand overhead: He slayeth the youth, and giveth all in prey to the soldiers mercy. The people being terrified with these extremities yielded, gave pledges, and in plentiful manner supplied Corn, & all other necessaries. Wheresoever a Garrison was thought needful, there one was thrust in.  
These passages daunted the King more than an infortunate battle. For, whereas before, flight was his safety, now was he constrained to follow. And he that of late could not make good the place for fight of his own choosing, 
Inimicum devasi antem.  is now compelled to defend himself at peril in another man's Country.  
Notwithstanding, he taketh counsel from Necessity his best Counsellor: he commandeth his people to stay his return in the foresaid places: himself undiscerned with some chosen Horsemen, by bywaie and nightly journeys followeth Metellus; at a sudden he assaulteth the Roman foragers: slayeth some unarmed: taketh many prisoners, and not one returneth unwounded. This done, before relief could be ministered, as they had in command, they retired into the fastness of the adjoining Mountains.   

CHAP. 14.  
1. The joy of the City for the good news of Africa. 2. The unquiet spirit of jugurth.  
GReat was the joy in Rome, first for the good fortune of Metellus: secondly, for that he had reduced the army to its ancient discipline. That notwithstanding the disadvantage of place, he had nethlesse overthrown the enemy by pure valour: that he kept the field, and lastly, that jugurth late grown insolent by the Cowardice of Aulus, was now constrained to protect his life by flight, and in deserts.  
Hereupon the Senate decreeth an humble thanksgigiving to the immortal Gods for these prosperous successes. The City which before stood quaking & pensive in event of the war, now maketh festival, and extolleth Metellus to the ski●s.  
Metellus again with greater intention laboureth an absolute victory: he maketh haste on all hands, & taketh care not to be taken tardy in any place. He caleth to mind that Eunie is the companion of Glory: & therefore by how much the more his reputation was augmented, by so much the more were his cares increased: the reason, wherefore after the ambushes of Iug●rth, he would not suffer the Army to forage at Liberty. When the Cohorts wanted Corn or stover, he stood Sentinel with all the Horse: Himself led the Army, Marius the residue. The country now suffered more waist by fire, then by driving of preys. They pitched their camp in two places, not far asunder: if assistance were needful, all were ready; but when they meant to spread the terror of their Arms, by procuring of flight or fear, they made their removes of greater distance.  
All this while, jugurth followeth by the Mountains: watcheth for times and places of advantage, and where upon likelihood he thinketh that the enemy will resort, he destroyeth the ●o●rage, and empoisoneth those few waters, which nature had bestowed upon those sandy places. Sometime he showeth himself to Metellus, sometime to Marius, sometime he maketh a Bravado to charge in troup, and forthwith retireth again into the Mountain. He cometh out again, and now threatens one, than another: he neither extendeth battle, nor can away with rest, his only project was to hinder his enemy's designs.   

CHAP. 17.  
1. Metellus besiegeth Zama. 2. jugurth almost recovered Sicca. 3. Repulsed by Marius. 4. Distresseth the Roman camp. 5 Relieved by Marius.  
THe Roman General perceiving that neither by policy he could weary his enemy, neither by injuries provoke him to fight; undertaketh to besiege a great City, being the chief fortress of defence in that part of the kingdom called Zama: supposing (for ●he weight of the business) that jugurth would not foreslow to relieve his distressed Subjects: and there he meant to fight with him.  
But jugurth by certain fugitives having learned the intent of the Consul, by great journey, preventeth him: He encourageth the inhabitants to defend their walls valiantly, and giveth them these fugitives in assistance. Of his whole army he accounted these the strongest party, for that he was sure they could not deceive him. Moreovers he promiseth to relieve them in person in convenient time. And so having composed the business he came for, he retireth again unto his desert abode: where he had made no long tarriance, but he getteth understanding, that Marius was upon his journey, commanded Sicca to provide wheat with a few Cohorts. This City was the first that forsook the king after his overthrow.  
2 Hither he cometh by night with his choice horsemen: he chargeth the Romans in their very entering out of the gates; and at the same instant, encourageth the Siccenses to assault the cohorts on their backs. He c●yeth out, that now fortune hath offered them a notable occasion by some famous deed to blot out their former defection, which if they would perform, that he should be able to spend the remainder of his life in the kingdom, and they in liberty, without fear and danger. 3 Surely, if Marius had not brought on the ensigns, and made way through the midst of his enemies, without doubt all, or the greatest part of the Siccenses, had changed their allegiance: so mutable is the faith of a Numidian.  
The jugurthines being a while sustained by the King, when they saw, that nevertheless their enemies with more eager courage pressed upon them, with the loss of some few, provide for flight. Marius cometh safe to Zama.  
The Town was situated in a plain, stronger fortified by man's industry then Art, in want of no necessary provision, but full stored both with men and armour. According to time and place Metellus having all things in readiness, e●uironeth the walls with his Army: he commandeth the Colonels every man to take care of his charge, and upon a sign given, a great and general clamour is raised. This nothing terrifieth the Numidians, they stand fast and prepared without tumult. The assault is begun: The Romans do the utmost of their endeavours: Some a far off fight with stones and missile engines, some invade and sap the wall. Some set up scaling Ladders, and desire to bring the fight to handy-strokes.  
On the contrary the Townsmen tumble down Massy stones, sharp piles and long darts, with flaming firebrands besmeared with pitch and sulphur upon those that stand nearest: such was their violence, that those which stood farthest off had not the best courages; for these darts discharged from Engines, or shot from hand, had wounded many. The valiant and cowards were in like danger, but not in like repute. 4. The game going thus at Zama, behold on a sudden jugurth assaulteth the Roman camp with a strong company. They that had the custody thereof lay careless, expecting nothing less than battle. jugurth entereth: and our people standing amazed at the suddenness of the event, for fashion sake, ask counsel one of another what is to be done. Some fly, some betake them to arms, the greatest part are either slain or wounded: of the whole rabble not above forty being mindful of the Roman name, casting themselves in a ring, recovered a place somewhat higher than their enemies, and could not by much ado he driven to forsake their standing. Th● shot that was sent them, they resent again: being but few, the seldomer their weapons fell frustrate amongst many.  
If the Numidians drew nigh, than they made proofs of their valour, by slaughter, overthrows and repulses.  
Metellus in the hottest of his business, heareth a clamour at his back: whereupon turning his horse, he perceived that the flight maketh towards him: a token, that they were of his friends. In all hast he commandeth the horse to make towards the camp, and forthwith dispatcheth C. Marius with the cohorts of the associates, beseeching him with tears in his eyes, that he would not suffer any disgrace now to attaint the victorious Army, neither that he would suffer the enemy to escape without revenge. Marius executeth his generals command with speed. jugurth being somewhat hindered by the fortification of the camp, with the loss of many of his followers, escaped into his solitary strong places. Some of his people leapt headlong over the trenches; others in straight places making more haste, then good speed, were actors of their own ruins.  
Metellus leaning the Town untaken, as soon as night approached, returned with the Army into the camp. The next day before his going to the siege, he commandeth the whole Cavalry to watch and ward before the gates of the Camp upon that side, whereon the enemy's approach was feared. The gates, and adjoining Bulwarks he quartered to the Tribunes; and then coming before the Town, as the day before, he attempteth the wall.  
jugurth again undiscovered, and on the sudden invadeth our people: they that stood nearest were somewhat daunted, the residue came quickly in to succours. Neither could the Numidians have long held out, but that by the mixture of their footmen with their horse, they had given a great check to the Romans at the first on set. By whose assistance; they used not now (as in accustomed fight of horse) first to charge, and then to retire, but in full career to affront any that came, so to entangle and disorder the Army. Thus with these ready and trained footmen, they had almost routed their enemies.  
This very instant Zama, was strongly pressed● the Colonels and Tribunes discharged their duties most valiantly: other hopes they expected none, but such as their own prowess could afford each other.  
In like manner the Townsmen resisted as valiantly: they fought stoutly, and prepared for all events.  
One party was more violent to wound another, then careful to defend their own bodies. The cry was mixed with contrary encouragements, with contrary, joys and contrary sorrows. The noise of Weapons ascended the Air, and no spare of shot was made on either side. Those upon the walls, as soon as the heat of the fight a little slaked took leisure to behold the horse fight of jugurth: As the jugurthines either prospered or had the worse, so might a man perceive in their faces, courage or fears: and as they could either be seen or heard by their fellows, some they taught, some they encouraged, made signs with their hands, and like movable gestures with their bodies as men are constrained to do in avoiding, or wielding their missile weapons.  
Which being made known to Marius, (for upon that quarter lay his charge) he began of purpose to slaken the assault, and to dissemble a distrust of prevailing, permitting the Numidians at pleasure to behold the kings encounter.  
Whilst the Zamenses stood thus earnestly gazing upon their fellows, upon the sudden Marius attempteth the wall with great violence: the soldiers by Scalado had almost gained the curtain. The Townsmen run to defence: stones, fireworks, and shot, fly thick and threefold. The Romans at first received them valiantly, but after that one or two ladders were broken & overthrown, those that stood upon them were pitifully bruised. The residue as well as they could retired, some sound, the greater part wounded. And thus night parted the fray.   

CHAP. 18.  
1 Metellus riseth from Zama. 2 Wintereth his army. 3 turneth force into policy. 4 jugurth yieldeth, flieth off again.  
MEtellus perceived that he spent time and men to no purpose, that the Town was impregnable, that jugurth could not be forced to fight but by ambushes, & in places of his own choice, and lastly, that Summer was spent, he arose from Zama, and into those towns which had revolted from jugurth (being by nature or art any way fortified) he thrust in sufficient garrisons.  
2 The residue of his Troops he led into the province, there to spend the Winter in garrison. Being there, as others had done, he suffered them not to spend their times in sloth and laziness: but sithence he could not prevail by force, he worketh the King's friends by policy, and prepareth to make use of their traitorous minds in stead of fight.  
3 Acquaintance is the anvil, on which this project must be hammered Bomilchar the man. This was he, that had accompanied jugurth to Rome, and after giving in of sureties, had notwithstanding secretly made an escape in fear of process, for the death of Massiva. Him he meaneth to make proof of by fair words and golden promises.  
First he soundeth, and secretly eff●cteth a private conference, and then upon oath, he avoweth to procure him pardon, and performance of all other promises from the Lords of the Senate, if he would undertake to deliver him jugurth alive, or dead.  
The Numidian, being partly of a perfidious disposition, and partly misdoubting, that if the Romans and his Lord jugurth fell into terms of peace, himself by the Articles of agreement, might happen to be demanded, and delivered to punishment, was quickly persuaded.  
Upon the first occasion, Bomilchar finding jugurth troubled and perplexed for his evil fortune, cometh unto him, and with tears in his eyes, mouth and beseecheth him, that he would now at length look upon the compassionate estate of himself, his Children, and the whole Kingdom of Numidia, which had so well deserved at his hands. He faileth not to put him in mind, that in all fights they had carried away the worst, that the Country lay wasted, that much people were either slain, or carried away Prisoners: that the wealth of the Kingdom was exhausted. By this time (saith he) you have made trial enough what your Soldiers can do, what your fortunes can promise: I could wish you to advise, lest your hopes upon aelayes fail you not, the Numidians take some course to provide for themselves.  
By these and like reasons, he insinuateth with the king's humours, to fa●l to composition. Messengers are sent to show the General, that jugurth is ready to perform whatsoever is commaunded● that without capitulation he will simply yield himself and his kingdom to his discretion.  
4 The General speedily causeth all the Gentlemen of Senators rank to be sent for out of their wintering places, with them others whom he thinketh meet, he goeth to counsel: according to ancient custom by an order set down by the Counsel, jugurth is commanded by Messengets, to bring in two hundred thousand weight of silver, all his Elephants, and a proportion of horse and munition. Which being perfomed with expedition, the Consul likewise commandeth the fugitives to be brought bound before him. According to command the greater part are so presented: upon the first motion of the composition; some few departed into Mauritania toward king Bocchus.  
5 Thus jugurth, being bereaved of his Arms, men and money, is summoned to Tisidium to perform the Articles; when again he began to repent him of his bargain and by the sting of his own conscience to grow suspicious of deserved punishment.  
His doubts wore out many days, sometime he recounted, that in the irksomeness of adverse fortune, all miseries were lighter than the pressures of war, at another time, his mind was perplexed to think upon the hard estate of those, who from a kingdom, were dejected to servitude. At last, being not yet furnished with many and great means of assistants uncashiered, he beginneth the war afresh.  
At Rome the Lords going to Counsel, concerning the provinces, Numidia is again decreed to Metellus.   

CHAP. 17.  
Marius affecteth the Consulship: his politic proceeding.  
IN these times, by chance C: Marius offered Sacrifice to the gods at Utica. The Auruspex declared that the signs portended great and wonderful events. These the favours of the Gods he laid up in his mind, and other times making like trial of his fortunes, he always found the tokens answerable.  
An immeasurable desire of attaining the Consulship, had long ago possessed the man: to the atchiving whereof, besides the descent of his house, he had good gifts at will: Industrious, honest, a great soldier, high minded, Parsimonious in private, a contemner of wealth & pleasure in public; only greedy of glory.  
Notwithstanding his birth, and his bringing up at Arpinas in his Childhood (where he first learned to undergo the labour of war) he spent his youth in service for wages, & not in learning the Greek tongue, or City-complements. And thus by being conversant among virtuous exercises, his experience in short time grew up to be absolute.  
At his first standing for a amilitary Tribuneship before the people, (when many knowing him not by face, at length knew his name) he easily carried it with the general suffrage of all the Tribes. By this step he ascended from one to another, so sufficiently managing his carriage in office, that he was by all men censured worthy of a better, than the present he enjoyed: yet durst not so worthy a parsonage make suit for the Consulship before his time. 
Qu●, ab aruspice ad altiora petonda animad verteretur  afterward his ambition was bounded by no limit.  
Even in these times the Nobility, conferred the Consulship either by partiality or succession: the Commonalty, all other inferior offices. No new man, how sufficient soever, 
Quia non ex patribus ortus.  nor any grown honourable by desert, were thought worthy of that honourable calling; yea the place was censured to be discredited, if any such person attained it. But after Marius grew confident, that the soothsayers prophesies concurred with the imagination of his thoughts, he desireth dismission of Metellus, 
s. Metellus.  with intention to go for Rome there to make suit for the Consular dignity. The man although he were virtuous, honourable, & endowed with many excellent qualities yet were they accompanied with disdain and pride. Influences general to all Nobility: who at first being moved at the novelty, 
Quia nows homo, & municipalis.  took occasion to wonder at the enterprise, & by way of friendship to dissuade him not to begin so unlawful a suit, neither to rack his thoughts above his fortunes. All things were not to be desired of all men: and your place (quoth he) is a sufficient recompense for your deserts. Lastly, he wished him to be well advised, before he motioned a request of so high a nature before the Roman people, from whom by Law, nothing but a just repulse was to be expected.  
When these, nor many like speeches, could direct the mind of Marius, Metellus answered: that as soon as the common cause would admit permission, he would yield to his request.  
Again, being at sundry times after importunate to be gone, it is reported, that, he wished him not to make over much haste. For (quoth he) there is no time passed for you nor my Son to stand for the Consulship. The Gentleman served at the same time in his father's Pavilion, being about twenty years old.  
This quip, partly in regard of the place affected, and partly for the denial of departure, extremely exasperated the mind of Marius against his General. Ambition and wrath (too the worst Counsellors) wholly possessed him, all his deeds and words now tended to popularity. The soldiers under his Regiment lived more loosely then accustomed: to the Merchants of Utica he would sometimes scandal the war, and sometime boast of himself; That, if he were Governor but of half such an Army, within few days he would present jugurth in chains: That, the General prolonged the War of purpose: That the man was of no worth, but only desirous too too long to retain the command of proud sovereignty. All which imputations seemed to them the more credible, for that by the continuance of war their traffic was hindered. For to a mind set upon covetousness nothing seemeth to be performed with sufficient dispatch.  
Moreover in our Army conversed one Gauda a Numidian, the son of Manastabel, and Nephew of Massinissa, a sickly man, and thereby somewhat crazy of mind, whom Micipsa had declared second heir of the kingdom. This man had requested of Metellus, first that he would give him leave according to the custom of Kings, to set his chair next to the General's seat; secondly, that he would appoint him a troup of Roman horsemen to guard his body. Metellus denied both: the Honour, for that it represented that majesty, which the Romans termed, and hated, Kingly: and the Guard, for that it was disgraceful, to deliver a band of Roman horse for the safeguard of a Numidian.  
To this Numidian perplexed in mind, Marius addresseth his speech; and adviseth him to be revenged on the Consul, according to his instructions. He encourageth the man (weak God wots by sickness,) with pleasing courtship; calleth him King, Honourable, and the Nephew of Masinissa; and that shortly he should be invested in the kingdom of Numidia, if jugurth were once slain or taken. Which should the sooner come to pass, if fortune so favoured him, that he his friend, might once be sent as Consul to manage the war. By this Stratagem he worketh Gauda, the Roman horsemen, the soldiers, the merchants, and diverse others gulled with shadows of peace; to write their scandalous letters to their friends at Rome, against Metellus: ma●y, with this conclusion, That they should require Marius for General. Thus was the consulship laboured in his behalf, by the suffrage of many an honest and upright man, yea (& as luck served that very season) the nobility being kerbed by the law Manlia, 
Ad magistratum re malè g●st● a nobilibus.  new men were nominated by the Pleibeians. And so all things fell out happily for Marius.   

CHAP. 20.  
jugurth falleth to his old prastises, and recovereth Vacca, to the great confusion and disgrace of the Romans.  
AFter jugurth had falsified his promise of personal submission, he openeth the war, he prepareth all necessaries with admirable diligence, he slaketh no time, he traineth his soldiers, & soundeth the revolted cities by bribes & menacies. Those which yet remained at his devotion, he fortifieth, and reneweth or buyeth armours, weapons, and the like ammonitions, as by the former treaty of peace he had diminished.  
He allureth the Roman slaves, and tempteth the Garrisons with ready money: Finally, he leavieth no course unthought on, nor unproved. Now the Vaccenses (into whose city Metellus upon the first motion of the treaty, had thrust in a garrison) being overcome by the king's fair entreaties, and to speak truth, the better sort in mind never estranged from his service, began a conspiracy. As for the vulgar (a frequent accident, especially among the Numidians) being by nature of a variable disposition, seditious, quarrelsome, desirous of novelties, and contemners of peace and civility, they were soon drawn in for company. The match is made, & the third day following proclaimed the festival throughout all Africa. Upon the day they present sports and dances, without any appearance or imagination of fear, but watching their best opportunities, they invite the Centurions, the Tribunes, and the Governor of the Town T. Turpilius Sillanus, some to one house, some to another. In the midst of their metriment they murder them all, except Turpilius: this done, in a trice they set upon the disarmed & straggling soldiers, observing then no military discipline because of the day. The common people, whereof some were made before hand by the Nobility, other some upon a natural inclination to inconstancies, seconded their leaders. To those that knew nothing of the plot and combination, novelty and the tumult a foot gave matter of consent & good liking. The Romans stood amazed at the suddenness of the uproar, & not knowing what course of safety to take, were in an extreme ecstasy. To fly unto the town castle, where their colours & shields were remaining, was to run upon their deaths, a garrison of enemies already in possession, had shut the gates, & denied retreat. Boys and women cast stones, & such like stuff upon their heads in abundance from the tops of houses. No man could prevent these uncertain blows, no nor the valiantest soldier come to be revenged on this weak and cowardly rabble: so that good and evil, cowards & valiant soldiers in this medley died like deaths in great numbers. Of all the Italians, Turpilius the Governor escaped alone untouched through all the barbarous Numidians and their closed gates.  
Whether it so happened by the favour of his host, by ransom, or by chance, we never could discover: only thus much, a man may say; that Turpilius showed himself a base and inconstant fellow, in preferring at such a pinch disgraceful life before a bed of fame.   

CHAP. 21.  
1. Vacca recovered. 2. Turpilius beheaded.  
MEtellus being given to understand of the regaining of Vacca, was somewhat moved at the accident, 
Ne signum virili animo indignum ostenderet.  and retired out of sight. But upon the digestion of wrath and grief, at last he hasteneth with extraordinary diligence to take revenge upon so disloyal a treason. By Sunset he taketh the field with the Legion, with which he wintered, and as many light Horsemen Numidians, as he possibly could raise.  
The next day, about the third hour, he arrived in a curtain plain, encircled about with indifferent heigh Banks. Here, to his Soldiers grown weary by their long march, and refusing to pass further, he discovereth his intention: That Vacca was not above a mile distant; That they were obliged in duty to undergo the remainder of the journey with patience, if it were but to inflict deserved punishment upon Traitors, for the miserable death of such their loyal and valiant fellow-Cittizens.  
So by these speeches, as also by permission of prey, having regained their courages, in the forefront he plac●th his Horsemen, and commandeth his Footmen to march close, without discovering their ensigns.  
The people of Vacca observed, that the company approached their Town; at first (as indeed it was) suspected Metellus, and shut their Gates: But afterwards, for that they neither wasted; and those that came first to view were their Countrymen, the Numidians, changing opinion, they supposed it to be jugurth, and needs would issue to congratulate their friends and fellows.  
Upon signal given, the horsemen and foot beat back the vulgar people towards the City: some seize upon the gates, and some upon the bulwarks. Thus wrath & hope of spoil can make wearied bodies forget laziness.  
The Vaccenses had only two days to rejoice for their Treason: The City being great and rich, was sacked, and punished. Turpilius the governor, the sole man (as we told you) that escaped, 
Non ex urbe qua●●m lex Port●a v●●bat ad supplicium posci. ut ante Caesar.  was called before the General to answer the revolt: 
Praefectum decet per vigilem esse, nemini credere sed arcem semper tenere.  He made some excuses, but was condemned to be whipped with rods, and then to be beheaded. For he was a Citizen of Italy.   

CHAP. 22.  
The treason of Bomilchar discovered, and the party executed.  
ABout this time Bomilchar, by whose solicitation jugurth had condescended unto the composition, now disavowed for pretexts of fear, began to grow jealous of the King, and the King of him. Bomilchar deviseth new occasions: practiseth to put his intended promise to Metellus in execution night and day, wearieth his mind upon the project: and at last upon mature deliberation, associateth one Nabdalsa a wealthy Gentleman, and one well-beloved of his conntreymen, into the conspiracy. His place was commonly to march somewhat disjoined from the King's troops, and to execute those directions which jugurth, either for weariness, or upon employment of other weighty affairs, could not himself attend. By these employments the man attained to wealth and reputation.  
They both by joint consent agree upon the day: the execution they refer to time and opportunity. Nabdalsa retireth to his charge by commandment appointed to affront the winter garrisons of the Romans, so to awe them from wasting the adjoining territory without impediment.  
At leisure, the gentlemen by revolving the foulness of the fact, kept not time: To speak truth, fear dissuaded performance. Bomilchar in like manner being desirous of dispatch, and perplexed at the irresolution of his associate, 
Consilium de judicio faciendo.  lest peradventure by revealing the old Treason, he might affect new pardon, by trusty Messengers conveyeth Letters unto him; wherein he taxeth him of base fear and carelessness: that he should remember his oath to the Gods by whom he had sworn; and lastly, to be very circumspect lest the rewards of Metellus by his default turned not to their destruction. He failed not in a manner to prophesy, that the destruction of jugurth was at hand, the question only rested in this, whether it should be finished by their Virtue, or the General's good fortune, and therefore he wished him to take counsel with his pillow, whether he had rather receive a reward, or undergo a shameful death.  
Upon the arrival of these Letters, by great adventure Nabdalsa being wearied with travel and exercise, was cast upon his bed: where after he had well weighed the words of Bomilchar, first care, and then sleep (the oppressors of perplexed consciences) attached his senses. His Secretary (a Numidian,) trusty and gracious unto his master, and partaker of all his counsels (excepting this last) hearing of the delivery of certain Letters, as at ●ormer times, supposing that his service was expected, entered the tent: where finding his Lord sleeping and the letter carelessly laid upon his pillow, he took and read it. He posteth to the King.  
Nabdalsa awaking, missing the Letter, and by swift messengers understanding from point to point how matters were carried, first commandeth to pursue his Secretary, but in vain. Whereupon he himself in person goeth unto jugurth, craveth pardon, and protesteth that what he had prepared and resolved to disclose, his servant had prevented. With tears he craveth reconcilement, and in recompense of his former service, he beseecheth him not to bury the suspicion of so foul a treason in further remembrance.  
The king contrary to his accustomed humour, benignly answereth; that Bomilchar and many other● (whom he knew were guilty of the conspiracy) had suffered death: and that not to exasperate any further dislike upon this occasion, 
Animus Tiranni nunquam quietus  he had taken truce with his indignation.  
After this disaster, no day, no night could afford jugurth any rest: place, men, and time, were suspicious unto him. He feared his subjects and enemies alike. He looked strangely upon all men, 
Omnes timet● et timetur ab omnibus  and started at every noise, contrary to the honour of a King: By night he took up his lodging, sometime in one place, sometime in another. And sometime being disquieted in his sleep, he would rise, lay hold on his sword, and disquiet all others. This fear resembled frenzy.   

CHAP. 23.  
Marius in despite of the Nobility, is elected Consul by the people.  
MEtelus being given to understand by certain fugitives of the death of Bomilchar, and the discovery of the complot, prepareth & hasteneth all warlike provisions, with as speedy diligence, as he did in the beginning at his first setting forth.  
He likewise dismisseth Marius, whom for his untoward and cross behaviour he now envied, supposing his service would smally stead him.  
The common people at Rome, 
De Mario, quod accuss●s●e Metellum, de Metello, quòd in crimen ●itacetur.  by the aforesaid Letters understanding what fame gave out, concerning the General and Marius, where glad to hear the reports of either.  
Nobility, which but lately advanced the credit of Metellus, now procured him envy: a vulgar descent, to Marius gained infinite favour: yet this by the way● partialities towards both counterpoised the balance; Virtues or vices were never questioned. Seditious Magistrates put fuel to the popular fire. In all their orations they brand Metellus with desert of death: Marius they extol as fast above desert.  
Of the vulgar, being thus generally incensed, the Mechaniques and husbandmen (whose wealth and credit consisted in their manuel labours) forsake their trades to countenance Marius, preferring his welfare before their thrift: whereat the gentry stood so amazed, that after many a bitter controversy, they were glad to confer the consular dignity upon this new man Marius. 
Quia maiores numquam obtinuerant.   
Then arose L. Manlius Mancinus, and petitioned the people whom they did please to make choice off, for General in the war against jugurth: with one voice they answered, Marius; although the Senate but a while before had appointed Numidia for Metellus his province: But the faction was too weak, it prevailed nothing.   

CHAP. 24.  
1. jugurth after his discomfiture, wholly relieth upon the fastness of the deserts. 2. Flieth to Thala. 3. Metellus followeth, and forceth Thala. 4. The resolute Tragedy of the Fugitives.  
BY this time jugurth having lost the hearts of his friends (some of whom he had slain, & some for fear were fled to the Romans, & others to King Bocchus) began to be extremely disquieted with doubts and jealousies. War he could make none without sufficient commanders: and to make trial of new, sithence the old prove so perfidious, was a choice full of danger. Neither the plot, the Counsel, nor the presence of any man could please him. His journeys and removes he changed every day, sometimes towards the enemy sometime towards the deserts: to day he was of opinion, that flight was his safest refuge: tomorrow, arms. The like jealousy he fostered of the sufficiency, and loyalty of his people. Thus● upon what side soever he resolved, all things fell out preposterous.  
Amidst these contrarieties of his perplexed conscience, the enemy's Army showeth itself on a sudden. The Numidians, according as the shortness of the time permitted, and jugurth instructed, stand ready to receive the charge. The battle is begun, and well maintained in that part where jugurth commanded: As for the residue of his followers, at their first approach they took their heels, and fled. Of Ensigns, weapons, and Prisoners, the Romans took few: for commonly in all fights, the Numidians repose greater confidence in their feet, than honour in their Arms.  
2 After the rout, 
Romani, qui eum derilinquere non audebant.  the first stage that jugurth (now more than at any time before, mistrusting the success of the action) breathed at, with the fugitives & part of the horsemen, were the Deserts; the second, Thala; a great and wealthy Borough, the chamber of his Treasure, and the wardrobe of his children's furniture.  
Whereof when Metellus was advertised, although he knew that the nearest river was fifty miles distant from the Town, and the territory adjacent was waterless and barren, and dispeopled: yet such were his hopes to finish the war, if he might become Lord of the place, that without further temporising, he resolveth to overcome all difficulties: yea rather than to desist; to wrestle his utmost against Nature.  
3 In dispatch whereof, he commandeth all his beasts of carriage to be laden with baggage, save ten days sustenance for horse and man. He maketh the greatest provision he can for bottles and cask: Doth as much for tame Cattle throughout the Villages, and upon their backs ' layeth Vessailes of all contents: most of them were made of wood, taken out of the Numidian cottages. To the borderers, after the flight, he enjoineth subjection, and to furnish him with water from the nearest rivers. The Rendezvous of delivery he proscribeth: and burdeneth not his own Cattle, until he came to the River nearest the town, whereof we spoke but now.  
Now is Metellus upon his march towards Thala, when arriving at the place, where he had commanded the Numidians to attend him with water; by that time he had pitched and fortified his camp, so violent a storm of rain is reported to have fallen from the heavens, that it yielded water enough, and to spare, for him and his people. Victuals were as plentiful above expectation, for that (as it commonly falleth out) in alterations of State, 
Principium feruet medium caelet, & tepet imum.  every man proveth extraordinary officious.  
The soldiers reputed of the chance, as of a divine Omen: and upon confidence that the Gods were careful of their fortunes, they doubled their courages.  
The next day (contrary to all imagination of jugurth) they arrive at Thala: the Townsmen, who till now believed that they had been out of gun-shot by their inaccessible situation, stood astonished of so unlooked for an accident, but with all, make never the less preparation to maintain war; the Romans do the like.  
But the King verily believing, that nothing was impossible to Metellus, as the only man, who by industry had overcome Arms, Engines, time, places, & Nature herself, the Conquerors of all other creatures; with his children and an infinite mass of money flieth out of the Town by night. Afterward staying in no one place above a day and a night, upon cunning he gave out that his affairs urged for expedition, but truth was, that he hoped by continual and speedy change of abode, to prevent Treason, which he feared extremely: for who knoweth not that negligence inciteth ill counsel to make use of opportunity.  
Metellus perceiving in what sort the Townsmen prepared for his welcome; and that the Town likewise was fortified by Art and Nature, incircleth the walls with a ditch and a rampart. Then commandeth he his soldiers, as the soil would give them leave, to raise their Vines against the fittest places, and upon them a mount, and upon the mount, Towers: and quartereth out the works to the defence of his pioneers.  
4 The Townsmen labour as fast to frustrate these devices: on either side nothing could be better performed to conquer, to defend. The Romans almost out of heart by infinite labour, and daily conflicts, the fortieth day after their first arrival, gained only the town, the Fugitives consumed the treasure. For after they perceived, that the Ram played upon the wall, and that with them there was no way but one, gold, silver, and what ever mortal people account precious, they stowed in the king's palace: and then loading their senses with wine and good cheer, they fired it, themselves, and the Palace.  
Thus, the punishment which the conquered expected at their enemy's hand, they wreaked voluntarily upon their own carcases.   

CHAP. 25.  
1 Metellus succoureth Leptis. 2 A digression upon occasion of the strange death of two Carthaginean brethren.  
1 AS Thala was in saccage, certain Ambassadors from Leptis arrived before Metellus, entreating him to send a Precedent with some companies into their town, for that one Amilchar, a Noble man of the City, went about to alienat the allegiances of the inhabitants from the Romans. From this his insolency, neither the authority of the Magistrate, nor the terror of the laws, could deter him: unless they made haste, the safety of the Town with the loyalty of the Roman associates, was greatly to be doubted of.  
From the beginning of the jugurthian war, the people of Leptis entered a league of confederacy with the Consul Bestia; and after him, they sent to Rome to perfect the Articles. After the confirmation whereof, they always remained loyal confederates to the Roman people, yea and performed their utmost services to Bestia, Albinus and Metellus.  
In regard whereof, at the first motion, they obtained their request of Metellus, who presently dispatched away four Ligurian cohorts with C. Annius their Captain.  
The town was first built by the Sidonians, who (as report goeth) arrived there by shiping, being banished their country for their civil dissensions.  
It is situated between two sands, and seemeth to derive its name from the place. For upon the utmost bounds of Africa two bay extend themselves, in hugeness unequal, in condition equal; sometime as the wind standeth, Navigable, at an other time dry and passable. For as the Sea proveth high and tempestuous, so do the waves drive the sands, the people & the rocky stones. Thus the use of the place dependeth upon the casualites of the storms.  
The language of the people is changed by the proximity of the Numidians, but their laws and religion remain merely Sidonian, which they have retained the better uncorrupted, for that they lived far remote from the Court; many vast & desert countries lying between them and the inhabited parts of Numidia.  
2. And now sithence the affairs of the Leptitans hath drawn my pen into these Regions, I think the worthy and memorable exploit of two Carthaginians there happening worth relation. The very place enforceth me to write of the accident.  
At what time, the Carthaginians were Lords over the greater part of Africa, the Cyrenians were also a state rich and powerful. The vacable Country between them was sandy, by colour or nature nothing discernible; no river, no mountain distinguished their borders. This indifferency was cause of long wars to both parties, wherein after they had wasted their Legions, sunk & torn their navies, and almost ruinated both their estates, fearing lest a third party taking the advantage, should pray aswell upon the conqueror as the conquered, by a mutual truce they fell to agreement, each party to send their ambassadors from home upon a day prefixed: look where both chanced to meet, there should be the bonds of each others territory.  
Two brethren named Phileni were sent from Carthage: The Carthaginians made all possible haste; the Lirenians journeyed slowly: whether to attribute the cause to negligence, or chance, I cannot resolve. For in these deserts the eyes and faces of travelers are no less molested with tempests of lands, raised by the winds upon these level, barren, & vast plains, then are the Mariners without compass in outrageous gusts at Sea. These for want of true kenning might be impediments to their speed.  
Which when the Cirenians perceived, and for their negligence feared upon their return to be punished, they cavilled at the Carthaginians, charging them, that they had departed from home, before the time appointed. The matter became litigious: The Cirenians, were content to accept of any condition, rather than to return with imputation of private disgrace. The Carthaginians advow to refuse no condition, so it were just and reasonable. The Cirenians make this overture: That either the Carthaginians should suffer themselves to be buried alive in the place, which they desired to make the limit of their State: or else to suffer them (the Cirenians) upon like terms, to pass further on to the end of their intended voyage. The Phileni accepted the match, & sacrificed their lives to the honour of their Country, and there made choice to be buried. To these Brethren, the Carthaginians in that very place erected two altars: at home they recorded their memories with other ceremonies. Now return I to my matter.   

CHAP. 26.  
jugurth flieth to King Bocchus, and procureth him to make War against the Romans.  
AFter the loss of Thala, jugurth supposing that no place could afford him sufficient security, against the good conduct of Metellus; with small attendance, he resolveth to pass over the vast deserts, to the Getuli; a people rude and barbarous; who before that time, had never heard of the Roman name. Of these, he allureth a tumultuary multitude; by little and little invreth them to discipline; to follow their Ensigns, to hearken to their commanders, and finally to observe all other points of soldiery.  
Secondly, by present entertainment, and far greater promises, he procureth the favourites of King Bocchus, to be a means to his Majesty in favour of so distressed a neighbour, to begin the war against the Romans.  
His sure was the sooner and easier hearkened unto, upon occasion, that in the beginning of this War, the King had sent his Ambassadors to Rome, to desire their love & friendship.  
Which Overture most advantageous for the time, some few men blind, through Avarice; and accustomed to make all suits saleable, in the beginning frustrated.  

Honesta, et inhonesta.  Moreover, jugurth had married the daughter of Bocchus: but that bond is little accounted of amongst the Moors and Numidians; for that every man, according to his ability, may have as many wives as him list: some ten, some more; kings most of all: who having their minds thus distracted by variety, reckon no one for their lawful spouse, but account all alike, vile and contemptible.  
Both kings, both Armies, make their interview in an appointed place with equal goodliking: There they plight reciprocal oaths, and jugurth the more to exasperate the mind of Bocchus by his Oration, Termeth the Romans' to be an injust people, of insatiable Avarice, a common enemy to all men: That, the same reasons upon which they grounded the pretence of war against jugurth, and many other Nations, the same they would enforce for good, against Bocchus, (viz) their Ambition of Sovereignty. 
Quam calida utitur inductione a ●●ibus temporibus: ● praeterito, per Carthaginenses. a praesenti per se, a ●utur●, per Bocchum nisi prospexerit.  In which their imperious humours, they account all kings their enemies, at this instant, Himself; a little before, the Carthaginians, and king Perses, yea, and hereafter every one as he groweth by wealth or greatness to be a mote in their eyes.  
After these speeches, they take their journey towards Cirtha, for that Quintus Metellus had made that City the seat of the War, and therein had bestowed his spoils, his Prisoners, and the baggage of the Army. His reasons were, first, that if he forced the place, the spoil would prove exceeding profitable; secondly, if Metellus should offer to secure the besieged, then was he sure, both Armies should not part without blows. For his policies did only aim by celerity to engage Bocchus, lest by delay (the King not yet utterly despairing of peace) might change his mind, and accept of any conditions, rather than of war.  
The General understanding of these Combinations, accepteth not rashly of every proffer of fight & place, 
ad placitum hostis  as oftentimes he had accustomed to do after he had once overthrown jugurth, but fortifying his camp not far from Cirtha, maketh proof of the enemy's courage, accounting it more safe (seeing he had to do with a newcome Nation) after some trial of the Moorish valour, to fight at pleasure to his best advantage.  
By this time he receiveth advertisement, that at Rome Numidia is fallen by lot to Marius, that he had attained the Consulship, he had learned long before. The news whereof so moved him beyond all mean and measure, that he could not forbear tears, neither (being so worthy a parsonage, adorned with all other virtues) moderate his tongue, or bear this cross with manlike behaviour: for which, some scandalised him with pride: others excused him, with reply, that his generous Nature was only aggrieved at the disgrace; for that the victory now already as good as gained, 
●. Authori.  was injuriously wrested out of his hands. To us, it is sufficiently known, that the honour of Marius, more than any conceit of disgrace, disquieted his mind: for if the province had befallen to any man beside, he could have brooked it with requisite patience.  
But however, Metellus stomacking his successor, and acounting it a fond part by endangering himself to pleasure another, sendeth Ambassadors to entreat Bocchus, that without cause he would not show himself an enemy to the Roman people: that at this present he had fair opportunity to renew his suit of alliance, and friendship, which at any hand were to be preferred before war. Yea although his abilities might in a manner promise assurance, yet were it not wisdom, to hazard certainties for incertainiys. The beginning of all wars were plausible, but their ends distasteful. They are in no one man's power to begin and end, at pleasure. Even Cowards may take Arms when they please; lay them down, they cannot, but by sufferance of the victor. And therefore he advised him, to bethink himself of his own, & his kingdoms, safety, rather than to entangle his flourishing and prosperous estate with the desperate courses of jugurth.  
Hereunto the King gave a very courteous reply; That his desire was only peace: but withal took compassion on the hard estate of jugurth. If like Overture might be offered him, without doubt, they should soon compound all controversies. The General returneth this answer to Bocchus; That something he allowed, something he refused. So, in this manner by sending and resending of Messages, time wasted, & by the cautelous connivency of Metellus the War was protracted, and nothing set forward.   

CHAP. 27.  
Marius by the mere favour of the people is declared Consul against the minds of the Nobility. And sent into Africa. His demeanour in the service.  
Marius' (as we told you before) by the tumultuous and most affectionate assistance of the people, being created Consul, and Numidia also allotted him for his province. If before he were severe against the Nobility, now was he much more fierce and incompatible: sometimes wronging them in particular, sometimes in general. He would often boast, that he carried the Consulship as a spottle from his conquered enemies; many times breathing out high words concerning his own worth, and to their disgrace. Well, his first cares he turneth to preparations for war; he requireth new supplies for the Legions; & calleth unto the popular estates, unto kings, & allies, fo●aids. In Italy, he sendeth for every valiant gentleman, most, before known unto him for their sufficiency, few by report; and amongst them, by 
a ●rece, non imp●●io.  fair words and promises he constraineth the 
b Cum ob senium essent requie & 〈◊〉 donati.  cashiered servitors to go along likewise: Neither durst the Senate, although they misliked the precedent, withstand him in any thing. But with right good will they decreed him supplies, in hope that by forcing the vulgar to service, 
Quando legio●es explebantur, supplementum dicitur  he should either be deceived in their use, or wholly lose their affections: but the winding up of all fell out far otherwise; so ardent a desire had possessed most men, to accompany Marius, with hopes that they should return victors, laden with rich spoils, and military honours.  
To these suppositions, the Oration of Marius had added no small encouragement: for after that all allowances were decreed him, which he could or would demand, he enrolled his soldiers; and aswell to insinuate with the vulgar, as to nettle the Nobility (his accustomed humour) he calleth an assembly of the people: Before whom he reasoned to this, or like purpose.  

Marius' Oration.  
I Know worthy Romans, that the behaviours of most men far differ in the request and execution of honourable offices. They pretend at first an exterior habit of industry, temperance and humility: But confirmed in authority, pass their time in pride, arrogance and idleness. For my part I am of a contrary opinion: for by how much the universal body of this Common wealth is of greater consequence, then either a Consulship, or the dignity of a Praetor: by so much the more ought that to be respectively governed, than this so earnestly desired. Nor am I ignorant, how burdensome a charge I have with your exceeding favour undertaken: as namely, to wage war, and that, without exhausting your Treasury. To compel even those to bear Arms, unto whom you would by no means be offensive: and in a word, to manage the whole affairs of your estate, as well domestical as foreign: The performance whereof, resting amongst so many turbulent, envious and thwarting spirits, Dear Citizens is a burden beyond imagination, grievous.  
Moreover, whereas the abuses of other magistrates, are perchance countenanced with their titles of Ancient Nobility, the prowess of their Ancestors, power of their allies, or multitude of their retinue: my hope and assurance resteth on myself alone; which I must necessarily maintain by Virtue and Innocency. For other means are unprofitable. Again, I know well, that the eyes of all men are fixed upon me; that good and just men love me, as one whose deeds have tended to the advancement of this Commonwealth; but the Greatest watch opportunity to disgrace me; My uttermost endeavours are therefore now to be employed, that both your expectation may be satisfied, and they frustrated. I have hitherto from mine infancy voluntarily accustomed myself to labour, and exposed my youth to peril: Wherefore being now honoured with so large a recompense, I am not determined to forego those courses, which before I undertook unrewarded. Temperance and Authority seldom concur in those, whom Ambition only furnisheth with appearances and shadows of honesty; but in me that have always been conversant in the best actions, a familiar custom of doing well is become natural.  
By your Commission I am to war with jugurth: The Nobility hereat repine: be therefore well advised, whether it be meet to alter your determination, or not: and from out this confused heap of Gentry, to commit the direction of these & such like businesses, to some one or other of ancient race, and many glorious descents, but no experience● to the end, that through ignorance and weakness he may tremble under the weight of so great a charge; and be enforced to entertain any mean fellow to instruct him in his Office. By which it often falleth out, that he whom you have made a Commander, shall himself be subject to the command of another.  
I know there are many that even after they are made Consuls, begin first to peruse the monuments of their predecessors, and to read the military precepts of the Grecian discipline. But these preposterously pervert all order; since the knowledge how to govern aught to precede the practice of government: Now therefore (worthy Romans') compare me, scarce yet a Gentleman with their presumptuous and proud arrogancy: what they have either heard or read, I have partly seen, partly put in execution, and what they from written volumes have gathered, I have abroad in warfare purchased by experience. Be you then judges, whether is of greater value: deeds or words? The obscurity of my birth is to them contemptible: to me, their Cowardice: they upbraid me, with fortune, I them, with dishonesty. It is true, we are all sprung from one and the same Universal Nature, yet the most valiant aught to be reputed the most generous and Noble. If the Fathers of Albinus or Calphurnius Bestia, were now to be demanded, whether they had rather have had children like me, or those. What should we conceit, would have been their answer? doubtless to have had the worthiest. So that by Embas●●ng me, they likewise traduce the worth of their own Ancestors, whose first Nobility like mine was Originally derived from their own virtues. They envy my promotion, let them likewise envy my labours, mine innocency and my dangers, for by these was I first raised. But men transported with Pride and selfe-conceite so live, as if they disdained your dignities, and yet so desire them, as if they were men of a most sincere & uncorrupted integrity. But their hopes beguile them, & vainly they expect the fruition of a most manifest Contrariety, the pleasure of sloth, and the meed of Virtue. Moreover, in public assemblies, either before you or the Senate, their Orations are for the most part full fraught with the glory of their forefathers, imagining that something may be added to their own worths by the Narration of their exploits; when contrarily, by how much the more their Virtues surmounted others, by so much the more base are these their degenerate and sluggish offspring. For noble Ancestry is as a light shining on posterity, which exposeth all their actions, whether good or bad to the interpretation & survey of the world. In these matters albeit I am needy, yet, which is far more rich & honourable, I may justly boast of mine own deeds. But behold their partiality; they allow me not that respect for mine own virtues, which themselves (unjust usurpers) arrogate for other men's And why ' My Galleries are not beset with statues, my Gentility is yet but sprouting, which truly in me is more worthy to have begun, then in them to have defaced what was hereditary.  
I doubt not but if they were to answer me, you should find them abounding with adornate elegancy of speech, and well composed Orations: yet since they never cease, to vomit the poison of their tongues, both against you (worthy Romans) & myself, for these dignities bestowed upon me, I list no longer to refrain, lest modesty and silence argue a guilty conscience: For mine own part, their slanders hurt me not, since necessity shall compel them to speak the truth, when as the uprightness of my life and conversation shall confute their falsehoods.  
But, insomuch as they have taxed your Counsels and Decrees, in authorizing me, for the dispatch of so great a business, be ye therefore thoroughly advised, whether ye shall ever have cause to repent yourselves of this appointment. I confess, I am not able to allege (as witnesses of my desert) either a long drawn pedigree, triumphal Chariots, or the Consulships of my progenitors; But if need were, of Spears, Ensigns, barbs for Horses, and other such like rewards & ornaments of Chivalry: to which, if ye also add, a body mangled with scars and wounds, I could produce abundance. These are my Achievements; This my Nobility, not lineally descending by course of inheritance, but with industry, sweat, and the expense of much blood, achieved.  
My speeches are not well featured, I want Eloquence, but I regard it not: my virtue is sufficient to show itself: only there shameful actions require the coverture of glozing phrases. I understand not the Grecians, nor am I able to spell their characters! In truth I desire it not: sithence the knowledge thereof hath towards the purchase of virtue, so little availed her professors. But in that which more advantageth our estate; To assail the Enemy, to chase their Garrisons, to be affrighted only with infamy, to lie hard, and finally with equal patience to endure Heat, Cold, Hunger, thirst and travail; herein I am expert: with these rudiments will I instruct my soldiers, without either austere usage towards them, or daintiness in myself, nor by their labours aiming only at the advancement of mine own peculiar credit or reputation.  
These rules are profitable, & establish a right civil government; but whereas effeminate men, are themselves couched and nuzzled in soft delicacy, yet rigorously entreat their soldiers, they are rather masters than Captains. Their worthy Ancestors of famous memory, have only by those means before recited; ennobled both themselves and their Countries, whom whilst we endeavour to trace in those steps of honour, these their succeeding issues, unlike in conditions, only confident in the merits of their ancestors, contemn our proceed, as reputing all Offices of command due only to their births, nothing to deserts. But (proud men) they are far deceived: for albeit their fathers gave them wealth, left them Crests, & their undying memories, yet virtue, which may neither be given or taken, they were unable to bequeath unto them. Amongst these men I am esteemed barbarous and uncivil, because I affect not their neat fashion of banqueting, maintain not a stage player, or some ridiculous Zannie; keep not a more exquisite Cook, and such like: All which I am well pleased to acknowledge. For I have often heard my father, & other honest men say, that curiosity is meet for a woman, but labour for a man, and that unto generous and heroical minds, renown is more valewable than wealth, and Arms a more beseeming Ornament, than household furniture.  
But let them proceed: That which pleaseth them, that which they so highly fancy, let them always follow. Let them Lust, Drink, Feast, and riot, and having thus spent their youth, so likewise let their old age be as dissolute; devoted to banquets● bellycheare, & most beastly sensuality: As for sweat, industry and toil, let them be shared amongst us, unto whom th●y are far more delectable, than all their choice variety of junkets.  
But alas it will not be, for these unworthy, and vile people, thus tainted with villainy, thus dishonested with baseness, are yet most forward to assume unto themselves those rewards, which are only proper to the well-deserving: such (most unjustly) is the propriety of those vices, Sloth and Luxury, that they endamage only the Commonwealth, not their professors.  
So then, having as far forth, as my modesty, though not the heinousness of their abuses, might permit me, briefly answered unto your Nobility, I will now speak a few words touching our present employment. And first, dear Romans, be ye all confident in the affairs of Numidia: for ye have now removed those Obstacles which before were advantages unto jugurth; Pride, Avarice, and Ignorance, Moreover ye have there an Army that know well the Country: But in truth I esteem them more valiant than fortunate; For the most part of them have been cut off by the Avarice and inconsiderate rashness of their Commanders. Wherefore all ye, whose able bodies may brook the wars, now enforce yourselves with me, that our joint endeavours may labour in the defence of our Commonwealth: nor let your conrage droop, either for the miseries of other men, or foolish Pride of their Captains, myself will be your guide, and in all your Marches, and in every battle, will be both a Counsellor and a Companion unto you, my Government equally extending to you as to myself, without regard of difference: so that heavens assisting our enterprise, we shall not fail of speedy victory, fair honour, and wealthy booties. Which albeit they may rest doubtful and remote, yet it becometh good men, even in regard of common honesty to assist their Country. Sloth never purchased immortality, neither do fathers pray that their children might live for ever, but live honestly. More I would say, if words could encourage Cowards: To the valorous I have spoken sufficient.   
Marius' having finished this Oration and hereby perceiving the minds of the Commonalty erected, forthwith caused ships to be laden, with Victuals, Treasure, munition, and other necessaries. With these he commandeth Aulus Manlius his Lieutenant to set forward, mean while himself raised men, not according to the ancient custom, nor out of the degrees and ranks of people (as was used by his predecessors) but according to every man's good will and liking; men for the most part (by reason of their poverty) exempted from contribution to public taxations: The which some imputed to the want of other sufficient soldiers, others to the ambition of the Consul, who by such kind of people had been most advanced & magnified: For to an aspiring spirit, the most needy persons are the most fit instruments, as being such that have no care of their own, because they have nothing, and in that regard esteem all things honest that savour of profit. Marius therefore accompanied with a greater number than was decreed him, went into Africa, and in few days arrived at Utica. Where the Army was delivered up unto him by P. Rutilius the Lieutenant. For Metellus would by no means brook the presence of Marius, unwilling to see, what in his heart he could not endure to hear. But the Consul Marius having supplied his Legions & auxiliary Cohorts, or bands of succour, led his army into a fruitful Country, stored with rich preys and boo●ies, & bestowed the pillage thereof upon his soldiers. This done, he assaulted such Castles and Towns, as both for their situation and strength of men, were least able to make defence: In other places likewise he had many battles & light skirmishes: In the mean while his new soldiers began to grow hardy, and to enter into fight without any fear of peril, as well perceiving, that all such as fled, were either slain or taken captives: that every man's assurance of safety rested in his strength and sufficience: that upon Arms and prowess their welfare depended: That their Liberty, their Country, their Kindred, and whatsoever they had, consisted herein: and finally, that this was the way to acquire glory and riches. By reason whereof, in short space, both new and old alike grew valorous, and their virtues became equal.  
But the two Kings advertised of the approach of Marius, dividing their Army; severally departed unto the most unaccessable and difficult places, which was done by the advise of jugurth, hoping by these means that the Roman Army, scattering itself and straggling abroad, might the more easily be invaded, and that they like the most part of men, secure & void of fear, would become the more improvident and less circumspect.  
Metellus in this mean season arrived at Rome: where, contrary to his expectation, he was joyfully welcomed by the Romans, and after the envy raised against him, was overblown, was alike held dear unto the people, & the Senate.   

CHAP. 28.  
1 Marius in sundry small bikeringes distresseth jugurth and Bocchus. 2 Altereth the course of the war. 3 And without loss taketh and sacketh Capsa. 4 His praises.  
But Marius like a prudent and industrious Captain, had an eye both on his own Army and his enemies: he well perceived what most advantaged or disaduamtaged th'one or other side: he set spies to observe what ways the kings took, & overreached all their counsels & stratagems: he suffered nothing to be slack or unprovided on his part, or any thing to remain safe and secure to the other side. By reason whereof, many times on his way he charged and defeated jugurth, & the Getulians' as he found them foraging and spoiling our confederates, and not far from the Town of Cirtha forced the King himself to leave his arms behind him.  
But at length perceiving, that these exploits were only glorious, and no way furthered him to force jugurth to battle whereby at one blow he might impose an end unto these linger wars, he determined to besiege all such Towns, as either for strength of men or natural defence, were of greatest importance and succour to the enemy, and contrarily most prejudicial to the Romans: Imagining, that jugurth, if he endured this, should be debarred of his strongest forts & places of refuge, or at least, be hereby provoked to a pitched battle. For Bocchus by sundry Messengers had before signified unto Marius, that for his part he was desirous of amity and friendship with the Romans, and that he should not fear him as an enemy.  
But whether he dissembled herein, to the end, that surprising the Romans vnawars, he might give them the greater blow, or whether through the inconstancy and instability of his mind, it was usual with him to change war for peace, it is uncertain.  
But the Consul proceeding in his former resolution, began to assault towns and fortified castles; some whereof he took by force, some through fear, & others by promise of reward & bounty: at first he dealt with the smaller sort, supposing that jugurth would for their defence be drawn to a battle: but receiving intelligence, that he was gone far off, and employed in other affairs, he thought it high time to attempt matters of greater consequence, and more difficulty.  
3 There was a Town large and strong, situate in the vast and wild deserts, named Capsa: of which Hercules Lybius was said to be the first founder. The Inhabitants hereof, under the government of jugurth, were gently and peaceably ruled, free from tribute, and in that regard remained most firm and true unto him.  
They were furnished against foreign invasion, not only with walls, Arms, and Men, but which was much more, by the difficulty of the place and situation. For excepting those fields that lay near unto the Town, all the Region about, was wild, desert, and unmannured; wanting Water, and annoyed with Serpents, who (as all other wild beasts) become enraged for want of meat. Moreover, the mischievous Nature of those Serpents, is by nothing more than by drought provoked.  
Marius was marvelously inflamed with a desire to take this Town, as well for the service of the War, as for that it seemed a very hard and difficult enterprise, and partly for that Metellus had formerly with great applause taken the Town of Thala, not much unlike this place, either for situation or defence: Only the difference was, that not far from the Walls of Thala were certain Springs and Fountains; whereas the Capsians had but one continual waterspring, and that within their walls: those without using no other than rain-water, which both there, and in all other places of Africa, remote from the Sea, that are wild and desert, is the more easily endured, for that the Numidians for the most part feed on Mike, and the flesh of savage beasts; desiring neither Salt, nor other Sauce to whet there stomachs, as having provision sufficient to appease hunget and thirst, but not for superfluity or daintiness.  
The Consul therefore having inquired the truth of these matters; became confident, I think on the help of the gods. For it was impossible he should either in wit or policy have been sufficiently provided to encounter so many difficulties, especially having there but small store of Corn (for as much as the Numidians employ their grounds rather in pasture then tillage) & that quantity which they had, was by the Commandment of their king conveyed into their strong holds. Their fields were also dry and barren without fruit, it being then the latter end of Summer: Howbeit, Marius made sufficient provision as his ocasions required. He committed to his auxiliary troops of horse the convoy of such Cattle, as formerly he had taken from the enemy, and sent his Lieutenant Aulus Manlius with his lightest armed Cohorts to the Town of Laris, where he had laid in his soldiers pay, and victuals: alleging that he himself would go a foraging, and within few days meet him there.  
Thus concealing his purpose, he led his army toward the River Tanais: and made daily in his journeys equal & rateable distribution of his Cattle amongst his Army, as they were divided by hundreds, and troops of thirty, or other small companies. taking order that of the hides of those beasts, should be made vessels for the carriage of Water: And moreover (no man knowing his pretence) he provided such store of Corn and other necessaries as shortly should be requisite for his intended enterprise. In a word, on the sixth day arriving at the river, he had a great number of those vessels made of the hides of beasts: There pitching his Tents slightly fortified, he commanded his soldiers to take their repast, and be ready to departed by the setting of the Sun; willing them further to leave all their baggage behind, and charge their carriages only with water.  
At length, when he saw his time, he departed from his Tents, and traveling, all that night, rested on the morning with his Army: The like he did the second night, and the third night, long before day, he arrived at a place full of Hillocks, not above two miles distant from the Town of Capsa; where, as covertly as he could, he ambushed his army. But the day approaching, & a great part of the Numidians not mistrusting any enemy, being issued out of the Town, Marius suddenly caused all his Horse, and with those, his lightest footmen to make haste, and seize upon the gates of the City: Immdiately himself followed, giving express charge to his Soldiers to refrain from pillage. Which when the Townsmen perceived, there estate standing on such dangerous terms, extreme fear, a mischief so unlooked for, and moreover, a great part of their fellow-cittizens surprised, and in the power of their enemies, moved them to yield the town to Marius. Forthwith the City was fired, all of the age of fourteen years and upwards put to the Sword, the rest sold, & the prey divided amongst the Soldiers. Which injurious act, contrary to the Law of arms, was not committed either for avarice, or barbarous cruelty in the Consul, but because the place was most commodious for jugurth, & almost unaccessable to the Romans: Moreover, they were a kind of people inconstant & faithless, & in former times could not be contained in obedience, neither through fear or favour. 4. Marius' having so speedily finished so great an enterprise, without any loss of his own, albeit he was renowned before, yet now began to be of greater fame and estimation: now all his designs and projects, as well such as were put in execution through good advise, as such also, as inconsiderately & by chance were adventured, were ascribed wholly to his virtue & policy: His Soldiers over whom he mildly commanded, being likewise enriched by these services, extolled his name to the heavens, & the Numidians feared him, as if he had been more than mortal. Finally, as well his companions as his enemies, were of opinion, that he had either a divine understanding, or at least, that by the Gods appointment, the events of his enterprises were revealed unto him.   

CHAP. 29.  
The fortunate suprising of a strong Castle by a strange adventure. 2, An honourable testimony of Silla's worthiness.  
But these matters having thus fortunately succeeded, the Consul sets forward to other Towns, some few whereof he took by force, the Numidians resisting; but the greater number were abandoned and left desolate by reason of the former calamities of the Capsians destroyed by fire, every place was filled with grief and slaughter. At length, having gained many places, and those for the most part, without loss of any Roman blood, he undertook another exploit, not altogether so toilsome as was that of the Capsians, yet no less difficult. Not far from the River of Mulucha, that divides the kingdom of jugurth and Bocchus, there is a rock or stony mountain in the midst of a plain, whereon was situated a rude castle, large enough, but of an incredible height, having one only narrow entrance into it: The descent of this rock was naturally so steep, as if purposely it had been so built by the hands of workmen; Marius with all his endeavours intended to force this Castle, for that the kings treasure lay there, which he effected, (but rather by chance than cunning) for in the Castle was sufficient provision, both of men, munition and corn, as also a spring of water.  
Moreover, the situation thereof was such, as by no means was assaultable, either by Mounts, Towers, Turrets, or other warlike Engines, the entry thereinto being very narrow, traversed and cut on both sides: Our approaches also were made to no purpose, and with great peril, for as they came near the wall, they were beaten down and destroyed with fire and stones; So as the Soldiers could neither perform their works for the steepness of the place, nor serve without peril in their approaches: The valiantest were either slain or wounded, and fear augmented in the rest.  
But Marius after many days, and much labour, with great perisivenesse pondered with himself, whether he should for go this enterprise, wherein he seemed to labour in vain, or attend his fortune, which had oft times proved successful unto him: These things having many days and nights revolved in his mind, it fell out that a certain Ligurian, a common soldier of his auxiliary cohorts, by chance coming to a water not far from that side of of the Castle, which was opposite to the besiegers, found certain Periwinkles creeping among the stones: whereof when he had taken up first one, than another, and so sought others, was by this desire of gathering more, by little and little brought up to the top of the Mountain: where seeing the coast clear and void of people, forthwith (according to the condition of men) a desire of exploiting great matters entered into his conceit. There grew in the same place a great Holme-tree amongst the stones, being a little bended down towards the ground, & forthwith winding upward (as is the Nature of all Vegitalles) and shoottng itself on high towards the top of the Castle: by the help whereof, the Ligurian sometimes taking hold on the arms thereof, sometimes on the outmost stones of the wall, climbed to the top, where vndisc●rued of any, he descried the whole plain of the Castle, for that the Numidians were then absent, busily employed in fight against the besiegers. The soldier having searched & spied out all things which he thought needful, returned the same way he came, not rashly as he ascended, but with great regard and Caution. Forthwith he retired to Marius, declaring what he had done, and advised him to attempt the Castle on that side, from whence he had descended, offering himself for a guide, and alleging that there was no hazard or peril in the enterprise. Marius forthwith commanded such as were then present to go with the Ligurian, to try the truth of this information: who returning made divers reports thereof, every man according to his fancy, some esteeming it to be an easy, some a difficult enterprise. But the Consul began to be of better cheer, and forthwith out of his number of Trumpiters' and Cornets he selected five, the most nimble and light amongst them, and withal four Centuries for their aid and secure: All which he willed to be at the command of the Ligurian, unto whom he appointed the next day for the execution of this service, who at the time limited, according to his commandment, having prepared and ordered all things necessary, repaired unto the said place.  
The Centurions by the direction of their guide, changed both their arms and apparel, and went with their heads and feet bare, to the end that they might the better see about them, and climb with more steadiness. Their swords as also their Targets (which according to the Numidian fashion were made of Leather, as well for their lightness, as for that in their clashing together they made the least noise) were fastened at their backs. The Ligurian then climbing up before the rest, tied cords unto such stones, and old Moors or roots, as hung out beyond the rest of the wall, that the soldiers taking hold thereon, might the more easily ascend: such as were fearful through the strangeness of the way, he holp up with his hands, and where the ascent was steepest, he caused them to climb unarmed, himself following with their armour. Such places as to the eye seemed most dangerous, himself chiefly assaved; ascending, descending, and going forwards, encouraging the rest to follow. At length, but late and sore wearied, they became Masters of the Castle, which on that side was left unregarded, for that those of the castle, were then, as at other times employed in fight against their enemies.  
Marius' having by Messengers understood what the Ligurian had done, albeit he had all that day entertained fight with the Numidians, yet then encouraging his soldiers, issued out from his defences, and with Engines approached the Walls, threatening them also aloof with slings, Artillery, and other Ordinance. But the Numidians having formerly broken down and burnt the approaches of the Romans, contained not themselves within the walls of the Castle, but day and night passed to an fro on the outside thereof, railing at the Romans and reproaching Marius with cowardice; menacing our soldiers to make them bondslaves unto jugurth, and by means of their good fortune grew fierce and insolent.  
But now as the Romans and Numidians were in earnest conflict, each encountering other with great violence, thes fight for glory and Empire, they for their lives & safeties; the Ligurian on the sudden sounded an alarm at their backs, whereat, first ran away the women and children, that were placed to behold the battle; next, such as were nearest unto the walls, and lastly the whole company, aswell armed as disarmed, betook themselves to flight: The which so chancing, the Romans began to charge the more furiously; they slew and wounded divers, and trampling on their dead bodies, enforced themselves to ascend the wall. Thus Fortune still favoured the overweening rashness of Marius, & in his own error, he found glory.  
2 These passages thus depending, mean time Lucius Silla the Questor arrived in the Camp, with a great troop of Horse. He had been left behind in Rome, to raise an Army of Latins and Allies their confederates; But forsomuch as we are now fallen into discourse of so renowned a man, it will not be amiss to treat somewhat of his Nature and conditions, for henceforward we shall have no occasion to speak of his actions: and Lucius Sisenna, who of all others that have written of him, hath with greatest diligence, and most faith pursued the History, seemeth to me, not to have spoken liberally and freely enough of his worthiness.  
Scylla then was nobly descended from the race of a Patrician, but his Gentry was almost extinct and worn out by the sloth of his ancestors. He was alike and excellently learned, both in Greek and Latin; of a haughty courage, addicted to his pleasures, but more to glory: his vacant hours were spent in Luxury, yet pleasure never hindered his affairs: Only he might have better advised himself in the choice of a more honest wife. He was eloquent, subtle, sociable, and in dissembling or disguising his intents, the depth of his wit was incredible: He was liberal in gifts, chief of his money: and before the civil Conquest (albeit he was the most happy of all others) yet fortune never exceeded his industry, insomuch as many doubted, whether he was more virtuous or fortunate: But for his latter actions, I am uncertain whether it will more shame or grieve me to repeat them.  
Then as is before said, when he came with his troup of horse into Africa, and the camp of Marius (being before a Novice and unexperienced in the wars) in a short season with few bicker, became the most cunning & expert leader amongst the Romans. Moreover, he would kindly entreat his soldiers, give liberally to such as demanded, as also voluntary to others: he could hardly be drawn to take any thing; but more ready to return it with recompense, then to pay a just debt. He never redemanded any thing lent, but rather endeavoured to have as many as he could, remain his debtors. His fashion was to discourse both pleasantly and seriously, with the basest and men of meanest rank, and would very often be amongst them in their labours, their marches, and their watchings, neither in the mean while (as lewd ambition is accustomed) would he with slanders wound the honour and reputation, either of the Consul, or any other. In direction or execution he suffered no man to go beyond him, but herein himself excelled the most part: and by these means in a short space, he became endeared both unto Marius and the soldiers.   

CHAP. 30.  
Bocchus joineth with jugurth, assaulteth Marius upon the sudden, and is notwithstanding defeated.  
But to return where we left, jugurth having lost the Town of Capsa, and other fortified places of importance, as also great store of Treasure; dispatched messengers unto Bocchus, signifying that he should forthwith bring his forces into Numidia; That the season of the year summoned to field.  
But hearing that the King made small haste, and stood doubtful between the events of peace and war, once again, as before, he corrupteth with presents the greatest and nearest persons about Bocchus: promising the King for his share, the third part of Numidia, if either the Romans were clean expulsed Africa; or the war compounded without diminution of his Patrimony.  
Bocchus being caught with so golden a bait, cometh unto jugurth with a world of people. When joining both their armies (the tenth part of the day yet scarce remaining) they charge Marius, as he journeyed towards his Winter stations: forecasting that the approach of the night, in case they were overthrown, would stand them in great stead; but if they fortuned to have the bett●r, it would prove to them no disadvantage, for that they were well acquainted with the ways: But contrarily, however the world went, 
Quia iguari essent Locarum.  the dark night would prove very troublesome unto the Roman Army.  
No sooner had the Consul notice of the enemy's approach, but the enemy was discovered to follow him at the heels: And before the battle could be ranged, the luggage discharged and secured, the signal given, or any order taken; the Moorish and Getulian Horsemen had charged our people: not in order and warlike manner, but by troops and scattering companies, at adventure.  
The soldiers at first, being thus taken unprovided, stood amazed, but now calling to mind their wont valour, did either betake them to their weapons, or defended others against the insulting enemy, whilst they ran to arm. The horsemen got to horse, & did what they could to stay the enemy's course. The fight rather resembled an incursion, than a battle. The footmen without Ensigns or ranks were mixed amongst the Horse; Some ran away, some were slain, some making obstinate resistance were circumvented behind, by the enemy: neither valour nor steel could warrant life, the enemy pressed so fast on with inequality of numbers, and dispersion on all quarters. For remedy whereof, the old and new Roman soldiers instructing one another, had no other shift, then as place or chance directed them, to cast themselves into an Orb, or circle; whereby being covered and prepared upon all sides, they enabled themselves to sustain the enemy's fury.  
At this hard bargain, 
Hinc dignosc●tur quanti momenti sit dux validus in exercitu.  Marius showed no more token of a fearful or dejected spirit, then at another season; but with his own company, which he had culled (not out of his favourites and familiars, but of choicest fellows) he scoureth up and down the field: sometimes relieving his wearied people, sometimes charging in upon the thickest troops of his enemy: sometime giving his advice: for command he could not in so general a confusion. 
● manu, aut alio signo.   
The day by this time was well nigh spent, yet the barbarous people slackened nothing of their fury, but by the King's persuasions, relying upon the advantages of the night, seemed to press on with fresher courages.  
But Marius, taking Counsel upon necessity, commandeth his soldiers to retire unto two hills nearly adjoining. Upon the one, hardly of sufficient capacity to pitch their Tents, was a large Fountain of Water; the other was more advantageous, by reason of his eminency, and some natural fortifications. Upon that with the Water, he commandeth Silla with the horsemen to keep good watch all that night: himself by some and some, withdraweth his dispersed soldiers in troops from amongst their enemies, in no less confusion, than themselves. This done, with a full march he retireth them all unto the aforesaid hill.  
The Kings being discouraged by the difficulty of the place, sound likewise the retreat, and suffer not their soldiers to lodge far from the place, but environing the hills with multitudes, confusedly set them down. Then making many fires after their barbarous custom, all night long they begin to make merry, to dance, and with their feet and voices to stir up strange noises. The kings themselves grew proud, either for that the Romans could not put them to flight, 
Qui in tenebris sunt, vident q. fiunt in luce, et non ipsi videntur.  or for that they accounted the victory in sure possession. These passages by reason of the darkness, and the eminency of the hill, were very discernible to the Romans, and gave them no small encouragements to hope for victory.  
For Marius being very confident, upon the rawness of the enemy, giveth a strict command for keeping of silence all the night; so far forth, as not to sound the trumpet according to custom, at the setting or relieving of the watch. Then upon the approach of the dawning (the Enemy being now weary, and not long before overtaken with sleep) Marius willeth the Mercenary Trumpeters, and the Drums of all the Cohorts, wings and Legions, upon the sudden to sound, as also the Soldiers violently to rush out of the Ports of the camp, with the greatest clamour that they possibly could raise.  
The Moors and Getuli being suddenly awaked with the unknown and terrible alarm, had neither stomach to fly, not to fight, nor were able to resolve what to do, or what to prevent: insomuch as the whole rabble stood astonished at the noise and clamour, as men frayed out of their wits, not one offering to relieve his fellow, although the Romans fiercely pressed in with tumult, terror & slaughter. So the whole Army was quickly routed and dispersed; and much armour with many Ensigns taken: yea, more were slain in this conflict, then in all the former battles. For they were so heavy asleep, and stood amazed with such an unusual ecstasy, that they had not so much memory left them, as to provide for flight.   

CHAP. 31.  
A Precedent for Commanders not to march careless, upon any terms of security, in the Enemie-countrey.  
AFter this defeature, Marius (as he had determined) iournieth towards his Winter stations, and for the conveniency of provision, mindeth to billet his companies in the maritime Burroughs. And taking never the more ease, nor yet become forgetful of his affairs, by reason of his late victory, marcheth in a square battle, as if he had been in the face of his enemy.  
Upon the right hand Silla commanded over the horsemen; upon the left, marched A. Manlius with the Slings, Archers, and the Cohorts of the Lygurians. In front and Rear, he placed the Tribunes, with the readiest and light armed companies. The Fugitives that best knew the country, were employed to discover the enemies march.  
The Consul confined to no place, had an eye to all: was present with all: commended the valiant, and blamed the coward. Himself road armed, & at all assays he ordered the soldiers as he used to do in ordinary travail: he saw to the fortifying of the camp, and himself in person placed selected Cohorts out of the Legions to ward within the Ports: and without, the auxiliary horsemen.  
In the bastils upon the rampart he would appoint others, & himself go the round; not upon diffidence that his commands entrusted to others, would be the insufficienter executed, but that the Soldier seeing his General to share in labour, might undergo the like with more willing courage.  
To speak uprightly, Marius both at this season, and at other times of his War, awed his army more by example, then by severity. Which some men attribute to Pride; others by extenuation excused him; That being from his Cradle enured to hardness, he took delight in that, which others accounted misery: but howsoever, surely he discharged his duty with as great honour and glory to the state, as ever did the severest Commander of the state.  
Upon the fourth day, the light-mounted vant-currers of jugurth, show themselves in troops, not far from the Town Cirtha; An alarm is given, that the enemy is not far off. Marius sendeth out his Scouts● all agree, but differ upon the side of approach. Whereupon the Consul being incertain how to provide, without any alteration of his former embattling, being prepared for all adventures, resolveth in that place to receive the enemy.  
By this form of sight, the hopes of jugurth were utterly frustrated; for by dividing his battalion into four parts, he made an account, with one half to have charged in the face, with the other half, equally divided, to have come upon the backs of the Romans.  
Silla, whom the enemy first attached, using some few words to his followers, taking certain troops unto him, with their Horses as close ranged as they possibly could, receiveth the Moors; The residue standing fast in their places, cover their bodies from the enemy's shot, & if any chance to fall within reach, they presently slay him.  
Whilst the Horsemen on this fashion charge, and are charged, Bocchus with the footmen (whom his Son Volux led, and were not at the last rout, for their delay upon the way) invadeth the rearward of the Romans.  
At that instant Marius chanced to be in the head of the battle, because jugurth with a great company laid hard charge thereunto. The Numidian perceiving that Bocchus had now charged in the rear, privily retiring with some few horsemen unto the footmen, crieth out in Latin (the Language he had learned at Numantia) that the Romans resisted in vain; and that but even now with his own hands he had slain the Consul: And therewithal lifted up his sword, as yet reeking in blood; which in truth by the slaughter of one of our footmen with sufficient proof of valiancy, he had so stained in fight. 
Quàm necessarium sit rebut bellicit intentos, Historias legere, hinc apparet: nam unius voce mendacis, parum absuerit quin qui victores erant, vincerentur  The Romans receiving the word, were more astonished at the cruelty of the fact, than the relation of the reporter: and the Barbarians doubling their courages, gave in more lustily to augment the terror. Now stood the footmen wavering, when Silla (returning from the flight of those whom he first charged) chargeth in upon the flank of the Moors. Bocchus forthwith turneth tail: but jugurth performing all the parts of a valiant captain in relieving his distressed followers, by all means laboureth to retain the advantage of a victory almost gained; until such time, as being encircled in the thickest of the horsemen, & his followers on each hand slain, he himself made his escape through the weapons of his enemies. By this time Marius likewise having routed the horsemen, runneth to the aid of his people, but by the way receiveth news of their flight. Thus was the enemy utterly broken, & a most hideous spectacle presented through the whole field. 
Graphica descriptio Belli, sugae cedis  Some pursued, some fled; some were slain, some taken: horse & men lay promiscuously mingled in one another's gore: Many being wounded could neither fly, nor procure help: now they strived, presently they fell down and fainted. Surely, as far as sight could view, the field was covered with weapons, armours, & carcases: the Earth, with blood.   

CHAP. 32.  
Bocchus relenteth, hearkeneth to peace, and again wavereth.  
BY this time the Consul being in full possession of victory, arriveth at Cirtha, the place of his first determined progress. The 5. day after, his second & unfortunate fight of the Barbarians, Ambassadors are hither dispatched from Bocchus: who in the king their master's name of the General, that he would vouchsafe to send over unto him two most sufficient Commissioners, to treat of those Articles which should concern their mutual safety, and welfare. The General forthwith commandeth L. Silla and Aulus Manlius to prepare for the journey.  
These Gentlemen, though they came before his presence by 
a Et ideo audituri, quid ipse vellet  message, yet they deemed it their fittest course, first to offer parley; upon intention, that if they found his disposition addicted unto further hazard, they might take occasion, to lenify his courage; but if desirous of peace, that then they might proceed, to confirm it with fervency. Whereupon Silla (unto whose persuasive eloquence, not to age, nor due of precedency, Manlius submitted) thus began a short Oration.  

Silla's Oration.  
Noble King Bocchus, the comfort that we have taken, to see so worthy a parsonage, no doubt (not without the special direction of heaven) now at last, not only to make choice of peace, rather than War; but also to free himself from the protection of jugurth, of all men living the worst, & 
b unde regem attentum faciat, cum admoneat quanti periculi sit cum homine saepius victo commisceri.  most miserable: hath in no small measure been pleasing unto us. For hereby thou hast utterly bereaved us of an inevitable necessity, as severely to chastise 
c q. d. deceptum ab eo  thy errors, as his Treason & disloyalty.  
Noble Lord, even in the infancy of the Roman state, being as then but weak and obscure, our Forefathers made choice to acquire friends, rather than to subdue slaves, holding it a principle in policy, that greater benefits accrued from free will, then 
d Nullum violentum diuturnum.  from forced subjection.  
Our favours can prove to no mortal creature more available, then to yourself: first, for that we are far remote: 
e Qui enim longè absunt oneribus & exactionibus Curiae minus gravantur.  wherein consisteth least opportunity of offence: and yet in our bounty may become as indifferent, as if we were nearest neighbours.  
Secondly, for that we abound in 
f viz. Carthaginense●, Macedones, & al●os.  Subjects: And yet I must confess, that neither we, nor any man living, can boast to have found more friends than he needed.  
I would to God your Majesty had apprehended this in the beginning: then surely by this time, you had not failed to have reaped far more pleasures from the Roman people, than hitherto you have suffered damages.  
But because Fortune sitteth Lady Regent of all human projects, whose fancy forsooth it hath been, that you should make trial aswell of our force, as of our favour: Now, for that she hath offered 
f Ad gratiam populi Ro: ineundam.  the means, I beseech you, make haste to embrace it, and give not over, to perfect these your good overtures.  

g Tacitè innuit, quòd postea petiturus est s. ut lugurtham tradat.  In your power consist many kind offices, by which to good purpose you may redeem all forepassed misprisions.  
Lastly, closet up this my counsel with deepest confidence, 
h Tacitè etiam invitat per a●arit●ā, sc●ens 〈◊〉 ab ●or●ē regui promissam multa fecisse in gratiam jugurthae  That the Roman people were never overbalanced in renumeration of thankful services: 
i Rhetoricè in sine promit●it, & minatur.  what their valour is in war, yourself can make best report.   

The answer of Bocchus.  
Hereunto Bocchus in extenuation of his oversights maketh a short, but a plausible reply: That he made choice of Arms, not upon any fancy that might move him to make trial of war, but only to secure the kingdom, 
k Intelligendun est, quod antiquam, jugurtha illi fillam suam daret, motan fuisse lit●m de con fraibus regun & partem a Buc●ho inuas●m, illi pro dote ab jugurtha concessam, propter Bellum quod ● Romanis metuebat  which now after the expulsion of jugurth, being by the law of conquest divolued unto him, he could not brook to see harried by Marius. Secondly, he complained of the disgrace, and refusal of his friendship, offered unto the Romans in former time, by his Ambassadors. But he was content, now to silence old grievances, and promised again to send his people in embassy to Rome, so it might stand with Marius his good liking.  
Whereupon, leave being granted, the mind of the Barbarian became again distated, by the mediation of those his followers, whom jugurth, upon intelligence of the embassy of Silla and Manlius, and distrust of that, which in truth was 
l s. animum Bocchi à bello divertere  intended, had already corrupted by gifts and bribery.    

CHAP. 33.  
Bocchus once again sendeth Ambassadors to Marius. 2. How entertained by Silla. 3 Sent to Rome, & there answered.  
BY this time Marius having quartered his soldiers in their Winter Garrisons, with part of his horsemen, and lightest Cohorts, he taketh his journey towards the wilderness, there to besiege the King's Tower, in safeguard whereof, jugurth hath thrust in all the renegado fugitives.  
1 When again, Bocchus either upon mature deliberation of what he had suffered at the hands of the Romans in two pitched battles; or accounselled by others of his friends, whose services were not obliged to the pensions of jugurth, resolveth, out of the choice of variety, amongst all his kinsmen, to nominate five, upon whose assured fidelity and tried wisdom, he durst adventure to repose his utmost confidence.  
These he dispatcheth to Marius, and from him, if he so please, he commandeth to pass for Rome: with ample authority to compound all controversies; so upon any terms, to put an end to the war; with exquisite diligence they take their way towards the wintering places of the Romans: but being beset & rob in their journey by certain Getulian Outlaws in fear and base estate, they make their repair before Silla, whom Marius the Consul (being upon service) had lest for his Lieutenant.  
2 According to desert, Silla entertaineth them as gidly headed fellows, and enemies; but withal, did bountifully supply their hard misfortunes. In regard whereof, the Barbarians quite changed their pristinate conceits of the Roman Avarice, & that more is, accounted Silla, for his bounteous clemency, their especial good Patron. For in these times few men knew what pensions meant: no man was deemed bountiful, unless it proceeded from mere goodwill. All gifts were accepted as remembrances of love and kindness.  
This done, they make relation of their Imbassie to Silla, and first beseech him in the business to stand their good friend and Counsellor. Then they fall into speech upon the strength, the integrity, and the majesty of their Master, not omitting any title, that might either prove advantageous to the capitulation, or move good liking in the Lieutenant.  
Silla made no scruple to satisfy their desires, and after he had given them instructions how they should carry their affairs before Marius, and how, before the Lords of the Senate, he stayed them there about the space of forty days.  
3 Marius, without speeding in his intended enterprise, returned to Cirtha: where having intelligence of the arrival of the Ambassadors, he commandeth both them and Silla, to dislodge from Utica, and to repair unto Cirtha. The like commandment is directed unto L. Bilienus the Praetor, 
Ex omni part ubi Inberna egerint.  and the residue of the Nobility. In presence of whom he giveth audience to the Moorish Ambassadors, & withal, his pass for their journey to Rome. During the time of which their absence, they entreat the Consul for a surcease from arms.  
These passages were well approved by Silla, and some others: a few were of a more severe opinion; little (God knows) experimented in human affairs, 
Sen. si miserum videris, hominem scias.  which being always casual and uncertain, for the most part are counterchanged from better to worse.  
All which their petitions being granted, three of them take their journey towards Rome, in the company of C. Octavius Rufo, the Treasurer at Wars in Africa. The other two return back to the King, who seemed very well to like of the behaviour of the Consul, but especially of the courtesy and affection of Silla.  
At Rome after the Legates had submissively confessed the errors of their master, as induced thereunto by the insinuation of jugurth; the conclusion of their speech was knit up, with a desire to be received into the Roman alliance: Unto whom it was thus answered; That the Romans could as well remember to requite courtesies, as to revenge wrongs: That the King, because he showed himself sorrowful for his faults, was received into grace: As for friendship and alliance, they were to be vouchsafed only upon merit.   

CHAP. 34.  
1. Silla is sent by Marius to capitulate with Bocchus. 2. Is in honour met upon the way by Volux, and by him accompanied to his Father's Court, not without great mistrust of disloyalty.  
OF which determinations Bocchus having received intelligence, by Letters he requesteth Marius, to send Silla unto him: with whom he meant to treat a final composition of all difficulties.  
Silla is sent, guarded with a regiment of horse and foot, accompanied with their Slingers and Engineers. In like manner the Archers and the Italian Cohort, with their lightest Arms, for speed sake, were commanded to march. And the reason, why they journeyed, armed at no stronger proof on their enemy's country, was, for that the weapons of the Barbarians were light and voidable.  
2 The fift day of the journey, Volux the son of Bocchus, upon the sudden showeth himself in the open field, with a troup at most of one thousand horse: who riding upon the spur, and out of order to salute Silla, at first seemed unto him and the residue, to be more in number, as also to represent a kind of warlike distrust.  
Whereupon, every man began to fall into rank, to put on his Armour, to draw his Weapon, and to expect the enemy. The fear was indifferent; their hopes better resolved (as befalleth victors) & especially, because the fight was to be managed against those whom they had formerly so often vanquished.  
But the horsemen being sent out to discover, brought word of the truth, and so all things were quieted.  
Volux approaching, calleth unto the Quester, and certifieth him, that his father had sent him both to honour & assist him in his journey. So that day and the next, they both marched in one troup without distrust.  
But after they had pitched their Tents, and the day began now to close; the Moor all fearful, with his colour going and coming, runneth towards Silla, and reporteth that he is ascertained by his Discoverers, that jugurth approached● And therefore entreateth; yea, and importunateth him secretly in the dead of the night to make shift for himself by speedy flight.  
Silla all enraged, advowed that he nothing feared the Numidian, whom he had so often heretofore routed: That his resolution was settled upon the valour of his people: yea, if assured destruction lay before his face, That he would abide by it, rather than betray the lives of so many soldiers committed unto his conduct by a base and unsure flight; to make spare of that frail carcase, which peradventure by casualty of sickness, might soon afterwards miscarry. But withal, 
Vt hostes existi marent eos vigilias agere, & post dec●ssum visis ignibus adhuc illie esse  followeth his Counsel to dislodge by night: and thereupon, commandeth the army forthwith to fall to Supper, to fill the Camp with fires, and at the first watch without noise or tumult to make ready to march.  
Now both Silla, and his troops, being thoroughly wearied by this night's journey, with the rising of the sun pitcheth his Tents: when as the Moorish vant-currers bring word to the Camp, that jugurth hath taken up his lodgings scarce one league before them. Which news were no sooner divulged, but an unusual fear attached the whole body of our army; mistrusting that they had been betrayed by Volux, and brought into ambush by his treachery: yea, there were some that advowed, that Death was his meed; and that so manifest and notorious a Treason ought not to be suffered to escape unpunished.  
Although Silla in secret did jump in Opinion, yet gave he commandment that no man should be so hardy as to wrong the Moor: but encourageth his people to carry a valiant conceit of the issue. Putting them in mind, That a few courageous soldiers have heretofore happily encountered a tumultuary multitude, and that not seldom. The less spare any man made of his carcase, the better he sped. That it be seemed not the armed hand to expect safety from the unarmed foot, 
b Abjects armis  by turning the naked body at all 
c Non perspiciens quò s● praecipitet.  adventures through rash fear, from the face 
d Vt faciunt fugientes.  of the enemy.  
Then calling upon jupiter 
e Fidelitatis & hospitalitatis conseruatorem.  Max. to be a witness of the falsehood and treachery of Bocchus, he commandeth Volux as an enemy to departed the camp. The young Gentleman with tears in his eyes, beseecheth the General not to give ear to such envious reports: protesteth, that nothing was fraudulently contrived: but rather, that he should persuade himself, that all proceeded from the subtlety of jugurth, by whose wary watchfulness the course of his journey was discovered. And the rather, for that he had neither forces sufficient, and all his welfare depended upon his good carriage towards his father. More, that he would be fully possessed, that jugurth durst not enterprise any open hostility against the Army, 
S. Silla.  as long as he his son was present as a witness of the outrage.  
And therefore to amove all mistrust, he supposeth it the best course, to pass in open sight through the midst of jugurths' camp; leaving it to the choice of the General whether he will place his Moors in front or in rear: he himself is content without consort, to submit himself to Silla's sole dispose.  
The course proposed (as happeneth in like cases) is allowed: and the army forthwith moveth: The suddenness of the accident stroke jugurth to his wit's end, and so they passed in safety; within few days after they arrived at their intended Rendevow.   

CHAP. 35.  
The irresolution of a barbarous enemy. jugurth betrayed, & delivered captive to Silla.  
AT that time there lived in the Court of Bocchus, a certain Numidian called Aspar, a man in very gracious acceptance with his Majesty, whom jugurth (hearing of the sending for of Silla to Court) had employed as an Ambassador, closely and cunningly to observe what passed in counsel. To him was adjoined Dabar, the son of Massugrada, a kinsman of Massinissa's, but not by the mother. For his mother was begotten on a Concubine. This man for his many good services, was in high favour with Bocchus: and for the experience of his former fidelity, now made choice of to be forthwith sent unto Silla, to make demonstration, on his masters behalf; That Bocchus was ready to perform whatsoever the Roman people should command him. That Silla should nominate the day, the place, and time for conference: That he would hold good corespondency upon all ocasions. That he needed not to take any exceptions against the Ambassador of jugurth, for that he had been purposely sent for, 
1 Bocchus.  the better to compound their common Controversies. For otherwise (he gave out) that he could not prevent the trains of jugurth.  
But I am of Opinion, that with more than a Punic disloyalty, Bocchus entertained the treaty, both with the Romans and the Numidian for other respects, than those which he publicly pretended. For it did much perplex his mind, whether he should deliver jugurth to the Romans, or Silla to jugurth. Hatred to us ward was a potent enemy; Fear our friend.  
Whereupon Silla replied, that he would speak to some few points in the presence of Aspar; the residue privately, or at leastwise not in the hearing of many. 
1 Coram Aspare.  Likewise he maketh report, what answer he expected.  
At their next meeting, being at Silla's own appointment, He saith, That being sent from Marius the Consul, he was arrived in these parts to be ascertained from the Kings own mouth, whether he were desirous of peace or war.  
Whereunto the king (as he had been advised) made no other reply, 
Per hoc consilium spes paces datur jugurthae, & ocsio Sillae liberius de rebus suis censulendis.  but commanded him to make his appearance the tenth day after. That as yet he had not consulted with his Counsel: but upon that day he would not fail to resolve him. So each party retired to their Pavilions.  
About midnight, Silla is secretly sent for by Bocchus: Faithful trucemen are employed on both sides, And Dabar the intercurrour, a very honest Gentleman sworn to both their good like. Which ceremonies performed, the King thus began his Oration.  

Bocchus his Oration.  
MY mind never gave me, that I in this world so powerful a Prince, (as of all men to my knowledge the most potent,) should at any time have stood beholding to a private Gentleman. For in the word of a Prince, before I knew thee (O Silla) I have to some upon entreaty; unto others voluntarily, extended supplies; and never again implored the assistance of any.  
That the world is now changed, whereas Others grieve, I rejoice. The gain of thy acquaintance, hath with surplusage recompensed my losses: then the which my very soul accounteth nothing more endeared. Hereof make trial: Ask Arms, men, or money; yea, whatsoever thy fancy can affect, take it, use it. During thy life, never think but I will always reckon myself thy debtor: in which account I will persever faithful to the end. In a word, I will deny thee nothing that to my knowledge may pleasure thee. For my mind assureth me, that it is less dishonourable for a King to be overcome by Arms, then by Bounty.  
As concerning the business of your Commonwealth, whose Procurator you are, take this in brief.  
War against the Roman people I neither levied, nor suffered others to levy: I only opposed force against force. But I will cease to beat upon that strain, because such is your pleasures: At your choice be it, what wars you think good to undertake against jugurth: I will not pass the River Mulucha, (the bounder between me & jugurth) neither will I suffer jugurth to pass beyond it. If you can think upon any thing beside, befitting your Honours and mine, spare not to speak; you shall not departed with repulse.   
Silla made answer: for his particular, briefly & modestly: for the Peace and the General, he argued copiously. And at last he made it known to the King, that the Senate and people of Rome could not take it in good part, to be offered barely that, which by their superiority in Arms, they alone were able to accomplish: 
s. se discedere ab arm●●, cum victus esset & rebus jugurtha diffideret.  Somewhat else was to be performed, which might produce livelier arguments that he affected the Roman welfare, 
Nam quòd ab armis desistat, plus esset ad utilitatem Bocchi iam penevicti, quàm Roma●orum.  more than his private respects; considering the means were not far to seek, as long as jugurth was at his dispose: whom if he would surrender, than should the Roman people infinitely account themselves bound unto him. This good service would procure friendship, & alliance, yea and that part of Numidia which he now requested, would then come voluntarily offered unto him. At first the King denied, pleaded affinity, consanguinity, and lastly the breach of his league. Then pretended he fear, least by the falsifying of his faith, he should divert the love of his people, unto whom jugurth was very gracious, the Romans hateful: Being overwrought by importunacy, he yieldeth, and promiseth to dispatch businesses, according to the counsel of Silla. And so concluding upon all things to serve their own turns, they proceed to a counterfeit peace, whereof the Numidian (being weary of the war) was most desirous. The plot thus laid, they take their leaves.  
The day following, the king calleth for Asper, and willeth him to show his master, that Dabar had learned from Silla, that the war might be compounded upon certain conditions: And that withal he should provide to return an answer of his mind.  
Aspar gladly taketh his journey towards the Camp of jugurth: where being fully instructed of his masters determinations, by post at eight days he returneth to Bocchus: and declareth, that jugurth is ready to perform all commands, saving that he durst not safely trust Marius. For (saith he) I have often made trial, that peace concluded with the Roman Generals, hath been of no validity: But, if Bocchus desired to procure an assured and profitable peace for both their best securities, that then he should do his endeavour, to appoint a general assembly under the pretext of peace, and there deliver Silla into his power. When he had such a parsonage at his dispose, than might he stand assured, that by special commandment from the Senate and Roman people, the league would be solemnly ratified: Neither would they suffer a man of his quality (not captivated by his own default, but in service of the State) to lie in durance under the enemy's imprisonment.  
The Moor stood long perplexed, but at last consented; whether in show, or earnest, we could never learn certainly: but for the most part, as the determinations of kings are sudden, so are they variable; yea many times repugnant.  
After this, at the appointed time and place, under the colour of conference, Bocchus sometime sendeth for Silla, sometime for the Ambassador of jugurth. He showeth himself alike gracious, and maketh to both one self-same promise; whereupon being full of hope, both of them departed with like satisfaction.  
But the night preceding, the day appointed for conference, the Moor sent for his friends, and presently changing his mind, dismissing them all, is reported to have been infinitely disquieted in spirit. His countenance, his complexion, his bodily motion, and his very senses were marvelously distracted; which his only carriage, even in his deepest silence, did bewray in manner of speech, the very secrets of his heart.  
Lastly, he sendeth for Silla, and by his direction layeth the plot to entrap jugurth. The time being come, and he ascertained that jugurth approached, as it were for honours sake, accompanied with a few of his friends and the Questor, he goeth to meet him, and ascendeth an easy Hillock situated to open view of an ambush: Thither likewise jugurth with some few of his followers unarmed (according to agreement) advanced: where he was no sooner arrived, but the ambush breaking out on all sides, attach him: His companions are all cut in pieces, himself in bonds is delivered to Silla; and by him conducted to Marius.  
About the same time, our Leaders, Q. Cepio, & C. Manlius fought unfortunately against the Galls. With the terror whereof all Italy stood amazed. So that both they & all the Roman posterity, even unto our days, made this account: That all other enterprises were possible to the Roman virtue; with the Galls only they contended for safety, not for glory.  
But after the news came, that the war of Numidia was ended, and jugurth approached to Rome-wardes in chains, Marius (though absent) was ratified Consul, & Galia allotted him for his provinee. Upon the kalends of january (being Consul) he performed his Triumph with admirable glory. From that time, the hope and prosperity of the City wholly relied upon him.   
FINIS.   

Errata.  
FOl. 2. for coyance, read joyance. fol, 3. for were to be bestowed, read were not, ibid. for context, read centre. fol. 5. for unfatigable, read unsatiable. fol, 13, for loyalties, read disloyalties. fol, 20, for distress, read distrust. fol, 28. for, of bad the best was left him which was, read, of bad the best which was left him, was to, etc. for games, read gains. fol. 44. for enforced, read enforcing. fol, 51 for evil doers separated, read evil doers are separated. fol, 59, for insufficiencies, read sufficiencies. Bellum jug.  
Folly, 13, in any kingdom, read my kingdom. fol, 15, for bordereth Mauricania, read upon Mauritania. fol, 22, from them to pass, read, from thence to pass. fol, 35, for which the information concerned, read whom the information concerned fol, 37, for in every sharp season, read in a very sharp season. fol, 38. for beseech, read besiege. fol, 59, for constrained, read accustomed. fol, eod, for perceived read perceiving. fol, 61, for with them others, read with them and others. fol, eod, for furnished, read unfurnished. fol, 62. for from one to another, read from one degree to another. fol. 63 for direct, read divert fol, 66, for observed, read observing. fol, 71, for with baggage, read with no baggage. fol, 73, for palace, read place. fol. 85, for, or bands of succour, read with bands of succour. fol, 91, for the Ligurian, unto whom, read, the Ligurian whom.  
Caetera, et in annotationibus marginalibus, Tipographi esse credas